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An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, Volume 2

by Alexander Hewatt · English · Gutenberg #8181 · 568,858 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, Volume 2

Author: Alexander Hewatt


        
Release date: May 1, 2005 [eBook #8181]
                Most recently updated: December 26, 2020

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONIES OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, VOLUME 2 ***




E-text prepared by Stan Goodman, Thomas Berger, and the Online Distributed
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AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONIES OF SOUTH
CAROLINA AND GEORGIA

In Two Volumes.

VOL. II.

By ALEXANDER HEWATT







CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAP. VII.

  _The form of legal governments._
  _Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the Indians._
  _Brings with him to England seven Cherokees._
  _Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance._
  _Speech of a Cherokee warrior._
  _Robert Johnson governor._
  _Several indulgences granted the people._
  _Happy effects of peace and security._
  _A project formed for planting a new colony._
  _James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia._
  _He treats with Indians for a share of their lands._
  _Tomochichi's speech to the King._
  _His Majesty's answer._
  _Indians easiest managed by gentle and fair means._
  _The colony of Switzers brought Carolina._
  _Eleven townships marked out._
  _A struggle about lands._
  _State of the colony._
  _The regulation of the Trustees._
  _Their impolitical restrictions._
  _Two colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out._
  _Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governor of Carolina._
  _Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia._
  _Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards._
  _The brave Chickesaws defeat the French._
  _Religious state of the colony._
  _The association of Presbyterians._
  _Remarks on paper currency._
  _Small progress of Georgia._
  _Hardships of the first settlers._
  _An Irish colony planted._

CHAP. VIII.

  _Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico._
  _William Bull Lieutenant-governor._
  _Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia._
  _The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks._
  _Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain._
  _Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp._
  _A negro insurrection in Carolina._
  _A war with Spain._
  _A project for invading Florida._
  _Measures concerted for this purpose._
  _General Oglethorpe marches against Florida._
  _Invests Augustine._
  _Raises the siege._
  _A great fire at Charlestown._
  _A petition in favour of the rice trade._
  _Remarks on the treatment of slaves._
  _The hardships of their situation._
  _Oppressed with ignorance and superstition._
  _James Glen governor._
  _Lord Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown._
  _The country much exposed to invasion._
  _The Spaniards invade Georgia._
  _A stratagem to get rid of the enemy._
  _The Spaniards retreat to Augustine._
  _Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe._
  _His character cleared, and conduct vindicated._
  _The Carolineans petition for three independent companies._
  _The colony's advantages from Britain._
  _Its advantage and importance to Britain._

CHAP. IX.

  _All commotions and oppressions in Europe favourable to America._
  _Cultivation attended with salutary effects._
  _Mean heat in Carolina._
  _The diseases of the country._
  _Climate favourable to the culture of indigo._
  _The manner of cultivating and making indigo._
  _The common methods of judging of its quality._
  _Nova Scotia settled._
  _The great care of Britain for these colonies._
  _Low state of Georgia._
  _Complaint of the people._
  _Troubles excited by Thomas Bosomworth._
  _With difficulty settled._
  _The charter surrendered to the King._
  _George Whitfield's settlement._
  _Whitfield's orphan-house._
  _Sketch of his character._
  _A congress with Creeks._
  _The Governor's speech to them._
  _Malatchee's answer._
  _A hurricane at Charlestown._
  _The advantages of poor settlers in the province._
  _The advantages of money-lenders._
  _And of the borrowers._
  _Great benefits enjoyed by the colonists._
  _Progress of the province._

CHAP. X.

  _A dispute about the limits of British and French territories._
  _A chain of forts raised by the French._
  _The distracted state of the British colonies._
  _General Braddock's defeat in Virginia._
  _Colonel Johnson's success at Lake George._
  _Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees._
  _And purchases a large tract of land from them._
  _Forts built in defence of Carolina._
  _Its excellent fruits and plants._
  _Its minerals undiscovered._
  _The British forces augmented._
  _Their first success in America._
  _The cause of the Cherokee war._
  _Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them._
  _The Cherokees sue for peace._
  _Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees._
  _Holds a congress at Fort Prince George._
  _His speech to Attakullakulla._
  _Attakullakulla's answer._
  _A treaty concluded with six chiefs._
  _The Governor returns to Charlestown._
  _The treaty of peace broken._
  _Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the fort._
  _The war becomes general._
  _Colonel Montgomery arrives._
  _And marches against the Cherokees._
  _Chastises them near Etchoe._
  _And returns to Fort Prince George._
  _The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians._
  _Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon._
  _The terms obtained for the garrison._
  _Treacherously broken by the savages._
  _A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George._
  _Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia._
  _The war continues._
  _The Highlanders return to Carolina._
  _Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees._
  _Engages and defeats them._
  _Destroys their towns._
  _Peace with the Cherokees._
  _A quarrel between the commanding officers._
  _A whirlwind at Charlestown._
  _Of the heat at Savanna._

CHAP. XI.

  _A peace, and its happy effects respecting America._
  _Boundaries of East and West Florida._
  _The southern provinces left secure._
  _Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers._
  _Georgia begins to flourish._
  _A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina._
  _A number of Palatines seduced into England._
  _Sent into Carolina._
  _And settled at Londonderry._
  _Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland._
  _And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina._
  _Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians._
  _John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs._
  _Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it._
  _Present state of Indian nations in the southern district._
  _Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians, at Mobile._
  _A description of Charlestown._
  _The number of its inhabitants._
  _A general view of the manners, &c. of the people._
  _And of their way of living._
  _The arts and sciences only of late encouraged._
  _The militia and internal strength of the province._
  _Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief._
  _Of its merchants and trade._
  _Of its planters and agriculture._
  _An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her colonies, and
                the causes of it._
  _The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give great
                offence._
  _A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans._
  _Upon which the people of New England discover their disaffection to
                government._
  _An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation for the
                stamp-duty._
  _The stamp-act passes in parliament._
  _Violent measures taken to prevent its execution._
  _The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding the act._
  _Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the British
                parliament._
  _The people become more violent in opposition to government._
  _The merchants and manufacturers in England join in petitioning for
                relief._
  _The stamp-act repealed._
  _Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British parliament in
                America._
  _And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies._





THE HISTORY OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.




CHAP. VII.


    [Sidenote] The form of legal governments.

From that period in which the right and title to the lands of Carolina
were sold, and surrendered to the King, and he assumed the immediate care
and government of the province, a new aera commences in the annals of
that country, which may be called the aera of its freedom, security, and
happiness. The Carolineans who had long laboured under innumerable
hardships and troubles, from a weak proprietary establishment, at last
obtained the great object of their desires, a royal government, the
constitution of which depended on commissions issued by the crown to the
Governor, and the instructions which attended those commissions. The form
of all provincial governments was borrowed from that of their mother
country, which was not a plan of systematic rules drawn before-hand by
speculative men, but a constitution which was the result of many ages of
wisdom and experience. Its great object is the public good, in promoting
of which all are equally concerned. It is a constitution which has a
remedy within itself for every political disorder, which, when properly
applied, must ever contribute to its stability and duration. After the
model of this British constitution the government of Carolina now assumed
a form like the other regal ones on the continent, which were composed of
three branches, of a Governor, a Council, and an Assembly. The crown
having the appointment of the Governor, delegates to him; its
constitutional powers, civil and military, the power of legislation as
far as the King possesses it; its judicial and executive powers, together
with those of chancery and admiralty jurisdiction, and also those of
supreme ordinary: all these powers, as they exist in the crown, are known
by the laws of the realm; as they are entrusted to Governors, they are
declared and defined by their commissions patent. The council, though
differing in many respects from the house of peers, are intended to
represent that house, and are appointed by the King during pleasure, for
supporting the prerogatives of the crown in the province. The Assembly
consists of the representatives of the people, and are elected by them as
the House of Commons in Great Britain, to be the guardians of their
lives, liberties, and properties. Here also the constitution confides in
the good behaviour of the representatives; for should they presume in any
respect to betray their trust, it gives the people more frequent
opportunities than even in Britain, of chusing others in their stead. The
Governor convenes, prorogues, and dissolves these Assemblies, and has a
negative on the bills of both houses. After bills have received his
assent, they are sent to Great Britain for the royal approbation, in
consequence of which they have the force of laws in the province. This is
a general sketch of the royal governments, which are intended to resemble
the constitution of Great Britain, as nearly as the local circumstances
of the provinces will admit, and which, notwithstanding its
imperfections, is certainly the best form of government upon earth. By
the instructions which the Governor receives from time to time from
England, his power no doubt is greatly circumscribed; but it is his duty
to transmit authentic accounts of the state of his province, in order
that the instructions given him may be proper, and calculated for
promoting not only the good of the province, but also that of the British
empire.

    [Sidenote] Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the
               Indians.

After the purchase of the province, the first object of the royal concern
was, to establish the peace of the colony on the most firm and permanent
foundation; and for this purpose treaties of union and alliance with
Indian nations were judged to be essentially necessary. Domestic security
being first established, the colonists might then apply themselves to
industry with vigour and success, and while they enriched themselves,
they would at the same time enlarge the commerce and trade of the
mother-country. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed, and
sent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at this
time a warlike and formidable nation of savages. These Indians occupied
the lands about the head of Savanna river, and backwards among the
Apalachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting grounds
was of immense extent; and its boundaries had never been clearly
ascertained. The inhabitants of their different towns were computed to
amount to more than twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors,
fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with such a nation
was an object of the highest consequence to Carolina, and likewise to the
mother-country, now engaged for its defence and protection.

    [Sidenote] Brings with him to England seven Cherokees.

About the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Carolina,
and made preparations for his journey to the distant hills. For his
guides he procured some Indian traders, well acquainted with the woods,
and an interpreter who understood the Cherokee language, to assist him in
his negociations. When he reached Keowee, abort three hundred miles from
Charlestown, the chiefs of the lower towns there met him, and received
him with marks of great friendship and esteem. He immediately dispatched
messengers to the middle, the valley, and over-hill settlements, and
summoned a general meeting of all their chiefs, to hold a congress with
him at Nequassee. Accordingly in the month of April the chief warriors of
all the Cherokee towns assembled at the place appointed. After the
various Indian ceremonies were over, Sir Alexander made a speech to them,
acquainting them by whose authority he was sent, and representing the
great power and goodness of his sovereign King George; how he, and all
his other subjects, paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of course
were protected by him from all harm: That he had come a great way to
demand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledge
themselves the subjects of his King, and to promise obedience to his
authority: and as he loved them, and was answerable to his Sovereign for
their good and peaceable behaviour, he hoped they would agree to what he
should now require of them. Upon which the chiefs, falling on their
knees, solemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon all that
was terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promise. Sir
Alexander then, by their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy commander
and chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined all the warriors of the
different tribes to acknowledge him for their King, to whom they were to
be accountable for their conduct. To this they also agreed, provided
Moytoy should be made answerable to Sir Alexander for his behaviour to
them. After which many useful presents were made them, and the congress
ended to the great satisfaction of both parties. The crown was brought
from Tenassee, their chief town, which with five eagle tails, and four
scalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requesting
him, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his Majesty's feet. But
Sir Alexander proposed to Moytoy, that he should depute some of their
chiefs to accompany him to England, there to do homage in person to the
great King. Accordingly six of them agreed, and accompanied Sir Alexander
to Charlestown, where being joined by another, they embarked for England
in the Fox man of war, and arrived at Dover in June 1730.

    [Sidenote] Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance.

We shall not pretend to describe their behaviour at the sight of London,
or their wonder and astonishment at the greatness of the city, the number
of the people, and the splendour of the army and court. Being admitted
into the presence of the King, they, in the name of their nation,
promised to continue for ever his Majesty's faithful and obedient
subjects. A treaty was accordingly drawn up, and signed by Alured Popple,
secretary to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, on one
side; and by the marks of the six chiefs, on the other. The preamble to
this treaty recites, "That whereas the six Chiefs, with the consent of
the whole nation of Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation at
Nequassee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend Sir
Alexander Cumming to Great Britain, where they had seen the great King
George: and Sir Alexander, by authority from Moytoy and all the
Cherokees, had laid the crown of their nation, with the scalps of their
enemies and feathers of glory, at his Majesty's feet, as a pledge of
their loyalty: And whereas the great King had commanded the Lords
Commissioners of trade and plantations to inform the Indians, that the
English on all sides of the mountains and lakes were his people, their
friends his friends, and their enemies his enemies; that he took it
kindly the great nation of Cherokees had sent them so far, to brighten
the chain of friendship between him and them, and between his people and
their people; that the chain of friendship between him and the Cherokees
is now like the sun, which shines both in Britain and also upon the great
mountains where they live, and equally warms the hearts of Indians and
Englishmen; that as there is no spots or blackness in the sun, so neither
is there any rust or foulness on this chain. And as the King had fastened
one end to his breast, he defied them to carry the other end of the chain
and fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the breasts of
all their old wise men, their captains, and people, never more to be made
loose or broken.

"The great King and the Cherokees being thus fastened together by a chain
of friendship, he has ordered, and it is agreed, that his children in
Carolina do trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all manner of
goods they want, and to make haste to build houses and plant corn from
Charlestown, towards the towns of Cherokees behind the great mountains:
That he desires the English and Indians may live together as children of
one family; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight against any
nation, whether white men or Indians, who shall dare to molest or hurt
the English; that the nation of Cherokees shall, on their part, take care
to keep the trading path clean, that there be no blood on the path where
the English tread, even though they should be accompanied with other
people with whom the Cherokees may be at war: That the Cherokees shall
not suffer their people to trade with white men of any other nation but
the English, nor permit white men of any other nation to build any forts
or cabins, or plant any corn among them, upon lands which belong to the
great King: and if any such attempt shall be made, the Cherokees must
acquaint the English Governor therewith, and do whatever he directs, in
order to maintain and defend the great King's right to the country of
Carolina: That if any negroes shall run away into the woods from their
English masters, the Cherokees shall endeavour to apprehend them, and
bring them to the plantation from whence they run away, or to the
Governor, and for every slave so apprehended and brought back, the Indian
that brings him shall receive a gun and a watch-coat: and if by any
accident it shall happen, that an Englishman shall kill a Cherokee, the
King or chief of the nation shall first complain to the English Governor,
and the man who did the harm shall be punished by the English laws as if
he had killed an Englishman; and in like manner, if any Indian happens to
kill an Englishman, the Indian shall be delivered up to the Governor, to
be punished by the same English laws as if he were an Englishman."

This was the substance of the first treaty between the King and the
Cherokees, every article of which was accompanied with presents of
different kinds, such as cloth, guns, shot, vermilion, flints, hatchets,
knives. The Indians were given to understand, "That these were the words
of the great King, whom they had seen, and as a token that his heart was
open and true to his children the Cherokees, and to all their people, a
belt was given the warriors, which they were told the King desired them
to keep, and shew to all their people, to their children, and children's
children, to confirm what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement of
peace and friendship between the English and Cherokees, as long as the
rivers shall run, the mountains shall last, or the sun shall shine."

    [Sidenote] Speech of a Cherokee warrior.

This treaty, that it might be the easier understood, was drawn up in
language as similar as possible to that of the Indians, which at this
time was very little known in England, and given to them, certified and
approved by Sir Alexander Cumming. In answer to which, Skijagustah, in
name of the rest, made a speech to the following effect:--"We are come
hither from a mountainous place, where nothing but darkness is to be
found--but we are now in a place where there is light.--There was a
person in our country--he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, which
is left with Moytoy of Telliquo,--and as warriors we received it.--He
came to us like a warrior from you.--A man he is;--his talk is
upright--and the token he left preserves his memory among us.--We look
upon you as if the great King were present;--we love you as representing
the great King;--we shall die in the same way of thinking.--The crown of
our nation is different from that which the great King George wears, and
from that we saw in the tower.--But to us it is all one.--The chain of
friendship shall be carried to our people.--We look upon the great King
George as the Sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as his
children.--For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands and
hearts are joined together.--When we shall have acquainted our people
with what we have seen, our children from generation to generation will
always remember it.--In war we shall always be one with you. The enemies
of the great King shall be our enemies;--his people and ours shall be
one, and shall die together.--We came hither naked and poor as the worms
of the earth, but you have every thing,--and we that have nothing must
love you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is between
us.--Here stands the Governor of Carolina, whom we know.--This small rope
we show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may be
broken.--But you have iron chains for yours.--However, if we catch your
slaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to our
friends, and take no pay for it.--We have looked round for the person
that was in our country--he is not here;--however, we must say he talked
uprightly to us, and we shall never forget him.--Your white people may
very safely build houses near us;--we shall hurt nothing that belongs to
them, for we are children of one father, the great King, and shall live
and die together." Then laying down his feathers upon the table he added:
"This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as your
letters in the book are to you, and to you beloved men we deliver these
feathers in confirmation of all we have said."

The Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people; and
this method of obtaining a share of their lands by the general consent,
was fair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to the general
principles of equity, and the English constitution. An agreement is made
with them, in consequence of which the King could not only give a just
title to Indian lands; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary subjects,
the colonists obtained peaceable possession. The Cherokees held abundance
of territory from nature, and with little injury to themselves could
spare a share of it; but reason and justice required that it be obtained
by paction or agreement. By such treaties mutual presents were made,
mutual obligations were established, and, for the performance of the
conditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged.
Even to men in a barbarous state such policy was the most agreeable, as
will afterwards clearly appear; for the Cherokees, in consequence of this
treaty, for many years, remained in a state of perfect friendship and
peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the
neighbourhood of those Indians, without the least terror or molestation.

    [Sidenote] Robert Johnson Governor.

About the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Johnson, who had been
Governor of Carolina while in the possession of the Lords Proprietors,
having received a commission from the King, investing him with the same
office and authority, arrived in the province. He brought back these
Indian chiefs, possessed with the highest ideas of the power and
greatness of the English nation, and not a little pleased with the kind
and generous treatment they had received. The Carolineans, who had always
entertained the highest esteem for this gentleman, even in the time of
their greatest confusion, having now obtained him in the character of
King's Governor, a thing they formerly had so earnestly desired, received
him with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Sensible of his wisdom and
virtue, and his strong attachment to the colony, they promised themselves
much prosperity and happiness under his gentle administration.

