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Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Complete

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Title: Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Complete

Author: Aaron Burr

Editor: Matthew L. Davis


        
Release date: April 1, 2005 [eBook #7852]
                Most recently updated: December 30, 2020

Language: English

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Credits: Produced by Marvin Hodges, Stan Goodman and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEMOIRS OF AARON BURR, COMPLETE ***




Produced by Marvin Hodges, Stan Goodman
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team





[Frontispiece: A. Burr]

MEMOIRS OF AARON BURR.

WITH MISCELLANEOUS SELECTIONS

FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE.

BY MATTHEW L. DAVIS.



"I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him."


IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

       *       *       *       *       *

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1836, by

MATTHEW L. DAVIS,

in the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New-York.

       *       *       *       *       *




PREFACE.


During a period of forty years I was intimately acquainted with
Colonel Burr, and have reason to suppose that I possessed his entire
confidence. Some time after his return from Europe in 1812, on
different occasions, he suggested casually a wish that I would make
notes of his _political life_. When the Memoirs and Correspondence of
Mr. Jefferson were published, he was much excited at the statements
which were made in his Ana respecting the presidential contest in
Congress in 1801.

He procured and sent me a copy of the work, with a request that I
would peruse the parts designated by him. From this time forward he
evinced an anxiety that I would prepare his Memoirs, offering me the
use of all his private papers, and expressing a willingness to explain
any doubtful points, and to dictate such parts of his early history as
I might require. These propositions led to frequent and full
conversations. I soon discovered that Colonel Burr was far more
tenacious of his _military_, than of his professional, political, or
moral character. His prejudices against General Washington were
immoveable. They were formed in the summer of 1776, while he resided
at headquarters; and they were confirmed unchangeably by the injustice
which he said he had experienced at the hands of the
commander-in-chief immediately after the battle of Long Island, and
the retreat of the American army from the city of New-York. These
grievances he wished to mingle with his own history; and he was
particularly anxious to examine the military movements of General
Washington on different occasions, but more especially at the battle
of Monmouth, in which battle Colonel Burr commanded a brigade in Lord
Stirling's division. I peremptorily refused entering upon any such
discussion; and, for some time, all communication on the subject
ceased.

Colonel Burr, however, renewed the conversation relative to his
Memoirs, and agreed that any thing which might be written should be
confined to himself. With this understanding I frequently visited him,
and made notes under his dictation. I never asked him a question on
any subject, or in relation to any man or measure, that he did not
promptly and willingly answer. On his part there was no desire of
concealment; nor did he ever express to me a wish to suppress an
account of any act of his whole life. So far as I could judge, his
only apprehensions were that "_kind friends_," as he sometimes termed
them, by attempts at explanation, might unintentionally misrepresent
acts which they did not understand.

I devoted the summer of 1835 to an examination of his letters and
papers, of which there is an immense quantity. The whole of them were
placed in my hands, to be used at my discretion. I was authorized to
take from among them whatever I supposed would aid me in preparing the
contemplated book.

I have undertaken the work, aware of the delicacy and responsibility
of the task. But, if I know myself, it has been performed with the
most scrupulous regard to my own reputation for correctness. I have
aimed to state facts, and the fair deductions from them, without the
slightest intermixture of personal feeling. I am very desirous that a
knowledge of Mr. Burr's character and conduct should be derived from
his miscellaneous correspondence, and not from what his biographer
might write, unsupported by documentary testimony. With this view many
of his private letters are selected for publication.

I entertain a hope that I shall escape the charge of egotism. I have
endeavoured to avoid _that_ ground of offence, whatever may have been
my literary sins in other respects. It is proper for me, however, in
this place, and for a single purpose, to depart from the course
pursued in the body of the work. It is a matter of perfect notoriety,
that among the papers left in my possession by the late Colonel Burr,
there was a mass of letters and copies of letters written or received
by him, from time to time, during a long life, indicating no very
strict morality in some of his female correspondents. These letters
contained matter that would have wounded the feelings of families more
extensively than could be imagined. Their publication would have had a
most injurious tendency, and created heartburnings that nothing but
time could have cured.

As soon as they came under my control I mentioned the subject to
Colonel Burr; but he prohibited the destruction of any part of them
during his lifetime. I separated them, however, from other letters in
my possession, and placed them in a situation that made their
publication next to impossible, whatever might have been my own fate.
As soon as Colonel Burr's decease was known, with my own hands I
committed to the fire all such correspondence, and not a vestige of it
now remains.

It is with unaffected reluctance that this statement of facts is made;
and it never would have been made but for circumstances which have
transpired since the decease of Colonel Burr. A mere allusion to these
circumstances will, it is trusted, furnish ample justification. No
sooner had the newspapers announced the fact that the Memoirs of
Colonel Burr were to be written by me, than I received letters from
various quarters of the country, inquiring into the nature of the
revelations that the book would make, and deprecating the introduction
of individual cases. These letters came to hand both anonymously and
under known signatures, expressing intense solicitude for suppression.

Under such circumstances, am I not only warranted in these remarks,
but imperiously called upon to make them? What other mode remained to
set the public mind at ease? I have now stated what must for ever
hereafter preclude all possibility for cavil on one part, or anxiety
on the other. I _alone_ have possessed the private and important
papers of Colonel Burr; and I pledge my honour that every one of them,
so far as I know and believe, that could have injured the feelings of
a female or those of her friends, is destroyed. In order to leave no
chance for distrust, I will add, that I never took, or permitted to be
taken, a single copy of any of these letters; and, of course, it is
quite impossible that any publication hereafter, if any should be made
of such papers or letters, can have even the pretence of authenticity.

THE AUTHOR.

New-York, November 15th, 1836.

       *       *       *       *       *

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.




CHAPTER I.


Ancestors of Burr; his father's birth; preparations for the ministry;
the Rev. Aaron Burr visits Boston; his account of the celebrated
preacher Whitefield; is married in 1752; Nassau Hall built in
Princeton in 1757; the Rev. Aaron Burr its first president; letter
from a lady to Colonel Burr; from his mother to her father; death of
his parents; sent to Philadelphia, under the care of Dr. Shippen; runs
away when only four years of age


CHAPTER II.


Burr is removed to Stockbridge, and placed under the care of Timothy
Edwards, his uncle and guardian; Edwards removes to Elizabethtown,
New-Jersey; Judge Tappan Reeve is employed in the family as a private
tutor to Burr; runs away to New-York at ten years of age; enters
Princeton College in 1769, in the thirteenth year of his age; his
habits there; an awakening in college in 1771-72; his conversation
with Dr. Witherspoon on the subject; selections from his compositions
while a student


CHAPTER III.


Burr's college friends; letters of William Paterson to Burr; he
graduates in 1772, when sixteen years of age; remains in college to
review his studies; amusing anecdote relative to Professor S. S.
Smith, in the Cliosophic Society, while Burr was acting as president;
letter from Timothy Dwight; from Samuel Spring; correspondence with
Matthias Ogden and others, in cipher; anecdote respecting visit to a
billiard-table; enters the family of Joseph Bellamy, D. D. for the
purpose of pursuing a course of reading on religious topics; in 1774
determines to study the law; letter from Timothy Edwards


CHAPTER IV.


Removes to the family of Judge Reeve; amusing letter from Matthias
Ogden; to Ogden; from Jonathan Bellamy; from Ogden; from Lyman Hall to
the Rev. James Caldwell


CHAPTER V.


Battles of Lexington and Bunker's Hill; Burr visits Elizabethtown,
and, in company with his friend Ogden, joins the army under Washington
before Cambridge; great disappointment and mortification at witnessing
the irregularities in the camp, and the want of a police; letter from
Roger Sherman to General David Wooster; from James Duane to General
Montgomery, announcing his appointment as a brigadier-general in the
continental army; General Montgomery's answer; Burr sickens in camp;
hears of General Arnold's intended expedition against Quebec;
volunteers as a private; forms a mess, and marches from Cambridge to
Newburyport with knapsack and musket; letters from Dr. James Cogswell,
Peter Colt, &c. to dissuade him from proceeding with the expedition;
efforts of his guardian to prevent him from marching; sufferings on
the march through the wilderness; escape from drowning in passing the
rapids; on arriving at the Chaudiere, is despatched by Arnold to
Montgomery with information; places himself under the protection of a
Catholic priest, who furnishes him with a guide; the guide becomes
alarmed; Burr is secreted for some days in a convent; arrives in
safety at Montgomery's headquarters; is appointed one of his
aid-de-camps; the plan of attack upon Quebec changed; Judge Marshall's
explanation of the reasons for the change; Burr's opinion on the same
subject; the attack made on the night of the 31st of December, 1775;
General Montgomery, Captains McPherson and Cheeseman, and all in
front, except Burr and a French guide, killed; Colonel Campbell orders
a retreat.

CHAPTER VI.


Resolve of Congress to erect a monument to the memory of General
Montgomery; procured by, and executed under the superintendence of Dr.
Franklin in Paris; erected in front of St. Paul's Church, in the city
of New-York, in 1789; Arnold takes command; Burr acts as brigade
major; Arnold resolves on demanding a surrender of Quebec, and that
Burr shall be the bearer of a sealed message; refuses, without first
reading its contents; after reading, considers it unbecoming an
American officer, and declines delivering it; receives complimentary
letters for his intrepidity in the attack; letter from Ogden; army
moves to the mouth of the Sorel; Burr determines on leaving it, which
Arnold forbids, but he persists; in Albany is notified that General
Washington wishes him to come to New-York; reports himself to the
commander-in-chief, who invites him to join his family; letter from
Ogden informing him that General Washington wishes him to take up his
residence at headquarters; joins Washington's family, but soon becomes
discontented; on the suggestion of Governor Hancock, accepts the
appointment of aid-de-camp to Major-general Putnam; letter to Ogden;
reasons for quitting Washington's family; letter from Paterson to
Burr; to Paterson


CHAPTER VII.


Some account of Mrs. Coghlan, daughter of Major Moncrieffe of the
British army; her residence in General Putnam's family; her removal to
the family of General Mifflin; her allusions, in her memoirs, to a
young American officer (Colonel Burr) with whom she had become
enamoured; letter of General Putnam to Miss Moncrieffe; Burr's
character for intrigue; destruction of confidential papers, improper
for public inspection; letter from Theodore Sedgwick to Burr; from
Ogden; to T. Edwards; from Ogden; General Putnam ordered to take
command on Long Island in the place of General Green; Burr reports to
Putnam unfavourably of the state of the army, but proposes to beat up
the enemy's quarters; is opposed to an action, considering it likely
to prove disastrous; battle on the 27th of August, 1776; Burr presses
upon Putnam and Mifflin the necessity of an immediate retreat; council
of war, and retreat ordered; General McDOUGALL has charge of the
embarcation of the troops from Brooklyn on the night of the 29th; Burr
assists him; his conduct this night inspires General McDOUGALL with a
confidence in him for vigilance and intrepidity which was never
afterward diminished; the retreat effected in good order; Burr is in
favour of an immediate evacuation of the city of New-York; on the 15th
of September the British land on Manhattan Island; General Washington
orders a retreat, which the enemy endeavour to intercept; in the
confusion, General Silliman's brigade is left behind, and General Knox
conducts it to a small fort (Bunker's Hill) in the suburbs of the
city; Burr discovers the perilous situation of the brigade, and
recommends Knox to retreat; Knox refuses, and denies the
practicability; Burr induces the officers and men of the brigade to
place themselves under his command, and, after some skirmishes, he
conducts them with trifling loss to the main army; Samuel Rowland to
Commodore Morris on this subject; certificate of the Rev. Hezekiah
Ripley, chaplain of General Silliman's brigade, respecting their
retreat under the command of Colonel Burr; also of Isaac Jennings and
Andrew Wakeman, and a letter from Nathaniel Judson, in relation to the
same affair


CHAPTER VIII.


Letter from Colonel Burr to Mrs. Edwards; the British army move from
Brunswick to Princeton; General Washington crosses the Delaware;
letter to Ogden; Burr ordered by General Washington, through Putnam,
to proceed to Norwalk, Fairfield, and other places on the Sound, to
"settle a line of intelligence," &c.; on his return to camp, July
21st, 1777, is appointed by Washington a lieutenant-colonel in
Malcolm's regiment; Burr to Washington; joins his regiment in the
Clove, Orange county; the British come out from New-York, 2000 strong,
on a marauding party; Burr marches his regiment thirty miles in the
afternoon and evening to attack them; before morning captures their
picket-guards by surprise; the enemy retreat, leaving their plunder
behind them; statement of this affair by Judge George Gardner and
Lieutenant Hunter, with other details respecting Burr; Putnam orders
him to join Parsons's brigade with his regiment, for the purpose of
re-enforcing Washington; on the second day of his march, is ordered by
General Varnum to halt and defend the bridge at Pompton against the
British; in November, is stationed with his regiment, in advance of
the main army, at White Marsh, in Pennsylvania; goes into winter
quarters at Valley Forge; by the advice of General McDOUGALL, he is
ordered by Washington to take command of a strong body of militia,
posted to defend the Gulf near Valley Forge, all his senior officers
having been withdrawn for the purpose of giving him the command; an
intended mutiny suppressed by his promptitude and intrepidity; is of
the Lee and Gates party, opposed to Washington; misunderstanding with
Lord Stirling; letter from Lord Stirling; letter to him


CHAPTER IX.


Letter from Malcolm to Burr; battle of Monmouth, June 28t; arrest and
trial of General Lee; Burr dissatisfied with Washington's orders to
him during the action, in which he commanded a brigade;
Lieutenant-colonel Dummer, under his immediate command, killed; Burr's
horse shot under him; his health greatly impaired by fatigue and
exposure previous to and during the action; ordered by Washington, the
day after the battle, to proceed to Elizabethtown to watch the
movements of the enemy; several notes of Lord Stirling to him on the
subject; joins his regiment; ordered by the Baron de Kalb to West
Point; the legislature of New-York adopt rigid measures in regard to
the tories; Governor Clinton applies to the commander-in-chief to
appoint a confidential continental officer to take charge of them,
&c.; General Washington designates Colonel Burr; letter from Robert
Benson to Burr on the subject; proceedings of the Board of
Commissioners for defeating Conspiracies, transmitted in their letter
to Burr; letter from Theodore Sedgwick; from General Lee; Burr to
Washington, asking a furlough on account of ill health, without pay;
from Washington, granting the furlough, but ordering the pay; Burr
declines accepting it on these conditions, and joins his regiment at
West Point; letter from Mrs. Montgomery to Burr; ordered by General
McDOUGALL to take command of a brigade at Haverstraw, his seniors
having been withdrawn for the purpose; ordered by McDOUGALL to take
command of the lines in Westchester; letter to McDOUGALL, detailing
the arrangement of his pickets, outposts, &c.; to McDOUGALL; from
Major Platt; from McDOUGALL


CHAPTER X.


Letter from Burr to McDOUGALL; from Paterson; from Major Platt; to
McDOUGALL; from McDOUGALL; from Platt; from McDOUGALL; from General
Putnam; from McDOUGALL; from Samuel Young, Esq., of Westchester, to
Commodore Morris, detailing Burr's military career on the lines


CHAPTER XI.


Letter from Burr to General Washington resigning his command; from
Washington; from Mrs. General Montgomery; from Paterson; from
McDOUGALL; at the request of General McDOUGALL, Burr consents, at
great hazard, to be the bearer of a verbal confidential communication
to General Washington; amusing incident at Townsend's iron-works, in
Orange county, on this expedition; in July, 1779, the British under
Tryon land at East Haven; Burr, although confined to a sick-bed,
arises, sallies forth, takes command of the students in the college
green, and checks for a time the advance of the enemy; Colonel Platt's
account of Burr's military life


CHAPTER XII.


Description of Burr's person and manner; anecdote illustrative of his
tact at correcting an ill-timed expression to a lady; his first
acquaintance with Mrs. Prevost, subsequently his wife; letter from Mr.
Monroe, late President of the United States, to Mrs. Prevost; General
Washington to Mrs. Prevost; from Paterson; from Colonel Troup; the
same; from Paterson; to Paterson; from Troup; from Major Alden; from
Paterson; from Troup; to Troup; from Troup; the same; the same; from
Peter Colt; the same; from Troup; the same


CHAPTER XIII.


Letter from Paterson to Burr; the same; from Troup; Burr commences the
study of the law with Paterson, on the Rariton; removes to Haverstraw
to study with Thomas Smith; capture of Andre; Mrs. Arnold's confession
to Mrs. Prevost of her own guilt; scene with Mrs. Arnold at the house
of Colonel Morris in 1779-80; Burr leaves Haverstraw, and goes to
Albany to prepare for admission to the bar; letter to Major Alden;
from Thomas Smith; from Mrs. Prevost; the same; the same; from Major
Alden; to Mrs. Prevost; to Chief Justice Morris; to Mrs. Prevost;
Character of Philip Van Rensselear


CHAPTER XIV.


Burr applies to the Supreme Court for admission; the bar objects to
his examination; objections overruled; admitted as an attorney on the
19th January, 1782, and as counsellor on the 17th of April, 1782;
commences the practice of law in Albany; letter from Major Popham; to
Mrs. Prevost; Burr married to Mrs. Prevost, July, 1782; letter from
Mrs. Burr; from Judge Hobart; from Mrs. Burr; the same; Burr removes
to New-York; elected a member of the legislature; his opposition in
that body to what was termed the Mechanics' Bill, produces great
excitement; threatened riot on the subject, Series of letters between
Mr. and Mrs. Burr


CHAPTER XV.


Series of letters between Mr. and Mrs. Burr continued from pages
275-285--Federal Constitution adopted; Burr nominated and defeated on
the Assembly ticket of "the Sons of Liberty," in opposition to the
Federal ticket; he supports Judge Yates in opposition to George
Clinton for the office of governor; Clinton elected; soon after
tenders Burr the office of attorney-general; he takes time to
deliberate; his letter to Governor Clinton, agreeing to serve; is
appointed attorney-general, September, 1789; commissioners appointed
by the legislature to report on revolutionary claims against the
state; Burr one of them; letters to and from Mrs. Burr; letter to his
daughter Theodosia; from Dr. Benjamin Rush; to Theodosia


CHAPTER XVI.


Report of the commissioners, in pursuance of the act entitled An act
to receive and state accounts against the state, drawn by Burr;
appointed senator of the United States, 1791; caution in
correspondence; sales of the public lands by "the commissioners of the
land office," of which board Burr was a member; great dissatisfaction
as to those sales; subject brought before the Assembly with a view to
the impeachment of the board; Burr exonerated from censure; assembly
approve the conduct of the commissioners; anecdote of Melancton Smith
and General Hamilton; Burr, during his first session in the United
States Senate, with the sanction of the secretary of state (Mr.
Jefferson), is employed in examining the records of the department; is
prevented from proceeding, by order of President Washington; Mr.
Jefferson to Burr on the subject; contested election between Clinton
and Jay for governor; canvassers differ as to the legality of certain
votes; apply to Rufus King and Burr for advice; King and Burr differ
in opinion; Burr proposes to decline giving advice; Mr. King objects;
in consequence, they give separate and conflicting opinions; Burr
becomes zealous in support of that which he has given; seven of the
canvassers decide on destroying the votes of Otsego, Clinton, and
Tioga counties; four object; statement of the case; opinion of Mr.
King; opinion of Mr. Burr; letter from Jonathan D. Sargeant; subject
of the canvassers taken up by the legislature; protest of the
minority; reasons assigned to the legislature by the majority in
vindication of their conduct, drawn by Burr; Assembly approve the
conduct of the majority; letter from Burr to Jacob De Lamater,
explaining his own course in the contested election between Clinton
and Jay


CHAPTER XVII.


Burr appointed a judge of the Supreme Court; declines, but Governor
Clinton does not report the fact until called upon by a resolution of
the legislature; chairman of the Senate Committee to answer the
president's speech, the first session of his membership; reports the
answer next day, which is adopted without opposition; defeats a bill
to increase the standing army by his single objection; letters to Mrs.
Burr; series of letters to his daughter Theodosia; teaches his slaves
to read and write; letters from one of them


CHAPTER XVIII.


