← catalogue

A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion and a History of His Brigade

by William Dobein James · English · Gutenberg #923 · 382,970 chars · public domain (US)

The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion and a History of His Brigade
    
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion and a History of His Brigade

Author: William Dobein James


        
Release date: May 1, 1997 [eBook #923]
                Most recently updated: July 27, 2008

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/923

Credits: Produced by Alan R. Light, Gary Johnson, and Carolyn Lancaster


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION AND A HISTORY OF HIS BRIGADE ***




Produced by Alan R. Light, Gary Johnson, and Carolyn Lancaster





A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION

And A History of his Brigade,

From its Rise in June, 1780, until Disbanded in December, 1782;

With Descriptions of Characters and Scenes, not heretofore published.


Containing also, An Appendix, with Copies of Letters which passed
between several of the Leading Characters of that Day; Principally From
Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion.


By William Dobein James, A.M.

During that Period one of Marion's Militia.

At Present one of the Associate Judges in Equity, South Carolina.


     _Quae contentio, divina et humana cuncta perniscuit, eoque
     vecordiae processit uti civilibus studiis bellum finem
     faceret._--Sall.


Transcriber's Note on text: Some obvious errors have been corrected.
Some spellings are modernized. See notes at end of etext for additional
explanations.




District of South-Carolina.

--| L. S. |-- BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the fifth day of April,---------
Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, and in the
forty-fifth year of the Independence of the United States of America,
the Honourable WILLIAM DOBEIN JAMES, deposited in this office the title
of a book, the right whereof he claims as author and proprietor, in the
words following, TO WIT:

"A Sketch of the life of Brigadier General FRANCIS MARION, and a history
of his Brigade from its rise in June, 1780, until disbanded in December,
1782; with descriptions of characters and scenes not heretofore
published.--Containing also an appendix, with copies of letters
which passed between several of the leading characters of that day,
principally from Gen. Greene to Gen. Marion. By William Dobein James,
A.M. during that period one of Marion's militia--at present one of the
Associate Judges in Equity, South-Carolina."

In conformity to the act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "An
Act for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps,
charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during
the times therein mentioned," and also an act entitled, "An Act
supplementary to an act, entitled, 'An act for the encouragement of
learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein
mentioned,' and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing,
engraving and etching historical and other prints."

JAMES JERVEY, Clerk of the District of South-Carolina.




Preface.


During the siege of Charleston, in May, 1780, the grammar school at
Salem, on Black river, where I had been placed by my father, Major JOHN
JAMES, broke up; and I was compelled to abandon my school boy studies,
and become a militia man, at the age of fifteen. At that time of life it
was a great loss; but still I was so fortunate as to have General
MARION as my commander, and my much honoured father, who was a sincere
christian, as my adviser and protector. I do not intend to write a
history of my own life; but it was thus, that I became in a great
measure an eye witness of the scenes hereafter described; and what I did
not see, I often heard from others in whom confidence could be placed.

I felt an early inclination to record these events; but Major WEMYSS
burnt all my stock of paper, and my little classical library, in my
father's house; and, for two years and a half afterwards, I had not the
common implements of writing or of reading. This may appear strange at
present; but it is a fact, that even our general, when sending out a
patrole, would request the officer to try to get him a quire of paper.
After the war, other active pursuits prevented me from indulging my
inclination; and the public attention, being long fixed upon the
bloody wars and great battles in Europe, had lost all relish for our
revolutionary history, and its comparatively little conflicts. However,
when Dr. RAMSAY announced that he was about to publish his history of
South Carolina, I hastily sketched out from memory a short history of
MARION'S brigade, for him; which he inserted in fifteen pages of his
first volume. This brings it down no lower than the arrival of General
GREENE in South Carolina. Fortunately the events of the late war revived
the national spirit, and with that a taste for our own history; by it
too, my inclination was renewed to communicate that of MARION'S brigade.
However, I still wanted materials to confide in more certain than
memory.

The last year I happened to mention my wish to Mr. RICHARD SINGELLTON,
of Colleton, son-in-law of Major JOHN POSTELL, and he obligingly placed
in my hands a bundle of original letters from General MARION to that
distinguished officer. Not long after I heard that the late General
PETER HORRY had preserved copies of General MARION'S correspondence with
General GREENE and other officers; and I applied to his executor, Mr.
JAMES GUIGNARD, who very politely placed five duodecimo volumes in
my hands, closely written by the general. The originals were left by
General HORRY with the Rev. M. L. WEEMS, but it appears he made no
use of them in his life of MARION. The dates and facts stated in these
copies agree pretty well with the account in the history of South
Carolina by Dr. RAMSAY, and General MOULTRIE'S memoirs of the American
revolution.

I have also taken the pains to consult several of MARION'S officers
and men, who still survive. The Hon. THOMAS WATIES gave me considerable
information respecting the first part of the general's operations, which
I did not witness; as, after MARION'S retreat to the White marsh, I was
left sick in North Carolina. During MARION'S struggle with WATSON I had
returned, but was confined to my bed with the small pox; and the greater
part of that account was received from Captain GAVIN WITHERSPOON, ROBERT
WITHERSPOON, Esq. and others. Respecting the affairs about Camden,
General CANTEY and Dr. BROWNFIELD gave me much information; and the
present sheriff of Charleston district, FRANCIS G. DELIESSELINE, Esq.
and myself have compared notes _generally_ on the subject.

Of all these sources of information I have availed myself; besides
having recourse to every account of the events of that period which I
had it in my power to consult. This, I hope, will account satisfactorily
for any departures made from the statement I furnished Dr. RAMSAY.

There are no doubt many errors in my narrative, as nothing human is
exempt from them; but it is believed there are not more than usually
occur in what is considered accurate history. It may also need
correction in other matters, and it may not be pregnant with great
events; but still it is a kind of domestic history, which teaches
lessons of patience and patriotism, not surpassed in modern, and seldom
in ancient times.

WM. DOBEIN JAMES.




Introduction.

     A view of the first settlement of the French Protestants on
     the Santee. Lawson's account of them.  The ancestors of
     General Marion emigrate among them.


The revocation of the edict of Nantz, by Lewis XIV., though highly
detrimental to France, proved beneficial to Holland, England and
other European countries; which received the protestant refugees, and
encouraged their arts and industry. The effects of this unjust and
bigoted decree, extended themselves likewise to North America, but more
particularly to South Carolina: About seventeen years after its first
settlement, in the year 1690, and a short time subsequently, between
seventy and eighty French families, fleeing from the bloody persecution
excited against them in their mother country, settled on the banks of
the Santee. Among these were the ancestors of General FRANCIS MARION.
These families extended themselves at first only from the lower ferry at
South Santee, in St. James' parish, up to within a few miles of Lenud's
ferry, and back from the river into the parish of St. Dennis, called
the Orange quarter. From their first settlement, they appear to have
conciliated their neighbours, the Sewee and Santee Indians; and to have
submitted to their rigorous fate with that resignation and cheerfulness
which is characteristic of their nation.--Many must have been the
hardships endured by them in settling upon a soil covered with woods,
abounding in serpents and beasts of prey, naturally sterile, and
infested by a climate the most insalubrious. For a picture of their
sufferings read the language of one of them, Judith Manigault, bred a
lady in ease and affluence:--"Since leaving France we have experienced
every kind of affliction, disease, pestilence, famine, poverty, hard
labour; I have been for six months together without tasting bread,
working the ground like a slave." They cultivated the barren high
lands, and at first naturally attempted to raise wheat, barley and other
European grains upon them, until better taught by the Indians. Tradition
informs us, that men and their wives worked together in felling trees,
building houses, making fences, and grubbing up their grounds, until
their settlements were formed; and afterwards continued their labours at
the whip-saw,* and in burning tar for market. Such was their industry,
that in fourteen years after their first settlement, and according
to the first certain account of them, they were in prosperous
circumstances. In the year 1701, John Lawson, then Surveyor General of
the province, visited these enterprising people, and as there are but
two copies of his "Journal of a thousand miles travelled through several
nations of Indians", known at present to be in existence, no apology
appears to be necessary for presenting extracts of the most interesting
parts of it to the reader:--


     * Gen. Horry states, that his grandfather and grandmother
     commenced  the handsome fortune they left, by working
     together at the whip-saw.


"On December 28th, 1700, I began my voyage for North Carolina, from
Charleston, in a large canoe. At four in the afternoon, at half flood,
we passed over the breach through the marsh, leaving Sullivan's Island
on our starboard; the first place we designed for was Santee river, on
which there is a colony of French protestants, allowed and encouraged by
the lords proprietors."--After passing through Sewee bay and up Santee,
the mouth of which was fresh, he visited the Sewees; "formerly," he
says, "a large nation, though now very much decreased, since the English
have seated their lands, and all other nations of Indians are observed
to partake of the same fate. With hard rowing we got that night (11th
January, 1701,) to Mons. Eugee's *1* house, which stands about fifteen
miles up the river, being the first christian dwelling we met withal in
that settlement, and were very courteously received by him and his
wife. Many of the French follow a trade with the Indians, living very
conveniently for that interest. Here are about seventy families seated
on this river, who live as decently and happily as any planters in these
southward parts of America. The French being a temperate, industrious
people, some of them bringing very little effects, yet by their
endeavours and mutual assistance among themselves (which is highly
commendable) have outstript our English, who brought with them larger
fortunes. We lay all that night at Mons. Eugee's,*1* and the next
morning set out further to go the remainder of our voyage by land. At
noon we came up with several French plantations, meeting with several
creeks by the way: the French were very officious in assisting with
their small dories, to pass over these waters, (whom we met coming
from their church) being all of them very clean and decent in their
apparel--their houses and plantations suitable in neatness and
contrivance. They are all of the same opinion with the church of Geneva.
Towards the afternoon we came to Mons. L'Jandro's,*2* where we got our
dinner. We got that night to Mons. Galliar's,*3* who lives in a very
curious contrived house, built of brick and stone, which is gotten near
that place. Near here, comes in the road from Charleston and the rest of
the English settlement, it being a very good way by land and not above
thirty-six miles."*4* After this, our author gives a long description
of his difficulty and danger in crossing the Santee in a small canoe, in
time of a freshet. He then goes on as follows:--"We intended for Mons.
Galliar's jun. but were lost *************. When we got to the house
we found several of the French inhabitants, who treated us very
courteously; wondering about our undertaking such a voyage through a
country inhabited by none but savages, and them of so different nations
and tongues. After we had refreshed ourselves, we parted from a very
kind, loving, affable people, who wished us a safe and prosperous
voyage." Our traveller had now arrived at the extreme boundary of the
white population of South Carolina, and consequently of the United
States, and this was but forty miles from Charleston. In the course
of one hundred and twenty years what a change, and what a subject for
reflection! But, to return to the French refugees. The same persevering
industry and courteous manners which distinguished the ancestors, were
handed down to their children, and are still conspicuous among their
descendants of the third and fourth generations. Most of them may be
classed among our useful and honourable citizens, and many have highly
distinguished themselves in the state, both in civil and military
affairs: but in the latter character, the subject of these memoirs,
General FRANCIS MARION, stands forth the most prominent and illustrious
example.*5*


     *1* Huger, who lived in the fork between South Santee and
     Wambaw Creek.

     *2* Gendron.

     *3* Gaillard's.

     *4* Near this place the French laid out a town, and called
     it Jamestown;    whence the name St. James', Santee.

     *5* After leaving the house of Bartholomew Gaillard, jun. on
     the east side    of Santee, Mr. Lawson saw no more
     settlements of the whites. He visited the Santee Indians,
     who, from his description of the country, must have lived
     about Nelson's ferry and Scott's lake.  In passing up the
     river, the Indian path led over a hill, where he saw, as he
     says, "the most amazing prospect I had seen since I had been
     in Carolina. We travelled by a swamp side, which swamp, I
     believe to be no less than twenty miles over; the other side
     being, as far as I could well discern; there appearing great
     ridges of mountains bearing from us W.N.W. One Alp, with a
     top like a sugar loaf, advanced its head above the rest very
     considerably; the day was very serene, which gave us the
     advantage of seeing a long way; these mountains were clothed
     all over with trees, which seemed to us to be very large
     timbers.  At the sight of this fair prospect we stayed all
     night; our Indian going before half an hour, provided three
     fat turkeys e'er we got up to him."  The prospect he
     describes is evidently the one seen from the Santee Hills;
     the old Indian path passed over a point of one of these at
     Captain Baker's plantation, from which the prospect extends
     more than twenty miles; and the Alp, which was so
     conspicuous, must have been Cook's Mount, opposite
     Stateburgh.--Our traveller afterwards visited the Congaree,
     the Wateree, and Waxhaw Indians, in South Carolina, and
     divers tribes in North Carolina, as far as Roanoke; and it
     is melancholy to think, that all of these appear to be now
     extinct. They treated him with their best; such as bear meat
     and oil, venison, turkeys, maize, cow peas, chinquepins,
     hickory nuts and acorns. The Kings and Queens of the
     different tribes always took charge of him as their guest.





LIFE OF MARION.





Chapter I. (EARLY HISTORY)

     Birth of Gen. Marion.  His Ancestry.  First Destination of
     Going to Sea. Voyage to the West Indies and Shipwreck.  His
     settlement in St. John's, Berkley.  Expedition under
     Governor Lyttleton.  A Sketch of the Attack on Fort
     Moultrie, 1776.  And the Campaign of 1779.



FRANCIS MARION was born at Winyaw,* near Georgetown, South Carolina,
in the year 1732;--memorable for giving birth to many distinguished
American patriots. Marion was of French extraction; his grandfather,
Gabriel, left France soon after the revocation of the edict of Nantz, in
1685, on account of his being a protestant, and retired from persecution
to this new world, then a wilderness; no doubt under many distresses and
dangers, and with few of the facilities with which emigrants settle new,
but rich countries, at the present day. His son, also called Gabriel,
was the father of five sons, Isaac, Gabriel, Benjamin, Francis, and Job,
and of two daughters, grandmothers of the families of the Mitchells, of
Georgetown, and of the Dwights, formerly of the same place, but now of
St. Stephen's parish.


     * This is in error--The Marion family moved to Winyaw when
     Francis was six or seven years old.  Francis was probably
     born either at St. John's Parish, Berkeley, or St. James's
     Parish, Goose Creek; the respective homes of his father's
     and mother's families. 1732 is probably correct as the year
     of Francis's birth, but is not absolutely certain.  Despite
     beginning with this error, the author's remoteness from this
     event is not continued with the events mentioned later in
     the book, to which he was a witness. Those remarks should be
     given their proper weight.--A. L., 1997.


Of the education of FRANCIS MARION, we have no account; but from the
internal evidence afforded by his original letters, it appears to have
been no more than a plain English one; for the Huguenots seem to
have already so far assimilated themselves to the country as to have
forgotten their French. It was indeed a rare thing, in this early state
of our country, to receive any more than the rudiments of an English
education; since men were too much employed in the clearing and tilth of
barren lands, to attend much to science.

Such an education seemed to dispose Marion to be modest and reserved in
conversation; to think, if not to read much; and, above all, not to be
communicative. An early friend of his, the late Captain John Palmer, has
stated, that his first inclination was for a seafaring life, and that
at the age of sixteen he made a voyage to the West Indies. The vessel
in which he embarked foundered at sea, and the crew, consisting of
six persons, took to an open boat, without water or provisions: but,
providentially, a dog swam to them from the ship, whose blood served
them for drink, and his raw flesh for food, for six days; on the
seventh, Francis Marion, and three of the crew, reached land, but the
other two perished at sea. Things which appear accidental at the time,
often sway the destinies of human life. Thus it was, that from the
effect of this narrow escape, and the entreaties of a tender mother,
Francis Marion was induced to abandon the sea, for an element, on which
he was to become singularly useful. His mother's maiden name was Cordes,
and she also was of French extraction. Engaged in cultivating the
soil, we hear no more of Marion for ten years. Mr. Henry Ravenel, of
Pineville, now more than 70 years of age, knew him in the year 1758;
he had then lost his father; and, removing with his mother and brother
Gabriel from Georgetown, they settled for one year near Frierson's lock,
on the present Santee canal. The next year Gabriel removed to Belle
Isle, in St. Stephen's parish, late the residence of his son, the Hon.
Robert Marion. Francis settled himself in St. John's, at a place called
Pond Bluff, from the circumstance of there being a pond at the bottom
of a bluff, fronting the river low grounds. This place is situated
about four miles below Eutaw, on the Santee; and he continued to hold it
during life.* Others fix his settling in St. John's, at a later period:
this is of little consequence, but what is of some, was that in this
most useful of all stations, a tiller of the ground, he was industrious
and successful. In the same year, 1759, the Cherokee war broke out,
and he turned out as a volunteer, in his brother's troop of provincial
cavalry. In 1761, he served in the expedition under Col. Grant, as
a lieutenant in Captain Wm. Moultrie's company, forming part of a
provincial regiment, commanded by Col. Middleton. It is believed that he
distinguished himself in this expedition, in a severe conflict between
Col. Grant and the Indians, near Etchoee, an Indian town; but, if he
did so, the particulars have not been handed down to us, by any official
account. General Moultrie says of him, "he was an active, brave, and
hardy soldier; and an excellent partisan officer." We come now to that
part of Marion's life, where, acting in a more conspicuous situation,
things are known of him, with more certainty. In the beginning of the
year 1775, he was elected one, of what was then called the provincial
congress of South Carolina, from St. John's. This was the public body
which agreed to the famous continental association, recommended by
congress, to prevent the importation of goods, wares, and merchandizes,
from Great Britain: they likewise put a stop to all suits at law, except
where debtors refused to renew their obligations, and to give reasonable
security, or when justly suspected of intentions to leave the province,
or to defraud their creditors; and they appointed committees in
the several districts and parishes in the state, which were called
committees of public safety, to carry these acts into effect. These
exercised high municipal authority, and supported generally by a
population sometimes intemperate, inflicted singular punishments** upon
such as were not only guilty, but even suspected, of infringing the
association. The provincial congress also, after receiving the news of
the battle of Lexington, determined upon a defensive war, and resolved
to raise two regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry. Marion was
elected a captain in the second regiment of these two, of which William
Moultrie was colonel. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Thomas Pinckney,
since so much distinguished, were likewise elected captains in this
regiment at the same time. The first of Captain Marion's appearing in
arms against the British, was in the latter part of this year, when he
acted as one of three captains under Colonel Motte, in taking possession
of Fort Johnson, on James Island. On this occasion much resistance
was expected, but the garrison abandoned the fort, and escaped to
two British vessels, the Tamar and Cherokee, then lying in Charleston
harbour. In the autumn of the same year a post was established at
Dorchester, where it was thought prudent to send part of the military
stores, and the public records out of Charleston; and here Captain
Marion had the command. This is only worthy of remark in the
circumstance, that as the climate of this place is remarkably bad in
autumn, it shows that our patriots had already so much enthusiasm in the
cause in which they had embarked, that they refused no station, however
perilous. As the provincial congress and committees of public safety
exercised all the legislative and judicial powers in the state, as might
have been expected, they soon became too complicated for them, and were
thrown into great confusion. The criminal code was still left in force;
but there were no judges to exercise that jurisdiction. The provincial
congress, therefore, without waiting for a convention of the people,
framed a constitution: by this they took the name of the general
assembly of South Carolina, and limited their own continuance until the
21st October, 1776; and, in every two years after that period, a general
election was to take place for members of the assembly. The legislative
powers were vested in a president, the assembly, and a legislative
council, to be chosen out of their own body. All resolutions of the
continental and provincial congress, and all laws then of force, were
continued. They passed a law, that only two thirds of the rice made in
the state should be permitted to be exported, the other third was to
remain in the country for its consumption, and for exchange for the
necessary articles of life: and upon these prices were to be fixed; it
was recommended to the people to cultivate cotton; the breed of sheep
was directed to be improved; and, after a certain day, none were to be
killed for market or home consumption; but the continental congress
soon after, passed a law that no rice should be exported; and it was
submitted to, without a murmur. A vice-president and privy council
of six members were elected, and among other duties, were to exercise
chancery jurisdiction; and other judges were directed to be chosen by
the general assembly.


     * Pond Bluff is presently at the bottom of Lake Marion, S.C.
     --A. L., 1997.

     ** Such as tarring and feathering.


In a few years, such confusion followed, that we shall see the
president, soon after denominated governor, and two of the privy
council, exercising all the civil and military powers of the state.

