Memoirs of General Lafayette
by Samuel L. Knapp · English · Gutenberg #7449 · 450,202 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Memoirs of General Lafayette
Author: Samuel L. Knapp
Contributor: marquis de Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert Du Motier Lafayette
Release date: February 1, 2005 [eBook #7449]
Most recently updated: July 5, 2013
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE ***
Produced by Stan Goodman, Marvin A. Hodges, Charles Franks,
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS VISIT TO AMERICA,
AND OF HIS RECEPTION BY THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES;
FROM HIS ARRIVAL, AUGUST 15TH, TO THE CELEBRATION AT YORKTOWN,
OCTOBER 19TH, 1824 BY MARIE-JOSEPH-PAUL-YVES-ROCH-GILBERT DU MOTIER,
BY MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE
{Illustration: Lafayette}
_DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS--To wit_:
_District Clerk's Office_.
Be it remembered, that on the 2d day of November, A.D. 1824, in the
forty-ninth year of the independence of the United States of America,
E.G. House, of the said district, has deposited in this office the
title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words
following, to wit--Memoirs of General Lafayette, with an account of
his visit to America; and of his reception by the people, of the United
States, from his arrival, Aug. 15. to the celebration at Yorktown, Oct
19, 1824.
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States entitled,
"an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of
maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies,
during the times therein mentioned:" and also to an act entitled "an
act supplementary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement
of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books, to
the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein
mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing,
engraving and etching historical, and other prints."
JNO. W. DAVIS, _Clerk of the Dist. of Mass_.
ADVERTISEMENT, BY THE EDITOR.
It is a poor apology to offer for any defect or omission in a work
intended for the information of the public, that it was prepared in
haste. Yet in the present case it can be offered with truth. The Editor
of this volume knew nothing of the plan, until it had been some time
proposed, and many subscribers obtained. The gentleman by whom it was
first intended to have been prepared, was suddenly taken away, without
writing, or even collecting any thing for the volume. It was undertaken
with reluctance, as it was known the public would he impatient for the
work, and as the publisher was also desirous it should be prepared in
a few weeks. It is only fifty days since the task was begun. It is
believed, however, that several documents, not yet published, will be
found in this volume; and that many events and incidents are preserved,
which would otherwise have been lost to the public.
Everything relating to the life and character of this extraordinary man,
is certainly worthy of remembrance by the benevolent and intelligent
through the civilized world, and especially by Americans, to whom he has
rendered the most essential services. The endeavour has been to avoid
panegyric; though in this case, a plain statement of facts may
be construed, by those ignorant of the life of Lafayette, into a
disposition to bestow extravagant praise.
It has been a source of much satisfaction to the Editor, to find so many
proofs of consistency and of principle, as well as of zeal in the cause
of rational liberty, which the life of this heroic and disinterested
personage affords. And if he shall appear in this hasty memoir, as the
ardent, undeviating, and sincere friend of civil freedom and of
the rights of man, it will be because he justly merits such a high
character.
In the account of his reception by the people of this country, in
various places, during his present visit, it may be thought that we have
been too particular. It was promised, however, in the proposals for the
volume, that such relation would be given. It is believed that it
will be found to be interesting, and that it will be a satisfaction
hereafter, to recur to it. This account embraces the time which elapsed
after he landed at New-York, August 15, 1824, to the celebration of
the capture of the Brittish [sic] army at Yorktown, October 19. These
statements were, copied principally from the public newspapers; and it
was thought to be unnecessary to give credit for them, or to insert the
usual marks of quotation.
_Boston, Nov_. 1, 1824.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introductory remarks
Birth and education of Lafayette
His purpose to visit America in 1777
His arrival and early service in America
Battle of Brandywine
Washington's attachment to him
Commands in northern department
Escape from British near Philadelphia
Battle of Monmouth
Brave conduct of Lafayette
A volunteer to R. Island
Journey to Boston
Proposal to visit France
Resentment of the conduct of British Commissioner
Visit to Boston
Embarks there for France
Resolve of Congress honorable to Lafayette
Letter of Franklin
Return to America in 1780
Services in France in behalf of America
Letter of Gen. Washington
Commands in Virginia in 1781
His services and bravery in that department
Escapes from Cornwallis
His troops deserting
Critical situation
His conduct approved by Washington
He applauds Gen. Wayne
Proposes to visit France again
Resolves of Congress approving his conduct
Letter to Congress
His letter to S. Adams
Mr. Adam's reply
Doings of Massachusetts
Details of service at Yorktown
Events on his return to France
Letter to Sir H. Clinton
Visit to America in 1784
Arrives in Boston
His reception
Honorable notice of his services, by Congress
His public conduct in 1786
Meeting of States' General, 1787
In favor of reform
New Constitution in 1789
Supported by Lafayette
Parties in France and civil commotions
Commands the Militia of Paris
The Parisian mob
Struggle for power between monarchists and reformers
Louis attempts to leave France
Jacobin clubs
Letter to Bouille
His enemies cabal
Commands part of the French army
Letter to the national assembly, June 1792
Letter to the King
Letter to the assembly
Opposed and denounced by the Jacobins
His firmness and patriotism
His address to the soldiers
Leaves France
Arrested and confined
Removed to prison at Olmutz
His letter
Washington seeks for his release
Fox and others intercede for his release
Bollman and Huger attempt his deliverance
Failure, and subsequent confinement
Madame de Lafayette
Her imprisonment
Lafayette released
Reply to Emperor of Austria
Proceeds to Holland
Return to France 1800
Offered a seat in the Senate by Bonaparte
His income and estates
His letter to the First Consul
Not a supporter of Bonaparte
Neglected by Napoleon
G. W. Lafayette
Death of Madame de Lafayette
Her character
Retirement of Lafayette
Louis XVIII restored
Lafayette desirous of constitutional liberty
His conduct after the battle of Waterloo and abdication of Napoleon
Retirement to private life
Correspondence with A. Hamilton
His family
Madame de Stael's opinion of him
Elected a member of assembly 1819
His efforts for constitutional liberty
His mode of life, and employment
His Benevolence
Gen. Washington's kindness to his son
Visit of Mr. Fox to Lafayette
Manners of Madame Lafayette
Religion of Lafayette
Charity among Christians
His character and opinions
His decision and consistency
Invitation of Congress, from Boston, &c.
His replies
His arrival at New-York
His reception in New-York
Journey to Boston
His arrival in Boston
Address of the Mayor
His answer
Address of Governer of Massachusetts
Address of Cincinnati
Answer to do.
Commencement
Visited by Bostonians
Phi Beta Kappa
Visit to Charlestown and Bunker Hill
Bunker Hill Monument
Visit to Gov. Brooks
Evening Parties
Brattle Street Church
Visit to President Adams
Military parade
Apology for great rejoicings
Militia
Visit to Salem
Address of Judge Story
Visit to Ipswich, and Newburyport
To Portsmouth
Return to Boston
Visit to Lexington and Concord
Bolton, Lancaster
Visit to Worcester
Judge Lincoln's address
Journey to Connecticut
Reception at Hartford
Return to New-York
Lafayette's toasts
Visit to the schools
Grand ball at Castle Garden
Visit to West-Point
Visit to Newburgh
His visit to Hudson
Arrival at Albany
Kindness to soldiers, in 1777
Returns to New-York
Journey through New-Jersey
Princeton
Trenton
Philadelphia
Governor's address
Reply to the same
Address of Mayor
The answer
Illumination
Vindication of Quakers
Reply to Frenchmen
Capt. Barron's address
Answer to same
Journey through Delaware
Visit to Baltimore
Address of Cincinnati
Address of Gov. Maryland
Answer
Governor Sprigg
Visit to Washington
Reception by the President
Address of Mayor of Washington
Visit to Alexandria
To the tomb of Washington
Arrival in Yorktown
Jefferson's letter
Address of Committee of Virginia
Answer of Lafayette
Address of Governor of Virginia
Reply of Lafayette
His reception at Yorktown
Address of Col. Lewis
Answer to same
Parade and ceremonies, on 19th Oct.
Custis' address
Departure for Norfolk
Conclusion
MEMOIRS OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE
Among the many great men who have distinguished themselves in the
present age, for their attachment and devotion to the cause of civil
liberty, general LAFAYETTE is one of the most eminent. During the
last fifty years, great changes have been made or attempted in human
governments, highly favourable to political freedom and the rights of
mankind. In some cases, indeed, revolutions have not been conducted upon
just principles nor by prudent councils; and the immediate results have
been disastrous rather than beneficial. Changes have taken place without
direct and visible improvement; and efforts to meliorate the condition
of man have produced a reaction in the adherents to patient arbitrary
systems, which have given occasion to much suffering and great excesses.
The struggle for freedom by the patriotic citizens of America, towards
the close of the last century, was successful; and has proved most
auspicious to human happiness. We have reason to hope, that its
blessings will not be confined to this western continent. A spirit
of enquiry, indeed, has gone abroad in the world. It is spreading in
Europe: and though we devoutly wish it may not prove the occasion of
bloody contests, we shall rejoice to trace its fruits in the gradual
destruction of old despotic systems, and in the general diffusion of
knowledge among the people, and the enjoyment of those equal and just
rights, which mild governments are calculated to secure.
In our own beloved country, we can boast of many sincere patriots and
heroes besides our 'paternal chief,' the revered WASHINGTON, "who was
first in war, first in peace and first in the hearts of his countrymen;"
others will be recollected, who devoted themselves to the cause of
liberty and their country, with a sincerity and zeal almost without a
parallel in the annals of history. Their memories will not cease to be
revered while Americans are distinguished for a love of civil freedom.
It must be acknowledged, however, that there was a _peculiar_
disinterestedness in the services and sacrifices of the Marquis
LAFAYETTE in defence of American independence. It was from a noble
and enthusiastic love of liberty, that he was induced to cherish and
advocate our cause. It was for strangers and in a foreign land, that
he went forth to defend the rights of man, assailed by the hand of
arbitrary power. He was not a desperate adventurer, without fortune, or
friends, or honors. He was surrounded with all these in his own country.
He belonged to very ancient and noble family, and inherited a large
estate. The original family name was Motier; but for several generations
back had assumed the addition of _Lafayette_. Some of his male ancestors
were distinguished for military, and some of the females for literary
talents. His income was 200,000 francs. His property and influence
were increased by a matrimonial connexion with a lady of the truly
illustrious house of NOAILES. He was married at the age of eighteen.
MARIE-PAUL-JOSEPH-ROCH-YVES-GILBERT-MOTIER DE LAFAYETTE was born at the
chateau de Chavagnac in the province of Auvergne, September 6th 1757.
The rank and affluence of his family secured for him the best education:
and this, according to the fashion of the times in France, was not
only in classical and polite literature, but united also a knowledge
of military tactics. At the age of sixteen, he was offered an honorable
place at Court, which he declined.
His mind was early imbued with an ardent love of freedom. It is not
known whether his study of English writers who were friendly to civil
liberty, or an eager curiosity to learn the merits of the dispute
between Great Britain and the American colonies, lead him first thus
to take a deep interest in favour of our independence. That controversy
excited the attention of statesmen on the continent of Europe as well
as in England. It has been said that he was acquainted with some
distinguished English characters in 1776, from whom he learnt the
situation of America, and the object of our revolution. In the latter
part of this year, he applied to SILAS DEANE, our agent then at Paris,
for information, and encouragement in his plan, already adopted, of
rendering his personal service to the cause of America. While he was
at Paris, (Dec. 1776) with these views, Dr. FRANKLIN arrived. The
intelligence, received from him respecting our situation and prospects
at that period, was of a nature to discourage any one, who had not
cherished the most enthusiastic and resolute purpose to engage in our
behalf. Our almost desperate condition seems only to have increased his
zeal and devotion to the interests of America. "Hitherto, said he, I
have only cherished your cause; I now go to serve it personally." He
believed our cause to be just. He considered it the cause of civil
liberty; and gloomy as was the prospect, hazardous as was the
enterprize, he was determined to support it at the risk of life itself.
In his situation, the privations and sacrifices to be made and endured
were incalculably great. It is indeed a singular instance of an heroic
enterprize for the good of mankind.
We cannot more justly describe his sentiments and views, than by
quoting his own language used at a subsequent period, in a letter to the
President of the Continental Congress--"The moment I heard of America, I
loved her; the moment I knew she was fighting for liberty, I burnt with
a desire to bleed for her." The sacrifices he made cannot be so well
otherwise estimated as by reflecting that he left an affectionate wife,
in whom he was most happy; and who, he was obliged to assure, that he
would speedily return, before she would consent to the enterprize.
When LAFAYETTE made known his purpose to embark for America, under all
the appalling circumstances of our country, our Envoys were still unable
to furnish a passage for him. They had no vessels at command; and they
were not then in a situation to purchase one. Loans were the object of
their mission; but as yet they had not succeeded in obtaining them. And
as the French court had not acknowledged our independence, or openly
espoused our cause, it would have been improper for them to furnish a
vessel for such purpose. What was then done for America must be effected
in secret; and at most, only connived at by the French government.
But the ardour of young LAFAYETTE was not to be checked by any such
considerations. He took council rather of his feelings, than of that
prudence by which ordinary minds are governed. He therefore immediately
engaged a vessel at his own charges, and sailed for the United States,
where he arrived in the month of January. He landed at Charleston, S.C.
and soon entered, as a volunteer, in the American army. Soon after his
arrival, he purchased clothing and arms for the troops under General
MOULTRIE in that quarter. He also early made an advance to General
WASHINGTON of 60,000 francs, for the public service.
For several months, he continued to serve in this capacity. His zeal and
services were early appreciated by Congress; and in July, 1777, he
was created a Major-General. But he did not, at once, act under that
commission. In the battle of Brandywine, in September of the same year,
although he distinguished himself by his activity and undaunted bravery,
it does not appear that he acted as Major-General. He received a wound
in his leg, in this engagement, and his services were highly applauded.
He remained in the field till the close of the battle, inspiring the men
by his presence and active courage. The wound was severe and required
attention; but before it was entirely healed, he joined the army again
under WASHINGTON. In November, at the head of some Jersey militia, he
attacked a body of 300 Hessians and defeated them. General GREENE
was engaged in the same affair, a part of the time; and said of young
LAFAYETTE, "that he seemed to search for danger." Soon after this
period, he had command of a division in the Continental army; and
frequently was appointed the chief officer in separate departments of
great importance and responsibility.
General WASHINGTON became greatly attached to him. He was an intelligent
judge of character; and was never known to bestow his confidence upon
those who were not worthy of it. He was so distinguished by the regard
of the Commander in Chief, that it became usual to call him "his adopted
son." WASHINGTON loved him for his goodness, and honored him for his
bravery and military talents. In the early part of 1778, when it was
proposed to make an attack upon Canada, and to endeavor to connect it
with the thirteen United States, Gen. LAFAYETTE was appointed to command
the troops collecting for that purpose at Albany. This plan originated
in Congress, and was said to be much favored by the French Ambassador;
but WASHINGTON ever doubted the propriety, or the feasibility of the
scheme, and eventually gave his opinion decidedly against it; and it was
not prosecuted. It was at this time, probably, that Brigadier General
STARK took the oath of fidelity to the American Congress and of
renunciation to the king and government of Great Britain, which had
then been recently required, before General LAFAYETTE; and which was
administered by the commanding officer in each separate Department. The
original certificate of this oath is said now to be in existence. It
is a singular fact, that a native American took this oath before a
foreigner: or perhaps even then, General LAFAYETTE had been declared
by Congress to be entitled to all the rights of a citizen of the United
States.
In May 1778, while the British main army was in Philadelphia, and the
American troops at Valley Forge, he was detached with about two thousand
five hundred men under his command, to a position in advance of the
continental camp and near the city, for the purpose of watching the
motions of the enemy. The British endeavored to surround and surprise
him: but he had timely notice of their plan, and retired in safety to
the vicinity of WASHINGTON'S head-quarters. Had he been surprised in
this situation, the result would probably proved fatal to our cause. For
the continental troops under WASHINGTON were few in number and poorly
clothed and armed. But the Commander in Chief, doubtless, was fully
aware of the important and critical nature of the service, and
entrusted it to one, in whose judgment as well as bravery he had perfect
confidence.
Soon after this, in the month of June, the British army left
Philadelphia, to return to New-York. It consisted of as large a number
of well disciplined troops, as they had in America at any one time; and
though they chose not to make a direct attack upon WASHINGTON, they seem
to have had no apprehensions of an attack from him. But he was resolved
to avail of the occasion of their march through the State of New Jersey,
to attack and annoy them. This he did on the memorable 28th of June,
near Monmouth court-house; and had his judicious plan been faithfully
executed, or his own personal activity and bravely been seconded by
General LEE, who had the command of the troops more immediately engaged
on that day, a great and decisive victory would in all probability have
attended the daring enterprize. General LAFAYETTE had a distinguished
command on that critical day. Lee, indeed, at first declined the command
of the advanced corps, detached by WASHINGTON to harass the rear of
the enemy while on their march; and it was given to the former: though;
afterwards, when it was found, that the enemy was preparing for a
general engagement, a reinforcement was ordered, and the whole placed
under the command of General Lee. In this whole affair, General
LAFAYETTE conducted with remarkable intelligence and bravery; and
received the entire approbation of the Commander in Chief.
In August of the same year (1778) when the enemy had a large force on
Rhode Island, and were supposed to be meditating an attack on some place
in the vicinity, Lafayette (with General Greene) offered his services as
a volunteer. The expedition was not attended with success: the British
troops then were more numerous than we could collect against them; and
what were mustered were principally militia. The continental regiments
were then all needed near New-York. But General Lafayette assisted in
conducting the retreat of our men, with much skill and effect; and his
behaviour on the occasion received the particular notice and approbation
of Congress.
About this time, with the knowledge and consent of Congress, Lafayette
made a visit to Boston. The particular object of this journey is not
known. It is evident, however, from the resolve of Congress on the
occasion, that it was not from merely personal or private views. It was,
no doubt, for some purpose of a public nature, and for the welfare of
the nation. The following is the resolve alluded to; and is proof,
that his visit at the time, was designed for the promotion of some plan
calculated for the prosperity of the country.