This new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, and the
dispositions of the people, was not only well qualified for his high
office, but he had a council to assist him, composed of the most
respectable inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointed
Lieutenant-governor, and Robert Wright Chief Justice. The other members
of the council were, William Bull, James Kinloch, Alexander Skene, John
Fenwick, Arthur Middleton, Joseph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton,
and Thomas Waring. At the first meeting of Assembly, the Governor
recommended to both houses, to embrace the earliest opportunity of
testifying their gratitude to his Majesty for purchasing seven-eight
parts of the province, and taking it under his particular care; he
enjoined them to put the laws in execution against impiety and
immorality, and as the most effectual means of discouraging vice, to
attend carefully to the education of youth. He acquainted them of the
treaty which had been concluded in England with the Cherokees, which he
hoped would be attended with beneficial and happy consequences; he
recommended the payment of public debts, the establishment of public
credit, and peace and unanimity among themselves as the chief objects of
their attention; for if they should prove faithful subjects to his
Majesty, and attend to the welfare and prosperity of their country, he
hoped soon to see it, now under the protection of a great and powerful
nation, in as flourishing and prosperous a situation as any of the other
settlements on the continent. They in return presented to him the most
loyal and affectionate addresses, and entered on their public
deliberations with uncommon harmony and great satisfaction.

    [Sidenote] Several indulgences granted the people.

For the encouragement of the people, now connected with the mother
country both by mutual affection and the mutual benefits of commerce,
several favours and indulgences were granted them. The restraint upon
rice, an innumerated commodity, was partly taken off; and, that it might
arrive more seasonably and in better condition at the market, the
colonists were permitted to send it to any port southward of Cape
Finisterre. A discount upon hemp was also allowed by parliament. The
arrears of quit-rents bought from the Proprietors were remitted by a
bounty from the Crown. For the benefit and enlargement of trade their
bills of credit were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds were
stamped and issued by virtue of an act of the legislature, called the
Appropriation Law. Seventy pieces of cannon were sent out by the King,
and the Governor had instructions to build one fort at Port-Royal, and
another on the river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot was
allowed for their defence by land, and ships of war were stationed there
for the protection of trade. These and many more favours flowed to the
colony, now emerging from the depths of poverty and oppression, and
arising to a state of freedom, ease and affluence.

    [Sidenote] Happy effects of peace and security.

As a natural consequence of its domestic security, the credit of the
province in England increased. The merchants of London, Bristol, and
Liverpool turned their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising channel
of trade, and established houses in Charlestown for conducting their
business with the greater ease and success. They poured in slaves from
Africa for cultivating their lands, and manufactures of Britain for
supplying the plantations; by which means the planters obtained great
credit, and goods at a much cheaper rate than they could be obtained from
any other nation. In consequence of which the planters having greater
strength, turned their whole attention to cultivation, and cleared the
lands with greater facility and success. The lands arose in value, and
men of foresight and judgment began to look out and secure the richest
spots for themselves, with that ardour and keenness which the prospects
of riches naturally inspire. The produce of the province in a few years
was doubled. During this year above thirty-nine thousand barrels of rice
were exported, besides deer-skins, furs, naval stores, and provisions;
and above one thousand five hundred negroes were imported into it. From
this period its exports kept pace with its imports, and secured its
credit in England. The rate of exchange had now arisen to seven hundred
_per cent. i. e._ seven hundred Carolina money was given for a bill of an
hundred pounds sterling on England; at which rate it afterwards
continued, with little variation, for upwards of forty years.

Hitherto small and inconsiderable was the progress in cultivation
Carolina had made, and the face of the country appeared like a desert,
with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely discernible amidst the
immense forest. The colonists were slovenly farmers, owing to the vast
quantities of lands, and the easy and cheap terms of obtaining them; for
a good crop they were more indebted to the great power of vegetation and
natural richness of the soil, than to their own good culture and
judicious management. They had abundance of the necessaries, and several
of the conveniencies of life. But their habitations were clumsy and
miserable huts, and having no chaises, all travellers were exposed in
open boats or on horseback to the violent heat of the climate. Their
houses were constructed of wood, by erecting first a wooden frame, and
then covering it with clap-boards without, and plastering it with lime
within, of which they had plenty made from oyster-shells. Charlestown, at
this time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly built
of timber, and neither well constructed nor comfortable, plain
indications of the wretchedness and poverty of the people. However, from
this period the province improved in building as well as in many other
respects; many ingenious artificers and tradesmen of different kinds
found encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings,
and more neat and pleasant habitations. In process of time, as the colony
increased in numbers, the face of the country changed, and exhibited an
appearance of industry and plenty. The planters made a rapid progress
towards wealth and independence, and the trade being well protected,
yearly increased and flourished.

    [Sidenote] A project formed for planting a new colony

At the same time, for the relief of poor and indigent people of Great
Britain and Ireland, and for the farther security of Carolina, the
settlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna was
projected in England. This large territory, situated on the south-west of
Carolina, yet lay waste, without an inhabitant except its original
savages. Private compassion and public spirit conspired towards promoting
the excellent design. Several persons of humanity and opulence having
observed many families and valuable subjects oppressed with the miseries
of poverty at home, united, and formed a plan for raising money and
transporting them to this part of America. For this purpose they applied
to the King, obtained from him letters-patent, bearing date June 9th,
1732, for legally carrying into execution what they had generously
projected. They called the new province Georgia, in honour of the King,
who likewise greatly encouraged the undertaking. A Corporation consisting
of twenty-one persons was constituted, by the name of Trustees, for
settling and establishing the Colony of Georgia; which was separated from
Carolina by the river Savanna. The Trustees having first set an example
themselves, by largely contributing towards the scheme, undertook also to
solicit benefactions from others, and to apply the money towards
clothing, arming, purchasing utensils for cultivation, and transporting
such poor people as should consent to go over and begin a settlement.
They however confined not their views to the subjects of Britain alone,
but wisely opened a door also for oppressed and indigent Protestants from
other nations. To prevent any misapplication or abuse of charitable
donations, they agreed to deposit the money in the bank of England, and
to enter in a book the names of all the charitable benefactors, together
with the sums contributed by each of them; and to bind and oblige
themselves, and their successors in office, to lay a state of the money
received and expended before the Lord Chancellor of England, the Lord
Chief Justice of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, the Master of the
Rolls, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.

When this scheme of the Trustees with respect to the settlement of
Georgia was made public, the well-wishers of mankind in every part of
Britain highly approved of an undertaking so humane and disinterested. To
consult the public happiness, regardless of private interest, and to
stretch forth a bountiful hand for relief of distressed fellow-creatures,
were considered as examples of uncommon benevolence and virtue, and
therefore worthy of general imitation. The ancient Romans, famous for
their courage and magnanimity, ranked the planting of colonies among
their noblest works, and such as added greater lustre to their empire
than their most glorious wars and victories. By the latter old cities
were plundered and destroyed; by the former new ones were founded and
established. The latter ravaged the dominions of enemies, and depopulated
the world; the former improved new territories, provided for unfortunate
friends, and added strength to the state. The benevolent founders of the
colony of Georgia perhaps may challenge the annals of any nation to
produce a design more generous and praise-worthy than that they had
undertaken. They voluntarily offered their money, their labour, and time,
for promoting what appeared to them the good of others, leaving
themselves nothing for reward but the inexpressible satisfaction arising
from virtuous actions. Among other great ends they had also in view the
conversion and civilization of Indian savages. If their public
regulations were afterwards found improper and impracticable; if their
plan of settlement proved too narrow and circumscribed; praise,
nevertheless, is due to them. Human policy at best is imperfect; but,
when the design appears so evidently good and disinterested, the candid
and impartial part of the world will make many allowances for them,
considering their ignorance of the country, and the many defects that
cleave to all codes of laws, even when framed by the wisest legislators.

About the middle of July, 1732, the trustees for Georgia held their first
general meeting, when Lord Percival was chosen President of the
Corporation. After all the members had qualified themselves, agreeable to
the charter, for the faithful discharge of the trust, a common seal was
ordered to be made. The device was, on one side, two figures resting upon
urns, representing the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna, the boundaries of
the province; between them the genius of the colony seated, with a cap of
liberty on his head, a spear in one hand and a cornucopia in the other,
with the inscription, COLONIA GEORGIA AUG.: on the other side was a
represention of silk worms, some beginning and others having finished
their web, with the motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS; a very proper emblem,
signifying, that the nature of the establishment was such, that neither
the first trustees nor their successors could have any views of interest,
it being entirely designed for the benefit and happiness of others.

    [Sidenote] James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia.

In November following, one hundred and sixteen settlers embarked at
Gravesend for Georgia, having their passage paid, and every thing
requisite for building and cultivation furnished them by the Corporation.
They could not properly be called adventurers, as they run no risque but
what arose from the change of climate, and as they were to be maintained
until by their industry they were able to support themselves. James
Oglethorpe, one of the Trustees, embarked along with them, and proved a
zealous and active promoter of the settlement. In the beginning of the
year following Oglethorpe arrived in Charlestown, where he was received
by the Governor and Council in the kindest manner, and treated with every
mark of civility and respect. Governor Johnson, sensible of the great
advantage that must accrue to Carolina from this new colony; gave all the
encouragement and assistance in his power to forward the settlement. Many
of the Carolineans sent them provisions, and hogs, and cows to begin
their stock. William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience, agreed to
accompany Mr. Oglethorpe, and the rangers and scout-boats were ordered to
attend him to Georgia. After their arrival at Yamacraw, Oglethorpe and
Bull explored the country, and having found an high and pleasant spot of
ground, situated on a navigable river, they fixed on this place as the
most convenient and healthy situation for the settlers. On this hill they
marked out a town, and, from the Indian name of the river which ran past
it, called it Savanna. A small fort was erected on the banks of it as a
place of refuge, and some guns were mounted on it for the defence of the
colony. The people were set to work in felling trees and building huts
for themselves, and Oglethorpe animated and encouraged them, by exposing
himself to all the hardships which the poor objects of his compassion
endured. He formed them into a company of militia, appointed officers
from among themselves, and furnished them with arms and ammunition. To
shew the Indians how expert they were at the use of arms, he frequently
exercised them; and as they had been trained beforehand by the serjeants
of the guards in London, they performed their various parts in a manner
little inferior to regular troops.

    [Sidenote] He treats with Indians for a share of their lands.

Having thus put his colony in as good a situation as possible, the next
object of his attention was to treat with the Indians for a share of
their possessions. The principal tribes that at this time occupied the
territory were the Upper and Lower Creeks; the former were numerous and
strong, the latter, by diseases and war, had been reduced to a smaller
number: both tribes together were computed to amount to about twenty-five
thousand, men, women and children. Those Indians, according to a treaty
formerly made with Governor Nicolson, laid claim to the lands lying
south-west of Savanna river, and, to procure their friendship for this
infant colony, was an object of the highest consequence. But as the tribe
of Indians settled at Yamacraw was inconsiderable, Oglethorpe judged it
necessary to have the other tribes also to join with them in the treaty.
To accomplish this union he found an Indian woman named Mary, who had
married a trader from Carolina, and who could speak both the English and
Creek languages; and perceiving that she had great influence among
Indians, and might be made useful as an interpreter in forming treaties
of alliance with them; he therefore first purchased her friendship with
presents, and afterwards settled an hundred pounds yearly on her, as a
reward for her services. By her assistance he summoned a general meeting
of the chiefs, to hold a congress with him at Savanna, in order to
procure their consent to the peaceable settlement of his colony. At this
congress fifty chieftains were present, when Oglethorpe represented to
them the great power, wisdom and wealth of the English nation, and the
many advantages that would accrue to Indians in general from a connection
and friendship with them; and as they had plenty of lands, he hoped they
would freely resign a share of them to his people, who were come for
their benefit and instruction to settle among them. After having
distributed some presents, which must always attend every proposal of
friendship and peace, an agreement was made, and then Tomochichi, in name
of the Creek warriors, addressed him in the following manner: "Here is a
little present, and, giving him a buffaloe's skin, adorned on the inside
with the head and feathers of an eagle, desired him to accept it, because
the eagle was an emblem of speed, and the buffalo of strength. He told
him, that the English were as swift as the bird and as strong as the
beast, since, like the former, they flew over vast seas to the uttermost
parts of the earth; and, like the latter, they were so strong that
nothing could withstand them. He said, the feathers of the eagle were
soft, and signified love; the buffalo's skin was warm, and signified
protection; and therefore he hoped the English would love and protect
their little families." Oglethorpe accordingly accepted the present, and
after having concluded this treaty limited by the nature of their
government, was nevertheless great, as they always directed the public
councils in all affairs relative to peace and war. It is true their young
men, fond of fame and glory from warlike exploits, and rejoicing in
opportunities of distinguishing themselves, will now and then, in
contempt to the power of their old leaders, break out in scalping
parties. To moderate and restrain the fiery passions of the young men,
the sages find generally the greatest difficulties, especially as these
passions are often roused by gross frauds and impositions. Unprincipled
and avaricious traders sometimes resided among them, who, that they might
the more easily cheat them, first filled the savages drunk, and then took
all manner of advantages of them in the course of traffic. When the
Indian recovered from his fit of drunkenness, and finding himself robbed
of his treasures, for procuring which he had perhaps hunted a whole year,
he is filled with fury, and breathes vengeance and resentment. No
authority can then restrain him within the bounds of moderation. At such
a juncture in vain does the leader of the greatest influence interpose.
He spurns at every person that presumes to check that arm by which alone
he defends his property against the hands of fraud and injustice. Among
themselves indeed theft is scarcely known, and injuries of this kind are
seldom committed; and had the traders observed in general the same
justice and equity in their dealings with them, as they commonly practice
among themselves, it would have been an easy matter with their wise and
grave leaders to maintain peace in all the different intercourses between
Europeans and Indians. Tomochichi acknowledged, that the Governor of the
world had given the English great wisdom, power and riches, insomuch that
they wanted nothing; he had given Indians great territories, yet they
wanted every thing; and he prevailed on the Creeks freely to resign such
lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and to allow them
to settle among them, on purpose that they might get instruction, and be
supplied with the various necessaries of life. He persuaded them, that
the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on the most
just and honourable terms; that they were brethren and friends, and would
protect them from danger, and go with them to war against all their
enemies.

Some say that James Oglethorpe, when he came out to settle this colony in
Georgia, brought along with him Sir Walter Raleigh's journals, written by
his own hand; and by the latitude of the place, and the traditions of the
Indians, it appeared to him that Sir Walter had landed at the mouth of
Savanna river. Indeed during his wild and chimerical attempts for finding
out a golden country, it is not improbable that this brave adventurer
visited many different places. The Indians acknowledged that their
fathers once held a conference with a warrior who came over the great
waters. At a little distance from Savanna, there is an high mount of
earth, under which they say the Indian King lies interred, who talked
with the English warrior, and that he desired to be buried in the same
place where this conference was held. But having little authority with
respect to this matter, we leave the particular relation of it to men in
circumstances more favourable for intelligence.

    [Sidenote] The colony of Switzers brought to Carolina.

While the security of Carolina, against external enemies, by this
settlement of Georgia, engaged the attention of British government, the
means of its internal improvement and population at the same time were
not neglected. John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel in Switzerland,
having formed a design of leaving his native country, paid a visit to
Carolina, in order to inform himself of the circumstances, and situation
of the province. After viewing the lands there, and procuring all the
information he could, with respect to the terms of obtaining them, he
returned to Britain. The government entered into a contract with him,
and, for the encouragement of the people, agreed to give lands and four
hundred pounds sterling for every hundred effective men he should
transport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury, while in Carolina, having
furnished himself with a flattering account of the soil and climate, and
of the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned to
Switzerland, and, published it among the people. Immediately one hundred
and seventy poor Switzers agreed to follow him, and were transported to
the fertile and delightful province as he described it; and not long
afterwards two hundred more came over, and joined them. The Governor,
agreeable to instructions, allotted forty thousand acres of lands for the
use of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of Savanna river; and
a town was marked out for their accommodation, which he called
Purisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement.
Mr. Bignion, a Swiss minister, whom they had engaged to go with them,
having received episcopal ordination from the bishop of London, settled
among them for their religious instruction. On the one hand the Governor
and council, happy in the acquisition of such a force, allotted each of
them his separate tract of land, and gave every encouragement in their
power to the people: On the other, the poor Swiss emigrants began their
labours with uncommon zeal and courage, highly elevated with the idea of
possessing landed estates, and big with the hopes of future success.
However, in a short time they felt the many inconveniencies attending a
change of climate. Several of them sickened and died, and others found
all the hardships of the first state of colonization falling heavily upon
them. They became discontented with the provisions allowed them, and
complained to government of the persons employed to distribute them; and,
to double their distress, the period for receiving the bounty expired
before they had made such progress in cultivation as to raise sufficient
provisions for themselves and families. The spirit of murmur crept into
the poor Swiss settlement, and the people finding themselves oppressed
with indigence and distress, could consider their situation in no other
light than a state of banishment, and not only blamed Pury for deceiving
them, but also heartily repented their leaving their native country.

    [Sidenote] Eleven townships marked out.

According to the new plan adopted in England for the more speedy
population and settlement of the province; the Governor had instructions
to mark out eleven townships, in square plats, on the sides of rivers,
consisting each of twenty thousand acres, and to divide the lands within
them into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, that
should come over to occupy and improve them. Each township was to form a
parish, and all the inhabitants were to have an equal right to the river.
So soon as the parish should increase to the number of an hundred
families, they were to have right to send two members of their own
election to the Assembly, and to enjoy the same privileges as the other
parishes already established. Each settler was to pay four shillings a
year for every hundred acres of land, excepting the first ten years,
during which term they were to be rent free. Governor Johnson issued a
warrant to St. John, Surveyor-general of the province, empowering him to
go and mark out those townships. But he having demanded an exorbitant sum
of money for his trouble, the members of the council agreed among
themselves to do this piece of service for their country. Accordingly
eleven townships were marked out by them in the following situations; two
on river Alatamacha, two on Savanna, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one on
Wacamaw, one on Watcree, and one on Black rivers.

    [Sidenote] A struggle about lands.

