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Ancient Rome : from the earliest times down to 476 A. D.

by Robert F. Pennell · English · Gutenberg #6989 · 428,502 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: Ancient Rome : from the earliest times down to 476 A. D.

Author: Robert F. Pennell


        
Release date: November 1, 2004 [eBook #6989]
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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANCIENT ROME : FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES DOWN TO 476 A. D. ***




Produced by Lynn Bonnett and Teresa Thomason








ANCIENT ROME

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES DOWN TO 476 A.D.

By Robert F. Pennell

_Revised Edition_




PREFACE.

This compilation is designed to be a companion to the author's History
of Greece. It is hoped that it may fill a want, now felt in many high
schools and academies, of a short and clear statement of the rise and
fall of Rome, with a biography of her chief men, and an outline of her
institutions, manners, and religion.

For this new edition the book has been entirely rewritten, additional
matter having been introduced whenever it has been found necessary to
meet recent requirements.

The penults of proper names have been marked when long, both in the text
and Index. The Examination Papers given are introduced to indicate the
present range of requirement in leading colleges.

The maps and plans have been specially drawn and engraved for this
book. The design has been to make them as clear and open as possible;
consequently, names and places not mentioned in the text have, as a
rule, been omitted.

ROBERT F. PENNELL. RIVERSIDE, CALIFORNIA, July. 1890.

(Illustration: GAIUS IULIUS CAESAR.)




ANCIENT ROME.



CHAPTER I. GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY.


Italy is a long, narrow peninsula in the southern part of Europe,
between the 38th and 46th parallels of north latitude. It is 720 miles
long from the Alps to its southern extremity, and 330 miles broad in
its widest part, i.e. from the Little St. Bernard to the hills north of
Trieste. It has an area of nearly 110,000 square miles, about that of
the State of Nevada.

The Alps separate Italy on the north and northwest from the rest
of Europe. The pass over these mountains which presents the least
difficulties is through the Julian Alps on the east. It was over this
pass that the Barbarians swept down in their invasions of the country.
The Apennines, which are a continuation of the Alps, extend through
the whole of the peninsula. Starting in the Maritime Alps, they extend
easterly towards the Adriatic coast, and turn southeasterly hugging the
coast through its whole extent. This conformation of the country causes
the rivers of any size below the basin of the Po to flow into the
Tyrrhenian (Tuscan) Sea, rather than into the Adriatic.

Northern Italy, between the Alps and the Apennines, is drained by the
Padus (Po) and its tributaries. It was called GALLIA CISALPINA (Gaul
this side of the Alps), and corresponds in general to modern Lombardy.
The little river Athesis, north of the Padus, flows into the Adriatic.
Of the tributaries of the Padus, the Ticinus on the north, and the
Trebia on the south, are of historical interest.

The portion of Northern Italy bordering on the Mediterranean is a
mountainous district, and was called LIGURIA. In this district on the
coast were Genua and Nicaea. The district north of the Athesis, between
the Alps and the Adriatic, was called VENETIA, from which comes the name
Venice. Here were located Patavium (Padua), Aquileia, and Forum Julii.

Gallia Cisalpina contained many flourishing towns. North of the Padus
were Verona, Mediolanum (Milan), Cremona, Mantua, Andes, and Vercellae,
a noted battle-field. South of this river were Augusta Taurinorum
(Turin), Placentia, Parma, Mutina, and Ravenna. The Rubicon, a little
stream flowing into the Adriatic, bounded Gallia Cisalpina on the
southeast. The Mucra, another little stream, was the southern boundary
on the other side of Italy.

CENTRAL ITALY, _Italia Propria_, or Italy Proper, included all of the
peninsula below these rivers as far down as Apulia and Lucania. In this
division are the rivers Tiber, Arnus, Liris, and Volturnus, which empty
into the Mediterranean, and the Metaurus, Aesis, and Aternus, which
empty into the Adriatic.

The most important subdivision of Central Italy was LATIUM, bordering
on the Tyrrhenian Sea. North of it on the same coast was ETRURIA, and to
the south was CAMPANIA. On the Adriatic coast were UMBRIA, PICENUM, and
SAMNIUM.

The cities of Latium were Rome, on the Tiber, and its seaport, Ostia,
near the mouth of the same river. Ten miles northwest of Rome was Veii,
an Etruscan city, and about the same distance southeast was Alba Longa.
Nearly the same distance directly south of Rome, on the coast, was
Lavinium, and east-northeast of Rome was Tibur. Neighboring to Alba
Longa were Tusculum and the Alban Lake. The Pomptine Marshes were near
the coast, in the southern part of Latium. Lake Regillus was near Rome.

In Etruria were Florentia, Faesulae, Pisae, Arretium, Volaterrae,
Clusium, and Tarquinii; also Lake Trasimenus. In Campania were Capua,
Neapolis (Naples), Cumae, Baiae, a watering place, Herculaneum, Pompeii,
Caudium, Salernum, Casilinum, and Nola. The famous volcano of Vesuvius
was here, and also Lake Avernus.

In Umbria, on the coast, were Ariminum and Pisaurum; in the interior
were Sentinum and Camerinum. The river Metaurus, noted for the defeat of
Hasdrubal, was likewise in Umbria.

In Picenum was Ancona. In Samnium were Cures and Beneventum.

SOUTHERN ITALY included APULIA and CALABRIA on the Adriatic, LUCANIA and
BRUTTUM on the Tyrrhenian Sea.

Apulia is the most level of the countries south of the Rubicon. Its
only stream is the Aufidus, on the bank of which at Cannae was fought a
famous battle. Arpi, Asculum, and Canusium are interior towns.

In Calabria (or Iapygia) were the cities of Brundisium and Tarentum.

The chief towns in Lucania and Bruttium were settled by the Greeks.
Among them were Heraclea, Metapontum, Sybaris, and Thurii, in Lucania;
and Croton, Locri, and Rhegium, in Bruttium.

The islands near Italy were important. SICILY, with an area of about
10,000 square miles, and triangular in shape, was often called by the
poets TRINACRIA (with three promontories). The island contained many
important cities, most of which were of Greek origin. Among these were
Syracuse, Agrigentum, Messana, Catana, Camarina, Gela, Selinus, Egesta
(or Segesta), Panormus, Leontini, and Enna. There are many mountains,
the chief of which is Aetna.

SARDINIA is nearly as large as Sicily. CORSICA is considerably smaller.
ILVA (Elba) is between Corsica and the mainland. IGILIUM is off Etruria;
CAPREAE is in the Bay of Naples; STRONGYLE (Stromboli) and LIPARA are
north of Sicily, and the AEGATES INSULAE are west of it.




CHAPTER II. THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF ITALY.


So far as we know, the early inhabitants of Italy were divided into
three races, the IAPYGIAN, ETRUSCAN, and ITALIAN. The IAPYGIANS were the
first to settle in Italy. They probably came from the north, and were
pushed south by later immigrations, until they were crowded into the
southeastern corner of the peninsula (Calabria). Here they were mostly
absorbed by the Greeks, who settled in the eighth and seventh centuries
all along the southern and southwestern coast, and who were more highly
civilized. Besides the Iapygians, and distinct from the Etruscans and
Italians, were the Venetians and the Ligurians, the former of whom
settled in Venetia, the latter in Liguria.