"In Congress, Sept. 9th, 1778. Resolved, That the President be requested
to inform the Marquis de Lafayette, that Congress have a due sense of
the sacrifice he made of his personal feelings, in undertaking a journey
to Boston with a view of promoting the interests of these States, at a
time when an occasion was daily expected of his acquiring glory in the
field; and that his gallantry in going a volunteer on Rhode Island, when
the greatest part of the army had retreated, and his good conduct
in bringing off the pickets and out sentries, deserves particular
approbation." This resolve was communicated to Lafayette by the
President of Congress, with a polite note; to which the Marquis replied
as follows:
"SIR,
"I have received your favour of the 13th instant, acquainting me of the
honor Congress has been pleased to confer on me by their most gracious
resolve. Whatever pride such approbation may justly give me, I am not
less affected by the feeling of gratitude, and that satisfaction of
thinking my endeavours were ever looked upon as useful to a cause in
which my heart is so deeply interested. Be so good, Sir, as to present
to Congress my plain and hearty thanks, with a frank assurance of
a candid attachment, the only one worth being offered to the
representatives of a free people. The moment I heard of America, I loved
her: The moment I knew she was fighting for liberty, I burnt with the
desire of bleeding for her: and the moment I shall be able of serving
her, in any time, or in any part of the world, will be the happiest
of my life. I never so much wished for occasions of deserving those
obliging sentiments I am honored with by these States and their
representatives, and that so flattering confidence they have been
pleased to put in me; which have filled my heart with the warmest
acknowledgments and most eternal affection.
"I pray you to accept my thanks for the polite manner in which you have
communicated the resolve of Congress; and I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
During the year 1778, some propositions were made to Congress from the
British ministry, through three commissioners, who were sent over to
America. The object was to bring about a cessation of hostilities, and
peace, without acknowledging our Independence. They were, therefore,
immediately rejected. In the address of the commissioners to Congress,
the French King and ministers were mentioned with great disrespect,
and represented as secret enemies to America; and therefore, not to be
believed in their engagements and promises in our favour. The Marquis
de Lafayette highly resented this heavy charge against his king and
government; and wrote a very spirited letter on the subject, to Lord
Carlisle, the principal commissioner. He seemed ready to appear as the
champion of his abused Prince and country, in the chivalrous manner
such attacks were met in former ages, when disputes were settled between
nations by single combat. The indignation he expressed was honorable to
his patriotic feelings; but, probably, his maturer years and judgment
would have chastened and moderated it.
Early in the year 1779, after an absence from his beloved family and
country of more than two years, Lafayette visited France: not however,
without the consent of Congress and also of General Washington, and
a determination to return to America at a future day. He embarked at
Boston. In waiting for a passage to France, the Marquis was several
weeks in Boston; and here became acquainted with John Hancock,
Dr. Cooper, S. Breck, Esq. and others, to whose families he became
particularly attached. The hospitable attention of the Bostonians, was
not lost upon him. With warm feelings and elegant manners, he was well
qualified to appreciate their patriotism and politeness; and impressions
were made upon his generous mind, favourable to their characters,
which he has not forgotten to the present day. In no place in America,
perhaps, did he find the citizens more congenial to his ardour of
affection and devoted love for civil liberty.--It cannot be doubted,
that to a man of his amiable and tender feelings, the consideration of
meeting with his family and friends influenced him to this visit. But it
appears also, from his letters at that time, that he considered his
duty to his King and country required him to go to France. War was now
declared between France and England; and he believed himself bound to
give his personal services for the defence of his own nation. With
all his zeal in favour of liberty and of America, which he considered
engaged in its sacred cause against an arbitrary power, he acknowledged
his obligations to asset in protecting his native country. If his King
should consent, he engaged to return to America, and devote himself
again in support of her rights. The following letters will justify this
statement of his views, at the time of which we are speaking. The first
is from General Washington to the President of Congress.
"_Head Quarters, Oct. 13th_, 1778.
"SIR,
"This will be delivered to you by Major General, the Marquis de
Lafayette. The generous motives which first induced him to cross the
Atlantic, and enter the army of the united States, are well known to
Congress. Reasons equally laudable now engage him to return to France,
who, in her present circumstances, claims his services.
"His eagerness to offer his duty to his Prince and country, however
great, could not influence him to quit the continent in any stage of an
unfinished campaign; he resolved to remain at least till the close of
the present; and embraces this moment of suspense, to communicate his
wishes to Congress, with a view of having the necessary arrangements
made in time; and of being still within reach, should any occasion offer
of distinguishing himself in the field.
"The Marquis, at the same time, from a desire of preserving a relation
with us, and a hope of having it yet in his power to be useful as an
American officer, solicits only a furlough, sufficient for the purposes
above mentioned. A reluctance to part with an officer, who unites to all
the military fire of youth, an uncommon maturity of judgment, world lead
me to prefer his being absent on this footing, if it depended solely on
me. I shall always be happy to give such a testimony of his services, as
his bravery and good conduct on all occasions entitle him to; and I have
no doubt that Congress will add suitable expressions of their sense of
his merits, and their regret on account of his departure. I here the
honor to be, &c.
"GEO. WASHINGTON."
From the Marquis to Congress.
"_Philadelphia. Oct. 8th_, 1778.
"Whatever care I should take not to employ the precious instants of
Congress in private considerations, I beg leave to lay before them my
present circumstances, with that confidence which naturally springs from
affection and gratitude. The sentiments which bind me to my country, can
never be more properly spoken of, than in presence of men who have done
so much for their own. As long as I thought I could dispose of myself,
I made it my pride and pleasure to fight under American colours, in
defence of a cause which I dare more particularly call _ours_, because I
had the good fortune of bleeding for her. Now that France is involved
in a war, I am led by a sense of duty as well as by patriotic love to
present myself before my king, and know in what manner he judges proper
to employ my services. The most agreeable of all will always be such
as to serve the common cause among those, whose friendship I had the
happiness to obtain, and whose fortune I had the honor to follow in less
smiling times. That reason, and others, which I leave to the feelings of
Congress, engage me to beg from them, the liberty of going home for the
next winter.
"As long as there were any hopes of an active campaign, I did not think
of leaving the field. Now that I see a very peaceable and undisturbed
moment, I take this opportunity of waiting on Congress. In case my
request is granted, I shall so manage my departure, as to be certain
before going, the campaign is really over. Enclosed you will receive a
letter from his Excellency, General Washington, wherein he expresses his
assent to my obtaining leave of absence. I dare flatter myself, that I
shall be considered as a soldier on furlough, who most heartily wants
to join again his colours, and his most esteemed and beloved fellow
soldiers. Should it be thought I can be any way useful to America,
when I shall find myself among my countrymen, I hope I shall always be
considered as one most interested in the welfare of these United States,
and one who has the most perfect affection, regard and confidence for
their representatives. With the highest regard, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
"_In Congress, Oct_. 21. 1778.
"_Resolved_, That the Marquis Lafayette, Major General in the services
of the United States, have leave to go to France; and that he return
at such time as shall be most convenient to him,--Resolved, That the
President write a letter to the Marquis Lafayette, returning him the
thanks of Congress for that disinterested zeal which led him to America,
and for the services he hath rendered to the United States, by the
exertion of his courage and abilities on many signal occasions.
"_Resolved_, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America, at the Court of Versailles, be directed to cause an elegant
sword, with proper devices to be made and presented in the name of the
United States, to the Marquis Lafayette."
The foregoing resolves were communicated to the Marquis in the following
letter:
"_Philadelphia, Oct_. 24, 1778.
"SIR,
"I had the honor of presenting to Congress, your letter, soliciting
leave of absence: I am directed by them, to express their thanks for
your zeal in promoting that just cause in which they are engaged, and
for the disinterested services you have rendered to the United States of
America.
"In testimony of the high esteem and affection in which you are held by
the good people of these States, as well as an acknowledgment of your
gallantry and military talents displayed on many signal occasions, their
Representatives; in Congress assembled, have ordered an elegant sword
to be presented to you, by the American Minister, at the Court of
Versailles. Enclosed within the present cover, will be found an act
of Congress of the 21st instant, authorizing these declarations, and
granting a furlough for your return to France, to be extended at your
own pleasure. I pray God to bless and protect you; to conduct you in
safety to the presence of your Prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your
noble family and friends. I have the honor to be, &c.
"H. LAURENS."
To this note the Marquis made the following reply:
"_Philadelphia, Oct_. 26, 1778.
"SIR,
"I have received your excellency's obliging letter, enclosing the
several resolutions Congress have honored me with, and the leave of
absence they have been pleased to grant. Nothing can make me happier,
than the reflection, that my services have met with their approbation.
The glorious testimonial of confidence and satisfaction respectfully
bestowed on me, by the representatives of America, though much superior
to my merit, cannot exceed the grateful sentiments they have excited. I
consider the noble present offered me in the name of the United States,
as the most flattering honor. It is my most fervent desire, soon to
employ that sword in their service, against the common enemy of my
country and their faithful and beloved allies. That liberty, safety,
wealth and concord may ever extend and bless these United States, is the
earnest wish of a heart glowing with a devoted zeal and unbounded love
for them, and the highest regard, and most sincere affection for their
representatives.
"Be pleased, Sir, to present my thanks to them, and to accept yourself
the assurance of my respectful attachment.
"LAFAYETTE."
Letter of Dr. Franklin, to the Marquis Lafayette.
"_Passy, Aug_. 24, 1779.
"SIR,
"The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United States, but
unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a sword,
as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgments. They directed it to
be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the principal actions of
the battles, in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and
good conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, with a few
emblematical figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal
value. By the help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it
easy to execute every thing, but _the sense we have of your worth, and
our obligations to you_. For this, figures and even words are found
insufficient.
"I therefore, only add, that, with the most perfect esteem, I have the
honor to be, &c.
"B. FRANKLIN."
The Marquis de Lafayette came again to the United States in April 1780,
and landed at Boston, though the vessel first touched at Marblehead on
its way to the former place. In his passage both to and from France,
he was in danger of capture from the British. The frigate, in which he
returned to this country, was chased by an English man of war; and when
it was supposed, they must come to action, LAFAYETTE was found at one
of the guns, preparing to act his part should they be attacked. In this
visit to France, he exerted himself with effect, to induce the Court
of Versailles to afford the United States more effectual aid; and
especially, to send over a large fleet, which rendered essential
service to the American cause. His great devotion to our interests would
certainly lead him to advocate any measures with his King, favourable to
our wishes: and his influence, considering his high rank and family, was
undoubtedly attended with beneficial results. His services in our behalf
were particularly noticed by Congress.
"When the Marquis de Lafayette obtained permission to revisit his native
country and offer his services to his sovereign, he retained, with his
rank in the American army, that ardent zeal for her interests, which the
affectionate attentions he had received, the enthusiasm of a soldier in
the cause of those for whom he had made his first campaigns and by whom
he had been highly distinguished, combined with a consciousness that he
was substantially promoting the permanent interests of France; were all
so well calculated to inspire in a young and generous mind, in favour
of an infant people struggling for liberty and self government, with the
hereditary rival of his nation.
"He was received at the Court of Versailles with every mark of favour
and distinction; and all the influence he had acquired was employed in
impressing on the cabinet the importance and policy of granting sucors
to the United States.
"Having succeeded in this favourite object, in which he was aided by
the representations of the former and present minister of France at
Philadelphia; and finding no probability of active employment on the
continent of Europe, he obtained permission to return to America,
with the grateful intelligence of the service he had rendered while in
France, to the country in whose cause his service had been first drawn.
He arrived at Boston in the month of April 1780, and hastened to Head
Quarters. He then proceeded to Congress with the information that the
King of France had consented to employ a large land and naval armament
in the United States, for the ensuing campaign. He was received by
WASHINGTON with joy and affection; and by Congress with those marks of
distinction and regard to which his _constant_ and _indefatigable_ zeal
in support of the American cause, as well as his signal service, gave
him such just pretnesions. The intelligence which he brought gave new
impulse both to Congress and to the State Legislatures. The lethargic
slumbers into which they seemed to be sinking yielded to resolutions of
the most vigorous character."--_Marshall_.
The letters below, with the resolve of Congress, will show the sense
WASHINGTON had of the services of his "_adopted son_," the Marquis
Lafayette, and the personal attachment which he cherished for him, as
well as the high estimation; in which the disinterested zeal of that
devoted friend of liberty was held by the grand Legislature of America.
"_Head Quarters, Morristown, May_ 13, 1780.
"The Marquis Lafayette does me the honor to take charge of this note. I
am persuaded Congress will participate in the joy I feel at the return
of a gentleman who has so signally distinguished himself in the service
of this country; who has given so many and so decided proofs of his
attachment to its interests; and who ought to be dear to it by
every motive. The _warm friendship_ I have for him conspires with
considerations of public utility to afford me a double satisfaction
in his return. During the time he has been in France he has uniformly
manifested the same zeal in our affairs, which animated his conduct
while he was among us; and has been, upon all occasions, an essential
friend to America. He merits, and I doubt not Congress will give him
every mark of consideration and regard in their power.
"I have the honour to be, &c.
"GEO. WASHINGTON."
"_To His Excellency the President of Congress_."
"_Philadelphia, May_ 16, 1780.
"After so many favors, which, on every occasion and particularly at my
obtaining leave of absence, Congress were pleased most graciously to
bestow on me, I dare presume myself entitled to impart to them the
private feelings, which I now so happily experience.
"In an early epoch in our noble contest, I gloried in the name of an
American soldier; and heartily enjoyed the honor I have of serving
the United States; my satisfaction is at this long wished-for moment
entirely complete, when putting an end to my furlough, I have been
able again to join my colours, under which I hope for opportunities
of indulging the ardent zeal, the unbounded gratitude, the warm, and I
might say, the patriotic love, by which I am forever bound to America.
"I beg you, sir, to present Congress with a new assurance of my profound
respect and my grateful and affectionate sentiments.
"I have the honour to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE"
In Congress, May 16, 1780. "Resolved, That Congress consider the return
of the Marquis LAFAYETTE to America, to resume his command in the army,
as a fresh proof of the distinguished zeal and deserving attachment
which have justly recommended him to the public confidence and applause;
and that they receive with pleasure, a tender of further services of so
gallant and meritorious an officer."
"Soon after his return to America the Marquis was entrusted with the
command of a select corps of the Light Infantry of the continental army.
This afforded him a new opportunity for the display of his munificence.
He presented each officer of the corps with an elegant sword; and the
soldiers were clothed in uniform, principally at his expense. He infused
into this corps a spirit of pride and emulation; viewing it as one
formed according to his own wishes and worthy of his entire confidence.
They were the pride of his heart, and he was the idol of their regard;
constantly panting for an opportunity of performing some signal
achievement worthy of his and their own character. The corps was
probably equal for discipline and bravery, to any in the world."
Early in the year 1781, LAFAYETTE was detached with about twelve hundred
troops to Virginia; with a view to co-operate with the French fleet
in checking the plundering expedition of General Arnold, who had then
recently landed there with a body of British troops from New-York. The
Marquis performed this long and difficult march with great dispatch.
Many of the soldiers under his command were deficient in clothing: and
it was by the personal responsibility of General LAFAYETTE that funds
were raised in Baltimore and vicinity to remedy this evil. The credit
of the continent was very low; and its means of immediate payment of the
public expenses known to be entirely inadequate. The generosity of
this distinguished friend of liberty was as remarkable as his personal
bravery. He was indeed, both as to life and estate, wholly devoted
to the cause of America; and difficulties and dangers served only to
manifest the sincerity and intenseness of his zeal in behalf of a people
struggling for freedom.
Soon after this, in the month of May, 1781, Lord Cornwallis, in his
progress from North Carolina into Virginia, formed a junction with the
British forces under Arnold and Phillips. His object was immediately to
crush the Americans under LAFAYETTE, then encamped near Richmond. The
experienced British Commander thought it would be an easy matter with
his superior numbers to secure the "Young Frenchman." But the youthful
soldier was not wanting in prudence and foresight, though ardour and
courage were his predominant qualities. In these traits of character, as
well as others, he was not unlike the "paternal chief" of the American
army. LAFAYETTE made good a retreat; and escaped the net Cornwallis had
prepared for him, with such confident hopes of success. He directed his
course northward; and soon effected a junction with General Wayne,
who had been ordered to reinforce him with eight hundred men of the
Pennsylvania line.
The Light Infantry under Lafayette were chiefly eastern troops, who
had great objections to a southern climate, and many deserted. In this
critical situation, the Marquis adopted the following expedient. He gave
out that an expedition of great difficulty and danger was to be soon
undertaken; and appealing to the generous feelings of his soldiers, he
expressed a hope that they would not forsake him. If, however, any were
desirous of returning to their regiments, he said, they should have
permission. The effect was as he had hoped. The troops had too much
honor and pride to desert their brave commander in such an exigency.
About this time, the main army of the British under Cornwallis, had
taken the precaution to cut off the direct communication between the
American troops and their stores, lately removed from Richmond to
Albemarle. The Marquis Lafayette, however, recrossing the Rappahannock,
by forced marches, arrived within a few miles of the British, when they
were yet two days march from Albemarle Courthouse; and opening in
the night a nearer road, which had been long disused, appeared the
following, lay, greatly to the surprise of Cornwallis, between the
British army and the continental stores. Thus disappointed in his plan
of possessing the American stores, the British commander retired to
Williamsburg. The Marquis followed the enemy at a prudent distance; and
was soon so fortunate as to form a junction with the Baron Steuben, who
had been detached into that quarter, to protect the public stores and
assist in the general defence of the country. The British forces, many
of which consisted of cavalry, were than very formidable in Virginia.
This was a very critical period in the affairs of America. Washington
was satisfied that some decisive blow must be struck; for our finances
were low: and many began to despond as to the result of the contest. The
British were very powerful and resolute. The plan of Washington finally
was to make it appear to the enemy that an attack was intended against
New-York; and at the same time prepare for a general expedition to
Virginia, and destroy the British army in that quarter. This plan
succeeded by the aid of the French fleet, though its Admiral came with
reluctance to the measure. Cornwallis and his army were captured in
October following; and the British ministry soon after consented to
listen to honourable terms of peace.