The old planters now acquiring every year greater strength of hands, by
the large importation of negroes, and extensive credit from England,
began to turn their attention more closely than ever to the lands of the
province. A spirit of emulation broke out among them for securing tracts
of the richest ground, but especially such as were most conveniently
situated for navigation. Complaints were made to the Assembly, that all
the valuable lands on navigable rivers and Creeks adjacent to Port-Royal
had been run out in exorbitant tracts, under colour of patents granted by
the Proprietors to Cassiques and Landgraves, by which the complainants,
who had, at the hazard of their lives, defended the country, were
hindered from obtaining such lands as could be useful and beneficial, at
the established quit-rents, though the Attorney and Solicitor-General of
England had declared such patents void. Among others, Job Rothmaller and
Thomas Cooper, having been accused of some illegal practices with respect
to this matter, a petition was presented to the Assembly by thirty-nine
inhabitants of Granville county in their vindication. When the Assembly
examined into the matter, they ordered their messenger forthwith to take
into custody Job Rothmaller and Thomas Cooper, for aiding, assisting, and
superintending the deputy-surveyor in marking out tracks of land already
surveyed, contrary to the quit rent act. But Cooper, being taken into
custody, applied to Chief Justice Wright for a writ of _habeas corpus_,
which was granted. The Assembly, however, sensible of the ill
consequences that would attend such illegal practices, determined to put
a stop to them by an act made on purpose. They complained to the Governor
and Council against the Surveyor-General, for encouraging land-jobbers,
and allowing such liberties as tended to create litigious disputes in the
province, and to involve it in great confusion. In consequence of which,
the Governor, to give an effectual check to such practices, prohibited
St. John to survey lands to any person without an express warrant from
him. The Surveyor-general, however, determined to make the most of his
office, and having a considerable number to support him, represented both
Governor and Council as persons disaffected to his Majesty's government,
and enemies to the interest of the country. Being highly offended at the
Assembly, he began to take great liberties without doors, and to turn
some of their speeches into ridicule. Upon which an order was issued to
take St. John also into custody; and then the Commons came to the
following spirited resolutions: "That it is the undeniable privilege of
this Assembly to commit such persons they may judge to deserve it: That
the freedom of speech and debate ought not to be impeached or questioned
in any court or place out of that house: That it is a contempt and
violation of the privileges of that house, to call in question any of
their commitments: That no writ of _habeas corpus_ lies in favour of any
person committed by that house, and that the messenger attending do yield
no obedience to such; and that the Chief Justice be made acquainted with
these resolutions." In consequence of which, Wright complained before the
Governor and Council of these resolutions, as tending to the dissolution
of all government, and charged the lower house with disallowing his
Majesty's undoubted prerogative, and with renouncing obedience to his
writs of _habeas corpus_. But the Council in general approved of their
conduct, and were of opinion, that the Assembly of Carolina had that same
privilege there, that the House of Commons had in England. In short, this
affair created some trouble in the colony. For while a strong party, from
motives of private interest, supported the Chief Justice; the Assembly
resolved, "That he appeared to be prejudiced against the people, and was
therefore unworthy of the office he held, and that it would tend to the
tranquillity of the province immediately to suspend him."

In this situation was the colony about the end of the year 1733. Each
planter, eager in the pursuit of large possessions of land, which were
formerly neglected, because of little value, strenuously vied with his
neighbour for a superiority of fortune, and seemed impatient of every
restraint that hindered or cramped him in his favourite pursuit. Many
favours and indulgences had already been granted them from the Crown, for
promoting their success and prosperity, and for securing the province
against external enemies. What farther favours they expected, we may
learn from the following Memorial and Representation of the state of
Carolina, transmitted to his Majesty, bearing date April 9th, 1734, and
signed by the Governor, the President of the Council, and the Speaker of
the Commons House of Assembly.

    [Sidenote] State of the colony.

"Your Majesty's most dutiful subjects of this province, having often
felt, with hearts full of gratitude, the many signal instances of your
Majesty's peculiar favour and protection, to those distant parts of your
dominions, and especially those late proofs of your Majesty's most
gracious and benign care, so wisely calculated for the preservation of
this your Majesty's frontier province on the continent of America, by
your royal charter to the Trustees for establishing the colony of
Georgia, and your great goodness so timely applied, for the promoting the
settlement of the Swiss at Purisburgh; encouraged by such views of your
Majesty's wise and paternal care, extended to your remotest subjects, and
excited by the duty we owe to your most sacred Majesty, to be always
watchful for the support and security of your Majesty's interest,
especially at this very critical conjuncture, when the flame of a war
breaking out in Europe may very speedily be lighted here, in this your
Majesty's frontier province, which, in situation, is known to be of the
utmost importance to the general trade and traffic in America: we,
therefore, your Majesty's most faithful Governor, Council, and Commons,
convened in your Majesty's province of South Carolina, crave leave with
great humility to represent to your Majesty the present state and
condition of this your province, and how greatly it stands in need of
your Majesty's gracious and timely succour in case of a war, to assist
our defence against the French and Spaniards, or any other enemies to
your Majesty's dominions, as well as against the many nations of savages
which so nearly threaten the safety of your Majesty's subjects.

"The province of South Carolina, and the new colony of Georgia, are the
southern frontiers of all your Majesty's dominions on the continent of
America; to the south and south-west of which is situated the strong
castle of St. Augustine, garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who have
several nations of Indians under their subjection, besides several other
small settlements and garrisons, some of which are not eighty miles
distant from the colony of Georgia. To the south-west and west of us the
French have erected a considerable town, near Fort Thoulouse on the
Moville river, and several other forts and garrisons, some not above
three hundred miles distant from our settlements; and at New Orleans on
the Mississippi river, since her late Majesty Queen Anne's war, they have
exceedingly increased their strength and traffic, and have now many forts
and garrisons on both sides of that great river for several hundred miles
up the same; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of the
Mississippi Company the government of that country into his own hands,
the French natives in Canada come daily down in shoals to settle all
along that river, where many regular forces have of late been sent over
by the King to strengthen the garrisons in those places, and, according
to our best and latest advices, they have five hundred men in pay,
constantly employed as wood-rangers, to keep their neighbouring Indians
in subjection, and to prevent the distant ones from disturbing the
settlements; which management of the French has so well succeeded, that
we are very well assured they have now wholly in their possession and
under their influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that are
situated near the Mississippi river, one of which, called the Choctaws,
by estimation consists of about five thousand fighting men, and who were
always deemed a very warlike nation, lies on this side the river, not
above four hundred miles distant from our out-settlements, among whom, as
well as several other nations of Indians, many French Europeans have been
sent to settle, whom the priests and missionaries among them encourage to
take Indian wives, and use divers other alluring methods to attach the
Indians the better to the French alliance, by which means the French are
become throughly acquainted with the Indian way, warring and living in
the woods, and have now a great number of white men among them, able to
perform a long march with an army of Indians upon any expedition.

"We further beg leave to inform your Majesty, that if the measures of
France should provoke your Majesty to a state of hostility against it in
Europe, we have great reason to expect an invasion will be here made upon
your Majesty's subjects by the French and Indians from the Mississippi
settlements. They have already paved a way for a design of that nature,
by erecting a fort called the Albama fort, alias Fort Lewis, in the
middle of the Upper Creek Indians, upon a navigable river leading to
Mobile, which they have kept well garrisoned and mounted with fourteen
pieces of cannon, and have lately been prevented from erecting a second
nearer to us on that quarter. The Upper Creeks are a nation very bold,
active and daring, consisting of about two thousand five hundred fighting
men, (and not above one hundred and fifty miles distant from the
Choctaws), whom, through we heretofore have traded with, claimed and held
in our alliance, yet the French, on account of that fort and a superior
ability to make them liberal presents, have been for some time striving
to draw them over to their interest, and have succeeded with some of the
towns of the Creeks; which, if they can be secured in your Majesty's
interest, are the only nation which your Majesty's subjects here can
depend upon as the best barrier against any attempts either of the French
or their confederate Indians.

"We most humbly beg leave farther to inform your Majesty, that the French
at Mobile perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to their
interest without buying their deer-skins, (which is the only commodity
the Indians have to purchase necessaries with), and the French not being
able to dispose of those skins by reason of their having no vent for them
in Old France, they have found means to encourage vessels from hence,
New-York, and other places, (which are not prohibited by the acts of
trade), to truck those skins with them for Indian trading goods,
especially the British woollen manufactures, which the French dispose of
to the Creeks and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which means the Indians
are much more alienated from our interest, and on every occasion object
to us that the French can supply them with strouds and blankets as well
as the English, which would have the contrary effect if they were wholly
supplied with those commodities by your Majesty's subjects trading with
them. If a stop were therefore put to that pernicious trade with the
French, the chief dependence of the Creek Indians would be on this
government, and that of Georgia, to supply them with goods; by which
means great part of the Choctaws, living next the Creeks, would see the
advantage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having British woollen
manufactures wholly from your Majesty's subjects, and thereby be invited
in a short time to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which they
have lately made some offers for, and which, if effected, will soon
lessen the interest of the French with those Indians, and by degrees
attach them to that of your Majesty.

"The only expedient we can propose to recover and confirm that nation to
your Majesty's interest, is by speedily making them presents to withdraw
them from the French alliance, and by building some forts among them your
Majesty may be put in such a situation, that on the first notice of
hostilities with the French, your Majesty may be able at once to reduce
the Albama fort, and we may then stand against the French and their
Indians, which, if not timely prepared for before a war breaks out, we
have too much reason to fear we may be soon over-run by the united
strength of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other nations
of their Indian allies: for, should the Creeks become wholly enemies, who
are well acquainted with all our settlements, we probably should also be
soon deserted by the Cherokees, and a few others, small tribes of
Indians, who, for the sake of our booty, would readily join to make us a
prey to the French and savages. Ever since the late Indian war, the
offences given us then by the Creeks have made that nation very jealous
of your Majesty's subjects of this province. We have therefore concerted
measures with the honourable James Oglethorpe, Esq; who, being at the
head of a new colony, will (we hope) be successful for your Majesty's
interest among that people. He has already by presents attached the Lower
Creeks to your Majesty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour the
fixing a garrison among the Upper Creeks, the expence of which is already
in part provided for in this session of the General Assembly of this
province. We hope therefore to prevent the French from encroaching
farther on your Majesty's territories, until your Majesty is graciously
pleased further to strengthen and secure the same.

"We find the Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to your
Majesty's subjects trading among them, notwithstanding the many favours
the chiefs of that nation received from your Majesty in Great-Britain,
besides a considerable expence which your Majesty's subjects of this
province have been at in making them presents, which inclines us to
believe that the French, by their Indians, have been tampering with them.
We therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that the building and
mounting some forts likewise among the Cherokees, and making them
presents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty to
your Majesty, lest the French may prevail in seducing that nation, which
they may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of getting
considerable plunder in slaves, cattle, _&c._ commodities which they very
well know we have among us, several other forts will be indispensibly
necessary, to be a cover to your Majesty's subjects settled backwards in
this province, as also to those of the colony of Georgia, both which in
length are very extensive; for though the trustees for establishing the
colony of Georgia, by a particular scheme of good management, painfully
conducted by the gentleman engaged here in that charitable enterprise,
has put that small part of the colony, which he has not yet been able to
establish, in a tenable condition, against the Spaniards of Florida which
lie to the southward; yet the back exposition of those colonies to the
vast number of French and Indians which border on the westward, must, in
case of a war, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's gracious and timely
succour. The expense of our safety on such an occasion, we must, with all
humility, acquaint your Majesty, either for men or money, can never be
effected by your Majesty's subjects of this province, who, in conjunction
with Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three thousand five
hundred men, which compose the militia, and wholly consist of planters,
tradesmen, and other men of business.

"Besides the many dangers which by land we are exposed to from so many
enemies that lie on the back of us; we further beg leave to represent to
your Majesty, the defenceless condition of our ports and harbours, where
any enemies of your Majesty's dominions may very easily by sea invade us,
there being no fortifications capable of making much resistance. Those in
Charlestown harbour are now in a very shattered condition, occasioned by
the late violent storms and hurricanes, which already cost this country a
great deal of money, and now requires several thousands of pounds to
repair the old and build new ones, to mount the ordnance which your
Majesty was graciously pleased to send us, which, with great concern, we
must inform your Majesty we have not yet been able to accomplish, being
lately obliged, for the defence and support of this your Majesty's
province and government, to raise, by a tax on the inhabitants, a supply
of above forty thousand pounds paper currency _per annum_, which is a
considerable deal more than a third part of all the currency among us; a
charge which your Majesty's subjects of this province are but barely able
to sustain. Since your Majesty's royal instruction to your Majesty's
Governor here, an entire stop has been put to the duties which before
accrued from European goods imported; and if a war should happen, or any
thing extraordinary, to be farther expensive here, we should be under the
utmost difficulties to provide additionally for the same, lest an
increase of taxes with an apprehension of danger, should drive away many
of our present inhabitants, as well as discourage others from coming here
to settle for the defence and improvement of your Majesty's province,
there being several daily moving with their families and effects to North
Carolina, where there are no such fears and burdens.

"We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, amidst our
other perilous circumstances, we are subject to many intestine dangers
from the great number of negroes that are now among us, who amount at
least to twenty-two thousand persons, and are three to one of all your
Majesty's white subjects in this province. Insurrections against us have
been often attempted, and would at any time prove very fatal if the
French should instigate them, by artfully giving them an expectation of
freedom. In such a situation we most humbly crave leave to acquaint your
Majesty, that even the present ordinary expences necessary for the care
and support of this your Majesty's province and government, cannot be
provided for by your Majesty's subjects of this province, without your
Majesty's gracious pleasure to continue those laws for establishing the
duty on negroes and other duties for seven years, and for appropriating
the same, which now lie before your Majesty for your royal assent and
approbation; and the further expences that will be requisite for the
erecting some forts, and establishing garrisons in the several necessary
places, so as to form a barrier for the security of this your Majesty's
province, we most humbly submit to your Majesty.

"Your Majesty's subjects of this province, with fulness of zeal, duty and
affection to your most gracious and sacred Majesty, are so highly
sensible of the great importance of this province to the French, that we
must conceive it more than probable, if a war should happen, they will
use all endeavours to bring this country under their subjection; they
would be thereby enabled to support their sugar islands with all sorts of
provisions and lumber by an easy navigation, which to our great advantage
is not so practicable from the present French colonies, besides the
facility of gaining then to their interest most of the Indian trade on
the northern continent; they might then easily unite the Canadees and
Choctaws, with the many other nations of Indians which are now in their
interest. And the several ports and harbours of Carolina and Georgia,
which now enable your Majesty to be absolute master of the passage
through the Gulf of Florida, and to impede, at your pleasure, the
transportation home of the Spanish treasure, would then prove for many
convenient harbours for your Majesty's enemies, by their privateers or
ships of war to annoy a great part of the British trade to America, as
well as that which is carried on through the Gulf from Jamaica; besides
the loss which Great Britain must feel in so considerable a part of its
navigation, as well as the exports of masts, pitch, tar, and turpentine,
which, without any dependence on the northern parts of Europe, are from
hence plentifully supplied for the use of the British shipping.

"This is the present state and condition of your Majesty's province of
South Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds sufficient for the
defence of this wide frontier, and so destitute of white men, that even
money itself cannot here raise a sufficient body of them.

"With all humility we therefore beg leave to lay ourselves at the feet of
your Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's most gracious care in the
extremities we should be reduced to on the breaking out of a war; and
that your Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend your protection
to us, as your Majesty, in your great wisdom, shall think proper."

    [Sidenote] The regulations of the Trustees.

In the mean time the Trustees for Georgia had been employed in framing a
plan of settlement and establishing such public regulations as they
judged most proper for answering the great end of the corporation. In
this general plan they considered each inhabitant both as a planter and a
soldier who must be provided with arms and ammunition for defence, as
well as with tools and utensils for cultivation. As the strength of the
province was their chief object in view, they agreed to establish such
tenures for holding lands in it as they judged most favourable for a
military establishment. Each tract of land granted was considered as a
military fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms, and take
the field, when called upon for the public defence. To prevent large
tracts from falling in process of time into one hand, they agreed to
grant their lands in tail male in preference to tail general. On the
termination of the estate in tail male, the lands were to revert to the
trust; and such lands thus reverting were to be granted again to such
persons, as the common council of the trust should judge most
advantageous for the colony; only the Trustees in such a case were to pay
special regard to the daughters of such persons as had made improvements
on their lots, especially when not already provided for by marriage. The
wives of such persons as should survive them, were to be during their
lives entitled to the mansion-house, and one-half of the lands improved
by their husbands. No man was to be permitted to depart the province
without licence. If any part of the lands granted by the Trustees, shall
not by cultivated, cleared, and fenced round about with a worm fence, or
pales, six feet high, within eighteen years from the date of the grant,
such part was to revert to the trust, and the grant with respect to it to
be void. All forfeitures for non-residence, high-treason, felonies, _&c._
were to the Trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. The use of
negroes was to be absolutely prohibited, and also the importation of rum.
None of the colonists were to be permitted to trade with Indians, but
such as should obtain a special licence for that purpose.

    [Sidenote] Their impolitical restrictions.

These were some of the fundamental regulations established by the
Trustees of Georgia, and perhaps the imagination of man could scarcely
have framed a system of rules worse adapted to the circumstances and
situation of the poor settlers, and of more pernicious consequence to the
prosperity of the province. Yet, although the Trustees were greatly
mistaken, with respect to their plan of settlement, it must be
acknowledged their views were generous. As the people sent out by them
were the poor and unfortunate, who were to be provided with necessaries
at their public store, they received their lands upon condition of
cultivation, and by their personal residence, of defence. Silk and wine
being the chief articles intended to be raised, they judged negroes were
not requisite to these purposes. As the colony was designed to be a
barrier to South Carolina, against the Spanish settlement at Augustine
they imagined that negroes would rather weaken than strengthen it, and
that such poor colonists would run into debt, and ruin themselves by
purchasing them. Rum was judged pernicious to health, and ruinous to the
infant settlement. A free trade with Indians was considered as a thing
that might have a tendency to involve the people in quarrels and troubles
with the powerful savages, and expose them to danger and destruction.
Such were probably the motives which induced those humane and generous
persons to impose such foolish and ridiculous restrictions on their
colony. For by granting their small estates in tail male, they drove the
settlers from Georgia, who soon found that abundance of lands could be
obtained in America upon a larger scale, and on much better terms. By the
prohibition of negroes, they rendered it impracticable in such a climate
to make any impression on the thick forest, Europeans being utterly
unqualified for the heavy task. By their discharging a trade with the
West Indies, they not only deprived the colonists of an excellent and
convenient market for their lumber, of which they had abundance on their
lands, but also of rum, which, when mixed with a sufficient quantity of
water, has been found in experience the cheapest, the most refreshing,
and nourishing drink for workmen in such a soggy and burning climate. The
Trustees, like other distant legislators, who framed their regulations
upon principles of speculation, were liable to many errors and mistakes,
and however good their design, their rules were found improper and
impracticable. The Carolineans plainly perceived, that they would prove
unsurmountable obstacles to the progress and prosperity of the colony,
and therefore from motives of pity began to invite the poor Georgians to
come over Savanna river, and settle in Carolina, being convinced that
they could never succeed under such impolitic and oppressive
restrictions.