The ETRUSCANS at the time when Roman history begins were a powerful and
warlike race, superior to the Italians in civilization and the arts of
life. They probably came from the north, and at first settled in the
plain of the Po; but being afterwards dislodged by the invading Gauls,
they moved farther south, into Etruria. Here they formed a confederation
of twelve cities between the Arno and the Tiber. Of these cities the
most noted were Volsinii, the head of the confederacy, Veii, Volaterrae,
Caere, and Clusium. This people also formed scattering settlements in
other parts of Italy, but gained no firm foothold. At one time, in the
sixth century, they were in power at Rome. Corsica, too, was at this
time under their control. Their commerce was considerable. Many well
preserved monuments of their art have been discovered, but no one has
yet been able to decipher any of the inscriptions upon them. The power
of these people was gradually lessened by the Romans, and after the fall
of Veii, in 396, became practically extinct.

The ITALIANS were of the same origin as the Hellenes, and belonged
to the Aryan race, a people that lived in earliest times possibly in
Scandinavia. While the Hellenes were settling in Greece, the Italians
entered Italy.

At this time the Italians had made considerable progress in
civilization. They understood, in a measure, the art of agriculture; the
building of houses; the use of wagons and of boats; of fire in preparing
food, and of salt in seasoning it. They could make various weapons and
ornaments out of copper and silver; husband and wife were recognized,
and the people were divided into clans (tribes).

That portion of the Italians known as the LATINS settled in a plain
which is bounded on the east and south by mountains, on the west by the
Tyrrhenian Sea, and on the north by the high lands of Etruria.

This plain, called LATIUM (flat country), contains about 700 square
miles (one half the size of Rhode Island), with a coast of only fifty
miles, and no good harbors. It is watered by two rivers, the Tiber, and
its tributary, the Anio. Hills rise here and there; as Soracte in the
northeast, the promontory of Circeium in the southwest, Janiculum
near Rome, and the Alban range farther south. The low lands (modern
_Campagna_) were malarious and unhealthy. Hence the first settlements
were made on the hills, which also could be easily fortified.

The first town established was ALBA; around this sprung up other towns,
as Lanuvium, Aricia, Tusculum, Tibur, Praeneste, Laurentum, Roma, and
Lavinium.

These towns, thirty in number, formed a confederacy, called the LATIN
CONFEDERACY, and chose Alba to be its head. An annual festival was
celebrated with great solemnity by the magistrates on the Alban Mount,
called the Latin festival. Here all the people assembled and offered
sacrifice to their common god, Jupiter (_Latiaris_).

(Illustration: Latium)




CHAPTER III. THE ROMANS AND THEIR EARLY GOVERNMENT.


We have learned the probable origin of the LATINS; how they settled
in Latium, and founded numerous towns. We shall now examine more
particularly that one of the Latin towns which was destined to outstrip
all her sisters in prosperity and power.

Fourteen miles from the mouth of the Tiber, the monotonous level of
the plain through which the river flows is broken by a cluster of
hills (Footnote: The seven hills of historic Rome were the Aventine,
Capitoline, Coelian, Esquiline (the highest, 218 feet), Palatine,
Quirinal, and Viminal. The Janiculum was on the other side of the Tiber,
and was held by the early Romans as a stronghold against the Etruscans.
It was connected with Rome by a wooden bridge (_Pons Sublicius_).)
rising to a considerable height, around one of which, the PALATINE,
first settled a tribe of Latins called RAMNES,--a name gradually changed
to ROMANS.

When this settlement was formed is not known. Tradition says in 753. It
may have been much earlier. These first settlers of Rome were possibly
a colony from Alba. In the early stages of their history they united
themselves with a Sabine colony that had settled north of them on the
QUIRINAL HILL. The name of TITIES was given to this new tribe. A third
tribe, named LUCERES, composed, possibly, of conquered Latins,
was afterwards added and settled upon the COELIAN HILL. All early
communities, to which the Romans were no exception, were composed of
several groups of FAMILIES. The Romans called these groups GENTES, and
a single group was called a GENS. All the members of a _gens_ were
descended from a common ancestor, after whom the _gens_ received its
name.

The head of each family was called PATER-FAMILIAS, and he had absolute
authority (Footnote: Called _patria potestas_.) over his household, even
in the matter of life and death.

The Roman government at first was conducted by these Fathers of the
families, with a KING, elected from their own number, and holding
office for life. His duties were to command the army, to perform certain
sacrifices (as high priest), and to preside over the assembly of the
Fathers of the families, which was called the SENATE, i. e. an assembly
of old men (_Senex_).

This body was probably originally composed of all the Fathers of the
families, but in historical times it was limited to THREE HUNDRED
members, holding life office, and appointed during the regal period by
the king. Later the appointment was made by the Consuls, still later by
the Censors, and for nearly one hundred years before Christ all persons
who had held certain offices were thereby vested with the right of seats
in the Senate. Hence, during this later period, the number of Senators
was greatly in excess of three hundred. The Senators, when addressed,
were called PATRES, or "Fathers," for they were Fathers of the families.

The Romans, as we saw above, were divided at first into three tribes,
_Ramnes_, _Tities_, and _Luceres_ Each tribe was subdivided into ten
districts called CURIAE, and each curia into ten clans called GENTES
(3 tribes, 30 curiae, and 300 gentes). Every Roman citizen,
therefore, belonged to a particular family, at the head of which was a
_pater-familias_; every family belonged to a particular _gens_, named
after a common ancestor; every gens belonged to a particular _curia_;
and every curia to a particular _tribe_.

We have learned that in the early government of Rome there was a king,
and a senate that advised the king. Besides this, there was an assembly
composed of all Roman citizens who could bear arms. (Footnote: We must
remember that at this time no one was a Roman citizen who did not
belong to some family. All other residents were either slaves or had no
political rights, i.e. had no voice in the government.) This assembly of
Roman citizens met, from time to time, in an enclosed space called the
COMITIUM, which means a place of gathering or coming together. This was
between the Palatine and Quirinal hills near the FORUM, or market-place.
This assembly itself was called the COMITIA CURIATA, i.e. an assembly
composed of the 30 curiae. This body alone had the power of changing the
existing laws; of declaring war or peace; and of confirming the election
of kings made by the senate. The voting in this assembly was taken by
each curia, and the majority of the curiae decided any question.




CHAPTER IV. THE EARLY GROWTH AND INTERNAL HISTORY OF ROME.


The position of Rome was superior to that of the other towns in the
Latin Confederacy. Situated on the Tiber, at the head of navigation, she
naturally became a commercial centre. Her citizens prospered and grew
wealthy, and wealth is power. Her hills were natural strongholds, easily
held against a foe. Thus we see that she soon became the most powerful
of the Latin cities, and when her interests conflicted with theirs,
she had no scruples about conquering any of them and annexing their
territory. Thus Alba was taken during the reign of Tullus Hostilius, and
his successor, Ancus Marcius, subdued several cities along the river,
and at its mouth founded a colony which was named OSTIA, the seaport of
Rome.