Major General Lafayette acted a gallant and distinguished part in this
whole campaign. We have already witnessed his activity, promptitude and
bravery in the early part of the season. His efforts continued, and were
conspicuous on various trying occasions. In the affair near Jamestown,
he was in great personal danger, and one of his horses was shot under
him. It was owing to the to his uncommon vigilance and activity, that
the American troops under his command were able to keep a large British
army in check; and when a detachment under the brave General Wayne were
in danger of being taken, they were rescued by the prompt and skillful
maneuvers of the Marquis. His spirit and firmness were attended with the
best effects upon the men under his command; and seemed to inspire them
with courage and confidence, at this period of great embarrassment and
gloom. He was distinguished for humanity as well as courage. The sick
and wounded were always sure to receive his generous attentions. In the
several engagements which took place, previously to the capture of Lord
Cornwallis, many of the American soldiers were wounded, and he made
immediate provision for their relief and comfort.
The military skill and bravery manifested by General Lafayette, and the
officers and men under his command in Virginia, at this period, will be
evident from his letters and orders here given. They speak particularly
of the courage and conduct of General Wayne, and his detachment; but
they also afford new proofs of the intelligence and activity of the
commanding officer.
Letter from General Lafayette, to General Greene.
_"Near James River, July_ 8, 1781.
"SIR,
"On the 4th, the enemy evacuated Williamsburgh, where some stores fell
into our hands, and retired to this place, under the cannon of their
shipping. The next morning we advanced, and a part of our troops took
post about nine miles from the British camp. The 6th, I detached
an advanced corps under General Wayne, to reconnoitre the enemy's
situation. Their light parties being drawn in, the pickets which lay
near their encampment, were gallantly attacked by some riflemen, whose
skill was employed to great effect.
"Having learnt that Lord Cornwallis had sent off his heavy baggage
under an escort, and posted his army in an open field, fortified by the
shipping, I returned to the detachment, which I found generally engaged.
A piece of cannon had been attempted by the vanguard, and the whole
British army advanced to the wood, occupied by General Wayne. His whole
corps did not exceed 800, part of which were militia, with three field
pieces.--But at sight of the British, the troops ran to the rencontre,
notwithstanding the very superior number of the enemy, and a short
skirmish ensued, with a warm, close and well directed fire. But, as both
the right and left of the enemy greatly out-flanked ours, I sent orders
to General Wayne, to retire to about half a mile, where Col. Vose
and Barber's light infantry battalions had arrived, by a most rapid
movement, and where I directed them to form. In this position, they
remained till some hours in the night. The militia under General Lawson
also advanced; but during the night, the enemy retired to the south of
the river.
"From all accounts, the enemy's loss is great. We had none killed, but
many wounded. Wayne's detachment suffered most. Many horses were killed,
which rendered it impossible to move the field pieces. But it is enough
for the glory of General Wayne, and the officers and men under
his command, to have attacked the whole British army, with only a
reconnoitering party, and to have obliged them to retreat over the
river. I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
Under date of July 11th, an officer of rank gives some further account
of this affair. "The enemy had 300 men killed and wounded; and among
the latter were several officers. Their precipitate retreat the same
evening, to Jamestown Island, and thence to the other side of the river,
is a tacit acknowledgment, that a general action was not their wish.
We hear that the British officers are much mortified at the issue, and
confess they were out-generalled. Their numbers were far superior to
ours; and they had the advantage of a large corps of cavalry. We could
not have extricated ourselves from the difficulties we were in, but by
the maneuver we adopted; which, though it may have the appearance of
temerity, to those unacquainted with the circumstances, was founded upon
the truest military principles; and was a necessary, though a very bold
and daring measure."
Extract from the general orders of the Marquis Lafayette, July 8th,
1781, near James River.
"The General is happy to acknowledge the spirit of the detachment under
General Wayne, in their engagement with the whole of the British army,
of which he was an eye witness. He requests General Wayne and the
officers and men under his command, to accept his best thanks. The
bravery and destructive fire of the riflemen, rendered essential
service. The fire of the light infantry checked the enemy's progress
round our right flank. The General was much pleased with the conduct of
Captain Savage, of the artillery, and is satisfied, that nothing but
the loss of horses occasioned that of the two field pieces. The zeal of
Colonel Mercer's corps, is fully expressed in the number of horses he
had killed."
His conduct at the siege and capture of Cornwallis, at Yorktown,
received the particular approbation of the commander in chief. Perhaps
no officer in the American line, contributed more than he did to the
success which attended our arms on that memorable occasion. When the
British General was confident of seizing him and his little party by
stratagem, or of overpowering them by numbers, he was on his guard, and
had the good fortune to elude every effort to destroy him. And, during
the immediate siege of Yorktown, he occupied one of the most dangerous
posts, and was among the foremost in the many vigorous assaults made
upon the British army, before it was compelled to surrender. He had the
honor to be ranked with Lincoln, Greene, Knox, Wayne and others, in the
glorious exploits, which convinced the enemy of our persevering bravery,
and induced them at last to sue for peace.
In November following, the Marquis returned to France, having first
obtained the consent of Congress, and of the commander in chief. The
contest between Great Britain and the United States, was drawing to
a close. The former became satisfied of the impossibility of subduing
America: and the latter was anxious to terminate a war, which had
exhausted her finances, and occasioned an oppressive debt. The resolves
of Congress, with reference to the departure of General Lafayette at
this period, exhibits, in a very favorable light, the important services
he had rendered the country, in the critical situation in which it had
been placed.
In Congress, Nov. 1781. "Resolved, That Major General Lafayette have
permission to go to France, and to return at such time as may be most
agreeable to himself--that he be informed, that, on a view of his
conduct throughout the past campaign, and particularly during the
period, in which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new
proofs which present themselves of his zealous attachment to the cause
he has espoused, and of his judgment, vigilance, gallantry and address
in its defence, have greatly added to the high opinion entertained by
Congress of his merits and military talents--that he make known to the
officers and troops whom he commanded during that period, that the
brave and enterprizing services, with which they seconded his zeal and
efforts, and which enabled him to defeat the attempts of an enemy,
far superior in numbers, have been beheld by Congress, with particular
satisfaction and approbation.--That the Secretary of foreign affairs
acquaint the Ministers Plenipotentiaries of the United States, that it
is the desire of Congress, that they confer with the Marquis Lafayette,
and avail of his information, relative to the situation of public
affairs in the United States--That the Secretary for foreign affairs,
further acquaint the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of
Versailles, that he will conform to the intention of Congress, by
consulting with, and employing the assistance of the Marquis Lafayette,
in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded by his most Christian
Majesty for the United Stakes--That the superintendent of finance,
the Secretary for foreign affairs and the board of war, make such
communications to the Marquis, touching the affairs of their respective
departments, as will best enable him to fulfill the purpose of the
preceding resolutions--That the superintendent of finance, take order
for discharging the engagements entered into by the Marquis Lafayette,
with the merchants of Baltimore, when he borrowed money of them on his
own credit, to supply our troops with necessaries."
At the same time, Congress ordered that a conveyance be provided for
General Lafayette, in a public vessel, whenever he should choose to
embark; and voted to send a letter by him, to the King of France.
The following is the reply of the Marquis, to the president of Congress,
who forwarded him the resolves.
"SIR,
"I have been honored with the resolutions which Congress have been
pleased to pass in my favor. Testimonies of their esteem and their
confidence that are so very flattering to me, could not but excite
those exalted sentiments of gratitude, which I am unable sufficiently to
express.--My attachment to America, the sense of my obligations, and the
new favors conferred upon me, are so many everlasting ties that devote
me to her. At all times, and in every part of the world, my heart
will be panting for opportunities to be employed in her service. With
unspeakable pleasure, I shall transmit the resolve of Congress to the
brave and virtuous troops, whom it has been my happiness to command.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
When he transmitted the foregoing resolve of Congress, to the troops
he had lately commanded, he observed to them, "In the moment the Major
General leaves this place, he wishes once more to express his gratitude
to the brave corps of light infantry, who, for nine months past, have
been the companions of his fortunes. He can never forget, that, with
them alone, of regular troops, he had the good fortune to maneuver
before an army, which, after all its reductions, was still six times
more numerous than the regular force he had under command."
The interest taken in favour of our country by General Lafayette, and
the anxiety he felt upon all occasions for the success of our contest
with England, are so strongly evinced by his letter to the Hon. Samuel
Adams, that we feel bound in justice to the character of this zealous
apostle of liberty, to present it to our readers, with the reply of Mr.
Adams. It shows, indeed, not only the disposition of Lafayette, in every
possible way, to rapport the cause of America; but his great knowledge
of human nature, and his regard for the honorable feelings of soldiers.
The letter was written at Morristown, May 30, 1780, soon after the
Marquis returned from his visit to France, where he exerted himself with
the French Ministers to grant aid and supplies to the United States.
"_Dear Sir_,--Had I known that I would have the pleasure of meeting you
at Boston, and holding confidential conversations with you on public
and private matters, I should have anticipated the uneasiness I was put
under by the obligation of secrecy, or previously obtained the leave
of breaking that so strict law in your favor. Now, my dear sir, that
Congress have set my tongue at liberty, at least for such men as Mr.
Samuel Adams, I will, in referring you to a public letter from the
committee of Congress, indulge my private feelings in imparting to you
some confidential ideas of mine on our present situation.
"As momentary visits did not entirely fulfill the purpose of freeing
America, France thought they would render themselves more useful, if a
naval and land force were sent for co-operating with our troops, and by
a longer stay on the coast of the Continent, would give to the states, a
fair opportunity of employing all their resources. The expectations are
very sanguine at Versailles, and ought to be more so, when that letter
shall be received, by which you know _Congress engaged to furnish on
their part, five and twenty thousand Continental troops, that are to
take the field by the beginning of the spring_.
"On the other hand, my dear sir, all Europe have their eyes upon us:
They know nothing of us, but by our own reports, and our first exertions
which have heightened their esteem, and by the accounts of the enemy, or
those of some dissatisfied persons, which were calculated to give them
a quite different opinion: so that, to fix their own minds, all the
nations are now looking at us; and the consequence of America, in the
eyes of the world, as well as its liberty and happiness, must depend
upon the ensuing campaign.
"The succour sent by France, I thought to be _very important_ when at
Versailles: now that I am on the spot, I know it was _necessary_; and
if proper measures are taken, I shall more heartily than ever, enjoy
the happiness I had of being somewhat concerned in the operation. But
if things stood as they now do, I confess that whether as an American
soldier, whether as a private man that said a great deal, and knows
Congress have ordered much more to be said on the future exertions of
America,--who took a particular delight in praising the patriotic spirit
of the United States, I would feel most unhappy and distressed, were
I to tell the people that are coming over full of ardour and sanguine
hopes, that we have no army to co-operate with them, no provisions to
feed the few soldiers that are left, &c. But I hope, my dear sir, it
will not be the case; and more particularly depending upon the exertions
of your state, _I know Mr. Samuel Adams' influence_ and popularity will
be as heretofore employed, in the salvation and glory of America.
"If proper measures are taken for provisions, if the states do
_immediately_ fill up the continental battalions by good drafts, which
is by far the best way; if all the propositions of the committee are
speedily complied with, I have no doubt, but that the present campaign
will be a glorious, decisive one, and that we may hope for every thing
that is good: if on the contrary, time be lost, consider what unhappy
and dishonorable consequences would ensue from our inability to a
co-operation.
"Your state began the noble contest, it may be gloriously ended by your
state's exertions, and the example they will once more set to the whole
continent. The reception I met with at Boston, binds me to it by the
strongest ties of a grateful affection. The joy of my heart will be
to find myself concerned in an expedition that may afford peculiar
advantages to them; and I earnestly hope it will be the case, in the
course of this (if proper measures are taken) glorious campaign.
"I flatter myself you will be yet in Boston, and upon this expectation,
I very much depend for the success of the combined expeditions. Such a
crisis is worth your being wholly engaged in it, as it will be glorious,
important; and I may say it now, because necessary for the support of
the great cause in which you acted so early and decisive a part. What
you mentioned confidentially to me at Boston, I have duly noticed, and
shall ever remember with the attention of a friend. For fulfilling the
same purpose, I wish we may be under particular obligations to you on
this occasion.
"Give me leave, my dear sir, to suggest to you an idea which I have
lately thought of: all the continental officers labor under the most
shameful want of clothing. When I say shameful, it is not to them, who
have no money to buy--no cloth to be bought. You can conceive what may
be theirs and our feelings, when they will be with the French general
and other officers; and from a general idea of mankind and human honor
it is easily seen how much we should exert ourselves to put the officers
of the army in a more decent situation.
"I beg, my dear sir, you will present my respects to your family, and
believe me most affectionately,
"Yours,
"LAFAYETTE."
"_Boston, June_, 1780:
"My Dear Marquis,
"Yesterday your very obliging letter of the 30th May was brought to me
by Mons. Guinard.
"The succour coming from France will be so seasonable and important,
that if America is not wanting to herself, she will have it in her power
by the blessing of heaven, to gratify the utmost of her wishes. His
most Christian Majesty's expectations from us must needs be great; and
gratitude to so generous an ally as well as a due attention to our own
safety, interest and honor, lay us under the strongest obligations to be
in readiness to co-operate with the greatest advantage. I have long been
fully sensible of your most cordial and zealous attachment to our great
cause; and to your personal representation to his Majesty, in addition
to the benevolence of his royal heart, I will take the liberty to
attribute his design to afford us such aid and for so long a time as may
put it in our power to employ all our resources against the enemy.
"It fortunately happened that the General Assembly of this state was
sitting when the letter and inclosures from the committee of Congress
came to the President of the Council.--They were immediately laid before
the Assembly and I have the pleasure to assure you that the filling our
battalions by an immediate draft, furnishing the army with provisions,
and every other measure for the fulfilling of the just expectations of
your sovereign and of Congress, on this most important occasion, are the
objects of their closest attention. I had for several months past been
flattering myself with the prospect of aid. It strongly impressed my
mind from one circumstance which took place when you was at Philadelphia
the last year. But far from certainty, I could only express to some
confidential friends here, a distant hope, though as I conceived, not
without some good effect: at least it seemed to enliven our spirits and
animate us for so great a crisis.
"If it were possible for one to be forgetful of our all important cause
for a moment, my particular friendship _for you_ would be a prevailing
inducement with me, to make my utmost feeble exertions to prevent your
disappointment after the great pains you have taken to serve us. I have
endeavored, and shall continue those endeavors while I stay here, to
brighten the dark side of the picture which your imagination has painted
in one part of your letter before me--God forbid that we should be
obliged to tell our friends when they arrive, that we have not a
sufficient army to co-operate with them, nor provisions to feed the few
soldiers that are left. I think I may venture to predict that this
state will comply with the requisition upon her to give the utmost
respectability to our army on so promising an occasion. I was in the
Council Chamber when I received your letter, and took the liberty to
read some parts of it to the members present. I will communicate other
parts of it to some leading members of the House of Representatives as
prudence may dictate, particularly what you mention of the officers'
want of clothing.
"I thank you my dear sir for the friendly remembrance you had of the
hint I gave you when you was here. Be pleased to pay my most respectful
compliments to the Commander in Chief, his family, &c. and be assured of
the warm affection of your obliged friend and very humble servant,
"SAMUEL ADAMS."
Marquis De Lafayette.
The Legislature of Massachusetts did immediately, viz, on June 5, 1780,
pass a resolve for raising four thousand men as a reinforcement of the
continental army. The preamble to the resolve was as follows;--"Whereas
a requisition has been made to this court for a reinforcement to the
continental army, in order that it may be able to act vigorously the
ensuing campaign, and the present situation of affairs requiring
the utmost exertions at this period, and affords the most flattering
prospect of putting an end to this distressing war, if the army is
reinforced at this juncture, and enabled to improve the great advantages
offered." To carry this resolve into effect, the Brigadier Generals
through the State were directed immediately on receipt of the resolve,
to issue orders for calling the companies together, and raising the men
required from each town, by voluntary enlistments, or by drafting them,
on failure of a full number being otherwise raised. Those thus drafted
were to be fined if they refused to march; but, a very generous bounty
was granted, to induce men to enlist voluntarily. The Selectmen were
required to furnish the men with clothes and traveling expenses; and
both the Selectmen and Brigadier Generals were liable to a heavy fine,
if they neglected their duty. The patriotic efforts of the Legislature,
thus drawn into action, in consequence of the pressing letter of
Lafayette, and their own sense of the necessity of the case, were
every where met by a corresponding zeal on the part of the people
of Massachusetts; and the men were soon raised, and sent on to the
headquarters of the continental army, to fill the regular regiments of
this State, then in the service.
At the siege of York-Town, where Lord Cornwallis with a large British
army was attacked and taken by the Americans, Lafayette was particularly
distinguished for activity and courage. And a more minute account of
this affair is necessary, in recording the useful and brilliant services
of this youthful hero in the cause of America, which her sons wish most
gratefully to recollect.--General Washington in person commanded the
American army on this occasion, in pursuance of a plan he had adopted,
as already mentioned. He proceeded to the camp in the vicinity of
York-Town, where Cornwallis was posted, the last of September. He was
assisted by Major Generals Lincoln, Steuben, Lafayette. Knox, &c. The
French troops, who composed a part of the army engaged in the capture of
Cornwallis were under command of Count Rochambeau, who had the character
of an intelligent and brave officer. The whole number of troops, both
American and French, was estimated at twelve thousand. To them, however,
were occasionally added small detachments of the militia from the
vicinity. The British troops were computed to be about seven thousand,
and their commander had been strengthened in his situation by
fortifications, hoping to defend himself till he might receive succors
from New-York. The allied army was supported in this expedition by a
large French fleet which was in the Chesapeake. This afforded great
confidence to the Americans, for they had just then defeated the British
fleet in those waters, and thus effectually cut off all communication
between Lord Cornwallis and the British army in New-York.
The French admiral had been determined to proceed at this time, to a
station in the West Indies, agreeably to orders which he had received
from the King his master, some weeks before. He was requested to
remain, and co-operate in this expedition, by Count Rochambeau, and by
Washington himself; but they could not prevail with him to relinquish
his proposed departure for the West Indies; and it was only through
the most zealous and repeated solicitations of Lafayette, with a solemn
promise that he would justify the measure to the Court of France, that
the admiral, Count de Grasse, was induced to continue on the station, by
which the capture of the British army was greatly facilitated.