Burr's manner of speaking; Albert Gallatin appointed a senator of the
United States; objections to the legality of his appointment; Burr
ardent in support of Gallatin; note of John Taylor, of Virginia, to
Burr, on the subject of replying to Rufus King; Senate decide against
Gallatin; Burr offers resolutions against sending an envoy
extraordinary to England, in 1794, and against selecting a _judge_ for
the station; votes against John Jay; discontents of the Democratic
party with General Washington for continuing Gouverneur Morris in
France; certain members of Congress recommend Colonel Burr to fill the
station; appoint Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe to notify the president of
their wishes; General Washington refuses to make the appointment, but
agrees to nominate Mr. Monroe; Burr's opposition to Jay's treaty;
proposes amendments, which are rejected; letter to Thomas Morris;
detail of legislative proceedings in procuring the charter of the
Manhattan Company; Burr's conduct on the occasion; his duel with John
B. Church, Esq.; letter of Burr to -----, giving a history of his
transactions with the Holland Land Company; his daughter married; Miss
Burr to Joseph Alston; letter from Alston to Miss Burr on early
marriages; contested election in New-York in 1800; Burr a candidate
for the office of Vice President; a tie vote with Mr. Jefferson






MEMOIRS OF AARON BURR.




CHAPTER I.


The grandfather of Colonel Aaron Burr, the subject of these memoirs,
was a German by birth, and of noble parentage. Shortly after his
arrival in North America, he settled in Fairfield, Connecticut, where
he purchased a large tract of land, and reared a numerous family. A
part of this landed estate remained in the possession of his lineal
descendants until long after the revolutionary war. During Colonel
Burr's travels in Germany, in the year 1809, various communications
were made to him, orally and in writing, by different branches of the
Burr family, some of whom were then filling high and distinguished
scientific and literary stations.

His father, the Rev. Aaron Burr, was born in Fairfield, on the 4th day
of January, 1715, and was educated at Yale College. In a manuscript
journal which he kept, and which has been preserved, he says, "In
September, 1736, with many fears and doubts about my qualifications
(being under clouds with respect to my spiritual state), I offered
myself to trials, and was approved as a candidate for the ministry. My
first sermon was preached at Greenfield, and immediately after I came
into the Jerseys. I can hardly give any account why I came here. After
I had preached for some time at Hanover, I had a call by the people of
Newark; but there was scarce any probability that I should suit their
circumstances, being young in standing and trials. I accepted of their
invitation, with a reserve, that I did not come with any views of
settling. My labours were universally acceptable among them, and they
manifested such great regard and love for me, that I consented to
accept of the charge of their souls.

"A.D. 1738-39, January the 25th, I was set apart to the work of the
ministry, by fasting, prayer, and imposition of hands. God grant that
I may ever keep fresh upon my mind the solemn charge that was then
given me; and never indulge trifling thoughts of what then appeared to
me of such awful importance. The ministers who joined in this solemn
transaction were Mr. Dickinson, who gave the charge, and Mr. Pierson,
who preached. Mr. Dickinson, who presided at this work, has been of
great service to me by his advice and instruction, both before and
since my ordination.

"In November, 1739, I made a visit to my friends in New-England, and
again in March, 1740. In the following August gust I was in a
declining state of health, and by the advice of my physicians visited
Rhode Island. From thence I proceeded to Boston. On the 19th of
September I heard Mr. Whitefield preach in Dr. Colman's church. I am
more and more pleased with the man. On the 21st, heard him preach in
the Commons to about ten thousand people. On Monday, visited him, and
had some conversation to my great satisfaction. On the 23d, went to
hear him preach in Mr. Webb's church, but the house was crowded before
Mr. Whitefield came. The people, especially the women, were put into a
fright, under a mistaken notion that the galleries were falling, which
caused them to hurry out in such a violent manner, that many were
seriously injured and five killed. The same day, Mr. Whitefield
preached at Mr. Gee's church. In the evening he preached at Dr.
Sewall's church. On Saturday I went to hear him in the Commons; there
were about eight thousand hearers. He expounded the parable of the
prodigal son in a very moving manner. Many melted into tears. On the
4th of October, being on my return to New-Jersey, I arrived at
Fairfield, where I remained two days with my friends."

In the year 1748, Governor Belcher, of New-Jersey, by and with the
approbation of his Majesty's Council, granted a charter to the college
of New-Jersey, subsequently known as Nassau Hall. This college was
opened in Newark, the students living in private families. The Rev.
Aaron Burr was appointed the first president. In the year 1754 or
1755, the trustees commenced erecting the college in Princeton; and in
1757 it was so far completed that the students, about seventy in
number, were removed to the building.

In, June, 1752, President Burr, being then in his 38th year, was
married to Esther Edwards, the daughter of Jonathan Edwards, a
distinguished metaphysician and divine. He was the second president of
Princeton College, being called to that station on the decease of his
son-in-law, President Burr. Thus, the father of Colonel Aaron Burr,
and the grandfather on his mother's side, were, in succession, at the
head of that seminary of learning.

President Burr was alike celebrated for his eloquence and piety; but,
withal, he possessed no inconsiderable degree of eccentricity. His
courtship and marriage partook of it. Miss Edwards, after the
preliminaries were arranged, was brought to New-Jersey to be married.
The occurrence created much conversation, and gave rise to some
newspaper commentary. The following is extracted from the New-York
Gazette of the 20th of July, 1752.

"A letter to a gentleman from his friend, dated

"July 7th, 1752

"Sir,

"As you are a known and peculiar votary to the state of celibacy, I
judged it would do you no disservice to acquaint you of a late
occurrence, which sufficiently evidences, that after the most mature
consideration, some of our wisest and best men do prefer the
endearment of the nuptial bed.

"About eight days since, the Rev. Aaron Burr, president of the College
of New-Jersey, was married to a daughter of the renowned Mr. Jonathan
Edwards, late of Northampton. She is a young lady of about twenty-one.
Her person may be called agreeable; her natural genius seems to be
sprightly, and, no doubt, is greatly improved by a very virtuous
education. In short, she appears to be one every way qualified to make
a man of sense and piety happy in the conjugal relation. As to the
courtship or marriage, I shall not descend to particulars; but only
observe, in general, that, for some centuries, I suppose there has not
been one more in the patriarchal mode.

"I hope, sir, that this instance, both as to matter and form, will
have its genuine influence upon you, and as well bear a part in
convincing you that wedlock is incomparably preferable to the roving
uneasiness of the single state, as to direct you, when you are
choosing your mate, that, instead of acting the modern gallant, wisely
to imitate this example, and endeavour to restore courtship and
marriage to their original simplicity and design.

"PHILOGAMUS."



At different times Colonel Burr received friendly anonymous and other
communications, recommending to him the practice of a religious life.
It is a remarkable fact, that in almost every such instance he is
referred to the letters of his mother. From a communication to him,
written by a lady, the following is extracted. If it should meet her
eye, as it probably will, it is hoped that she will pardon this
freedom. Her name is suppressed, and will not be known, unless through
her own instrumentality.


"My Dear Sir,

"I trust the purity of the motives by which I am actuated will find an
apology in your bosom for the liberty I assume in addressing you on a
subject which involves your eternal interest.

"Here, in the wilds of -----, I have found an extract of a letter,
written by your inestimable mother nearly sixty years ago, of which
you are the principal subject; and a transcript of which I shall
enclose for your perusal. Perhaps you will think me a weak,
presumptuous being; but permit me, dear sir, to assure you, this does
not proceed from a whim of the moment. It is not a mere transient gust
of enthusiasm. The subject has long been heavy on my mind. I have more
than once resolved to converse with you freely; to tell you how my own
feelings were affected relative to your situation; but my faltering
tongue refused to obey the impulse of my soul, and I have withdrawn
abruptly, to conceal that which I had not confidence to communicate.
But meeting (I believe providentially) with this precious relic has
determined me. I will write, and transmit it to you. I am too well
convinced of the liberality of your sentiments; but I still believe
you retain an inherent respect for the religion of your forefathers.

"I have often reflected on your trials, and the fortitude with which
you have sustained them, with astonishment. Yours has been no common
lot. But you seem to have forgotten the right use of adversity.
Afflictions from Heaven 'are angels sent on embassies of love.' We
must improve, and not abuse them, to obtain the blessing. They are
commissioned to stem the tide of impetuous passion; to check
inordinate ambition; to show us the insignificance of earthly
greatness; to wean our affections from transitory things, and elevate
them to those realities which are ever blooming at the right hand of
God. When affliction is thus sanctified, 'the heart at once it humbles
and exalts.'

"Was it philosophy that supported you in your trials? There is an hour
approaching when philosophy will fail, and all human science will
desert you. What then will be your substitute? Tell me, Colonel Burr,
or rather answer it to your own heart, when the pale messenger
appears, how will you meet him--'undamped by doubts, undarkened by
despair?'

"The enclosed is calculated to excite mingled sensations both of a
melancholy and pleasing nature. The hand that penned it is now among
'the just made perfect.' Your mother had given you up by faith. Have
you ever ratified the vows she made in your behalf? When she bade you
a long farewell, she commended you to the protection of Him who had
promised to be a father to the fatherless." The great Augustine, in
his early years, was an infidel in his principles, and a libertine in
his conduct, which his pious mother deplored with bitter weeping. But
she was told by her friends that 'the child of so many prayers, and
tears could not be lost;' and it was verified to her happy experience,
for he afterward became one of the grand luminaries of the church of
Christ. This remark has often been applied to you; and I trust you
will yet have the happiness to find that 'the prayers of the
righteous' have 'availed much.'

"One favour I would ask: when you have done with this, destroy it,
that it may never meet the eye of any third person. In the presence of
that God, before whom the inmost recesses of the heart are open, I
have written. I consulted him, and him only, respecting the propriety
of addressing it to you; and the answer he gave was, freedom in
writing, with a feeling of the deepest interest impressed upon my
heart.

"Z. Y"



"To Col. A. BURR."

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. BURR TO HER FATHER, PRESIDENT EDWARDS.

"Princeton, Nov. 2, 1757.

"Honoured Sir,

"Your most affectionate, comforting letter, by my brother, was
exceedingly refreshing to me, although I was somewhat damped that I
should not see you until spring. But it is my comfort in this
disappointment, as well as under all my afflictions, that God knows
what is best for me and for his own glory. Perhaps I depended too much
on the company and conversation of such a near, and dear, and
affectionate father and guide. I cannot doubt but all is for the best,
and I am satisfied that God should order the affair of your removal as
shall be for his glory, whatever comes of me. Since I wrote my
mother's letter, God has carried me through new trials, and given me
new supports. My little son [1] has been sick with the slow fever ever
since my brother left us, and has been brought to the brink of the
grave. But I hope, in mercy, God is bringing him up again. I was
enabled to resign the child (after a severe struggle with nature) with
the greatest freedom. God showed me that the child was not my own, but
his, and that he had a right to recall what he had lent whenever he
thought fit; and I had no reason to complain, or say God dealt hard
with me. This silenced me. But how good is God! He hath not only kept
me from complaining, but comforted me, by enabling me to offer up the
child by faith. I think, if ever I acted faith, I saw the fullness
there was in Christ for little infants, and his willingness to accept
of such as were offered to him. 'Suffer little children to come unto
me, and forbid them not, for of such is the kingdom of God,' were
comforting words. God also showed me, in such a lively manner, the
fullness that was in himself of all spiritual blessings, that I said,
Although all streams were cut off, yet, so long as my God lives, I
have enough. He enabled me to say--'Although thou slay me, yet will I
trust in thee.' In this time of trial I was led to enter into a
renewed and explicit covenant with God, in a more solemn manner than
ever before, and with the greatest freedom and delight. After much
self-examination and prayer, I did give up myself and children to God
with my whole heart. Never, until now, had I a sense of the privilege
we are allowed in covenanting with God! This act of my soul left my
mind in a quiet and steady trust in God. A few days after this, one
evening, in talking of the glorious state my dear departed must be in,
my soul was carried out in such longing desires after this glorious
state, that I was forced to retire from the family to conceal my joy.
When alone, I was so transported, and my soul carried out in such
eager desires after perfection, and the full enjoyment of God, and to
serve him uninterruptedly, that I think my nature would not have borne
much more. I think I had that night a foretaste of Heaven. This frame
continued, in some good degree, the whole night. I slept but little;
and when I did, my dreams were all of heavenly and divine things.
Frequently since I have felt the same in kind, though not in degree.
Thus a kind and gracious God has been with me in six troubles, and in
seven. But, oh! Sir, what cause of deep humiliation and abasement of
soul have I, on account of remaining corruption which I see working,
especially pride! Oh, how many shapes does pride cloak itself in!
Satan is also busy shooting his darts; but, blessed be God, those
temptations of his that used to overthrow me, as yet, have not touched
me. Oh to be delivered from the power of Satan as well as sin! I
cannot help hoping the time is near. God is certainly fitting me for
himself; and when I think it will be soon that I shall be called
hence, the thought is transporting.

"Your dutiful and affectionate daughter,

"Esther Burr."


Such were the parents of Colonel Aaron Burr. Of the natural
guardianship and protection of both he was deprived before he had
reached the third year of his age. He was born on the 6th of February,
1756, in Newark, State of New-Jersey. His father died in August, 1757,
and his mother the year following, leaving two children, Aaron, and
his sister Sarah. She subsequently became the wife of Judge Tappan
Reeve, of Connecticut. On the decease of his father, Colonel Burr
inherited a handsome estate.

In the year 1760 Aaron was sent to Philadelphia, under the care of an
aunt and Dr. Shippen. For the family of the doctor he entertained a
high degree of respect. He frequently spoke of them in the kindest
terms, and recurred to this early period of his history with emotions
of gratitude for their care and protection.

Boswell, in his Life of Johnson, remarks that, "In following so very
eminent a man from his cradle to his grave, every minute particular
which can throw light on the progress of his mind, is interesting."
Johnson himself, in the Life of Sydenham, says "There is no instance
of any man, whose history has been minutely related, that did not, in
every part of life, discover the same proportion of intellectual
vigour."

These high authorities are now quoted in justification of some of the
details which will be given in the progress of this work, and which,
in themselves, may appear trifling and unimportant. When Aaron was
about four years old, he had some misunderstanding with his preceptor,
in consequence of which he ran away, and was not found until the third
or fourth day after his departure from home; thus indicating, at a
tender age, that fearlessness of mind, and determination to rely upon
himself, which were characteristics stamped upon every subsequent act
of his life.




Footnotes:

1. Col. Burr, at that time about twenty months old.




CHAPTER II.


In 1761 he was removed to Stockbridge, in Massachusetts, and placed in
the family of Timothy Edwards, his mother's eldest brother. In 1762
his maternal uncle, Timothy, removed to Elizabethtown, New-Jersey.
Aaron and his sister Sarah remained in the family until the former
entered college, and the latter became the wife of Judge Reeve. A
private tutor was employed for them in the house of Mr. Edwards. For a
considerable portion of the time, Judge Reeve was engaged in that
capacity.

When about ten years old, Aaron evinced a desire to make a voyage to
sea; and, with this object in view, ran away from his uncle Edwards,
and came to the city of New-York. He entered on board an outward-bound
vessel as cabin-boy. He was, however, pursued by his guardian, and his
place of retreat discovered. Young Burr, one day, while busily
employed, perceived his uncle coming down the wharf, and immediately
ran up the shrouds, and clambered to the topgallant-mast head. Here he
remained, and peremptorily refused to come down, or be taken down,
until all the preliminaries of a treaty of peace were agreed upon. To
the doctrine of unconditional submission he never gave his assent.

In 1769 Burr entered Princeton College; where, owing to his extreme
youth and smallness of stature, he was forced to commence with the
sophomore, although, upon examination, he was found qualified to enter
the junior class. This was a source of extreme mortification to him,
and especially as he had been prepared, and was every way qualified,
to enter the preceding year. From his infancy Burr was of a slender
frame, and appeared to be delicately formed; but exhibited great
muscular strength, and was able to endure excessive fatigue of body
and mind.

Previous to entering college, young Burr had formed extraordinary
notions of the acquirements of collegiates; and felt great
apprehension lest he should be found inferior to his classmates. He
was therefore, at first, indefatigable as well as systematic in his
studies. He soon discovered that he could not pursue them after dinner
with the same advantage that he could before. He suspected that this
was owing to his eating too abundantly. He made the experiment, and
the result convinced him that his apprehensions were well founded. He
immediately adopted a system of regimen, to which, in some degree, he
adhered through life. So abstemious was he during the greater part of
the first year after his entrance into college, that it operated
powerfully upon him, and he was supposed to be in bad health. He was
in the habit of studying sixteen or eighteen hours of the twenty-four,
until the period of examination arrived, when he discovered that the
progress he had made was so much beyond his associates, that he formed
an opinion as contemptuous as it had been exalted of his college
friends. The effect of this was ultimately very injurious upon his
habits.

During the last year that he remained in college, he passed a life of
idleness, negligence, and, in some measure, of dissipation. He applied
himself but little to his studies, and was in the constant pursuit of
pleasure. He graduated, however, when only sixteen years of age, with
a reputation for talents, and receiving the highest academic honours
the faculty could bestow.

In the year 1771-72, there was in the college what was termed, in
religious phraseology, "an awakening." A large portion of the
collegians became converted. It was only a short time before Burr
graduated, and in the midst of his hilarity and amusements. He was
frequently appealed to by his associates, and threatened with the most
terrific consequences if there was not an inward as well as an outward
change. From his infancy Burr's education had been strictly moral; and
strong impressions had been made upon his mind as to the existence of
a Deity, and the accountability of man. Yet this awakening did not
seem to him right in all its parts. He determined, therefore, to have
a free and full conversation with Dr. Witherspoon, the then president
of the college, on the subject. The result of that conversation in
some measure tranquillized young Burr. The Rev. Dr. assured him that
it was not true and rational religion, but fanaticism, that was
operating upon his friends.

Among the papers preserved by Colonel Burr are the originals of a
number of essays or orations, written and read by him, in conformity
with the regulations of the college, while yet a student. They are
without dates; but, as he graduated in 1772, they must have been
composed when he was of an age between thirteen and sixteen. A few of
them are here inserted, as exhibiting his manner of writing, and the
maturity and tone of his mind. The opinions which he formed, while yet
in college, as to public speaking and the selection of language, he
appears never to have changed. The style which he then recommended
seems ever after to have been his model.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Read in College, by Aaron Burr.--On Style._

"I have often observed, that it is very common for those who are
ambitious of excelling in composition, to study swelling words,
pompous epithets, and laboured periods. This is often practised,
especially by young writers. It is, however, generally condemned as a
fault, and sometimes too by those who practise it themselves. An
elegant simplicity of language is what every one should strive to
obtain. Besides the arguments which are usually offered on this head,
there is one very important one, which is commonly not much attended
to.

"It is the business of every writer to acquire command of language, in
order that he may be able to write with ease and readiness, and, upon
any occasion, to form extempore discourses. Unless he can do this, he
will never shine as a speaker, nor will he ever make a figure in
private conversation. But to do this, it is necessary to study
simplicity of style. There never was a ready speaker, whose language
was not, generally, plain and simple; for it is absolutely impossible
to carry the laboured ornaments of language, the round period, or the
studied epithet, into extempore discourses; and, were it possible, it
would be ridiculous. We have learned, indeed, partly from reading
poetry, and partly from reading vicious compositions, to endure, and
too often to admire, such stiff and laboured discourses in writing;
but if it were even possible for a man to speak in the same pompous
diction in which Browne has written his vulgar errors, he would
certainly be very disagreeable. This reason, among others, may be
assigned for it; that however such false ornaments may please for a
time, yet, when a long and steady attention is required, we are tired
and disgusted with every thing which increases our labour, and diverts
the attention from the subject before us. A laboured style is a labour
even to the hearer. A simple style, like simple food, preserves the
appetite. But a profusion of ornament, like a profusion of sweets,
palls the appetite and becomes disgusting. A man might as soon think
of filling his stomach with sweetmeats, as going through a long debate
filled with pompous epithets and sounding language. If we have any
doubt of its being ridiculous, let us only suppose a man arguing an
abstruse subject in metaphysics, in the blank verse of Milton, or the
exact rhymes of Pope. The absurdity is the same, only different in
degree. I would not be understood to cut off an extempore speaker from
sublime expressions; because I do not suppose these to be inconsistent
with simplicity of style. I really doubt if there be any such thing as
sublimity of style, strictly speaking. But, indeed, rather believe
that the sublime depends upon the thoughts, which are the more sublime
by being clearly and simply expressed, This, however, is not material
at present. It is certainly impossible for a speaker to carry laboured
periods into his extempore discourses: it is no less certain, that in
general, a simple style is to be preferred, and that he would be
ridiculous and disagreeable if he could do it; and as extempore
speaking is a great object, which we ought to have in view in the
formation of our style, this may be used as one argument why we should
study a simple style."



_The Passions_.