    [Sidenote] Two Colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out.

Besides the large sums of money which the Trustees had expended for the
settlement of Georgia, the Parliament had also granted during the two
past years thirty-six thousand pounds towards carrying into execution the
humane purpose of the corporation. But after the representation and
memorial from the legislature of Carolina reached Britain, the nation
considered Georgia to be of the utmost importance to the British
settlements in America, and began to make still more vigorous efforts for
its speedy population. The first embarkations of poor people from
England, being collected from towns and cities, were found equally idle
and useless members of society abroad, as they had been at home. An hardy
and bold race of man, inured to rural labour and fatigue, they were
persuaded would be much better adapted both for cultivation and defence.
To find men possessed of these qualifications, the Trustees turned their
eyes to Germany and the Highlands of Scotland, and resolved to send over
a number of Scotch and German labourers to their infant province. When
they published their terms at Inverness, an hundred and thirty
Highlanders immediately accepted them, and were transported to Georgia. A
town-ship on the river Alatamaha, which was considered as the boundary
between the British and Spanish territories, was allotted for the
Highlanders, on which dangerous situation they settled, and built a town,
which they called New Inverness. About the same time an hundred and
seventy Germans embarked with James Oglethorpe, and were fixed in another
quarter; so that, in the space of three years, Georgia received above
four hundred British subjects, and about an hundred and seventy
foreigners. Afterwards several adventurers, both from Scotland and
Germany, followed their countrymen, and added further strength to the
province, and the Trustees flattered themselves with the hopes of soon
seeing it in a promising condition.

    [Sidenote] Thomas Broughton Lieut.-governor of Carolina.

The same year Carolina lost Robert Johnson, her favourite Governor, whose
death was as much lamented by the people, as during his life he had been
beloved and respected. The province having been much indebted to his
wisdom, courage and abilities, to perpetuate his memory among them, and,
in testimony of their esteem, a monument was erected in their church at
the public expence. After his decease the government devolved on Thomas
Broughton, a plain honest man, but little distinguished either for his
knowledge or valour. As the welfare of the province depended greatly on
its government, no man ought to be entrusted with such a charge but men
of approved virtue and capacity. There is as much danger arising to a
community from a feeble and contemptible government, as from an excess of
power committed to its rulers. Weak and unexperienced hands hold the
reins of government with awkwardness and difficulty, and being easily
imposed upon, their authority sinks into contempt. At this time many of
the leading men of the colony scrupled not to practise impositions, and
being eagerly bent on engrossing lands, the Lieutenant-Governor freely
granted them warrants; and the planters, provided they acquired large
possessions, were not very scrupulous about the legality of the way and
manner in which they were obtained.

    [Sidenote] Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia.

James Oglethorpe having brought a number of great guns with him from
England, now began to fortify Georgia, by erecting strong-holds on its
frontiers, where he judged they might be useful for its safety and
protection. At one place, which he called Augusta a fort was erected on
the banks of Savanna river, which was excellently situated for protecting
the Indian trade, and holding treaties of commerce and alliance with
several of the savage nations. At another place, called Frederica, on an
island nigh the mouth of the river Alatamaha, another fort, with four
regular bastions, was erected, and several pieces of cannon were mounted
on it. Ten miles nearer the sea a battery was raised, commanding the
entrance into the sound, through which all ships of force must come that
might be sent against Frederica. To keep little garrisons in these forts,
to help the Trustees to defray the expences of such public works, ten
thousand pounds were granted by the parliament of Great Britain.

    [Sidenote] Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards.

While James Oglethorpe was thus busily employed in strengthening Georgia,
he received a message from the Governor of Augustine, acquainting him
that a Spanish Commissioner from Havanna had arrived there, in order to
make certain demands of him, and would meet him at Frederica for that
purpose. At the same time he had advice, that three companies of foot had
came along with him to that Spanish settlement. A few days afterwards
this Commissioner came to Georgia by sea, and Oglethorpe, unwilling to
permit him to come to Frederica, dispatched a sloop to bring him into
Jekyl Sound, where he intended to hold a conference with him. Here the
Commissioner had the modesty to demand, that Oglethorpe and his people
should immediately evacuate all the territories to the southward of St.
Helena Sound, as they belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined
to maintain his right to them; and if he refuted to comply with his
demand, he had orders to proceed to Charlestown and lay the same before
the Governor and Council of that province. Oglethorpe endeavoured to
convince him that his Catholic Majesty had been misinformed with respect
to those territories, but to no purpose; his instructions were
peremptory, and the conference broke up without coming to any agreement.
After which Oglethorpe embarked with all possible expedition, and sailed
for England.

During his absence the strict law of the Trustees, respecting the rum
trade, had like to have created a quarrel between the Carolineans and
Georgians. The fortification at Augusta had induced some traders of
Carolina to open stores at that place, so conveniently situated for
commerce with Indian nations. For this purpose, land carriage being
expensive, they intended to force their way by water with loaded boats up
Savanna river to their stores at Augusta. But as they passed the town of
Savanna, the magistrates rashly ordered the boats to be stopt, the
packages to be opened, the casks of rum to be staved, and the people to
be confined. Such injurious treatment was not to be suffered; the
Carolineans determined to give a check to their insolence, and for that
purpose deputed two persons, one from the Council and another from the
Assembly, to demand of the Georgians by what authority they presumed to
seize and destroy the effects of their traders, or to compel them to
submit to their code of laws. The magistrates of Georgia, sensible of
their error, made great concessions to the deputies, and treated them
with the utmost civility and respect. The goods were instantly ordered to
be returned, the people to be set at liberty, and all manner of
satisfaction was given to the deputies they could have expected. Strict
orders were sent to the agents of Georgia among Indians not to molest the
traders from Carolina, but to give them all the assistance and protection
in their power. The Carolineans, on the other hand, engaged not to
smuggle any strong liquors among the settlers of Georgia, and the
navigation on the river Savanna was declared equally open and free to
both provinces.

    [Sidenote] The brave Chickesaws defeat the French.

About the same time the French took the field against the Emperor; and
the flames of war kindling between such powerful potentates, would, it
was thought, inevitably spread, and involve all Europe in the quarrel. In
case Great Britain should interfere in this matter; and declare in favour
of the Emperor, orders were sent out to the Governors of Quebec and New
Orleans to invade the weakest frontiers of the British settlements of
America. For this purpose an army was formed in New France, and
preparations were made for uniting the force of Canada and Louisiana to
attack Carolina. But before this design was put in execution, advice
came, that the clouds of war which threatened Europe were dispersed, and
a general peace was restored, by the mediation of Britain and Holland.
This put a stop to the motions of the main body in Canada; however, a
detachment of two hundred French and four hundred Indians were sent down
the Mississippi, to meet a party from New Orleans to cut off the
Chickesaw Indians. This tribe were the firm allies of Britain, and the
bravest nation of savages on the continent, but consisted only of between
six and eight hundred gun-men. The French having encroached in their
lands, and built some forts nigh them, had on that account drawn upon
themselves their invincible enmity and resentment. The Chickesaws had
long obstinately opposed their progress up the river Mississippi, and
were now the chief obstacle that prevented a regular communication
between Louisiana and Canada. The French determined to remove it, by
extirpating this troublesome nation, and for this purpose fell down the
river in boats to the place where they expected to meet their friends
from New Orleans. But the party from the southward not coming up at the
time appointed, and the Canadians thinking themselves strong enough for
the enterprize, began the war by attacking the Chickesaw towns. Upon
which the savages gathered together above three hundred warriors, gave
the French battle in an open field, and, though with considerable loss,
compleatly defeated them. Above forty Frenchmen and eight Indians were
killed on the spot, and the rest were taken prisoners, among whom was
their commander, and chief, brother to Mons. Bienville, Governor of New
Orleans. Hard was the fate of the unfortunate prisoners, who for several
days were kept almost perishing with hunger in the wilderness, and at
last were tied to a stake, tortured, and burned to death. Another party
of French from Mobile, in the same year, advanced against the Creeks, who
were also unsuccessful, and obliged to retreat with considerable loss.
Carolina rejoiced at those disasters, and began now more than ever to
court the friendship and interest of these rude nations in their
neighbourhood, considering them as the best barrier against their natural
enemies.

    [Sidenote] Religious state of the colony.

By this time the Episcopalian form of divine worship had gained ground in
Carolina, and was more countenanced by the people than any other. That
zeal for the right of private judgment had much abated, and those
prejudices against the hierarchy, which the first emigrants carried from
England with them, were now almost entirely worn off from the succeeding
generation. To bring about this change, no doubt the well-timed zeal and
extensive bounty of the society, incorporated for the propagation of the
Gospel, had greatly contributed. At this time the corporation had no less
than twelve missionaries in Carolina, each of whom shared of their
bounty. Indeed, a mild church-government, together with able, virtuous,
and prudent teachers, in time commonly give the establishment in every
country a superiority over all sectaries. Spacious churches had been
erected in the province, which were pretty well supplied with clergymen,
who were paid from the public treasury, and countenanced by the civil
authority, all which favoured the established church. The dissenters of
Carolina were not only obliged to erect and uphold their churches, and
maintain their clergy by private contributions, but also to contribute
their share in the way of taxes, in proportion to their ability, equally
with their neighbours; towards the maintenance of the poor, and the
support of the establishment. This indeed many of them considered as a
grievance, but having but few friends in the provincial assembly, no
redress could be obtained for them. Besides, the establishment gave its
adherents many advantageous privileges in point of power and authority
over persons of other denominations. It gave them the best chance for
being elected members of the legislature, and of course of being
appointed to offices, both civil and military in their respective
districts. Over youthful minds, fond of power, pomp and military parade,
such advantages have great weight. Dissenters indeed had the free choice
of their ministers, but even this is often the cause of division. When
differences happen in a parish, the minority must yield, and therefore
through private pique, discontent or resentment, they often conform to
the establishment. It is always difficult, and often impossible for a
minister to please all parties, especially where all claim an equal right
to judge and chuse for themselves, and divisions and subdivisions seldom
fail to ruin the power and influence of all sectaries. This was evidently
the case in Carolina for many of the posterity of rigid Dissenters were
now found firm adherents to the church of England, which had grown
numerous on the ruins of the dissenting interest.

    [Sidenote] The association of Presbyterians.

However, the emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, most of whom were
Presbyterians, still composed a considerable party of the province, and
kept up the Presbyterian form of worship in it. Archibald Stobo, of whom
I have formerly taken notice, by great diligence and ability still
preserved a number of followers. An association had been formed in favour
of this mode of religious worship, by Messrs. Stobo, Fisher, and
Witherspoon, three ministers of the church of Scotland, together with
Joseph Stanyarn, and Joseph Blake, men of respectable characters and
considerable fortunes. The Presbyterians had already erected churches at
Charlestown, Wiltown, and in three of the maritime islands, for the use
of the people adhering to that form of religious worship. As the
inhabitants multiplied, several more in different parts of the province
afterwards joined them, and built churches, particularly at Jacksonburgh,
Indian Town, Port-Royal, and Williamsburgh. The first clergymen having
received their ordination in the church of Scotland, the fundamental
rules of the association were framed according to the forms, doctrines,
and discipline of that establishment, to which they agreed to conform as
closely as their local circumstances would admit. These ministers adopted
this mode of religious worship, not only from a persuasion of its
conformity to the primitive Apostolic form, but also from a conviction of
its being, of all others, the most favourable to civil liberty, equality,
and independence. Sensible that not only natural endowments, but also a
competent measure of learning and acquired knowledge were necessary to
qualify men for the sacred function, and enable them to discharge the
duties of it with honour and success, they associated on purpose to
prevent deluded mechanics, and illiterate novices from creeping into the
pulpit, to the disgrace of the character, and the injury of religion. In
different parts of the province, persons of this stamp had appeared, who
cried down all establishments, both civil and religions, and seduced weak
minds from the duties of allegiance, and all that the Presbytery could do
was to prevent them from teaching under the sanction of their authority.
But this association of Presbyterians having little countenance from
government, and no name or authority in law, their success depended
wholly on the superior knowledge, popular talents and exemplary life of
their ministers. From time to time clergymen were afterwards sent out at
the request of the people from Scotland and Ireland; and the colonists
contributed to maintain them, till at length funds were established in
trust by private legacies and donations, to be appropriated for the
support of Presbyterian ministers, and the encouragement of that mode of
religious worship and government.

    [Sidenote] Remarks on paper-currency.

I have several times made remarks on the paper-currency of the province,
which the planters were always for increasing, and the merchants and
money lenders for sinking. The exchange of London, like a commercial
thermometer, served to measure the rise or fall of paper-credit in
Carolina; and the price of bills of exchange commonly ascertained the
value of their current money. The permanent riches of the country
consisted in lands, houses, and negroes; and the produce of the lands,
improved by negroes, raw materials, provisions, and naval stores, were
exchanged for what the province wanted from other countries. The
attention of the mercantile part was chiefly employed about staple
commodities; and as their great object was present profit it was natural
for them to be governed by that great axiom in trade, whoever brings
commodities cheapest and in the best order to market, must always meet
with the greatest encouragement and success. The planters, on the other
hand, attended to the balance of trade, which was turned in their favour,
and concluded, that when the exports of any province exceeded its
imports, whatever losses private persons might now and then sustain, yet
that province upon the whole was growing rich. Let us suppose, what was
indeed far from being the case, that Georgia so far advanced in
improvement as to rival Carolina in raw materials, and exchangeable
commodities, and to undersell her at the markets in Europe: This
advantage could only arise from the superior quality of her lands, the
cheapness of her labour, or her landed men being contented with smaller
profits. In such a case it was the business of the Carolina merchants to
lower the price of her commodities, in order to reap the same advantages
with her neighbours; and this could only be done by reducing the quantity
of paper-money in circulation. If gold and silver only past current in
Georgia, which by general consent was the medium of commerce throughout
the world, if she had a sufficient quantity of them to answer the
purposes of trade, and no paper-currency had been permitted to pass
current; in such case her commodities would bring their full value at the
provincial market, and no more, according to the general standard of
money in Europe. Supposing also that Carolina had a quantity of gold and
silver in circulation, sufficient for the purposes of commerce, and that
the planters, in order to raise the value of their produce, should issue
paper-money equal to the quantity of gold and silver in circulation, the
consequence would be, the price of labour, and of all articles of
exportation would be doubled. But as the markets of Europe remained the
same, and her commodities being of the same kind and quality with those
of Georgia, they would not bring an higher price. Some persons must be
losers, and in the fist instance this loss must fall on the mercantile
interest, and moneyed men. Therefore this superabundance of paper-credit,
on whose foundation the deluded province built its visionary fabric of
great wealth, was not only useless, but prejudicial with respect to the
community. Paper-money in such large quantities is the bane of commerce,
a kind of fictitious wealth, making men by high founding language imagine
they are worth thousands and millions, while a ship's load of it would
not procure for the country a regiment of auxiliary troops in time of
war, nor a suit of clothes at an European market in time of peace. Had
America, from its first settlement, prohibited paper-money altogether,
her staple commodities must have brought her, in the course of commerce,
vast sums of gold and silver, which would have circulated through the
continent, and answered all the purposes of trade both foreign and
domestic. It is true the value of gold and silver is equally nominal, and
rises and falls like the value of other articles of commerce, in
proportion to the quantity in circulation. But as nations in general have
fixed on these metals as the medium of trade, this has served to stamp a
value on them, and render them the means not only of procuring every
where the necessaries of life, but by supporting public credit, the chief
means also of national protection.

However, some distinction in point of policy should perhaps be made
between a colony in its infancy, and a nation already possessed of
wealth, and in an advanced state of agriculture and commerce, especially
while the former is united to, and under the protection of the latter. To
a growing colony, such as Carolina, paper-credit, under certain
limitations, was useful in several respects; especially as the gold and
silver always left the country, when it answered the purpose of the
merchant for remittance better than produce. This credit served to
procure the planter strength of hands to clear and cultivate his fields,
from which the real wealth of the province arose. But in an improved
country such as England, supported by labourers, manufacturers and trade,
large emissions of paper-money lessen the value of gold and silver, and
both cause them to leave the country, and its produce and manufactures to
come dearer to market. Adventurous planters in Carolina, eager to obtain
a number of negroes, always stretched their credit with the traders to
its utmost pitch; for as negroes on good lands cleared themselves in a
few years, they by this means made an annual addition to their capital
stock. After obtaining this credit, it then became their interest to
maintain their superiority in assembly, and discharge their debt to the
merchants in the easiest manner they could. The increase of paper-money
always proved to them a considerable assistance, as it advanced the price
of those commodities they brought to the market, by which they cancelled
their debts with the merchants; so that however much this currency might
depreciate, the loss occasioned by it from time to time fell not on the
adventurous planters, but on the merchants and money-lenders, who were
obliged to take it in payment of debts, or produce, which always arose in
price in proportion to its depreciation.

In excuse for increasing provincial paper-money the planters always pled
the exigencies of the public, such as warlike expeditions, raising
fortifications, providing military stores, and maintaining garrisons;
those no doubt rendered the measure sometimes necessary, and often
reasonable, but private interest had also considerable weight in adopting
it, and carrying it into execution. In the year 1737, a bill of exchange
on London, for a hundred pounds sterling, sold for seven hundred and
fifty pounds Carolina currency. Of this the merchants might complain, but
from this period they had too little weight in the public councils to
obtain any redress. The only resource left for them was to raise the
price of negroes, and British articles of importation, according to the
advanced price of produce, and bills of exchange. However, the exchange
again fell to seven hundred _per cent._ at which standard it afterwards
rested and remained.

    [Sidenote] Small progress of Georgia.