Under all these favourable circumstances, it is not unreasonable to
suppose, that the allied army cherished a strong confidence of success
in their enterprize. Washington had planned this expedition with great
intelligence and foresight; for he had been resolved to attempt some
decisive and effectual blow against the enemy. He had, however, to
engage a body of well disciplined and regular troops under an officer of
great experience and bravery; and all his own resources, together
with the courage and activity of the officers under his command
were necessary to ensure success. The American chief lost no time in
preparing for a vigorous attack upon the British. They were soon obliged
to abandon their redoubts and advanced posts, and to retire within the
town. The light infantry, under General Lafayette, and a party of the
French troops, were ordered to advance, and to take possession of the
places they had abandoned, that they might cover those of the besieging
army who were engaged in throwing up breast works. These advanced
parties were much annoyed by a heavy cannonade from the besieged;
and Colonel Scammel, the officer of the day, while viewing the ground
recently left by the British, was surprised by a party of their cavalry;
and, after he surrendered, received a mortal wound, which terminated his
life in a few days. Scammel was a brave and accomplished officer,
and eminent as a disciplinarian. He was a native of Massachusetts, a
gentleman of public education, of elegant manners, and most honorable
character. He was greatly lamented by Washington, and by all the
officers of the American army.--Those who had been particularly
associated with him, long cherished the highest respect for his memory.
Redoubts were thrown up by our advanced parties, for several successive
nights; and on the evening of the 7th of October, a large detachment
under General Lincoln were ordered out, to open entrenchments near the
lines of the British. Lafayette had an important command also in the
enterprise. The great interest felt for him by the Americans was shown
by a request of the Surgeon General, "that if the Marquis should be
wounded, he might receive immediate attention."
The duties of our troops, at this time, were very arduous; but they were
most vigilant and active; and by the 9th several batteries were prepared
to open upon the town, in which the British General was besieged.
General Washington himself put the match to the first gun, and a furious
cannonade immediately followed, which was a serious salutation to
Cornwallis.
From the 10th to the 15th the siege was prosecuted with great vigor; an
incessant fire was kept up by the allied armies; and the enemy were not
backward in returning it. The Americans made further approaches to the
town and threw up other batteries in a second parallel. Many of our men
were killed and wounded in these operations. The enemy had two redoubts,
several hundred yards in front of their principal works, which greatly
impeded the approaches of the Americans. It became important to obtain
possession of them by assault. The one on the left of the enemy's
garrison was given to General Lafayette, with a brigade of light
infantry of American troops. The other redoubt was attacked by a
detachment of French troops under commanded of Baron de Viominel. The
assailants, both on the right and left, exhibited the greatest ardor
and bravery. Powerful resistance was made by the enemy; but was soon
overcome by our gallant troops, inspirited by their still more gallant
officers; though with the loss of many of our men. Two field officers
were wounded in this affair; one of whom was Major Gibbs from
Massachusetts, who then belonged to the guard of the commander in
chief. The advanced corps of the detachment on the left, under General
Lafayette, was led on to the assault by the intrepid Colonel Hamilton,
who during this campaign had command of a regiment of light infantry.
Our troops entered the redoubt with charged bayonets, but without firing
a gun. The Marquis was indefatigable in pushing forward his men, and was
constantly in situations of great peril. Some of the American soldiers
were ready to take the lives of the captured after they had possession
of the fort, in revenge for the barbarous conduct of the British towards
many of our men, and especially for the mortal wound inflicted upon the
brave and amiable Scammel, after he had surrendered. General Washington
with Lincoln, Knox, and their aids were in the vicinity of this action,
in very exposed situations. The Americans under Lafayette, carried the
redoubt which they attacked, before the French made their assault upon
the other. The latter also, suffered a greater loss of men than the
former. When the fort was taken by the troops under the Marquis, he sent
his aid, through the fire of the whole British line, to give notice to
Baron Viominel, "that he was in his redoubt, and to enquire where the
Baron was." The Baron returned for answer, "that he was not yet in his,
but should be in five minutes."
General Washington expressed his sense of this brilliant affair in
his orders of the 15th, Head Quarters, before York-Town. "The Marquis
Lafayette's division will mount the trenches tomorrow. The commander in
chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprise,
last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the
enemy's works. He requests the Baron Viominel who commanded the French
grenadiers, and the Marquis Lafayette, who commanded the American Light
Infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments for the excellence of
their dispositions, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion.
And he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer and
to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity
with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for
the admirable firmness with which they supported them, under the fire
of the enemy, without returning a shot. The General reflects with the
highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations
must hereafter have in each other: assured of mutual support, he is
convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter;
no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."
If the Marquis de Lafayette was animated by an ardent love of civil
liberty, when he first came to America, his attachment to its principles
must have become more firm and settled, if not more intense, after
an acquaintance of five years, with the patriots and heroes of our
revolution. He had become acquainted with our institutions, and with
the principles of our government; and was probably led to believe that
systems equally free might be maintained in other countries. He was so
enamoured, not only with the theory, but with the practical effects, of
republicanism, that he felt it a duty to recommend systems of government
more consonant to the rights of mankind. We know not, if he justly
appreciated the importance of the general diffusion of knowledge among
all classes of people, to ensure such a happy state of society. It
was probably owing to this consideration, however, that he did not
immediately attempt the reformation of the political system under
which his own nation had long been oppressed. That Louis XVI. was mild,
humane, and anxious for the good of his subjects, we are not disposed
to doubt. But the ancient regime was unquestionably despotic; and in the
hands of ambitious or selfish ministers, liable to be an instrument of
injustice and oppression. And those who have long been accustomed to
govern, without being accountable for their conduct, will not easily be
induced to relinquish power, from any considerations of abstract right,
or a belief that others will be more just.
We will here present a letter of Lafayette, directed to Sir H. Clinton;
to show his regard to truth, and to his own reputation suffering in some
measure by a statement which had been publicly made by that military
officer.
"Paris, April 29, 1783.--Sir, Upon a perusal of your printed
correspondence, I must beg leave to trouble you with an observation; not
that I have claims to set forth, or relations to criticise. A sentence
in your letter of ---- is the only one I intend to mention. "Having said
to Lord Cornwallis, that he may be opposed by about 2000 continentals;
and, as Lafayette observes, a body of ill-armed militia," you are
pleased to add, "as spiritless as the militia of the southern provinces,
and without any service;" which reads as if it was a part of my letter.
How far your description is undeserving, I think experience has
proved; and that it came from me, no American will believe. But your
correspondence is so public that with full reliance on your candour and
politeness I have taken the liberty to transcribe the passage, and to
return it to you, Sir, as its true author. At the same time permit me to
assure you, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
The reply of Sir H. Clinton.
"_London, May_ 29, 1783.
"Sir, In consequence of the letter you have done me the honor to write
me, I have read over the publication in question; and I confess the
remark alluded to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appears
to make a part of your letter. You have, certainly, Sir, a right to this
acknowledgment, and permit me, at the same time, to add the assurances,
&c.
"H. CLINTON."
In the summer of 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette once more visited
America. He came to witness the prosperity and improvements of the
country; and to enjoy the society of those brave and honorable men,
with whom he had been associated in fighting the battles of liberty.
Associates in danger form an attachment for each other, which time does
not usually destroy. And when they have long struggled together for
just and generous purposes, the attachment must be strong and permanent
indeed. The heroic actors in our glorious revolution were linked
together by the most disinterested ties. They will never forget each
other's services and virtues: And we trust, their children will never
cease to venerate their characters, or to acknowledge their exalted
merit.
When General Lafayette visited the United States in 1784, he was
received with an affectionate welcome, little less enthusiastic and
splendid, than that with which he has been lately greeted on landing
again on our shores, after a lapse of forty years. He then also arrived
at the port of New-York; and in October following made a visit to
Boston, where he had so many particular friends ready to receive him
with the most cordial greetings. He was met at Watertown by the officers
of the (then) late continental army, and addressed by his ardent friend,
General Knox, in behalf of the whole body, and a public dinner was
provided for him on the occasion. The feelings excited by the visit
of their beloved fellow officer, will be best described by giving the
address; which was as follows:
"We, the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the continental
army, embrace the first moment of your arrival, to welcome you with all
the sincerity and ardour of fraternal affection: an affection commenced
in the dark hour of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the
successive vicissitudes of the war.
"We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated occasions to witness
the display of your military talents, and of joining in the approbation
and applause which our beloved Commander in Chief so often expressed of
your conduct. We are deeply impressed, with a sense of the various and
important services you have rendered our country; and it will be the
pride of some patriotic and enlightened historian to enumerate your
actions in the field, and to illustrate your incessant efforts to
promote the happiness of the United States.
"We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the interposition of your
august sovereign and nation, at a time when America was oppressed by a
formidable enemy. By his influence and the powerful assistance afforded
by his land and naval forces, the war has been happily terminated, and
the independence of the United States firmly established, at a period
much earlier than the most sanguine patriot could have expected.
"A mind like yours ennobled by a generous attachment to the rights of
mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure in viewing the people, to whose
cause you so zealously devoted yourself; in full possession of that
peace, liberty and safety, which were the great objects of their
pursuit.
"Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own fame, may you go on to
add to the splendor of your character, and heighten the glory of your
country, by placing the name of Lafayette on the same list with Conde,
Turenne and her other immortal heroes.
"In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line.
"H. KNOX."
Reply of the Marquis.
"From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have been eagerly looking
forward to this period. How far my pleasure is completed by your kind
welcome, I leave, my beloved friends, to your own hearts to determine.
"While your affection and confidence ever made me happy, let me
gratefully acknowledge, that, for the marks of our beloved General's
approbation, I felt myself wholly obliged to the gallant troops I
commanded. Could my conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it
will be the pride of my heart to think the American camp was my school,
every one of you my brothers, and that I was adopted as a disciple and
son, by our immortal Commander in Chief.
"In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I enjoyed more than I
could express; every French citizen felt with a patriotic King in this
happy alliance; and from those troops who shared in our dangers, you
meet with a peculiar regard and attachment.
"During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been constantly with you.
As an army, we are separated. But forever, I hope, shall unite in a
brotherly affection: and now that a glorious peace has terminated your
labours, I rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for which
you have conquered, ranks you among the most virtuous citizens of the
Commonwealth.
"LAFAYETTE."
At the public dinner given by the officers of the late army to this
distinguished friend of American Independence, were also invited the
Governor and Council, and many others of high rank and distinction. It
may be gratifying to some who peruse this volume to know the sentiments
offered as toasts on the joyful occasion. The following are selected:
The United States--His most Christian Majesty.
General Washington--The Cincinnati.
The asserters and supporters of the rights of mankind through the world.
May America never forget in prosperity those what were her fast friends
in adversity.
May our country be as famed for justice and honor as she is for valour
and success.
The Legislature of the State being in session, ordered, that the Marquis
de Lafayette be invited by the President of the Senate and the Speaker
of the House of Representatives together with the Supreme Executive to
meet the two Houses of Assembly in the Senate room "to congratulate him
on his safe arrival in the United States, after the final establishment
of peace, to which his friendly influence in Europe had largely
contributed." The Marquis attended accordingly, when the Governor
congratulated him in terms of the highest respect and affection; to
which the Marquis made a polite and suitable reply. But Lafayette
was too much beloved and his eminent services in our cause too highly
appreciated by the people of the patriotic town of Boston, not to meet
with a more general welcome. A dinner was given him at Faneuil-Hall by
the citizens; at which were present the Governor and Council, President
of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Clergy
and other distinguished gentlemen, and seventy five officers of the late
continental army. When General Washington's name was given for a toast,
the Marquis rose from his seat, and with a tear starting in his eye,
began the act of applause, which was continued and repeated again and
again by the whole company.
In other places, the Marquis also met a cordial and distinguished
reception. His ardent attachment to America and his great services in
her cause, were still fresh in the recollection of all. It was known,
that he had advocated our independence in Europe, and exerted his
influence with his generous Prince to aid in its support. It was
remembered, "that in the moment of our greatest misfortunes, he espoused
the cause of America," that his military talents and the ardour of his
virtuous mind had been devoted to our interest: and "while gratitude
should be accounted a virtue, the name of Lafayette," it was said,
"would not cease to be dear to Americans."
When about to leave the United States and return to France, Dec. 1784,
the Marquis de Lafayette addressed a note to Congress, and expressed
a desire to take a respectful leave of that body, before his final
departure. A committee was appointed on this request of the Marquis,
of which the Hon. Mr. Jay was chairman, and whose report was as
follows--"That the merit and services of General Lafayette render it
proper that such opportunity of taking leave of Congress be afforded,
as may strongly manifest their esteem and regard for him."--Whereupon it
was resolved, "That a Committee to consist of a member from each states
be appointed to receive the Marquis, and in the name of Congress to
take leave of him--that they be instructed to assure him, that Congress
continue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and zeal to
promote the welfare of America, both here and in Europe, which they have
frequently expressed and manifested on former occasions, and which the
recent marks of his attention to their commercial and other interests
have perfectly confirmed. That as his uniform and unceasing attachment
to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United
States regard him with particular affection, and will not cease to feel
an interest in whatever may concern his honor and prosperity, and that
their best and kindest wishes will always attend him."
It was also resolved by Congress, at the same time; "That a letter be
written to his most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President of
Congress, expressive of the high sense which the United States
entertain of the real talents and meritorious services of the Marquis de
Lafayette, and recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of
his Majesty."
The committee received the Marquis in Congress Hall, and took leave of
him in the name of that honorable body, agreeably to the instructions
given there. They communicated to him the resolves before mentioned; to
which he replied--
"While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly to receive
me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, which delights in
their present situation and in the public marks of their esteem.
"Since I joined the standard of liberty to this wished for hour of my
personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds performed and
virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in the instant of my
first concern for them, I had anticipated but a part of the love and
regard which devote me to this rising empire.
"During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, indulgent confidence,
which I am equally proud and happy to acknowledge; it dates with the
time, when an inexperienced youth, I could only claim my respected
friend's paternal adoption. It has been most benevolently continued
throughout every circumstance of the cabinet and the field; and in
personal friendships I have often found a support against public
difficulties. While on this solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to
Congress, the States, and the people at large, permit me to remember
my dear military companions, to whose services their country is so much
indebted.
"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for the part
she, with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, I enjoy an
alliance so well riveted by mutual affection, by interest and even
local situation. Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the
prospect: and the private intercourse will every day increase, which
independent and advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is
justly understood.
"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing
disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve
public faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental
magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in
foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May
this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an
example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may
these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity,
which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for ages to
come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders.
"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet present you with
my grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they
oblige me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of
the world, and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment,
which will ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants
of the United States."
On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in
1785, he spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an
affectionate wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with
a circle of literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his
heroic services in America, he must have possessed all the ingredients
of human happiness. He received the smiles of the King and Court; was
caressed by the gay and chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship
of the first literary characters in France. He was fond of agricultural
pursuits; and as his estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable
portion of his time to the cultivation and improvement of his lands.
During this time his hospitable attentions were shown to American
travelers, who were always sure of his friendly reception.
The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an
honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important
services in defence of American Independence; and particularly of
his brave and successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against
Cornwallis. This was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol.
Mr. Jefferson, then in France, was authorized to have the like work of
honor fixed in Paris, with consent of the municipal authority of
that city and accordingly, another bust of Lafayette; was placed,
by approbation of the King and of the Provot of Paris, in one of the
galleries of the city hall.
In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the
courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II.
the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the
opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of
military discipline. Soon after his return to France, we find him
uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher,
Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French
protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose
object was the gradual emancipation of the unfortunate Africans: so
generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease
to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and
humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the assembly of the States
General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this
time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently
found among the most zealous for a new constitution, by which the
power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the
other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct
authority.
At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in
procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first
to raise his voice for the suppression of "_lettres de cachet_." This
convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or
orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in
consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different
factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was
proposed to call a "National Assembly." It does not appear, that this
was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments
respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he
approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated
assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change
in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole
power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and
advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the
condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild,
than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal
safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his
views of political liberty.
He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached
to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public
enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally
desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of
authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate
of a great nation.--But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments
was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent
to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers,
and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people,
whose representatives should share in the administration of the
government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its
incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or
visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire
relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this
ancient nation.
In 1789, the new constitution was proposed by the National Assembly,
by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost
annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the
representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who
advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the
people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to
secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be
doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs
of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings
of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who
professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's
rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated,
or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the
just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette
offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for
the sanction of the assembly: And though he was accused by the
anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties
which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his
behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all
impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his
courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused
them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects
of personal aggrandizement.
Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the
active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only
by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican
institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression
and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This
declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than
was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the
arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence
as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably,
betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter
expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of
jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views
to accomplish--and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor
of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French
people.
This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and
afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to
the National Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in
adhering to constitutional principles; and, though generally censured
by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and
opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached
to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the
people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and
regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The
court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed
himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he
was chosen Vice President of the national assembly, in the absence
of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the
citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to
the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of
bread among the lower classes. As evidence of the latter, the King often
consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his
person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob,
though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question
of royal authority.
When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia,
(afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly
organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of
great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most
patriotic motives. Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of
citizens then assembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if
necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been
entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest
popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love
the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire
submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."
He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he
commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this
immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have
safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to
Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate
supply of bread. The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still
greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until he had the
express consent and order of the National Assembly. And on his arrival,
he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the
riotous proceedings of the promiscuous multitude, who had previously
reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal
palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and
bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have
prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial
witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he
had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter.
"Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word
and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive
injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your
commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and
on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of protection and
respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was
received with great acclamations of _vive Le Roi_.
Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court
party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they
did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the
constitution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters.
These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom
were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for
divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description
of politicians, Lafayette, and others who constituted the majority of
the National Assembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the
King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were
willing that he should also have a _veto_ upon their legislative
proceedings--His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown
hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known
by the distinctive appellation of _Jacobins_, formed themselves into a
club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to
the assembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats,
when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.