"Amid the variety of literary pieces which have in all ages been
ushered into the world, few, if any, afford greater satisfaction than
those that treat of man. To persons of a speculative nature and
elegant taste, whose bosoms glow with benevolence, such disquisitions
are peculiarly delightful. The reason, indeed, is obvious; for what
more necessary to be learned and accurately understood? what more near
and interesting? and, therefore, what more proper to engage the
attention? Well may I say, with our ethic poet,

    "'The proper study of mankind is man.'

"If we take a view of the body only, which may be called the shell or
external crust, we shall perceive it to be formed with amazing nicety
and art. How are we lost in wonder when we behold all its component
parts; when we behold them, although various and minute, and blended
together almost beyond conception, discharging their peculiar
functions without the least confusion. All harmoniously conspiring to
one grand end.

"But when we take a survey of the more sublime parts of the human
frame; when we behold man's internal make and structure; his mental
faculties; his social propensions, and those active powers which set
all in motion--the passions,--what an illustrious display of
consummate wisdom is presented to our admiring view! What brighter
mark--what stronger evidence need we of a God? The scanty limits of a
few minutes, to which I am confined, would not permit me, were I equal
to the task, to enter into a particular examination of all man's
internal powers. I shall therefore throw out a few thoughts on the
passions only.

"Man's mental powers, being in their nature sluggish and inactive,
cannot put themselves in motion. The grand design then of the passions
is, to rouse them to action. These lively and vigorous principles make
us eager in the pursuit of those things that are approved by the
judgment; keep the mind intent upon proper objects, and at once awake
to action all the powers of the soul. The passions give vivacity to
all our operations, and render the enjoyments of life pleasing and
agreeable. Without them, the scenes of the world would affect us no
more than the shadowy pictures of a morning dream.

"Who can view the works of nature, and the productions of art, without
the most sublime and rapturous emotions? Who can view the miseries of
others, without being dissolved into compassion? Who can read human
nature, as represented in the histories of the world, without burning
to chastise the perpetrators of tyranny, or glowing to imitate the
assertors of freedom? But, were we of a sudden stripped of our
passions, we should survey the works of nature and the productions of
art with indifference and neglect. We should be unaffected with the
calamities of others, deaf to the calls of pity, and dead to all the
feelings of humanity. Without generosity, benevolence, or charity, man
would be a groveling, despicable creature. Without the passions, man
would hardly rank above the beasts.

"It is a trite truth, that the passions have too much influence over
our sentiments and opinions. It is the remark of a late author, that
the actions and sentiments of men do as naturally follow the lead of
the passions, as the effect does the cause. Hence they are, by some,
aptly enough, termed the principles of action. Vicious desires will
produce vicious practices; and men, by permitting themselves to think
of indulging irregular passions, corrupt the understanding, which is
the source of all virtue and morality. The passions, then, if properly
regulated, are the gentle gales which keep life from stagnating; but,
if let loose, the tempests which tear every thing before them. Too
fatal observation will evince the truth of this.

"Do we not frequently behold men of the most sprightly genius, by
giving the reins to their passions, lost to society, and reduced to
the lowest ebb of misery and despair? Do we not frequently behold
persons of the most penetrating discernment and happy turn for polite
literature, by mingling with the sons of sensuality and riot, blasted
in the bloom of life? Such was the fate of the late celebrated Duke of
Wharton, Wilmot, earl of Rochester, and Villers, duke of Buckingham,
three noblemen, as eminently distinguished by their wit, taste, and
knowledge, as for their extravagance, revelry, and lawless passions.
In such cases, the most charming elocution, the finest fancy, the
brightest blaze of genius, and the noblest burst of thoughts, call for
louder vengeance, and damn them to lasting infamy and shame.

"A greater curse cannot, indeed, befall community, than for princes
and men in eminent departments to be under the influence of
ill-directed passions. Lo Alexander and Cesar, the fabled heroes of
antiquity, to what lengths did passion hurry them? Ambition, with look
sublime, bade them on, bade them grasp at universal dominion, and wade
to empire through seas of blood! But why need I confine myself to
these? Do not provinces, plundered and laid waste with fire and sword;
do not nations, massacred and slaughtered by the bloody hand of war;
do not all these dreadful and astonishing revolutions, recorded in the
pages of history, show the fatal effects of lawless passions?

"If the happiness of others could not, yet surely our own happiness
should induce us to keep our passions within the bounds of reason; for
the passions, when unduly elevated, destroy the health, impair the
mental faculties, sour the disposition, embitter life, and make us
equally disagreeable to others and uneasy to ourselves. Is it not,
then, of moment, that our passions be duly balanced, their sallies
confined within proper limits, and in no case suffered to transgress
the bounds of reason? Will any one deny the importance of regulating
the passions, when he considers how powerful they are, and that his
own happiness, and perhaps the happiness of thousands, depends upon
it? The regulation of the passions is a matter of moment, and
therefore we should be careful to fix them upon right objects, to
confine them within proper bounds, and never permit them to exceed the
limits assigned by nature. It is the part of reason to sooth the
passions, and to keep the soul in a pleasing serenity and calm: if
reason rules, all is quiet, composed, and benign: if reason rules, all
the passions, like a musical concert, are in unison. In short, our
passions, when moderate, are accompanied with a sense of fitness and
rectitude; but, when excessive, inflame the mind, and hurry us on to
action without due distinction of objects.

"Among uncivilized nations, the passions do, in general, exceed all
rational bounds. Need we a proof of this? Let us cast our eyes on the
different savage tribes in the world, and we shall be immediately
convinced that the passions rule without control. Happy it is, that in
polished society, the passions, by early discipline, are so moderated
as to be made subservient to the most important services. In this
respect, seminaries of learning are of the utmost advantage, and
attended with the most happy effects. Moreover, the passions are
attended with correspondent commotions in animal nature, and,
therefore, the real temper will, of course, be discovered by the
countenance, the gesture, and the voice. Here I might run into a
pleasing enumeration of many instances of this; but, fearing that I
have already trespassed upon your patience, shall desist. Permit me,
however unusual, to close with a wish. May none of those unruly
passions ever captivate any of my audience."



_An Attempt to search the Origin of Idolatry._

"It is altogether impossible to fix exactly the period when idolatry
took its rise. Adam, coming immediately from the hands of God, had
experienced too many manifestations of his power and goodness to be
unacquainted with him, and must have preserved the purest idea of him
in his own family, which, most probably, continued in the branch of
Seth till the deluge. The posterity of Cain, on the contrary (the pure
idea of God gradually wearing away, and by loose men being connected
with sense), fell into idolatry, and every other crime, which brought
on the deluge; a period about which Moses has said but little, and
from what he has said we can draw no just conclusion with respect to
the idolatry of those times.

"A certain author, being persuaded that idolatry did not take its rise
till after the deluge, gives a very singular account of its origin.
According to him, atheism had spread itself over the world. This
disposition of mind, says he, is the capital crime. Atheists are much
more odious to the Divinity than idolaters. Besides, this principle is
much more capable of leading men into that excessive corruption the
world fell into before the deluge. The knowledge of a God, of whatever
nature he is conceived, and the worship of a Deity, are apt, of
themselves, to be a restraint upon men. So that idolatry was of some
use to bear down the corruption of the world. It is therefore
probable, that the horrid vices men were fallen into before the
deluge, proceeded only from their not knowing nor serving a God. I am
even of opinion (continues he) that the idolatry and polytheism after
the deluge derived their origin from the atheism and impiety that
reigned before it. Such is the temper of men, when they have been
severely punished for any crime, they run into the opposite extreme. I
conjecture (concludes the same author) this was the case with men
after the deluge. As they reckoned that this terrible judgment, which
carried such indications of Divine wrath, was sent for the punishment
of atheism, they ran into the opposite extreme. They adored whatever
seemed to deserve their worship.

"It is true, indeed, that idolatry is capable of furnishing a curb
against irregularity of manners; but this author has conjectured,
without foundation, that atheism reigned universally before the
deluge. He ought, at least, to have excepted the posterity of Seth.

"However idolatry might have reigned before the deluge, it is certain
that the knowledge and worship of the true God were again united in
the family of Noah; and as long as the children and grandchildren of
that patriarch made but one family, in all probability, the worship of
the true God was little altered in its purity. Noah being at the head
of the people, and Shem, Ham, and Japheth witnesses of God's vengeance
on their contemporaries, is it probable that they, living in the midst
of their families, would suffer them to depart from the truth? We read
of nothing that can incline us to this belief. Various have been the
conjectures concerning the authors of idolatry. Some believe it was
Serug, the grandfather of Terah, who first introduced idolatry after
the deluge. Others maintain it was Nimrod, and that he instituted the
worship of fire among his subjects, which continues even to this day
in some places in Persia. Others assert that Ham was the author of it,
and then his son Canaan; and it is most probable that the unfortunate
sons of an accursed father were the first who, following the
propensity of their own heart, sought out sensible objects to which
they might offer a superstitious worship. As the two sons of Ham,
Canaan and Mizraim, settled, the one in Phoenicia, and the other in
Egypt, it is probable that these were the first nurseries of idolatry;
and the sun, being looked upon as the purest image of the Creator, was
the first object of it. It is not probable that men would choose
beings like themselves for the first objects of their adoration.
Nothing could be more capable of seducing than the beauty and
usefulness of the sun, dispensing light and fertility all around. But,
to conclude, we must not imagine that all idolatry sprang from the
same country. It came by slow degrees, and those who made the first
advances towards this impiety, did by no means carry it to that
extravagant height to which it afterwards arrived."




CHAPTER III.


In college, young Burr formed intimacies which ripened into lasting
friendship. The attachment between him and Colonel Matthias Ogden, of
New-Jersey, was both ardent and mutual; and, it is believed, continued
during the life of the latter. Colonel Knapp says, "Samuel Spring, D.
D., late of Newburyport, was in college with Colonel Burr, and part of
their college life was his chum. The doctor was a student of mature
age, and had a provisitorial power over Burr in his daily duties. He
has often spoken of his young friend with more than ordinary feeling.
He, in fact, prophesied his future genius, from the early proofs he
gave of intellectual power in the course of his college life."

At Princeton, Burr enjoyed the counsel and advice of the late William
Paterson, subsequently one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the
United States. To be thus early in life honoured with the respect and
esteem of such a man as Judge Paterson, was highly flattering. Their
correspondence commenced in 1772, and continued until the decease of
the judge. Extracts from his letters to Colonel Burr will be given
occasionally. He says, in a letter dated

"Princeton, January 17th, 1772.

"Dear Burr,

"I am just ready to take horse, and therefore cannot have the pleasure
of waiting on you in person. Be pleased to accept of the enclosed
notes on _dancing_. If you pitch upon it as the subject of your next
discourse, they may, perhaps, furnish you with a few hints, and enable
you to compose with the greater facility and despatch. To do you any
little services in my power will afford me great satisfaction, and I
hope you will take the liberty (it is nothing more, my dear Burr, than
the freedom of a friend) to call upon me whenever you think I can.

"When I shall be here again is uncertain--perhaps not before vacation.
Forbear with me while I say _that you cannot speak too slow_. Your
good judgment generally leads you to lay the emphasis on the most
forcible word in the sentence; so far you act very right. But the
misfortune is, that you lay too great stress upon the emphatical word.
Every word should be distinctly pronounced; one should not be so
highly sounded as to drown another. To see you shine as a speaker
would give great pleasure to your friends in general, and to me in
particular. I say nothing of your own honour. The desire of making
others happy will, to a generous mind, be the strongest incentive. I
am much mistaken if such a desire has not great influence over you.
You are certainly capable of making a good speaker. Exert yourself. I
am in haste.

"Dear Burr, adieu.

"WM. PATERSON"



Another letter, dated

"Princeton, October 26th, 1772.

"Dear Burr,

"Our mutual friend, Stewart, with whom I spent part of the evening,
informed me you were still in Elizabethtown. You are much fonder of
that place than I am, otherwise you would hardly be prevailed upon to
make so long a stay. But, perhaps, the reason that I fear it, makes
you like it. There is certainly something amorous in its very air. Nor
is this a case any way extraordinary or beyond belief. I have read
(and it was in point, too) that a flock of birds, being on the wing,
and bending their flight towards a certain town in Connecticut,
dropped down dead just as they were over it. The people were at first
fairly at a loss to account for this phenomenon in any natural way.
However, it was at length agreed on all hands that it was owing to the
noisomeness of the atmosphere, the smallpox at that time being very
rife in the place. I should never have given credit to the report, had
it not come from so good a quarter as that of New-England. For my
part, I always drive through Elizabethtown as quickly as possible,
lest the soft infection should steal upon me, or I should take it in
with the very air I breathe.

"Yesterday I went to hear Mr. Halsey, and there, too, I saw his young
and blooming wife. The old gentleman seems very fond of his rib, and,
in good sooth, leers very wistfully at her as she trips along by his
side. Some allowance, however, must be made; he is in the vale of
life; love is a new thing to him, and the honey-moon is not yet over.
  'They are amorous, and fond, and billing,
  Like Philip and Mary on a shilling.'
I have promised to pay him a visit; Stewart, or some of the tutors, I
believe, will accompany me, and I hope you will too.

"Since commencement I have been at a Dutch wedding, and expect to be
at one or two more very shortly. There was drinking, and singing, and
fiddling, and dancing. I was pleased extremely. Every one seemed to be
in good-humour with himself, and this naturally led them all to be in
good-humour with one another.

"When the itch of scribbling seizes me, I hardly know when to stop.
The fit, indeed, seldom comes upon me; but when it does, though I sit
down with a design to be short, yet my letter insensibly slides into
length, and swells perhaps into an enormous size. I know not how it
happens, but on such occasions I have a knack of throwing myself out
on paper that I cannot readily get the better of. It is a sign,
however, that I more than barely esteem the person I write to, as I
have constantly experienced that my hand but illy performs its office
unless my heart concurs. I confess I cannot conceive how I got into so
scribbling a vein at present. It is now past eleven o'clock at night,
and besides being on horse the greater part of the day, I intend to
start early to-morrow for Philadelphia. There I shall see the races,
and the play, and, what is of more value far than all, there, too, I
shall see Miss -----, you know who.

"The enclosed letter to Spring I commit to your care. I should have
sent it before, as I wrote it immediately after you left this place,
but I really thought you were in New-England long ere now. I know not
his address; perhaps he is at Newport, perhaps he is not. If, on
inquiry, you find that the letter is wrongly directed, pray give it an
envelope, and superscribe it anew. If he is still at Newport, it
would, perhaps, more readily reach him from New-York than from any
part of New-England that you maybe at. I have said that if I am
mistaken in directing the within letter, you should cover it and give
it the proper address. Do, dear Burr, get somebody who can write at
least a passable hand to back it, for you give your letters such a
sharp, slender, and lady-like cast, that almost every one, on seeing
them, would conclude there was a correspondence kept up between my
honest friend Spring and some of the female tribe, which might,
perhaps, affect him extremely in point of reputation, as many people
suppose that nothing of this kind can be carried on between unmarried
persons of the two sexes without being tinged with love; and the
rather so, since the notion of Platonic love is, at the present day,
pretty generally, and I believe justly too, exploded. Platonic love is
arrant nonsense, and rarely, if ever, takes place until the parties
have at least passed their grand climacteric. Besides, the New-England
people, I am told, are odd, inquisitive kind of beings, and, when
pricked on by foolish curiosity, may perhaps open the letter, which I
do not choose should be common to every eye.

"You gave me some hopes that you would see my good friend Reeve before
you returned. If you do, make him my respectful compliments, and tell
him that I fully designed to write him, but that business prevented,
that laziness hindered, that--in short, tell him any thing, so it does
not impeach my affection, or lead him to think I have entirely
forgotten him. I am,

"Dear Burr yours sincerely,

"WM. PATERSON."



In a letter to Dr. Spring, dated October 5, 1772, speaking of the
commencement, Judge Paterson says:--"The young gentlemen went through
their exercises in a manner passable enough. The speakers were all
tolerable--none of them very bad nor very good. Our young friend Burr
made a graceful appearance; he was excelled by none, except perhaps by
Bradford. Linn, too, was pretty generally approved; but, for my part,
I could not forbear thinking that he took rant, and rage, and madness
for true spirit--a very common mistake."

For some months after Burr graduated (1772), he remained in college,
reviewing his past studies, and devoting his time to general
literature. Possessed of an ample income, having access to the college
library, and continuing, from time to time, as his correspondence
shows, to supply himself with scientific and literary productions, his
mind was greatly improved during this period. It is true he continued
to indulge in amusements and pleasures; but, sleeping little, seldom
more than six hours, he found ample time for study.

In the college there was a literary club, consisting of the graduates
and professors, and still known as _The Clio-Sophic Society_. Dr.
Samuel S. Smith, subsequently president of the college, was then
(1773) a professor. With him young Burr was no favourite, and their
dislike was mutual. The attendance of the professors was expected to
be regular. The members of the society in rotation presided over its
deliberations. On a particular occasion it was the duty of young Burr
to take the chair. At the hour of meeting he took his seat as
president. Dr. Smith had not then arrived; but, shortly after the
business commenced, he entered. Burr, leaning on one arm of the chair
(for, although now sixteen years of age, he was too small to reach
both arms at the same time), began lecturing Professor Smith for his
non-attendance at an earlier hour, remarking that a different example
to younger members was expected from him, and expressing a hope that
it might not again be necessary to recur to the subject. Having
finished his lecture, to the great amusement of the society, he
requested the professor to resume his seat. The incident, as may well
be imagined, long served as a college joke.



FROM TIMOTHY DWIGHT.

New-Haven, March, 1772.

DEAR AARON,

By a poor candle, with poor eyes and a poorer brain, I sit down to
introduce a long wished-for correspondence. You see how solicitous I
am to preserve old connexions; or, rather, to begin new ones.
Relationship, by the fashionable notions of those large towns, which
usurp a right to lead and govern our opinions, is dwindled to a formal
nothing--a mere shell of ceremony. Our ancestors, whose honesty and
simplicity (though different from the wise refinements of modern
politeness) were perhaps as deserving of imitation as the insincere
coldness of the present generation, _cousin'd_ it to the tenth degree
of kindred. Though this was extending the matter to a pitch of
extravagance, yet it was certainly founded upon a natural, rational
principle. Who are so naturally our friends as those who are born
such? I defy a New-Yorker, though callous'd over with city politeness,
to be otherwise than pleased with a view of ancient hospitality to
relations, when exercised by a person of good-breeding and a genteel
education.

Now, say you, what has this to do with the introduction of a
correspondence? You shall know directly, sir. The _Edwardses_ have
been always remarkable for this fondness for their relations. If you
have the least inclination to prove yourself a true descendant of that
respectable stock, you cannot fail of answering me very soon. This
(were I disposed) I could demonstrate by algebra and syllogisms in a
twinkling; but hope you will believe me without either. I never asked
for many connexions in this way; and was never neglected but once, and
that by a Jersey gentleman, to whom I wrote and received no answer. I
hope the disease is not epidemical, and that you have not determined
against any communication with the rest of the world. It was a
mortification, I confess; for I am too proud to be denied a request,
though unreasonable, as many of mine are--therefore, I insist upon an
answer, at least, and as many more as you can find in your heart to
give me; promising, in return, as many by tale, though without a large
profit. I shall not warrant their quality.

Your sincere friend,

TIMOTHY DWIGHT, JUNR.



FROM SAMUEL SPRING.

Newport, May 15th, 1772.

DEAR BURR,

It is a little strange to me that I have not heard any thing of you
since your examination. I don't know but you are dissatisfied, since
you are so backward to write; however, I will, if possible, keep such
thoughts out of my mind till I hear from you in particular. If you are
let down a peg lower, you may tell me of it. If you are permitted to
live in college, you may tell me of it; and if you are turned out, you
may tell me of it. If you passed examination, and have a syllogism to
speak at commencement, _if you are able to make it_, I suppose you may
tell me of that likewise; or, if you are first in the class, you may
tell me, if you will only do it softly; indeed, you may tell me any
thing, for I profess to be your friend. Therefore, since you can trust
me so far, I expect you will now write, and let me know a little how
matters are at present in college. In particular, let me know the
state of the society (Cliosophic); and if I owe any thing to it, do
you pay it, _and charge it to your humble servant_.

I hope you will write the first opportunity, as I trust you have got
some very good news to tell me concerning the college in general, and
yourself in particular. I have nothing particular to write. It is very
pleasant to me where I am at present.