By this time the poor colonists of Georgia, after trial, had become fully
convinced of the impropriety and folly of the plan of settlement framed
by the Trustees, which, however well intended, was ill adapted to their
circumstances, and ruinous to the settlement. In the province of
Carolina, which lay adjacent, the colonists discovered that there they
could obtain lands not only on better terms, but also liberty to purchase
negroes to assist in clearing and cultivating them. They found labour in
the burning climate intolerable, and the dangers and hardships to which
they were subjected unsurmountable. Instead of raising commodities for
exportation, the Georgians, by the labour of several years, were not yet
able to raise provisions sufficient to support themselves and families.
Under each discouragements, numbers retired to the Carolina side of the
river, where they had better prospects of success, and the magistrates
observed the infant colony sinking into ruin, and likely to be totally
deserted. The freeholders in and round Savanna assembled together, and
drew up a state of their deplorable circumstances, and transmitted it to
the Trustees, in which they represented their success in Georgia as a
thing absolutely impossible, without the enjoyment of the same liberties
and privileges with their neighbours in Carolina. In two respects they
implored relief from the Trustees; they desired a fee-simple or free
title to their lands, and liberty to import negroes under certain
limitations, without which they declared they had neither encouragement
to labour, nor ability to provide for their posterity. But the colony of
Highlanders, instead of joining in this application, to a man
remonstrated against the introduction of slaves. As they lay contiguous
to the Spanish dominions, they were apprehensive that these enemies would
entice their slaves from them in time of peace, and in time of war
instigate them to rise against their masters. Besides, they considered
perpetual slavery as shocking to human nature, and deemed the permission
of it as a grievance, and which in some future day might also prove a
scourge, and make many feel the smart of that oppression they so
earnestly desired to introduce. For as the Spaniards had proclaimed
freedom to them, they alledged that slaves would run away, and ruin poor
planters; and at all events would disqualify them the more for defending
the province against external enemies, while their families were exposed
to barbarous domestics, provoked perhaps by harsh usage, or grown
desperate through misery and oppression.

    [Sidenote] Hardships of the first settlers.

Few persons who are acquainted with the country will wonder at the
complaints of the poor settlers in Georgia; for if we consider the
climate to which they were sent, and the labours and hardships they had
to undergo, we may rather be astonished that any of them survived the
first year after their arrival. When James Oglethorpe took possession of
this wilderness, the whole was an immense thick forest, excepting
savannas, which are natural plains where no trees grow, and a few Indian
fields, where the savages planted maize for their subsistence. In the
province there were the same wild animals, fishes, reptiles and insects,
which were found in Carolina. The country in the maritime parts was
likewise a spacious plain, covered with pine trees, where the lands were
barren and sandy; and with narrow slips of oaks, hickory, cypress, cane,
&c. where the lands were of a better quality. Rains, thunder-storms,
hurricanes, and whirlwinds, were equally frequent in the one province as
in the other. Little difference could be perceived in the soil, which in
both was barren or swampy; and the same diseases were common to both. The
lands being covered with wood, through which the sea-breezes could not
penetrate, there was little agitation in the air, which at some seasons
was thick, heavy and foggy, and at others clear, close, and suffocating,
both which are very pernicious to health. The air of the swampy land was
pregnant with innumerable noxious qualities, insomuch that a more
unwholesome climate was not perhaps to be found in the universe. The poor
settlers considered this howling wilderness to which they were brought,
to have been designed by nature rather for the habitation of wild beasts
than human creatures. They found that diseases, or even misfortunes were
in effect equally fatal: for though neither of them might prove mortal,
yet either would disable them from living, and reduce them to a state in
which they might more properly be said to perish than to die.

Nothing has retarded the progress and improvement of these southern
settlements more than the inattention shewn to the natural productions of
the soil, and the preference which has commonly been given to articles
transplanted from Europe. Over the whole world different articles of
produce are suited to different soils and climates. As Georgia lay so
convenient for supplying the West Indies with maize, Indian pease, and
potatoes, for which the demand was very great, perhaps the first planters
could scarcely have turned their attention to more profitable articles,
but without strength of hands little advantage could be reaped from them.
It is true the West-India Islands would produce such articles, yet the
planters would never cultivate them, while they could obtain them by
purchase: the lands there suited other productions more valuable and
advantageous. Abundance of stock, particularly hogs and black cattle,
might have been raised in Georgia for the same market. Lumber was also in
demand, and might have been rendered profitable to the province, but
nothing could succeed there under the foolish restrictions of the
Trustees. European grain, such as wheat, oats, barley, and rye, thrived
very ill on the maritime parts; and even silk and wine were found upon
trial by no means to answer their expectations. The bounties given for
raising the latter were an encouragement to the settlers, but either no
pains were taken to instruct the people in the proper methods of raising
them, or the soil and climate were ill adapted for the purpose. The poor
and ignorant planters applied themselves to those articles of husbandry
to which probably they had been formerly accustomed, but which poorly
rewarded them and left them, after all their toil, in a starved and
miserable condition.

The complaints of the Georgians, however ignorant they might be, ought
not to have been entirely disregarded by the Trustees. Experience
suggested those inconveniencies and troubles from which they implored
relief. The hints they gave certainly ought to have been improved towards
correcting errors in the first plan of settlement, and framing another
more favourable and advantageous. Such scattered thoughts of individuals
sometimes afford wise men materials for forming just judgments, and
improving towards the establishment of the best and most beneficial
regulations. The people governed ought never to be excluded from the
attention and regard of their Governors. The honour of the Trustees
depended on the success and happiness of the settlers, and it was
impossible for the people to succeed and be happy without those
encouragements, liberties and privileges absolutely necessary to the
first state of colonization. A free title to their land, liberty to chuse
it, and then to manage it in such a manner as appeared to themselves most
conducive to their interest, were the principal incentives to industry;
and industry, well directed, is the grand source of opulence to every
country.

It must be acknowledged, for the credit of the benevolent Trustees, that
they sent out these emigrants to Georgia under several very favourable
circumstances. They paid the expences of their passage, and furnished
them with clothes, arms, ammunition, and instruments of husbandry. They
gave them lands, and bought for some of them cows and hogs to begin their
flock. They maintained their family during the first year of their
occupancy, or until they should receive some return from their lands. So
that if the planters were exposed to hazards from the climate, and
obliged to undergo labour, they certainly entered on their task with
several advantages. The taxes demanded, comparatively speaking, were a
mere trifle. For their encouragement they wrought entirely for
themselves, and for some time were favoured with a free and generous
maintenance.

    [Sidenote] An Irish colony planted.

By this time an account of the great privileges and indulgences granted
by the crown for the encouragement of emigration to Carolina, had been
published through Britain and Ireland, and many industrious people in
different parts had resolved to take the benefit of his Majesty's bounty.
Multitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland, oppressed by landlords
and bishops, and unable by their utmost diligence to procure a
comfortable subsistence for their families, embarked for Carolina. The
first colony of Irish people had lands granted them near Santee river,
and formed the settlement called Williamsburgh township. But
notwithstanding the bounty of the crown, these poor emigrants remained
for several years in low and miserable circumstances. The rigours of the
climate, joined to the want of precaution, so common to strangers, proved
fatal to numbers of them. Having but scanty provisions in the first age
of cultivation, vast numbers, by their heavy labour, being both
debilitated in body and dejected in spirit, sickened and died in the
woods. But as this township received frequent supplies from the same
quarter, the Irish settlement, amidst every hardship, increased in
number; and at length they applied to the merchants for negroes, who
entrusted them with a few, by which means they were relieved from the
severest part of the labour, then, by their great diligence and industry,
spots of land were gradually cleared, which in the first place yielded
them provisions, and in process of time became moderate and fruitful
estates.




CHAP. VIII.


    [Sidenote] Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico.

For several years before an open rupture took place between Great Britain
and Spain, no good understanding subsisted between those two different
courts, neither with respect to the privileges of navigation on the
Mexican seas, nor to the limits between the provinces of Georgia and
Florida. On one hand, the Spaniards pretended that they had an exclusive
right to some latitudes in the bay of Mexico; and, on the other, though
the matter had never been clearly ascertained by treaty, the British
merchants claimed the privilege of cutting logwood on the bay of
Campeachy. This liberty indeed had been tolerated on the part of Spain
for several years, and the British merchants, from avaricious motives,
had begun a traffic with the Spaniards, and supplied them with goods of
English manufacture.  To prevent this illicit trade, the Spaniards
doubled the number of ships stationed in Mexico for guarding the coast,
giving them orders to board and search every English vessel found in
those seas, to seize on all that carried contraband commodities, and
confine the sailors. At length not only smugglers, but fair traders were
searched and detained, so that all commerce in those seas was entirely
obstructed. The British merchants again and again complained to the
ministry of depredations committed, and damages sustained; which indeed
produced one remonstrance after another to the Spanish court; all which
were answered only by evasive promises and delays. The Spaniards
flattered the British minister, by telling him, they would enquire into
the occasion of such grievances, and settle all differences by way of
negotiation. Sir Robert Walpole, fond of pacific measures, and trusting
to such proposals of accommodation, for several years suffered the
grievances of the merchants to remain unredressed, and the trade of the
nation to suffer great losses.

    [Sidenote] William Bull Lieut.-governor.

In the year 1738, Samuel Horsley was appointed Governor of South
Carolina, but he dying before he left England, the charge of the province
devolved on William Bull, a man of good natural abilities, and well
acquainted with the state of the province. The garrison at Augustine
having received a considerable reinforcement, it therefore became the
business of the people of Carolina, as well as those of Georgia, to watch
the motions of their neighbours. As the Spaniards pretended a right to
that province, they were pouring in troops into Augustine, which gave the
British colonists some reason to apprehend they had resolved to assert
their right by force of arms. William Bull despatched advice to England
of the growing power of Spain in East Florida, and at the same time
acquainted the Trustees, that such preparations were making there as
evidently portended approaching hostilities. The British ministers were
well acquainted with the state of Carolina, from a late representation
transmitted by its provincial legislature. The Trustees for Georgia
presented a memorial to the king, giving an account of the Spanish
preparations, and the feeble and defenceless condition of Georgia, and
imploring his Majesty's gracious assistance. In consequence of which, a
regiment of six hundred effective men was ordered to be raised, with a
view of sending them to Georgia. The King having made James Oglethorpe
Major-General of all the forces of the two provinces, gave him the
command of this regiment and ordered him out for the protection of the
southern frontiers of the British dominions in America.

    [Sidenote] Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia.

About the middle of the same year, the Hector, and Blandford ships of war
sailed, to convoy the transports which carried General Oglethorpe and his
regiment to that province. Forty supernumeraries followed the General to
supply the place of such officers or soldiers as might sicken and die by
the change of the climate. Upon the arrival of this regiment, the people
of Carolina and Georgia rejoiced, and testified their grateful sense of
his Majesty's paternal care in the strongest terms. The Georgians, who
had been for some time harassed with frequent alarms, now found
themselves happily relieved, and placed in such circumstances as enabled
them to bid defiance to the Spanish power. Parties of the regiment were
sent to the different garrisons, and the expence the Trustees had
formerly been at in maintaining them of course ceased. The General held
his head-quarters at Frederica, but raised forts on some other islands
lying nearer the Spaniards, particularly in Cumberland and Jekyl islands,
in which he also kept garrisons to watch the motions of his enemies.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks.

While these hostile preparations were going on, it behoved General
Oglethorpe to cultivate the firmest friendship with Indian nations, that
they might be ready on every emergency to assist him. During his absence
the Spaniards had made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who were
much attached to Oglethorpe, by telling them he was at Augustine, and
promised them great presents in case they would pay him a visit at that
place. Accordingly some of their leaders went down to see the beloved
man, but not finding him there, they were highly offended, and resolved
immediately to return to their nation. The Spanish Governor, in order to
cover the fraud, or probably with a design of conveying those leaders out
of the way, that they might the more easily corrupt their nation; told
them, that the General lay sick on board of a ship in the harbour, where
he would be extremely glad to see them. But the savages were jealous of
some bad design, and refused to go, and even rejected their presents and
offers of alliance. When they returned to their nation, they found an
invitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him at
Frederica, which plainly discovered to them the insidious designs of the
Spaniards, and helped not a little to increase his power and influence
among them. A number of their head warriors immediately set out to meet
him at the place appointed, where the General thanked them for their
fidelity, made them many valuable presents, and renewed the treaty of
friendship and alliance with them. At this congress the Creeks seemed
better satisfied than usual, agreed to march a thousand men to the
General's assistance whenever he should demand them, and invited him up
to see their towns. But as he was then busy, he excused himself, by
promising to visit them next summer, and accordingly dismissed them no
less pleased with his kindness, than incensed against the Spaniards for
their falsehood and deceit.

    [Sidenote] Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain.

By this time the King of England had resolved to vindicate the honour of
his crown, and maintain his right to those territories in Georgia,
together with the freedom of commerce and navigation in the Mexican seas.
The pacific system of Sir Robert Walpole had drawn upon him the
displeasure of the nation, particularly of the mercantile part; and that
amazing power and authority he had long maintained began to decline. The
spirit of the nation was rouzed, insomuch that the administration could
no longer wink at the insults, depredations, and cruelties of Spain.
Instructions were sent to the British ambassador at the court of Madrid,
to demand in the most absolute terms a compensation for the injuries of
trade, which, upon calculation, amounted to two hundred thousand pounds
sterling; and at the same time a squadron of ten ships of the line, under
the command of Admiral Haddock, were sent to the Mediterranean sea. This
produced an order from the Spanish Court to their ambassador, to allow
the accounts of the British merchants, upon condition that the Spanish
demand on the South-Sea Company be deducted: and that Oglethorpe be
recalled from Georgia, and no more employed in that quarter, as he had
there made great encroachments on his Catholic Majesty's dominions. These
conditions were received at the court of Britain with that indignation
which might have been expected from an injured and incensed nation. In
answer to which the Spanish ambassador was given to understand, that the
King of Great Britain was determined never to relinquish his right to a
single foot of land in the province of Georgia; and that he must allow
his subjects to make reprisals, since satisfaction for their losses in
trade could in no other way be obtained. In this unsettled situation,
however, matters remained for a little while between those two powerful
potentates.

    [Sidenote] Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp.

In the mean time preparations were making both in Georgia and Florida, by
raising fortifications on the borders of the two provinces, to hold each
other at defiance. The British soldiers finding themselves subjected to a
number of hardships in Georgia, to which they had not been accustomed in
Britain, several of them were discontented and ungovernable. At length a
plot was discovered in the camp for assassinating their general. Two
companies of the regiment had been drawn from Gibraltar, some of whom
could speak the Spanish language. While stationed on Cumberland island,
the Spanish out-posts on the other side could approach so near as to
converse with the British soldiers, one of whom had even been in the
Spanish service, and not only understood their language, but also had so
much of a Roman Catholic spirit as to harbour an aversion to Protestant
heretics. The Spaniards had found means to corrupt this villain, who
debauched the minds of several of his neighbours, insomuch that they
united and formed a design first to murder General Oglethorpe, and then
make their escape to Augustine. Accordingly, on a certain day a number of
soldiers under arms came up to the General, and made some extraordinary
demands; which being refused, they instantly cried out, one and all, and
immediately one of them discharged his piece at him: and being only at
the distance of a few paces, the ball whizzed over his shoulder, but the
powder singed his clothes, and burnt his face. Another presented his
piece, which flashed in the pan; a third drew his hanger and attempted to
stab him, but the General parrying it off, an officer standing by run the
ruffian through the body, and killed him on the spot. Upon which the
mutineers ran, but were caught and laid in irons. A court-martial was
called to try the ringleaders of this desperate conspiracy, some of whom
were found guilty and condemned to be shot, in order to deter others from
such dangerous attempts.

Nor was this the only concealed effort of Spanish policy, another of a
more dangerous nature soon followed in Carolina, which might have been
attended with much more bloody and fatal effects. At this time there were
above forty thousand negroes in the province, a fierce, hardy and strong
race, whose constitutions were adapted to the warm climate, whose nerves
were braced with constant labour, and who could scarcely be supposed to
be contented with that oppressive yoke under which they groaned. Long had
liberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by the
Spaniards at Augustine, nor were all the negroes in the province
strangers to the proclamation. At different times Spanish emissaries had
been found secretly tampering with them, and persuading them to fly from
slavery to Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement.
Of these negro refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment,
appointing officers from among themselves, allowing them the same pay and
clothing them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. The
most sensible part of the slaves in Carolina were not ignorant of this
Spanish regiment, for whenever they run away from their masters, they
constantly directed their course to this quarter. To no place could negro
serjeants be sent for enlisting men where they could have a better
prospect of success. Two Spaniards were caught in Georgia, and committed
to jail, for enticing slaves to leave Carolina and join this regiment.
Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at Indian Land, some of whom
belonged to Captain McPherson, after wounding his son and killing another
man, made their escape. Several more attempting to get away were taken,
tried, and hanged at Charlestown.

    [Sidenote] A negro insurrection in Carolina.

While Carolina was kept in a state of constant fear and agitation from
this quarter, an insurrection openly broke out in the heart of the
settlement which alarmed the whole province. A number of negroes having
assembled together at Stono, first surprised and killed two young men in
a warehouse, and then plundered it of guns and ammunition. Being thus
provided with arms, they elected one of their number captain, and agreed
to follow him, marching towards the south-west with colours flying and
drums beating, like a disciplined company. They forcibly entered the
house of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and children,
they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and then
proceeded towards Jacksonsburgh. In their way they plundered and burnt
every house, among which were those of Sacheveral, Nash, and Spry,
killing every white person they found in them, and compelling the negroes
to join them. Governor Bull returning to Charlestown from the southward,
met them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. He
spread the alarm, which soon reached the Presbyterian church at Wiltown,
where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a numerous congregation of
planters in that quarter. By a law of the province all planters were
obliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical juncture
proved a very useful and necessary regulation. The women were left in
church trembling with fear while the militia, under the command of
Captain Bee, marched in quest of the negroes, who by this time had become
formidable from the number that joined them. They had marched above
twelve miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in their
way. Having found rum in some houses, and drank freely of it, they halted
in an open field, and began to sing and dance, by way of triumph. During
these rejoicings the militia discovered them, and stationed themselves in
different places around them, to prevent them from making their escape.
The intoxication of several of the slaves favoured the assailants. One
party advanced into the open field and attacked them, and, having killed
some negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were dispersed. Many
ran back to their plantations, in hopes of escaping suspicion from the
absence of their masters; but the greater part were taken and tried. Such
as had been compelled to join them contrary to their inclination were
pardoned, but all the chosen leaders and first insurgents suffered death.