At this time (about 625) the Roman territory (_ager Romanus_) comprised
nearly 250 square miles, being irregular in shape, but lying mostly
along the southern bank of the Tiber and extending about ten or twelve
miles from the river. It was not materially increased during the next
two centuries.

The original founders of Rome and their direct descendants were called
PATRICIANS, i. e. belonging to the _Patres_, or Fathers of the families.
They formed a class distinct from all others, jealously protecting their
rights against outsiders. Attached to the Patricians was a class called
CLIENTS, who, though free, enjoyed no civil rights, i. e. they had
no voice in the government, but were bound to assist in every way the
Patrician, called PATRON, to whom they were attached. In return, the
latter gave them his support, and looked after their interests. These
clients corresponded somewhat to serfs, worked on the fields of their
patrons, and bore the name of the _gens_ to which their patron belonged.
Their origin is uncertain; but they may have come from foreign towns
conquered by the Latins, and whose inhabitants had not been made slaves.

In addition to the clients there were actual slaves, who were the
property of their masters, and could be bought or sold at pleasure.
Sometimes a slave was freed, and then he was called a LIBERTUS
(freedman) and became the client of his former master.

As Rome grew into commercial prominence, still another class of people
flocked into the city from foreign places, who might be called resident
foreigners, corresponding in general to the _Metics_ at Athens. Such
were many merchants and workmen of all trades. These all were supposed
to be under the protection of some patrician who acted as their patron.

These three classes, clients, slaves, and resident foreigners, were all
of a different race from the Romans. This should be constantly borne in
mind.

We have learned that Rome, as she grew in power, conquered many of the
Latin towns, and added their territory to hers. The inhabitants of these
towns were of the same race as the Romans, but were not allowed any of
their civil rights. Most of them were farmers and peasants. Many of them
were wealthy. This class of inhabitants on the _ager Romanus_, or in
Rome itself, were called Plebeians (_Plebs_, multitude). Their very name
shows that they must have been numerous. They belonged to no gens
or curia, but were free, and allowed to engage in trade and to own
property. In later times (from about 350) all who were not Patricians or
slaves were called Plebeians.


THE ARMY.

Until the time of Servius Tullius (about 550) the army was composed
entirely of patricians. It was called a Legio (a word meaning _levy_),
and numbered three thousand infantry called _milites_, from _mille_,
a thousand, one thousand being levied from each tribe. The cavalry
numbered three hundred at first, one hundred from each tribe, and was
divided into three companies called Centuries.

During the reign of Servius the demands of the plebeians, who had now
become numerous, for more rights, was met by the so called SERVIAN
reform of the constitution. Heretofore only the patricians had been
required to serve in the army. Now all males were liable to service. To
accomplish this, every one who was a land-owner, provided he owned two
acres, was enrolled and ranked according to his property. There were
five "Classes" of them. The several classes were divided into 193
subdivisions called "Centuries," each century representing the same
amount of property. In the first class there were forty centuries in
active service, composed of men under forty-six, forty centuries of
reserve, and eighteen centuries of cavalry.

In the second, third, and fourth classes there were twenty centuries
each, ten in active service, and ten in reserve. The fifth class had
thirty centuries of soldiers, and five of mechanics, musicians, etc.

The first four ranks of the troops were made up of the infantry from
the first class. All were armed with a leather helmet, round shield,
breastplate, greaves (leg-pieces), spear, and sword. The fifth rank was
composed of the second class, who were armed like the first, without
breastplate. The sixth rank was composed of the third class, who had
neither breastplate nor greaves. Behind these came the fourth class,
armed with spears and darts, and the fifth class, having only slings.

Each soldier of the infantry paid for his own equipments; the cavalry,
however, received from the state a horse, and food to keep it.

This new organization of both patricians and plebeians was originally
only for military purposes,--that the army might be increased, and the
expenses of keeping it more equitably divided among all the people. But
gradually, as the influence of the wealthy plebeians began to be felt,
the organization was found well adapted for political purposes, and
all the people were called together to vote under it. It was called the
COMITIA CENTURIATA, i.e. an assembly of centuries. The place of meeting
was on the CAMPUS MARTIUS, a plain outside of the city.

In this assembly each century had one vote, and its vote was decided by
the majority of its individual voters. The tendency of this system was
to give the wealthy the whole power; for since each century represented
the same amount of property, the centuries in the upper or richer
classes were much smaller than those in the lower or poorer classes, so
that a majority of the centuries might represent a small minority of
the people. The majority of the wealthy people at Rome were still
patricians, so the assembly was virtually controlled by them. In this
assembly magistrates were elected, laws made, war declared, and judgment
passed in all criminal cases.

(Illustration: CAMPANIA)




CHAPTER V. THE DYNASTY OF THE TARQUINS.


Of the seven traditional kings of Rome, the last three were undoubtedly
of Etruscan origin, and their reigns left in the city many traces of
Etruscan influence. The Etruscans were great builders, and the only
buildings of importance that Rome possessed, until a much later period,
were erected under this dynasty. The names of these kings are said to
have been LUCIUS TARQUINIUS PRISCUS, SERVIUS TULLIUS, his son-in-law,
and LUCIUS TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS.

Under the first of these kings were built the fine temple of JUPITER
CAPITOLINUS, on the Capitoline Hill, and near by shrines to JUNO and
MINERVA. This temple to Jupiter was called the CAPITOLIUM, and from
it we get our word CAPITOL. It was looked upon as the centre of Roman
religion and authority, and at times the Senate was convened in it.

During this reign the famous CLOACA MAXIMA, or great sewer intended to
drain the Campagna, is also said to have been constructed. This sewer
was so well built that it is still used.

Under the second king of this dynasty, Servius Tullius, the city was
surrounded with a wall, which included the Palatine, Quirinal, Coelian,
and Aventine hills, and also the Janiculum, which was on the opposite
side of the river, and connected with the city by a bridge (_pons
sublicius_).

The establishment of the new military organization, mentioned in the
previous chapter, was attributed also to this king.

The pupil will notice the similarity between these reforms of Tullius
and those of Solon of Athens, who lived about the same time. Thus early
was the Greek influence felt at Rome.

During the reign of Tullius a temple in honor of DIANA was erected on
the Aventine, to be used by all the Latin towns.

Tarquinius Superbus added to the AGER ROMANUS the territory of the city
of GABII, and planted two military colonies, which were afterwards lost.
The dynasty of the Tarquins ended with the overthrow of this king, and a
Republic was established, which lasted until the death of Julius Caesar.




CHAPTER VI. THE CONSULS AND TRIBUNES.


At the close of the dynasty of the Tarquins, the regal form of
government was abolished, and instead of one king who held office for
life, two officers, called CONSULS, were elected annually from the
PATRICIANS, each of whom possessed supreme power, and acted as a
salutary check upon the other; so that neither was likely to abuse his
power. This change took place towards the close of the sixth century
before Christ.