Attached to the constitution, a friend to justice and order, and an
advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and
defined by the constitution, Lafayette was among the most open and
decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau,
Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who
aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious
designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous nobleman; of royal
blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire
revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore,
hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further
his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became
obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned;
and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards
committed.
During the years 1790 and 1791 great agitations existed in Paris, on
various occasions, through the changing opinions of political leaders,
and the collisions of individuals, who were rivals for power. The grand
confederation took place in July 1790, when the constitution received
the sanction of all classes; and when Lafayette, at the head of the
national guards, attracted as much notice and possessed as great
influence as the king himself. His popularity seemed unbounded; nor did
he commit any act of cruelty or injustice to injure his high reputation.
He could not, in all instances, command the military or restrain the
mob; but he had the merit of using his greatest efforts to preserve
order, and to maintain the authority of the laws. When the King proposed
to visit St. Cloud, he was opposed by the populace and the Jacobin
clubs, under the pretence that he intended to leave the kingdom.
Lafayette attempted to disperse them and to remove all obstructions to
the intended visit of Louis. The troops were disobedient to his
orders, and refused to favor the King's journey. Mortified by their
insubordination, Lafayette resigned his command, but afterwards resumed
it, through the solicitations of the National Assembly, and of the
guards themselves, who regretted their disobedience of his orders.
On the attempt of the King, soon after, to depart from France, who had
become disgusted with the conduct of the revolutionists, and was in fear
of his personal safety, Lafayette was charged with being privy to
the plan, and subjected himself to the popular displeasure on this
suspicion. That he promoted the plan, was never proved, and is not
probable. That he had intimations of it, is possible; but that he gave
strict orders to the officers about the king's palace to guard against
such an event is most certain. He discharged his duty as a public agent;
and it is not improbable he might have supposed the king in immediate
danger, and that by a temporary absence from the capital, the ferment
would subside, and he might return in safety. No one, for a moment,
believed that he wished, with the emigrants and other enemies of the
revolution, to have Louis surrender himself to the hostile powers of the
coalition, for the purpose of bringing a foreign army to enslave France.
He was, indeed, anxious for the safety of his Prince; but he would never
have compromitted the liberties of his country, even for such an object.
From this period, the Jacobin clubs became more popular, and had the
chief direction of all political affairs. In their desire to lesson
the authority of the King, and to secure power, they hesitated at no
measures, however unjust; and the new constitution, even which they
had sworn to support, was grossly violated in the prosecution of their
selfish views. The influence of Lafayette was rapidly undermined by
these artful demagogues. He was sincerely attached to the constitution;
and was desirous of maintaining inviolate; the power of the monarch
which it guaranteed. He was the friend to law, and opposed all his
influence to riots and excesses. He became an object of dread to the
Jacobins, and they resolved to destroy him. But for a long time, the
majority of the National Assembly supported him. In attempting to
suppress a dangerous riot, by which many of the citizens were alarmed
and threatened, when he commanded the military in 1791, he was shot
at by one of the mob. The man was taken, and he forgave him--But the
National Assembly decreed the death of the culprit, who had attempted
the life of "the hero of the day." And the municipality of Paris, also
had a gold medal struck off, in honor of Lafayette, and presented him
with a bust of Washington in approbation of his conduct.
He was repeatedly denounced by individuals of the violent party, before
they succeeded in rendering him obnoxious to popular displeasure. And
this was finally effected, through misrepresentations and false reports.
Letter of Lafayette, Feb. 1791, to M. de Bonille, one of the court, but
not then at Paris.
"Paris is divided by factions, and the kingdom oppressed by anarchy.
The violent aristocrats dream of a counter revolution--the clergy concur
with them. The impartial monarchists are looking for a part to play,
without the means of doing it. Among the friends of the revolution, you
have many honest men, some lose themselves in speculations--and some
Jacobins, whose leaders spread trouble everywhere. As to the ministers,
they are merged in the revolution; and have no rule, but to yield to
the popular voice. The Queen is resigned to the revolution,--hoping that
opinions will soon change. The King wishes the happiness of the people,
and the general tranquility, to begin his own. As to myself, I am
attacked by all the party leaders, who consider me an obstacle not to be
overcome or intimidated. Add to this, the hatred of the aristocrats
and of the Orleans party; of the Lameths, with whom I was formerly
connected; of Mirabeau, who says I despise him; the money distributed,
the libels, the dissatisfaction I give those whom I prevent from
pillaging Paris-and you will have the sum of all which is going on
against me. But except a few ardent heads who are mislead, the well
meaning, from the highest to the lowest, are for me.
"I stand well with the National Assembly, except a few disreputable
Jacobins. I have little connexion with the court, for I can derive no
use from it to my country; and yet I am aware advantage is taken of my
neglect to intrigue. Some friends are at work with me, upon a plan of
conduct, by which the revolution will be consolidated, the good basis
of the constitution established, and public order restored. The chief
talents of the assembly, Mirabeau himself, cannot but support this plan.
Here then are courts established, and juries are decreed; this is the
moment to let our voice be heard with force, propriety and utility.
"You have accepted the coalition which my heart and my patriotism have
offered you. You lately said to one of my friends, "If Lafayette and I
understand each other well, we shall establish a constitution."
"My first wish is to finish the revolution speedily and well, to secure
the constitution on solid foundations, to employ for that purpose, all
I possess of national confidense and personal means; and then to be
nothing more in France, than an active citizen. Adieu,
"LAFAYETTE."
But after he was persecuted by the Petions and Robespieres of the day,
because of his moderation, loyalty and attachment to the constitution,
he was held in high esteem by the friends of rational freedom, and
still enjoyed the confidence both of Louis and of the National Assembly.
Toward the close of the year 1791, by request of the King, he was
appointed to command the army of the centre, to oppose the foreign
troops then invading France. When he accepted the appointment, he
assured the National Assembly of his "determination to support the
constitution." The President replied, "the French nation, who have sworn
to conquer and to live free, will always, with confidence, present to
their foes and to tyrants, the constitution and Lafayette."
As commander in chief of that department of the French army entreated to
him, he was assiduous to maintain proper discipline and order; a matter
of great difficulty, as a revolutionary spirit pervaded all ranks, and
the soldiers were disposed to insubordination, especially under a leader
not belonging to the popular party. He had several engagements with the
enemy, in which he was successful. But his operations and those of
the other generals, who commanded in other departments of the northern
armies of France, were greatly impeded by the injudicious and variable
plans of the assembly, then torn by factions, and disgraced by low
intrigues. The evil spirit extended to the military; and each faction
had its partizans among the soldiers. Lafayette saw and lamented this
disastrous state of things; and he dared to oppose his single efforts
to avert the impending ruin. It was at this time, that he wrote his
celebrated letter to the National Assembly, of June 16, 1792, in which
he exposed the violence and the cabals of the Jacobins, and conjured
the moderates to cling to the constitution, as the only means of safety.
This letter is so important, in developing the views and sentiments of
Lafayette, and in detecting the causes of the excesses, which eventually
disgraced the French revolution of that period, that it will be proper
to record it in this connexion. He wrote to the King at the same time,
expressing great anxiety for his safety, and declaring his wish to
maintain the constitution.
Lafayette's letter to the Legislative body.
"_At the entrenched camp of Maubeuge_, 16_th June_, 1792.
"GENTLEMEN,
"At the moment, perhaps too long deferred, in which I am about to call
your attention to the highest public interests, and to point out among
our dangers, the _conduct of a ministry_, whom I have for a long time
censured in my correspondence, I learn that, unmasked in consequence of
its own divisions, it has fallen a sacrifice to its own intrigues.
[This was the Brissotin ministry.] It is not enough however, that
_this branch_ of the government has been delivered from its disastrous
influence. The public welfare is in peril--The fate of France depends
principally on its representatives--The nation expects from them its
security. But in giving them a _constitution_, France has prescribed to
them the _only_ means by which she can be saved.
"Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man are the law of
every constituent assembly, a constitution ought to be the law of the
legislators, which that constitution shall have established. It is to
you that I ought to denounce the too powerful efforts which are making,
to induce you to depart from that course which you have promised to
pursue.
"_Nothing shall deter me from the exercise of this right of a free man,
to fulfill this duty of a citizen_; neither the momentary errors of
opinion; for what are opinions when they depart from principles: nor
my respect for the _representatives_ of the people; for I respect still
more the _people_, whose sovereign will it is to have a constitution:
nor the benevolence and kindness which you have constantly evinced for
myself; for I would _preserve_ that as I _obtained_ it, by an inflexible
love of liberty.
"Your situation is difficult--France is menaced from without, and
agitated within. Whilst foreign powers announce the intolerable
(inadmissible) project of attacking our national sovereignty, and avow
it as a principle! at the same time the enemies of France, its interior
enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism and pride, entertain chimerical
hopes, and annoy us with their insolent malevolence. You ought,
gentlemen, to repress them; and you will have the power so to do, _only
when_ you shall become _constitutional_ and _just_. You wish it, _no
doubt_; but cast your eyes upon all that passes within your own body and
around you. Can you dissemble even to yourselves, that a _faction_, (and
to avoid all vague denunciations) the _jacobin faction_, have caused all
these disorders? It _is that which I boldly accuse_--organized like
a separate empire in the metropolis, and in its affiliated societies,
blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a
_corporation entirely distinct_ in the midst of the French people,
whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over its representatives and
constituted authorities.
"It is in that body, in its public meaning, the _love_ of the laws is
denounced as aristocracy, and their _breach_ as patriotism. _There_ the
assassins of Dessilles receive their triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan
find panegyrists. There, the recital of the massacre which has stained
the city of Metz, has also been received with _infernal_ acclamations!
Have they become sacred because the emperor Leopold has pronounced their
name? And because it is our highest duty to combat the _foreigners_,
who mingle in our domestic quarrels, are we at liberty to refrain from
_delivering_ our country from domestic tyranny?
"Of what importance is it, as to the fulfillment of this duty, that
strangers have their projects; and their connivance and concert with our
internal foes? It is I, who denounce to you this sect [the jacobins]; I,
who, without speaking of my past life, _can reply_ to those who
suspect my motives--"Approach, in this moment of awful crisis, when
the character of each man must be known, and see which of us, more
inflexible in his principles, more obstinate in his resistance, will
more courageously overcome, those obstacles, and those dangers, which
traitors to their country conceal, and which true citizens know how to
appreciate, and to brave for her."
"And how could I delay longer to fulfill this duty, whilst every
successive day weakens still more the constituted authorities,
substitutes the spirit of party for the will of the people; whilst
the audacity of the agitators, [the disorganizers] imposes silence
on peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, and whilst
_devotion_ to the _sect_ or _party_ stands in the place of _public_ and
_private_ virtues, which, in a free country, ought to be the austere
[severe, or strict] and only means of attaining to public office.
"It is, after having opposed to all the obstacles, and to all the
snares, which were laid for me, the courageous and persevering
patriotism of an army, sacrificed perhaps to conspiracies against its
commander, (Lafayette was the commander) that I now oppose to this
faction the _correspondence_ of a _ministry, worthy_ representative of
its _club_--a correspondence, the calculations of which are false, its
promises vain and illusory--its information deceitful or frivolous--its
advice perfidious or contradictory--correspondence, in which _after_
pressing me to advance without precaution--to attack _without
means_--they finally began to tell me that _resistance_ was
_impossible_, when I indignantly repelled the cowardly and base
assertion. What a remarkable conformity of language, gentlemen, between
the factions whom the _aristocracy_ avow, and those who _usurp_ the
_name_ of _patriots_! They both wish to overthrow our laws, rejoice in
our disorders, array themselves against the constituted authorities,
detest the national guards (the militia)--preach insubordination to the
army--sow, at one moment, distrust, at another, discouragement.
"As to myself, gentlemen, _who embraced the American cause at the
moment when its ambassadors declared to me that it was perilous or
desperate_--who from that moment have devoted my life to a persevering
defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the people--who, on the
14th of July, 1789 after the taking of the Bastille, in presenting to
my country a declaration of rights dared to say "that in order that a
nation should be free, it is only necessary that it should _will_ so
to be." I come, this day, full of confidence in the justice of our
cause--of contempt, for the cowards who desert it, and of indignation
against the traitors who would sully or stain it with crimes; I am
ready to declare that the French nation, if it is not the vilest in
the universe, can and ought to resist the conspiracy of kings who have
coalesced against it!
"It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid counsels should be
permitted.--Patriotism, discipline, patience, mutual confidence, all the
military and civil virtues I find here. Here the principles of liberty
and equality are cherished, the laws respected, property held sacred.
Here calumnies and factions are unknown. And when I reflect that France
has many millions who can become _such_ soldiers, I ask myself, to
what a degree of _debasement_ must such an immense people be reduced,
stronger in its natural resources than in its artificial defences,
opposing to a monstrous and discordant confederation, simple and
united counsels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading idea
of sacrificing its soverignty, of permitting any discussion as to its
liberties, of committing to negotiation its rights, could be considered
among the _possibilities_ of a rapidly advancing futurity!
"But, in order that we, soldiers of liberty, should combat for her
with efficacy, or _die_ for her with any _fruit_ or advantage, it is
necessary that the number of the defenders of the country should be
promptly made in some degree proportionate to that of our opponents;
that the supplies of all descriptions should be increased so as to
facilitate our movements; that the comfort and conveniences of the
troops, their clothes and arms, their pay, the accommodations for the
sick, should no longer be subject to fatal delays, or to a miserable and
misplaced economy, which defeats its very end.
"It is _above all, necessary_ that the citizens rallied round their
constitution, should be assured that the rights which that constitution
guarantees shall be respected with a _religious_ fidelity; which will of
itself cause more despair to our enemies than any other measure.
"Do not repel this desire--this ardent wish. It is that of all the
sincere friends of your legitimate authority; assured that no _unjust_
consequence or effect can flow from a _pure_ principle--that no
tyrannical measure can save a cause, which owes its _force_, aye,
and its glory, to the sacred principles of liberty and equality. Let
criminal jurisprudence resume its _constitutional_ power. Let civil
equality--let religious freedom enjoy the application of their true
principles. In fine, let the reign of the _clubs_ be _annihilated_ by
you; let them give place to the laws--_their_ usurpations to the
firm and independent exercise of the powers of the constituted
authorities--their disorganizing maxims to the true principles of
liberty--their delirious fury to the calm and constant courage of a
nation which knows its rights, and is ready to defend them--in fine,
their sectarian combinations to the true interests of the country, of
the nation, which in a moment of danger ought to unite _all_, except
those, to whom its subjection and ruin are the objects of atrocious
pleasure and infamous speculation.
"LAFAYETTE."
"_Camp of Maubeuge, June_, 16, 1792.
"SIRE--I have the honor to send your Majesty the copy of a letter to the
National Assembly, in which you will find expressed the sentiments
which have animated me all my life. The King knows with what ardour and
perseverance I have at all times been devoted to the cause of liberty
and to the principles of humanity, equality and justice. He knows,
that I have always been the adversary of _faction_, the enemy of
licentiousness, and that no power which I thought illegal has ever
been acknowledged by me. He is acquainted with my devotion to his
constitutional authority, and with my attachment to his person. Such,
Sire, were the grounds of my letter to the National Assembly; such shall
be those of my conduct to the nation and your Majesty, amidst the storms
raised around to by hostile or by factious combinations.
"It does not belong to me, Sire, to give greater importance to my
opinions and actions, than what is due to the individual conduct of a
simple citizen. But the expression of my thoughts was always a right,
and on this occasion becomes a duty; and though I should have performed
it sooner, if, instead of being in a camp, I had remained in that
retirement from which I was forced by the dangers of my country: yet I
do not think that any public employment or private consideration exempts
me from exercising this duty of a citizen, this right of a freeman.
"Persist, Sire, supported by the authority delegated to you by the
national will, in the noble resolution of defending constitutional
principles against all their enemies. Let this resolution, maintained by
all the actions of your private life, as well as by a firm and complete
exercise of the royal power; become the pledge of the harmony, which,
particularly, at this critical juncture, cannot fail to be established
between the _elected_ representatives of the people and their
_hereditary_ representative. It is in this resolution, Sire, that glory
and safety will be found for the country and for yourself. With this
you will find the friends of liberty, all _good_ Frenchmen ranged
around your throne, to defend it against the plots of rebels and the
enterprizes of the factious; and I, Sire, who in their honorable hatred
have found the reward of my persevering opposition; I will always
deserve it, by my zeal in the cause to which my whole life has been
devoted, and by my fidelity to the oath I have taken to the nation, to
the law and to the King. Such, Sire, are the unalterable sentiments I
present to your Majesty, with my respect.
"LAFAYETTE"
Letter of Lafayette on leaving Paris to join his army, after having
appeared at the bar of the National Assembly, and protested against
their proceedings, the last of June.
"Gentlemen--In returning to the post where brave soldiers are ready to
die for the constitution, but ought not and will not lavish their blood
except for that, I go with great and deep regret in not being able to
inform the army, that the National Assembly have yet deigned to come to
any determination on my petition. [Alluding to the request in his letter
to the assembly a short time before, to suppress the Jacobin clubs.]
The voice of all the good citizens of the kingdom, which some factious
clamours strive to stifle, daily call to the elected representatives of
the people, that while there exists near them a sect who fetter all the
authorities, and menace their independence; and who, after provoking
war, are endeavoring, by changing the nature of our cause, to make
it impossible to defend it; that while there is cause to blush at the
impunity of an act of treason against the nation, which has raised
just and great alarms in the minds of all the French, and universal
indignation; our liberty, laws and honor are in danger. Truths like
these, free and generous souls are not afraid of speaking. Hostile to
the factious of every kind, indignant at cowards that can sink so low
as to look for foreign interposition, and impressed with the principle,
which I glory in being the first to declare to France, _that all illegal
power is oppression, against which resistance becomes a duty_, we are
anxious to make known our fears to the legislative body. We hope that
the prudence of the representatives of the people will relieve our
minds of them. As for me, gentlemen, who will never alter my principles,
sentiments or language, I thought that the National Assembly,
considering the urgency and danger of circumstances, would permit me to
add my regrets and wishes to my profound respect."
Noble and generous sentiments, worthy of the disciple of our great
Washington--'worthy of the philanthropic hero and firm friend of civil
liberty'--worthy of the adopted citizen of free and independent America!