All Carolina was struck with terror and consternation by this
insurrection, in which above twenty persons were murdered before it was
quelled, and had not the people in that quarter been fortunately
collected together at church, it is probable many more would have
suffered. Or had it become general, the whole colony must have fallen a
sacrifice to their great power and indiscriminate fury. It was commonly
believed, and not without reason, that the Spaniards were deeply
concerned in promoting the mischief, and by their secret influence and
intrigues with slaves had instigated them to this massacre. Having
already four companies of negroes in their service, by penetrating into
Carolina, and putting the province into confusion, they might no doubt
have raised many more. But, to prevent farther attempts, Governor Bull
sent an express to General Oglethorpe with advice of the insurrection,
desiring him to double his vigilance in Georgia, and seize all straggling
Spaniards and negroes. In consequence of which a proclamation was issued
to stop all slaves found in that province, offering a reward for every
one they might catch attempting to run off. At the same time a company of
rangers were employed to patrole the frontiers, and block up all passages
by which they might make their escape to Florida.

    [Sidenote] A war with Spain.

In the mean time things were hastening to a rupture in Europe, and a war
between England and Spain was thought unavoidable. The plenipotentiaries
appointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, and
other differences and misunderstandings subsisting between the two
crowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles were
drawn up; but the conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party.
Indeed the proposal of a negotiation, and the appointment of
plenipotentiaries, gave universal offence to the people of Britain, who
breathed nothing but war and vengeance against the proud and arrogant
Spaniards. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings,
and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length they
obtained. Public credit arose, and forwarded hostile preparations. All
officers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and with
the unanimous voice of the nation war was declared against Spain on the
23rd of October, 1739.

    [Sidenote] A project for invading Florida.

While Admiral Vernon was sent to take the command of a squadron in the
West-India station, with orders to act offensively against the Spanish
dominions in that quarter, to divide their force, General Oglethorpe was
ordered also to annoy the subjects of Spain in Florida by every method in
his power.  In consequence of which, the General immediately projected an
expedition against the Spanish settlement at Augustine. His design he
communicated by letter to Lieutenant Governor Bull, requesting the
support and assistance of Carolina in the expedition.  Mr. Bull laid his
letter before the provincial assembly, recommending to them to raise a
regiment, and give him all possible assistance in an enterprize of such
interesting consequence. The assembly, sensible of the vast advantages
that must accrue to them from getting rid of such troublesome neighbours,
resolved that so soon as the General should communicate to them his plan
of operations, together with a state of the assistance requisite, at the
same time making it appear that there was a probability of success, they
would most cheerfully assist him. The Carolineans, however, were
apprehensive, that as that garrison had proved such a painful thorn in
their side in time of peace, they would have more to dread from it in
time of war; and although the colony had been much distressed by the
small-pox and the yellow fever for two years past, which had cut off the
hopes of many flourishing families; the people, nevertheless, lent a very
favourable ear to the proposal, and earnestly wished to give all the
assistance in their power towards dislodging an enemy so malicious and
cruel.

    [Sidenote] Measures concerted for this purpose.

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was industrious in picking up all the
intelligence he could respecting the situation and strength of the
garrison, and finding it in great straits for want of provisions, he
urged the speedy execution of his project, with a view to surprise his
enemy before a supply should arrive. He declared, that no personal toil
or danger should discourage him from exerting himself towards freeing
Carolina from such neighbours as had instigated their slaves to massacre
them, and publicly protected them after such bloody attempts. To concert
measures with the greater secrecy and expedition, he went to Charlestown
himself, and laid before the legislature of Carolina an estimate of the
force, arms, ammunition, and provisions, which he judged might be
requisite for the expedition. In consequence of which, the Assembly voted
one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the service
of the war. A regiment, consisting of four hundred men, was raised,
partly in Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, with the
greatest expedition, and the command was given to Colonel Vanderdussen.
Indians were sent for from the different tribes in alliance with Britain.
Vincent Price, commander of the ships of war on that station, agreed to
assist with a naval force consisting of four ships of twenty guns each,
and two sloops, which proved a great encouragement to the Carolineans,
and induced them to enter with double vigour on military preparations.
General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on the
Florida shore, for the place of rendezvous, and having finished his
preparations in Carolina, set out for Georgia to join his regiment, and
make all ready for the expedition.

    [Sidenote] General Oglethorpe marches against Florida.

On the 9th of May 1740, the General passed over to Florida with four
hundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians;
and on the day following invested Diego, a small fort, about twenty-five
miles from Augustine, which after a short resistance surrendered by
capitulation. In this fort he left a garrison of sixty men, under the
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, and returned to the place of general
rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdussen, with the
Carolina regiment, and a company of Highlanders, under the command of
Captain M'Intosh. But by this time six Spanish half-galleys, with long
brass nine pounders, and two sloops loaded with provisions, had got into
the harbour at Augustine. A few days afterwards, the General marched with
his whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars,
provincials and Indians, to Fort Moosa, situated within two miles of
Augustine, which on his approach the Spanish garrison evacuated, and
retired into the town. He immediately ordered the gates of this fort to
be burnt, three breaches to be made in its walls, and then proceeded to
reconnoitre the town and castle.

Notwithstanding the dispatch of the British army, the Spaniards, during
their stay at Fort Diego, had collected all the cattle in the woods
around them, and drove them into the town; and the General found, both
from a view of the works, and the intelligence he had received from
prisoners, that more difficulty would attend this enterprize than he at
first expected. Indeed, if he intended a surprize, he ought not to have
stopped at Fort Diego, for by that delay the enemy had notice of his
approach, and time to gather their whole force, and put themselves in a
posture of defence. The castle was built of soft stone, with four
bastions; the curtain was sixty yards in length, the parapet nine feet
thick; the rampart twenty feet high, casemated underneath for lodgings,
arched over, and newly made bomb-proof. Fifty pieces of cannon were
mounted, several of which were twenty-four pounders. Besides the castle,
the town was entrenched with ten salient angles, on each of which some
small cannon were mounted. The garrison consisted of seven hundred
regulars, two troops of horse, four companies of armed negroes, besides
the militia of the province, and Indians.

    [Sidenote] Invests Augustine.

The General now plainly perceived that an attack by land upon the town,
and an attempt to take the castle by storm would cost him dear before he
could reduce the place, and therefore changed his plan of operations.
With the assistance of the ships of war, which were now lying at anchor
off Augustine-bar, he resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, and try
to shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to the
garrison. For this purpose he left Colonel Palmer with ninety-five
Highlanders, and forty-two Indians at Fort Moosa, with orders to scour
the woods around the town, and intercept all supplies of cattle from the
country by land. And, for the safety of his men, he at the same time
ordered him to encamp every night in a different place, to keep strict
watch around his camp, and by all means avoid coming to any action. This
small party was the whole force the General left for guarding the land
side. Then he sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with the Carolina regiment, over
a small creek, to take possession of a neck of land called Point Quartel,
above a mile distant from the castle, with orders to erect a battery upon
it; while he himself, with his regiment, and the greatest part of the
Indians, embarked in boats, and landed on the island of Anastatia. In
this island the Spaniards had a small party of men stationed for a guard,
who immediately fled to town, and as it lay opposite to the castle, from
this place, the General resolved to bombard the town. Captain Pierce
stationed one of his ships to guard the passage, by way of the Motanzas,
and with the others blocked up the mouth of the harbour, so that the
Spaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. On the island of
Anastatia batteries were soon erected, and several cannon mounted by the
assistance of the active and enterprising sailors. Having made these
dispositions, General Oglethorpe then summoned the Spanish Governor to a
surrender; but the haughty Don, secure in his strong hold, sent him for
answer, that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle.

This insulting answer excited the highest degree of wrath and indignation
in the General's mind, and made him resolve to exert himself to the
utmost for humbling his pride. The opportunity of surprizing the place
being now lost, he had no other secure method left but to attack it at
the distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he opened his
batteries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number of
shells into the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit both from
the Spanish fort and from six half-gallies in the harbour, but so great
was the distance, that though they continued the cannonade for several
days, little execution was done on either side. Captain Warren, a brave
naval officer, perceiving that all efforts in this way for demolishing
the castle were vain and ineffectual, proposed to destroy the Spanish
gallies in the harbour, by an attack in the night, and offered to go
himself and head the attempt. A council of war was held to consider of
and concert a plan for that service; but, upon sounding the bar, it was
found it would admit no large ship to the attack, and with small ones it
was judged rash and impracticable, the gallies being covered by the
cannon of the castle, and therefore that design was dropt.

    [Sidenote] Raises the siege.

In the mean time the Spanish commander observing the besiegers
embarrassed, and their operations beginning to relax, sent out a
detachment of three hundred men against Colonel Palmer, who surprised him
at Fort Moosa, and, while most of his party lay asleep, cut them almost
entirely to pieces. A few that accidentally escaped, went over in a small
boat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the Chickesaw
Indians coming from that fort having met with a Spaniard, cut off his
head, agreeable to their savage manner of waging war, and presented it to
the General in his camp: but he rejected it with abhorrence, calling them
barbarous dogs, and bidding them begone. At this disdainful behaviour,
however, the Chickesaws were offended, declaring, that if they had
carried the head of an Englishman to the French, they would not have
treated them so: and perhaps the General discovered more humanity than
good policy by it, for these Indians, who knew none of the European
customs and refinements in war, soon after deserted him. About the same
time the vessel stationed at the Metanzas being ordered off, some small
ships from the Havanna with provisions, and a reinforcement of men, got
into Augustine, by that narrow channel, to the relief of the garrison. A
party of Creeks having surprised one of their small boats, brought four
Spanish prisoners to the General, who informed him, that the garrison had
received seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. Then all
prospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of
forcing the place to surrender. The Carolinean troops, enfeebled by the
heat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched
away in large bodies. The navy being short of provisions, and the usual
season of hurricanes approaching, the commander judged it imprudent to
hazard his Majesty's ships, by remaining longer on that coast. Last of
all, the General himself, sick of a fever, and his regiment worn out with
fatigue, and rendered unfit for action by a flux, with sorrow and regret
followed, and reached Frederica about the 10th of July 1740.

Thus ended the unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, to the great
disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many heavy reflections were
afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct during
the whole enterprize. Perhaps the only chance of success he had from the
beginning was by surprising this garrison in the night by some sudden
attempt. He was blamed for remaining so long at fort Diego, by which
means the enemy had full intelligence of his approach, and time to
prepare for receiving him. He was charged with timidity afterwards, in
making no bold attempt on the town. It was said, that the officer who
means to act on the offensive, where difficulties must be surmounted,
ought to display some courage; and that too much timidity in war is often
as culpable as too much temerity. Great caution he indeed used for saving
his men, for excepting those who fell by the sword in fort Moosa, he lost
more men by sickness than by the hands of the enemy. Though the disaster
of Colonel Palmer, in which many brave Highlanders were massacred, was
perhaps occasioned chiefly by want of vigilance and a disobedience of
orders, yet many were of opinion, that it was too hazardous to have left
so small a party on the main land, exposed to sallies from a superior
enemy, and entirely cut off from all possibility of support and
assistance from the main body. In short, the Carolineans called in
question the General's military judgment and skill in many respects; and
protested that he had spent the time in barren deliberations, harassed
the men with unnecessary marches, allowed them not a sufficient quantity
of provisions, and poisoned them with breakish water. He, on the other
hand, declared he had no confidence in the firmness and courage of the
provincials; for that they refused obedience to his orders, and at last
abandoned his camp, and retreated to Carolina. The truth was, so strongly
fortified was the place, both by nature and art, that probably the
attempt must have failed, though it had been conducted by the ablest
officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops. The miscarriage,
however, was particularly ruinous to Carolina, having not only subjected
the province to a great expence, but also left it in a worse situation
than it was before the attempt.

    [Sidenote] A great fire at Charlestown.

The same year stands distinguished in the annals of Carolina, not only
for this unsuccessful expedition against the Spaniards, but also for a
desolating fire, which in November following broke out in the capital,
and laid the half of it in ruins. This fire began about two o'clock in
the afternoon, and burnt with unquenchable violence until eight at night.
The houses being built of wood, and the wind blowing hard at north-west,
the flames spread with astonishing rapidity. From Broad-street, where the
fire kindled, to Granville's Bastion, almost every house was at one time
in flames, and exhibited an awful and striking scene. The vast quantities
of deerskins, rum, pitch, tar, turpentine and powder, in the different
stores, served to increase the horror, and the more speedily to spread
the desolation. Amidst the cries and shrieks of women and children, and
the bursting forth of flames in different quarters, occasioned by the
violent wind, which carried the burning shingles to a great distance, the
men were put into confusion, and so anxious were they about the safety of
their families, that they could not be prevailed upon to unite their
efforts for extinguishing the fire. The sailors from the men of war, and
ships in the harbour were the most active and adventurous hands engaged
in the service. But such was the violence of the flames, that it baffled
all the art and power of man, and burnt until the calmness of the evening
closed the dreadful scene. Three hundred of the best and most convenient
buildings in the town were consumed, which, together with lots of goods,
and provincial commodities, amounted to a prodigious sum. Happily few
lives were lost, but the lamentations of ruined families were heard in
every quarter. In short, from a flourishing condition the town was
reduced in the space of six hours to the lowest and most deplorable
state. All those inhabitants whose houses escaped the flames, went around
and kindly invited their unfortunate neighbours to them, so that two and
three families were lodged in places built only for the accommodation of
one. After the legislature met, to take the miserable state of the people
under consideration, they agreed to make application to the British
parliament for relief. The British parliament voted twenty thousand
pounds sterling, to be distributed among the sufferers at Charlestown,
which relief was equally seasonable and useful on the one side, as it was
generous and noble on the other. No time should obliterate the
impressions of such benevolent actions. This gift certainly deserved to
be wrote on the table of every heart, in the most indelible characters.
For all men must acknowledge, that it merited the warmest returns of
gratitude, not only from the unfortunate objects of such bounty, but from
the whole province.

    [Sidenote] A petition in favour of the rice trade.

While the war between Great Britain and Spain continued, a bill was
brought into parliament to prevent the exportation of rice, among other
articles of provision, to France or Spain, with a view to distress these
enemies as much as possible. In consequence of which, a representation to
the following effect, in behalf of the province of Carolina, and the
merchants concerned in that trade, was presented to the House of Commons
while the bill was depending before them, praying that the article of
rice might be excepted out of the bill, and endeavouring to prove, that
the prohibiting its importation would be highly detrimental to Great
Britain, and in no respect to her enemies: "The inhabitants of South
Carolina have not any manufactures of their own, but are supplied from
Great Britain with all their clothing, and the other manufactures by them
consumed, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling
a-year. The only commodity of consequence produced in South Carolina is
rice, and they reckon it as much their staple commodity as sugar is to
Barbadoes and Jamaica, or tobacco to Virginia and Maryland; so that if
any stop be put to the exportation of rice from South Carolina to Europe,
it will not only render the planters there incapable of paying their
debts, but also reduce the government of that province to such
difficulties for want of money, as at this present precarious time may
render the whole colony an easy prey to their neighbours the Indians and
Spaniards, and also to those yet more dangerous enemies their own
negroes, who are ready to revolt on the first opportunity, and are eight
times as many in number as there are white men able to bear arms, and the
danger in this respect is greater since the unhappy expedition to
Augustine.

"From the year 1729, when his Majesty purchased South Carolina, the trade
of it hath so increased, that their annual exports and imports of late
have been double the value of what they were in the said year; and their
exports of rice in particular have increased in a greater proportion:
for, from the year 1720 to 1729, being ten years, both included, the
whole export of rice was 264,488 barrels, making 44,081 tons. From the
1730 to 1739, being also ten years, the whole export of rice was 499,525
barrels, making 99,905 tons; so that the export of the latter ten years
exceeded the former by 235,037 barrels, or 55,824 tons: and of the vast
quantities of rice thus exported, scarcely one fifteenth part is consumed
either in Great Britain or in any part of the British dominions; so that
the produce of the other fourteen parts is clear gain to the nation;
whereas almost all the sugar, and one fourth part of the tobacco,
exported from the British colonies, are consumed by the people of Great
Britain, or by British subjects; from whence it is evident, that the
national gain arising from rice is several times as great in proportion,
as the national gain arising from either sugar or tobacco.

"This year, _viz._ 1740, in particular, we shall export from South
Carolina above ninety thousand barrels of rice, of which quantity there
will not be three thousand barrels used here, so that the clear national
gain upon that export will be very great; for at the lowest computation,
of twenty-five shillings sterling _per_ barrel, the eighty-seven thousand
barrels exported will amount in value to one hundred and eight thousand
seven hundred and fifty pounds, at the first hand; whereto there must be
added the charge of freight, _&c._ from South Carolina to Europe, which
amount to more than the first cost of the rice, and are also gain to
Great Britain; so that the least gain upon this article for the present
year will be two hundred and twenty thousand pounds, over and above the
naval advantage of annually employing more than one hundred and sixty
ships of one hundred tons each."

"Rice being an enumerated commodity, it cannot be exported from South
Carolina without giving bond for double the value that the same shall be
landed in Great Britain, or in some of the British plantations, excepting
to the southward of Cape Finisterre, which last was permitted by a law
made in the year 1729; and the motive for such permission was, that the
rice might arrive more seasonably and in better condition at market. We
have hereunto added an account of the several quantities of rice which
have been exported from South Carolina to the different European markets
since the said law was made; and it will thereby appear, that we have not
in those ten years been able to find sale for any considerable quantity
of rice in Spain; for in all that time we have not sold above three
thousand five hundred and seventy barrels to the Spaniards, making only
three hundred and fifty-seven barrels annually upon a medium; nor can we
in the time to come expect any alteration in favour of our rice trade
there, because the Spaniards are supplied with an inferior sort of rice
from Turkey, _&c._ equally agreeable to them and a great deal cheaper
than ours; the truth whereof appears by the rice taken in a ship called
the Baltic Merchant and carried into St. Sebastians, where it was sold at
a price so much under the market rate here, or in Holland, as to
encourage the sending of it thence to Holland and Hamburgh.

"In France the importation of Carolina rice without licence is
prohibited; and though during the last and present years there hath, by
permission, been some consumption of it there, yet the whole did not
exceed nine thousand barrels, and they have received from Turkey so much
rice of the present year's growth, as to make that commodity five
shillings _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper at Marseilles than here, and even at
Dunkirk it is one shilling and sixpence _per_ 100 _lb._ cheaper than
here; so that there is not any prospect of a demand for Carolina rice in
France, even if liberty could be obtained for sending the same to any
port of that kingdom.