John Rutledge was chosen president, Henry Laurens vice-president, and
_ex-officio_ president of the privy council. In this year, (1776,)
Francis Marion had risen to the rank of major in the second regiment,
and was stationed with his colonel in the fort at Sullivan's Island. He
was in the action of the 28th of June, between that fort and nine of
the British ships, under Sir Peter Parker. Of the particulars of this
battle, every one has heard, and they need not be narrated here. Two
of the ships carried fifty guns, the ship Bristol, commodore Sir Peter
Parker, and the Experiment; and as powder was very scarce in the fort,
the orders were, "mind the commodore!" "Fire at the two fifty gun
ships." Col. Moultrie received the thanks of the commander in chief, of
congress, Gen. Lee, and of president Rutledge, for his gallant conduct
in that victory; and, what was more, the heart-felt gratitude of his
countrymen. The fort was called by his name, and he was raised to the
rank of brigadier general. His major then rose to the rank of lieut.
colonel. This action excited the highest resentment in the breasts of
the British rulers; and in the end they inflicted severe vengeance on
the state of South Carolina. Three years, however, elapsed before they
made another attempt. In December, 1778, a British fleet of thirty seven
sail, arrived off Savannah in Georgia, and landed about 4000 men. One
half of these, under Col. Campbell, immediately made an attack upon
the town. Gen. Howe, with six or seven hundred Americans, attempted
to oppose them; but was defeated at the first onset. The enemy took
possession of the town; and, as the Georgia militia were backward in
turning out, the whole country soon fell under their dominion. Shortly
after the taking of Savannah, Gen. Lincoln took command of the American
army, and Gen. Prevost of the British. On the 3d of Feb. 1779, Gen.
Moultrie, with a party of about 300 militia, mostly citizens of
Charleston and Beaufort, with the company of ancient artillery of
Charleston, was posted at Beaufort, where he heard the enemy was
advancing. He immediately dispatched his aid, Capt. Francis Kinloch,
to reconnoitre; while he moved forward on the road to Beaufort ferry.
Kinloch returning soon, stated the supposed force of the British, and
that they were near upon the road; Moultrie now pushed on to gain a
defile, but found it occupied by the enemy. There being no alternative,
he then drew up his men in open ground, with two field pieces in the
centre, and one on the right. The British force was two companies
of picked light infantry, posted under cover of a swamp. The militia
engaged them, and fought under this disadvantage till their ammunition
was all expended, and Moultrie ordered a retreat; but the British made
a simultaneous movement, and it became a drawn battle. Lieut. Wilkins of
the ancient artillery, was mortally wounded, and seven men were killed.
Capt. Heyward, Lieuts. Sawyer and Brown, and fifteen men, were wounded.
In the general's account of the action, the loss of the British is
not stated; he speaks highly of the conduct of his officers and men;
particularly of Capt. John Barnwell; and indeed it was no little matter,
thus to bring militia, in the open field, to fight regulars under cover.

Lincoln's force was fluctuating, as it consisted principally of militia,
who could not be brought under control; and in the midst of arms, when
the enemy were at the distance of only three miles, their officers
refused to subject them to the articles of war; and insisted upon their
being tried by the militia laws of the state, which only subjected them
to a small pecuniary fine. The case too was a flagrant one; a private of
Col. Kershaw's regiment had absented himself from guard, and upon being
reproved by his captain, gave him abusive language; the captain ordered
him under guard, and the man attempted to shoot his officer; but was
prevented. This case was referred to the general assembly then sitting,
who also refused to bring the militia under the articles of war.
Had Gen. Jackson lately submitted to such an interference with his
authority, we should never have heard of the glorious victory of New
Orleans. Gen. Lincoln would have nothing more to do with the militia,
and gave up the command of them to Gen. Moultrie, to act with them as a
separate corps. Pursuant to this resolution, and after calling a council
of war, he marched off (20th April) about 2000 light troops and cavalry,
for Augusta, leaving his baggage to follow. Near Augusta, he expected a
reinforcement of 3000 men, and his intentions were to take possession
of some strong post in Georgia, to circumscribe the limits of the enemy,
and to prevent their receiving recruits from the Cherokee Indians, and
tories. He left Gen. Moultrie, with about 1200 militia, at Black Swamp.
As soon as Gen. Prevost heard of this movement, he availed himself
of it, and immediately crossed over the Savannah, from Abercorn to
Purysburgh, twenty-five miles below Black Swamp, with the intention of
surprising Moultrie, but he, receiving intelligence of his crossing,
retired to Coosawhatchie. At this place he left a rear guard, and
pitched his head quarters on the hill to the eastward of Tulifinny, two
miles in advance towards Charleston. (1st May.) After reconnoitring the
fords of Coosawhatchie, and Tulifinny above the bridges, the general
found so little water in the swamps, from the excessive drought which
then prevailed,* that he determined not to risk an action at this post.
He was about to send one of his aids to bring off his rear guard, when
Col. John Laurens offered himself as a volunteer for that service; he
was readily accepted, and captain, afterwards Major John James, with
150 picked riflemen, was sent to cover his flanks: these, with the rear
guard, made near a fourth of the retreating army. Instead of bringing
off the rear guard, Col. Laurens drew them over to the east side of
the river, posted the riflemen at the bridge, threw off the planks, and
engaged the enemy. The British occupied the houses on the west bank,
from which they kept up a galling fire; a number of Laurens' men were
killed and wounded, and, as he was very conspicuous on horse back in
regimentals, with a large white plume, he was soon wounded himself, and
his horse killed. Laurens then retired, and captain, afterwards Col.
Shubrick, ordered a retreat. In the mean time Moultrie had decamped,
and the riflemen were obliged, as the planks were thrown off, to pass
Tulifinny and Pocotaligo bridges on the string pieces; and did not
overtake the main body till they had passed Saltketcher bridge. Here let
us pause for a moment, and take a view of the ground; twelve miles
of country had been passed over in one morning, which was a continued
defile of causeway, lined on both sides with either thick woods, or
ditches and fences, and four rivers had been crossed; over which were
high bridges, and only a slight skirmish had taken place. True, the
swamps above the bridges were dry, but then they were so wide and thick,
that the British would never have ventured into them. It is likewise
true that Col. Laurens said the militia would not fight, yet the
riflemen stood till they were ordered to retreat, and their retreat had
like to have been cut off. Laurens was not wrong in fighting, for it is
always best to keep militia employed: but in engaging without orders,
and in not burning down the houses near the river, he is blamed by Gen.
Moultrie.** However Moultrie himself was more to blame in suffering the
enemy to pass over Coosawhatchie. At least they ought not to have been
permitted to cross the Saltketcher. There is no doubt but Moultrie was a
firm patriot and a brave soldier, but he acted now under the impulse
of an opinion, which then generally prevailed among the officers of the
South Carolina troops, that Charleston was all important, and if taken,
the state must be lost. We shall see the effect of this system in the
end. In the same manner the Edisto and Ashley were now passed, without
striking a blow. The Americans suffered greatly both for provisions and
for the want of water, drinking out of every puddle in the road, however
filthy. The enemy, on the contrary, passed through the richest part
of the state, and were suffered to scatter themselves abroad, and to
satiate themselves with choice fare, and valuable plunder. General
Moultrie continued his march to Charleston, and Prevost took post before
the lines.


     * The fine spring at Tulifinny had then entirely failed.

     ** 1st Volume Moultrie's memoirs, p. 403-4.


We have for some time lost sight of Lieut. Col. Marion, and the reader
may naturally inquire, was he at Tulifinny? He was not. With the second
regiment under his command, he was in garrison at fort Moultrie. Before
Gen. Moultrie broke up his camp at Black Swamp, he wrote to Gen. Lincoln
to give him advice of the movement of the enemy to Purysburgh, and from
time to time of their progress to Charleston; but Lincoln marched up to
Augusta, crossed over into Georgia, and moved down on the other side
of the river for some time, very deliberately.* However, from Jannett's
ferry, he writes a letter, of which the following is an extract: "If the
enemy should give public evidence of their designs against Charleston, I
think, with your force, as you are in possession of _strong passes_, you
will be able to stop their progress and give us time to come up." On the
10th of May, he again writes to Gen. Moultrie, "We are making, and
shall continue to make, every exertion for the relief of Charleston. The
baggage will be left. The inability of the men only, will put a period
to our daily marches. Our men are full of spirits. Do not give up, or
suffer the people to despair." But the governor and council did despair
already, for a majority of them had finally offered to capitulate, and
proposed a neutrality, during the war between Great Britain and South
Carolina; and the question, whether the state should belong to Great
Britain, or remain one of the United States, to be determined by the
treaty of peace; from this offer, Gen. Gadsden and Mr. Thomas Ferguson
dissented. To carry terms so disgraceful, to Prevost, Col. Laurens
was pitched upon; but he indignantly refused to be the bearer. Cols.
M'Intosh and Roger Smith were then persuaded to go with a flag. The
British commander appointed Col. Prevost, as commissioner to receive
them; and he delivered a message from the general, "that he had nothing
to do with the governor, that his business was with Gen. Moultrie; and
as the garrison was in arms, they must surrender prisoners of war." At
this answer, the governor and council looked blank; and some were
for submitting even to this degrading proposal: but Moultrie cut the
conference short, by declaring, "that as it was left to him, he would
fight to the last extremity." Laurens, who was present, and sitting,
bounded to his feet at the expression, raised his hands, and thanked his
God! Thus it was only by a mistake of Prevost, as to the high powers
of the civil authority, that the town, and the state of South Carolina,
were then saved. What renders this offer the more astonishing, was,
that the garrison, 3180 strong, were in good spirits, and an army under
Lincoln, was marching to their assistance, on the rear of the enemy; who
were not much stronger than the besieged, being computed at 3680 men.**
Early the next morning, Prevost decamped, and retreated to John's and
James Islands. (May 13th.) There was great rejoicing in the town; but
the consequence to which it had arrived, by repelling two attempts of
the enemy, only brought against it a greater armament, and in the end,
sunk it into deeper distress. An attack upon the British at Stono ferry,
was now planned by Gen. Lincoln. Gen. Moultrie, was to throw over on
James Island, all the troops which could be spared from the town,
and make a feint on that side, or attack, if a favourable opportunity
offered; while the principal effort was to be made by Lincoln, at Stono.
He made the attack before Moultrie could cooperate, (June 20) and the
enemy remaining in their lines, and being reinforced, obliged him to
retreat. In this affair a few men were killed, and Col. Roberts, of the
artillery, mortally wounded. His loss was greatly and justly lamented.
William Richardson Davie, lately deceased, and afterwards so much
celebrated as Gen. Davie, was among the wounded. Prevost, soon after
this, retreated along the chain of islands on the coast, until he
reached Port Royal and Savannah. During the time Prevost lay before
the lines of Charleston, Maj. Benjamin Huger, an active officer, a
wise statesman, and a virtuous citizen, was unfortunately killed. What
rendered his fate the more melancholy, was, that the act was done by the
mistake of his own countrymen. It was at this time also, that Gen. Count
Pulaski, a Polander, began to distinguish himself as a partisan. His
address in single combat, was greatly celebrated. Col. Kowatch, under
his command, was killed before the lines, and shamefully mutilated by
the British. Of the campaign of 1779, it was not the intention of the
author to give a minute detail; but only to sketch out those feelings,
and that line of conduct, in the cabinet and field, which, followed up
in the succeeding year, brought ruin and disgrace upon the country.


     * Lincoln's letter, 20th April.

     ** 1st vol. Moultrie's memoirs, from p. 425 to 435.





Chapter II. CAMPAIGN OF 1780.

     Sir Henry Clinton arrives with an army of 12,000 men in
     South Carolina. The General Assembly sitting in Charleston,
     break up. Gen. Lincoln shuts himself up in the town, and
     Clinton lays siege to it. Before the town is entirely hemmed
     in, Marion dislocates his ankle, and retires into the
     country.  The town capitulates. Tarleton's career of
     slaughter.  Defeat of Gen. Huger at Monk's Corner and of
     Buford at the Waxhaws.  Rising of the people in
     Williamsburgh, and at Pedee.  Gen. Marion sent to them as a
     commander.  Gates, defeat. Marion retakes 150 American
     prisoners at Nelson's Ferry.  Maj. Wemyss sent against him;
     he retreats to the White Marsh, in North Carolina. Returns
     and defeats the tories at Black Mingo and the fork of Black
     river. Attempt on Georgetown frustrated.  Marion takes post
     at Snow Island. Sumter's career.  Ferguson's defeat.  Spirit
     of the whigs begins to revive.


The year 1780, was the most eventful one, in the annals of South
Carolina. The late failure of the attack on Savannah; the little
opposition which Gen. Prevost met with, in a march of more than one
hundred miles through the state; the conduct of the planters, in
submitting, to save their property; and the well known weakness of
the southern army; all conspired to induce the enemy to believe, that
Charleston, and South Carolina, would become an easy prey. Sir Henry
Clinton, their commander in chief, meditating a formidable expedition
against them; with this view sailed from New York on the 26th December,
1779, with an army, which, with subsequent reinforcements amounted to
about 12,000 men. To oppose this great force, Gen. Lincoln had not more
than two thousand, a great part of which was militia. His head quarters
were in Charleston, where the general assembly were setting in calm
deliberation, for they had not yet heard of the rising storm. Lieut.
Col. Marion, had command of the out-post of this little army, at
Sheldon, near Pocotaligo, where he had orders to watch the motions of
Prevost, and prevent him from obtaining supplies of provisions, from the
Carolina side of Savannah river. It was expected he was to remain here
for some time, and great confidence was reposed in him, by Gen. Lincoln,
as appears by his letters, at this period. The British had a tedious
passage, in which they lost part of their ordnance, most of their
artillery, and all the horses, destined to mount their cavalry. On the
11th Feb. 1780, they landed about thirty miles from Charleston. The
assembly sitting there, immediately broke up, after delegating, "till
ten days after their next session, to John Rutledge, and such of his
council as he could conveniently consult, a power to do every thing
necessary for the public good; except the taking away the life of a
citizen, without a legal trial." This was nearly the same power, with
which the senate of Rome, invested their dictators. But a resolution,
fatal in its consequences, was unanimously adopted by this assembly:
namely, to defend the town to the utmost extremity. The power,
thus delegated to the governor and council, was carried into effect
afterwards, with vigour, and with what would now be thought an
infraction of private rights. But in the spirit of the times, and the
public situation, such vigour was necessary. The governor's council, was
composed of upright and virtuous men, and John Rutledge was one of the
most distinguished sons, to whom South Carolina has given birth. His
eloquence was proverbial, both in congress, and at home. It was that of
Demosthenes, concise, energetic, and commanding. There was something in
his very manner, and the tone of his voice, that riveted the attention
of his audience. They stood subdued before him. He swayed the councils
of the state, he swayed the councils of the general who commanded the
southern army: and if he erred, he erred with a good conscience, and
from the purest motives.

The first order issued by Governor Rutledge, was, to call out the
drafted militia, for the defence of the town, under pain of confiscation
of property. This order was but partially obeyed;--the militia, who were
friendly to the cause, had been much harassed in the last campaign, and
it was generally known that the small-pox was in the town. At the same
time, the governor sent out many influential officers, to secure the
execution of his first order; and though intended only to operate for
the present, this last order was in time productive of a fortunate
result; as these officers afterwards headed the people. In the mean
time, Gen. Lincoln had ordered Lieut. Col. Marion to select two hundred
men, out of the three regiments with him, at Sheldon, and to march
immediately to town. (31st Jan.) No troops were to be left in the field
but two hundred light infantry, and the horse under Col. Washington.
Marion repaired to town, according to orders; but before the garrison
was hemmed in by the enemy, he, by accident, in attempting to escape
from a drinking party, dislocated his ankle. Gen. Lincoln had issued an
order, "that all supernumerary officers, and all officers who were
unfit for duty, must quit the garrison, and retire into the country."
In consequence of this order, Marion retired to St. John's. He was
afterwards obliged to move about, from house to house, as favoured by
friends, and often to hide in the woods, until he got better; but, as
soon as he was able, he collected a few friends, and joined Gen. De
Kalb, who was then advancing, with about fourteen hundred men, of the
Maryland and Delaware troops, towards South Carolina. The correspondence
of Gen. Horry here breaks off suddenly; and we hear no more of Marion
for five months. But an accident, which must have appeared to him a
great misfortune, at the time, was afterwards productive of the most
happy effects. Another has been noted only a few pages back.

In the mean time, the enemy proceeded cautiously in the siege of
Charleston. They formed a depot on James Island, and erected a
fortification on it, and the main, near Wappoo cut. On the 28th of
March they crossed Ashley river, near the ferry, and made a lodgement in
Charleston neck. Col. Laurens, with the light infantry, skirmished with
them; but, as they greatly exceeded him in numbers, he was obliged to
retire within the lines. On the night of the 1st of April, Sir Henry
Clinton commenced his first parallel, at the distance of eleven hundred
yards from the American works. On the 7th, twelve sail of the enemy's
ships passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire. The garrison had been
assiduous in preparing for defence; the old works were strengthened, and
lines and redoubts were extended from Ashley to Cooper river. A strong
abbatis was made in front, and a deep, wet ditch was opened from
the marsh on one side, to that on the other, and the lines were so
constructed as to rake it. On the 10th, the enemy had completed their
first parallel, and Gen. Lincoln was summoned to surrender; but refused.
All attempts at removing the force besieged, out of the town, had, while
it was practicable, been opposed by the governor and council, and the
officers of the South Carolina troops; and Gen. Lincoln, had not the
resolution to counteract them. At length it was thought advisable, that
the governor and three of his council should leave the town; and that
Lieut. Gov. Gadsden and five others should remain. The ships of war, in
the harbour of Charleston, being quite inadequate to oppose the
force which had passed Fort Moultrie, were divested of their guns, to
reinforce the batteries, and were sunk nearly opposite the exchange, to
impede the passage of the enemy up Cooper river. Soon after this, Sir
Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men,
under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the
besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the
town was now completely invested by land and water. About this time, the
American forces in the field having been defeated, as hereafter to be
narrated, and the British having completed their second parallel, an
offer to capitulate was made by Lincoln, to Sir Henry Clinton, and
rejected. The batteries of the besiegers, having now obtained a decided
superiority over those of the besieged, when the third parallel had
opened its cannonade, and the British having crossed the wet ditch
by sap, they opened a fire of rifles within twenty-five yards of the
Americans. The caution of Sir Henry Clinton, in advancing so slowly, had
been extreme, and the unsuspecting security of the Americans was still
great; but Gen. Duportail, a French officer of engineers, having arrived
in town before the communication was closed with the country, declared,
that the works of the besieged were not tenable, and might have been
stormed ten days before. This disclosed his true situation, and induced
Gen. Lincoln to listen to a capitulation, which was proposed to him on
the 8th of May. From that until the 10th, the negociation was continued.
On the 11th, the capitulation was agreed to, and, on the next day, the
Americans marched out and grounded their arms. After a siege of a month
and fourteen days, 2500 men submitted to an army of 12,000; and it
was only surprising they held out so long. The continental troops and
sailors were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia
were permitted to return home as prisoners on parole, which, as long
as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their
property.

On the morning, when the Americans had paraded to surrender, tears were
seen coursing down the cheeks of Gen. Moultrie.