The study of divinity is agreeable;--far more so than any other study
whatever would be to me. I hope to see the time when you will feel it
to be your duty to go into the same study with a desire for the
ministry. Remember, that was the prayer of your dear father and
mother, and is the prayer of your friends to this time--that you
should step forth into his place, and make it manifest that you are a
friend to Heaven, and that you have a taste for its glory. But this,
you are sensible, can never be the case if you remain in a state of
nature. Therefore, improve the present and future moments to the best
of purposes, as knowing the time will soon be upon you when you will
wish that in living you had lived right, and acted rationally and like
an immortal.

Your friend,

SAMUEL SPRING.



In 1806-7 great excitement was produced, in consequence of Colonel
Burr writing in cipher to General Wilkinson, In this particular he
seems to have had peculiar notions. However innocent his
correspondence, he was, apparently, desirous at all times of casting
around it a veil of mystery. The same trait was conspicuous in his
political movements and intercourse. This has been one of the weak
points in Colonel Burr's character. He was considered a mysterious
man; and what was not understood by the vulgar, was pronounced selfish
or ambitious intrigue. Even his best friends were, often dissatisfied
with him on this account. Acting upon this principle of mystery at
every period of his life, he has corresponded with one or more
individuals in cipher. While yet a student in college, the letters
between his sister and himself are frequently written in cipher. So,
also, much of his correspondence with his most intimate friend,
Matthias Ogden, and with others in 1774 and 1775, is in cipher. Many
of these letters, thus written, are now in existence. To those,
therefore, acquainted with the character and peculiarities of Colonel
Burr, the fact of his writing a letter in cipher would not be
considered as any thing extraordinary; because it was a habit which he
had adopted and pursued for more than thirty years preceding the
period when this excitement was thus produced.

Before Burr left Princeton, and while lie was indulging himself in
pleasures and amusements, he accidentally visited a billiard-table. He
engaged in play, and, although he had never before seen the game, he
was successful, and won about half a Joe. On returning home with his
gains, he reflected on the incident with great mortification, and
determined never again to play; which determination he adhered to
through life. Colonel Burr not only abstained from playing at
billiards, but with equal pertinacity he refused to play at any game
for the purpose of acquiring money.

Although he had been somewhat tranquillized by his conversation with
Dr. Witherspoon on the subject of the awakening in college in 1772,
yet he was not entirely at ease. In consequence of which he came to a
resolution not to enter upon the concerns of life until this point was
more satisfactorily settled in his own mind. He concluded, therefore,
to visit and consult the Rev. Joseph Bellamy, a venerable and devoted
friend of his late father, and to whom he was known by reputation.

Joseph Bellamy, D.D., was an eminent preacher and theological writer
of Connecticut, and intimate friend of Colonel Burr's relative, the
famous Jonathan Edwards, with whose particular opinion he fully
agreed. He was celebrated in his days, before the establishment of
theological seminaries, as an instructor of young men preparing for
the ministry. The late Governor Wolcott used to speak of him with the
highest respect for his talent and moderation. He died in 1790.

In the autumn of 1773, Burr visited him at Bethlehem, in Connecticut,
and was received by his aged friend in a most kind and affectionate
manner. His advice, and the use of his library, were promptly
tendered. Burr commenced a course of reading on religious topics, and
was thus occupied from sixteen to eighteen hours a day. His habits
were those of great abstinence, and a recluse. His conversations with
the reverend divine were encouraged and indulged in with freedom, and
his inquiries answered. Here he remained until the spring of 1774,
when, to use his own language, he "came to the conclusion that the
road to Heaven was open to all alike." He, however, from that time
forward, avoided most studiously all disputation on the subject of
religion.

An impression has been created that Côlonel Burr was placed by his
guardian under Dr. Bellamy, for the purpose of studying divinity. This
is an error. His visit to the Rev. Dr. was not the result of a
conference or communication with any person whatever; but the volition
of his own mind, and for the purpose already stated. In fact, after
Burr entered college, his studies and his future pursuits in life
appear to have been left entirely under his own control. Whether this
arose from indolence on the part of his guardian, or from pertinacity
in young Burr, is uncertain; perhaps a little of both, united with the
great confidence which his uncle reposed in his judgment and talents.

In the spring of 1774, while he yet resided at Dr. Bellamy's, he
contemplated studying law; but was undecided whether he should read
with Pierpont Edwards, or with his brother-in-law, Tappan Reeve, and
upon this subject he wrote his guardian, who replies, in a letter
dated

"Stockbridge, February 11th, 1774.

"Whether you study law with Mr. Reeve or your uncle Pierpont is a
matter of indifference with me. I would have you act your pleasure
therein. I shall write to your uncle upon it, but yet treat it as a
matter of doubt. Your board I shall settle with Dr. Bellamy myself. I
will send you cash to pay for your horse very soon. You may expect it
in the forepart of March. If I had known of this want of yours sooner,
I would have paid it before this.

"Your affectionate uncle,

"TIMOTHY EDWARDS"




CHAPTER IV.


In May, 1774, he left the Rev. Mr. Bellamy's, and went to the house of
his brother-in-law, Tappan Reeve, where his time was occupied in
reading, principally history; but especially those portions of it
which related to wars, and battles, and sieges, which tended to
inflame his natural military ardour. The absorbing topics of taxation
and the rights of the people were agitating the then British colonies
from one extreme to the other. These subjects, therefore, could not
pass unnoticed by a youth of the inquiring mind and ardent feelings of
Burr. Constitutional law, and the relative rights of the crown and the
colonists, were examined with all the acumen which he possessed, and
he became a Whig from reflection and conviction, as well as from
feeling.

At this period, Burr's most intimate and confidential correspondent
was Matthias Ogden, of New-Jersey, subsequently Colonel Ogden, a
gallant and distinguished revolutionary officer. He writes to Burr,
dated

"Elizabethtown, August 9th, 1774.

"DEAR AARON,

"I received yours by Mr. Beach, dated Sunday. I am not a little
pleased that you have the doctor (Bellamy) so completely under your
thumb. Last Saturday I went a crabbing. Being in want of a thole-pin,
I substituted a large jackknife in its stead, with the blade open and
sticking up. It answered the purpose of rowing very well; but it seems
that was not the only purpose it had to answer; for, after we had been
some time on the flats, running on the mud, as the devil would have
it, in getting into the boat I threw my leg directly across the edge
of the knife, which left a decent mark of nearly four inches long, and
more than one inch deep. It was then up anchor and away. Our first
port was Dayton's ferry, where Dr. Bennet happened to be, but without
his apparatus for sewing, to the no small disadvantage of me, who was
to undergo the operation. Mrs. Dayton, however, furnished him with a
large darning-needle, which, as soon as I felt going through my skin,
I thought was more like a gimlet boring into me; but, with the help of
a glass of wine, I grinned and bore it, until he took a few stitches
in the wound. So much for crabbing.

"I was at New-York about a fortnight since, on my way to Jamaica, Long
Island. The object of this journey you understand. I stayed at Mr.
Willett's three days, and then went to Colonel Morris's, and spent two
days there very agreeably. Nothing occurred worth relating, unless it
be some transactions of the greatest fool I ever knew.

"Mr. Elliot, collector of New-York, Mr. and Mrs. Delancey and
daughter, dined there on Sunday. Witherspoon [1] was led in with a
large bag tied to his hair, that reached down to the waistband of his
breeches, and a brass locket hanging from his neck below his stomach.
He was turned round and round by each of the company: was asked where
he got that very neat bag, and the valuable locket? He readily
answered, they were a present from Lady Kitty, who was violently in
love with him, and he expected to marry her in a short time. He is so
credulous that any child might impose on him. I told him that I came
from Lord Stirling's, and that he might write by me to Lady Kitty.
Accordingly, he wrote a long letter and gave me, which I opened there,
and, by desire of Colonel Morris, answered it, when I got to New-York,
in Lady Kitty's name, informing him that he must tell Mr. Morris to
provide himself with another tutor, as she intended marrying him
without fail the first of September, which I suppose he will as
sincerely believe as he does his existence.

"Yours affectionately,

"MATT. OGDEN."



TO MATTHIAS OGDEN.

Litchfield, August 17th, 1774.

DEAR MATT.,

Before I proceed any further, let me tell you that, a few days ago, a
mob of several hundred persons gathered at Barrington, and tore down
the house of a man who was suspected of being unfriendly to the
liberties of the people; broke up the court, then sitting at that
place, &c. As many of the rioters belonged to this colony, and the
Superior Court was then sitting at this place, the sheriff was
immediately despatched to apprehend the ringleaders. He returned
yesterday with eight prisoners, who were taken _without resistance_.
But this minute there is entering the town on horseback, with great
regularity, about fifty men, armed each with a white club; and I
observe others continually dropping in. I shall here leave a blank, to
give you (perhaps in heroics) a few sketches of my unexampled valour,
should they proceed to hostilities; and, should they not, I can then
tell you what I would have done.

The abovementioned _sneaks all gave bonds for their appearance_, to
stand a trial at the next court for committing a riot.

Yours affectionately,

A. BURR.



On the 11th of September, 1774, he again writes Ogden:--

I wrote you last Thursday, and enclosed one of the songs you desired,
which was all I could then obtain. Miss -----, the fountain of melody,
furnished me with it. I knew that she, and no one else, had the notes
of the enclosed song. I told her I should be glad to copy them for a
most accomplished young gentleman in the Jerseys. She engaged to bring
them the first time she came in town, for she lives about two miles
from here. I this day received it, precisely as you have it. You may
depend upon its being the work of her own hands. If this don't deserve
an acrostic, I don't know--sense, beauty, modesty, and music. Matter
plenty.

Pray tell me whether your prayers are heard, and a good old saint,
though a little in your way, is yet in Heaven. But remember, Matt.,
you can never be without plague, and when one gets out of the way, a
worse, very often, supplies its place; so, I tell you again, be
content, and hope for better times.

I am determined never to have any dealings with your friend Cupid
until I know certainly how matters will turn out with you: for should
some lucky devil step in between my friend and----, which kind Heaven
grant may never be; in such a case, I say, I would choose to be
untied, and then, you know, the wide world is before us.

Yours sincerely,

A. BURR.



Burr again writes him, dated

Litchfield, February 2d, 1775.

I sent you a packet by N. Hazard, and from that time to this I have
not had the most distant prospect of conveying a letter to you.
However, I have written a number of scrawls, the substance of which
you shall now have.

The times with me are pretty much as usual; not so full of action as I
could wish; and I find this propensity to action is very apt to lead
me into scrapes. T. B. has been here since I wrote you last; he came
very unexpectedly. You will conclude we had some confab about Miss
-----. We had but little private chat, and the whole of that little
was about her. He would now and then insinuate slyly what a clever
circumstance it would be to have such a wife, with her fortune.

T. BURR, [2] by his kindness to me, has certainly laid me under
obligations, which it would be the height of ingratitude in me ever to
forget; but I cannot conceive it my duty to be in the least influenced
by these in the present case. Were I to conform to his inclination, it
could give him pleasure or pain only as the consequence was good or
bad to me. The sequel might be such as would inevitably cause him the
most bitter anguish; and, in all probability, would be such if I
should consult his fancy instead of my judgment. And who can be a
judge of these consequences but myself? But even supposing things
could be so situated that, by gratifying him, I should certainly be
the means of his enjoying some permanent satisfaction, and should
subject myself to a bare probability of misery as permanent, would it
not stagger the most generous soul to think of sacrificing a whole
life's comfort to the caprice of a friend? But this is a case that can
never happen, unless that friend has some mean and selfish motive,
such as I know T. Burr has not. I can never believe that too great
deference to the judgment of another, in these matters, can arise from
any greatness of soul. It appears to me the genuine offspring of
meanness. I suppose you are impatient for my reply to these
importunities. I found my tongue and fancy too cramped to say much.
However, I rallied my thoughts and set forth, as well as I was able,
the inconveniences and uncertainty attending such an affair. I am
determined to be very blunt the next time the matter is urged.

I have now and then an affair of petty gallantry, which might
entertain you if you were acquainted with the different characters I
have to deal with; but, without that, they would be very insipid.

I have lately engaged in a correspondence of a peculiar nature. I
write once, and sometimes twice a week, to a lady who knows not that
she ever received a line from me. The letters, on both sides, are
mostly sentimental. Those of the lady are doubtless written with more
sincerity, and less reserve, than if she knew I had any concern with
them. Mr. ----- received a letter from Miss -----. He is very little
versed in letter-writing, and engaged, or rather permitted, me to
answer it, not thinking thereby to embark in a regular correspondence,
but supposing the matter would thus end. I have had many scruples of
conscience about this affair, though I really entered into it not with
any sinister view, but purely to oblige----. I should be glad to know
your opinion of it. You will readily observe the advantage I have over
-----. He is of an unsuspicious make, and this gives me an opportunity
(if I had any inclination) to insert things which might draw from her
secrets she would choose I should be ignorant of. But I would suffer
crucifixion rather than be guilty of such an unparalleled meanness. On
the contrary, I have carefully avoided saying any thing which might
have the least tendency to make her write what she would be unwilling
I should see.

Adieu.

A. BURR.



On the 12th of March, 1775, Burr writes Ogden:--

I have received your and Aaron's [3] letters. I was a little
disappointed that you did not send an acrostic; but I still entertain
some secret hope that the muse (who, you say, has taken her flight)
will shortly return, and, by a new and stricter intimacy, more than
repay the pains of this momentary absence. Your happiness, Matt., is
really almost the only present thing I can contemplate with any
satisfaction; though I, like other fools, view futurity with
partiality enough to make it very desirable; but I must first throw
reason aside, and leave fancy uncontrolled. In some of these happy
freaks I have endeavoured to take as agreeable a sleigh-ride as you
had to Goshen; but I find it impracticable, unless you will make one
of the party; for my imagination, when most romantic, is not lively or
delusive enough to paint an object that can, in my eyes, atone for
your absence. From this you will conclude that the news you heard of
me at Princeton is groundless. It is so far from being true, that
scarce two persons can fix on the same lady to tease me with. However,
I would not have you think that this diversity of opinion arises from
the volatility of my constitution, or that I am in love with every new
or pretty face I see. But, I hope, you know me too well to need a
caution of this nature. I am very glad to hear of -----'s downfall.
But, with all that fellow's low-lived actions, I don't more sincerely
despise him than I do certain other narrow-hearted scoundrels you have
among you. Mean as he is, he appears to me to have (or rather to have
had) more of something at bottom that bordered on honour, than some
who will pass through life respected by many. I say this, not so much
to raise him above the common standard of d--ls, as to sink them below
it. My idea of a d--l is composed more of malice than of meanness.

Since I commenced this letter I have passed through a scene entirely
new. Now, as novelty is the chief and almost only ingredient of
happiness here below, you'll fancy I have had some lucky turn. I think
it quite the reverse, I assure you. I have serious thoughts of leaving
the matter here, that you may be on the rack of curiosity for a month
or so. Would not this be truly satanic? What would be your conjectures
in such a case? The first, I _guess_, that I was sadly in love, and
had met with some mortifying rebuff.

What would you say if I should tell you that ----- had absolutely
professed love for me? Now I can see you with both hands up--eyes and
mouth wide open; but don't be over scrupulous. Trust me, I tell you
the whole truth. I cannot at present give you any further particulars
about the matter, than that I felt foolish enough, and gave as
cautious a turn to it as I could, for which I am destined to suffer
her future hostility.

Last week I received a letter from T. Edwards, which I fear may prove
fatal to the dear project of the 15th of April. He intends to be
hereabout the middle of that month. Supposing he should come here the
13th of April, what could I do? Run off and leave him? Observe the
uncertainty of all sublunary things. I, who a few months ago was as
uncontrolled in my motions as the lawless meteors, am now (sad
reverse!) at the beck of a person forty miles off. But all this
lamentation, if well considered, is entirely groundless, for (_between
you and me_) I intend to see you at Elizabethtown this spring. But
even supposing I should fail in this--where is this sad reverse of
fortune?--this lamentable change? Is it not a very easy matter to fix
on another time, and write you word by T. Edwards?

I have struck up a correspondence with J. Bellamy (son to the famous
divine of that name). He has very lately settled in the practice of
the law at Norwich, a place about seventy miles S. E. of this. He is
one of the cleverest fellows I have to deal with. Sensible, a person
of real humour, and is an excellent judge of mankind, though he has
not had opportunity of seeing much of the world. Adieu.

A. BURR.



FROM JONATHAN BELLAMY

Norwich, March 14th, 1775.

To do justice to circumstances, which you know are of the greatest
importance in order to form a true estimate of what a person either
says or does, it is indispensably necessary for me to tell you that it
not only rains very generously, but that it is as dark as it was
before light was created. It would be ridiculous to suppose that you
need information that nothing but the irresistible desire of writing
could possibly keep me at home this evening.

I had received your February favour only just time to laugh at it
once, when the melancholy news that Betsy Devotion, of Windham, was
very dangerously sick, banished every joyous thought from my heart.
This Betsy you may remember to have heard mentioned near the name of
Natty Huntington, who died last December; and a very angel she was
too, I assure you. You see I speak of her in the _past_ sense, for she
has left us; and her friends are sure she is not less an angel _now_
than she was ten days ago. Very certain I am, that if a natural
sweetness of disposition can scale Heaven's walls, she went over like
a bird. But I believe we must leave _her_ and all the rest of our
departed friends to be sentenced by a higher Board.

  "Transports last not in the human heart;
  But all with transports soon agree to part."

If nature, in spite of us, did not take care of herself, we could not
but be perfectly wretched. Philosophy is the emptiest word in the
dictionary. And you may observe, wherever you find them, that those
persons who profess to place all their reliance upon it, under every
affecting circumstance of life, do but make use of the term as a mask
for an iron heart. "But" (as the devil said on another occasion) "put
forth thine hand, and touch his bone, and his flesh, and he will curse
thee to thy face." They have as little fortitude as anybody when
sufferings pinch home upon them.

Thus have I relieved a heart that perhaps felt a little too full; and
if it is at the expense of my _head_, I have nevertheless the
consolation that it will be received only as the overflowings of my
present feelings.

"When and where shall I see you again?" somebody once asked me. The
Lord only knows. Perhaps at the election at Hartford. If we can meet
_there_--there will be time for notice. But, happen as it may, be
assured that I am your most sincere friend,

JONATHAN BELLAMY.

"Stick my compliments in for him," says Hannah Phelps, a jolly girl of
fourteen.



FROM MATTHIAS OGDEN.

Elizabethtown, March 18th, 1775.

Since we last saw each other, the 15th of April has been my mark, but
the receipt of yours of the 12th has blotted it from my memory, for
which nothing could atone but the expectation of seeing you here
nearly as soon.

I read with pleasure your love intrigues; your anonymous
correspondence with Miss -----, &.c., and, with as much seriousness,
the part relative to ----, Thaddeus Burr's overtures, &c.

_Steadily_, Aaron. Money is alluring, and there is a pleasure in
gratifying a friend; but let not a fortune buy your peace, nor sell
your happiness. Neither be too much biased by a friend, or any one's
advice, in a matter of so great consequence to yourself. Perhaps she
is worthy your love, and, if I could think she was, I would not say a
single thing to discourage you. Be cautious, Aaron; weigh the matter
well. Should your generous heart be sold for naught, it would greatly
hurt the peace of mine. Let not her sense, her education, her modesty,
her graceful actions, or her wit, betray you. Has she a soul framed
for love? For friendship? But why need I advise a person of better
judgment than myself? It is not advice, my friend; it is only caution.
You have a difficult part to act. If you reject, she curses: if you
pity, she takes it for encouragement. Matters with me go on smoothly.

I am now making up a party to go to the Falls, to be ready against you
come. My best regards to Mr. and Mrs. Reeve. I remain happy in the
enjoyment of -----'s love, and am,

Your unfeigned friend,

MATT. OGDEN.



After the decease of President Burr, Lyman Hall was intrusted by the
executors with the collection of sundry debts due to the estate. A
removal, and his various avocations, prevented his performing that
duty with the necessary promptitude. In consequence, the heirs were
exposed to loss. A friend of the family, the Rev. James Caldwell, of
New-Jersey, wrote him on the subject, and his answer is so honourable,
that it is deemed only an act of justice to an upright man to record
it here. It is another instance of the integrity in private life of
those patriots that planned and accomplished the American Revolution.
It will be seen that Mr. Hall was a member of the Congress of 1775
from the State of Georgia.


Philadelphia, 17th May, 1775.