"Germany and Holland are the countries where we find the best market for
our rice, and there the greater part of it is consumed; so that the
present intended embargo, or prohibitory law, cannot have any other
effect, in relation to rice, than that of preventing our allies from
using what our enemies do not want, nor we ourselves consume more than a
twentieth part of, and which is of so perishable a nature, that even in a
cold climate it doth not keep above a year without decaying, and in a
warm climate it perishes entirely. The great consumption of rice in
Germany and Holland is during the winter season, when pease and all kinds
of pulse, _&c._ are scarce; and the rice intended for those markets ought
to be brought there before the frost begins, time enough to be carried up
the rivers; so that preventing the exportation only a few days may be
attended with this had consequence, that by the frost the winter sale may
be lost.

"And as we have now, _viz._ since November 11th, above ten thousand
barrels of old rice arrived, so we may in a few weeks expect double that
quantity, besides the new crop now shipping off from Carolina; the
stopping of all which, in a country where there is not any sale for it,
instead of permitting the same to be carried to the only places of
consumption, must soon reduce the price thereof to so low a rate, that
the merchants who have purchased that rice will not be able to sell it
for the prime cost, much less will they be able to recover the money they
have paid for duty, freight, and other charges thereon, which amount to
double the first cost: for the rice that an hundred pounds sterling will
purchase in South Carolina, costs the importer two hundred more in
British duties, freight, and other charges[1]."

[1] An Account of Rice exported in Ten Years after the Province was
    purchased for the King.

                             _Barrels._
    To Portugal, - - - - - - -  83,379
    To Gibraltar,  - - - - - -     958
    To Spain,  - - - - - - - -   3,570
    To France, - - - - - - - -   9,500
    To Great Britain,
    Ireland, and the
    British Plantations, - - -  30,000
    To Holland, Hamburgh
    and Bremen, including
    7000 barrels to Sweden
    and Denmark, - - - - - - - 372,118
                               -------
    Total quantity exported
    in those ten years,  - - - 499,525

"Thus it appears, that by prohibiting the exportation of rice from this
kingdom, the merchants who have purchased the vast quantities before
mentioned will not only lose the money it cost them, but twice as much
more in duties, freight, and other charges, by their having a perishable
commodity embargoed in a country where it is not used. Or if, instead of
laying the prohibition here, it be laid in South Carolina; that province,
the planters there, and the merchants who deal with them, must all be
involved in ruin; the province, for want of means to support the expense
of government; the planters, for want of the means to pay their debts and
provide future supplies; and the merchants, by not only losing those
debts, but twice as much more in the freight, duties, and other charges,
upon rice which they cannot sell. So that, in either case, a very
profitable colony, and the merchants concerned in the trade of it, would
be ruined for the present, if not totally lost to this kingdom, by
prohibiting the exportation of rice; and all this without doing any
national good in another way, for such prohibition could not in any shape
distress our enemies. It is therefore humbly hoped, that rice will be
excepted out of the bill now before the honourable House of Commons."

As this representation contains a distinct account of the produce and
trade of the province, and shews its usefulness and importance to Great
Britain, we judged it worthy of the particular attention of our readers,
and therefore have inserted it. With respect to the internal dangers
arising from the savage nature and vast number of the slaves, mentioned
in this and a former state of the province, we shall now make some
remarks, in which we will be naturally led to consider their miserable
condition, and the harsh treatment to which slavery necessarily subjects
them.

    [Sidenote] Remarks on the treatment of slaves.

That slavery has been practiced by many of the most civilized nations in
the world, is indeed a truth evident from the history of them. In war the
conquerors were supposed to have a right to the life of their captives,
insomuch that they might kill, torture or enslave them, as they thought
proper. Yet, though war may be justifiable on the principles of
self-preservation and defence, it is no easy matter to vindicate the
conqueror's right to murder or enslave a disarmed enemy. Slavery in
general, like several other enormities, ought to be ascribed to the
corruption and avarice of men, rather than to any principles of nature
and humanity, which evidently testify against it; and that vindication
which is drawn from the custom and practice of ancient nations in favour
of such an institution, is equally applicable to many other enormities
which are a shame and disgrace to human nature. Helpless children have
been exposed to the fury of wild beasts; pride and ambition have spread
their desolations far and wide; but such practices are not therefore
humane and just. That many nations have encouraged slavery, and that the
remains of it are still observable among the freest of them, are argument
which none will plead for their honour and credit. That species of
servitude which still remains in Britain among the labourers in the coal
mines, _&c._ is very different from that to which the natives of Africa
are subjected in the western world; because such labourers voluntarily
enter on such servitude, they acquire wages as their reward, and both
their persons and properties are under the protection of the laws of the
realm.

Upon the slightest reflection all men must confess, that those Africans,
whom the powers of Europe have conspired to enslave, are by nature
equally free and independent, equally susceptible of pain and pleasure,
equally averse from bondage and misery, as Europeans themselves. Like all
rude nations, they have a strong attachment to their native country, and
to those friends and relations with whom they spent the early years of
life. By this trade being torn from those nearest connections, and
transported to a distant land, it is no easy thing to describe the
uneasiness and pain they must endure from such violence and banishment.
During the passage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ship,
oppressed with the most gloomy apprehensions, many of them sicken and die
through fear and regret. The provisions made for the voyage by the
merchants and masters of ships, who consult their worldly interest more
than the dictates of humanity, we may be sure are neither of the best
kind, nor distributed among them in the most plentiful manner. After
their arrival they are sold and delivered over to the colonists, to whose
temper, language and manners they are utter strangers; where their
situation for some time, in case of harsh usage, is little better than
that of the dumb beasts, having no language but groans in which they can
express their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some destroy
themselves through despair, and from a persuasion they fondly entertain,
that, after death, they will return to their beloved friends and native
country.

    [Sidenote] The hardships of their situation.

After the sale the purchasers become vested with the absolute property of
them, according to the laws, usages, and customs of the trade, and
whatever hardships are thereby imposed on those foreigners, the planters
are so far excusable, having the sanction of the supreme legislature for
the purchase they make. The laws of England, from necessity or
expediency, have permitted such labourers to be imported among them; and
therefore, on their part, the purchase, however injurious, cannot be
illegal. Having acquired this kind of property, it then lies with the
colonists to frame laws and regulations for the future management of
their slaves. In doing this, absolute obedience and non-resistance are
fundamental principles established for the government of them, and
enforced by the severest penalties. All laws framed with respect to them,
give their masters such authority over them as is under few limitations.
Their power of correction may be said to be only not allowed to extend to
death. However severely beat and abused, no negro can bring an action
against his owner, or appear as an evidence against white men, in any
court of law or justice. Their natural rights as human creatures are
entirely disregarded, and punishments are commonly inflicted according to
the will of their master, however cruel and barbarous his disposition may
be. A common place of correction is instituted, to which they are sent to
receive such a number of stripes as their owners shall order, and such
blunders have been committed in giving and executing those orders, that
the innocent sometimes have suffered along with the guilty. In short,
such is their miserable condition, that they are exposed defenceless to
the insolence, caprice, and passions of owners, obliged to labour all
their life without any prospect of reward, or any hope of an end of their
toil until the day of their death. At the decease of their masters they
descend, like other estates of inheritance, to the heir at law, and
sometimes to thoughtless and giddy youth, habituated from their earliest
days to treat them like brutes. At other times, no doubt, they are more
fortunate, but their condition of life evidently subjects them to harsh
usage even from the best of masters, and we leave the world to judge what
they have to expect from the worst.

Indeed it must be acknowledged, in justice to the planters of Carolina in
general, that they treat their slaves with as much, and perhaps more
tenderness, than those of any British colony where slavery exists; yet a
disinterested stranger must observe, even among the best of masters,
several instances of cruelty and negligence in the manner of managing
their slaves. Comparatively speaking, they are well clothed and fed in
that province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifies
them for their task. When they happen to fall sick, they are carefully
attended by a physician; in which respect their condition is better than
that of the poorest class of labourers in Europe. But in the West Indies,
we have been told, they are both covered with rags and have a scanty
portion of provisions allowed them, in which case urgent necessity and
pinching hunger must often urge them to pilfer, and commit many injuries
to which otherwise they would have no inclination, and for which they
incur severe punishment. In cases of violence and murder committed on
these wretched creatures, it is next to impossible to have the
delinquents brought to punishment; for either the grand jury refuse to
find the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. When
they are tempted to fly to the woods to shun severe labour or punishment
then they may be hunted down or shot as wild beasts. When whipped to
death, the murderer, after all, is only subjected to an inconsiderable
fine, or a short imprisonment, by the provincial laws. It is impossible
that the Author of nature ever intended human beings for such a wretched
fate; for surely he who gave life, gave also an undoubted right to the
means of self-preservation and happiness, and all the common rights and
privileges of nature.

But there is another circumstance which renders their case still more
wretched and deplorable. Good masters and mistresses, whose humanity and
a sense of interest will not permit them to treat their negroes in a
harsh manner, do not always reside at their plantations. Many planters
have several settlements at considerable distances from the place where
they usually live, which they visit perhaps only three or four times in a
year. In their absence the charge of negroes is given to overseers, many
of whom are ignorant and cruel, and all totally disinterested in the
welfare of their charge. In such a case it can scarcely be expected that
justice will be equally dispensed, or punishments properly inflicted. The
negroes, however, ly entirely at the mercy of such men, and such monsters
they sometimes are, as can inflict misery in sport, and hear the groans
extorted from nature with laughter and triumph. All slaves under their
care must yield absolute obedience to their orders, however unreasonable
and difficult, or suffer punishment for their disobedience. It would
rouze the anguish and indignation of a humane person to stand by while a
puny overseer chastises those slaves, and behold with what piercing
stripes he furrows the back of an able negro, whose greatness of soul
will not suffer him to complain, and whose strength could crush his
tormentor to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they are chastised is
made of cow-skin, hardened, twisted, and tapering, which brings the blood
with every blow, and leaves a scar on their naked back which they carry
with them to their grave. At the arbitrary will of such managers, many of
them with hearts of adamant, this unfortunate race are brought to the
post of correction, often no doubt through malice and wantonness, often
for the most trifling offences, and sometimes, O horrid! when entirely
innocent. Can it be deemed wonderful, that such unhappy creatures should
now and then be tempted to assert the rights of nature? Must not such
harsh usage often fire them with desires of liberty and vengeance? What
can be expected but that they should sometimes give those oppressors
grounds of fear, who have subjected them to such intolerable hardships.

But from those labourers in the field the colonials have perhaps less
danger to dread, than from the number of tradesmen and mechanics in
towns, and domestic slaves. Many negroes discover great capacities, and
an amazing aptness for learning trades, where dangerous tools are used;
and many owners, from motives of profit and advantage, breed them to be
coopers, carpenters, bricklayers, smiths, and other trades. Out of mere
ostentation the colonists also keep a number of them about their
families, who attend their tables, and hear their conversation, which
very often turns upon their own various arts, plots, and assassinations.
From such open and imprudent conversation those domestics may no doubt
take dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity, may be applied to
their owners hurt. They have also easy access to fire arms, which gives
them a double advantage for mischief. When they are of a passionate and
revengeful disposition, such domestic slaves seldom want an opportunity
of striking a sudden blow, and avenging themselves, in case of ill usage,
by killing or poisoning their owners. Such crimes have often been
committed in the colonies, and punished; and there is reason to believe
they have also frequently happened, when they have passed undiscovered.
Prudence and self-preservation strongly dictate to the Carolineans the
necessity of guarding against those dangers which arise from domestic
slaves, many of whom are idle, cunning and deceitful.

    [Sidenote] Oppressed with ignorance and superstition.

In other respects the policy of the colonists, with respect to the
management and treatment of slaves is extremely defective. The hardships
to which their bodies are exposed, would be much more tolerable and
justifiable, were any provision made for civilizing and improving their
minds. But how grievous their circumstances when we consider, that,
together with their bodily toil and misery, they are also kept in heathen
ignorance and darkness, destitute of the means of instruction, and
excluded in a manner from the pale of the Christian church. Humanity
places every rational creature upon a level, and gives all an equal title
those rights of nature, which are essential to life and happiness.
Christianity breathes a spirit of benevolence, gentleness, and compassion
for mankind in general, of what nation or complexion soever they be. As
government has tolerated and established slavery in the plantations, the
supreme charge of these creatures may be regarded rather as a national
than a provincial concern. Being members of a great empire, living under
its supreme care and jurisdiction, and contributing to the increase of
trade and commerce, to the improvement and opulence of the British
dominions, they are unquestionably entitled to a share of national
benevolence and Christian charity. An institution for their religious
instruction was an object of such usefulness and importance, that it
merited the attention of the supreme legislature; and the expence of a
few superb and perhaps empty churches in England, would certainly have
been better employed in erecting some neat buildings in the plantations
for this beneficial purpose. To such an institution the merchants of
Britain, especially those who owe a great part of their opulence to the
labours of Africans, and whose plea for the trade was the bringing them
within the pale of the Christian church, ought certainly to have
contributed in the most liberal manner. The profits of the trade,
abstracting from other considerations, could well admit of it; but every
principle of compassion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate,
powerfully dictates the same duty, the neglect of which, to every
impartial judge, must appear in a very inexcusable and criminal light.
Masters of slaves under the French and Spanish jurisdictions, are obliged
by law to allow them time for instruction, and to bring them up in the
knowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a reproach to
the subjects of Britain, who profess to be the freest and most civilized
people upon earth, that no provision is made for this purpose, and that
they suffer so many thousands of these creatures, residing in the British
dominions, to live and die the slaves of ignorance and superstition? How
can they expect the blessing of heaven on the riches flowing from their
foreign plantations, when they are at no pains to introduce those objects
of their care to the knowledge of the true God, and to make them
partakers of the benefits and hopes of Christianity.

The advantages of religion, like the other gifts of heaven, ought to be
free and common as the air we breathe to every human creature, capable of
making a proper use and improvement of them. To the honour of the society
for the propagation of the Gospel it must indeed be acknowledged, that
they have made some efforts for the conversion and instruction of those
heathens. Not many years ago they had no less than twelve missionaries in
Carolina, who had instructions to give all the assistance in their power
for this laudable purpose, and to each of whom they allowed fifty pounds
a-year, over and above their provincial salaries. But it is well known,
that the fruit of their labours has been very small and inconsiderable.
Such feeble exertions were no ways equal to the extent of the work
required, nor to the greatness of the end proposed. Whether their small
success ought to be ascribed to the rude and untractable dispositions of
the negroes, to the discouragements and obstructions thrown in the way by
their owners, or to the negligence and indolence of the missionaries
themselves we cannot pretend to determine. Perhaps we may venture to
assert, that it has been more or less owing to all these different
causes. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that country, a
few only excepted, are to this day as great strangers to Christianity,
and as much under the influence of Pagan darkness, idolatry and
superstition, as they were at their first arrival from Africa.

But, though neglected by the British nation, they are entitled to a share
of the common privileges of humanity and Christianity, from their
provincial owners. It is their duty and interest to use slaves with
tenderness and compassion, and render them as happy and contented as
their situation will admit. Were they to allow them certain portions of
time from their labours of body for the improvement of their mind, and
open the way for, and provide the means of instruction, would not kind
usage be productive of many beneficial effects? The loss of labour none
but avaricious wretches would grudge, and the day of rest allotted for
man and beast since the beginning of the world, and properly improved for
that purpose, might of itself be attended with good consequences;
whereas, to encourage them to labour on that day for themselves, is not
only robbing them of the opportunities of instruction, but abusing the
Sunday, by making it to them the most laborious day of the week. It would
strike a stranger with astonishment and indignation, to hear the excuses
planters make for this criminal neglect. Some will tell you they are
beings of an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures;
that they have no souls, and therefore no concern need be taken about
their salvation. Others affirm, that they would become more expert in
vice by being taught, and greater knaves by being made Christians. But
such advocates for heathen ignorance and barbarism merit no serious
notice, being enemies to all improvements in human nature, and all the
benefits resulting to society from civilization and Christianity. Certain
it is, the inhabitants of Africa have the same faculties with those of
Europe. Their minds are equally capable of cultivation, equally
susceptible of the impressions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine,
that the black tincture of their skin, or the barbarous state in which
they were there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortune
has put the former under the power of the latter, and assigned them the
portion of perpetual labour to procure the mere luxuries of life for
other men; yet, if such a traffic be reasonable and just, there is no
crime negroes can commit that may not be defended and justified upon the
same principles. If Europe, to obtain sugar, rum, rice, and tobacco, has
a right to enslave Africa; surely Africa, if she had the power, has a
much better right to rob Europe of those commodities, the fruits of her
children's labour. Every argument that can be brought in support of the
institution of slavery, tends to the subversion of justice and morality
in the world. The best treatment possible from the colonists cannot
compensate for so great a loss. Freedom, in its meanest circumstances, is
infinitely preferable to slavery, though it were in golden fetters, and
accompanied with the greatest splendour, ease, and abundance.

If then the greatest advantages are not a sufficient compensation for the
loss of liberty, what shall we think of those who deny them the smallest?
But one would imagine that, exclusive of every other motive, personal
safety would even induce the colonists to provide for them those
advantages which would render them as easy and contented as possible with
their condition. Were they duly impressed with a sense of their duty to
God and man; were they taught the common rules of honesty, justice, and
truth; were their dispositions to humility, submission, and obedience,
cultivated and improved; would not such advantages place them more on a
level with hired servants, who pay a ready and cheerful obedience to
their masters? Were they favoured with the privileges of Christianity,
would they not be more faithful and diligent, and better reconciled to
their servile condition? Besides, Christianity has a tendency to tame
fierce and wild tempers. It is not an easy thing to display the great and
extensive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of a
future account, would have upon their minds: Christianity enforces the
obligations of morality, and produces a more regular and uniform
obedience to its laws. A due sense of the divine presence, the hopes of
his approbation, and the fears of his displeasure, are motives that
operate powerfully with the human mind, and in fact would prove stronger
barriers against trespasses, murders, plots, and conspiracies, than any
number of stripes from the hands of men, or even the terrors of certain
death. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under clouds of
darkness, neither disciplined by reason, nor regulated by religion, is a
reproach to the name of Protestants, especially in a land of Christian
light and liberty. Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the negroes in
Carolina, the former cannot consistent with the laws be denied them; the
latter, as they are commonly spent are nuisances to the province.
Holidays there are days of idleness, riot, wantonness and excess; in
which the slaves assemble together in alarming crowds, for the purposes
of dancing, feasting and merriment. At such seasons the inhabitants have
the greatest reason to dread mischief from them; when let loose from
their usual employments, they have fair opportunities of hatching plots
and conspiracies, and of executing them with greater facility, from the
intemperance of their owners and overseers.