Such were the opinions and sentiments of Washington and his friends,
in 1794, when our republic was assailed by foreign emissaries, and
convulsed by secret associations at home, who through ignorance or
design were advocates for measures which would have thrown our country
into a state of anarchy and misrule.
There was still a small majority in the National Assembly who were the
friends of constitutional liberty, and advocates of Lafayette. But
the Jacobins were every day increasing; and they felt confident of
the popular favor. Enraged at his bold and independent conduct, and
suspecting, perhaps that he was a secret supporter of all the wishes
of the King, they denounced Lafayette as a traitor and an enemy to
the republic. In this state of extreme ferment, while he was openly
threatened and every attempt was making to render him odious to the
populace, he had the courage (some might say, the rashness) to proceed
to Paris, and present himself to the bar of the National Assembly. Few
men, in such a situation, would have thus hazarded their lives; but he
was strong in conscious rectitude. He appeared before his enemies with
dignity and firmness. "He entreated the assembly to come forward
and save the country from ruin, by dissolving the factious clubs and
inflicting exemplary punishment on the authors of the late disgraceful
riots." His friends were numerous in the Assembly, and probably the
greater number condemned the violent transactions, against which he
raised his voice in the legislative hall of the nation. The national
guards in Paris, also, manifested their attachment to Lafayette. They
assembled before the hotel in which he lodged; and planting a tree of
liberty before the door, which they decorated with ensigns and ribbons,
they greeted him with enthusiastic applause. But he was destined to
suffer a reverse of fortune, and to be the subject of the most unjust
and cruel persecution. The violent party prevailed: Lafayette and
constitutional liberty, were proscribed; and the spirit of anarchy and
misrule dictated the violent proceedings which deluged France in blood.
Lafayette, finding all his attempts to restore order and to maintain the
constitution in vain, speedily returned to the army on the frontiers.
This must have been a moment of great anxiety and suspense. Some suppose
that, attached as most of the military were to him and supported by his
friends of the moderate party, if he had marched his troops to Paris he
might have defended the King from indignity, and restored the reign of
law. But this is doubtful. The probability is, that with his love of
justice and his correct principles, he could not persuade himself "that
the end would justify the means;" and that he chose rather to submit
to a cruel destiny, than to violate the constitution he had sworn
to support, by resorting to physical force for the accomplishment of
honorable purposes, and to be the occasion even indirectly of increasing
the misery, in which his unhappy country was involved. He was, indeed,
accused by his enemies of a design to march to Paris with his troops and
to force the assembly into a compliance with his views. But this was a
most unfounded calumny. When the minister for the home department wrote
to him on the subject, in the name of the Assembly he replied--"If
I were questioned respecting my principles, I should say, that as
a constant proclaimer and defender of the rights of man, and the
sovereignty of the people, I have every where and always resisted
authorities which liberty disavowed and which the national will had not
delegated; and that I have every where and always obeyed those, of
which a free constitution had fixed the forms and the limits. But I am
questioned respecting a fact--Did I propose to Marshal Luckner to march
to Paris with our armies? To which I answer in four words--_It is not
true_."
Under the pretence that General Lafayette was meditating some plan
hostile to the cause of liberty, or designed to aid the King in
another attempt to escape from France, three commissioners were sent to
counteract his movements. But he was notified of their appointment, and
ordered their arrest before they reached his army. He knew they were
deputed by a faction, and hoped the assembly would return to more
moderate and just views. He addressed the following letter to the troops
under his command. "It is no longer time to conceal from you what is
going forward. The constitution you swore to maintain is no more;
a troop of factious men besieged the palace of the Tuilleries; the
national and Swiss guards made a brave resistance, but they were obliged
to surrender, and were inhumanly murdered. The King, Queen and all the
royal family escaped to the National Assembly; the factious ran thither,
holding a sword in one hand and fire in the other, and forced the
legislative body to supersede the King, which was done for the sake of
saving his life. Citizens, you are no longer represented; the National
Assembly are in a state of slavery; Petion reigns; the savage Danton and
his satellites are masters. Thus it is for you to determine whether you
will support the hereditary representative of the throne, or submit to
the disgrace of having a Petion for your king."
The appeal was in vain. Though a momentary respond was given by the
soldiers to the sentiments of their magnanimous commander, the baleful
influence of faction had corrupted many of them; and finding himself
robbed of the confidence of the army, as well as of the assembly, and
thus deprived of all hope of being useful to his country, he quitted
France, with an intention of retiring to America, where he had just
reason to expect a grateful reception.
Thus terminated the revolutionary career of Lafayette; through the whole
of which he appears to the impartial observer to have acted an honorable
and disinterested part. If he committed faults, they were those of
opinion or judgment; in sincerity and in zealous devotion to the liberty
of his country, he was exceeded by none. He may justly be considered
"an illustrious confessor of regulated liberty." His great object was to
reform existing abuses, to lay the foundation of constitutional freedom:
and with all his zeal for the recognition and the support of the rights
of man, he was desirous of preserving a just measure of authority in
the crowns and maintaining a sacred regard to law and justice. That he
failed in his wishes of introducing into France a more mild and popular
government, is matter of regret with the friends of civil liberty in
America. But he cannot justly be censured by them for the failure of his
object, or for the excesses which attended the revolution. The violent
proceedings of the jacobins, which excited so much horror among the
friends of regulated liberty in other countries, were opposed by him
personally with singular firmness and constancy. He distinguished, with
great accuracy, between the will of the people and the clamours of a
faction; and between the deliberate acts of the legislature sanctioned
by the constitution, and the hasty sentence or orders of a party,
adopted without the usual forms of law, so necessary to the order and
welfare of society.
Lafayette was arrested by an Austrian General, and delivered over to the
King of Prussia, who ordered him to be confined in a prison at Wesel
and at Magdeburg. Here he suffered some time, when he was removed to the
fortress of Olmutz. In this place he was kept under the most rigorous
confinement--enduring the privations and severity fit only to be
inflicted on the greatest criminals.
After a close confinement of several weeks in the common prison at
Wesel, he was removed to Magdeburg, and thence to Olmutz. At Magdeburg
he was confined for a year, in a dark and solitary dungeon; during which
he was offered his liberty, on condition of his joining with the enemies
of France. He spurned the proposal with indignation; and preferred
imprisonment and indignity, to treachery or hostility to his own
country. When first taken into custody, he was treated with insult
by the people of some places through which he was conducted; but
afterwards, a deep interest was manifested in his behalf, and the
warmest sympathy was expressed for his unfortunate condition.
The following is an extract from a letter of Lafayette in 1793, while
confined at Magdeburg.
"Since my captivity, but one political paper has reached me, and that is
yours for February. I appreciate, with deep sensibility, the justice you
render my sentiments, and the approbation you bestow upon my conduct.
Your commendations are greatly beyond my deserts; but your kind
exaggerations contain, at this moment, something so generous, I cannot
withhold from you my thanks, that you have enabled me to hear the voice
of liberty honoring my tomb. My situation is peculiarly strange. I have
sacrificed my republican partialities to the state and wishes of the
nation: I obeyed the sovereign power where I found it vested, in the
constitution. My popularity was as great as I could desire; for the
legislative body defended me better on the 8th of August, than it
defended itself on the 10th. But I became obnoxious to the _Jacobins_,
because I reprobated their aristocracy, which aimed at usurping all
legitimate authority.
"From Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kamschatka to Amsterdam, every
bastille is ready to receive me. The Huron and Iroquois forests are
peopled with my friends; the despots and the courts of Europe, they
are the only savages I fear. I am aware that the laws of England would
protect me, though the court of St. James is opposed to me: but I cannot
seek protection in a country at war with my own. _America_, the country
of my heart, would welcome me with joy. Yet my fears for the future
destiny of France, induce me to give the preference to Switzerland, at
least for the present."
After this, he was confined about four years in the prison of Olmutz,
when Henry Bollman, a young German physician, and Francis Huger, an
American, (son of Colonel Huger, of South Carolina, who had first
received Lafayette when he arrived in the United States, in 1777,) made
great personal sacrifices, and exposed themselves to imminent dangers to
effect his escape. General Washington also, then President of the United
States, repeatedly solicited his release, on the ground of his being an
American citizen, as he really was by a legal adoption. But his requests
were vain. It was not consistent with the policy of the "Legitimates" of
Europe, to show any favor to such a friend of liberty as Lafayette, or
to listen to the honorable application of the chief magistrate of the
American republic.
We have already seen frequent proofs of the peculiar regard which
Washington cherished for Lafayette. He did not forget him when immured
in the prison at Olmutz. Such was the state of political affairs in
Europe, such the suspicions both of the jacobins in France, and the
advocates for monarchy in the surrounding nations, that a formal and
public request for the release of Lafayette, would have been of no
avail. It would probably have added to the severity of his treatment
by his implacable enemies. The American ministers residing at foreign
courts were instructed, however, to suggest on proper occasions, the
wishes of the President of the United States, for his enlargement. A
confidential person was sent to Berlin to solicit his discharge. But
Lafayette had been placed in the custody of the Austrian cabinet, before
the messenger arrived. The American envoy at the court of St. James,
exerted himself in favour of the heroic friend of Washington, but
without effect. As the last resource, the President wrote directly to
the Emperor of Germany on the subject. Justice both to Washington and
Lafayette requires the recital of the letter.
"It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may sometimes
exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a
nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects which affect
his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. Finding myself
precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing
this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives
will also be my apology for it.
"In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and
cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the Marquis de
Lafayette; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It
is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family
in their misfortunes; and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they
experience, among which his present confinement is not the least
distressing.
"I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me only to submit
to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment and the
confiscation of his estate, and the indigence and dispersion of his
family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances,
do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the
mediation of humanity? Allow me, Sir, on this occasion to be its organ;
and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such
conditions as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe.
"As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances,
I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe that
this request appears to me, to correspond with those great principles of
magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound policy and durable
glory."--But his imperial majesty was either destitute of the _humanity_
and _magnanimity_, to which Washington appealed; or was prevented
granting the request, through some promises to an "_holy alliance_,"
which even then existed among the princes of Europe.
Several members of the British Parliament made an effort, at this time,
for the enlargement of Lafayette and his three friends from the dungeon
of Olmutz. General Fitzpatrick moved for an address to his majesty,
stating "that the detention of Lafayette and others by order of the King
of Prussia and Emperor of Austria, was dishonorable to the cause of the
allies, and praying him to interfere for their release." In support of
his motion, he remarked, that although Lafayette was imprisoned by the
allied powers on the continent, yet the government of Great Britain
would be implicated in the cruel act, unless it should attempt his
liberation, as it had now become a member of the coalition against the
anarchical conduct of the French. He contended that justice and humanity
required them to intercede in behalf of this oppressed and injured man.
The generous Briton insisted, that Lafayette, though a friend to civil
liberty, was a firm advocate for constitutional principles, and was
in favor of the power of the King as in a limited monarchy: and made a
powerful appeal to the generosity and honor of his countrymen, to unite
in soliciting for the freedom of Lafayette. Colonel Tarlton, then a
member of Parliament, who had been opposed to Lafayette in America, in
the campaign of 1781, supported the motion of his military friend; and
with great eloquence, urged the propriety and justice of his liberation.
Mr. Fox also spoke in favor of an address to the King, for this humane
purpose. But their arguments and their eloquence were vain. It did not
consist with the existing policy of the British cabinet, to listen to
the proposition. The motion was lost by a large majority.
Bollman proceeded to Olmutz, and thence to Vienna, where he was so
fortunate as to meet with young Huger; and they cordially united in the
humane and chivalrous project of rescuing the generous Lafayette, They
both repaired immediately to Olmutz, and there became acquainted with
two other gentlemen, who favoured their benevolent scheme. But the
difficulty of effecting it can be easily imagined. A physician of Olmutz
was engaged to make known the plan to Lafayette, when he visited him in
prison, then in reality, or apparently in a debilitated state of health.
He had, in fact, been attacked with fever at Magdeburg, which at one
time was feared would terminate his valuable life, and from the effects
of which he had not fully recovered. By him a note was communicated
to Lafayette, which he answered with his blood. In a short time, the
physician prevailed on the governor of the city to permit his prisoner
to take an airing, occasionally, in a coach, attended by a guard. It
was concerted, that in one of his short excursions with the governor, he
should leave the carriage under some pretence, when he was to be joined
by Bollman and Huger, and immediately conducted under cover of a dark
night, to the confines of Silesia, beyond the territory of the Emperor
of Austria. He alighted from the carriage, near a small wood, and his
generous friends, who were ready to protect him, immediately attempted
to convey him away on horseback; but the guard, which accompanied the
carriage, suspecting some design, pushed forward into the wood,
and attempted to seize the noble prisoner, and his brave friends. A
desperate struggle ensued, in which the Marquis was wounded; but they
succeeded in escaping from the guard. Huger was seen and followed
by some of the peasantry; and after a long pursuit was overtaken and
secured. The governor and his guard returned to Olmutz; alarm guns were
immediately fired, and the whole population for several miles was soon
engaged in search of Lafayette and Bollman. They were taken in the
course of the evening, at the distance of about ten miles from Olmutz,
and conveyed back to the prison, where a most rigorous confinement
awaited them. Lafayette was put in irons, and suffered the most
excruciating torture. He was in a feeble state, overcome by fatigue,
and suffering greatly from the bruises and wounds received in his late
attempt to escape. "His anxieties, his anguish (and despair we may
almost say,) at finding himself again in the power of his unrelenting
jailor, so affected his nerves, that his fever returned with increased
and alarming violence. In this state he was allowed nothing but a little
damp and mouldy straw; irons were put round his feet, and round his
waist was a chain, fastened to the wall, which barely permitted him to
turn from one side to the other. No light was admitted into his cell;
and he was refused even the smallest allowance of linen.
"The winter of 1794-95 was very severe, but his inhuman jailors did
not relax from the rigour of prescribed and systematic oppression. It
seemed, indeed as if their object was to put an end to their victim's
existence by this ingenious device of incessant cruelty. Worn down by
disease and the rigour of the season, his hair fell from his head, and
he was emaciated to the last degree. To these physical distresses were
soon super added those mental anxieties, which perhaps, were still more
difficult to endure. The only information he could obtain respecting the
fate of his wife and children, for whom he felt the greatest solicitude,
was, that they were confided in the prisons of Paris: and in reply to
his enquiries concerning his most generous friends, Bollman and Huger,
he was informed by his unfeeling tormentors that they were soon to
perish by the hands of the hangman."
Bollman and Huger were kept in close confinement in the prison at
Olmutz, for some time, for having attempted to rescue Lafayette from his
cruel imprisonment. The keepers of the prison were unfeeling men; and
instead of slowing any favour to their prisoners, who ought to have
received their admiration, subjected them to unnecessary severity. They
were subjected to strict examination, after a long confinement, and the
sentence of their judges was in favour of their liberation, on paying
a large amount to government. By the aid of some generous friends, they
were furnished with the requisite sums, and discharged from the prison.
But Lafayette was still detained in prison, and in the same suffering
and shameful condition as before mentioned. It was several months before
his irons and chains were removed; which was effected through the very
benevolent individuals, who had secretly favoured his recent attempt to
escape; but who, happily both for him and themselves, were not suspected
of any agency in the plot: these were an opulent Jewish merchant, and
the chief surgeon to the prisoners. They prevailed also with the civil
authority to grant permission to the Marquis to walk an hour each day,
in front of the prison, though in custody of a strong guard of soldiers,
and no one was allowed to speak to him.
Unutterably painful and distressing must have been the situation
of Madame Lafayette ever after the fatal day, when her beloved and
affectionate husband felt it his duty to depart from France, and leave
her and their three children unprotected, and subject to the insults
and severities of an enraged and lawless mob. She and her two daughters,
then about fifteen and twelve, were cast into prison in Paris. The
family estates were confiscated, and most of his particular friends
fell by the stroke of the guillotine. In this agonizing condition, she
maintained the most wonderful fortitude and patience; without uncommon
firmness and sincere trust in providence, she must have sunk under such
deep and complicated distress. While she was in prison, she was often
found in a retired spot, engaged in holy and humble supplication to
heaven. When she was released from the prison, after about twenty months
of degrading confinement, her constitution was greatly enfeebled, and
her friends and physician advised her to seek repose at some retired
place in the country. But she refused, and feeble and emaciated as she
was, she resolved to proceed immediately to Olmutz, and to bury herself
in prison with her husband, unless she could possibly procure his
liberation. With this purpose in view, she went first to Vienna, to
endeavour to concilitate the favor and influence of the Emperor. Through
the friendly interposition of two noble females, acquainted at court,
she was admitted to an audience with the Emperor.
He received her graciously, and professed a desire that her request
might be fulfilled; but gave no positive orders for the liberation
of Lafayette because his _political_ engagements with other courts
prevented it. He, however, consented that she might visit her husband.
She accordingly repaired to Olmutz, to minister, as an angel of light,
to his comfort, though not clothed with power to give him that liberty,
which they ardently hoped. She and her daughters shared with him the
confinement of a dreary prison, for nearly two years. It was not until
1797, that they were set at liberty: and this was immediately owing to
the influence of General Bonaparte, on his victories over the Austrians
in that year. Lafayette expressed his gratitude for this generous
interference; but he made no sacrifice of principle, and was never his
admirer or supporter.
While confined in the prison of Olmutz, with her husband, Madame
Lafayette, whose health was much impaired by her sorrows and suffering,
requested leave to visit Vienna for a week. She was informed her request
would be granted on condition, that her daughters should be kept in a
separate apartment from their father, and that she herself would never
again enter the prison. She declined the offer, with indignation. Her
letter on the subject, concludes thus-"Whatever may be the state of my
own health and the inconvenience attending the stay of my daughters in
this place we will most gratefully take advantage of the goodness his
imperial majesty has expressed towards us, by the _permission to share
in the miseries of this captivity_."