In times of great emergency a person called DICTATOR might be appointed
by one of the Consuls, who should have supreme authority; but his tenure
of office never exceeded six months, and he must be a patrician. He
exercised his authority only outside of the city walls. It was at
this time, about 500, that the COMITIA CENTURIATA came to be the more
important assembly, superseding in a great measure the COMITIA CURIATA.

We must remember that in this assembly all criminal cases were tried,
magistrates nominated, and laws adopted or rejected. We must not forget
that, since it was on a property basis, it was under the control of the
patricians, for the great mass of plebeians were poor. Still there were
many wealthy plebeians, and so far the assembly was a gain for this
party.

About this time the Senate, which heretofore had consisted solely of
Fathers of the families (_Patres_), admitted into its ranks some of the
richest of the landed plebeians, and called them CONSCRIPTI. (Footnote:
This is the origin of the phrase used by speakers addressing the Senate,
viz.: "_Patres (et) Consripti_") These, however, could take no part in
debates, nor could they hold magistracies.

In the Senate, thus constituted, the nomination of all magistrates made
in the Comitia Centuriata was confirmed or rejected. In this way it
controlled the election of the Consuls, whose duties, we must remember,
were those of generals and supreme judges, though every Roman citizen
had the privilege of appealing from their decision in cases which
involved life.

Two subordinate officers, chosen from the patricians, were appointed by
the Consuls. These officers, called QUAESTORES, managed the finances of
the state, under the direction of the Senate.

The wars in which the Romans had been engaged, during the century
preceding the establishment of the Republic, had impoverished the state
and crippled its commerce. This was felt by all classes, but especially
by the small landed plebeians whose fields had been devastated. They
were obliged to mortgage their property to pay the taxes, and, when
unable to meet the demands of their creditors, according to the laws
they could be imprisoned, or even put to death.

The rich land-owners, on the other hand, increased their wealth by
"farming" the public revenues; i.e. the state would let out to them,
for a stipulated sum, the privilege of collecting all import and other
duties. These, in turn (called in later times Publicans), would
extort all they could from the tax-payers, thus enriching themselves
unlawfully. So the hard times, the oppression of the tax-gatherer, and
the unjust law about debt, made the condition of the poor unendurable.

The military service, too, bore hard upon them. Many were obliged to
serve more than their due time, and in a rank lower than was just; for
the Consuls, who had charge of the levy of troops, were patricians, and
naturally favored their own party. Hence we see that the cavalry service
was at this time made up entirely of young patricians, while the older
ones were in the reserve corps, so that the brunt of military duty fell
on the plebeians.

This state of things could not last, and, as the opportunity for
rebelling against this unjust and cruel oppression was offered, the
plebeians were not slow in accepting it.

The city was at war with the neighboring Sabines, Aequians, and
Volscians, and needed extra men for defence. One of the Consuls
liberated all who were confined in prison for debt, and the danger was
averted. Upon the return of the army, however, those who had been set
free were again thrown into prison. The next year the prisoners were
again needed. At first they refused to obey, but were finally persuaded
by the Dictator. But after a well-earned victory, upon their return to
the city walls, the plebeians of the army deserted, and, marching to a
hill near by, occupied it, threatening to found a new city unless their
wrongs were redressed. This is called the First Secession of the Plebs,
and is said to have been in 494.

The patricians and richer plebeians saw that concessions must be made,
for the loss of these people would be ruin to Rome. Those in debt were
released from their obligations, and the plebeians received the right
to choose annually, from their own numbers, two officers called TRIBUNI
PLEBIS, who should look after their interests, and have the power of
VETOING any action taken by any magistrate in the city. This power,
however, was confined within the city walls, and could never be
exercised outside of them.

The person of the Tribunes was also made sacred, to prevent interference
with them while in discharge of their duties, and if any one attempted
to stop them he was committing a capital crime. Thus, if the Consuls or
Quaestors were inclined to press the law of debt to extremes, or to
be unjust in the levying of troops, the Tribunes could step in, and by
their VETO stop the matter at once.

This was an immense gain for the plebeians, and they were justified in
giving the name of SACRED MOUNT to the hill to which they had seceded.

The number of Tribunes was afterwards increased to five, and still later
to ten.




CHAPTER VII. THE COMITIA TRIBUTA AND THE AGRARIAN LAWS.


The next gain made by the plebeians was the annual appointment from
their own ranks of two officers, called AEDILES. (Footnote: The word
"Aedile" is derived from _Aedes_, meaning temple.) These officers held
nearly the same position in reference to the Tribunes that the Quaestors
did to the Consuls. They assisted the Tribunes in the performance of
their various duties, and also had special charge of the temple of
Ceres. In this temple were deposited, for safe keeping, all the decrees
of the Senate.

These two offices, those of Tribune and Aedile, the result of the
first secession, were filled by elections held at first in the Comitia
Centuriata, but later in an assembly called the COMITIA TRIBUTA, which
met sometimes within and sometimes without the city walls.

This assembly was composed of plebeians, who voted by "tribes"
(_tributa_, meaning composed of tribes), each tribe being entitled to
one vote, and its vote being decided by the majority of its individual
voters. (Footnote: These "tribes" were a territorial division,
corresponding roughly to "wards" in our cities. At this time there were
probably sixteen, but later there were thirty-five. The plebeians in the
city lived mostly in one quarter, on the Aventine Hill.)

The Comitia Tributa was convened and presided over by the Tribunes and
Aediles. In it were discussed matters of interest to the plebeians.
By it any member could be punished for misconduct, and though at first
measures passed in it were not binding on the people at large, it
presently became a determined body, with competent and bold leaders, who
were felt to be a power in the state.

The aim of the patricians was now to lessen the power of the Tribunes;
that of the plebeians, to restrain the Consuls and extend the influence
of the Tribunes. Party spirit ran high; even hand to hand contests
occurred in the city. Many families left Rome and settled in neighboring
places to escape the turmoil. It is a wonder that the government
withstood the strain, so fierce was the struggle.

The AGRARIAN LAWS at this time first become prominent. These laws had
reference to the distribution of the PUBLIC LANDS. Rome had acquired a
large amount of land taken from the territory of conquered cities. This
land was called AGER PUBLICUS, or _public land_.

Some of this land was sold or given away as "homesteads," and then it
became AGER PRIVATUS, or _private land_. But the most of it was occupied
by permission of the magistrates. The occupants were usually rich
patricians, who were favored by the patrician magistrates. This land, so
occupied, was called AGER OCCUPATUS, or _possessio_; but it really was
still the property of the state. The rent paid was a certain per cent
(from 10 to 20) of the crops, or so much a head for cattle on pasture
land. Although the state had the undoubted right to claim this land at
any time, the magistrates allowed the occupants to retain it, and were
often lenient about collecting dues. In course of time, this land, which
was handed down from father to son, and frequently sold, began to be
regarded by the occupants as their own property. Also the land tax
(TRIBUTUM), which was levied on all _ager privatus_, and which was
especially hard upon the small plebeian land-owners, could not legally
be levied upon the _ager occupatus_. Thus the patricians who possessed,
not owned, this land were naturally regarded as usurpers by the
plebeians.

The first object of the AGRARIAN LAWS was to remedy this evil.