REV. SIR,

Since I saw you, and afterwards Mr. Ogden, in Georgia, I have written
to my attorneys and correspondents in Connecticut, to give me all the
information they could obtain respecting the affairs and concerns of
the late President Burr, left in my hands; which I had delivered over,
before I left that colony in 1759, into the hands of Thaddeus Burr, of
Fairfield; but no satisfactory answer can as yet be obtained. One
debt, indeed, has been discovered, of about forty pounds New-York
currency; but the bond on which it is due is as yet concealed.

On the whole, I find that it is not in my power to redeliver those
securities for moneys which I was once in possession of; nor have I
received the moneys due on those which were good; but am determined
that I will make just satisfaction to the claimant heirs (orphans) of
the late President Burr. It is, I know, my indispensable duty, and I
have for that purpose brought a quantity of rice to this city, the
avails of which, when sold, shall be appropriated to that use. I
should be glad that you, or Mr. Ogden, the executor, could be here to
transact the business, and, on a settlement, give me a power of
attorney, properly authenticated, to recover any part of those moneys
I can find due when I shall arrive in Connecticut, to which I propose
going as soon as the Congress rises. As I am in Congress, I cannot see
you directly; but, if liberty can be obtained, shall wait on you or
Mr. Ogden, or both, in my way to New-York, in a few days; but I think
Mr. Ogden, the executor, if it will suit, had better come here and
settle it. I mention him because I suppose he is the proper person to
discharge me, and give me a power of attorney.

I am, reverend sir,

With esteem, yours,

LYMAN HALL.

The Rev. JAS. CALDWELL, _Elizabethtown_



Footnotes:

1. A relative of President Witherspoon.

2. Uncle to Colonel Aaron Burr.

3. Subsequently Governor Ogden, of New Jersey, and brother of Matthias





CHAPTER V.


In his retirement at the house of his brother-in-law (Judge Reeve),
Burr was aroused by the shedding of his countrymen's blood at
Lexington on the 19th of April, 1775. Immediately after that battle,
he wrote a letter to his friend Ogden, requesting him to come on to
Litchfield and arrange for joining the standard of their country.
Ogden wrote for answer that he could not make the necessary
arrangements. The battle of Bunker's Hill (on the 16th of June, 1775)
followed in rapid succession; whereupon he started for Elizabethtown,
New-Jersey, to meet Ogden, and aid him in preparations for the journey
to Cambridge, where the American army was encamped.

Burr had been reading those portions of history which detailed the
achievements of the greatest military men and tacticians of the age in
which they lived. His idea of discipline and subordination was formed
accordingly. With the most enthusiastic feelings, and under the
influence of such opinions, Burr, in company with his friend Matthias
Ogden, left Elizabethtown, in July, 1775, for Cambridge, with the
intention of tendering their services in defence of American liberty.
He had now entered his twentieth year, but, in appearance, was a mere
stripling.

It has been seen that, whatever were Burr's pursuits or studies, his
habits were those of intense application. He had already imbibed a
military ardour equalled by few--surpassed by none. Panting for glory
on the battle-field, information and improvement as a soldier were now
the objects that absorbed all his thoughts. On his joining the army,
however, he was sadly disappointed in his expectations. The whole was
a scene of idleness, confusion, and dissipation. From the want of
camp-police, the health of the men was impaired, and many sickened and
died. Of the officers, some were ignorant of their duty, while others
were fearful of enforcing a rigid discipline, lest it should give
offence to those who were unaccustomed to restraint. Deep
mortification and disappointment preyed upon the mind of young Burr.

The following original letters are found among the papers of Colonel
Burr, and, as casting some light upon the history of those times, are
deemed of sufficient interest (and not inapplicable) to be inserted in
this work. The patriotic reply of General Montgomery is above all
praise.



ROGER SHERMAN TO GENERAL DAVID WOOSTER.

Philadelphia, June 23d, 1775.

DEAR SIR,

The Congress, having determined it necessary to keep up an army for
the defence of America at the charge of the United Colonies, have
appointed the following general officers:--George Washington, Esq.,
commander-in-chief. Major-generals Ward, Lee, Schuyler, and Putnam.
Brigadier-generals Pomeroy, Montgomery, yourself, Heath, Spencer,
Thomas, Sullivan (of New-Hampshire), and one Green, of Rhode-Island.

I am sensible that, according to your former rank, you were entitled
to the place of a major-general; and as one was to be appointed in
Connecticut, I heartily recommended you to the Congress. I informed
them of the arrangement made by our assembly, which I thought would be
satisfactory to have them continue in the same order. But, as General
Putnam's fame was spread abroad, and especially his successful
enterprise at Noddle's Island, the account of which had just arrived,
it gave him a preference in the opinion of the delegates in general,
so that his appointment was unanimous among the colonies; but, from
your known abilities and firm attachment to the American cause, we
were very desirous of your continuance in the army, and hope you will
accept of the appointment made by the Congress.

I think the pay of a brigadier is about one hundred and twenty-five
dollars per month. I suppose a commission is sent to you by General
Washington. We received intelligence yesterday of an engagement at
Charlestown, but have not had the particulars. All the Connecticut
troops are now taken into the continental army. I hope proper care
will be taken to secure the colony against any sudden invasion, which
must be at their own expense.

I have nothing further that I am at liberty to acquaint you with of
the doings of the Congress but what have been made public. I would not
have any thing published in the papers that I write, lest something
may inadvertently escape me which ought not to be published. I should
be glad if you would write to me every convenient opportunity, and
inform me of such occurrences, and other matters, as you may think
proper and useful for me to be acquainted with. The general officers
were elected in the Congress, not by nomination, but by ballot.

I am, with great esteem,

Your humble servant,

ROGER SHERMAN.

DAVID WOOSTER, Esq.



JAMES DUANE, OF NEW-YORK, TO GENERAL MONTGOMERY.

Philadelphia, July 21st, 1775.

DEAR SIR,

I am directed by the Congress to acquaint you of an arrangement in the
Massachusetts department, and the reason which led to it, lest, by
misunderstanding it, you might think yourself neglected.

When brigadiers-general were to be appointed, it was agreed that the
first in nomination should be one of the Massachusetts generals. The
gentlemen from that province recommended General Pomeroy, who was
accordingly fixed upon; but, before his commission arrived at the
camp, he had retired from the army. Under these circumstances the
Congress thought it just to fill up the commission designed for Mr.
Pomeroy with the name of General Thomas as first brigadier. You,
consequently, hold the rank to which you were elected.

I sincerely hope this may not give you any displeasure, as I am
confident no disrespect was intended.

Be pleased to accept my sincere wishes for your honour and happiness,
and particularly in the discharge of the important trust which you
have undertaken.

I am, with regard,

Dear sir, your most obedient servant,

JAS. DUANE.

General MONTGOMERY.




GENERAL MONTGOMERY'S ANSWER.

DEAR SIR,

I have been honoured with your letter of the 21st inst. My
acknowledgments are due for the attention shown me by the Congress.

I submit, with great cheerfullness, to any regulation they, in their
prudence, shall judge expedient. Laying aside the punctilio of the
_soldier_, I shall endeavour to discharge my duty to society,
considering myself only as the _citizen_, reduced to the melancholy
necessity of taking up arms for the public safety.

I am, &c., R. M.

Answer.

The preceding is endorsed, in the handwriting of General Montgomery,
on the back of Mr. Duane's letter.


The laxity of the discipline which pervaded the camp at Cambridge, the
inexperience of the officers, and the contests and petty squabbles
about rank, all tended to excite great jealousy and discontent in the
army. As yet, Burr was attached to no particular corps. He mingled
indiscriminately with conflicting factions, until, disgusted with the
scene which he daily witnessed, he was violently attacked with a
nervous fever, by which he was confined to his bed.

One day he heard Ogden and some young men of the army conversing, in
an apartment adjoining that in which he was lying, on the subject of
an expedition. He called Ogden to his bedside, and inquired what was
the nature of the expedition of which they were speaking. Ogden
informed him that Colonel Arnold, with a detachment of ten or twelve
hundred men, was about to proceed through the wilderness for the
purpose of attacking Quebec. Burr instantly raised himself up in the
bed, and declared that he would accompany them; and, so pertinacious
was he on this point, that he immediately, although much enfeebled,
commenced dressing himself. Ogden expostulated, and spoke of his
debilitated state--referred to the hardships and privations that he
must necessarily endure on such a march, &c. But all was unavailing.
Young Burr was determined, and was immoveable. He forthwith selected
four or five hale, hearty fellows, to whom he proposed that they
should form a mess, and unite their destiny on the expedition through
the wilderness. To this arrangement they cheerfully acceded. His
friend Ogden, and others of his acquaintance, were conveyed in
carriages from Cambridge to Newburyport, distant about sixty miles;
but Burr, with his new associates in arms, on the 14th of September,
1775, shouldered their muskets, took their knapsacks upon their backs,
and marched to the place of embarcation.



FROM J. BELLAMY.

Litchfield, August 17th, 1775.

MY DEAREST SOLDIER,

I was infinitely surprised to hear from you in the army. I can hardly
tell you what sensations I did not feel at the time. Shall not attempt
to describe them, though they deprived me of a night's sleep. But that
was not spent altogether unhappily. My busybody, _Fancy_, led me a
most romantic chase; in which, you may be sure, I visited your tent;
beheld you (unnoticed) musing on your present circumstances,
apparently agitated by every emotion which would naturally fill the
heart of one who has come to the resolution to risk his life for his
country's freedom. You will excuse my mentioning, that from a deep,
absent meditation, partly expressed by half-pronounced soliloquies, I
beheld you start up, clap your hand upon your sword, and look so
fiercely, that it almost frightened me. The scene, on your discovering
me, immediately changed to something more tender; but I won't waste
paper.

If you should happen to find Dr. James Cogswell, who is in Colonel
Spencer's regiment, please to give my best love to him, and tell him
he is a lazy scoundrel.

It rains, my boy, excessively. Does it not drop through your tent?
Write often to

JONA. BELLAMY.

To A. BURR.



As soon as the guardian and relatives of young Burr heard of his
determination to accompany Arnold in his expedition against Quebec,
they not only remonstrated, but they induced others, who were friendly
to him, to adopt a similar course. While he remained at Cambridge, he
received numerous letters on the subject. The two following are
selected:--


FROM DR. JAMES COGSWELL.

Camp in Roxbury, 9th September, 1775.

I am extremely sorry to hear that you are determined on the new
expedition to Quebec. I am sorry on my own account, as I promised
myself much satisfaction and pleasure in your company: but I am not
altogether selfish; I am right-justified sorry on yours. The
expedition in which you are engaged is a very arduous one; and those
who are engaged in it must unavoidably undergo great hardships. Your
constitution (if I am not much mistaken) is very delicate, and not
formed for the fatigues of the camp. The expedition, I am sensible, is
a glorious one, and nothing but a persuasion of my inability to endure
the hardships of it would have deterred me from engaging in it. If
this excuse was sufficient for me, I am persuaded it is for you, and
ought to influence you to abandon all thoughts of undertaking it. I
have no friend so dear to me (and I love my friends) but that I am
willing to sacrifice for the good of the grand--the important cause,
in which we are engaged; but, to think of a friend's sacrificing
himself, without any valuable end being answered by it, is painful
beyond expression. _You will die; I know you will die in the
undertaking; it is impossible for you to endure the fatigue._ I am so
exercised about your going, that I should come and see you if I had
not got the Scriptural excuse,--a wife, and cannot come.

My dear friend, you must not go: I cannot bear the thoughts of it.
'Tis little less melancholy than following you to your grave.

Your affectionate friend,

JAMES COGSWELL.



FROM PETER COLT.

Watertown, 11th September, 1775.

I cannot retire to rest till I have written you a few lines, to excuse
my casting so many discouragements in the way of your journey to
Quebec. At first I did not think it so hazardous; but, upon inquiring
of those who had more knowledge of the country, thought it too
fatiguing an undertaking for one of your years; and I find it
altogether against the sentiments of your friends. I think you might
be fairly excused, without the risk of being reported as timid, as the
hopes of your family depend in a great degree upon you. I should have
rejoiced to see you relinquish this expedition; but, as you are
determined to pursue it, must beg you not to let any thing we have
said to you depress your spirits, or damp your resolution, as it may
otherwise have a fatal effect. We have held up the dark side of the
picture, in order to deter you from going. You must now think only on
the bright side, and make the least of every disagreeable circumstance
attending your march. Let no difficulty discourage you. The enterprise
is glorious, and, if it succeeds, will redound to the honour of those
who have planned and executed it.

May God give you health and strength equal to the fatigue of the
march, and preserve you safe from every danger you may encounter. Make
Quebec a safe retreat to the forces. I hope to have a particular
description of Canada from you when you return.

Don't turn Catholic for the sake of the girls. Again I beg you to
forget what I have said to discourage you. It proceeded from love to
you, and not a desire of rendering you ridiculous. Adieu, my dear
friend.

Yours,

PETER COLT.


A day or two after Burr's arrival at Newburyport, he was called upon
by a messenger from his guardian, Timothy Edwards, with instructions
to bring the young fugitive back. A letter from his uncle (T. Edwards)
was delivered to him at the same time. Having read the letter, and
heard the messenger's communication, he coolly addressed him, and
asked, "How do you expect to take me back, if I should refuse to go?
If you were to make any forcible attempt upon me, I would have you
hung up in ten minutes." After a short pause the messenger presented a
second letter from his guardian, and with it a small remittance in
gold. It was couched in the most affectionate and tender language,
importuning him to return; and depicting, in the darkest colours, the
sufferings he must endure if he survived the attempt to reach Quebec.
It affected young Burr very sensibly, insomuch that he shed tears. But
his destiny was fixed. He wrote, however, a respectful letter to his
uncle, explanatory of his reasons for accompanying the army, and
expressive of his gratitude for the kindness he had experienced.

On or about the 20th of September, 1775, the troops under the command
of Arnold embarked at Newburyport. This detachment was to penetrate
Canada about ninety or one hundred miles below Montreal, proceeding by
the Kennebec river, and thence through the wilderness between the St.
Lawrence and the settled parts of Maine. In this route, precipitous
mountains, deep and almost impenetrable swamps and morasses, were to
be passed. Arnold, in a letter to General Washington, dated _Fort
Weston_, September 25th, 1775, says: "I design Chaudiere Pond as a
general rendezvous, and from thence proceed in a body. I believe, from
the best information I can procure, we shall be able to perform the
journey in twenty days; the distance from this being about one hundred
and eighty miles."

During the march through the wilderness, no regard whatever was paid
to order or discipline. Every man was left to take care of himself,
and make the best of his way through the woods. The sufferings of this
detachment from wet, and cold, and hunger, were excessive. From the
latter, however, Burr suffered less than any of his companions. His
abstemious habits in regard to eating seemed peculiarly calculated for
such an expedition. Both Burr and Ogden had been accustomed, in small
boats, to aquatic excursions round Staten Island and in its vicinity.
They were skilful helmsmen, and in this particular, in passing the
rapids, were frequently useful. Notwithstanding this qualification,
however, Burr, with some soldiers in a boat, was carried over a fall
of nearly twenty feet. One man was drowned, and much of the baggage
lost. The weather was cold, and it was with great difficulty that he
reached the shore.

"Arnold, who, at the head of the two first divisions, still prosecuted
his march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness,
without seeing a house or any thing human. The troops were under the
necessity of hauling their bateaux up rapid streams; of taking them
upon their shoulders, with all their provisions, across
carrying-places; and of traversing, and frequently repassing, for the
purpose of bringing their baggage, deep morasses, thick woods, and
high mountains. These impediments, notwithstanding the zealous and
wonderfully persevering exertions of his men, so protracted his march,
that, though he had expected certainly to enter Canada about the
middle of October, he did not reach the first settlements on the
Chaudiere, which empties itself into the St. Lawrence near Quebec,
until the third of November.

"On the high grounds which separate the waters of the Kennebec from
those of the St. Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions was
divided among the companies, each of which was directed, without
attempting to preserve any connexion with another, to march with the
utmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. While those who
gained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor and
scattered habitations which composed that frontier of Canada, their
last morsel of food was consumed. But, preceded by Arnold, who went
forward for the purpose of procuring for them something which might
satisfy the first demands of nature, the troops still persevered in
their labours, with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they had
encountered, until they once more found themselves in regions
frequented by human beings." [1]

On the arrival of Arnold's detachment at Chaudiere Pond, Burr was
despatched with a verbal communication to General Montgomery. He
disguised himself as a young Catholic priest. In this order of men he
was willing to repose confidence. He knew that the French Catholics
were not satisfied with their situation under the provincial
government; but especially the priesthood. Feeling no apprehension for
his own safety from treachery, he proceeded to a learned and reverend
father of the church, to whom he communicated frankly who he was, and
what was his object. Burr was master of the Latin language, and had an
imperfect knowledge of the French. The priest was an educated man, so
that a conversation was held with but little difficulty. He
endeavoured to dissuade Burr from the enterprise. Spoke of it as
impossible to accomplish. He represented the distance as great, and
through an enemy's country. The boyish appearance of Burr induced the
reverend divine to consider him a mere child. Discovering, however,
the settled purpose of the young adventurer, the priest procured him a
confidential guide and a cabriolet (for the ground was now covered
with snow), and, thus prepared, he started on his journey. Without
interruption, he was conducted in perfect safety from one religious
family to another, until he arrived at Three Rivers. Here the guide
became alarmed in consequence of some rumours as to the arrival of
Arnold at the Chaudiere, and that he had despatched messengers to
Montgomery to announce to him the fact. Under strong apprehensions,
the guide refused to proceed any farther, and recommended to Burr to
remain a few days until these rumours subsided. To this he was
compelled to accede; and, for greater security, he was secreted three
days in a convent at that place. At the expiration of this period he
again set off, and reached Montgomery without further detention or
accident.

On his arrival at headquarters, he explained to the general the
character of the re-enforcement he was about to receive; the probable
number of effective men, and the time at which their arrival might be
anticipated. General Montgomery was so well pleased with the details
which had been given him, and the manner in which young Burr had
effected his journey after leaving Arnold, that he invited him (Burr)
to reside at headquarters, assuring him that he should receive an
appointment as one of his aids. At this time Montgomery was a
brigadier, and not entitled to aids, only in virtue of his being
commander-in-chief of the army. Previous to his death, however, he was
appointed a major-general, but the information did not reach him.

As soon as Burr had joined the family of the general, he entered upon
the duties of an aid; but no formal annunciation was made until the
army arrived before Quebec, when his appointment was announced in
general orders. Arnold arrived at Point Levi, opposite to Quebec, on
the 9th of November, 1775. He paraded for some days on the heights
near the town, and sent two flags to demand a surrender, but both were
fired upon as rebels with whom no communication was to be held. The
true reason, however, was, that Colonel M'Clean, the British
commandant, a vigilant and experienced officer, knowing the weakness
of his own garrison, deemed it impolitic, if not unsafe, to receive a
flag from Arnold.

The first plan for the attack upon the British works was essentially
different from that which was subsequently carried into execution.
Various reasons have been assigned for this change. Judge Marshall
says, "that while the general (Montgomery) was making the necessary
preparations for the assault, the garrison received intelligence of
his intention from a deserter. This circumstance induced him to change
the plan of his attack, which had been originally to attempt both the
upper and lower towns at the same time. The plan now resolved on was
to divide the army into four parts; and while two of them, consisting
of Canadians under Major Livingston, and a small party under Major
Brown, were to distract the attention of the garrison by making two
feints against the upper town of St. Johns and Cape Diamond, the other
two, led, the one by Montgomery in person, and the other by Arnold,
were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town." [2]

Colonel Burr says, that a change of the plan of attack was produced,
in a great measure, through the advice and influence of Mr. Antill, a
resident in Canada, who had joined the army; and Mr. Price, a Montreal
merchant of property and respectability, who had also come out and
united his destiny with the cause of the colonies. Mr. Price, in
particular, was strongly impressed with the opinion, that if the
American troops could obtain possession of the lower town, the
merchants and other wealthy inhabitants would have sufficient
influence with the British commander-in-chief to induce him to
surrender rather than jeopard the destruction of all their property.
It was, as Colonel Burr thought, a most fatal delusion. But it is
believed that the opinion was honestly entertained.

The first plan of the attack was agreed upon in a council, at which
young Burr and his friend, Matthias Ogden, were present. The
arrangement was to pass over the highest walls at Cape Diamond. Here
there was a bastion. This was at a distance of about half a mile from
any succour; but being considered, in some measure, impregnable, the
least resistance might be anticipated in that quarter. Subsequent
events tended to prove the soundness of this opinion. In pursuance of
the second plan, Major Livingston, with a detachment under his
command, made a feint upon Cape Diamond; but, for about half an hour,
with all the noise and alarm that he and his men could create, he was
unable to attract the slightest notice from the enemy, so completely
unprepared were they at this point.