The loss of the Americans, in the siege, was not great; only five
officers of distinction: Col. Parker, and Capts. Bowman, Moultrie,
Templeton and Neyle, were killed. During the siege, Gen. Lincoln called
two councils of war, to devise the means of retreating from the
town, but all attempts of that kind were opposed, first by the civil
authority, next by the South Carolina officers, and finally by the
inhabitants. He ought not to have entered the town; he had the example
of the illustrious Washington before him, who had declined to act in
that manner, and had thus preserved the independence of his country. The
American army acting in the country, would have kept up the spirits
of the militia, and kept the British from mounting their cavalry, and
gaining supplies of provisions, with such ease as they did. Although
Lincoln's force was small, it was at least equal to that of Gen.
Washington, when he retreated over the Delaware, in 1776. The country
was not so open, and more fit for a partisan warfare, than New Jersey,
and in a few months the climate would have fought his battles. It was
not intended by the author to narrate the particulars of the siege of
Charleston; these have been detailed by the enlightened historian of
South Carolina, Dr. Ramsay. But the effects of it upon the minds of the
people in the country, come more particularly within his province; since
they would hereafter be disposed to act according as they were affected,
by passing incidents. There being now no force in the field, but the
two hundred light infantry, under Gen. Huger, and the horse under
Col. Washington; which were those mentioned in Lincoln's order to Gen.
Marion; the British were suffered to detach small parties through the
country, and to take all the horses which were fit, either to transport
their cannon and baggage, or to mount their cavalry. In one month after
their landing, Col. Tarleton had his legion mounted, and began his
career of slaughter. On the 18th March, he surprised a party of
80 militia, at Saltketcher bridge, killed and wounded several, and
dispersed the rest. On the 23d, he put to flight another party at
Ponpon, killed three, wounded one, and took four prisoners. On the 27th,
near Rantowle's bridge, he had a rencounter with Col. Washington, at the
head of his legion of 300 men; Tarleton was worsted in this affair, and
lost seven men, prisoners. On the 13th April, the American infantry and
cavalry under Gen. Huger, lay, the infantry at Biggen church, and the
cavalry under Col. Washington, at Monk's corner. Col. Tarleton with
Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced on from the quarter-house to
Goose Creek, where he was joined by Col. Webster, with the 33d and
64th regiments of infantry. There an attack upon the American post was
concerted, and it was judged advisable to make it in the night, as that
would render the superiority of Washington's cavalry useless. A servant
of one of Huger's officers was taken on the road, and he agreed for a
few dollars, to conduct the enemy through a by-road, to Monk's corner.
At three o'clock in the morning, they charged Washington's guard on the
main road, and pursued them into the camp. The Americans were completely
surprised. Major Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and twenty-five men, were
killed. One hundred officers, and dragoons, fifty waggons loaded with
ammunition, clothing and arms, and four hundred horses, with their
accoutrements, were taken. A most valuable acquisition to the British.
Major Cochrane with the British legion of infantry, forced the passage
at Biggen bridge, and drove Gen. Huger and the infantry before him.--In
this affair, Major James Conyers, of the Americans, distinguished
himself by a skilful retreat, and by calling off the attention of the
enemy from his sleeping friends, to himself. The British had only one
officer and two men wounded. The account of the loss of the Americans in
this affair, is taken from Tarleton, who blames "the injudicious conduct
of the American commander, who besides making a false disposition of his
corps, by placing his cavalry in front of the bridge, during the night,
and his infantry in the rear, neglected sending patroles in front of his
videttes." In this surprise, the British made free use of the bayonet,
the houses in Monk's corner, then a village, were afterwards deserted,
and long bore the marks of deadly thrust, and much bloodshed. Col. White
soon after took the command of the American cavalry, but with no better
fortune. On the 5th May, he took a British officer and seventeen men of
the legion, at Ball's plantation, near Strawberry, in the morning,
and pushed back twenty-five miles, to Lenud's ferry, on Santee. While
crossing there, Tarleton surprised him, at three in the afternoon; who
states, that five officers and 36 men of the Americans were killed and
wounded, and seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken; while he lost
only two men, and retook his dragoons. Cols. White and Washington, Major
Jamieson, and several officers and men, escaped by swimming the river,
but many perished in the like attempt.* Thus the American corps of
cavalry and infantry, in the open field, was completely annihilated, and
from the Saltketcher to the Santee, a distance of one hundred and twenty
miles, either terror or a general depression of spirits, had spread
through the country. What served to increase this, was the cannonade
at the town. This was a novel thing in South Carolina, and along water
courses, it was heard more than one hundred miles. In that distance,
there were but few families, who had not a husband, father, brother or
son in the garrison; and these listened to the sound, with the deepest
anxiety, and, as was natural, with no little despondency.


     * Two boys, Francis G. Deliesseline and Samuel Dupre, had
     the boldness to undertake, and did recover fourteen of
     White's cavalry horses from the British, and delivered them
     to Major Jamieson in Georgetown, refusing a reward he
     offered.


As soon as the town had surrendered, Lord Cornwallis, with 2500 men, and
five field pieces, marched from St. Thomas' to Nelson's ferry. Thence
he detached Tarleton, with 700 infantry and cavalry, in quest of Gen.
Caswell and Col. Buford, who had been approaching to the relief of
Charleston, with about 700 militia, and between 3 and 400 continentals.
At Camden, Caswell, with the militia, quitted Buford, who then commanded
the continentals, and retreated by the way of Pedee. Buford's regiment
was soon after placed under the command of Gen. Huger, as an escort to
Gov. Rutledge, then at Camden; and was detained, with a fatal security,
by the general, for two days in that place. And so much off their guard,
were our rulers themselves, that Gov. Rutledge, and his council, were
soon after hospitably entertained, at Clermont, by Col. Rugely, an
Englishman, professedly opposed to the American cause. At midnight,
he woke them up, advised them of Tarleton's approach, and with some
difficulty, persuaded them to escape; at daylight, Tarleton arrived at
Clermont. That morning, Huger gave up the command again to Buford,
and took the Charlotte road, with the governor and his two remaining
council, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. Buford proceeded on rapidly,
upon the Salisbury road, and from circumstances, his baggage waggons
must have been sent on before he took the command again, that morning;
otherwise, in making the very quick march he did, they must have been
left far in his rear. But Tarleton blames him, for sending them ahead,
because they might have served him as a rampart, and other historians
have adopted his account. After a pursuit of one hundred miles, in
fifty-four hours, Tarleton approached Buford, about forty miles from
Camden, and twenty-six from Clermont; and dispatched Capt. David Kinloch
with a flag, summoning him to surrender upon the terms granted to the
garrison of Charleston. Buford called a council of his officers, who
deeming it a deception, he continued his march. In the afternoon,
Tarleton overtook him, unfortunately, in an open wood, and cut to pieces
his rear guard. At the sound of his bugle, Buford drew up his men, all
infantry; but Capt. Carter, (not Benjamin,) who commanded his artillery,
and led the van, continued his march. Tarleton advanced, with his
infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. He was checked by
Buford's fire; but the cavalry wheeling, gained his rear. Seeing no hope
of any longer making a defence, Buford sent Ensign Cruitt with a flag
of truce, and grounded his arms. Disregarding the flag, and the rules
of civilized warfare, Tarleton cut Cruitt down, and charged upon
Buford, with his cavalry in the rear; while Maj. Cochrane, an infuriated
Scotchman, rushed with fixed bayonets, in front. A few of Buford's men,
resumed their arms, and fired, when the British were within ten steps,
but with little effect;* as might have been expected, from what has been
stated.


     * See Dr. Brownfield's account of this affair, which throws
     more light upon it, than any thing heretofore written.
     Appendix, p. 1. To paliate his conduct, Tarleton has written
     a most partial account of it, which has been followed by
     Moultrie, and substantially by Ramsay. The faults committed
     by Buford, he says, were his sending his baggage ahead, and
     not firing till the cavalry were within ten steps.--But
     Buford, notwithstanding all the odium excited against him by
     his ill fortune, was tried by a court martial, and
     acquitted.  Tarleton excuses his cruelty, by stating, that
     his horse was knocked down, at the first fire: and his men,
     thinking him killed, to avenge his death, were more
     sanguinary than usual, and he was unable, from that
     circumstance, for a while to restrain them.  But Lord
     Cornwallis approved the whole, and praised and caressed
     Tarleton, while he was fortunate.


Buford's regiment was entirely broken by the charge, no quarters were
given by the British; 113 men were killed of the Americans, and 151 so
badly wounded as to be left on the ground. This was nearly two thirds of
the whole American force, according to Tarleton's own account; and
the manner in which those left on the ground were mangled, is told, by
others, as horrible. No habitation was near, but the lone cabin of a
poor widow woman; and the situation of the dead, was fortunate, when
compared with that of the living. Tarleton says, he lost but two
officers, and three privates killed, and one officer and thirteen
privates wounded. The massacre took place at the spot where the road
from Lancaster to Chesterfield now crosses the Salisbury road. The
news of these two events, the surrender of the town, and the defeat of
Buford, were spread through the country about the same time, and the
spirit of the whigs, sunk into despondency. The American cause appeared
to be lost; but, on this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house of Gen.
Sumter, near Stateburgh,* and roused the spirit of the lion; at Camden,
a party of his men cut to pieces Samuel Wiley, whom they mistook for his
brother, John Wiley, then sheriff of the district, at his own house.**
Governor Rutledge and his council again escaped Tarleton, by a few
minutes, and by taking the road to Charlotte, in North Carolina. On
the 1st of June, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot offered to the
inhabitants, with some exceptions, "pardon for their past treasonable
offences, and a reinstatement in their rights and immunities heretofore
enjoyed, exempt from taxation, except by their own legislature."
To many, this specious offer appeared to be all that they had been
contending for; and they flocked in from all quarters to gain such high
privileges. These, having signed declarations of allegiance, received
protections as subjects, or were parolled to their plantations as
prisoners of war. But, in the short space of twenty days, a second
proclamation was issued, stating, that it was necessary for all persons
to take an active part in securing his majesty's government, that
all the inhabitants then prisoners on parole, except those taken at
Charleston, and others in confinement, should be freed from their
paroles, and restored to the rights of citizens; and all who neglected
to return to their allegiance should be considered as rebels.


     * The proper name is Stateburgh.  But so great is the
     propensity of Americans for introducing the S into the
     already hissing English language, that it is now written
     commonly Statesburgh.

     ** Tarleton despatched his favourite sergeant Hutt, who
     always charged by his side, with a sergeant's guard, to
     perform this deed. The visit was quite unexpected by Wiley.
     In going up to his house, two men were left concealed,
     behind two large gate posts, at the entrance of the yard;
     while Hutt, with the rest, broke into the house abruptly; he
     demanded Wiley's shoe buckles, and while he stooped down to
     unbuckle them, the wretch Hutt aimed a stroke with his sword
     at his head.  Wiley, seeing the gleam of the descending
     weapon, parried the blow from his head, by his hand, with
     the loss of some fingers; then, springing out of the door,
     he ran for the gate, where the two concealed men despatched
     him with many blows.  The cause of offence was, that John
     Wiley, as sheriff, had superintended the execution of some
     men under the existing state laws, at that time against
     treason.  After the battle of Cowpens Hutt disappeared.


Nothing could have astonished the people more, than this last
proclamation, those who had taken the paroles expected to remain on
their plantations in security and ease; but now, they were called upon
to return to their allegiance, and assist in securing his majesty's
government. The purport of which was well understood; they were in fact
to take up arms against their countrymen: at the very thought of which
they were abhorrent. This crooked policy was no sooner adopted, than
the British cause began to decline in South Carolina. The thread of
the events above recorded, will now naturally lead us to the history of
Marion's brigade. About the end of June, in this year, Capt. Ardesoif,
of the British navy, arrived at Georgetown, to carry the last
proclamation of Sir Henry Clinton into effect, and invited the people to
come in and swear allegiance to King George. Many of the inhabitants
of that district submitted to this new act of degradation. But there
remained a portion of it, stretching from the Santee to the Pedee, and
including the whole of the present Williamsburgh, and part of
Marion district, into which the British arms had not penetrated. The
inhabitants of it were generally of Irish extraction; a people, who at
all times during the war, abhorred either submission or vassalage. Among
them, tradition has handed down the following story:--A public meeting
was called, to deliberate upon their critical situation, and Major John
James, who had heretofore commanded them in the field, and represented
them in legislature, was selected as the person who should go down to
Capt. Ardesoif, and know from him, whether, by his proclamation,
he meant that they should take up arms against their countrymen. He
proceeded to Georgetown, in the plain garb of a country planter, and was
introduced to the captain, at his lodgings, a considerable distance from
his ship. An altercation of the following nature took place. After the
major had narrated the nature of his mission, the captain, surprised
that such an embassy should be sent to him, answered, "the submission
must be unconditional." To an inquiry, whether the inhabitants would not
be allowed to stay at home, upon their plantations, in peace and quiet?
he replied, "although you have rebelled against his majesty, he offers
you a free pardon, of which you are undeserving, for you ought all to
be hanged; but as he offers you a free pardon, you must take up arms
in support of his cause." To Major James' suggesting that the people he
came to represent would not submit on such terms, the captain, irritated
at his republican language, particularly, it is supposed, at the word
_represent_, replied, "you damned rebel, if you speak in such language
I will immediately order you to be hanged up to the yard-arm."--The
captain wore a sword, and Major James none, but perceiving what turn
matters were likely to take, and not brooking such harsh language, he
suddenly seized the chair on which he was seated, brandished it in the
face of the captain, and making his retreat good through the back door
of the house, mounted his horse, and made his escape into the country.
This circumstance, apparently trivial, certainly hastened the rise
of Marion's brigade. The story narrated, as now told, or embellished,
always concluded in the same way: "you must take up arms in support of
his majesty's cause." Many of the people of Williamsburgh had submitted
and taken paroles, but to be obliged to imbrue their hands in the blood
of their countrymen, was in their minds a breach of one of the commands
of God, and they shuddered at the very thought.--They had besides, had
two officers put over them, by the British commander, Amos Gaskens and
John Hamilton; the first they despised on account of his petty larceny
tricks, and the last they hated because of his profanity. About this
time, news of the approach of Gates having arrived, a public meeting of
this people was called, and it was unanimously resolved to take up arms
in defence of their country. Major James was desired to command them
as heretofore, and they again arrayed themselves under their captains
William M'Cottry, Henry Mouzon, John James,* of the lake, and John
M'Cauley. The four companies, resolved on this great enterprise,
consisted of about two hundred men. Shortly after, Col. Hugh Giles, of
Pedee, proposed to join them, with two companies, Whitherspoon's and
Thornly's; and his offer was gladly accepted. Gen. Gates had now arrived
on the confines of the state, and in a consultation, held among these
officers, it was agreed to send to him, to appoint them a commander.
This was a wise resolution, and attended with the most salutary
consequences. In the mean time, they made prisoners of Col. Cassels,
Capt. Gaskens, and most of the officers appointed over them by the
British, and took post at the pass of Lynch's creek, at Witherspoon's
ferry. At this period, the tories on Lynch's creek, in the neighbourhood
of M'Callum's ferry, had already begun their murders and depredations.
Messrs. Matthew Bradley, Thomas Bradley, and John Roberts, respectable
citizens, who had then joined neither party, and also, some others,
were killed by them, in their own houses. These were headed by the two
Harrisons, one afterwards a colonel, the other a major in the British
service; whom Tarleton calls men of fortune. They were in fact two of
the greatest banditti that ever infested the country. Before the fall
of Charleston they lived in a wretched log hut, by the road, near
M'Callum's, in which there was no bed-covering but the skins of wild
beasts; during the contest the major was killed; but after it was
over, the colonel retired to Jamaica, with much wealth, acquired by
depredation. Capt. M'Cottry was now posted in advance of Witherspoon's
ferry, at Indian town, and Col. Tarleton, having crossed at Lenud's
ferry, and hearing of the Williamsburgh meeting, advanced, at the
head of seventy mounted militia and cavalry, to surprise Major James.
M'Cottry, first receiving notice of his movement, sent back for a
reinforcement, and immediately marched his company, of about fifty
mounted militia, to give him battle. Tarleton had been posted at dark,
at the Kingstree, and M'Cottry approached him at midnight, but Tarleton
marched away a few hours before he arrived. By means of the wife of
Hamilton, the only tory in that part of the country, he had gained
intelligence of M'Cottry's approach, as reported to him, with five
hundred men.--The latter pursued, but, perhaps fortunately, without
overtaking him. In this route Tarleton burnt the house of Capt. Mouzon;
and after posting thirty miles, from Kingstree up to Salem, took Mr.
James Bradley prisoner, the next day. Soon after this Lieut. Col.
Hugh Horry arrived from Georgetown; and by right he would have had the
command of Major James' party, but he declined it for some time. Of
him more will be said hereafter. On the 10th or 12th of August, General
Marion arrived at the post, at Lynch's creek, commissioned by Governor
Rutledge to take the command of the party there, and a large extent of
country on the east side of Santee. He was a stranger to the officers
and men, and they flocked about him, to obtain a sight of their future
commander.** He was rather below the middle stature of men, lean and
swarthy. His body was well set, but his knees and ankles were badly
formed; and he still limped upon one leg. He had a countenance
remarkably steady; his nose was aquiline; his chin projecting; his
forehead was large and high, and his eyes black and piercing. He was
now forty-eight years of age; but still even at this age, his frame
was capable of enduring fatigue and every privation, necessary for a
partisan. His wisdom and patriotism will become henceforth conspicuous.
Of a character, so much venerated, even trifles become important. He was
dressed in a close round bodied crimson jacket, of a coarse texture, and
wore a leather cap, part of the uniform of the second regiment, with a
silver crescent in front, inscribed with the words, "Liberty or death."
He was accompanied by his friend Col. Peter Horry, and some other
officers. On the second or third day after his arrival, General Marion
ordered his men to mount white cockades, to distinguish themselves from
the tories, and crossed the Pedee, at Port's ferry, to disperse a large
body of tories, under Major Ganey, stationed on Britton's neck, between
great and little Pedee. He surprised them at dawn in the morning, killed
one of their captains and several privates, and had two men wounded.
Major James was detached at the head of a volunteer troop of horse, to
attack their horse; he came up with them, charged, and drove them
before him. In this affair, Major James singled out Major Ganey, (as
he supposed) as the object of his single attack. At his approach Ganey
fled, and he pursued him closely, and nearly within the reach of his
sword, for half a mile; when behind a thicket, he came upon a party of
tories, who had rallied. Not at all intimidated, but with great presence
of mind, Major James called out, "Come on my boys!--Here they are!--Here
they are!" And the whole body of tories broke again, and rushed into
little Pedee swamp. Another party of tories lay higher up the river,
under the command of Capt. Barefield; who had been a soldier in one of
the South Carolina regiments. These stood to their ranks, so well, and
appeared to be so resolute, that Gen. Marion did not wish to expose his
men, by an attack on equal terms; he therefore feigned a retreat, and
led them into an ambuscade, near the Blue Savannah, where they were
defeated. This was the first manoeuvre of the kind, for which he
afterwards became so conspicuous.


     * He was second cousin to the major.  Of this family, there
     were five brothers, than whom no men under Marion were more
     brave; these were John, William, Gavin, Robert and James.
     Gavin died a few weeks since, with whom the family became
     extinct. More of Gavin and Robert hereafter.  20th July,
     1821.

     ** He was not appointed a general till some time after this,
     but as we have not the date of his commission, henceforth he
     will be styled general; and his other officers, to avoid
     repetitions, are designated generally by the rank they held
     at the disbandment of the brigade.