SPURIUS CASSIUS, an able man, now came forward (486?), proposing a law
that the state take up these lands, divide them into small lots, and
distribute them among the poor plebeians as homes (homesteads). The law
was carried, but in the troublesome times it cost Cassius his life, and
was never enforced.




CHAPTER VIII. THE CONTEST OF THE PLEBEIANS FOR CIVIL RIGHTS.


The plebeians were now (about 475) as numerous as the patricians, if
not more so. Their organization had become perfected, and many of their
leaders were persistent in their efforts to better the condition
of their followers. Their especial aim was to raise their civil and
political rights to an equality with those of the patricians. The
struggle finally culminated in the murder of one of the Tribunes, Gnarus
Genucius, for attempting to veto some of the acts of the Consuls.

VALERO PUBLILIUS, a Tribune, now (471) proposed and carried,
notwithstanding violent opposition by the patricians, a measure to the
effect that the Tribunes should hereafter be chosen in the _Comitia
Tributa_, instead of the _Comitia Centuriata_. Thus the plebeians
gained a very important step. This bill is called the PUBLILIAN LAW
(_Plebiscitum Publilium_). (Footnote: All bills passed in the Comitia
Tributa were called Plebiscita, and until 286 were not necessarily
binding upon the people at large; but this bill seems to have been
recognized as a law.)

For the next twenty years the struggle continued unabated. The plebeians
demanded a WRITTEN CODE OF LAWS.

We find among all early peoples that the laws are at first the unwritten
ones of custom and precedent. The laws at Rome, thus far, had been
interpreted according to the wishes and traditions of the patricians
only. A change was demanded. This was obtained by the TERENTILIAN
ROGATION, a proposal made in 461 by Gaius Terentilius Harsa, a Tribune,
to the effect that the laws thereafter be written. The patrician
families, led by one Kaeso Quinctius, made bitter opposition. Kaeso
himself, son of the famous Cincinnatus, was impeached by the Tribune and
fled from the city.

Finally it was arranged that the Comitia Centuriata should select from
the people at large ten men, called the DECEMVIRATE, to hold office for
one year, to direct the government and supersede all other magistrates,
and especially to draw up a code of laws to be submitted to the people
for approval. A commission of three patricians was sent to Athens to
examine the laws of that city, which was now (454) at the height of
its prosperity. Two years were spent by this commission, and upon their
return in 452 the above mentioned Decemvirate was appointed.

The laws drawn up by this board were approved, engraved on ten tables of
copper, and placed in the Forum in front of the Senate-House. Two more
tables were added the next year. These TWELVE TABLES were the only Roman
code.

The DECEMVIRI should have resigned as soon as these laws were approved,
but they neglected to do so, and began to act in a cruel and tyrannical
manner. The people, growing uneasy under their injustice, finally
rebelled when one of the Decemviri, Appius Claudius, passed a sentence
that brought an innocent maiden, Virginia, into his power. Her father,
Virginius, saved his daughter's honor by stabbing her to the heart, and
fleeing to the camp called upon the soldiers to put down such wicked
government.

A second time the army deserted its leaders, and seceded to the SACRED
MOUNT, where they nominated their own Tribunes. Then, marching into the
city, they compelled the Decemviri to resign.

The TWELVE TABLES have not been preserved, except in fragments, and we
know but little of their exact contents. The position of the debtor
was apparently made more endurable. The absolute control of the _pater
familias_ over his family was abolished. The close connection heretofore
existing between the clients and patrons was gradually relaxed, the
former became less dependent upon the latter, and finally were absorbed
into the body of the plebeians. _Gentes_ among the plebeians now began
to be recognized; previously only the patricians had been divided into
_gentes_.

Thus we see, socially, the two orders were approaching nearer and
nearer.

In 449 Valerius and Horatius were elected Consuls, and were instrumental
in passing the so called VALERIO-HORATIAN laws, the substance of which
was as follows:--

I. Every Roman citizen could appeal to the Comitia Centuriata against
the sentence of any magistrate.

II. All the decisions of the Comitia Tributa (_plebiscita_), if
sanctioned by the Senate and Comitia Centuriata, were made binding
upon patricians and plebeians alike. This assembly now became of equal
importance with the other two.

III. The persons of the Tribunes, Aediles, and other plebeian officers,
were to be considered sacred.

IV. The Tribunes could take part in the debates of the Senate, and veto
any of its decisions.

Two years later (447), the election of the Quaestors, who must still be
patricians, was intrusted to the Comitia Tributa. Heretofore they had
been appointed by the Consuls.

In 445 the Tribune Canuleius proposed a bill which was passed,
and called the CANULEIAN LAW, giving to the plebeians the right of
intermarriage (_connubium_) with the patricians, and enacting that all
issue of such marriages should have the rank of the father.

Canuleius also proposed another bill which he did not carry; viz. that
the consulship be open to the plebeians. A compromise, however, was
made, and it was agreed to suspend for a time the office of Consul, and
to elect annually six MILITARY TRIBUNES in the Comitia Centuriata, the
office being open to all citizens. The people voted every year whether
they should have consuls or military tribunes, and this custom continued
for nearly a half-century. The patricians, however, were so influential,
that for a long time no plebeian was elected.

As an offset to these gains of the plebeians, the patricians in 435
obtained two new officers, called CENSORS, elected from their own ranks
every five years (_lustrum_) to hold office for eighteen months.

The duties of the Censors were:--

I. To see that the citizens of every class were properly registered.

II. To punish immorality in the Senate by the removal of any members who
were guilty of offences against public morals.

III. To have the general supervision of the finances and public works of
the state. This office became in after years the most coveted at Rome.

A few years later, in 421, the plebeians made another step forward by
obtaining the right of electing one of their number as Quaestor. There
were now four Quaestors.

Thus the patricians, in spite of the most obstinate resistance,
sustained loss after loss. Even the rich plebeians, who had hitherto
often found it for their interest to side with the patricians, joined
the farmers or lower classes.

Finally, in 367, the Tribunes Licinius and Sextius proposed and passed
the following bills, called the LICINIAN ROGATIONS.

I. To abolish the six military tribunes, and elect annually, as
formerly, two Consuls, choosing one or both of them from the plebeians.

II. To forbid any citizen's holding more than 500 _jugera_ (300 acres)
of the public lands, or feeding thereon more than 100 oxen or 500 sheep.

III. To compel all landlords to employ on their fields a certain number
of free laborers, proportionate to the number of their slaves.

IV. To allow all interest hitherto paid on borrowed money to be deducted
from the principal, and the rest to be paid in three yearly instalments.

These rogations were a great gain for the poorer classes. It gave them
an opportunity for labor which had previously been performed mostly
by slaves. They were less burdened by debts, and had some prospect of
becoming solvent. But most of all, since the office of Consul was open
to them, they felt that their interests were now more likely to be
protected. The temple of CONCORDIA in the Forum was dedicated by
Camillus as a mark of gratitude for the better times that these
rogations promised.

The plebeians, however, did not stop until all the offices, except
that of _Interrex_, were thrown open to them. First they gained that of
Dictator, then those of Censor and of Praetor, and finally, in 286, by
the law of HORTENSIUS, the plebiscita became binding upon all the people
without the sanction of the Senate and Comitia Centuriata. After 200 the
sacred offices of PONTIFEX and AUGUR also could be filled by plebeians.