While the first was the favourite plan of attack, Burr requested
General Montgomery to give him the command of a small forlorn hope,
which request was granted, and forty men allotted to him. Ladders were
prepared, and these men kept in constant drill, until they could
ascend them (standing almost perpendicular), with their muskets and
accoutrements, with nearly the same facility that they could mount an
ordinary staircase. In the success of this plan of attack Burr had
entire confidence; but, when it was changed, he entertained strong
apprehensions of the result. He was in the habit, every night, of
visiting and reconnoitring the ground about Cape Diamond, until he
became perfectly familiarized with every inch adjacent to, or in the
vicinity of, the intended point of assault.

When the attack was about to be commenced, Captain Burr, and other
officers near General Montgomery, endeavoured to dissuade him from
leading in the advance; remarking that, as commander-in-chief, it was
not his place. But all argument was ineffectual and unavailing. The
attack was made on the morning of the 31st of December, 1775, before
daylight, in the midst of a violent snow-storm. The New-York troops
were commanded by General Montgomery, who advanced along the St.
Lawrence, by the way of Aunce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first
barrier to be surmounted was at the Pot Ash. In front of it was a
block-house and picket, in charge of some Canadians, who, after making
a single fire, fled in confusion. On advancing to force the barrier,
an accidental discharge of a piece of artillery from the British
battery, when the American front was within forty paces of it, killed
General Montgomery, Captain McPherson, one of his aids, Captain
Cheeseman, and every other person in front, except Captain Burr and a
French guide. General Montgomery was within a few feet of Captain
Burr; and Colonel Trumbull, in a superb painting recently executed by
him, descriptive of the assault upon Quebec, has drawn the general
falling in the arms of his surviving aid-de-camp. Lieutenant Colonel
Campbell, being the senior officer on the ground, assumed the command,
and ordered a retreat.



Footnotes:

1. Marshall's Life of Washington

2. Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 329.




CHAPTER VI.


To evince the high sense entertained by his country for the services
of General Montgomery, Congress directed a monument to be erected,
with an inscription sacred to his memory. They "_Resolved_, That, to
express the veneration of the United Colonies for their late general,
Richard Montgomery, and the deep sense they entertained of the many
signal and important services of that gallant officer, who, after a
series of successes, amid the most discouraging difficulties, fell, at
length, in a gallant attack upon Quebec, the capital of Canada, and to
transmit to future ages, as examples truly worthy of imitation, his
patriotism, conduct, boldness of enterprise, insuperable perseverance,
and contempt of danger and death, a monument be procured from Paris,
or other part of France, with an inscription sacred to his memory, and
expressive of his amiable character and heroic achievements; and that
the continental treasurer be directed to advance a sum, not exceeding
three hundred pounds sterling, to Dr. Benjamin Franklin, who is
desired to see this resolution properly executed, for defraying the
expenses thereof."

This resolve was carried into execution at Paris by that ingenious
artist, M. Caffieres, sculptor to Louis XVI., king of France, under
the direction of Dr. Benjamin Franklin. The monument is of white
marble, of the most beautiful simplicity and inexpressible elegance,
with emblematical devices, and the following truly classical
inscription, worthy of the modest but great mind of Franklin.

TO THE GLORY OF

RICHARD MONTGOMERY,

MAJOR-GENERAL OF THE ARMIES OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

SLAIN AT THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC,

THE THIRTY-FIRST OF DECEMBER, 1775,

AGED 38 YEARS.

This monument was erected in front of St. Paul's Church, in the city
of New-York, in the spring of 1789.

General Arnold temporarily became commander-in-chief of the American
army near Quebec, and was accordingly removed to headquarters. Young
Burr was now called upon to perform the duties of brigade major.
Arnold's plan was, by a close blockade, to starve out the enemy; but,
from the weakness of his force, he soon discovered that this was
impracticable; and he knew that, on the opening of the spring, he
could not retain his present position, but must retreat. He therefore
resolved to send in a flag of truce, and demand a surrender. He
informed Captain Burr that he was about to send him with a
communication to General Carlton, the British commander. Captain Burr
required that he should be made acquainted with its contents. Arnold
objected; whereupon Burr remarked that, if the general wished it, he
would resign; but that he could not consent to be the bearer of the
communication without possessing a knowledge of its character. At
length, it was exhibited to him. It was demanding a surrender of the
fortress, but in terms that Captain Burr considered unbecoming an
American officer, and he so stated to the general; adding, that the
bearer of such a message, if he were permitted to deliver it, would be
treated by the British with contumely and contempt; and therefore
declined the mission. Another officer was selected, and met the fate
Burr anticipated. Shortly after (April 1st, 1776), General Wooster
arrived from Montreal and took the command. He was succeeded by
General Thomas about the 1st of May; and, on the 5th of May, it was
determined in council to raise the blockade of Quebec, and that the
sick and wounded should be immediately removed, with the artillery and
stores, by boats, to Three Rivers, preparatory to a retreat.

Burr's perseverance and zeal during the march through the wilderness
with Arnold, his subsequent boldness in joining Montgomery, and his
intrepidity at the assault on Quebec, had acquired for him great
reputation in the army, and had drawn towards him the attention of
some of the most distinguished Whigs in the United Provinces. From
every quarter he received highly complimentary letters. From a few of
them extracts are made. Colonel Antill, a resident of Montreal, who
had joined the American army, thus addresses him, five days after the
fall of Montgomery:--

"La La Chine, 5th January, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"I have desired Mr. Price to deliver you my pistols, which you will
keep until I see you. They are relics from my father's family, and
therefore I cannot give them to you. The general (Wooster) has thought
proper to send me to the Congress, where I shall have an opportunity
of speaking of you as you deserve.

"Yours,

"EDWARD ANTILL."



On the 4th of January, General Wooster writes from Montreal to General
Arnold:--

"Give my love to Burr, and desire him to remain with Colonel Clinton
for the present. [1] Not only him, but all those brave officers who
have so nobly distinguished themselves. I shall ever remember with
gratitude and the highest degree of approbation, and shall not fail to
represent them accordingly.

"DAVID WOOSTER."



From a college-chum of great merit, he received a letter, dated

"Philadelphia, January 24th, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"I am informed a gentleman is just setting off for Quebec, and snatch
the opportunity of at once condóling with you for the loss of your
brave general, and congratulating you on the credit you have gained in
that action. 'Tis said you behaved well--you behaved gallantly. I
never doubted but you would distinguish yourself, and your praise is
now in every man's mouth. It has been my theme of late. I will not say
I was perfectly disinterested in the encomiums I bestowed. You were a
son of Nassau Hall, and reflected honour on the place of _my_
education. You were my classmate and friend, and reflected honour on
me. I make no doubt but your promotion will be taken care of. The
gentlemen of the Congress speak highly of you.

"Your affectionate,

"WILLIAM BRADFORD, Jun."



 Judge Tappan Reeve writes--

"Stockbridge, January 27th, 1776.

"DEAR BURR,

"Amid the lamentations of a country for the loss of a brave,
enterprising general, your escape from such imminent danger, to which
you have been exposed, has afforded us the greatest satisfaction. The
news of the unfortunate attack upon Quebec arrived among us on the
13th of this month. I concealed it from your sister until the 18th,
when she found it out; but, in less than half an hour, I received
letters from Albany, acquainting me that you were in safety, and had
gained great honour by your intrepid conduct. It gave us a kind of
happiness that I should be very loath ever again to enjoy; for it
never can be the case until you have again been exposed to the like
danger, and have again escaped it, which I hope may never happen. To
know that you were in safety gave great pleasure. It was heightened by
hearing that your conduct was brave. Could you have been crowned with
success, it would have been complete.

"It was happy for us that we did not know that you were an
aid-de-camp, until we heard of your welfare; for we heard that
Montgomery and his aid-de-camps were killed, without knowing who his
aid-de-camps were.

"Your sister enjoys a middling state of health. She has many anxious
hours upon your account; but she tells me that, as she believes you
may serve your country in the business in which you are now employed,
she is contented that you should remain in the army. It must be an
exalted public spirit that could produce such an effect upon a sister
as affectionate as yours.

"Adieu.

"T. REEVE."



His friend, Jonathan Bellamy, writes, "Norwich, March 3d, 1776.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,

"Be you yet alive? I have been infinitely distressed for you; but I
hope it is now as safe with you as glorious. Doctor Jim Cogswell has
left the army. A few days ago I received a letter from him. 'I doubt
not,' he says, 'you have most sensible pleasure in the applauses
bestowed on our friend Burr; when I hear of his gallant behaviour, I
feel exquisite delight.'

"Curse on this vile distance between us. I am restless to tell you
every thing; but uncertainty whether you would ever hear it bids me be
silent, till, in some future happy meeting, I may hold you to my
bosom, and impart to you every emotion of my heart.

"Yours sincerely,

"JONA. BELLAMY."



Immediately after the repulse of the Americans at Quebec, his friend
Ogden returned to New-Jersey, but spent much of his time with the army
in the city of New-York. He writes to Burr, dated

New-York, 20th March, 1776.

Some weeks have elapsed since I saw Walker and Price. To-day I met
with Hopkins at this place. My first inquiry was for letters from you.
I mean not to upbraid you. This is the third time of my writing since
I left you. I shall continue it, with the hope of giving you some
small satisfaction. Miss Dayton is well, and will soon be mine. Barber
is appointed major in the third Jersey battalion, of which Dayton is
colonel, and Walton White lieutenant-colonel. Hancock was particular
in his inquiry after you, and was disappointed in not receiving a line
from you. I was kindly received on my arrival at Philadelphia. The
Congress have since appointed me lieutenant-colonel in the first
Jersey battalion, in the room of Lieutenant-colonel Winds, who has the
regiment in the stead of Lord Stirling, who is advanced to a
brigadier-general.

Colonel Allen, who hands you this, is much of a gentleman, and worthy
your attention. Melcher has hobbled himself. Inquire of Colonel Allen.
General Thompson commands. To-morrow my appointment will be announced
in general orders, whereupon I shall join my regiment, but shall
obtain leave of absence for a week or two. Elizabethtown swarms with
girls, among which is Miss Noel. I have not seen Miss Ricketts.

When I was in Philadelphia, Colonel Reed expressed a desire of serving
me. He said there was a vacancy in General Washington's family, and
doubted not his recommendation would procure it for me. I declined it,
hoping to get a more active office, but desired he would procure it
for you. If any thing offers at Quebec, accept it, as it will not
hinder your appointment here. Washington is expected in New-York, when
I shall have a better chance of bringing it about. The pay and rank
are equal to a full major. I shall write you by Price. Miss Dayton is
particular in her inquiries after you.

Yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.


In the spring of 1776, the army moved from Montreal to the mouth of
the Sorel. Major Burr yet remained with it. While at Montreal, he
became disgusted with General Arnold, on account of his meanness and
other bad qualities. On the march through the wilderness, he was far
from being satisfied with the general. Burr thought he provided too
carefully for himself; and that he did not sufficiently share the
fatigues and privations of the march in common with the troops.
Immediately after arriving at the Sorel, he informed the general of
his desire to visit his friends, and to ascertain what was doing, as
he wished more active employment. General Arnold objected somewhat
petulantly. Burr remarked courteously, but firmly, "Sir, I have a boat
in readiness. I have employed four discharged soldiers to row me, and
I start to-morrow morning at six o'clock." He then designated the
point at which he should embark. Arnold forbade his departure,
whereupon Burr reiterated his determination.

The next morning, at the specified hour, he repaired to his boat, and
shortly after discovered the general approaching. "Why, Major Burr,"
says he, "you are not going?"--"I am, sir," replied the major. "But
you know, sir, it is contrary to my wish and against my orders."--"I
know, sir, that you have the _power_ of stopping me, but nothing short
of force shall do it." The general then changed his tone and manner,
and endeavoured to dissuade; but, after a few minutes' conversation,
Burr wished him great success, then embarked, and took his departure
without interruption.

On the Sorel an incident occurred which gave some alarm to the
voyagers. Burr had taken into his boat, as a kind of companion, a
young merchant. On the borders of the river they suddenly discovered a
large brick house, with wings, having loopholes to fire through, and
in view, at the door, stood an Indian warrior, in full costume. The
oarsmen were for attempting to retreat. Burr said it was too late, as
they were within the reach of the Indians' rifles. The passenger was
about to stop the men from rowing, when Burr threatened to shoot him
if he interfered. The inquiry was then made--"What are we to do?" The
major replied, "Row for the shore and land; I will go up to the house,
and we shall soon learn what they are." By this time several other
Indians had made their appearance. On reaching the shore, Burr took
his sword and proceeded to meet the red men. An explanation ensued,
and it was ascertained that they were friendly. The stores were landed
from the boat, and a merrimaking followed.

Major Burr continued his route to Albany. On his arrival, and while
there, he was notified verbally that it would be agreeable to the
commander-in-chief (General Washington) that he should visit New-York.
He forthwith proceeded down the river, and arrived in the city about
the 20th of May, 1776. He immediately reported himself to the
commander-in-chief, who invited him to join his family at headquarters
until he received a satisfactory appointment. The quarters of General
Washington were at that time in the house subsequently owned by
Colonel Burr, and known as Richmond Hill. This invitation was
accepted, and Major Burr occasionally rode out with the general, but
very soon became restless and dissatisfied. He wrote to John Hancock,
then president of Congress, and who had been an intimate friend of his
father, that he was disgusted, and inclined to retire from the
service. Governor Hancock objected, and asked him whether he would
accept the appointment of aid-de-camp to Major-general Putnam, then in
command in the city of New-York. Burr consented, and removed from the
headquarters of the commander-in-chief to those of Major-general
Putnam. About this period Burr received a letter from his friend, now
Lieutenant-colonel M. Ogden, who had proceeded to the north with his
regiment. He writes,

Fort George, 5th June, 1776.

DEAR BURR,

I this evening experienced the greatest disappointment I have met with
since my memory. I yesterday saw Mr. Price; he informed me that you
were on your way, in company with the commissioners, who, I was this
day informed, were coming by the way of Skeenesborough. I altered my
course, and went that way, till I met them on the road. They informed
me you were coming by Lake George. I then turned about, very much
afraid you would pass me before I came into the lake road. But what
necessity for enumerating all these circumstances? I have missed you.
D--n the luck. I never so much desired, nor had occasion so much for
an interview. I have not received a single line from you since I left
Canada. Perhaps you have not written, or perhaps they have miscarried.
If they have miscarried, withered be the hand that held them back.
Tell me you omitted through carelessness, neglect, hurry of business,
or any thing, rather than want of friendship.

_General Washington desired me to inform you that he will provide for
you, and that he expects you will come to him immediately, and stay in
his family._ I should have acquainted you of this by letter, had I not
expected to have seen you. You will now want your horse. I have sold
him, and spent the money, and expect I shall not be able to refund it
until my return.

I am, if I ever was,

Yours sincerely,

MATTHIAS OGDEN.



Before the preceding letter was received by Major Burr, he felt piqued
at what he supposed the coldness and neglect of his friend Ogden, and,
under the influence of such feelings, wrote the following:--

New-York, New-York, 18th Jane, 1776,

DEAR OGDEN,

A correspondence, which I flattered myself in former times was
mutually agreeable, has of late somehow strangely found an end. You
may remember, when you left Canada, I engaged to answer your first
letter immediately, and to continue writing from that time, by every
opportunity, as usual. I concluded your letters must have miscarried,
and wrote you a line by Mr. Avery. I had no direct intelligence from
you, till a verbal message by Mr. Duggan, the beginning of May. A few
days after, I received a letter from _Colonel Ogden_ by _Colonel
Allen_. I should have answered it, but had determined to visit my
native colony, and expected, by personal interview, to answer purposes
which I scarce hoped the cold medium of ink and paper could effect.

That I unfortunately missed you on my way hither, I need not relate.
At Albany I first heard you had passed me. I was upon the point of
following you; but the character of troublesome fool struck me in so
disagreeable a light, that, in spite of myself, I continued my
journey.

There is in man a certain love of novelty; a fondness of variety
(useful, indeed, within proper limits), which influences more or less
in almost every act of life. New views, new laws, new _friends_, have
each their charm. Truly great must be the soul, and firm almost beyond
the weakness of humanity, that can withstand the smiles of fortune.
Success, promotion, the caresses of the great, and the flatteries of
the low, are sometimes fatal to the noblest minds. The volatile become
an easy prey. The fickle heart, tiptoe with joy, as from an eminence,
views with contempt its former joys, connexions, and pursuits. A new
taste contracted, seeks companions suited to itself. But pleasures
easiest tasted, though perhaps at first of higher glee, are soonest
past, and, the more they are relied upon, leave the severer sting
behind. One cloudy day despoils the glow-worm of all its glitter.

Should fortune ever frown upon you, Matt.; should those you now call
friends forsake you; should the clouds gather force on every side, and
threaten to burst upon you, think then upon the man who never betrayed
you; rely on the sincerity you never found to fail; and if my heart,
my life, or my fortune can assist you, it is yours.

I go to-morrow to Elizabethtown, where I shall see the best of
women--your wife. Whatever letters or commands she may have for you, I
shall be careful to forward by the safest hands.

Your friend,

AARON BURR.



In the beginning of July, 1776, Major Burr was appointed aid-de-camp
to General Putnam. At this time the headquarters of the general were
in the large brick house, yet standing, at the corner of Broadway and
the Battery. Burr continued occasionally to correspond with his
friends, but was much occupied with his military duties, and those
studies which were calculated to render him scientifically master of
his profession. During the short period that he remained in the family
of General Washington, he was treated with respect and attention; but
soon perceived, as he thought, an unwillingness to afford that
information, and those technical explanations of great historical
military movements, which an inquiring and enlightened mind, like
Burr's, sought with avidity and perseverance. He therefore became
apprehensive, if he remained with the commander-in-chief, that,
instead of becoming a scientific soldier, he should dwindle down into
a practical clerk--a species of drudgery to which his pecuniary
circumstances did not render it necessary for him to submit, and for
which neither his habits, his education, nor his temperament in any
degree qualified him. He therefore determined promptly on a change,
and was willing to enter the family of Major-general Putnam, because
he would there enjoy the opportunities for study, and the duties which
he would be required to perform would be strictly military. There is
no doubt the short residence of Major Burr with General Washington
laid the foundation for those prejudices which, at a future day,
ripened into hostile feelings on both sides.



Judge Paterson thus writes him:--

New-Brunswick, July 22d, 1776.

MY DEAR BURR,

I did myself the pleasure of writing you by my brother, who is in
General Sullivan's brigade, and who was in expectation of seeing you,
as he was destined for the Canada department. Indeed, from the
friendship which subsisted between us, I was in expectation of hearing
frequently from you, and, to tell the truth, was not a little
mortified that I was passed over in silence. Why, Burr, all this
negligence? I dare not call it forgetfullness, for I cannot bear the
thought of giving up my place in your esteem. I rejoice at your
return, and congratulate you on your promotion. I was attending the
convention at Burlington when you passed on to Philadelphia, and was
full of the pleasing hope of having an interview with you. The
Delaware, indeed, ran between us--a mighty obstacle, to be sure! I
inquired when you designed to return, that I might plant myself at
Bristol, and intercept you on your way. The inquiry was of no avail. I
have at times been violently tempted to write you a railing letter,
and for that purpose have more than once taken up the pen. But I can
hardly tell how, on such occasions, the Genius of Friendship would
rise up to view, and soften me down into all the tenderness of
affectionate sorrow--perhaps because I counted you as lost. I find I
must e'en forgive you--but, remember, you must behave better in
future. Do write me now and then. Your letters will give me unfeigned
pleasure, and, for your encouragement, I promise to be a faithful
correspondent. In the letter-way you used to be extremely careless;
you know I am, in that respect, of a different turn.

This will be handed you by Mr. Hugg and Mr. Leaming, members of our
convention, whom curiosity partly, and partly business, have impelled
to New-York. As men, they are genteel, sensible, and deserving. As
politicians, they are worthy of your regard, for they possess the
genuine spirit of whiggism. They have no acquaintance in York. They
are desirous of seeing the fortifications, and other things in the
military line. Pray take them by the hand; and be assured 'that any
kindness shown them will be acknowledged as an additional obligation
conferred upon

Your affectionate

WM. PATERSON.



A. Burr replies to this letter:--

New-York, July 26th, 1776.