Thus Gen. Marion, at once, fell upon employment, as the true way to
encourage and to command militia; and their spirits began to revive. He
returned to Port's ferry, and threw up a redoubt on the east bank of the
Pedee, on which he mounted two old iron field pieces, to awe the tories.
On the 17th of August, he detached Col. Peter Horry, with orders to take
command of four companies, Bonneau's, Mitchell's, Benson's, and Lenud's,
near Georgetown, and on the Santee; to destroy all the boats and canoes
on the river, from the lower ferry to Lenud's; to post guards, so as
to prevent all communication with Charleston, and to procure him
twenty-five weight of gunpowder, ball or buck shot, and flints in
proportion. This order was made in pursuance of a plan he afterwards
carried into effect; to leave no approach for the enemy into the
district of which he had taken the command. The latter part of the
order, shows how scanty were the means of his defence. There were few
men, even in those days of enthusiasm, who would not have shrunk from
such an undertaking. Gen. Marion himself marched to the upper part of
Santee, it is believed, with the same object in view with which he had
entrusted Horry. On his way he received intelligence of the defeat of
Gates at Camden, and, without communicating it, he proceeded immediately
towards Nelson's ferry. (16th August.) Near Nelson's, he was informed,
by his scouts, that a guard, with a party of prisoners, were on their
way to Charleston; and had stopped at the house, at the great Savannah,
on the main road, east of the river. (20th of August.) It was night, and
the general, a little before daylight next morning, gave the command of
sixteen men to Col. Hugh Horry. He was ordered to gain possession of
the road, at the pass of Horse creek, in the swamp, while the main body,
under himself, was to attack in the rear. In taking his position, in the
dark, Col. Horry advanced too near to a sentinel, who fired upon him. In
a moment he rushed up to the house, found the British arms piled before
the door, and seized upon them. Twenty-two British regulars, of the 63d
regiment, two tories, one captain, and a subaltern were taken, and one
hundred and fifty of the Maryland line, liberated. In his account of
this affair Gen. Marion says he had one man killed, and Maj. Benson
wounded. But the man, Josiah Cockfield, who was shot through the breast;
lived to fight bravely again, and to be again wounded. In the account
given of this action by Col. Tarleton, he says, contemptuously, the
guard was taken by "a Mr. Horry"; but Gen. Marion, as commanding
officer, is entitled to the credit of it. The news of the defeat of Gen.
Gates now became public, and repressed all joy upon this occasion; no
event which had yet happened, was considered so calamitous. An account
of it will be given in his own words. Extract of a letter, from Gen.
Gates, to the president of congress, dated Hillsborough, 20th August,
1780:--

    "Sir,
In the deepest distress and anxiety of mind, I am obliged to acquaint
your excellency with the defeat of the troops under my command. I
arrived with the Maryland line, the artillery, and the North Carolina
militia, on the 13th inst. at Rugely's, thirteen miles from Camden;
took post there, and was the next day joined by Gen. Stevens, with
700 militia from Virginia. The 15th, at daylight, I reinforced Colonel
Sumter, with 300 North Carolina militia, 100 of the Maryland line, and
two three-pounders from the artillery: having previously ordered him
down from the Waxhaws, opposite to Camden, to intercept any stores
coming to the enemy, and particularly troops coming from Ninety-Six.
This was well executed by Col. Sumter. Having communicated my plan to
the general officers in the afternoon of the 15th, it was resolved to
march at ten at night, to take post in a very advantageous situation,
with a deep creek in front, (Gum Swamp*) seven miles from Camden. At ten
the army began to march, and having moved about five miles, the
legion was charged by the enemy's cavalry, and well supported by
Col. Porterfield, who beat back the enemy's horse, and was himself
unfortunately wounded, (mortally) but the enemy's infantry advancing
with a heavy fire, the troops in front gave way to the first Maryland
brigade, and a confusion ensued which took some time to regulate. At
length the army was ranged in line of battle. Gen. Gists' brigade on the
right, close to a swamp; the North Carolina militia in the centre; the
Virginia militia, the light infantry, and Porterfield's corps, on the
left; the artillery divided to the brigades. The first Maryland brigade
as a corps de reserve on the road. Col. Armand's corps was ordered to
support the left flank. At daylight, they attacked and drove in our
light party in front, when I ordered the left to advance and attack the
enemy; but, to my astonishment, the left wing and North Carolina militia
gave way. Gen. Caswell and myself, assisted by a number of officers, did
all in our power to rally them; but the enemy's cavalry harassing their
rear, they ran like a torrent, and bore all before them." This is all
the general seemed to know of the action. Part of the brigade of North
Carolina militia, commanded by Gen. Gregory, behaved well. They
formed on the left of the continentals, and kept the field while their
cartridges lasted. In bringing off his men, Gen. Gregory was thrice
wounded by a bayonet, and several of his brigade, made prisoners, had no
wounds but from the bayonet. The continental troops, under De Kalb
and Gist, with inferior numbers, stood their ground and maintained
the unequal conflict with great firmness. At one time they had taken a
considerable body of prisoners; but at length, overpowered by numbers,
they were compelled to leave the field. Tarleton's legion pursued the
fugitives to the Hanging rock, fifteen miles, and glutted themselves
with blood. Baron De Kalb, the second in command, an officer of great
spirit, and long experience, was taken prisoner, after receiving eleven
wounds, and died. Congress resolved that a monument should be erected
to him at Annapolis. The gratitude of the people of Camden, has erected
another in that town, and named a street De Kalb, after him.** Capts.
Williams and Duval, of the Maryland troops, were killed; and Gen.
Rutherford, of North Carolina, and Maj. Thomas Pinckney, of South
Carolina, were wounded, and taken prisoners. Du Buysson, aid to Baron De
Kalb, generously exposing himself to save his general, received several
wounds and was taken. Lord Cornwallis states the force of Gates to
have been six thousand men, and his own at near two thousand: a great
disparity indeed. The loss of the Americans he calculates at between
eight and nine hundred killed, and one thousand prisoners, many of whom
were wounded; a number of colours, seven pieces of brass cannon, all
the military stores and baggage, and one hundred and fifty waggons. His
Lordship no doubt obtained a splendid victory; but tarnished it by his
orders, issued soon after. Extract from the orders of Lord Cornwallis:--


     * Had Gen. Gates reached the important pass of Gum Swamp,
     and occupied it properly, the fortune of war might have been
     changed. It is a miry creek, impassible for many miles,
     except at the road. He missed it only by a few minutes.  And
     his popularity, though gained by much merit, was lost by no
     greater crime than that of trusting too much to militia.

     ** The Marquis De La Fayette and Baron De Kalb arrived in
     the United States in the same small vessel, which made the
     land at North inlet, near Georgetown, about the middle of
     June, in the year 1777. They lay in the offing, and seeing a
     canoe, with two negroes in it, come out of the inlet a
     fishing, they sent off a boat, which intercepted them.
     Fortunately they belonged to Capt. Benjamin Huger, who had
     just arrived at North Island with his family, to spend the
     summer. The negroes conducted the marquis and baron to their
     master's house, where he received them with joy, and, it
     need not be added, with hospitality.  Never was a meeting of
     three more congenial souls. The major afterwards conducted
     his two illustrious guests to Charleston. Major Huger was
     the father of Col. Huger, who afterwards engaged in the well
     known enterprize of delivering the marquis from the dungeon
     of Olmutz; and perhaps the seeds of that honourable
     undertaking were sown under his father's roof.


"I have given orders, that the inhabitants of the province, who have
taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigour;
and also those who will not turn out, that they may be imprisoned, and
their property taken from them, or destroyed. I have likewise ordered,
that compensation be made out of their estates, to the persons who have
been injured or oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most
positive manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us, and
afterwards joined the army, shall be immediately hanged. I desire
you will take the most rigourous measures to punish the rebels in the
district in which you command; and that you obey in the strictest manner
the directions I have given in this letter, relative to the inhabitants
of this country." And wherever the British had garrisons or power these
orders were carried into effect. Under them, at, or near Camden,
Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles, Josiah Gayle, Eleazar
Smith,----Sones, and many others, were hanged. Under them also, Cols.
John Chesnut and Joseph Kershaw, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Strother, Mr.
James Bradley, and a multitude of others, languished in irons, while
their property was destroyed, and their families were starving. Yet
Tarleton says of Lord Cornwallis, "He endeavoured so to conduct himself
as to give offence to no party, and the consequence was that he was able
entirely to please none." Of what kind of stuff must this man's heart
have been made? But let us inquire a little further into the nature of
these orders; which, in their extent, would have condemned to death,
imprisonment and confiscation three fourths of the militia, who at
that time, or afterwards, acted under the American standard in South
Carolina. The proclamation of the British commanders of the 1st of
June, 1780, before noticed, was either a snare to entrap the people into
allegiance, and, as a necessary consequence, into recruits for their
army; or it was terms of capitulation, fairly offered by the British
commanders, to all such people as would submit to them. In other words,
it was _a solemn covenant_.*1* If the proclamation was a snare, to bring
the people to fight against their countrymen, as it has been generally
thought, it was a breach of faith in those commanders, and not binding
upon the people;*2* and the sooner they could avoid the treachery the
better. Then, upon this view of the case, the more wicked were the
orders of Lord Cornwallis, issued on the unsound principle of a
faithless proclamation. Again, if it was intended as a covenant; as the
paroles issued under it made them prisoners; the people, from the terms
and the nature of it, ought to have been suffered to remain at home, in
peace and quiet; for being prisoners, they could not, consistent with
reason or principle, serve under those who held them in imprisonment.
Further, the second proclamation declaring all paroles, after the 20th
June, to be null and void, was an arbitrary change of what had been
agreed upon by one party, the strongest, without the consent of the
other; which, in the language of civilians, _is odious_.*3* Then the
British commanders, having broken their covenant and declared it void,
upon what principle could the people be punished by a breach of it? Upon
none; for it did not exist. But further, the taking up arms in favour of
the British, in nine cases out of ten, was compulsory; and could have no
binding effect, either legally or morally speaking.


     *1* Puff. L.N. viii.6.24.  Vatt. B.2.C.14.  S.214-15.

     *2* Ibid, B.2.C.13.  S.200.

     *3* Vattel B.2.C.17.  S.304.  B.3.C.13.  S.201.


In addition to the enormity of the principle, upon which such men were
to suffer, was the uncertainty of the law; for Lord Cornwallis' orders
are so confusedly drawn, they will admit, as against the accused, of any
latitude of construction: yet they denounce confiscation, imprisonment
and death. Under the circumstances stated, the confiscations of Lord
Cornwallis were robberies, his imprisonments were unjust and cruel, and
his executions, always upon the gibbet, were military murders. And if,
to gain his point, he did not, like the Duke of Alva, (employed in a
similar vocation) make use of the rack, the stake, and the faggot,
yet Lord Cornwallis resorted to every other mode of punishment, a more
improved civilization had left him, to suppress civil liberty. Such was
the character of the commander in chief of the British forces in South
Carolina.

Now, we hold a generous foe entitled to favour and respect, and we
shall hereafter bestow it, wherever due; but the interest of humanity
requires, and it is a sacred trust, in the historian, that cruel
domineering spirits should be fully exposed.

Soon after the affair at Nelson's, Gen. Marion marched back to
Port's ferry. On the way, many of the militia, and all the liberated
continentals, except three, deserted him. Two of these were Sergeants
M'Donald and Davis, who were afterwards noted, the first for his
daring spirit and address in single combat; the second, for his patient
services, after being crippled by a wound. It is a real pleasure to
record the virtues of men, who, serving in a subordinate capacity, never
expected such virtues should be known. By the exertions of Gen. Marion
and his officers, the spirits of the drooping militia began to revive.
But about the 27th day of August, when, having the command of only one
hundred and fifty men, he heard of the approach of Major Wemyss, above
Kingstree, at the head of the 63d regiment, and a body of tories, under
Maj. Harrison.

Maj. James was instantly despatched, at the head of a company of
volunteers, with orders to reconnoitre, and count them. Col. Peter Horry
was called in, and the general crossed Lynch's creek, and advanced to
give battle. The night after Maj. James received his orders, the moon
shone brightly, and by hiding himself in a thicket, close to their line
of march, he formed a good estimate of the force of the enemy. As
their rear guard passed, he burst from his hiding place, and took some
prisoners. On the same night, about an hour before day, Marion met
the major half a mile from his plantation. The officers immediately
dismounted, and retired to consult, and the men sat on their horses in a
state of anxious suspense. The conference was long and animated. At the
end of it, an order was given to direct the march back to Lynch's creek,
and no sooner was it given than a hollow groan might have been heard
along the whole line. A bitter cup had now been mingled for the people
of Williamsburgh and Pedee; and they were doomed to drain it to the
dregs: but in the end it proved a salutary medicine. Maj. James reported
the British force to be double that of Marion's; and Ganey's party of
tories in the rear, had always been estimated at five hundred men. In
such a crisis, a retreat was deemed prudent. Gen. Marion recrossed the
Pedee, at Port's; and the next evening, at the setting sun, commenced
his retreat to North Carolina. (28th August, 1780.) He was accompanied
by many officers, the names of all are not now recollected, and it may
appear invidious to mention a few; the number of privates had dwindled
down to sixty men. Capt. John James, with about ten chosen men, was
left behind to succour the distressed, and to convey intelligence.
The general's march, was, for some time, much impeded by the two field
pieces, which he attempted to take along; but, after crossing the little
Pedee, he wheeled them off to the right, and deposited them in a swamp;
where they may since have amused the wondering deer hunter. This was the
last instance of military parade evinced by the general. By marching
day and night, he arrived at Amy's mill, on Drowning creek; whence he
detached Maj. James, with a small party of volunteers, back to South
Carolina, to gain intelligence, and to rouse the militia. Considering
the distance back, and the British and tories in the rear, this was a
perilous undertaking. The general continued his march, and pitched his
camp for some time, on the east side of the White marsh, near the head
of the Waccamaw.

At this place, the author had, (in the absence of his father,) the
honour to be invited to dine with the general. The dinner was set before
the company by the general's servant, Oscar, partly on a pine log,
and partly on the ground; it was lean beef, without salt, and sweet
potatoes. The author had left a small pot of boiled homminy in his camp,
and requested leave of his host to send for it; and the proposal was
acquiesced in, gladly. The homminy had salt in it, and proved, although
eaten out of the pot, a most acceptable repast. The general said but
little, and that was chiefly what a son would be most likely to be
gratified by, in the praise of his father. They had nothing to drink but
bad water; and all the company appeared to be rather grave.

At length Maj. James arrived. The news was, that the country through
which Wemyss had marched, for seventy miles in length, and at places for
fifteen miles in width, exhibited one continued scene of desolation. On
most of the plantations every house was burnt to the ground, the negroes
were carried off, the inhabitants plundered, the stock, especially
sheep, wantonly killed; and all the provisions, which could be come at,
destroyed. Fortunately the corn was not generally housed, and much
of that was saved. Capt. James had fired upon a party at M'Gill's
plantation; but it only increased the rage of the enemy. Adam Cusan had
shot at the black servant of a tory officer, John Brockington, whom he
knew, across Black creek. He was taken prisoner soon after, and for this
offence, tried by a court martial, and, on the evidence of the negro,
hanged. His wife and children prostrated themselves before Wemyss, on
horseback, for a pardon; and he would have rode over them, had not
one of his own officers prevented the foul deed; from this scene he
proceeded on to superintend the execution. But these acts of wantonness
and cruelty had roused the militia; and Maj. James reported they were
ready to join the general. Marion, in a few days after, returned to
South Carolina by a forced march. On the second day, while passing
through the tory settlement, on Little Pedee, he traversed sixty miles,
and arriving near Lynch's creek, was joined by Capts. John James and
Henry Mouzon, with a considerable force. Here he was informed that a
party of tories, but more numerous than his own, lay at Black Mingo,
fifteen miles below, under the command of Capt. John Coming Ball. He
might soon have been reinforced, but finding his men unanimous for
battle, he gratified their wishes. The tories were posted at Shepherd's
ferry, on the south side of Black Mingo, a deep navigable creek, and
had command of the passage. To approach them, Gen. Marion was obliged
to cross the creek, one mile above, over a boggy causeway and bridge of
planks. It was nearly midnight when he arrived at the bridge; and while
the party was crossing it, an alarm gun was heard in the tory camp. The
general immediately ordered his men to follow him in full gallop, and,
in a few minutes, they reached the main road which led to the ferry,
about three hundred yards in front of it. Here they all dismounted,
except a small body, which acted as cavalry. The general ordered a corps
of supernumerary officers, under the command of Capt. Thomas Waties, to
proceed down the road, and attack Dollard's house, where it was supposed
the tories were posted, and at the same time he detached two companies
to the right, under Col. Hugh Horry, and the cavalry to the left, to
support the attack. Before the corps of officers could reach the house,
the party on the right had encountered the enemy, who had left
the house, and were drawn up in an old field opposite to it. This
circumstance gave to the latter all the advantage of a surprise, and
their first fire was so severe and unexpected, as to oblige Horry's men
to fall back in some confusion; these were, however, soon rallied by
the great exertions of Capt. John James. And the tories in the mean
time being attacked on their flank by the corps of officers, and finding
themselves between two fires, gave way after a few rounds, and took
refuge in Black Mingo swamp, which was in their rear. This action,
although of short duration, was so closely and sharply contested, that
the loss on both sides was nearly one third, killed and wounded.

Capt. George Logan, of Charleston, had been sick near the White marsh;
but, hearing that Marion had marched for South Carolina, he rose from
his bed, mounted his horse, and rode eighty miles the day before the
action, to join him, and was killed that night at Black Mingo. Such was
the energy of this fallen patriot. Two other gallant officers, Capt.
Henry Mouzon and his Lieut. Joseph Scott, were, by their wounds,
rendered unfit for further service.

Many of the enemy had been lately companions in arms with Marion, and in
a short time joined him again, and behaved well afterwards. As many of
his party had left their families in much distress, the general gave
them leave to go to their homes, and appointed them to meet him at
Snow's island, on the Pedee. They delayed so long, that he began to
despair of their coming, and proposed to a few officers, who were with
him, to abandon South Carolina, and join Gen. Greene, at Charlotte.
But Col. Hugh Horry, who was his bosom friend, and partook more of
his confidence than any other man, prevailed upon him to remain.
The services of Col. Hugh Horry, in the field, were certainly highly
meritorious; but he never rendered his country more effectual aid than
by this act of friendly persuasion. The militia at length came in.
The general soon after, marched up into Williamsburgh, and gained
reinforcements daily. His first intention was to chastise Harrison, on
Lynch's creek; and he was moving up for that purpose, but hearing that
Col. Tynes had summoned the people of Salem, and the fork of Black
river, out to do duty as his majesty's subjects, he instantly resolved
to break up the party, before its newly made converts should become
confirmed in the principles they had unwillingly adopted.--Tynes lay
encamped at Tarcote, in the fork of Black river, much off his guard,
and Gen. Marion crossing the lower ford of the northern branch of that
river, at Nelson's plantation, marched up and surprised him in the
night. The rout was universal, and attended, as Tarcote swamp was near,
with more dismay than slaughter. Gen. Marion lost not a man; some tories
were killed, and among the rest Capt. Amos Gaskens; a man noted before
the war for petty larceny, and after it commenced, for plundering under
Major Wemyss. The most of Tynes' men, soon after joined Gen. Marion, and
fought bravely.

The next enemy Gen. Marion proceeded to encounter was the renowned Col.
Tarleton. Hearing that he had left Charleston, where he had been for
some time past confined with a fever, and that he was to cross at
Nelson's ferry with a body of cavalry, Gen. Marion lay in wait for him,
in the river swamp, a part of two days. (Nov. 1780.) He had cut bushes,
and planted them on the road side in such a manner as would have ensured
him a deadly fire. But in the evening of the second day, he was informed
that Tarleton had passed before he had arrived on his way to Camden;
and the general immediately commenced his march up the road in the same
direction. In the night he stopped in a wood, near where Mr. Charles
Richardson now lives, and was about to encamp; but seeing a great light
towards Gen. Richardson's plantation, he concluded that it was the
houses of the plantation on fire, and that Tarleton was there. While
deliberating what was to be done, Col. Richard Richardson came in, and
informed him the enemy was there, and at least double his number, with
two field pieces; and it was discovered that one of his men had deserted
to them. Finding Tarleton had now a guide, and that his position was
unsafe, Marion immediately retreated; and crossing the Woodyard, then a
tremendous swamp, in the most profound darkness,* he never stopped till
he had passed Richbourgh's mill dam, on Jack's creek, distant about six
miles. Having now a mill pond and miry swamp between him and the enemy,
and the command of a narrow pass, the first words the general was
heard to say were, "Now we are safe!" As soon as Tarleton received
intelligence of Gen. Marion's position, and had got a guide, he thought
to make sure of his prey, and commenced his march: he was led in silence
to the spot which he contemplated as another scene of slaughter; but
his intended victim had flown. He pursued to the Woodyard, but could not
pass that night. The next morning Marion, knowing the vigilance of his
foe, decamped betimes; and pursuing his route down Black river, for
thirty-five miles, through woods, and swamps and bogs, where there
was no road, encamped the following night on advantageous ground, at
Benbow's ferry, now Lowry's bridge, about ten miles above Kingstree, on
the east side of Black river. In a partisan warfare this position was
the best that could have been taken. He could now defend himself, first
at Black river itself; and after that at three difficult passes, of
swamps, in his rear; all within ten miles, on that side of the river,
before he reached Kingstree; but on the direct road to that place,
on the west, there was but the one defile at the river; besides the
possibility of being overtaken before he reached it. Here then Marion
determined to make a stand, and felled trees across the road to impede
the enemy. On the morning after the retreat, Tarleton found Marion's
trail across the Woodyard, but went round it, and pursued, as he says,
"for seven hours, through swamps and defiles." In fact he pursued about
twenty-five miles, when arriving at Ox swamp,** which was wide and miry,
and without a road to pass it, he desisted, saying to his men, "Come
my boys! let us go back, and we will soon find the game cock, (meaning
Sumter) but as for this d----d _old fox_, the devil himself could not
catch him." After this, the two generals were thus characterized. It
is amusing to read Tarleton's pompous account of this pursuit. He
insinuates that Marion's sole view was to save himself; as Tarleton
stopped ten or twelve miles short of Benbow's, he might not have heard
of the preparations made there to receive him. For the same distance
Marion had been skirting the south branch of Black river, and could at
any time, in a few minutes, have plunged into it, and no regular body of
cavalry could have followed him. Had Tarleton proceeded with his jaded
horses to Benbow's, he would have exposed his force to such sharp
shooting as he had not yet experienced, and that in a place where he
could not have acted either with his artillery or cavalry.