Thus the strife that had lasted for two centuries was virtually ended;
and although the Roman patricians still held aloof from the commons, yet
their rights as citizens were no greater than those of the plebeians.

To recapitulate:--

Full citizenship comprised four rights, viz.: that of trading and
holding property (COMMERCIUM); that of voting (SUFFRAGIUM); that of
intermarriage (CONNUBIUM); and that of holding office (HONORES).

The first of these rights the plebeians always enjoyed; the second they
obtained in the establishment of the COMITIA TRIBUTA; the third by the
CANULEIAN BILL; the fourth by the LICINIAN and subsequent bills.




CHAPTER IX. EXTERNAL HISTORY.


The first authentic history of Rome begins about 400. The city then
possessed, possibly, three hundred square miles of territory. The
number of tribes had been increased to twenty-five. Later it became
thirty-five.

In 391 a horde of Celtic barbarians crossed the Apennines into
Etruria and attacked CLUSIUM. Here a Celtic chief was slain by Roman
ambassadors, who, contrary to the sacred character of their mission,
were fighting in the ranks of the Etrurians. The Celts, in revenge,
marched upon Rome. The disastrous battle of the ALLIA, a small river
about eleven miles north of the city, was fought on July 18, 390. The
Romans were thoroughly defeated and their city lay at the mercy of the
foe. The Celts, however, delayed three days before marching upon Rome.
Thus the people had time to prepare the Capitol for a siege, which
lasted seven months, when by a large sum of money the barbarians were
induced to withdraw.

During this siege the records of the city's history were destroyed, and
we have no trustworthy data for events that happened previous to 390.

The city was quickly rebuilt and soon recovered from the blow. In 387
the lost territory adjacent to the Tiber was annexed, and military
colonies were planted at Sutrium and Nepete upon the Etruscan border, and
also at Circeii and Setia. (Footnote: These military colonies, of which
the Romans subsequently planted many, were outposts established to
protect conquered territory. A band of Roman citizens was armed and
equipped, as if for military purposes. They took with them their wives
and children, slaves and followers, and established a local government
similar to that of Rome. These colonists relinquished their rights as
Roman citizens and became Latins; hence the name LATIN COLONIES.) The
neighboring Latin town of TUSCULUM, which had always been a faithful
ally, was annexed to Rome.

The trying times of these years had caused numerous enemies to spring
up all around Rome; but she showed herself superior to them all, until
finally, in 353, she had subdued the whole of Southern Etruria, and
gained possession of the town of CAERE, with most of its territory. The
town was made a MUNICIPIUM, the first of its kind.

The inhabitants, being of foreign blood and language, were not allowed
the full rights of Roman citizenship, but were permitted to govern their
own city in local matters as they wished. Many towns were subsequently
made MUNICIPIA. Their inhabitants were called CIVES SINE SUFFRAGIO,
"citizens without suffrage."

During the next ten years (353-343) Rome subdued all the lowland
countries as far south as TARRACINA. To the north, across the Tiber, she
had acquired most of the territory belonging to VEII and CAPENA.

In 354 she formed her first connections beyond the Liris, by a treaty
with the SAMNITES, a race that had established itself in the mountainous
districts of Central Italy. This people, spreading over the southern
half of Italy, had in 423 captured the Etruscan city of CAPUA, and
three years later the Greek city of CUMAE. Since then they had been
practically masters of the whole of Campania.

After the treaty of 354 mentioned above, both the Romans and Samnites
had, independently of each other, been waging war upon the Volsci. The
Samnites went so far as to attack Teanum, a city of Northern Campania,
which appealed to Capua for aid. The Samnites at once appeared before
Capua, and she, unable to defend herself, asked aid of Rome.

Alarmed at the advances of the Samnites, Rome only awaited an excuse to
break her treaty. This was furnished by the Capuans surrendering their
city unconditionally to Rome, so that, in attacking the Samnites, she
would simply be defending her subjects.

Thus began the SAMNITE WARS, which lasted for over half a century with
varying success, and which were interrupted by two truces. It is usual
to divide them into three parts, the First, Second, and Third Samnite
Wars.


THE FIRST SAMNITE WAR (343-341).

The accounts of this war are so uncertain and confused that no clear
idea of its details can be given. It resulted in no material advantage
to either side, except that Rome retained Capua and made it a
_municipium_, annexing its territory to her own.


THE LATIN WAR (340-338).

The cities of the LATIN CONFEDERACY had been for a long time looking
with jealous eyes upon the rapid progress of Rome. Their own rights had
been disregarded, and they felt that they must now make a stand or lose
everything. They sent to Rome a proposition that one of the Consuls and
half of the Senate be Latins; but it was rejected. A war followed, in
the third year of which was fought the battle of Triganum, near Mount
Vesuvius. The Romans, with their Samnite allies, were victorious
through the efforts of the Consul, TITUS MANLIUS TORQUATUS, one of the
illustrious names of this still doubtful period. The remainder of the
operations was rather a series of expeditions against individual cities
than a general war.

In 338 all the Latins laid down their arms, and the war closed. The
Latin confederacy was at an end. Rome now was mistress. Four of
the Latin cities, TIBUR, PRAENESTE, CORA, and LAURENTUM, were left
independent, but all the rest of the towns were annexed to Rome. Their
territory became part of the _Ager Romanus_, and the inhabitants Roman
plebeians.

Besides acquiring Latium, Rome also annexed, as _municipia_, three more
towns, Fundi, Formiae, and Velitrae, a Volscian town.

LATIUM was now made to include all the country from the Tiber to the
Volturnus.

Rome about this time established several MARITIME (Roman) COLONIES,
which were similar to her MILITARY (Latin) COLONIES, except that the
colonists retained all their rights as Roman citizens, whereas the
military colonists relinquished these rights and became Latins. The
first of these colonies was ANTIUM (338); afterwards were established
TARRACINA (329), MINTURNAE, and SINUESSA (296). Others were afterwards
founded.

Later, when Antium was changed into a military colony, its navy was
destroyed, and the beaks (_rostra_) of its ships were taken to Rome, and
placed as ornaments on the speaker's stand opposite the Senate-House.
Hence the name ROSTRA.

At this time the FORUM, which had been used for trading purposes of all
kinds, was improved and beautified. It became a centre for political
discussions and financial proceedings. The bankers and brokers had their
offices here. Smaller _Fora_ were started near the river, as the _Forum
Boarium_ (cattle market) and the _Forum Holitorium_ (vegetable market).

Maenius, one of the Censors, was chiefly instrumental in bringing about
these improvements.


THE SECOND AND THIRD SAMNITE WARS (326-290).

The results of the First Samnite War and the Latin War were, as we have
seen, to break up the Latin confederacy, and enlarge the domain of Rome.

There were now in Italy three races aiming at the supremacy, the Romans,
the Samnites, and the Etruscans. The last of these was the weakest, and
had been declining ever since the capture by the Romans of Veii in 396,
and of Caere in 353.