When the Emperor of Austria agreed to his liberation, he proposed
certain conditions, to which Lafayette refused his assent. One was that
he should immediately leave Europe and embark to America. "This", said
the noble-minded Marquis, "has often been my desire and intention: but
as my consent to this proposition, at the present moment, would be an
acknowledgment of his right to impose such a condition, I cannot comply
with the demand."--The other was, that as the principles which Lafayette
professed were supposed to be incompatible with the safety of the
Austrian government, the Emperor could not consent that he should again
enter his territory without a special permission. To this Lafayette
replied, "that there already existed antecedent obligations, of which
he could not divest himself; partly towards America, but chiefly towards
France; and that he could not engage to do any thing, which should
interfere with the rights of his country to his personal services. With
these exceptions, he assured the Emperor's ambassador, that it was
his firm resolution not to set foot again on any part of his Majesty's
dominions."
When he was set free from the long and severe incarceration at Olmutz,
Lafayette proceeded to the neutral city of Hamburg, with his family;
where he received the kindest and most respectful attentions from
some American gentlemen, then in that place, and also from many of
the distinguished citizens, who cherished the highest regard for his
character, and his meritorious services in the cause of liberty. It
was at this time, that his son, George Washington Lafayette, joined the
family, on his return from the United States, where he had just then
passed several years. After a short residence in Hamburg, Lafayette
accepted the invitation of an Hanoverian nobleman, and passed some
time at his elegant chateau in Holstein, where his eldest daughter
was married to Latour Maubourg, a brother of one of the Marquis' staff
officers, who retired with him from France, August 1792; and had shared
with him the severities of the prison of Magdeburg and Olmutz. He then
resided some time in the family of a French emigrant, living in that
vicinity, and who was a distant relative of Madame Lafayette. In this
situation he studied the agriculture of Holstein; and gave particular
attention to the raising of merino sheep, an object in which he was also
engaged after his return to La Grange, his country seat near Paris.
In 1800 a new revolution took place in the French government. The
Directors were found to be incompetent to the support of order; cabals
and factions still existed, and confusion prevailed through the
nation. General Bonaparte, who had led the armies to victory in several
campaigns, was ambitious of the sole direction of public affairs. The
executive power, by the new constitution, was to be placed in three
Consuls, of whom Napoleon was elected chief. A Conservative Senate, so
called, was to constitute a part of the Legislature and to be joined
with the Consuls also in providing for the public welfare in cases of
particular emergency. By the constitutionalists and those opposed to the
violent factions, by which France had been long agitated and disgraced,
this change was considered as auspicious to the cause of rational
liberty. They hoped that a more stable government would be now formed,
and that their country would enjoy a season of repose. Lafayette seized
this favorable moment to return to France, after an absence of nearly
eight years. His patriotic feelings had not abated, though he had
suffered so long and so intensely from the hatred of those who directed
the destinies of his country. His love of liberty was not weakened,
though many of his countrymen, with its sacred name on their lips,
had committed excesses almost without a parallel in the most despotic
governments. The First Consul incited Lafayette to take a seat in the
Conservative Senate; but he declined; by which he gave new proofs of his
disinterested and sincere attachment to the constitutional liberty and
the rights of the people. After several conversations with Bonaparte,
he was satisfied of the ambitious views of this military adventurer.
He perceived that the constitution was to serve as an apology for
the exercise of unlimited power in the First Consul; and that
representatives and senators were to be the humble ministers of his
will. He saw that the constitution did not emanate from the will of
the people; and was not calculated to secure and promote their welfare.
Bonaparte also had discernment to learn, that Lafayette was too sincere
a friend to civil liberty and to the interests of the people, to support
his purposes, or to submit to his plans of personal aggrandizement.
We shall have a more just estimation of the noble sentiments with which
Lafayette was animated, in declining the generous offers of the First
Consul, when it is considered, that, in addition to his self-banishment
to private life, he also refused an honorable salary of 7000 dollars,
when the estates which remained in his possession yielded only
2000 dollars. He had a grant of land from the American Congress, in
consideration of his important services in the revolution, estimated to
be worth 100,000 dollars. Before the revolution, his income was 50,000
dollars: but the most valuable of his patrimonial property, as well
as that which accrued to him in consequence of his marriage, had been
seized by the lawless robbers of the revolution.
It was in conformity to the principles, which he had long professed
and by which he was constantly guided, that he soon after opposed the
election of Bonaparte as Consul for life. He would have consented,
perhaps, to the claims of the aspiring Napoleon to be the First
Magistrate of France, under a constitution, which expressly defined
and restricted his power, and at the same time provided a sufficient
guaranty of the liberties of the people.
On this occasion he wrote thus to the First Consul--"When a man, who is
deeply impressed with a sense of the gratitude he owes you, and who is
too ardent a lover of glory to be indifferent to yours, connects his
suffrage with conditional restrictions, those restrictions not only
secure him from suspicion, but prove amply, that no one will more gladly
than himself behold in you the chief magistrate for life, of a free and
independent republic.
"The eighteenth Brumaire saved France from destruction and I felt myself
reassured and recalled by the liberal declarations to which you have
connected the sanction of your honor. In your consular authority there
was afterwards discerned that salutary dictatorial prerogative, which
under the auspices of a genius like yours, accomplished such glorious
purposes--yet less glorious, let me add, than the restoration of liberty
would prove.
"It is not possible, general, that you, the first among that order of
mankind, which surveys every age and every country, can desire that a
revolution, marked by an unexampled series of stupendous victories and
unheard of sufferings, shall give nothing to the world but a renovated
system of arbitrary government. The people of this country have been
acquainted with their rights too long, to forget them forever: but
perhaps they may recover and enjoy them better now than during the
period of revolutionary effervescence. And you, by the strength of your
character and the influence of public confidence, by the superiority
of your talents, your power, and your fortunes, in re-establishing the
liberties of France, can allay all agitations, calm all anxieties and
subdue all dangers.
"When I wish, then, to see the career of your glory crowned by the
honors of perpetual magistracy, I but act in correspondence with my
own private sentiments, and am influenced exclusively by patriotic
considerations. But all my political and moral obligations, the
principles which have governed every action of my life, call on me to
pause before I bestow on you my suffrage, until I feel assured that your
authority shall be erected on a basis worthy of the nation and yourself.
"I confidently trust, general, that you will recognize here, as you
have done on all other occasions, a steady continuance of my political
opinions, combined with the sincerest prayers for your welfare, and the
deepest sense of all my obligations towards you."
Here closed all connexion between Lafayette and Bonaparte. The First
Consul not only avoided all intercourse with one so sincerely devoted
to the cause of liberty; but he treated him with that studied neglect,
which was little short of persecution. There was indeed nothing
congenial either in the character or principles of these two
distinguished men. The one was aiming at power by any means, without
regard to the rights or happiness of his fellow men; the other was
anxious for the permanent establishment of a mild government in his
native country, for the true welfare and liberty of the people; and
was willing to make every sacrifice for the attainment of such great
objects.
The unfriendly feelings of Bonaparte were extended even to the younger
Lafayette. This patriotic youth, with much of the public spirit of
his noble father, engaged in the service of his country soon after his
return from America. He was an aid of the brave Grouchy, general of
division; an active, intelligent, meritorious officer, and distinguished
on various occasions. But he received neither advancement nor
distinction from the Emperor. It was, on the contrary, the wish of
Napoleon, that young Lafayette would send in his resignation, and retire
from the army. When this was made known to him, he observed, "that as
long as his country was involved in war, he should not disgrace himself
by a resignation; and that he should be ashamed to think of it, while
his companions were daily exposing themselves to danger. It was true, he
was an American citizen, but he was first of all a Frenchman and a loyal
Frenchman."
G. W. Lafayette was much esteemed by the officers who knew him, of all
ranks; and they frequently solicited his promotion; but the Emperor
disregarded alike the merits of the youthful hero and the entreaties
of his military friends. He continued in the army until the treaty of
Tilsit.
To a man of his great sensibility and warmth of affection, the severest
affliction which Lafayette has been called to endure, great and various
as have been his sufferings, now awaited him. His amiable, his attached
and devoted wife was torn from him, in his retreat, within a few years
after his return to France; when he more than ever, perhaps, needed
her company and solace, to fortify his mind under the multiplied
disappointments from the world.
She had never enjoyed perfect health after her imprisonment at
Olmutz. But possessed of uncommon fortitude and imbued with religious
sentiments, she was still instrumental in promoting the happiness of
her husband and family. Her patience, her equanimity, her sweetness of
temper never forsook her. But her constitution was broken, and a sudden
paralysis deprived her of her physical strength and almost of speech.
At the urgent request of her husband, though with reluctance, she was
conveyed to Paris for medical assistance; but it proved in vain. She
died in December 1807.
While Madame de Lafayette was in the prison in Paris, though treated
with the greatest severity by Robespierre and his party, she had the
consolation of sharing in the sympathetic kindness and assistance of
many individuals, who were willing to expose themselves to the hatred
of her cruel persecutors for her relief. A gentleman from Boston,
Joseph Russel, Esq. then a resident in Paris, made great efforts for her
liberation; although by this generous interference he hazarded his
own life. It was through his friendly assistance, that her son G. W.
Lafayette, then about fourteen years of age, was conveyed to the United
States, where he remained till the discharge of his parents from the
dungeons of Olmutz.
About this period, and soon after the death of his amiable wife, General
Lafayette received a severe fracture in one of his legs, by a fall,
which occasioned his confinement for nearly twelve months, and was the
cause of his present lameness. He had been transacting business with the
minister of the marine; and in going from the office to his carriage, a
distance of two hundred paces, late in the evening, after a heavy rain
and sleet, which had rendered it dangerous walking, he fell suddenly and
broke a bone.
For six or seven years, till 1814, when Louis XVIII. returned to France
to mount the throne of the Bourbons, Lafayette resided at his chateau
of La Grange, an inactive spectator of the political changes which
took place. No doubt he had a sufficient apology for this inaction and
voluntary retreat from public affairs. He was too honest and too candid,
too much an enemy to the anarchy of the jacobin factions, and to the
despotism of the Emperor, to support either, or to be received into
their confidence. He would probably have been satisfied with the
restoration of a Bourbon to the throne, if the throne could be founded
in a constitution, admitting the representatives of the people to a
share in legislation, and defining the extent and the measure of
the executive authority. He was animated by the same principles and
sentiments which governed him in the part he acted in 1789 and 1792: and
although he might acquiesce in a different government, either under
the First Consul, or under Louis XVIII. he could not, consistently,
and therefore he chose not to forward their views by his own personal
influence and support. He was still calumniated by some agents of the
Bourbons, yet he declared, on the return of Bonaparte from Elba, to gain
the throne of France, "that in all measures, which should promote or be
consistent with the liberties of the people, he would aid the cause
of the legitimate heir of the crown." The views of Louis' friends and
allies were too arbitrary to lead them to expect his approbation and
aid.
Louis XVIII. had not been long in France, before great discontent was
manifested among the citizens at the prospect of his being placed on the
throne of his brother. Napoleon and his friends took advantage of this
state of things: he left his retreat in the Island of Elba, and returned
to Paris. Louis was obliged to retire. Bonaparte, through his brother
Joseph, the ex-king of Spain, solicited of Lafayette to accept of a
peerage. But he promptly declined; but observed, "that if there should
be a convocation of a chamber of representatives," which he strenuously
urged, "he would consent to take a part in public affairs, should he
be elected." His independence and his want of faith in Napoleon, were
preserved, notwithstanding the urgent advances of the latter; and he
resolutely refused to go near him till after his final abdication.
Yet even at this time, Lafayette thought he might rely on "his cordial
opposition to all foreign invasion and influence, and to any family or
party which should avail itself of such assistance in order to attack
the independence and the liberties of France." Much as he distrusted the
views of Bonaparte, and desirous as he was of some explicit guaranty,
from him and his supporters, for the liberty of the French people, he
would not unite with the Bourbons, who were resolved to place Louis
XVIII. firmly on the throne of his ancestors, by any means in their
power, and who had collected an army of one million two hundred thousand
foreigners to accomplish their object, at the risque of a civil war,
and a general slaughter, similar to that with which the unprincipled,
revolutionary Jacobins had before afflicted the nation.
Lafayette was now elected a member of the chamber of deputies from his
own department, though he had protested against the articles of the
constitution of the empire, and of the additional act which conspired
against the _sovereignty_ of the people, and the rights of the citizens.
This was a strong proof of the sense the people had of his integrity
and his patriotism. After the battle of Waterloo, Napoleon returned to
Paris, in consternation, and undecided as to the course he would pursue
on this signal reverse of fortune. Some of his friends advised him again
to abdicate the office of Emperor, which he held by so precarious a
tenure; others suggested decisive and bold measures, with a view to
fortify himself in power, even in apposition to the will and wishes of
the deputies. He attempted to prorogue the chamber of representatives,
and have himself proclaimed perpetual dictator. Lafayette was then
present in the chamber; and with his usual independence and energy, made
the following observations.
"When, for the first time for many years, I raise my voice; which the
old friends of liberty will recognise again, I feel constrained to
address you, gentlemen, on the imminent danger of the country, which you
alone are able to prevent.
"Disastrous reports have been circulated and are now unhappily
confirmed. Now is the time to rally round the old tri-coloured standard
of 1789, of liberty, of equality, and of public order. It is this alone
which we are bound to defend against foreign pretensions and domestic
factions. Allow a veteran in this holy cause, who has always been an
enemy to the baneful spirit of dissension, to submit the following
preliminary resolutions" of which I hope you will admit the necessity.
"_First_. The Chamber of Representatives declare that the independence
of the nation is endangered.
"_Second_. The Chamber declare themselves in continued session--That
every attempt to prorogue the Chamber shall be considered high
treason--That any one guilty of such an attempt shall be deemed a
traitor to his country, and be instantly proceeded against as such.
"_Third_. The army of the line and the national guards, who have fought
and are still fighting for the independence of France, deserve the
gratitude of their Country.
"_Fourth_. The minister of the interior is directed to assemble the
general staff, the commandants and majors of the legion of the national
guard of Paris, to consult on the means of supplying them with arms, and
to render complete this citizen-guard; whose zeal and patriotism having
been proved for twenty-six years, offer a sure guaranty of the
liberty, the property and the tranquility of the capital, and of the
inviolability of the representatives of the nation.
"_Fifth_. The ministers of war, of foreign relations, of the interior
and of the police, are invited to attend the assembly immediately."
When the Emperor was informed that Lafayette was in the tribune, and
engaged in the discussions on the proposition of constituting him
dictator for life, he expressed great alarm and anxiety. He knew the
sentiments of Lafayette too well, not to feel assured of his opposition
to such a measure. For this consistent and zealous advocate for the
rights of the people had always been hostile to a chief magistrate,
under any title, who should possess absolute power; and contended for
a constitution to limit and define the executive authority. It was then
that. Bonaparte exclaimed, "Lafayette in the tribune!" and his great
agitation betrayed the belief, that his power was at an end. In this
situation, his armies defeated, and the representatives of the people
opposed to his wishes of a _perpetual_ dictatorship, he gave formal
notice of his purpose to abdicate the imperial authority. Lafayette
was at the head of the deputation appointed by the chamber of
representatives, to wait on the Emperor, to accept and thank him for his
abdication, A few days before this, when the deputies were accused of
being capricious and ungrateful, by a friend of Napoleon, Lafayette
observed, in reply, "go tell him that we can trust him no longer; we
ourselves will undertake the salvation of our country."
Although he opposed the ambitious views of Bonaparte, and boldly and
decidedly remonstrated against his intention of again assuming absolute
power, yet he moved in the chamber of Representatives, at this time,
that the liberty and person of the late Emperor Napoleon should be
placed under the protection of the French nation; expecting, probably,
that the allied princes of Europe, already in the vicinity of Paris with
powerful armies, would take his life, or cause him to be imprisoned.
Lafayette was one of the Commissioners appointed by the Chamber of
Deputies to propose to the allied powers a suspension of hostilities.
His object was to provide for the liberty of the people and to exact a
promise of some limitations and restrictions to the royal authority.
But the friends and supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, the hereditary
princes of Europe, had a powerful army in the suburbs of Paris, and they
refused to make any terms with the most moderate and honorable advocates
of popular rights. Though one tyrant was overthrown; another was to be
_forced_ upon them: not precisely an usurper indeed; but who, without
a constitution for his guide, and surrounded by men of arbitrary
principles might be instrumental in their oppression and degradation.
When he returned to Paris, he found the invading armies in possession
of the city. Napoleon escaped, and _nominal_ tranquility was restored to
the capital of France. But it was a tranquility produced by a military
force; and not that which is the effect of a wise and energetic
government founded in the will of the people. The doors of the assembly
were closed against the representatives of the people, by the _gens
d'armes_, the agents who restored the Bourbon dynasty. Many of the
deputies then assembled at the house of Lafayette; at whose instance
they repaired to the President's to record their testimony to this
forced and unjust exclusion, and to sign the _proces verbal_.
As he alike disapproved of Louis or Napoleon assuming the power of King
or Emperor, without a bill of rights securing the privileges of the
people, and a constitution as the rule and measure of executive acts, it
was no longer in his power to render service to his country is a public
station: nor did the favorites of Louis XVIII. invite him to take part
in the administration of government, which they proposed to establish.
It may appear surprising, on the first view of the subject, that the
friends of a monarch of the reputed mild character of Louis, who must
wish the greatest happiness of his subjects, should refuse to such men
as Lafayette, all share in the government; and at the same time,
take into their employment and confidence, many of the creatures of
Bonaparte, who were destitute alike of principle and patriotism. But it
is often found to be the fact, that the sincere and honest, who will not
flatter, and do not approve all the projects of an ambitious aspirant,
or an arbitrary Prince, are less courted, than those who have no settled
principles, or one ever ready to support the successful candidate for
power.
Except the short and occasional engagements in political concerns, just
above related, Lafayette, after his return to France in the year 1800,
generally remained at his estate, about thirty miles from Paris. But
though retired from the more active scenes of public life, he enjoyed
the friendship of several eminent characters in his own country; and was
visited by all distinguished Americans, and many British statesmen and
scholars, whose business or amusement led them to travel through France.
He was always particularly desirous to learn the affairs of America, his
adopted country; and was careful to procure all the publications from
the United States. Besides literary pursuits, he was occasionally
occupied in attending to the cultivation and improvement of his family
estate. Such has frequently been the employment and solace of eminent
men, when they have retired from high public stations, in which their
services and exactions have met the mistaken censure or the neglect of
the world. During several of the first years of this retirement, he was
blessed with the society of an amiable and affectionate wife. And after
her much lamented death, which has been before noticed, he still enjoyed
the pleasure of being surrounded by his children and grand children,
in whose education and improvement he always took a truly paternal
interest.