     * Darkness visible.

     ** This Ox swamp is twenty-three miles above Kingstree,
     another mentioned hereafter, is thirteen miles below.


On this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house, out houses, corn and
fodder, and a great part of the cattle, hogs and poultry, of the estate
of Gen. Richardson. The general had been active with the Americans, but
was now dead; and the British leader, in civilized times, made his widow
and children suffer for the deeds of the husband and parent, after the
manner of the East, and coast of Barbary. What added to the cruel nature
of the act, was that he had first dined in the house, and helped himself
to the abundant good cheer it afforded. But we have seen before the
manner in which he requited hospitality. It was generally observed
of Tarleton and his corps, that they not only exercised more acts of
cruelty than any one in the British army, but also carried further the
spirit of depredation.

The wise policy of Gen. Marion had hitherto been to keep his own party,
as yet but small, constantly in motion, and thus to multiply it, in
the view of the enemy; and immediately to strike at all other parties
preparing to join them. Had parties from the country been suffered
to incorporate with the British, and to unite in their principles and
views, the sense of a dereliction of duty, and the punishment expected
to await it, as well as the pride of opinion, usually attending a new
conversion, might have kept them firm in their apostacy. Of a truth,
Gen. Marion made many converts to the cause of his country.

Many from inclination and principle felt a strong desire to join him,
and again to reconcile themselves to the cause they had at first adopted
and deserted with the utmost reluctance, and became confirmed in their
views, by his apparent abilities and successes; others had felt the
suddenness and unexpected severity of his midnight blows, and thought
the step of uniting with him would be the most prudent or politic. From
the operation of both sentiments, the people of that tract of country,
on a line, stretching from Camden across to the mouth of Black creek, on
Pedee, including generally both banks of the Wateree, Santee and Pedee,
down to the sea coast, were now (excepting Harrison's party on Lynch's
creek) either ready or preparing to join Gen. Marion. Many had already
served under him, within the lines of the British or tories, and
submitted to all the subsequent losses; which although the more to
their credit, it is now much to be regretted, that they cannot be
particularized. As to the people of old Cheraw district, above the line
designated, and especially on the Pedee, they were at this time under
their leader Gen. Thomas, waging an exterminating warfare with the
tories on their borders; which still remains, and it is more than
probable ever will remain, unrecorded.

From Benbow's ferry, Gen. Marion's first expedition was planned against
Georgetown. The formidable enemy he had nearly encountered, had not
diminished his energies. Georgetown, at that period, and afterwards,
was often the point to which his views were directed; since it was there
only he expected to take the supplies of ammunition, clothing and salt,
which he sorely wanted. To expedite his scheme he crossed Black river,
at Potato ferry, a retired place, and proceeded on towards Georgetown by
the Gap way.--Three miles from the town there is a swamp called White's
bay,* which discharges itself by two mouths, the one into Black river,
the other into Sampit, thus insulating the town. Over the one,
which empties itself into Sampit, there is a bridge, two miles from
Georgetown, called White's bridge. Back of these swamps, Gen. Marion
took his stand, near a place called the Camp, above the bridge. Here he
despatched Col. P. Horry towards the Black river, and Capt. John Melton
to the Sampit road, both leading into the town, to reconnoitre. At
White's plantation, Horry fell in with Capt. Merritt, who, with a few
dragoons, was escorting a couple of ladies from Georgetown; Merritt,
after defending himself bravely, escaped and gave the alarm. Melton,
unfortunately, came in contact with a party of tories, under Barefield,
much larger than his own, who were patroling near the bridge. A few
shots were exchanged, and Melton was compelled to retreat. But in this
short affair Gabriel Marion, nephew of the general, had his horse
killed under him, and was taken prisoner; but as soon as his name was
announced, he was inhumanely shot. The instrument of death was planted
so near that it burnt his linen at the breast. He had been a lieutenant
in the second regiment, was a young gentleman of good education, of whom
high expectations were formed, and who was much beloved in the brigade.
As the general had no children, he mourned over this nephew, as would a
father over an only son; but he soon recollected that he had an example
to set, and shortly after publicly expressed this consolation for
himself--that his nephew was a virtuous young man--that he had fallen
in the cause of his country, and he would mourn over him no more. At
the same time Mr. Swaineau, a worthy man, was killed. Ere this, he had
exercised the peaceful profession of a schoolmaster; but finding
there was no employment for him in these perilous times, he had boldly
shouldered the musket, and died a soldier. But so prone are mankind to
pass over the merits of this most useful class of men, that had he
not fallen by the side of a Marion, perhaps his memory would have been
forgotten. About the same time, Mr. Bentley, another schoolmaster, was
killed in action. The suspension of all public education, which led to
the fate of such men, and the discontinuance of all religious worship,
hereafter more particularly noticed, are striking instances of the
calamitous state of the country during this period.


     * Inland swamps in the lower and middle country are called
     _Bays_, from their natural growth, which is the _bay_ tree,
     a name sufficiently appropriate.


The British in Georgetown being now alarmed, Gen. Marion's wise scheme
to surprise them was frustrated; and he retired to Snow's island. This
island became henceforth the most constant place of his encampment; a
secure retreat, a depot for his arms and ammunition; and, under similar
pressures, a second _Athelney_, from which he might sally out upon
the modern, but no less ferocious plunderers than their ancestors, the
Danes. Snow's island, not quite so marshy as was the retreat of the
great Alfred, lies at the confluence of Lynch's creek and the Pedee. On
the east flows the Pedee; on the west Clark's creek, a navigable stream,
issuing from Lynch's creek above; and on the north lies Lynch's creek,
nearly choked up by rafts of logs, but wide and deep. The island is
high river swamp, and large, of itself affording much provision and live
stock, as did all the Pedee river swamp at that day. In places, there
were open cultivated lands on the island; but it was much covered
by thick woods and cane brakes; it was also near to Ganey's party of
tories; and by crossing the river, and marching two or three hours,
Marion could forage in an enemy's country. All these advantages were
well suited to the views of such a leader as Gen. Marion; and the
reader is to bear in mind that such was the kind of swamps he commonly
occupied. Reinforcements were now coming in to him daily, and his party
began at this time to assume the appearance and force of a brigade. He
lay here to receive them, and to repose his men, and horses; which, from
the time he left the White marsh until he halted at Snow's island, had
passed over at least three hundred and sixty miles, in rapid marches and
counter marches, made principally in the night. Marion now kept out a
strict watch upon the enemy. About this time, Lieut. Roger Gordon was
sent out with a party, to patrole on Lynch's creek, and stopped at a
house for provisions and refreshments. While there, he was attacked by
Capt. Butler with a much larger party of tories, who having succeeded
in making good his approaches to the house, set it on fire. Gordon
then capitulated on a promise of quarters; but no sooner had his party
grounded their arms, than they were all put to death. Not long after,
Col. Kalb, Mr. Thomas Evans and some others, were murdered by Gibson, a
coloured man, and his party of tories, in a manner still more shocking
to humanity. In the dead of night, Kalb's own house was surrounded, and
set on fire; he, his wife, and family, and some neighbours were in it,
and in bed, when awaking, they sued for quarters. Gibson promised that
they should not be hurt, if they surrendered; but as soon as the men had
passed out into the light of the conflagration, they were all shot.
We have some time since mentioned the murder of the two Bradleys,
and others, on Lynch's Creek, and lately that of Gabriel Marion. Such
provocations were no longer to be borne. Henceforth, there commenced
such a bloody warfare between the whigs and tories, as is seldom
recorded in the annals of even civil commotion.* Besides the
provocations mentioned, when a tory was taken prisoner, there were
no means of securing him, and he commonly soon made his escape, and
thereafter became a guide to his associates. It was not so with whigs
who were made prisoners, for they could be sent to Georgetown or Camden.
But now, seldom were prisoners made on either side, and if made, that
was no security for their lives: they were sure to be put to death,
either openly or privately, by a few infuriated men, who could be
subjected to no subordination. Enough is said. Let the rest be buried in
oblivion.


     * Bella, plus quam civilia; bella, nullos habitura
     triumphos.


At and near Snow's island, Gen. Marion secured what boats he wanted; and
burnt those more remote. To prevent the approach of an enemy, he fell
upon a plan of insulating as much as possible the country under his
command. For this purpose he broke down bridges, and felled trees across
causeways and difficult passes. As there was no market in that day, and
the vicinity of a road was dangerous, the inhabitants aided him much in
this design. History furnishes innumerable instances of the good effect
of such a system of defensive warfare. His scouting parties moved
principally in the night, and in all directions, and to whatever course
they turned an enemy was easily found. The British had posts at Nelson's
ferry, Scott's lake, and Georgetown; and the tories on Lynch's creek,
and Little Pedee, were more numerous, but not so well directed as
Marion's party.

Col. P. Horry and Maj. John Postell, with detachments, were posted, the
first on Waccamaw creek, the second on the neck between Black and Pedee
rivers, with orders to take all boats and canoes, and all horses, from
friends or foes; to impress negroes as boat hands and pioneers, to seize
all arms and ammunition, to prevent provisions from being sent to the
enemy in Georgetown, and to send up as much rice and salt to Snow's
island, as possible. (30th Dec. 1780.) All who would not join them were
to be taken prisoners, and all who supplied the enemy with stock,
or grain, were to be treated as traitors. Thus martial law was fully
established, and, for self defence, never was it more necessary. When
Gen. Marion himself, or any of his parties, left the island on an
expedition, they almost invariably struck into the woods towards the
heads of the larger water courses, and crossed them near their source;
and if in haste, they swam over them. Many of the general's trails
remained for a long time after, and some are now roads. When it is said
hereafter that Gen. Marion crossed a river, for instance the Santee, it
is not to be understood that he stopped, like Caesar at the Rhine, to
build a bridge over it; or that he was provided with the convenient
modern apparatus of pontoons, or oftentimes with a common flat; even the
last would have been too slow for the usual rapidity of his motions.
He seldom waited for more than a single canoe, along side of which his
sorrel horse Ball,* was usually led into the river, and he floated over
like an amphibious animal. The rest of the horses soon learned to follow
instinctively. Where a canoe was not to be had, the general swam over
frequently on the back of this uncommon horse. No leader, in ancient
or modern times, ever passed rivers with more rapidity. His plans were
laid, and his movements conducted, with the most uncommon secrecy. After
making a movement, his most confidential officers and men have had
to search for him for days together, perhaps without finding him. His
scouts, when returning, and at a loss, used a loud and shrill whistle,
as a signal; which could be heard in the night to an astonishing
distance. It is well described in Scott's Lady of the Lake:

   ----"He whistled shrill,
    And he was answered from the hill;
    Wild as the scream of the curlew,
    From crag to crag, the signal flew."


     * He was taken from Capt. Ball, at Black Mingo.


As an instance of the secrecy with which Gen. Marion's plans were always
adopted and conducted, the following may be regarded as a specimen in
his progress throughout. His men having been several times unexpectedly
led out upon long expeditions, without preparation, and suffering for
the want of food on such occasions, after some time, were in the habit
of watching his cook, and if they saw him unusually busied in preparing
any of the frugal fare then in use, they prepared accordingly. The
general's favourite time for moving was at the sitting sun, and then it
was expected the march would continue all night. But the present time,
and afterwards, before striking any sudden blow, he has been known to
march sixty or seventy miles, without taking any other refreshment, than
a meal of cold potatoes and a drink of cold water, in twenty-four
hours. During this period men were but badly clothed in homespun, which
afforded little warmth. They slept in the open air, according to their
means, either with or without a blanket. They had nothing but water
to drink. They fed chiefly upon sweet potatoes, either with or without
fresh beef. And they submitted to this without a murmur; but all sighed
for salt! for salt! that first article of necessity for the human race.
Little do the luxurious of the present day know of the pressure of such
a want. Salt was now ten silver dollars the bushel, when brought more
than thirty miles from the Waccamaw sea shore, where it was coarsely
manufactured. It was harder to get one silver dollar then, than ten now;
so that on a low calculation, a bushel of coarse bay salt, sold at that
time for one hundred dollars value of the present day. As soon as Gen.
Marion could collect a sufficient quantity of this desirable article
at Snow's island, he distributed it out in quantities, not exceeding a
bushel to each whig family; and thus endeared himself the more to his
followers.

Thus closed the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, over the
head of Gen. Marion. We will leave him for a moment, to such repose as
the island afforded, and state some matters to carry on the chain of
events.

On the 12th July, General Sumter commenced his brilliant career. On the
west of the Catawba, he defeated a large party of tories, and a party of
British, and killed Col. Ferguson, who commanded the former, and
Capt. Huck, at the head of the latter. This man had shocked the good
Presbyterians in that part of the country by his profanity; he burnt
their church, their parsonage, and their bibles, and treated them with
insult and cruelty. About the 30th July, Gen. Sumter nearly annihilated
the Prince of Wales' regiment, and routed a large body of tories at the
Hanging rock.--Soon after the defeat of Gates, the enemy was left at
liberty to turn a greater force upon Sumter, and his men, being worn
down by fatigue and want of sleep, he was surprised and defeated at
Fishing creek, by Tarleton, but with little loss, for he rallied his
forces _in three days after_.* On the 12th Nov. Major Wemyss attempted
to surprise him near the Fishdam ford, on Broad river, at the head of a
corps of infantry and dragoons. Col. Thomas Taylor, with his regiment,
was posted in advance, and his men lay securely at their fires, thinking
the enemy at a distance. But the colonel, from what has been termed a
_presentiment_, was uneasy and could not rest; he got up, and hearing
the barking of dogs and some other unusual noises, he woke up his men,
and removed them back from their fires. Soon after, the British appeared
at them, and thus offered themselves to the aim of experienced marksmen.
In the mean time Sumter came up to their aid, and the enemy was totally
defeated. Major Wemyss was severely wounded and taken. He had in his
pocket a list of the houses he had burnt at Williamsburgh and Pedee;
with great trepidation he showed it to Sumter, and begged he would
protect him from the militia.--Notwithstanding his atrocities he was
treated with indulgence; but became a cripple for life. On the 20th of
the same month Sumter was attacked by Col. Tarleton, at Black Stocks.
The action was severe, and of the British officers, Major Money, and
Lieuts. Gibson and Cape, were killed. Sumter lost few men, but he was
himself wounded. The ball passed through the shoulder and carried away
a small portion of the backbone. He was placed in a raw bullock's hide,
fastened between two horses, and thus carried with a guard of five men
to the mountains.


     * Notwithstanding the _bruit_ made in history about this
     defeat of Sumter, the author can re-assert, and from written
     evidence now before him, that Sumter was _in three days_ at
     the head of a very respectable force. This was not obtained
     by any communication from the general, but by an
     investigation of dates.


Tarleton, as usual, sent an account of his victory, much exaggerated, to
Lord Cornwallis, who writes to him on the 22d of the same month: "I most
heartily wish you joy of your success, but wish it had not cost you so
much." And again, on the next day: "I shall be very glad to hear that
Sumter is in a condition to give us no further trouble; he certainly has
been our greatest plague in this country." The inhabitants of the New
Acquisition, now York district, were among the warm friends of Gen.
Sumter; it was among these people he generally recruited his forces.
They never submitted to the British nor took protection. The most
distinguished leaders, under Sumter, were Colonels Niel, Hill, Lacey,
Winn, Bratton, Brandon, and Majors Davie and Winn. Davie commanded a
corps of cavalry, which was never surprised nor dispersed during the
war.

In the summer of 1780, Col. Ferguson, of the British 71st, had
undertaken to visit the tory settlements in the upper country, and train
up the young men to arms. Among these several unprincipled people had
joined him, and acted with their usual propensity for rapine and murder.
Many Americans, fleeing before them, passed over into the state of
Tennessee, then beginning to be settled. By their warm representations,
they roused the spirit of the people of that country, which has since
become so often conspicuous. Although safe from any enemy but the
savages of their cane brakes, they left their families, and generously
marched to the assistance of their friends. Nine hundred of them
mounted, under the command of Col. Campbell, poured down from the
Allegany, like the torrents from its summit. Gunpowder they had already
learnt to prepare from the saltpetre in their caves, and lead they dug
out of their mines. Dried venison satisfied their hunger, pure water
slaked their thirst, and at the side of a rock they enjoyed comfortable
repose. Armed with rifles, sure to the white speck on the target, at the
distance of one hundred paces, or to decapitate the wild turkey on the
top of the tallest pine--these were indeed a formidable band. Their
other leaders were Shelby, Sevier, Williams and Cleveland, all inured to
the pursuit of the savage or the wild beast of the forest. Thus equipped
and commanded, and with such few wants, they moved rapidly on to attack
Ferguson, a no less formidable foe, and on the 7th of October, 1780,
reached him, strongly posted on King's mountain. Campbell divided his
men into three bands, one under himself, one under Cleveland, and the
other under Shelby.--Cleveland commenced the attack, and fired until
Ferguson, advancing sufficiently near, ordered the British to charge
with bayonets; before these he retired. By this time Shelby had ascended
the mountain, and gave an unexpected and deadly fire. The bayonet had
scarcely been again successful, when Campbell reached the summit and
fired in another and more destructive volley. Ferguson presented a new
front, and the bayonet again prevailed. But Cleveland had rallied his
men and poured in the fourth fire: and now as often as one American
party was driven back, another returned to the attack, and as victory
was becoming sure, with more determined resolution. The unconquerable
spirit of Ferguson still refused to submit, but baited thus, as he
was on all sides, resistance became vain. At length this distinguished
officer received a mortal wound, and falling upon the field, his second
in command, Capt. Abraham De Peyster, sued for quarters. Eleven hundred
of the enemy were killed, wounded or taken, of which one hundred were
British. The Americans lost but few men, but among these were Col.
Williams and Major Chronicle. Thus, through the successes of Sumter
and Marion, and this brilliant achievement, towards the close of this
memorable year the drooping spirits of the people began to revive, and
men flocked on all sides to the standard of their country.


*****


Detached Narratives for 1780.


As these are intended to be unconnected, and entirely miscellaneous,
they will be inserted without much regard to time or place. We have just
recorded the fate of the distinguished Ferguson, and the first meed of
praise is due to him. Yes! reader, praise to a generous enemy! He was a
major, and commanded a rifle corps during the campaign of Washington, in
New Jersey. On one occasion Gen. Washington rode out with a few French
and American officers to reconnoitre, and Ferguson, with his riflemen,
lay in a wood near to the road by which they both went and returned.
Washington was conspicuous from his stature, and uniform, and the grey
horse which he rode. He passed hard by the corps, at an easy canter,
and Ferguson's men were preparing to fire upon him, when their leader
prevented the act. Who would not hereafter applaud the character of
Ferguson? In a letter which he wrote to a friend, that contains
this narrative, he mentions he was glad he did not know it was Gen.
Washington at the time, lest he should have been tempted to fire at him.
But the same generous spirit which prevented it in the one case, would,
it is more than probable, have actuated him in the other.

The next meed of praise is certainly due to friendship. In this action
the hon. Robert Stark, then a boy of fourteen, was among the American
combatants. Like a war worn veteran he was seen firing his rifle and
encouraging others to the onset. It was here that, actuated by the cause
of his country, and the rigourous confinement of his father in irons, he
first avenged himself of the enemy. His next battle was at the Cowpens,
where he acted as an adjutant under Gen. Pickens.

During the time General Marion lay at the White marsh, Capt. Gavin
Witherspoon, of Pedee, with three or four men, were concealing
themselves in Pedee swamp: in the night he discovered a camp of the
tories, whom he had reason to think were in pursuit of him, and watched
them till they had all fallen asleep; he proposed to his men to attack
them, but they were fearful of numbers. He then declared he would take
them himself. Creeping up cautiously, he found that they had encamped
at the butt of a pine, blown up by the roots, and that their guns were
piled up against a limb, at the distance of forty or fifty feet from
them. He continued to creep till he got possession of their guns, and
then called to them loudly to surrender. Not knowing his force, they
did so, and Witherspoon's men came to his assistance and tied them, in
number seven. Gavin, and John Witherspoon, his brother, were two active
spirited men at this period. They succeeded each other as captains in
the neck between Pedee and Lynch's creek; and at the call of danger were
generally foremost. After Capt. Baxter was promoted to be major, Thomas
Potts was elected captain of the upper Pedee company; he had been
captain in the rifle regiment of state troops, and was a brave soldier
and firm patriot.