In the contest which followed between Rome and the Samnites, the
combatants were very nearly matched. Rome had her power more compact and
concentrated, while the Samnites were superior in numbers, but were more
scattered. They were both equally brave.

During the first five years of the war (326-321), the Romans were
usually successful, and the Samnites were forced to sue for peace.
In this period Rome gained no new territory, but founded a number of
military posts in the enemy's country.

The peace lasted for about a year, when hostilities were again renewed.
By this time the Samnites had found a worthy leader in Gavius Pontius,
by whose skill and wisdom the fortune of war was turned against the
Romans for seven years (321-315). He allured the Romans into a small
plain, at each end of which was a defile (Furculae Caudinae). On
reaching this plain they found Pontius strongly posted to oppose them.
After a bloody but fruitless attempt to force him to retreat, the Romans
themselves were compelled to give way. But meanwhile Pontius had also
occupied the defile in their rear, and they were obliged to surrender.

A treaty was signed by the Consuls Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius,
according to which peace was to be made, and everything restored to its
former condition.

Such was the affair at the Caudine Forks (321), one of the most
humiliating defeats that ever befell the Roman arms. The army was made
to pass under the yoke,--which was made of three spears, two stuck into
the ground parallel to each other and the third placed above them,--and
then suffered to depart.

Rome was filled with dismay at the news. The citizens dressed in
mourning, business and amusements were suspended, and every energy was
devoted to repairing the disaster. Compliance with the terms of the
treaty was refused, on the ground that no treaty was valid unless
sanctioned by a vote of the people. It was determined to deliver the
Consuls who had signed it to the enemy.

Pontius, indignant at the broken faith, refused to accept them, and the
war was renewed. It continued for seven years, when (310) the Samnites
were so thoroughly whipped by QUINTUS FABIUS, then Dictator, at LAKE
VADIMONIS in Etruria, that they could no longer make any effective
resistance, and at last (304) agreed to relinquish all their sea-coast,
their alliances and conquests, and acknowledge the supremacy of Rome.

During this war the Etruscans made their last single effort against the
Roman power. An expedition was sent in 311 to attack the military colony
of Sutrium, which had been founded seventy-six years before. The Consul
Quintus Fabius went to the rescue, raised the siege, drove the Etruscans
into the Ciminian forests, and there completely defeated them.

Six years intervened between the Second and the THIRD SAMNITE WAR
(298-290). This time was employed by the Samnites in endeavoring to
unite Italy against Rome. They were joined by the UMBRIANS, GAULS, and
ETRUSCANS. The LUCANIANS alone were with Rome.

The war was of short duration, and was practically decided by the
sanguinary battle of SENTINUM (295) in Umbria. The Samnites, led by
Gellius Egnatius, were routed by the Roman Consuls QUINTUS FABIUS
MAXIMUS and PUBLIUS DECIUS MUS.

In this battle the struggle was long and doubtful. The Samnites were
assisted by the Gauls, who were showing themselves more than a match
for the part of the Roman army opposed to them, and commanded by Decius.
Following the example of his illustrious father, the Consul vowed his
life to the Infernal Gods if victory were granted, and, rushing into the
midst of the enemy, was slain. (Footnote: It is said that the father
of Decius acted in a similar manner in a battle of the Latin war.) His
soldiers, rendered enthusiastic by his example, rallied and pushed back
the Gauls. The victory was now complete, for the Samnites were already
fleeing before that part of the army which was under Fabius.

The war dragged on for five years, when the Consul MANIUS CURIUS
DENTATUS finally crushed the Samnites, and also the SABINES, who had
recently joined them. The Samnites were allowed their independence,
and became allies of Rome. The Sabines were made Roman citizens (_sine
suffragio_), and their territory was annexed to the _Ager Romanus_. This
territory now reached across Italy from the Tuscan to the Adriatic
Sea, separating the Samnites and other nations on the south from the
Umbrians, Gauls, and Etruscans on the north.

In 283, at Lake Vadimonis, the Romans defeated the Senonian and Boian
Gauls, and founded the military colony of SENA GALLICA.




CHAPTER X. WARS WITH PYRRHUS (281-272).

In the early times of Rome, while she was but little known, it had been
the custom of Greece to send colonies away to relieve the pressure
of too rapid increase. We find them in Spain, France, Asia Minor, and
especially in Sicily and Southern Italy, where the country became so
thoroughly Grecianized that it was called MAGNA GRAECIA. Here were many
flourishing cities, as Tarentum, Sybaris, Croton, and Thurii. These had,
at the time of their contact with Rome, greatly fallen from their former
grandeur, owing partly to the inroads of barbarians from the north,
partly to civil dissensions, and still more to their jealousy of each
other; so that they were unable to oppose any firm and united resistance
to the progress of Rome. It had been their custom to rely largely upon
strangers for the recruiting and management of their armies,--a fact
which explains in part the ease with which they were overcome.

Of these cities TARENTUM was now the chief. With it a treaty had been
made by which the Tarentines agreed to certain limits beyond which their
fleet was not to pass, and the Romans bound themselves not to allow
their vessels to appear in the Gulf of Tarentum beyond the Lacinian
promontory. As usual, the Romans found no difficulty in evading their
treaty whenever it should profit them.

Thurii was attacked by the Lucanians, and, despairing of aid from
Tarentum, called on Rome for assistance. As soon as domestic affairs
permitted, war was declared against the Lucanians, and the wedge was
entered which was to separate Magna Graecia from Hellas, and deliver the
former over to Rome.

Pretending that the war was instigated by Tarentum, Rome decided to
ignore the treaty, and sent a fleet of ten vessels into the Bay of
Tarentum. It was a gala day, and the people were assembled in the
theatre that overlooked the bay when the ships appeared. It was
determined to punish the intrusion. A fleet was manned, and four of the
Roman squadron were destroyed.

An ambassador, Postumius, sent by Rome to demand satisfaction, was
treated with insult and contempt. He replied to the mockery of the
Tarentines, that their blood should wash out the stain. The next year
one of the Consuls was ordered south.

Meanwhile Tarentum had sent envoys to ask aid of PYRRHUS, the young and
ambitious KING OF EPIRUS. He was cousin of Alexander the Great, and,
since he had obtained no share in the division of the conquests of this
great leader, his dream was to found an empire in the West that would
surpass the exhausted monarchies of the East.

Pyrrhus landed in Italy in 281 with a force of 20,000 infantry,
3,000 cavalry, and 20 elephants. He at once set about compelling the
effeminate Greeks to prepare for their own defence. Places of amusement
were closed; the people were forced to perform military duty; disturbers
of the public safety were put to death; and other reforms were made
which the dangers of the situation seemed to demand. Meanwhile the
Romans acted with promptness, and boldly challenged him to battle. The
armies met in 280 on the plain of HERACLEA, on the banks of the Liris,
where the level nature of the country was in favor of the Greek method
of fighting. The Macedonian phalanx was the most perfect instrument of
warfare the world had yet seen, and the Roman legions had never yet been
brought into collision with it.