MY DEAR PATERSON,

I this day received your kind letter. It gave me a pleasure I seldom
experience. Can it be that you have still in memory the vagrant Burr?
Some fatality has ever attended our endeavours to meet. Why I have not
written to you I cannot tell. It has not been for want of friendship,
of inclination, or always of opportunity; but some unavoidable
accidents prevented so long, that I began to fear a letter from me
must be ushered in by some previous introduction, some anecdotes of
the writer, which might renew your remembrance, and authorize a
freedom of this nature. But your frank and kind epistle precludes
fulsome apologies, which; though sometimes necessary, I esteem, at
best, but a drug in letters.

I am exceedingly pleased with your friends, Messrs. Hugg and Learning,
but was unfortunate enough to be from home the day they came in town,
and had not the pleasure of seeing them till this afternoon. I felt
myself so nearly interested in the welfare of the province whose
constitution you are now framing, that I did not urge their stay with
the warmth my inclination prompted. If any other of our Jersey friends
should be coming this way, I should be happy in showing them every
civility in my power.

As to promises of writing, I shall make you none, my dear Bill, till
those already on hand, and of long standing, are discharged. I am no
epistolary politician or newsmonger; and as to sentiments, a variety
of novelties and follies has entirely dissipated them. This, however,
is only a new apology for an old misfortune. But why this to you, who
know me better than I know myself? This epistolary chat, though
agreeable, is by no means satisfactory. The sincerity of my
long-smothered affections is not to be thus expressed. I must contrive
to shake you by the hand. Perhaps I may, ere long, be sent to
Elizabethtown or Amboy on business, and will, undoubtedly, take
Brunswick in my way. I have, or had once, an agreeable female
acquaintance with Miss S. D., now Mrs. S., and with Miss S. was on
tolerable terms of intimacy. Could I but reconnoitre a while, and find
how the land lay, I might, perhaps, be able to graduate my compliments
with some propriety, from cold respects to affectionate regards. I
think I must leave you discretionary orders on this head, begging you
to make use of all the policy of war. There is no knowing of what
importance it may be to

Your affectionate

A. BURR.



Footnotes:


1. James Clinton, afterwards general, brother of Governor George
Clinton.




CHAPTER VII.


From the year 1780 until the year 1795, Mrs. Margaret Coghlan made no
inconsiderable noise in the court and fashionable circles of Great
Britain and France. She was the theme of conversation among the lords,
and the dukes, and the M. P.'s. Having become the victim, in early
life, of licentious, dissolute, and extravagant conduct, alternately
she was revelling in wealth, and then sunken in poverty. At length, in
1793, she published her own memoirs. Mrs. Coghlan was the daughter of
Major Moncrieffe, of the British army. He was Lord Cornwallis's
brigade major. Her father had three wives. She was a daughter of the
first wife. His second wife was Miss L*********, of New-York, and his
third wife Miss J**, of New-York. Mrs. Coghlan is introduced here,
because her early history is intimately connected with the subject of
these memoirs.

In July, 1776, she resided in Elizabethtown, New-Jersey. Her father
was with Lord Percy on Staten Island. In her memoirs, speaking of
herself, she says:--"Thus destitute of friends, I wrote to General
Putnam, who instantly answered my letter by a very kind invitation to
his house, assuring me that he respected my father, and was only his
enemy in the field of battle; but that, in private life, he himself,
or any part of his family, might always command his services. On the
next day he sent Colonel Webb, one of his aid-de-camps, to conduct me
to New-York. When I arrived in the Broadway (a street so called),
where General Putnam resided, I was received with great tenderness,
both by Mrs. Putnam and her daughters, and on the following day I was
introduced by them to General and Mrs. Washington, who likewise made
it their study to show me every mark of regard; but I seldom was
allowed to be alone, although sometimes, indeed, I found an
opportunity to escape to the gallery on the top of the house, where my
chief delight was to view, with a telescope, our fleet and army at
Staten Island. My amusements were few; the good Mrs. Putnam employed
me and her daughters constantly to spin flax for shirts for the
American soldiers; indolence, in America, being totally discouraged;
and I likewise worked some for General Putnam, who, though not an
accomplished _muscadin_, like our dilletantis of St. James's-street,
was certainly one of the best characters in the world; His heart being
composed of those noble materials which equally command respect and
admiration. * * * * * *

"Not long after this circumstance, a flag of truce arrived from Staten
Island, with letters from Major Moncrieffe, demanding me; for he now
considered me as a prisoner. General Washington would not acquiesce in
this demand, saying that I should remain a hostage for my father's
good behaviour. I must here observe, that when General Washington
refused to deliver me up, the noble-minded Putnam, as if it were by
instinct, laid his hand on his sword, and with a violent oath swore
that my father's request should be granted. The commander-in-chief,
whose influence governed Congress, soon prevailed on them to consider
me as a person whose situation required their strict attention; and
that I might not escape they ordered me to Kingsbridge, where, in
justice I must say, that I was treated with the utmost tenderness.
General Mifflin there commanded. His lady was a most accomplished,
beautiful woman; a Quaker," &c.

Mrs. Coghlan then bursts forth in expressions of rapture for a young
American officer, with whom she had become enamoured. She does not
name him; but that officer was Major Burr. "May these pages" (she
says) "one day meet the eye of him who subdued my virgin heart. * * *
* * To him I plighted my virgin vow. * * * * * * With this conqueror
of my soul, how happy should I now have been! What storms and tempests
should I have avoided" (at least I am pleased to think so) "if I had
been allowed to follow the bent of my inclinations. Ten thousand times
happier should I have been with him in the wildest desert of our
native country, the woods affording us our only shelter, and their
fruits our only repast, than under the canopy of costly state, with
all the refinements of courts, with the royal warrior" (the Duke of
York) "who would fain have proved himself the conqueror of France. _My
conqueror_ was engaged in another cause; he was ambitious to obtain
other laurels. He fought to liberate, not to enslave nations. He was a
colonel in the American army, and high in the estimation of his
country. _His_ victories were never accompanied with one gloomy,
relenting thought. They shone as bright as the cause which achieved
them."



The letter from General Putnam of which Mrs. Coghlan speaks is found
among the papers of Colonel Burr, and is in the following words:--

New-York, July 26th, 1776.

I should have answered your letter sooner, but had it not in my power
to write you any thing satisfactory.

The omission of my title, in Major Moncrieffe's letter, is a matter I
regard not in the least; nor does it in any way influence my conduct
in this affair; as you seem to imagine. Any political difference
alters him not to me in a private capacity. As an officer, he is my
enemy, and obliged to act as such, be his private sentiments what they
will. As a man, I owe him no enmity; but, far from it, will, with
pleasure, do any kind office in my power for him or any of his
connexions.

I have, agreeably to your desire, waited on his excellency to
endeavour to obtain permission for you to go to Staten Island. He
informs me that Lieutenant-colonel Patterson, who came with the last
flag, said he was empowered to offer the exchange of ----- ----- for
Governor Skeene. As the Congress have reserved to themselves the right
of exchanging prisoners, the general has sent to know their pleasure,
and doubts not they will give their consent. I am desired to inform
you, that if this exchange is made, you will have liberty to pass out
with Governor Skeene; but that no flag will be sent solely for that
purpose.

Major William Livingston was lately here, and informed me that you had
an inclination to live in this city, and that all the ladies of your
acquaintance having left town, and Mrs. Putnam and two daughters being
here, proposed your staying with them. If agreeable to you, be
assured, miss, you shall be sincerely welcome. You will here, I think,
be in a more probable way of accomplishing the end you wish--that of
seeing your father, and may depend upon every civility from,

Miss,

Your obedient servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.



This letter is in the handwriting of Major Burr, and undoubtedly was
prepared by him for the signature of the general. Miss Moncrieffe was,
at this time, in her fourteenth year. She had travelled, and, for one
of her age, had mingled much in the world. She was accomplished, and
was considered handsome. Major Burr was attracted by her sprightliness
and vivacity, and she, according to her own confessions, penned nearly
twenty years afterward, had not only become violently in love with,
but had acknowledged the fact to him. Whether the foundation of her
future misfortunes was now laid, it is not necessary to inquire. Her
indiscretion was evident, while Major Burr's propensity for intrigue
was already well known.

Burr perceived immediately that she was an extraordinary young woman.
Eccentric and volatile, but endowed with talents, natural as well as
acquired, of a peculiar character. Residing in the family of General
Putnam with her, and enjoying the opportunity of a close and intimate
intercourse, at all times and on all occasions, he was enabled to
judge of her qualifications, and came to the conclusion,
notwithstanding her youth, that she was well calculated for a spy, and
thought it not improbable that she might be employed in that capacity
by the British. Major Burr suggested his suspicions to General Putnam,
and recommended that she be conveyed to her friends as soon as might
be convenient. She was, in consequence, soon after removed to
Kingsbridge, where General Mifflin commanded. This change of
situation, in the work which she has published, is ascribed to General
Washington, but it originated with Major Burr.

After a short residence at Kingsbridge, leave was granted for her
departure to Staten Island. She accordingly set off in a continental
barge, under the escort of an American officer, who was ordered to
accompany her to the British headquarters. As the boat approached the
English fleet, she was met by another, having on board a British
officer, and was notified that she could proceed no further, but that
the king's officer would take charge of the young lady, and convey her
in safety to her father, who was six or eight miles in the country
with Lord Percy. She says, in her memoirs, "I then entered the British
barge, and bidding an eternal farewell to my dear American friends,
_turned my back on liberty_."

Miss Moncrieffe, before she had reached her fourteenth year, was
probably the victim of seduction. The language of her memoirs, when
taken in connexion with her deportment soon after her marriage, leaves
but little room for doubt. Major Burr, while yet at college, had
acquired a reputation for gallantry. On this point he was excessively
vain, and regardless of all those ties which ought to control an
honourable mind. In his intercourse with females he was an
unprincipled flatterer, ever prepared to take advantage of their
weakness, their credulity, or their confidence. She that confided in
him was lost. In referring to this subject, no terms of condemnation
would be too strong to apply to Colonel Burr.

It is truly surprising how any individual could have become so eminent
as a soldier, as a statesman, and as a professional man, who devoted
so much time to the other sex as was devoted by Colonel Burr. For more
than half a century of his life they seemed to absorb his whole
thoughts. His intrigues were without number. His conduct most
licentious. The sacred bonds of friendship were unhesitatingly
violated when they operated as barriers to the indulgence of his
passions. For a long period of time he seemed to be gathering, and
carefully preserving, every line written to him by any female, whether
with or without reputation; and, when obtained, they were cast into
one common receptacle,--the profligate and corrupt, by the side of the
thoughtless and betrayed victim. All were held as trophies of
victory,--all esteemed alike valuable. How shocking to the man of
sensibility! How mortifying and heart-sickening to the intellectual,
the artless, the fallen fair!

Among these manuscripts were many the production of highly cultivated
minds. They were calculated to excite the sympathy of the brother--the
parent--the husband. They were, indeed, testimonials of the weakness
of the weaker sex, even where genius and learning would seem to be
towering above the arts of the seducer. Why they were thus carefully
preserved, is left to conjecture. Can it be true that Moore is
correct, when, in his life of Lord Byron, he says, "The allusions
which he (Byron) makes to instances of _successful passion_ in his
career, were not without their influence on the fancies of that sex,
whose weakness it is to be most easily won by those who come
recommended by the greatest number of triumphs over others? Some of
these productions had been penned more than sixty years. They were all
committed to the flames, however, immediately after the decease of
Colonel Burr. Of them, it is believed, "not a wreck remains."

The faithful biographer could not pass over in silence this strong and
revolting trait in the character of Colonel Burr. It will not again be
referred to. From details, the moralist and the good man must shrink
with disgust and abhorrence. In this particular, Burr appears to have
been unfeeling and heartless. And yet, by a fascinating power almost
peculiar to himself, he so managed as to retain the affection, in some
instances, the devotion, of his deluded victims. In every other
respect he was kind and charitable. No man would go farther to
alleviate the sufferings of another. No man was more benevolent. No
man would make greater sacrifices to promote the interest or the
happiness of a friend. How strange, how inconsistent, how conflicting
are these allusions! They are nevertheless strictly true.

Many of the letters to and from Colonel Burr contain hints and
opinions as to public men and measures. Thus far, they are links in
the chain of history, in relation to the times when they were written.
They serve, also, to illustrate the character and the principles of
the writers themselves. With these views they are occasionally
selected. Theodore Sedgwick is a name recorded in the annals of our
country with distinction. He writes to Burr:--


Sheffield, 7th August, 1776.

MY DEAR BURR,

If you remember, some months since, you and I mutually engaged to
correspond by letter. I told you then that you were not to expect any
thing either entertaining, or in any degree worth the trouble of
perusing. What can a reasonable being expect from an inhabitant of
such an obscure, remote, and dead place as Sheffield, to amuse,
instruct, or even to merit the attention of a young, gay,
enterprising, martial genius? I know you will expect nothing, and I
dare pledge my honour, therefore, that you will not, either now or in
future, in this respect, be disappointed.

You recollect, perhaps, that when I had the pleasure to see you here,
I informed you of a design to visit New-York and the southward. Soon
after my business called me to Boston, and, on my return, I was
obliged to go with the militia to Peekskill; from there I should have
visited the city and my friends, had not some foolish accidents
prevented. I now think, as soon as I can leave home, of making a tour;
but this, like other futurities, is wholly uncertain.

The insignificant figure I make, in my own opinion, in this day of
political and martial exertions, is an humbling consideration. To be
stoically indifferent to the great events that are now unfolding, is
altogether inconsistent, not only with my inclination, but even with
my natural constitution; and to pursue a line of conduct which
indicates such a disposition (I mean my continuance at home), is a
mystery for which I will endeavour to account. Remember, I do not
intend to libel the colony to which I belong.

Amid the confusion which was at once the cause and consequence of a
dissolution of government, men's minds as well as actions became
regardless of all legal restraint. All power reverted into the hands
of the people, who were determined that every one should be convinced
that _the people_ were the fountain of all honour. The first thing
they did was to withdraw all confidence from every one who had ever
any connexion with government. Lawyers were, almost universally,
represented as the pests of society. All persons who would pay court
to these extravagant and unreasonable prejudices became their idols.
Abilities were represented as dangerous, and learning as a crime, or
rather, the certain forerunner of all political extravagances. They
really demonstrated that they were possessed of creating power; _for,
by the word of their power, they created great men out of nothing_;
but I cannot say _that all was very well_.

Observing these violent symptoms, I could not pursue that which was
the only road to preferment; and I have never had an offer to go into
the army, except the one I accepted; while I have seen, in more than
one instance, men honoured with the command of a regiment for heading
mobs. Well: with this, I believe, I have troubled you long enough.
Pray, say you, what is it to me why you have not been in the army?
Why, nothing, my dear friend; but it is something to me. You know, my
dear Burr, I love you, or I should not submit such nonsense to your
perusal. If Mr. Swift still lives, give him my best compliments.
Pamela desires me to tell you she loves you. Answer this letter, and
thereby oblige

Your sincere friend,

THEODORE SEDGWICH.



FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, July 26th, 1776.

DEAR BURR,

I have been waiting with the greatest impatience to know what is doing
in York and Jersey. There are twenty different reports, that
contradict each other, relative to Howe and his fleet. It has once
been generally believed that a French fleet had arrived at New-York,
and blocked up the British army. Independence is well relished in this
part of the world. Generalship is now dealt out to the army by our
worthy and well-esteemed general, Gates, who is putting the most
disordered army that ever bore the name into a state of regularity and
defence. If our friends in Canada, commanded by Burgoyne, will wait a
few days, we shall give them a very proper reception.

The army are beginning to recruit fast, from the effects of a little
fresh meat, and some rum, when on fatigue. Ten days ago there were not
in our regiment eighty men fit for duty. We have now upwards of two
hundred and thirty; and, in a few days, they will be all as rugged as
New-Jersey is firm.

Colonel Winds is sent home on a fool's errand by the general, that he
may be out of the way of doing any more harm to the regiment. The
general assures me that I shall not be troubled with him again. I
suppose, by that, he has written to have him detained below. A short
history of this man will convince you that he ought to be nowhere but
on his farm. He, in the first place, is a professed enemy to
subordination, and has an utter aversion to discipline. He is
positive, and prefers his own opinion to even the general's, because
he was in the service last war. He is not possessed of one
qualification that distinguishes a gentleman, nor has he genius or
education. His whole study is to gain the applause of the private
soldiers, at the expense of every officer in the regiment. He is hated
by all his own officers except _two_, and despised by every gentleman
in the army.

We are in great want of brigadier-generals--three, at least. I mean
for the men that are now here. General Arnold will command the
water-craft on the lake in person. There are three brigades, commanded
by the colonels, Reed, Stark, and St. Clair. The last of these I
sincerely wish was appointed a brigadier by Congress. There is no
better man; the other two have full enough already.

Please to forward the enclosed, with the letter to Mr. Spencer. My
best respects to Generals Putnam, Greene, and Mifflin, and to Colonel
Trumbull. Compliments to Webb. I wait, with the greatest impatience,
some important news from New-York. Pray write particulars relative to
the conduct of the Jerseymen. Should any fall, mention their names.

I am yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.



TO T. EDWARDS.

New-York, 10th of August, 1776.

Dear Uncle,

I have received your letters from Stockbridge, with my watch, for
which I thank you. Our six galleys which went up the North river
attacked the British ships. They behaved well, but were drove off with
the loss of three killed and twelve or thirteen wounded. A second
attack is proposed. Vessels and chevaux-de-frises are sunk in the
North river. The channel is said to be effectually stopped. We are
endeavouring the same in the East river. The British fleet have been
largely re-enforced at different times. They are now said to be
upwards of two hundred sail within the Narrows. They have drawn up
seven of their heaviest ships in a line, nearly two miles advanced of
the rest.

By two Virginia gentlemen who went to England to take the gown, who
returned in a packet and landed on Staten Island, where they tarried
several days, and were permitted to cross to Elizabethtown on Thursday
last, we have some intelligence of the enemy. Clinton has arrived with
his shattered fleet and about 3600 men. By this it appears that he has
either fallen in with part of Dunmore's fleet, or picked up the
remainder of his own, which had been separated, and were not in the
action near Charlestown. Of the Hessians only 1300 or 1400 have
arrived. The remainder, about 9000, are daily expected. They were left
near the banks of Newfoundland. Those already here are not much
esteemed as soldiers.

The king's land-army is at present about 15 or 16,000 strong. They
expect very soon to exceed 25,000. They have taken on board all their
heavy cannon from Staten Island, and have called in several of their
outposts. Thirty transports have sailed under convoy of three
frigates. They are to come through the Sound, and thus invest us by
the North and East rivers. They are then to land on both sides of the
island, _join their forces, and draw a line across, which will hem us
in and totally cut off all communication, after which they will have
their own fun_.

These Virginia gentlemen lodged in a house with several king's
officers. They hold us in the utmost contempt. Talk of forcing all our
lines without firing a gun. The bayonet is their pride. They have
forgot Bunker's Hill.

Your nephew,

A. Burr.



FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, August 11th, 1776.

Dear Burr,

I yesterday received yours of July 29th and August 2d. The others I
made mention of in the letter to Mrs. Ogden that I sent to you
unsealed. In my last you had a very particular account of the numbers,
force, names, &c., of our navy on the lake. As to our leaving
Crownpoint for this place, the field-officers knew nothing of it till
it was concluded on by the generals, Schuyler, Gates, and Arnold.

General Arnold is taking a very active part, I mean in the command of
the fleet. He will sail himself in a few days. He says he will pay a
visit to St. Johns. I wish he may be as prudent as he is brave. Well,
now have at you for news. Last evening the flag of truce returned,
bringing a letter directed to _George Washington, Esq_., and a truly
ridiculous copy of a general order, which you will see at General
Washington's by the time you receive this. But there is one part of it
in which I think they, in some measure, accuse us justly. I mean that
of assassinating, as they term it with too much truth,
Brigadier-general Gordon. He was shot by the Whitcomb I mentioned in
my last, who had been sent there as a spy. The act, though villainous,
was brave, and a peculiar kind of bravery, that, I believe, Whitcomb
alone is possessed of. He shot Gordon near by their advanced sentinel;
and, notwithstanding a most diligent search was made, he avoided them
by mere dint of skulking.