Major Wemyss, in laying waste the country, was particularly inimical to
looms and sheep; no doubt that he might deprive the inhabitants of the
means of clothing themselves. What sheep he did not kill for the use of
his men, he ordered to be bayoneted. He burnt the Presbyterian church at
Indiantown; because, as he said, it was a sedition shop. Before a house
was burnt, permission was seldom given to remove the furniture. When
he came to Maj. James' he was met by his lady with much composure. He
wished to bring her husband to submission, and said to her, "If he
would come in and lay down his arms, he should have a free pardon." She
replied, "As to that she could not have any influence over him. That
times were such he was compelled to take a part, and he had taken that
of his country." Wemyss after this had her and her children locked up in
a chamber, from whence they did not come out, for two days and a half;
and until the house was about to be burnt. Capt. David Campbell (of
Edisto,) carried with his own hands, food and other refreshments to a
back window for her, apparently unknown to Wemyss. Capt. John James, son
of the major, had been taken in Charleston, and paroled. He was ordered
into custody, with the threat, that "If he was found to have broken his
parole, he would be hanged in the morning to yonder tree." Accordingly a
court martial sat over him in the morning. The witnesses called were
his own and his father's negroes; but, strange to tell, no evidence was
given against him, and he was acquitted. Such were the mock trials of
the British. As, when we come to speak of the battle of Eutaw, there
will be many chiefs of higher title to be named, it is but justice to
Capt. James now to mention, that before that time he was exchanged, and
fought there with much bravery, as an adjutant. As there was no trade or
intercourse between that part of the country and a market, people were
to be seen, after the fires, searching for every thing they could find,
knife blades, scissors, hinges, nails, &c. Handles were put to the
knives, dishes and plates were rudely manufactured out of wood, and log
huts were gradually built by the assistance of one another. Many negroes
were taken out of Williamsburgh; these were afterwards recovered by Maj.
James. Directly after the retreat of Rawdon from Camden, he, at the head
of five or six men, passed through the country from Santee to an island
near Beaufort, where he found and brought away one hundred and fifty,
all plundered from his own neighbourhood. This account has been inserted
here, that the chain of events might not hereafter be broken.

It is stated, (page 45,*) that Col. Tarleton took Mr. James Bradley
prisoner; the manner in which this was done, and the subsequent
treatment of Bradley, are well deserving a place in this narrative.
After being chased from his breakfast, thirteen miles below, by
M'Cottry, Tarleton and a few officers came to Bradley's at midday,
passed himself as Col. Washington, and requested an early dinner.
Bradley provided dinner for him, and unsuspectingly communicated to him
the plans of his countrymen. After dinner, Tarleton asked him to guide
him over two difficult fords across two branches of Black river, near
his house; Bradley consented, and after they had passed Magirt's swamp,
Tarleton told him he was a prisoner. A wild Arab would not have treated
him thus. Bradley, though circumvented in this manner, was a wise but
unsuspicious man; and before that had much influence in the legislature.
He was sent to Camden gaol, and confined in heavy irons; he was often
carted to the gallows and saw others executed; he expected death, and
was prepared for it; but he had many friends in Marion's brigade, and it
was well known to the enemy that his execution would have been severely
retaliated. He was not released from gaol until the 10th of May the next
year, when Rawdon retreated from Camden; and he bore the marks of the
irons until his death. Being requested, on one occasion he showed these
to the author, then a youth, and said, "If the good of your country
requires the sacrifice, be ready to suffer imprisonment and death in its
cause." Soon after his confinement, Mrs. Bradley petitioned Tarleton to
liberate her husband, but he treated her with scurrilous language and
great brutality. This man, who had been treated by Mrs. Bradley to a
plentiful meal, after he had fasted for twenty-four hours, and when
he and his followers were fainting with fatigue and want, had now
the impudence and cruelty to call her by the grossest names in the
vocabulary of bilingsgate. Mrs. Bradley! one of the most humane, gentle
and affectionate of her sex, who would willingly have offered him bread
in his true character. Tarleton even denied her admittance with her
supplies to her husband; and she sought and obtained it elsewhere.


     * Chapter II Paragraph 8.--A. L.


To people of good feelings, but particularly the religious, this period
(1780 and 1781) was truly distressing. From the time of the fall of
Charleston, all public education was at an end, and soon after, all
public worship was discontinued. Men from sixty years of age, down to
boys of fourteen, (few of whom dared to stay at home) were engaged in
active and bloody warfare. These had their minds in constant occupation,
which, in whatever moral situation a man may be placed, brings with it a
certain degree of satisfaction, if not contentment. All were actuated
by the love of country, and but few by the love of fame: and next to
the duties of religion, the exercise of those of patriotism excites the
highest energy and brings the most sublime satisfaction to the human
mind. But to the female sex, and the superannuated of the male, little
consolation of that nature could be afforded. Even these were exposed to
that kind of danger which might be inflicted by brutality at home, and
most of them had relatives in the field to whom they were bound by the
most tender and sacred ties, who were subjected to constant dangers, and
for whose fate they were unceasingly anxious.--There was no place for
the pleasures of society, for in the country these were too remote from
a home that must constantly be watched. As a comfort in this situation
females employed themselves in domestic occupations, in which that
of the distaff had a considerable share, and all might indeed have
exercised their private devotions; but that faint picture of heaven,
that sweet consolation which is derived from associating with one's
friends in public worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the churches
in towns and the country, were either burnt or made depots for the
stores of the enemy; some in fact were converted into stables; and of
the remainder, all in the country were closed.--In a warfare of such
atrocity there was little safety in any situation where numbers were
collected, and as we have seen that the tories, by their murders,
violated the sanctity of private dwellings, how then could it be
expected they would be awed by the holiness of a church? In a camp,
where was no permanency and but little rest, there was no place for
chaplains,* and at home there was not security even for pious pastors;
consequently, as the most prudent course, they generally went into
exile. Among these one shall be mentioned, the Rev. Dr. Thomas Reese,
of Salem, on Black river. It was in his congregation that the murders
perpetrated by Harrison and his followers first began, and three
respectable men of his flock had already fallen victims to civil rage.
Had he gone about to administer comfort out of his own family, it would
have been termed sedition, and Dr. Reese would have made himself a
voluntary martyr. He took the wiser course of retiring with his family
before the storm, and under many privations, continued to preach. In
theology, modern philosophy, and all the sciences connected with his
profession he was deeply read. For classic literature, which it is so
common for the superficial to decry, he was a great advocate, and to
evince his sincerity retained his knowledge of the dead languages
as long as he lived. In his discourses he was neither an extempore
preacher, nor did he read. He wrote out his sermons correctly, and
then committing them carefully to memory, left the copy at home,
and afterwards delivered them from the pulpit with all the energy of
extemporary preaching, and so tenacious was his memory that he was never
known to faulter. He wrote many excellent sermons, all of which except
two, preserved in the American Preacher, and those not his best,
are believed to be lost. He also wrote an essay "on the influence of
religion in civil society", which, from Princeton college, where he was
educated, obtained for him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. But like
most American productions, it was soon neglected, and did not pass into
a second edition. In contemplating the meek and unobtrusive virtues of
this pious man, we do not hesitate to say he was a pattern of Christian
charity, as nearly resembling his divine master as has been seen in
modern times. The author knew him well for several years after the
peace of 1782; he was his friend and tutor, and he owes to Dr. Reese the
highest obligations, and to his memory the most profound respect.


     * Marion was often without a surgeon to dress his wounded,
     and if a wound reached an artery the patient bled to death.





Chapter III. CAMPAIGN OF 1781.


The year 1781 commenced under auspices more propitious than those of
the last year. The British had exercised so much oppression and rapacity
over all those who would not join them, and so much insolence over
those who did, and were in the least suspected, that the people of South
Carolina found there was no alternative but between a state of downright
vassalage and warfare. Most of the men of principle already had, or
were prepared to take up arms against the enemy, and in general the
unprincipled only remained with them in the expectation of plunder.
Their army too, being divided into different cantonments over the
country, while it extended their oppression, exposed their weakness.
The history of all ages shows that a country may be overrun with more
facility than kept in a state of subjection, and that a partisan warfare
is the best that can be carried on against an enemy of superior force
and discipline.

During the present winter Lord Cornwallis formed a design of conquering
the upper counties of North Carolina, and marched by the way of
Charlotte towards Salisbury, for that purpose. This part of the country
was thickly covered with underwood, and settled by a hardy race of
industrious yeomanry, all friends of their country. He was fired upon
from behind bushes and fences, trees and rocks, by companies in ambush,
and individuals on foot and on horseback, and was so much annoyed
that he was obliged to retreat back to Winnsborough. The news of this
expedition was industriously spread abroad, and encouraged the people of
South Carolina to follow the example. In the mean time, Gen. Gates had
been superceded in the command of the southern army by Gen. Greene.

With the character of this leader it is intended to make the reader
better acquainted than he has been heretofore. His command begun with a
good omen, which in all times has had its effect. In a few hours
after his arrival in camp at Charlotte, he received the news that Col.
Washington had taken Rugely and one hundred men, by the well known
stratagem of mounting a pine log over against his block house, which he
mistook for a field piece.* Gen. Greene had not only no more than one
thousand continentals and about as many militia, but was also bare of
ammunition and clothing, and had no money to pay them. With this force
he marched down to Pedee, in South Carolina, and took a position
near Hick's creek, on the east side of the river, not many miles from
Chatham. From this place his first despatch to Gen. Marion is dated,
the 19th Jan. 1781, in which he says, "by the last accounts, Lieut. Col.
Tarleton was in motion, with about one thousand troops, towards Gen.
Morgan." On the 23d Jan. Gen. Greene congratulates Marion on Morgan's
victory over Tarleton, and writes him the particulars. On the 25th he
says, "before this I hope you have received the agreeable news of
the defeat of Lieut. Col. Tarleton. After this nothing will appear
difficult."


     * This was the same Rugely who behaved so generously to
     Governor Rutledge. It seems Lord Cornwallis intended to have
     promoted him, but after this affair he wrote to Tarleton,
     "Rugely will not be made a brigadier."


As the defeat of Tarleton at the Cowpens has been related by many
American writers, whose works are generally read, the account of the
renowned chief himself, who was unexpectedly foiled, and which is now
out of print, will be extracted for the amusement of the historical
reader. "Near the end of the last year, (1780) information had been
received by Lord Cornwallis, that Gen. Greene had made a division of his
troops, which did not exceed fourteen hundred men, exclusive of militia,
and that he had committed the light infantry and Col. Washington's
cavalry to Gen. Morgan, with directions to pass the Catawba and Broad
rivers, to collect the militia, and threaten Ninety-Six. It is not to be
supposed Gen. Greene would have adopted the hazardous plan of dividing
his forces, if he had received information of Gen. Leslie's command
being withdrawn from Virginia, and united to the force in South
Carolina; because such an accession of strength would produce a movement
from Winnsborough (where Cornwallis then lay,) and might separate the
two divisions of the American army, and endanger their safety. To attain
this object, (the separation of the two divisions of the American army,)
Col. Tarleton was now detached from the main army of Lord Cornwallis,
and was to be supported by his lordship, and Gen. Leslie as soon as he
arrived; with orders to push Morgan to the utmost. Tarleton's force was
his corps of cavalry and infantry of five hundred and fifty men; the
first battalion of the 71st, of two hundred men; two hundred men of
the 7th regiment, new recruits; and fifty dragoons of the 17th
regiment--total one thousand men. Morgan retreated before Tarleton till
the commanding officer in front of the British reported the American
troops were halted and forming. (17th Jan.) Lieut. Col. Tarleton,
having obtained a position he certainly might deem advantageous, did not
hesitate to undertake the measures his commander and his own judgment
recommended. He ordered the legion dragoons to drive in the militia,
that Morgan's disposition might be inspected. The American commander had
formed a front line of about one thousand militia; his reserve of five
hundred continental infantry, one hundred and twenty of Washington's
cavalry, and three hundred back woodsmen. Tarleton ordered his infantry
to disencumber themselves of every thing except arms and ammunition, to
file to the right, till they became equal to the flank of the American
front line; the legion infantry were added to their left, and under the
fire of a three pounder they were to advance within three hundred
yards of the enemy. This situation being acquired, the 7th regiment
was commanded to form on the left of the legion infantry, and the other
three pounder was given to its right. A captain with fifty dragoons, was
placed on each flank. The first battalion of the 71st extended to the
left of the 7th, one hundred and fifty yards in the rear, and composed,
with two hundred cavalry, the reserve.

"The animation of the officers and soldiers promised assurances of
success. The troops moved in as good line as troops could move, at open
files. The militia, after a short contest, were dislodged. The British
approached the continentals, and the fire on both sides produced much
slaughter. The cavalry on the right were ordered to charge the enemy's
left, and executed the order with great gallantry, but were driven back
by the reserve and Col. Washington's cavalry. As the contest between the
British infantry and continentals was equally balanced, Tarleton brought
the 71st into line, and ordered a movement in reserve to threaten the
enemy's right flank. Upon the advance of the 71st all the infantry again
moved on; the continentals and back woodsmen gave ground; the British
rushed forwards; an order was despatched to the cavalry to charge;
an unexpected fire at this instant from the Americans who came about,
stopped the British and threw them into confusion. Exertions to make
them advance were useless. The part of the cavalry which had not
been engaged, fell likewise into disorder, and an unaccountable panic
extended along the whole line. The Americans advanced and augmented
their astonishment. A general flight ensued. Neither promises
nor threats could gain attention. All attempts to restore order,
recollection or courage proved fruitless. Two hundred dragoons forsook
their leader, fourteen officers and forty horsemen were, however, not
unmindful of their own reputation, or their commanding officer. Col.
Washington's cavalry were charged and driven back into the continental
infantry by this handful of brave men. Another party who had seized upon
the baggage were dispersed, and this detachment retired towards Broad
river unmolested. The number of the killed and wounded at the Cowpens,
amounted to near three hundred on both sides, officers and men
inclusive; this loss was almost equally shared. But the Americans took
two pieces of cannon, the colours of the 7th regiment, and near four
hundred prisoners." Thus far Col. Tarleton. Gen. Moultrie received his
account of this action of the Cowpens "from an officer of great veracity
and high rank, who was conspicuous on that day;" supposed to be Col.
Washington. The substance of his account shall now be given; that the
two may be compared. Gen. Morgan drew up his men in an open pine barren,
the militia of about four hundred men, under Col. Pickens, formed the
first line. The continentals of about five hundred men, two hundred of
whom were raw troops, formed the second line, under Col. Howard,
two hundred yards in the rear. Col. Washington, with seventy-five
continental cavalry, and forty-five militia under Capt. M'Call, in the
rear. Pickens ordered his men to reserve their fire till the enemy came
within fifty yards, which they did, and fired with great success; but
they were soon obliged to give way and retreat behind the second line,
which received them warmly; at length the second line began to give
way. Col. Washington, perceiving this, rode up to their rear with his
cavalry, and told Howard, "if he would rally his men and charge the
enemy's line, he would charge the cavalry who were cutting down the
militia." His riding so close to the rear stopped the British, and
Howard rallied his men in the mean time, and charged with fixed
bayonets. Col. Washington charged the cavalry and routed them; the
militia at the same time recovered themselves and began to fire, and the
whole threw the enemy into the utmost confusion. Howard called out
to them, "to lay down their arms and they should have good quarters."
Upwards of five hundred men threw down their arms and surrendered. Two
hundred were left dead on the field, and a great number wounded. Besides
the two field pieces mentioned by Tarleton, six hundred men, eight
hundred stand of arms, and thirty-five baggage waggons, fell into the
hands of the Americans. Col. Washington pursued the British cavalry
twenty-five miles."

By this last account the disparity in numbers was not great, and as one
half the Americans were either militia or new levies, the superiority
was on the side of Tarleton, whose men, except two hundred, were
veterans, and he had two field pieces. The ground too he acknowledges
was advantageous; so that every thing was in his favour, but _an agency_
which he could not control. But in the last account we can find no place
where he and his handful of brave men could encounter Col. Washington.
In his bewildered fancy perhaps it was some other object he encountered,
since for the space of five and twenty miles, not their faces, but only
their backs were to be seen. The fact is, that never was victory
more complete, never was vanity more humbled, nor cruelty more justly
requited than in the defeat of this tyrannical man. Its first effect
was to raise the spirits of the people; its ultimate consequence was the
downfall of Cornwallis and peace to the country. But most severe trials
are yet to be surmounted, and patriotism the most exemplary remains yet
to be recorded.

On the day the last letter of Greene, of the 23d Jan. was written, Gen.
Marion and Col. Lee projected a joint expedition to surprise Georgetown.
Capts. Carnes and Rudulph, with ninety men, dropped down the Pedee from
Snow's island in a boat, to fall in on the back of the town by Winyaw
bay, while Marion and Lee were to come down with the main body by
land.--Carnes with his party went ashore at Mitchell's landing, and
marched over his rice-field bank into the town at day light. The
surprise would have been complete, had they pushed up directly to the
redoubt, but they delayed too long on the Bay. They took the commandant,
Col. Campbell, out of his bed, and killed Major Irvine and some others;
but Marion and Lee could not arrive in time to cooperate. The redoubt
was alarmed and placed in a state of defence, and Carnes was obliged
to retreat. The great cause of delay was the inclination to take the
commandant, by which they lost the fort and the town. Lieut. Cryer
killed Irvine, by whose orders he had received five hundred lashes some
time before, for attempting to take away his horse from Georgetown.

On the 28th Jan. Gen. Huger transmitted an order from Greene to
Marion, to strike at the posts beyond Santee. But this Gen. Marion had
anticipated.--From Cordes' plantation, in advance, at the distance of
one hundred miles from Greene, and on the 29th Jan. he had detached Col.
Postell and Major Postell on this important service. The latter had but
thirty-eight men, and it is presumed from circumstances, the colonel had
about an equal number. The colonel burnt a great quantity of valuable
stores at Manigault's ferry, and the major a great many more in its
vicinity.--Thence the latter posted to Keithfield, near Monk's corner,
and burnt fourteen waggons loaded with soldiers' clothing, baggage and
other valuable stores, and took prisoners about forty British regulars,
without losing a man. To the Postells "nothing indeed appeared
difficult." They received the thanks of Gen. Greene.

About the beginning of this year, Gen. Marion appointed two aids, Thomas
Elliott and Lewis Ogier, the first of whom conducted the most of his
correspondence. He formed a mess of which Col. Hugh Horry and Col. James
Postell were inmates, and apparently his principal counsellors; Serjt.
Davis was his caterer, and supplied his dinners, _such as they were_:
heretofore he had seldom any thing but meat and sweet potatoes, and
often not both of these at a time, but now he had the luxury of rice.
He did what was of more consequence than this, he put in requisition all
the saws in the country, and all the blacksmiths, and made swords
for four troops of militia cavalry.--He had so little ammunition this
expedient was necessary. He gave the command of this corps to Col. Peter
Horry, who had been a captain with him in the second regiment and had
been an excellent infantry officer.--His major was Benson, and his
captains John Baxter, John Postell, Daniel Conyers and James M'Cauley;
John T. Greene soon after succeeded Baxter, who was appointed colonel
on the resignation of Ervine. Hugh Horry had command of M'Donald's
regiment, who was a prisoner on parole, and _his_ officers have been
mentioned. Capt. Wm. M'Cottry commanded a company of riflemen who were
the dread of the enemy. As the brigade was not strong enough for this
corps of horse to act in conjunction, single troops were commonly
detached by the general. At the head of a party of this cavalry Col.
Peter Horry had soon an opportunity to make a trial of his skill in
cavalry evolutions. He met and charged a troop of British horse on
Waccamaw neck, but by his own account he appears to have been rather
worsted, for he was unhorsed himself and his life saved by Serjt.
M'Donald; however he brought off some prisoners. Major John Postell, who
was mentioned before, was stationed to guard the lower part of Pedee,
had better fortune. On the 18th Jan. Capt. James Depeyster, with
twenty-nine grenadiers of the British army, had posted himself in
the dwelling house of the major's father, and Postell commanded but
twenty-eight militia men. Towards day on the morning after, the major,
by knowing well the ground and avoiding the sentinels, got possession
of the kitchen, and summoned Depeyster to surrender; this was at first
refused, and the major set fire to the kitchen. He then summoned him a
second time, with the positive declaration if he did not surrender he
would burn the house; the British being intimidated, laid down their
arms and surrendered unconditionally.

From a part of the correspondence of Gen. Marion with Capt. Saunders,
now commandant of Georgetown, it appears that he had either soon after
the 17th Jan. or before that, imprisoned Mr. John Postell, the father of
the major; Gen. Marion offers "to exchange him, and hopes humanity will
induce Capt. Saunders to treat him like a gentleman."* Mr. John Postell
was at least seventy years of age, and much afflicted with disease, but
possessed the spirit of a Cato.