At the time the federal constitution was in discussion by conventions
in the several states, and when it first went into operation, Alexander
Hamilton, who was its zealous advocate, corresponded with Lafayette on
the subject. The letters have not been published; but it is probable
they would be highly interesting to the politician and statesman,
and serve fully to develop the views of both these eminent men on
the science of civil government. This was about the period of the
commencement of the French revolution. The particular extent of
the change in the monarchical government of France, contemplated by
Lafayette, may appear by this epistolary discussion. If not wholly
confidential, it may be expected, that the letters will be given to the
American public.
His second daughter, Virginia, married Monsieur de Lasteyrie, a young
gentleman of eminent literary attainments; and who distinguished
himself, also, as an officer in the French army, during the reign of
Napoleon; particularly in the campaign of Jena, Eylau, Friedland, &c.
But this brave and meritorious officer shared, with his brother-in-law,
G. W. Fayette, the constant neglect and hatred of Bonaparte. G. W.
Fayette was married to a daughter of Count de Tracy, one of the party of
moderates, or liberals, as often denominated, and sometime a member of
the conservative senate. The son and sons-in-law of General Lafayette,
reside at the same chateau with their father; which is sufficiently
spacious, not only for the respectable accommodation of the four united
families, the father, son and two sons-in-law; but for the reception and
occasional residence of family or other particular friends, who often
pass much time in this hospitable mansion. Monsieur de Maubourg, an old
and intimate friend of General Lafayette, with his lady, usually spend
the greater part of the year at the chateau of La Grange. The son, and
eldest daughter, who married Charles Latour Maubourg, have each several
children, who are peculiar objects of affection and interest with their
respected grandsire:
The following remarks of Madame de Stael, who personally knew much of
General Lafayette, [Footnote: She was also an intimate friend of Madame
de Lafayette. They were accused, in the days of suspicion and terror,
of being too much engaged in political affairs.] and who was well
acquainted with characters and events connected with the French
revolution, are deemed worthy of being presented to the reader of these
hasty memoirs.
"M. de Lafayette, having fought from his early youth for the cause of
America, had early become imbued with the principles of liberty, which
form the basis of that government. If he made mistakes with regard to
the French revolution, we are to ascribe them all to his admiration
of the American institutions, and of Washington, the hero citizen, who
guided the first steps of that nation in the career of Independence.
Lafayette, young, affluent, of noble family, and beloved at home,
relinquished all these advantages at the age of nineteen, to serve
beyond the ocean in the cause of that liberty, the love of which has
decided every action of his life. Had he had the happiness to be
a native of the United States, his conduct would have been that of
Washington: the same disinterestedness, the same enthusiasm, the same
perseverance in their opinions, distinguished each of these generous
friends of humanity. Had General Washington been, like the Marquis de
Lafayette, commander of the national guard of Paris, he also might have
found it impossible to control the course of circumstances; _he_ also
might have seen his efforts baffled by the difficulty of being at once
faithful to his engagements to the king, and of establishing at the same
time, the liberty of his country.
"M. de Lafayette, I must say, has a right to be considered a true
republican: none of the vanities of his rank, ever entered his head:
power, the effect of which is so great in France, had no ascendancy over
him: the desire of pleasing in a drawing room conversation, did not
with him influence a single phrase: he sacrificed all his fortune to his
opinions, with the most generous indifference. When in the prisons of
Olmutz, as when at the height of his influence, he was equally firm in
his attachment to his principles. His manner of seeing and acting,
is open and direct. Whoever has marked his conduct, may foretell with
certainty what he will do on any particular occasion. His political
feeling is that of a citizen of the United States; and even his person
is more English than French. The hatred, of which M. de Lafayette is the
object, has never embittered his temper; and his gentleness of soul is
complete: at the same time nothing has ever modified his opinions; and
his confidence in the triumph of liberty, is the same as that of a
pious man in a future life. These sentiments, so contrary to the selfish
calculations of most of the men who have acted a part in France, may
appear pitiable in the eyes of some persons--"it is so silly" they
think, "to prefer one's country to one's self; not to change one's party
when that party is worsted; in short, to consider mankind, not as
cards with which to play a winning game, but as the sacred objects of
unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form the charge of silliness, would
that it were but once merited by our men of talents!
"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of M. de
Lafayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank of the French
_noblesse_; but he can neither be censured nor exculpated with
impartiality, without being acknowledged to be such as I have described
him. It then becomes easy to understand the different contrasts which
naturally arose between his disposition and situation. Supporting
monarchy more from duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards
the principles of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and
a certain kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was
perceptible in him, although his reflection forbade the admission of
their system into France. Since the departure of M. de Lafayette for
America, now forty years ago, we cannot quote a single action or a
single word of his, which was not direct and consistent. Personal
interest never blended itself in the least with his public conduct:
success would have displayed such sentiments to advantage; but they
claim the attention of the historian in spite of circumstances, and in
spite of faults, which may serve as a handle to his opponents."
M. Lafayette was returned a member of the chamber of deputies from
his own department, in 1819, though his election was opposed by the
ministerial party. Some members rejoiced to see again among them, the
"friend and disciple of Washington;" while others, the adherents of
monarchy, viewed him with distrust and jealousy, as "the veteran general
of the revolution." He was not a very active member of this legislative
body; for he was convinced it would be in vain to attempt restoring the
constitution of 1789. He seldom attended the assembly: but on several
questions, when he was present, discovered the same political sentiments
which directed his conduct in the early days of the revolution. The
minister offered a proposition for establishing a censorship over the
public journals, and for arresting persons suspected of being inimical
to the restoration of the Bourbons. Lafayette spoke against the proposed
law, "as subversive of all order, of all right, and of the natural and
just privileges of the citizens." He referred to the evils consequent
upon all arbitrary proceedings against persons merely suspected of being
unfriendly to the government, and to the probable mischiefs which would
arise from a severe restriction upon the liberty of the press. The
minister himself acknowledged, that the proposition was not wholly
consistent with the national rights of the citizens; but insisted upon
its expediency in the present state of the nation. At this time, also,
he reminded the ministers of promises, which had been made by the
political friends of Louis XVIII. in favor of the liberties of the
people. He "conjured them to maintain the liberties of France, within
the limits prescribed by the constitution." "To violate it," said he,
"is to dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation and of the throne;
it is to give ourselves up to a total primitive freedom from all duties
and all laws." This discussion was unusually animated, and Lafayette was
very decided in his opposition to the measure. The course pursued by the
court was condemned; and some severity of remark was indulged in, as
to the designs of ministers. The ministerial party obtained but a small
majority in favor of the law; and some fermentation was excited in
Paris in relation to this subject. The _liberals_, or the friends of
constitutional freedom, were insulted, and the life of Lafayette was
openly menaced.
This year, a society was formed among the friends of constitutional
freedom, for the relief of those, who were arrested on mere suspicion,
or on a charge of violating the restrictions on the press; but who
were believed to be unjustly suspected, and who had been found entirely
innocent, even in the eye of the law, rigid as were its provisions. This
was a numerous society; consisting of fifty four members of the chamber
of deputies, and many other opulent and literary citizens; at the head
of which we find the name of M. Lafayette.
The distinguished Americans and Englishmen who have visited Lafayette,
at his family mansion of La Grange, describe his residence and its
inmates as most beautiful and interesting. "It is situated in the
fertile district of La Brie, thirty miles from Paris, remote from any
common road, and far distant from the bustling world. In the midst of
a luxuriant wilderness, rising above prolific orchards and antiquated
woods, appears the five towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays
of the declining sun. The deep moat, the draw bridge; the ivied tower
and arched portals, opening into a large square court, has a feudal and
picturesque character; and the associations which occur, on entering the
residence of a man so heroic, so disinterested, so celebrated, fill the
mind with peculiar admiration, and excite the most lively interest." The
family party, partaking more of patriarchal than of courtly manners, is
composed of individuals mutually attached, and anxious only for mutual
improvement and happiness. It represents the younger members, as
employed in their studies or engaged in innocent recreations so salutary
to the youthful temper and constitution: and the older, as occupied
in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to the more enlivening
pleasures of conversation.
"The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty seven, is
in the full possession of every talent and faculty. His memory has all
the tenacity of youthful recollection. On his person, time has yet made
little visible impression. Not a wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his
unbent and noble figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the
mind which informs it. Grace, strength and dignity still distinguish the
fine person of this extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years
before the world, engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict,
does not yet appear to have reached his grand climactic. Active on his
farm, graceful and elegant in his _salon_, it is difficult to trace, in
one of the most successful agriculturists, and one of the most perfect
fine gentlemen of France, a warrior and a legislator. But the patriot is
always discernible. His conversation is enriched with anecdotes of all
that is celebrated in character or event, for the last fifty years.
His elegant and well chosen collection of books, occupies the highest
apartments in one of the towers of the chateau; and, like the study of
Montaigne, hangs over the farm yard of the philosophical agriculturist.
It frequently happens, said M. Lafayette, to one of his visitors as they
were looking from a window on some flocks, which were moving beneath,
that my merinos and my hay carts dispute my attention to Hume or
Voltaire."
Of the benevolent affections of Lafayette, his whole life affords
abundant proofs. He was possessed of the most patriotic and generous
feeling. Numerous instances are also related of his kindness to
individuals, and of his private benefactions. The children of his
tenants, and neighbours were objects of his generosity and complacency.
And those who are unjustly oppressed or defrauded, were sure to find
in him, an able advocate. The widow of an American officer, of French
parentage, who was left destitute at the death of her gallant husband,
had a claim for patrimonial estates in France. The legal evidence to
substantiate her claim was exceedingly difficult to be procured. The
case was made known to Lafayette, and he never ceased his exertions
until he recovered the greater part of the estate.
Soon after the arrival of young Lafayette in Boston, 1795, he wrote to
General Washington, then President of the United States, informing him
of his situation, and requesting advice and counsel from the friend of
his father. As the chief magistrate of the nation, it would not
have been prudent in Washington, publicly to interfere in his
behalf--Lafayette, at this period, was almost equally obnoxious to the
rulers of France, as any one of the royal family. He had, indeed, been
most _unjustly_ denounced and proscribed by the dominant party; but they
pretended he was attached to a monarchy; and a public official act
of patronage in the President, towards young Lafayette, would have
furnished a pretext for complaint against the government. Washington
had already given proof, that he did not approve of the conduct of the
French Directory, nor of the proceedings of their minister in America.
But though a prudent policy forbid all official attention and aid to the
son of Lafayette the generous & noble feelings of Washington induced him
to give assurances of personal regard, and of a readiness to afford all
proper assistance towards the education and support of this youthful
subject of political persecution. He wrote to his friend, Hon. George
Cabot, stating the reasons for declining to act officially or publicly
in the case; but requesting Mr. C. to assure young Lafayette that he
might consider him as a father, a friend and protector. Washington
expressed a desire in this letter, that he should become a member of the
university in Cambridge, if qualified for admission, where he would be
under the inspection and tuition of excellent men; for he was aware that
want of employment would lead to dissipation; and that the season of
youth was to be diligently improved for the cultivation of the mind. He
desired Mr. C. to call on him to meet any expenses which might accrue
in his education and support. The French tutor, who attended young
Lafayette, chose to have him under his own private instruction; and he
did not enter the university. The kindness and generosity of Washington
were not the less meritorious in the appeal made to him by the son of
his own, and of his country's friend.
Among the many eminent characters by whom General Lafayette was visited
in his retirement at La Grange, after his return to France, (in 1800)
was CHARLES J. FOX, the celebrated British statesman. The family of
Mr. Fox, for several generations, was ranked among the whip party in
England, and firm friends of the glorious revolution of 1689; when
the House of Stuart was excluded from the throne, and William and Mary
acknowledged as the legitimate sovereigns. Mr. Fox was of the same
political school with the elder PITT, whose powerful talents were
successfully exerted for the glory of Great Britain, in the latter part
of the reign of George II. and who was a firm and decided advocate for
the rights of the British colonies in 1775. When Lafayette and family
were confined in the dungeons at Olmutz, Mr. Fox, with others, then
members of the British Parliament, pleaded the cause of these unhappy
sufferers, with great eloquence, but without effect. He had been
personally acquainted with the celebrated French philanthropist, before
this period; and was attached to his character and principles, as a
zealous friend of civil liberty. The interview between these two
highly distinguished reformers is represented to have been peculiarly
interesting. Perhaps, the plans of reform proposed by Mr. Fox, could
not have been carried into effect, at that time, without danger to the
stability of the British government; but the general character of Fox,
gave evidence of the sincerity of his upright purposes; and of the
purity of the motives by which Lafayette was actuated, in the course he
pursued in France, in 1789, and subsequently, cannot be justly doubted,
though the revolution did not result in the political benefits he had
anticipated.
When Mr. Fox was in Paris, some time in 1802, Lafayette hastened from
his retired residence, at La Grange, to call on him. The writer, who
gives an account of this meeting, observes, "that a stranger of an
interesting and graceful figure, came gently in," where he and Mr. Fox
were sitting, at the hotel in Paris, "advanced rapidly; and, embracing
Mr. Fox, showed a countenance full of joy, while tears rolled down his
cheeks; Mr. Fox testified equal emotion. It was M. de Lafayette, the
virtuous and unshaken friend of liberty. He had come from the country
to see Mr. Fox, and to invite him to his house. In a few moments their
sentiments were interchanged. The review of the past was taken in a
moment; and they soon appeared to be affectionate friends, who having
parted for a few days, were now reunited. Lafayette viewed the new
state of things with regret; not from any personal dislike of the first
consul, but from a rooted and principled conviction, that arbitrary
power is injurious to the happiness of mankind.
"In his retirement, and filled with gloomy prospects of the republic, he
lived in the most private and simple manner. In the bosom of an amiable
and affectionate family, he found every consolation. He frequented no
place of amusement; and, with a very limited fortune, exhibited the
bright example of a public man, content with a little, free from all
envious and angry feelings: and willing to live in dignified silence,
when he had not the power or influence to do good."
The visit of Mr. Fox and his friend to La Grange, is thus
described--"The towers and wood of the chateau appeared in peaceful
repose, as we drove near; and when we gained a full view of the
building, I felt great emotion; it was the residence of a great and good
man--a patriot and friend of mankind, whose life had been consecrated
to virtue and liberty; the family came to the hall to meet us, happy in
themselves, and rejoicing to see the illustrious friend of Lafayette!
I cannot forget that moment--no silly affectation, no airs of idle
ceremony were seen at the residence of him, who had gloriously struggled
for America, and had done all he could for France.
"M. de Lafayette and Madame received Mr. and Mrs. Fox with the heartiest
welcome. The family consisted of two daughters, and a son and his wife,
all young and elegant; all living with M. de Lafayette, as a brother
and friend. His graceful and manly form, his benevolent countenance, his
frank and warm manners, which made him almost adored by his family, and
a placid contentedness, nearly allied to cheerfulness; altogether had
an irresistible effect, in gaining the affections and esteem of those
admitted to his more intimate society.
"Madame de Lafayette, of the noble family of Noailes, was a superior
and admirable woman, possessing the high polish of the ancient nobility,
eloquent and animated. Fondly attached to M. de Lafayette and her
family, she regretted nothing of past splendor; she possessed an
affectionate husband, and was happy in retirement. The son was a
pleasing young man, and his wife engaging and interesting; the daughters
were charming women, entirely free from the insipid languor or
wretched affectation, which in young ladies of fashion so much destroys
originality of character, and makes us find, in one of the fashionables,
the prototype and pattern of thousands. In a word, this amiable and
happy family seemed united by one bond of affection, and to desire
nothing beyond the circle of their own tranquil mansion.
"The chateau and estate of La Grange, which Madame, who was an heiress,
had brought with her, was all that remained of his fortune. He had lost
every thing besides in the madness of revolutionary confiscation; and
had not yet been able to procure restitution or compensation. To add to
the interest of the scene, General Fitzpatrick who had known Lafayette
in America, and had vainly attempted, in the British house of Commons,
to rouse the ministry to a sense of humanity and justice for him, joined
the party at La Grange, at this time. That accomplished man was an
addition to our society, and was received most affectionately by the
family of Lafayette. I have often contemplated with great pleasure, Mr.
Fox, General Fitzpatrick and M. de Lafayette walking in the long shady
grove near the chateau, speaking of past times, the war in America, and
the revolution in France. The rare sight of three such characters was
grateful to any one who felt friendly to the cause of civil liberty, and
valued men for their services to humanity, rather than for successful
ambition.
"Lafayette spoke a good deal of America; and we learnt from him
something of his various and useful services for that country, at the
court of Louis, as well as of his personal efforts, during the struggle
for independence. His political career in France had not the same happy
result, as in America; but it should be considered, that his situation
in the former was arduous beyond measure. A friend to limited monarchy,
and to the legitimate rights of the people, at a time when the support
of one was deemed hostility to the other, he found it impossible,
consistent with his principles, to follow the mania of the nation. A
king of integrity and firmness, with Lafayette as his counselor, might
have been safe, even in the tumultuous times preceding the seizure of
civil power by sanguinary demagogues. But Louis, it is feared, wanted
both these qualities; certainly the latter. Lafayette failed, therefore,
in his patriotic views; not as Bonaparte is said to have insinuated,
because he aimed at what was impracticable; but because those whose
interest it was to second his views, did not support him. A ruined
throne and desolate country subsequently attested the purity of his
principles, and the soundness of his judgment."
General Lafayette is of the _Catholic_ religion, which has been long
established, and is still generally professed, in France. But he
discovers nothing of that exclusive and intolerant spirit which has
distinguished the church of Rome, more especially in ages past. He took
an active part in favor of the proposition, in 1789, for securing the
rights of conscience and the privileges of worship to the protestants
of France, according to, their own particular belief. It was not to
be supposed that one of his enlightened views, and knowledge of human
nature, would be a bigot in religion; or would attach undue importance
to the external forms and the mere ceremonies of worship. He is
not, however, to be classed with many learned men in Roman Catholic
countries, in modern times, who merely _profess_ the papal system
because it is the religion of the state, while they are real infidels;
or ske
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