After all, it must be confessed, that the freemen of Carolina themselves
were for many years in a destitute condition with respect to religious
instruction; partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthiness of
the climate, and partly owing to troubles and divisions subsisting among
them during the proprietary government. At that time the first object of
their concern would no doubt be to provide for themselves and their
children: but since the province has been taken under the royal care,
their circumstances in every respect have changed for the better,
insomuch that they are not only able to provide instruction for
themselves and families, but also to extend the benefit to those living
in a state of servitude among them. Now they are arrived to such an easy
and flourishing situation, as renders their neglect entirely without
excuse. The instruction of negroes would no doubt be a difficult, but by
no means an impracticable undertaking, and the more difficult the end,
the more praise and merit would be due to those who should effectually
accomplish it. Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miserable condition
of negroes living among the protestant colonies, and to induce them to
revolt, proffered them the advantages of liberty and religion at
Augustine. Is it not a shame to a Protestant nation to keep such a number
of human creatures so long among them, beings of the same nature,
subjects of the same government, who have souls to be saved, and capable
of being eternally happy or miserable in a future world, not only in a
miserable state of slavery, but also of pagan darkness and superstition.
What could be expected from creatures thus doomed to endless labour, and
deprived of the natural rights of humanity and the privileges of
Christianity, but that they should snatch at the least glimmering hopes
and prospects of a better state, and give their task-masters reason to
dread, that they would lay hold of some opportunity of forcing their way
to it. This inexcusable negligence with respect to them may be considered
of itself as no small source of danger to the colonists, as the hazard is
greater from savage and ferocious, than mild and civilized dispositions,
and, as the restraints of terror and temporal punishments are less
constant and powerful than those of conscience and religion. The
political and commercial connection subsisting between the mother country
and the colonies, makes the charge of negroes, in reason and justice, to
fall equally upon both. And whatever other men may think, we are of
opinion, that an institution for their instruction was an object of the
highest consequence, and that, by all the laws of God and man, that
nation which brought this unfortunate race into such a situation, was
bound to consult both their temporal and eternal felicity.

    [Sidenote] James Glen governor.

About this time James Glen received a commission from his majesty,
investing him with the government of South Carolina, and at the same time
was appointed Colonel of a new regiment of foot to be raised in the
province. He was a man of considerable knowledge, courteous, and polite;
exceedingly fond of military parade and ostentation, which commonly have
great force on ordinary minds, and by these means he maintained his
dignity and importance in the eyes of the people. All governors invested
with extensive powers ought to be well acquainted with the common and
civil laws of their country; and every wise prince will guard against
nominating weak or wicked persons to an high office, which affords them
many opportunities of exercising their power to the prejudice of the
people. When men are promoted to the government of provinces on account
of their abilities and merit, and not through the interest of friends,
then we may expect to see public affairs wisely managed, authority
revered, and every man sitting secure under his vine, and enjoying the
fruits of his industry with contentment and satisfaction. But when such
offices are bestowed on ignorant or needy persons, because they happen to
be favourites of some powerful and clamorous Lord at court, without any
view to the interest and happiness of the people, then avarice and
oppression commonly prevail on one hand, and murmur and discontent on the
other. The appointment of Governor Glen was so far proper, as he
possessed those qualifications which rendered his government respectable,
and the people living under it for several years happy and contented. His
council, consisting of twelve men, were appointed also by the King, under
his sign manual. The assembly of representatives consisted of forty-four
members, and were elected every third year by the freeholders of sixteen
parishes. The court of chancery was composed of the Governor and Council,
to which court belonged a master of chancery and a register. There was a
court of vice-admiralty, the Judge, Register, and Marshal of which were
appointed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in England. The
Court of King's Bench consisted of a Chief Justice appointed by the King,
who sat with some assistant justices of the province; and the same judges
constituted the Court of Common Pleas. There were likewise an
Attorney-General, a Clerk, and Provost-Marshal. The Secretary of the
province, who was also Register, the Surveyor-general of the lands, and
the Receiver-general of the quit-rents, were all appointed by the Crown.
The Comptroller of the customs, and three Collectors, at the ports of
Charlestown, Port-Royal, and Georgetown, were appointed by the
Commissioners of the Customs in England. The provincial Treasurer was
appointed by the General Assembly. The clergy were elected by the
freeholders of the parish. All Justices of the peace, and officers of the
militia, were appointed by the Governor in Council. This is the nature of
the provincial government and constitution, and in this way were the
principal officers of each branch appointed or elected, under the royal
establishment.

    [Sidenote] Ld. Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown.

About the same time John Lord Carteret (now Earl of Granville) applied by
petition to his Majesty, praying that the eighth part of the lands and
soil granted by King Charles, and referred to him by the act of
parliament establishing an agreement with the other seven Lords
Proprietors for the surrender of their title and interest to his Majesty,
might be set apart and allotted to him and his heirs for ever, and
proposing to appoint persons to divide the same; at the same time
offering to resign to the King his share of, and interest in the
government, and to convey, release and confirm to his Majesty, and his
heirs, the other seven parts of the province. This petition being
referred to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, they
reported, that it would be for his Majesty's service that Lord Carteret's
property should be separated from that of his Majesty, and that the
method proposed by his Lordship would be the most proper and effectual
for the purpose. Accordingly five commissioners were appointed on the
part of the King, and five on that of Lord Carteret for separating his
Lordship's share, and making it one entire district by itself. The
territory allotted him was divided on the north-east by the line which
separated North Carolina from Virginia; on the east by the Atlantic
ocean; on the south by a point on the sea-shore, in latitude thirty-five
degrees and thirty-four minutes; and, agreeable to the charter, westward
from these points on the sea-shore it extended, in a line parallel to the
boundary line of Virginia, to the Pacific Ocean. Not long afterwards, a
grant of the eighth part of Carolina, together with all yearly rents and
profits arising from it, passed the great seal, to John Lord Carteret and
his heirs. But the power of making laws, calling and holding assemblies,
erecting courts of justice, appointing judges and justices, pardoning
criminals, granting titles of honour, making ports and havens, taking
customs or duties on goods, executing the martial law, exercising the
royal rights of a county palatine, or any other prerogatives relating to
the administrations of government, were all excepted out of the grant.
Lord Carteret was to hold this estate upon condition of yielding and
paying to his Majesty and his heirs and successors, the annual-rent of
one pound thirteen shillings and fourpence, on the feast of All-Saints,
for ever, and also one fourth part of all the gold and silver ore found
within this eighth part of the territory so separated and granted him.

    [Sidenote] The country much exposed to invasion.

As Carolina abounds with navigable rivers, while it enjoys many
advantages for commerce and trade, it is also much exposed to foreign
invasions. The tide on that coast flows from six to ten feet
perpendicular, and makes its way up into the flat country by a variety of
channels. All vessels that draw not above seventeen feet water, may
safely pass over the bar of Charlestown, which at spring-tides will admit
ships that draw eighteen feet. This bar lies in thirty-two degrees and
forty minutes north latitude, and seventy-eight degrees and forty-five
minutes west longitude from London. Its situation is variable, owing to a
sandy foundation and the rapid flux and reflux of the sea. The channel
leading to George-town is twelve or thirteen feet deep, and likewise
those of North and South Edisto rivers, and will admit all ships that
draw not above ten or eleven feet of water. At Stono there is also a
large creek, which admits vessels of the same draught of water; but Sewee
and Santee rivers, and many others of less note, are for smaller craft
which draw seven, eight, or nine feet. The channel up to Port Royal
harbour is deep enough for the largest ships that sail on the sea; and
the whole royal navy of England may ride with safety in it. Nature has
evidently ordained this place for trade and commerce, by the many
advantages with which she hath favoured it. It lies in thirty-two degrees
and five minutes north latitude, and in longitude seventy-nine degrees
five minutes. Its situation renders it an excellent station for a
squadron of ships in time of war, as the run from it is short to the
windward islands, but especially as it lies so convenient for distressing
the immense trade coming through the Gulf of Florida. From this harbour
ships may run out to the Gulf stream in one day, and return with equal
ease the next, so that it would be very difficult to escape a sufficient
number of cruisers stationed at Beaufort. The harbour is also defended by
a small fort, built of tappy, which is a kind of cement composed of
oyster-shells beat small, and mixed with lime and water, which when dry
becomes hard and durable. The fort has two demi-bastions to the river,
and one bastion to the land, with a gate and ditch, mounting sixteen
heavy cannon, and containing barracks for an hundred men.

Several leagues to the southward of Port-Royal, Savanna river empties
itself into the ocean, which is also navigable for ships that draw not
above fourteen feet water. At the southern boundary of Georgia the great
river Alatamaha falls into the Atlantic sea, about sixteen leagues
north-east of Augustine, which lies in twenty-nine degrees fifty minutes.
This river admits ships of large burden as far as Frederica, a small town
built by General Oglethorpe, on an eminence in Simon's Island. The island
on the west end is washed by a branch of the river Alatamaha, before it
empties itself into the sea at Jekyl sound. At Frederica the river forms
a kind of bay. The fort General Oglethorpe erected here for the defence
of Georgia had several eighteen pounders mounted on it and commanded the
river both upwards and downwards. It was built of tappy, with four
bastions, surrounded by a quadrangular rampart, and a palisadoed ditch,
which included also the King's stores, and two large buildings of brick
and timber. The town was surrounded with a rampart, in the form of a
pentagon, with flankers of the same thickness with that at the fort, and
a dry ditch. On this rampart several pieces of ordnance were also
mounted. In this situation General Oglethorpe had pitched his camp, which
was divided into streets, distinguished by the names of the several
Captains of his regiment. Their little huts were built of wood, and
constructed for holding each four or five men. At some distance from
Frederica was the colony of Highlanders, situated on the same river, a
wild and intrepid race, living in a state of rural freedom and
independence. Their settlement being near the frontiers, afforded them
abundance of scope for the exercise of their warlike temper; and having
received one severe blow from the garrison at Augustine, they seemed to
long for an opportunity of revenging the massacre of their beloved
friends.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards invade Georgia.

The time was fast approaching for giving them what they desired. For
although the territory granted by the second charter to the proprietors
at Carolina extended far to the south-west of the river Alatamaha, the
Spaniards had never relinquished their pretended claim to the province of
Georgia. Their ambassador at the British court had even declared that his
Catholic Majesty would as soon part with Madrid as his claim to that
territory. The squadron commanded by Admiral Vernon had for some time
occupied their attention in the West Indies so much, that they could
spare none of their forces to maintain their supposed right. But no
sooner had the greatest part of the British fleet left those seas, and
returned to England, than they immediately turned their eyes to Georgia,
and began to make preparations for dislodging the English settlers in
that province. Finding that threats could not terrify General Oglethorpe
to compliance with their demands, an armament was prepared at the Havanna
to go against him, and expel him by force of arms from their frontiers.
With this view two thousand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo,
embarked at the Havanna, under the convoy of a strong squadron, and
arrived at Augustine in May 1742.

But before this formidable fleet and armament had reached Augustine, they
were observed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who was
cruising on that coast; and advice was immediately sent to General
Oglethorpe of their arrival in Florida. Georgia now began to tremble in
her turn. The General sent intelligence to Governor Glen at Carolina,
requesting him to collect all the forces he could with the greatest
expedition, and send them to his assistance; and at the same time to
dispatch a sloop to the West Indies, to acquaint Admiral Vernon with the
intended invasion.

Carolina by this time had found great advantage from the settlement of
Georgia, which had proved an excellent barrier to that province, against
the incursions of Spaniards and Spanish Indians. The southern parts being
rendered secure by the regiment of General Oglethorpe in Georgia, the
lands backward of Port-Royal had become much in demand, and risen four
times their former value. But though the Carolineans were equally
interested with their neighbours in the defence of Georgia, having little
confidence in General Oglethorpe's military abilities, since his
unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, the planters, struck with
terror, especially those on the southern parts, deserted their
habitations, and flocked to Charlestown with their families and effects.
The inhabitants of Charlestown, many of whom being prejudiced against the
man, declared against sending him any assistance, and determined rather
to fortify their town, and stand upon their own grounds in a posture of
defence. In this resolution, however, it is plain they acted from bad
motives, in leaving that officer to stand alone against such a superior
force. At such an emergency, good policy evidently required the firmest
union, and the utmost exertion of the force of both colonies; for so soon
as General Oglethorpe should be crushed, the reduction of Georgia would
open to the common enemy an easy access into the bowels of Carolina, and
render the force of both provinces, thus divided, unequal to the public
defence.

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was making all possible preparations
at Frederica for a vigorous stand. Message after message was sent to his
Indian allies, who were greatly attached to him, and crowded to his camp.
A company of Highlanders joined him on the first notice; and seemed
joyful at the opportunity of retorting Spanish vengeance on their own
heads. With his regiment, and a few rangers, Highlanders, and Indians,
the General fixed his head quarters at Frederica, never doubting of a
reinforcement from Carolina, and expecting their arrival every day; but
in the mean time determined, in case he should be attacked, to sell his
life as dear as possible in defence of the province.

About the end of June, 1742, the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-two
sail; and carrying above three thousand men, under the command of Don
Manuel de Monteano, came to anchor off Simons's bar. Here they continued
for some time sounding the channel, and after finding a depth of water
sufficient to admit their ships, they came in with the tide of flood into
Jekyl sound. General Oglethorpe, who was at Simons's fort, fired at them
as they passed the sound, which the Spaniards returned from their ships,
and proceeded up the river Alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns. There
the enemy having hoisted a red flag at the mizen top-mast-head of the
largest ship, landed their forces upon the island, and erected a battery,
with twenty eighteen pounders mounted on it. Among their land forces they
had a fine company of artillery, under the command of Don Antonio de
Rodondo, and a regiment of negroes. The negro commanders were clothed in
lace, bore the same rank with white officers, and with equal freedom and
familiarity walked and conversed with their commander and chief. Such an
example might justly have alarmed Carolina. For should the enemy
penetrate into that province, where there were such numbers of negroes,
they would soon have acquired such a force, as must have rendered all
opposition fruitless and ineffectual.

General Oglethorpe having found that he could not stop the progress of
the enemy up the river, and judging his situation at Fort Simons too
dangerous, nailed up the guns, burst the bombs and coehorns, destroyed
the stores, and retreated to his head quarters at Frederica. So great was
the force of the enemy, that he plainly perceived that nothing remained
for him to achieve, with his handful of men, and therefore resolved to
use his utmost vigilance, and to act only on the defensive. On all sides
he sent out scouting parties to watch the motions of the Spaniards, while
the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making them
as strong as circumstances would admit. Day and night he kept his Indian
allies ranging through the woods, to harass the outposts of the enemy,
who at length brought in five Spanish prisoners, who informed him of
their number and force, and that the Governor of Augustine was commander
in chief of the expedition. The General, still expecting a reinforcement
from Carolina, used all his address in planning measures for gaining
time, and preventing the garrison from sinking into despair. For this
purpose he sent out the Highland company also to assist the Indians, and
obstruct as much as possible the approach of the enemy till he should
obtain assistance and relief. His provisions for the garrison were
neither good nor plentiful, and his great distance from all settlements,
together with the enemy keeping the command of the river, cut off
entirely all prospects of a supply. To prolong the defence, however, he
concealed every discouraging circumstance from his little army, which,
besides Indians, did not amount to more than seven hundred men; and to
animate them to perseverance, exposed himself to the same hardships and
fatigues with the meanest soldier in his garrison.

    [Sidenote] A stratagem to get rid of the enemy.

While Oglethorpe remained in this situation, the enemy made several
attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but
met with such opposition from deep morasses, and dark thickets, lined
with fierce Indians, and wild Highlanders, that they honestly confessed
that the devil himself could not pass through them to Frederica. Don
Manuel de Monteano, however, had no other prospect left, and these
difficulties must either be surmounted, or the design dropt; and
therefore one party after another was sent out to explore the thickets,
and to take possession of every advantageous post to be found in them. In
two skirmishes with the Highlanders and Indians, the enemy had one
captain, and two lieutenants killed, with above one hundred men taken
prisoners. After which the Spanish commander changed his plan of
operations, and keeping his men under cover of his cannon, proceeded with
some gallies up the river with the tide of flood, to reconnoitre the
fort, and draw the General's attention to another quarter. To this place
Oglethorpe sent a party of Indians, with orders to lie in ambuscade in
the woods, and endeavour to prevent their landing. About the same time an
English prisoner escaped from the Spanish camp, and brought advice to
General Oglethorpe of a difference subsisting in it, in so much that the
forces from Cuba, and those from Augustine encamped in separate places.
Upon which the General resolved to attempt a surprise on one of the
Spanish camps, and taking the advantage of his knowledge of the woods,
marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highland
company, and some rangers. Having advanced within two miles of the
enemy's camp, he halted, and went forward with a small party to take a
view of the posture of the enemy. But while he wanted above all things to
conceal his approach, a Frenchman fired his musket, run off and alarmed
the enemy. Upon which Oglethorpe finding his design defeated, retreated
to Frederica, and being apprehensive that the deserter would discover his
weakness, began to study by what device he might most effectually defeat
the credit of his informations. For this purpose he wrote a letter,
addressing it to the deserter, in which he desired him to acquaint the
Spaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how easy and
practicable it would be to cut him and his small garrison to pieces. He
begged him, as his spy, to bring them forward to the attack, and assure
them of success; but if he could not prevail with them to make that
attempt, to use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay at
least three days more at Fort Simons, for within that time, according to
the advice he had just received from Carolina, he would have a
reinforcement of two thousand land-forces, and six British ships of war,
with which he doubted not he would be able to give a good account of the
Spanish invaders. He intreated the deserter to urge them to stay, and
above all things cautioned him against mentioning a single word of Vernon
coming against Augustine, assuring him, that for such services he should
be amply rewarded by his Britannic Majesty. This letter he gave to one of
the Spanish prisoners, who for the sake of liberty and a small reward,
promised to deliver it to the French deserter; but, instead of that, as
Oglethorpe expected, he delivered it to the commander and chief of the
Spanish army.

    [Sidenote] The Spaniards retreat to Augustine.

Various were the speculations and conjectures which this letter
occasioned in the Spanish camp, and the commander, among others, was not
a little perplexed what to infer from it. In the first place he ordered
the French deserter to be put in irons, to prevent his escape, and then
called a council of war, to consider what was most proper to be done in
consequence of intelligence, so puzzling and alarming. Some officers were
of opinion, that the letter was intended to deceive, and to prevent them
from attacking Frederica; others thought that the things mentioned in it
appeared so feasible, that there were good grounds to believe, the

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