     * Marion's letter, 22d February.


Soon after this, Col. Peter Horry had a conflict with Major Ganey at
White's bridge, near Georgetown, which had a more decisive effect than
could have been expected at the time. Early in the morning he made a
charge upon a party who were killing beeves at the camp near that
place. They fled and were pursued through the woods on the left towards
Georgetown, with some disorder on the side of Horry. In the mean time
the firing was heard in the town, and their tory friends came out to
their assistance. A kind of savage warfare now took place in the woods,
between the Sampit and Black river roads, during the whole morning.
A party of Horry's was at one time seen advancing, and the tories
retreating; then again the tories were advancing, and a party of Horry's
retreating. At one time the commander was left as he thought alone, and
Capt. Lewis at the head of a party was rushing on to shoot him down,
when suddenly from behind a tree off went the gun of a boy by the name
of Gwyn, and shot Lewis, whose party thinking more guns were behind
trees ran away. As Lewis fell his gun went off and killed Horry's horse.
Finally the tories were routed. In this affair Serjt. M'Donald performed
essential service; he had singled out Ganey as his object of attack, and
the latter fled from him.--In going at full speed down the Black river
road, at the corner of Richmond fence, M'Donald shot one of Ganey's men,
and overtaking him soon after thrust a bayonet up to the hilt in his
back; the bayonet separated from the gun, and Ganey carried it into
Georgetown; he recovered, but tired of a garrison life, after a few
months he and his men deserted the British.

As the navigation of the Wateree river was at that time imperfect,
the British were obliged to have most of their stores of rum, salt,
ammunition and clothing sent over land, across Nelson's ferry, to
Camden, and as the Americans were destitute of these articles, constant
conflicts took place upon that road to obtain them from the enemy.
To secure these, they had established a line of posts, at Biggen, at
Nelson's, and at Scott's lake. Besides this protection, their supplies
were always attended by escorts, which, since the enterprizes of the two
Postells, seldom consisted of less than three or four hundred men. About
the middle of February, Major M'Ilraith was marching from Nelson's ferry
at the head of one of these escorts, and Marion with about an equal
force assailed him near Halfway swamp, on the road; he first cut off two
pickets in his rear in succession, then wheeling round his main body,
attacked him in flank and in front. As M'Ilraith had no cavalry,
his situation became perilous in the extreme. By a forced march, and
constant skirmishing, he at length gained a field upon the road, now
belonging to Mr. Matthew James; and as it was open and enclosed, he
posted himself on the west of the road, within the enclosure. On the
east, skirting the road, there is a large cypress pond stretching
towards Halfway swamp, and on the verge of this Marion pitched his
camp. Here M'Ilraith sent him a flag, reproaching him with shooting his
pickets, contrary, as he alleged, to all the laws of civilized warfare,
and defying him to a combat in the open field. Marion replied, that
the practice of the British in burning the houses of all who would
not submit and join them, was more indefensible than that of shooting
pickets, and that as long as they persisted in the one he would
persevere in the other. That as to his defiance, he considered it that
of a man in desperate circumstances; but if he wished to witness a
combat between twenty picked men on each side, he was ready to gratify
him. The offer was accepted, and a place pitched upon to the south of
an oak tree, which still stands in the field. Accordingly, Gen. Marion
appointed Maj. John Vanderhorst, then a supernumerary officer, to take
command of this band, and Capt. Samuel Price, of All Saints, to be
second in command. The names of the men were written on slips of paper,
and presented to them individually, and the first slip was handed to
Gavin Witherspoon. Not one refused. Vanderhorst formed in Indian file,
and they proceeded to the fence, where Gen. Marion met and harangued
them to the following effect: "My brave soldiers! you are twenty men
picked this day out of my whole brigade. I know you all, and have often
witnessed your bravery. In the name of your country, I call upon you
once more to show it. My confidence in you is great, and I am sure it
will not be disappointed. Fight like men, fight as you have always done,
and you are sure of the victory." This short speech was received with
applause by the combatants. Vanderhorst now asked Witherspoon, "What
distance would you choose as the surest to strike with buck shot?"
"Fifty yards for the first fire," was the reply. Then, said the
commander, "when we get within fifty yards, my boys, as I am not a good
judge of distances, Mr. Witherspoon will tap me on the shoulder. I will
then give the word, and you will form on my left opposite those fellows.
As you form, each man will fire at the one directly opposite him, and
my word for it, few will be left for a second shot." The British had now
formed in a single line in front of the oak, and Vanderhorst advanced
boldly on within one hundred yards. At this juncture, an officer was
seen to pass swiftly on toward the oak, and the enemy shouldered
their muskets and retreated with a quick step towards the main body.
Vanderhorst and his men gave them three huzzas! but did not at that
distance fire a shot. Thus a British officer was met on his own boasted
ground and proved recreant. The next morning Major M'Ilraith abandoned
his heavy baggage, left his fires burning, and retired silently from
the ground, along the river road towards Singelton's mill, distant ten
miles. Near day Marion discovered his movement, and detached Col. Hugh
Horry with one hundred men to get ahead of him, before he should reach
the mill. The colonel made all possible speed, but finding he could not
overtake him, detached Major James at the head of a party mounted on the
swiftest horses, to cross the mill pond above, and take possession of
Singelton's houses, which stood on a high hill, commanding a narrow
defile on the road, between the hill and Wateree swamp. Major James
reached the houses as the British advanced to the foot of the hill; but
found Singelton's family down with the small pox. This was more dreaded
than the enemy. He gave them one fire, by which a captain was killed,
and retired. As M'Ilraith was now in a strong hold, Marion pursued him
no further.

The character of Major M'Ilraith has been constantly represented by the
inhabitants of this state, among whom he passed as the most humane
of all the officers of the British army. To those in their power even
forbearance was at that time a virtue, but his virtues were active. It
has been currently reported that he carried his dislike to house
burning so far, that he neglected to carry into effect the orders of his
commander in chief on that point to such an extent, as to gain his ill
will and that of many other British officers.--How much it is to be
regretted that the rigid rules of warfare should have arrayed such a man
in opposition to Marion, when both professed the same humane principles.

We come now to the most interesting part of the warfare of Gen. Marion,
which, bringing into action all the energies of his officers and men, at
the same time developed all the skill and patience of their commander.

At the juncture of the retreat of Gen. Greene before Cornwallis, Sumter
and Marion were left alone in South Carolina; Sumter on the Catawba,
in York district, and Marion on the Pedee, at Snow's island, about two
hundred miles apart, and Lord Rawdon directly between them, with a much
superior force. Thus situated his lordship laid a well digested plan
to crush Marion. Col. Watson with a British regiment, and Harrison's
regiment of tories, amounting in the whole to more than five hundred
men, was ordered to march down the Santee, towards Snow's island; and he
commenced his expedition from Fort Watson about the first of March.

Shortly after Col. Doyle with another British regiment, was directed
to proceed by the way of M'Callum's ferry on Lynch's creek, and down
Jeffer's creek, to the Pedee road to the same point, where they were to
form a junction. Doyle had to open a road from M'Callum's to Pedee, and
his approach, though slow, was unexpected; but Marion's scouts placed
from Camden down, with relays of horses, soon informed him of Watson's
movement. By one of his rapid marches he met him at Wiboo, about midway
between Nelson's and Murray's ferry, and at this swamp commenced his
arduous contest with Watson. Col. Peter Horry was placed in advance
at the swamp, while the general with the cavalry, and remainder of the
brigade, amounting to about four hundred men, lay in reserve. Horry made
considerable impression upon the tories in advance; but Watson with two
field pieces, and at the head of his column of regulars, dislodged him
from the swamp, and the tory cavalry under Harrison pursued. As they
advanced, Gavin James, a private of gigantic size and spirit, mounted on
a strong grey horse, and armed with a musket and bayonet, threw himself
in their way. He first deliberately fired upon the column and one man
fell. The causeway was narrow and this occasioned a pause, in which a
volley was fired at him without effect. One dragoon advanced and was
struck off his horse by the bayonet. A second came to his aid and shared
a like fate; in falling he laid hold of the musket near the muzzle to
jerk it away, and James dragged him forty or fifty paces. This bold
action produced a considerable effect, and was soon followed by
many others, not so well recollected, and too numerous to be
inserted.--Harrison had not pursued far, when Marion ordered the cavalry
to charge; Capts. M'Cauley and Conyers, met him, and soon dispersed
his force; whilst Conyers killed one of his officers, said to be Major
Harrison, with his own hands. Thus were the tories intimidated at the
outset.

On the 9th of March, Col. Watson encamped at Cantey's plantation, and
wrote a letter to Gen. Marion, in which he justifies (what the other had
complained of by a previous communication,*) the burning of houses and
the hanging of those citizens who had taken paroles, and afterwards
joined the Americans, upon the principles of the laws of war and
nations.--It seems the colonel had reference to the code of barbarous
nations. Marion made him no reply, but gave orders to his nightly
patroles, to shoot his sentinels and cut off his pickets. Such a
retaliation was to be expected; and thus raged the civil warfare.


     * Letter of Marion, 7th March.


Watson marched down the river, and at Mount Hope had to build up the
bridges, and to sustain a second conflict with Col. Hugh Horry, at the
head of Marion's advance. By dint of his field pieces, and the strength
of his column, he at length made good his way. Near Murray's ferry he
passed the Kingstree road to his left, and when he came to the Black
river road, which crosses at the lower bridge, he made a feint of still
continuing down the Santee; but soon after wheeling took that road on
which the lower bridge was, distant twelve miles. His manoeuvre did not
long deceive Marion. He detached Major James at the head of seventy men,
thirty of whom were riflemen under M'Cottry, to destroy the remnant of
the bridge, which had been partially broken, and to take post there,
while the general kept an eye on Watson.

The pass of the lower bridge was now to decide the fate of
Williamsburgh, and seventy of her sons, under her most approved
leaders, were gone forth to defend it. Maj. James proceeded with great
expedition, and crossing the river by a shorter route than the road,
arrived at the bridge in time to throw down two of the middle arches,
and to fire the string pieces at the eastern end. At this place the west
bank of the river is considerably elevated, the east low and somewhat
swampy, and on the west the road passes to the bridge through a ravine;
the river is forty or fifty yards wide, and though deep, was fordable
below the bridge. As soon as the breach in it was effected, Maj. James
drew up M'Cottry's riflemen on each side of the ford and end of the
bridge, so as to have a fair view of the ravine, and disposed the rest
of his little band on the flanks. Not long after, Marion arriving, took
post in the rear, and sent Capt. Thomas Potts, with his Pedee company,
to reinforce Maj. James; and this had scarcely been effected, when
Watson's field pieces opened their fire, from the opposite bank to clear
his way, for a passage at the ford. These field pieces could not be
brought to bear on the low grounds to the east without exposing his
artillerists on the hill to the fire of the riflemen. His balls hit
the pines across the river, about midway their trunks, or passed over
disregarded. This attempt not succeeding, Watson drew up his columns in
the old field over the river, and his advance was now seen approaching
the ford with an officer at its head, waving his sword. M'Cottry fired
the signal gun, and the officer clapped his hand to his breast and
fell to the ground. The riflemen and musketeers next poured in a well
directed and deadly fire, and the British advance fled in disorder; nor
did the reserve move forward to its support. Four men returned to bear
off their officer, but all four shared his fate. In the evening,
Watson succeeded in removing his dead and wounded, and took up his head
quarters at John Witherspoon's, a mile above the bridge. Here he was
overheard to say, "that he never saw such shooting in his life." To men
fighting for their homes, wives, families, and their very existence,
"nothing appeared difficult;" and good shooting, if not a virtue in
them, was highly commendable. Gen. Marion took a position on a ridge
below the ford of the river, which is still called the general's island.
Next day he pushed M'Cottry and Conyers over the river, and recommenced
shooting Watson's pickets and sentinels. Watson posted himself a little
farther up the river, at Blakely's plantation, where he pitched his camp
in the most open place he could find, but still Marion kept him in a bad
humour, (as his letters from that place indicate,) and his regulars in a
constant panic. Here he remained for more than a week* in inactivity
and irresolution; perhaps he waited for Doyle to make an impression
at Snow's island; but if Marion heard of Doyle, he kept it a profound
secret. While Blakely's and Witherspoon's provisions lasted, his present
plan answered pretty well; but when they failed, it became necessary to
have more at a greater distance, and these could not be obtained, but by
daily skirmishes. In these Capt. Conyers was greatly distinguished. He
was most daring, and sat and managed his horse so remarkably well, that
as was the case with the centaur of old, they might have been taken for
one animal. Conyers was at this time fighting under the auspicious eye
of a young lady,** to whom his faith had been plighted, and beneath her
alternate smiles and fears, he presented himself daily before the lines
of the enemy, either as a single champion, or at the head of his troop.
Often did she hear them repeat, "Take care! there is Capt. Conyers!" It
was a ray of chivalry athwart the gloom of unrelenting warfare.


     * About ten days, as it appears from the dates of his
     letters.

     ** This young lady was Mary, the second daughter of John
     Witherspoon, who after the war, was married to Conyers.  One
     day when her lover made his appearance as usual, a British
     officer made use of language disrespectful to him, which she
     bore for some time with patience; at last he said something
     indelicate to herself.  She immediately drew off a walking
     shoe from her foot, and flung it in his face, saying,
     "coward! go meet him."  In those days kid slippers were not
     fashionable.


To increase the panic of the British, Serjt. M'Donald, with a rifle,
shot Lieut. Torriano through the knee, at the distance of three hundred
yards. This appears to have softened even the proud spirit of Watson;
for, on the 15th of March, he wrote a letter to Marion, stating, "we
have an officer and some men wounded, whom I should be glad to send
where they could be better taken care of. I wish, therefore, to know if
they will be permitted to pass to Charleston." Gen. Marion wrote for a
list of them, and next day sent the following pass: "Gen. Marion's pass,
granted to Lieut. Torriano and twelve privates.--One officer and six
wounded men, with six attendants, of the British troops, are permitted
to pass to Nelson's ferry, thence to Charleston, unmolested," &c. Col.
Watson was now literally besieged; his supplies were cut off on all
sides, and so many of his men killed, that, he is said by tradition, to
have sunk them in Black river to hide their number. There is a quarry of
rock in the neighbourhood of the place, and the only one in that part
of the country, where, it is said, he sunk his men. At length Watson,
decamping, made a forced march down the Georgetown road; but paused at
Ox swamp, six miles below the lower bridge. On each side of the road
there was then a thick, boggy swamp--trees were felled across the
causeway--three bridges were destroyed, and Marion was watching him with
the eye of an eagle. Thus situated, and having to force a more difficult
pass at Johnson's swamp, ten miles ahead, Watson most prudently wheeled
to the right, and passed on, through open piney woods, to the Santee
road, distant about fifteen miles. When overtaken by Marion upon this
road, his infantry were passing like horses at a full trot. Here he
had not so many obstacles to encounter as on the other road, and, by
wheeling covertly and marching so briskly, had gained considerable
ground. However, Col. Peter Horry now advanced ahead with the cavalry
and riflemen, and annoyed him in flank and in front, while Marion
attacked in the rear, until they reached Sampit bridge, where the last
skirmish took place. News from Doyle appears to have arrested Marion's
progress, and summoned him to new perils.

Watson reached Georgetown, with two waggon loads of wounded men.* It is
evident from an intercepted letter of his of the 20th of March, that he
had been hemmed in so closely that he was in want of every thing, and
had taken this route to Georgetown, fifty miles out of his way, to
obtain supplies. From Fort Watson to the lower bridge, he had not
advanced more than forty miles on his premeditated route to join Doyle.


     * Horry's Narrative.


In the mean time, Col. Doyle, an active, enterprising officer, had
driven Col. Ervin, who commanded only a weak guard, from Snow's island.
But before retreating he had Marion's arms, stores and ammunition thrown
into Lynch's creek. This, at the crisis, was a most serious loss.

From Sampit, Gen. Marion marched back towards Snow's island; on the way
he received intelligence that Doyle lay at Witherspoon's ferry, and he
proceeded forthwith to attack him. Doyle had taken a position on the
north side of the ferry, and when M'Cottry, in advance, with his mounted
riflemen, arrived at the creek, the British were scuttling a ferry boat
on the opposite side. He took a position behind trees, and gave them
a well directed and deadly fire; they ran to their arms and returned a
prodigious volley, which did no more harm than that of knocking off
the limbs of trees among the riflemen. Doyle had received news, which
occasioned him to retreat for Camden. The ferry boat being now scuttled
and sunk on the opposite side, and Lynch's creek being swollen, and at
this place wide and deep, Gen. Marion proceeded up the creek, and swam
over it at the first place he reached, five miles above Witherspoon's.
This was the shortest route to come at Doyle. He pursued all that day,
and the next morning till nine or ten o'clock, when he came to a house
where Doyle had destroyed all his heavy baggage, and had proceeded on
with great celerity towards Camden. This seemed mysterious at the time;
but here Marion halted.

It appears from what follows, shortly, as well as from Horry's account,
that this pursuit was undertaken by Gen. Marion with the desperate
resolution of either selling his own life and that of his followers, as
dearly as possible, or of cutting his way through the enemy to make good
a retreat into North Carolina. Happily for his country, Doyle evaded
him, and thus prevented the dangerous attempt. The general now received
the melancholy account of the extent of his loss in ammunition and other
stores on Snow's island, which under present circumstances appeared
irretrievable. However he was but little disposed to brood over
misfortunes, and if he had, his enemies were not inclined to allow him
leisure. In the mean time Col. Watson, having refreshed and reinforced
his party, and received a fresh supply of military stores and provisions
at Georgetown, proceeded again towards the Pedee. On his march he had
nothing to impede him but a few bridges broken down. He took the nearest
route across Black river at Wragg's ferry, and crossing the Pedee at
Euhany, and the little Pedee at Potato bed ferry, he halted at Catfish
creek, a mile from where Marion court house now stands.--Here Ganey's
party flocked in to him in such numbers that he was soon nine hundred
strong. Gen. Marion returning from the pursuit of Doyle, and hearing of
the approach of Watson, crossed the Pedee and encamped at the Warhees,
five miles from him. At this place he consulted with his field officers
then in camp, and informed them that although his force was now
recruited to five hundred men, that yet he had no more ammunition than
about two rounds to each man, and asked them "if he should retreat into
the upper parts of North Carolina, or if necessary to the mountains,
whether they would follow him." With a firm and unanimous voice the
resolution to follow him was adopted. These field officers, whose names
should be engraved on tablets of brass, were Cols. Peter Horry, Hugh
Horry, James Postell and John Ervin, and Majors John James, John Baxter
and Alexander Swinton.

Not long after this resolution was taken, Gen. Marion met Capt. Gavin
Witherspoon, who said to him, "General had we not better fight Col.
Watson before any more tories join him." "My friend," replied he, "I
know that would be best, but we have not ammunition." "Why, general,"
said Witherspoon, "here is my powder horn full," holding it up. "Ah!
my friend," said Marion, "you are an extraordinary soldier, but as for
others, there are not two rounds to a man." Witherspoon passed off in
silent sorrow; but as soon as he reached his camp, met Baker Johnson, an
old tried whig, who begged him for God's sake to give him something to
eat, and he set before him some cold rice in a pot. While Johnson was
eating, Witherspoon sat pondering over what he had heard for some time;
but at last inquired, "What news, Johnson?" "Fine news," said he, "I saw
a great number of continental troops, horse and foot, crossing at Long
bluff." "Come and tell the general," said Witherspoon. "No," replied the
other, "I am starving with hunger, and if the general wants the news he
must come to me." Witherspoon immediately posted off to the general, who
lost no time in going to Johnson; around whom some hundreds were soon
collected. The bearer of the good tidings was to be depended on. The
news was sudden and unexpected, and to men now in a state of desperation
nothing could be more transporting. Scarce was there an eye but what was
suffused with tears of joy. All sufferings appeared now to be at an end,
and that balm of the soul hope began to revive. But while Johnson was
still communicating his intelligence, it was confirmed by the sound of
a drum in the rear; and soon after by the arrival of Major Conyers
and Capt. Irby, with Lieut. Col. Lee's legionary infantry. By Conyers,
Marion received orders from Gen. Greene to join Lee, and cooperate with
him in striking at the posts below Camden, and in furnishing provisions
for the main army;* and Lee had moved on towards the Santee for that
purpose. Commencing his march immediately, Gen. Marion crossed the Pedee
in his rear, and left Witherspoon with a small party to watch Watson.
The line of march was directed through Williamsburgh; and Marion joined
Lee near Fort Watson, on Scott's lake.