I shall have the honour to command the New-Jersey redoubt, which I am
now building with the regiment alone. It is situated on the right of
the whole, by the water's edge. It is to mount two eighteen-pounders,
two twelve, and four nine-pounders. In this I expect to do honour to
New-Jersey. I yesterday received a letter from Colonel Dayton, dated
the 28th of July, at the German Flats. He informs me that he is to
take the command at Fort Stanwix.

Should there be any thing to be had in New-York in the clothing way,
should be glad if you will lay some aside, no matter what--either
small-clothes, shirts, stockings, or any thing of the kind. My best
compliments to General Putnam. If you will let Robert or Sawyer have
the perusal of this, they would learn the news of this army. Paper is
so scarce, that one letter must serve both, unless something
particular.

Yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.



At this time Major-general Greene had the command on Long Island, but
his health was so bad that it became necessary for him to resign it.
The commander-in-chief ordered General Putnam to assume the command.
Major Burr was his aid-de-camp. The landing of the British had been
previously effected on the 22d of August, 1776, without opposition,
near Utrecht and Gravesend, on the southwest end of the island. The
American troops, less than 12,000, were encamped on the north of
Brooklyn heights. The British force, including Hessians, was more than
20,000 strong. The armies were separated by a range of hills, at that
time covered with wood, called the Heights of Gowannus. Major Burr
immediately commenced an inspection of the troops, and made to the
general a most unfavourable report, both as to their means of defence
and their discipline. The major proposed, however, several enterprises
for beating up the quarters of the enemy. To all which General Putnam
replied, that his orders were not to make any attack, but to act on
the defensive only.

On the 27th the action was fought. The loss of the Americans, in
killed, wounded, and prisoners, was about 1000. That of the British,
less than 350. The Americans were driven within the works which they
had thrown up. Major Burr, previous to the action, had expressed to
General Putnam the opinion that a battle ought not to be risked; and
that much was to be gained by placing the troops in a position where
the navy of the enemy would not be so serviceable to them.

On the 28th, the British advanced in column to within 500 or 600 yards
of the American works. General Robinson, who commanded a portion of
the enemy, represents, in his parliamentary examination, that they
approached much nearer. The American troops were formed in line to
receive them; but gave such indications of alarm, that Major Burr rode
to General Putnam, and informed him that he had no hope the men would
stand more than a single fire before they retreated. No attack,
however, was made. Burr continued to urge upon General Putnam and
Mifflin (the latter of whom came over on that day from New-York) the
necessity of a retreat. During the night of the 28th, General Mifflin
went the rounds, and observed the forwardness of the enemy's
batteries, and, on the morning of the 29th, pressed upon General
Washington an immediate retreat. A council was held, and the opinion
of Mifflin unanimously adopted. The embarcation of the troops was
committed to General McDOUGALL. He was at Brooklyn Ferry by eight
o'clock. In the early part of the night, the weather was very
unfavourable; but about eleven o'clock every thing was propitious. A
thick fog ensued, and continued until the whole army, 9000 in number,
with all the field artillery, ordnance, &c., were safely landed in
New-York. Major Burr was at Brooklyn. Here General McDOUGALL had an
opportunity of noticing his efficiency. His reputation for talents and
intrepidity had previously reached the ears of the general. From this
night, the 29th of August, 1776, until Major Burr retired from the
army, he possessed the entire confidence and esteem of General
McDOUGALL. Subsequent events, as will hereafter appear, tended to
strengthen and confirm the correctness of those prepossessions, thus
formed in the hour of peril, and in the midst of the most appalling
dangers.

The situation of General Washington, after retreating from Long
Island, was very distressing. The defeat which the Americans had
experienced produced consternation and alarm in the ranks of a raw,
inexperienced, and undisciplined army. In addition to other
discouraging circumstances, within a few days after the retreat,
nearly one fourth of the troops were on the sick-list. Colonel Glover
says that the commander-in-chief divided his army, posting 12,000 at
Kingsbridge, 6500 at Harlem, and 4500 in the city of New-York.

On Sunday, the 15th of September, 1776, General Howe, as
commander-in-chief of the British forces, landed on Manhattan
(New-York) Island. General Washington had previously made the
necessary arrangements, and given orders for the troops to evacuate
the city and retire to Harlem, distant about seven miles. The descent
of the British created an alarm in the American ranks, and produced no
inconsiderable degree of confusion in the retreat. By some
unaccountable mismanagement, General Silliman's brigade was left in
New-York, and conducted by General Knox to a small fort then in the
suburbs, and known as Bunker's Hill. Major Burr having been
despatched, at his own request, with a few dragoons, by General
Putnam, to pick up the stragglers, discovered the error which had been
committed, and galloping up to the fort, inquired who commanded.
General Knox presented himself. Major Burr desired him to retreat
immediately, or the whole brigade would be cut off and sacrificed.
General Knox replied, that a retreat, thus in the face of the enemy,
was impracticable, and that he intended to defend the fort. Burr
remarked, that it was not bomb-proof; that it was destitute of water;
and that he could take it with a single howitzer; and then, addressing
himself to the men, said, that if they remained there, one half of
them would be killed or wounded, and the other half hung, like dogs,
before night; but, if they would place themselves under his command,
he would conduct them in safety to Harlem. Burr's character for
intrepidity and military skill was already so well established, that
they determined to follow him. In the retreat they had some
skirmishing, but met with very little loss in effecting their union
with the main body of the army. The following documents, furnished by
officers in Silliman's brigade, contain the details.



SAMUEL ROWLAND TO COMMODORE RICHARD V. MORRIS. Fairfield, (Conn.),

29th January, 1814.

SIR,

In answer to the inquiries relating to the evacuation of New-York, in
1776, I can only observe, but few persons who were present, and
eyewitnesses of the event, are now living in this part of the country.
I find, however, the Rev. Doctor Ripley, a gentleman of eminent
respectability, and Messrs. Wakeman and Jennings, respectable citizens
of this town, now living, who belonged to the brigade of the late
General Silliman, the information of which gentlemen on any subject
can be relied on, and will be no otherwise than correct, however
prejudice or other cause might occasion a reluctance in disclosing the
information in their power to give; yet duty impelled their narrative,
and the neglecting an opportunity to give evidence of noble acts and
unrewarded worth they consider _ingratitude_. In preference to
communicating to you by way of letter concerning transactions of so
long standing as the year 1776, I desired the enclosed certificates,
which the gentlemen freely gave, in order to prevent any
misconstruction by passing through a second hand, by which you will
have more correct information than possibly in my power to give.

Very respectfully yours, &c.

SAMUEL ROWLAND.



_Certificate of the Rev. Hezekiah Ripley_.

On being inquired of by Samuel Rowland, Esq., of Fairfield town and
county, in the State of Connecticut, relative to my knowledge and
recollection respecting the merits of Colonel Aaron Burr as an officer
and soldier in the late revolutionary war between the United States
and Great Britain, can certify as follows:--

Hezekiah Ripley, of said Fairfield, doth certify, that on or about the
fifteenth day of September, 1776, I was the officiating chaplain of
the brigade then commanded by Gen. Gold S. Silliman. From
mismanagement of the commanding officer, that brigade was
unfortunately left in the city of New-York, and at the time before
mentioned. While the brigade was in front, and myself considerably in
the rear, I was met by the late General Putnam, deceased, who then
informed me of the landing of the enemy above us, and that I must make
my escape on the west side of the island. Whereupon I on foot crossed
the lots to the west side of the island, unmolested excepting by the
fire from the ships of the British, which at that time lay in the
North river. How the brigade escaped, I was not an eyewitness; but
well recollect, from the information I then had from General Chandler
(now deceased), then acting as a colonel in said brigade, that Mr.
Burr's exertions, bravery, and good conduct, was the principal means
of saving the whole of that brigade from falling into the hands of the
enemy, and whose conduct was then by all considered judicious and
meritorious.

But, however, I well recollect, before I had the information alluded
to from General Chandler, I had seen Mr. Burr, and inquired of him how
the brigade had made their escape, who then told me the particulars,
which were afterwards confirmed by all the officers; who were all of
opinion that, had it not been for him, they would not have effected
their retreat and escape.

As to my own opinion of the management of the troops on leaving
New-York, I then, and still suppose, as did General Chandler, that
Colonel Burr's merits there as a young officer ought, and did, claim
much attention, and whose official duties as an aid-de-camp on that
memorable day justly claimed the thanks of the army and his country.

HEZEKIAH RIPLEY.



_Certificate from Isaac Jennings and Andrew Wakeman_. Being requested
by Samuel Rowland, Esq., to give information relative to the
evacuation of New-York, in the year 1776, by the American army, we,
the subscribers, then acting, one in the capacity of a lieutenant, and
the other as a private, in the brigade commanded by the late General
Silliman, now deceased, do certify, That on the fifteenth day of
September (being on the Lord's day), the British landed on the east
side of the island, about four miles above the city. The American
troops retreated the same day to Harlem heights. By some
misapprehension of the orders, or from other causes unknown to us, our
brigade was left, and was taken by General Knox to Bunker's Hill, [1]
a small fort (so called) about a mile from town. The fort was scarcely
able to hold us all. We had but just got into the fort, when Aaron
Burr, then aid-de-camp to General Putnam, rode up and inquired who
commanded there. General Knox presented himself, and Burr (then called
Major Burr) asked the general what he did there? And why he did not
retreat with the army? The general replied, that it was impossible to
retreat, as the enemy were across the island, and that he meant to
defend that fort. Major Burr ridiculed the idea of defending the
place, being, as he said, without provisions, or water, or bomb-proof;
and that, with one mortar, or one howitzer, the enemy would take the
place in four hours, or in some very short time, and again urged
General Knox to retreat to Harlem heights; but General Knox said it
would be madness to attempt it. A smart debate ensued, the general
adhering to his opinion. Burr addressed himself to the men, and told
them that, if they remained there, they would before night be all
prisoners, and crammed into a dungeon, or hung like dogs. He engaged
to lead them off, and observed that it would be better that one half
should be killed in fighting, than all be sacrificed in that cowardly
manner. The men agreed to follow him, and he led them out; he and his
two attendants riding on the right flank. About four miles from town
we were fired upon by a party of the enemy. Burr galloped directly to
the spot the firing came from, hallooing to the men to follow him. It
proved to be only a guard of about a company of the enemy, who
immediately fled. Burr and his horsemen pursued and killed several of
them. While he was thus employed, the head of a column had taken a
wrong road. Burr came up and hurried us to the left, into a wood, and
rode along the column from front to rear, encouraging the men, and led
us out to the main army with very small loss.

The coolness, deliberation, and valour displayed by Major Burr in
effecting a safe retreat, without material loss, and his meritorious
services to the army on that day, rendered him an object of peculiar
respect from the troops, and the particular notice of the officers.

ISAAC JENNINGS.

ANDREW WAKEMAN.



LETTER FROM NATHANIEL JUDSON TO COMMODORE R. V. MORRIS.

Albany, 10th February, 1814.

Sir,

I have received your letter, with the preceding statement, respecting
our retreat from New-York Island, in September, 1776, and, in
compliance with your request, I have to reply, that the relation made
by Mr. Wakeman and Mr, Jennings corresponds with my recollection. I
was near Colonel Burr when he lead the dispute with General Knox, who
said it was madness to think of retreating, as we should meet the
whole British army. Colonel Burr did not address himself to the men,
but to the officers, who had most of them gathered around to hear what
passed, as we considered ourselves as lost. But Colonel Burr seemed so
confident that he could make good a retreat, and made it clear that we
were all lost if we stayed there, that we all agreed to trust to his
conduct and courage, though it did appear to us a most desperate
undertaking; and he did not disappoint us, for he effected a retreat
with the whole brigade; and I do not think we lost more than thirty
men. We had several brushes with small parties of the enemy. Colonel
Burr was foremost and most active where there was danger, and his
conduct, without considering his extreme youth, was afterwards a
constant subject of praise, and admiration, and gratitude. This affair
was much talked of in the army after the surrender of Fort Washington,
in which a garrison of about 2500 men was left under circumstances
very similar to ours; this fort having no bomb-proof. That garrison
surrendered, as is well known, the very same day our army retreated;
and of those 2500 men, not 500 survived the imprisonment they received
from the British. I have, since then, heard it repeated hundreds of
times by the officers and men of Silliman's brigade, that our fate
would have been the same had it not been for Colonel Burr. I was a
sergeant-major in Chandler's regiment of Silliman's brigade at the
time of the retreat.

I am your very obedient servant,

NATHANIEL JUDSON



Footnotes:

1. Adjacent to what is now Grand-street.




CHAPTER VIII.


As early as the 10th of August, Burr, in a letter to his uncle
Edwards, [1] expressed apprehensions that the retreat of the American
army from Long Island might be cut off and then that the British
"would have their own fun." From that period until the retreat was
effected, on the night of the 27th, he continued to entertain the same
opinion as to the necessity of retreating. So, also, in relation to
the city of New-York. He thought no attempt should be made to hold it.
Subsequent events proved his good sense and foresight, as well as his
military genius. The city was abandoned on the 15th of September. Ten
days after he writes to his aunt Edwards, in reply to a desponding
letter he had received from her, his views of the recent movements of
the American army.



TO MRS. EDWARDS.

Kingsbridge, 26th September, 1776.

MY DEAR AUNT,

I fear, madam, you give yourself needless anxiety about the situation
of public affairs. It has been always held a maxim that our island and
seaport towns were at the discretion of the tyrant of Great Britain.
Reasons for the retreat from Long Island are well known. The
evacuation of New-York was a _necessary consequence_. The manner of
conducting these made present advantages but trifling to the enemy.
The loss to us is of still less importance; and, indeed, some happy
consequences resulting from the manoeuvres appear to me worthy of
notice.

We have hitherto opposed them with less than half their number, and
exposed to all their advantages of shipping. Our force is now more
united, theirs more divided. Our present situation renders their navy
of less service to them, and less formidable to us;--a circumstance of
vast importance, and to which I attribute all that has heretofore
appeared in their favour. Add to these, besides confirming our
internal union, the effect that every appearance of success on the
part of the enemy has upon our leading men. It arouses them from the
lethargy which began to prevail; convinces them that their measures
are unequal to their grand designs; that the present is the important
moment, and that every nerve must now be exerted.

This is not altogether fanciful. It has been actually the case. More
effectual measures than were ever before thought of are now taking for
levying a new army. A committee of Congress are on the spot with us to
know all our wants, and report them properly, that they may be
speedily provided for. I do not intend by this, my dear aunt, to
deceive you into an opinion that every thing is already entirely
secure; that we are now actually relieved from every degree of danger;
but to remove your apprehensions concerning the important events which
depend on our military exertions. I hope, madam, you will continue,
with your usual philosophy and resolution, prepared for the uncertain
events of war, not anticipating improbable calamities.

Various have been the reports concerning the barbarities committed by
the Hessians, most of them incredible and false. They are fonder of
plunder than blood, and are more the engines than the authors of
cruelty. But their behaviour has been in some instances savage, and
might excuse a fear, if reckoned among usual calamities; but these
should be viewed on a larger scale than that of common complaisance.
It should be remembered we are engaged in a civil war, and effecting
the most important revolution that ever took place. How little of the
horrors of either have we known! Fire or the sword have scarce left a
trace among us. We may be truly called a favoured people.

I have been not so engaged as common for a short time past, and have
liberty of remaining, for three or four days, about two miles from
camp, from whence I now write you, a little more at leisure; but I am
now within drumcall.

Your nephew,

A. BURR.



After the abandonment of Manhattan Island by the American army, and
some fighting in Westchester, General Washington crossed the North
river with a part of the troops, and retreated through New-Jersey. The
movements of Lord Cornwallis left no doubt that the object of the
British general was Philadelphia. He advanced rapidly from Brunswick
upon Princeton, hoping, by forced marches, to get in the rear of the
Americans. On the 8th of December, 1776, Washington crossed the
Delaware, secured the boats, and broke down the bridges. Great
apprehension and alarm for the safety of Philadelphia now existed.
Judge Marshall, in his Life of Washington, says,

"In consequence of this state of things, the general advised that
lines of defence should be drawn from the Schuylkill, about the
heights of Springatsbury, eastward to the Delaware, and General Putnam
was ordered to superintend them." Major Burr was now actively engaged
as the aid-de-camp of General Putnam, whose esteem and unbounded
confidence he continued to enjoy. He writes Colonel Ogden,



Princeton, 7th March, 1777.

Dear Matt.,

I this evening received your letter of yesterday's date, by Stockton.
I knew not how to direct to you, nor where to send for the horse, or
should have done it sooner. I do not perfectly recollect the one you
mention, but should be glad of any on your recommendation. Both boots
and a saddle I want much, and shall be obliged to you to procure them
for me;--good leather would suit me as well as boots ready made. I
have not had a pair worth sixpence since those I had at Elizabethtown.

As to "expectations of promotion," I have not the least, either in the
line or the staff. You need not express any surprise at it, as I have
never made any application, and, as you know me, you know I never
shall. I should have been fond of a berth in a regiment, as we
proposed when I last saw you. But, as I am at present happy in the
esteem and entire confidence of my good old general, I shall be piqued
at no neglect, unless particularly pointed, or where silence would be
want of spirit. 'Tis true, indeed, my former equals, and even
inferiors in rank, have left me. Assurances from those in power I have
had unasked, and in abundance; but of these I shall never remind them.
We are not to judge of our own merit, and I am content to contribute
my mite in any station.

I shall probably be at Morris within ten days, on public business.
Write me whether I may expect you there. With sincere love to Mrs.
Ogden,

Yours,

A. Burr.



In the spring of 1777, a new army was to be raised. For political
reasons it was deemed expedient to select, where it could be done with
propriety, for the colonels of regiments, gentlemen supposed to have
an influence. Among those who were thus selected was Colonel Malcolm,
formerly a merchant in the city of New-York. He was highly
respectable, and universally esteemed, but was not a military man. In
June, 1777, Burr was appointed lieutenant-colonel of his regiment; but
he did not receive official notice of the fact until the 26th of July.

On the 14th of July, 1777, General Putnam's headquarters being then at
Peekskill, he issued the following order:--

_By the Honourable Major-general Putnam, To Major Aaron Burr,
Aid-de-camp_.

SIR,

Pursuant to orders received from his excellency General Washington,
you are forthwith to repair to Norwalk, Fairfield, and the places
adjacent on the Sound, transmit me without delay the intelligence you
shall from time to time receive of the movements of the enemy, or any
of their fleets. Request of the committees, or select-men of the
different towns, that they will be very punctual in reporting to the
commanding officer at this post whatever may in any respect relate to
the movements of the army, as both their safety and the welfare of the
country may be promoted by their diligence in this particular.

On your return, which will be through Litchfield, you will leave
orders for all detachments of any regiments of General Nixon's brigade
to take the most direct route to Albany, provided they be farther than
thirty miles from this place, as much will be saved, and fatigue
avoided by the observance of this.

Having settled a line of intelligence from the different towns on the
coast, and left the necessary directions for the detachments of
Brigadier-general Nixon's brigade, you will return with all convenient
speed to this place.

Given under my hand, at headquarters, Peekskill, 14th day of July,
1777.

ISRAEL PUTNAM.



This was the last order that Major Burr ever received as the
aid-de-camp of his "good old general." On his return to camp he
received, in the usual form, a letter from General Washington,
announcing to him his appointment as lieutenant-colonel in the
Continental Army, to which he replied,



Peekskill, 21st July, 1777.

SIR,

I was this morning favoured with your excellency's letter of the 29th
ult., and my appointment to Colonel Malcolm's regiment. Am truly
sensible of the honour done me, and shall be studious that my
deportment in that station be such as will ensure your future esteem.
I am nevertheless, Sir, constrained to observe, that the late date of
my appointment subjects me to the command of many who were younger in
the service, and junior officers the last campaign.

With submission, and if there is no impropriety in requesting what so
nearly concerns me, I would beg to know whether it was any misconduct
in me, or any extraordinary merit or services in them, which entitled
the gentlemen lately put over me to that preference? Or, if a uniform
diligence and attention to duty has marked my conduct since the
formation of the army, whether I may not expect to be restored to that
rank of which I have been deprived, rather, I flatter myself, by
accident than design? I would wish equally to avoid the character of
turbulent or passive, and am unhappy to have troubled your excellency
with a matter which concerns only myself. But, as a decent regard to
rank is both proper and necessary, I hope it will be excused in one
who regards his honour next to the welfare of his country.

I am not yet acquainted with the state of the regiment or the prospect
of filling it; but shall immediately repair to rendezvous and receive
Colonel Malcolm's directions.

I have the honour to be, with great respect,

Your excellency's obedient servant,

A. BURR.



Col

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