     * Greene's letters, 4th and 17th April.


About the same time, Capt. John Brockington, of the tories, had been
up to his plantation at Cashway, and hearing the same news with Baker
Johnson, pushed over the river, and gave Watson the like information. He
lost no time, but immediately rolled his two field pieces into Catfish
creek, destroyed all his heavy baggage, re-crossed the little Pedee, and
not venturing by Euhany, he passed the Waccamaw at Greene's ferry, and
retreating through the neck, between that river and the sea, crossed
Winyaw bay, three miles wide, and thus arrived in Georgetown. To those
unacquainted with this route, a bare inspection of the map of the
country will at once give information, how much Marion was dreaded by
Watson.

Upon forming a junction with Col. Lee, it was decidedly the opinion
of Gen. Marion, that they should pursue Watson, and either take him or
prevent his junction with Lord Rawdon. But Lee was of opinion it would
lead them too far from Gen. Greene. Gen. Marion must have given up his
point with much reluctance, for he was afterwards heard repeatedly to
regret that his orders did not permit him to pursue Col. Watson. But,
perhaps the true reason was that Marion and Lee were both bare of
ammunition, and could get it only by taking Fort Watson. It was left
without the presence of its commander, and as in that day there was
no road from Kingstree up Black river to Camden, and the swamps were
impassable except to hunters, by taking a position at Scott's lake, they
would be on the only road there was from Georgetown, on a direct line,
to intercept Watson, as he marched up to Camden.--But while Gen. Marion
passed through Williamsburgh, his men having now performed a tour of
duty of more than a month against Watson, which with all its watchings
and privations was unusually severe, and being suddenly relieved from
that pressure, many of them took the liberty of going home to recruit
themselves; and he was left to his great mortification with only eighty
men. However, they soon dropped in, one or two at a time.*


     * Gen. Greene's elegant letter to Marion, 9th May.


On the 15th of April, Gen. Marion invested Fort Watson, at Scott's lake,
without any other means of annoyance than musketry. The fort stood on
an Indian mound, about forty feet high, and was stockaded, and had three
rows of abbatis round it.* The besiegers took post between the fort
and the lake, to cut off the water; but the besieged sunk a well in the
fort. As there were no trees or other covering near the fort, Marion's
riflemen were too much exposed at first to fire with effect; but Col.
Maham contrived to raise a tower of logs in one night, so high that it
overtopped the fort, and the marksmen began to fire into it. Gen. Marion
had no entrenching tools to make a regular approach, but on the day
after the investment, a party of militia under Ensign Baker Johnson, and
of continentals under Mr. Lee, a volunteer in the legion, with a sudden
movement, and much intrepidity, made a lodgment near the stockade, and
began to pull away the abbatis and fling them down the mound. Lieut.
M'Kay, who commanded, then hoisted a white flag, and the garrison,
consisting of one hundred and fourteen men and officers, capitulated.
Major Eaton had been detached by Gen. Greene, with one field piece, to
join Marion, but arrived too late to participate in this siege. The loss
of the Americans was only two militia men killed, and three continentals
and three militia wounded.--As this fort lay on the great line of
communication between Camden and Charleston, its fall was a great
loss to the enemy; and by taking it Gen. Marion obtained supplies of
ammunition, which he soon turned to great advantage.


     * Marion's letter, 23d April.


During the siege, Col. Watson evaded Marion and Lee. Having arrived in
Georgetown, and not yet recovered from his panic, he crossed the north
and south Santee, at the lower ferries, and having surmounted this
difficulty, he marched up the west side of the river and arrived in
Camden by the way of the ferry near the town, with forces much impaired
by the incessant attacks of Marion, and long marches, combined with much
desertion; but his loss is not confessed by the enemy, nor could it be
discovered by the Americans.--Had he been able to have cooperated with
Doyle in sufficient time, with their overwhelming force, assisted by
Harrison and Ganey, with an equal, if not greater number of tories;
there can be little doubt, but Gen. Marion with his scanty means of
defence, must either have fallen in the conflict or been driven out of
the country. When he first marched from Scott's lake, Col. Watson had
only seventy miles to traverse, and only Black river to pass, before
he reached Snow's island; yet such was the consummate skill and
indefatigable exertions of Gen. Marion, that from the 9th of March until
the 10th of April, he had not reached his place of destination, and then
made a hasty retreat through roads unfrequented, and over wide swamps
and rivers, unpursued. To effect this he took a circuitous route, nearly
one hundred miles out of his way, which detained him until about the
9th of May, more than two months from his first setting out on this
expedition.

Col. Watson was considered by the British one of their best partisans;
yet we have seen how he was foiled. Had his regiment attempted, as was
no doubt intended, to ford the river at the lower bridge, they would
have found the passage narrow, and the river at that time deep; or had
he undertaken to repair the bridge, in either case he must have lost
a great portion of his men. He was, however, a better officer than
historian or civilian, otherwise he would not have justified the
practice of burning houses, in the face of the universal censure cast
upon Lewis XIV. for adopting the same measure in the Palatinate. But
when Watson, Balfour, and other British officers, professing to know the
laws of war and nations, burnt houses and hanged those citizens who
had taken deceptive paroles upon their authority, certainly it may be
affirmed that Marion, who was self-taught, and had no book of the law
of nations, or perhaps any other book in his camp, was justifiable as
a matter of retaliation, to shoot down their pickets and cut off their
sentinels wherever he could find them; and always to fight such invaders
in their own barbarian manner. Nothing ever showed, in such a strong
light, the plain good sense of Marion. Col. Watson had orders to burn
houses, but did not however appear to wish to carry them rigourously
into effect. It is believed he burnt but two; one was the house of
Lieut. Dickson, who was with Marion; the other belonged to Nathaniel
Dwight, of Waccamaw neck. Upon a retrospection, Col. Watson's character
appears in a favourable point of view; and, as far as was consistent
with orders, his humanity is undoubted.

On the 18th of April, Col. William Harden, acting under the orders of
Marion, took the British fort at Pocotaligo, with one militia colonel,
one major, three captains, three lieutenants, sixty privates and
twenty-two dragoons, prisoners. He writes, "I wish you would send some
commissions, with your orders. It seems they wait for Col. Hayne, and he
says he cannot act without a commission, and I am sure, if he turns out,
at least two hundred will join him. If so, I am very certain that this
part of the country may be held." Every one has either read or heard of
the subsequent melancholy fate of Col. Hayne; but more of that in the
sequel.

Major John Postell had been pitched upon as the first victim. After
distinguishing himself, as related, he obtained leave from his general
to go with a flag to Georgetown, to obtain the release of his father,
(who was still a prisoner) and of some others. Capt. Saunders, now the
commandant, detained him, and threw him also into gaol, on the plea of
his having broken his parole;* and, in a long correspondence with Gen.
Marion, he and Col. Balfour, the commandant of Charleston, vindicated
the measure, as consistent with the laws of war and nations. It appears
Balfour was the civilian of the British while here in power. He was just
such a minion as would have suited the purposes of Tiberius Caesar. He
had several hundreds of Americans pining in want and misery in loathsome
prison-ships, and in dungeons under the Exchange, damp and noisome,
which he called _his provost_.


     * By a copy of Major Postell's parole, preserved in Horry's
     correspondence, it appears he was paroled in Charleston;
     but, soon after, the British or tories stripped him of all
     his property, which was a breach of it on their part.  In a
     letter to Gen. Marion, 14th Jan. he says, "My honour is all
     I have left--my family has been reduced to beg their
     bread."


He writes thus to Saunders, concerning Major Postell, "send him by
water," (by land was not safe) "by a fast sailer--under a guard--_be
so good_ as to let him have no chance of escaping." _Be so good_ here,
meant to clap him in irons. This royal tiger, secure in his jungle, was
now crouching to spring upon what he deemed defenceless prey; but, while
reasoning about the law of nations, Saunders had the folly to send out
Capt. Merrett with a flag. Marion immediately detained him, and swore a
bitter oath, that if they touched a hair of Postell's head he would hang
Merrett. Major Postell lost all further opportunity of distinguishing
himself, and underwent a long and rigourous imprisonment; but this had
become a common case, and the British knew Marion too well to carry
matters further. On the 25th of April,* Gen. Greene lay at Hobkirk hill,
at that time a mile out of Camden, but now partly in the town. His army
consisted of only about seven hundred continentals, and as many militia;
his left rested on Pinetree creek, and his right extended across the
road leading to Lancaster, uncovered by any obstructions. Having just
received a comfortable supply of provisions, which they much wanted,
his men were employed in cooking and washing. At this juncture, Rawdon
sallied out of Camden, at the head of nine hundred men, his whole
disposable force. Between him and Greene, along Pinetree creek, were
thick woods and shrubbery, and he preferred this route for concealment.
His advance was not suspected, until he was fired upon by the American
pickets; but these received him bravely, and during the contest with
them, Greene formed his army. The Virginia brigade, under Gen. Huger,
took the right; the Maryland brigade, under Col. Williams, the left. The
continentals were thus disposed in one line, and the artillery, under
Col. Harrison, were in the centre. The reserve were the cavalry, under
Col. Washington, and two hundred and fifty North Carolina militia, under
Col. Reade. Rawdon advanced with the King's American regiment on the
right, the New York volunteers in the centre, and the 63d on the left;
his right supported by Robertson's corps, and his left by the volunteers
of Ireland. Greene discovering his narrow front, ordered Col. Campbell,
of the Virginia, and Col. Ford, of the Maryland line, to turn his
flanks; the centre regiments to advance with fixed bayonets, and
Washington to gain his rear. Rawdon perceiving his danger, brought up
the volunteers of Ireland into line. The battle opened with vigour, and
Huger evidently gained ground. Washington in the rear, was carrying all
before him, and Col. Hawes in the centre, was descending the hill with
fixed bayonets. At this flattering moment, the veteran regiment
of Gunby, the 1st Maryland, fired contrary to orders; while Capt.
Armstrong, with two sections, was moving ahead upon the enemy. Gunby,
being anxious to lead his regiment into battle thoroughly compacted,
ordered Armstrong back, instead of making him the point of view in
forming. Retrograde being the consequence of this order, the British
shouted and pressed forward, and the regiment of Gunby, considered the
bulwark of the army, never recovered from its panic. Williams, Gunby,
and Howard, all strove in vain to bring it to order. The Virginia
brigade and second Maryland regiment maintained the contest bravely; but
the 2d Maryland, feeling the effect of the retreat of the 1st, became
somewhat deranged, and its commander, Lieut. Col. Ford, being wounded
in repressing it, this corps also fell back. Rawdon's right having now
gained the summit, and flanking Hawes, Gen. Greene ordered a retreat,
which was covered by Hawes. Col. Washington having gained his point of
attack, and taken two hundred prisoners, was confident of victory;
but seeing the retreat, he paroled the officers on the field, and
relinquished all the prisoners but fifty. These he brought off, and made
good his retreat, with the loss of only three men. Greene's field pieces
were now likely to fall into the hands of the enemy, and seeing Capt.
John Smith,** with his company of picked light infantry, marching off
the field in good order, he rode up and called to him, "Smith, my brave
fellow, save the field pieces." He immediately fell in the rear, and
executed his orders, with the loss of his whole company. All were killed
but one man and Smith, and they were made prisoners. Gen. Greene rallied
his army at the pass of Sanders' creek, six miles from Camden, and soon
after occupied the position Gates had intended to take, at Gum swamp.
The British lost between sixty and seventy, and Greene two hundred men.
This affair shows upon how small an incident the fate of war generally
depends.


     * This is partly extracted from Lee's Memoirs.

     ** Capt. Smith, afterwards well known in this state as Col.
     John Smith, of Darlington, surrendered himself prisoner to a
     lieutenant of the British; and after he had delivered his
     sword, was struck by the lieutenant with the broad side of
     it.  At the battle of Guilford, Smith had killed Col.
     Stewart, of the British guards, in a single rencounter; and
     his bravery was otherwise so well known that the British
     officers invited him to a dinner in Camden. Before dinner,
     he mentioned how he had been treated by the lieutenant, and
     it was agreed among them, that, as that officer was to be
     present at the dinner, Smith should be at liberty to treat
     him as he thought fit. Accordingly Smith kicked him down
     stairs; and as he did not resent it, he was soon after
     cashiered.


Upon Watson's arrival in Camden, Lord Rawdon being now reinforced,
marched out to attack Gen. Greene, at Sawney's creek, on the west
side of the Wateree. Greene did not like his position for a general
engagement, and took a new one at Cornal's creek, leaving the horse,
light infantry and pickets, at his old encampment. The enemy approached
and drew up on the opposite side of the creek, but did not attempt to
cross; and retired into Camden before night. Early in the morning of the
next day (10th of May, 1781,) Lord Rawdon burnt the mill at Camden, the
gaol, his stores, and many private houses, and evacuating it, retreated
towards Nelson's ferry. Thus was Camden evacuated in less than a year
after the British obtained possession of it; but during that short
period it had become the scene of innumerable spoliations, and other
atrocities. While they held it, the loss of property, and being reduced
to poverty, were the least considerable incidents, which happened to the
inhabitants. To form an accurate idea, as well of the wretched situation
of the people of that town and its vicinity, during this period, as to
elucidate a part of history not yet explained, let the reader take the
following narrative, partly in and partly out of its due order. Gen.
Greene, having traversed that part of North Carolina from Guilford to
Pedee, and passed through nearly one half the breadth of South Carolina,
by the way of Cheraw hill, and Lynch's creek, arrived at Town creek,
four miles below Camden, about the middle of April. Except at the Pedee,
the country through which he had marched was destitute of provisions,
and no where, unless he had impressed salt provisions, could he find any
thing better than beef driven out of the woods; which in April is well
known to be lean and nauseating. For the last fifty miles, his route
had been across the sand hills, between Pedee and the Wateree; here his
guide deserted him, and when he arrived at Town creek, he and his men
were at a loss which way to proceed, and were literally starving. The
fine low grounds of the Wateree now lay before him, where he expected
an abundance of provisions, but he was most grievously disappointed. The
British had swept away every thing of the kind that could be found,
and what little subsistence was left to the planters was hid in small
parcels, and in different places in the swamps. Scarcely any thing fit
to eat, was visible, where prior to this period, and subsequently,
every kind of provisions had been so abundant. But Gen. Greene, in his
distress, happily* met with a young man, whom, while he had been at
Hick's creek in January last, he had appointed assistant commissary
general; and who had served him with zeal and ability in that
department. This young man, (the present Gen. Cantey, of Camden,) had
but just returned from Dan river, where he had supplied Gen. Greene,
with fifteen waggon loads of flour, and nearly one thousand head of
hogs, which he had driven from the Pedee, by private ways, with so much
skill and address, as to avoid Lord Cornwallis, and the numerous tories
by whom he was surrounded; and Cantey was still zealous to serve his
country. After gaining some intelligence of the enemy, Gen. Greene
requested his commissary to endeavour to get them some provisions, for
they were famishing. Cantey's father lived not far off, and recollecting
he had some bacon and corn meal hid in a swamp, he immediately went and
brought enough for the general's mess, and in a short time after, drove
in beeves, such as they were, sufficient for a supper for the men; but
so destitute was the neighbourhood, that Cantey recommended it to Gen.
Greene to move above Camden, where provisions might be collected from
the upper country, and it was more probable he would receive aid from
the militia. But for this explanation, the good judgment of Gen. Greene,
in taking post above Camden, might well be questioned; since his wisest,
and hitherto favoured plan, had been to strike at the posts below. It is
thought, if he could have taken a position at Town creek, or Swift creek
below, all surprise might have been prevented. At this time, Gen. Greene
sent Cantey to Gen. Sumter, distant more than one hundred miles, to
request him to join him; but Sumter, who was meditating an attack on
fort Granby, declined any further cooperation except in that way.
When this answer was communicated to Gen. Greene, by Cantey, he was
exceedingly angry, and said he had a great mind to leave _them_ to
defend the country as well as they could, without his assistance. Could
he have concentrated his force, and _had not regarded Ninety-Six_, he
might have driven the British into Charleston, before the sickly season
commenced. But the system of leaving fortresses behind an invading
army, so strongly recommended by Machiavelli, and so much followed by
Bonaparte, had not yet been adopted in tactics. But we are anticipating
our narrative.


     * As all the accounts of the movements of Greene and Col.
     Lee, into South Carolina, are confused, from a want of
     information of the local situation of the country, and the
     clashing of the names of places; the present note has been
     subjoined to rectify misconceptions. From Ensign Johnson
     Baker's account we have seen Lee at the Long bluff, since
     called Greenville, now Society-hill.  At that time, the
     marshes of Black creek, and the bogs of Black river, were
     impassable (except to Marion,) on any direct route to
     Camden, or Scott's lake, or Santee; but there was an Indian
     path, by the way of the present Darlington court house and
     Day's ferry, on Lynch's creek, to Kingstree; and from the
     latter place there was a road to Murray's ferry on Santee.
     From the necessity of the case, therefore, this must have
     been Lee's route, for he cannot explain it himself. Lee had
     been the principal adviser of Greene to return to South
     Carolina, for which the country can never be too grateful to
     him; and being now about to invest fort Watson, he sent Dr.
     Matthew Irvine, for whom both leaders had a great
     friendship, and who, from his persuasive powers was highly
     fitted for the mission, to inspire Greene with hope and
     confidence.  Irvine obtained a guide and an escort from Col.
     Richardson, and proceeded by the route of the Piny lands,
     back of the Santee hills, then a pathless wilderness, now a
     thickly settled country, and _on the first broad road_ he
     fell in with in this tract, he unexpectedly met with Greene,
     about fifteen miles from Camden. Irvine continued with him,
     until descending a range of Sand hills between little and
     great Pinetree creeks, about a mile from Camden, he crossed
     great Pinetree creek at the place now called M'Crae's mill.
     From the latter place, Greene proceeded about three miles to
     an old mill on Town creek, called English's; and here Irvine
     left him, and Cantey met with him as a general and his army
     emerging from the wilderness. This _first broad road_ must
     again from the necessity of the case, for there was no other
     at that time, have been the road from Cheraw hill to Camden.
     Thus have the accounts of two respectable witnesses, Dr.
     Irvine and Gen. Cantey, been reconciled, which appeared at
     first sight impossible.


Although so weak after the affair at Hobkirk, Gen. Greene, had sent a
reinforcement to Marion under Major Eaton with a six-pounder, and on the
8th of May, Marion and Lee commenced firing upon Fort Motte. As soon as
Gen. Greene heard of the retreat of Lord Rawdon from Camden, he decamped
from Cornal's creek, and moving down on the west bank of the Wateree,
took a position near M'Cord's ferry, so as to cover the besiegers. Fort
Motte stood on a high hill called Buckhead, a little on the right of the
Charleston road, where it leaves the Congaree below M'Cord's. Within its
walls was included the house of Mrs. Motte, who had retired to that of
her overseer.--When told it was necessary to burn the house, in order
to take the fort expeditiously, she at once requested it should be done,
and, as the means of effecting it, furnished an Indian bow and arrows.
On the night of the 10th, the fires of Lord Rawdon's camp were seen
on the Santee hills, in his retreat from Camden, and encouraged the
garrison for a while; but on the 12th the house was set on fire, and
the commander Lieut. M'Pherson, and one hundred and sixty-five men,
surrendered. This deed of Mrs. Motte has been deservedly celebrated.
Her intention to sacrifice her valuable property was patriotic; but the
house was not burnt, as is stated by historians, nor was it fired by
an arrow from an African bow, as sung by the poet.--Nathan Savage, a
private in Marion's brigade, made up a ball of rosin and brimstone,
to which he set fire, slung it on the roof of the house. The British
surrendered before much mischief was done to it, and Marion had the
fire put out. At the commencement of this siege, Serjt. M'Donald, now
advanced to a lieutenancy, was killed. He was a native of Cross creek,
in North Carolina, and his father and other relations had espoused
the opposite side of the cause. Lieut. Cryer, who had often emulated
M'Donald, shared a similar fate. On the 25th Nov. last, we have seen
Gen. Sumter severely wounded at Black Stocks; but on the 20th Feb. just
three months after, he sat down before Fort Granby, to besiege it, and
wrote to Marion, who was his junior officer, to move in such a direction
as to attract the attention of Lord Rawdon; but at that time the fort
was relieved.

On the same day that Fort Motte surrendered, 

Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/923