The Romans, under LAEVINUS, were defeated, more by the surprise of a
charge of elephants than by the tactics of the phalanx. However, they
retired in good order. Pyrrhus is said to have been much impressed by
the heroic conduct of the foe, and to have said, "Another such victory
will send me back without a man to Epirus." He recognized the inferior
qualities of his Greek allies, and determined to make a peace. A trusted
messenger, CINEAS, was sent to Rome. He was noted for his eloquence,
which was said to have gained more for his master than the sword.
Through him Pyrrhus promised to retire to Epirus if safety was
guaranteed to his allies in Italy.

The eloquence of Cineas was fortified with presents for the Senators;
and though these were refused, many seemed disposed to treat with him,
when the aged APPIUS CLAUDIUS CAECUS (Blind) was led into the Senate,
and declared that Rome should never treat with an enemy in arms.

Cineas was deeply impressed by the dignity of the Romans, and declared
that the Senators were an assembly of kings and Rome itself a temple.

Pyrrhus then tried force, and, hastily advancing northward, appeared
within eighteen miles of the city. Here his danger became great. The
defection he had hoped for among the Latins did not take place, and
the armies which had been operating elsewhere were now ready to unite
against him. He therefore retired into winter quarters at Tarentum,
where he received the famous embassy of GAIUS FABRICIUS, sent to propose
an interchange of prisoners. It was in vain that bribes and threats were
employed to shake the courage of the men sent by the Senate; and, on his
part, Pyrrhus refused to grant the desired exchange.

Many Italian nations now joined Pyrrhus, and hostilities were renewed.
The armies again met in 279 on the plain of ASCULUM, in Apulia; but
though the Romans were defeated, it was only another of those Pyrrhic
victories which were almost as disastrous as defeat.

The same year Pyrrhus retired to Sicily to defend Syracuse against the
Carthaginians, who were allied to the Romans. He remained on the island
three years. Upon his return to Italy he met the Romans for the last
time in 274, near BENEVENTUM, where he was defeated by the Consul MANIUS
CURIOUS DENTATUS. The Romans had by this time become accustomed to the
elephants, and used burning arrows against them. The wounded beasts
became furious and unmanageable, and threw the army into disorder. With
this battle ended the career of Pyrrhus in Italy. He returned home, and
two years later was accidentally killed by a woman at Argos.

The departure of Pyrrhus left all Italy at the mercy of Rome. Two years
later, in 272, the garrison at Tarentum surrendered, the city walls were
demolished, and the fleet given up.




CHAPTER XI. DIVISIONS OF THE ROMAN TERRITORY.--NOTED MEN OF THE PERIOD.


Rome was now mistress of all Italy south of the Arnus and Aesis. This
country was divided into two parts.

I. The AGER ROMANUS, including about one quarter of the whole, bounded
on the north by CAERE, on the south by FORMIAE, and on the east by the
APENNINES.

II. The DEPENDENT COMMUNITIES.

The _Ager Romanus_ was subdivided, for voting and financial purposes,
into thirty-three, afterwards thirty-five districts (tribes), four of
which were in Rome. The elections were all held at Rome.

These districts were made up,--

a. Of ROME.

b. Of the ROMAN COLONIES, mostly maritime, now numbering seven, but
finally increased to thirty-five.

c. Of the MUNICIPIA (towns bound to service).

d. Of the PRAEFECTURAE (towns governed by a praefect, who was sent from
Rome and appointed by the Praetor).

The DEPENDENT COMMUNITIES were made up,--

a. Of the LATIN (military) COLONIES, now numbering twenty-two,
afterwards increased to thirty-five.

b. Of the ALLIES of Rome (_Socii_), whose cities and adjoining territory
composed more than one half of the country controlled by Rome.

These allies were allowed local government, were not obliged to pay
tribute, but were called upon to furnish their proportion of troops for
the Roman army.

The inhabitants of this country were divided into five classes, viz.--

a. Those who possessed both PUBLIC and PRIVATE RIGHTS as citizens, i. e.
FULL RIGHTS. (Footnote: Public rights consisted of the _jus suffragii_
(right of voting at Rome); _jus honorum_ (right of holding office),
and _jus provocationis_ (right of appeal). Private rights were _jus
connubii_ (right of intermarriage); and _jus commercii_ (right of
trading and holding property). Full rights were acquired either by
birth or gift. A child born of parents, both of whom enjoyed the
_jus connubii_, was a Roman citizen with full rights. Foreigners were
sometimes presented with citizenship (_civitas_))

b. Those who were subjects and did not possess full rights.

c. Those who were ALLIES (_Socii_).

d. Those who were SLAVES, who possessed no rights.

e. Those who were RESIDENT FOREIGNERS, who possessed the right of
trading.

To class _a_ belonged the citizens of Rome, of the Roman colonies, and
of some of the Municipia.

To class _b_ belonged the citizens of most of the Municipia, who
possessed only private rights, the citizens of all the _Praefecturae_,
and the citizens of all the Latin colonies.

ROADS.

Even at this early date, the necessity of easy communication with the
capital seems to have been well understood. Roads were pushed in every
direction,--broad, level ways, over which armies might be marched
or intelligence quickly carried. They were chains which bound her
possessions indissolubly together. Some of them remain today a monument
of Roman thoroughness, enterprise, and sagacity,--the wonder and
admiration of modern road-builders. By these means did Rome fasten
together the constantly increasing fabric of her empire, so that not
even the successes of Hannibal caused more than a momentary shaking of
fidelity, for which ample punishment was both speedy and certain.


NOTED MEN.

The three most noted men of the period embraced in the two preceding
chapters were Appius Claudius, the Censor and patrician; and Manius
Curius Dentatus and Gaius Fabricius, plebeians.

We have seen that all plebeians who were land-owners belonged to one of
the tribes, and could vote in the _Comitia Tributa_; this, however, shut
out the plebeians of the city who owned no land, and also the freedmen,
who were generally educated and professional men, such as doctors,
teachers, etc.

APPIUS CLAUDIUS as Censor, in 312, deprived the landowners of the
exclusive privilege of voting in the _Comitia Tributa_, and gave to
property owners of any sort the right to vote. Eight years later this
law was modified, so that it applied to the four city tribes alone, and
the thirty-one rural tribes had for their basis landed property only.

During the censorship of Appius, Rome had its first regular water supply
by the Appian aqueduct. The first military road, the VIA APPIA, was
built under his supervision. This road ran at first from Rome as far
as Capua. It was constructed so well that many parts of it are today in
good condition. The road was afterward extended to Brundisium, through
Venusia and Tarentum.

MANIUS CURIUS DENTATUS was a peasant, a contemporary of Appius, and
his opponent in many ways. He was a strong friend of the plebeians. He
obtained for the soldiers large assignments of the _Ager Publicus_. He
drained the low and swampy country near Reate by a canal. He was
the conqueror of Pyrrhus. A man of sterling qualities, frugal and
unostentatious, after his public life he retired to his farm and spent
the remainder of his days in seclusion as a simple peasant.

GAIUS FABRICIUS, like Dentatus, was from the peasants. He was a
Hernican. As a soldier he was successful. As a statesman he was
incorruptible, and of great use to his country. Previous to the battle
of Asculum, Pyrrhus attempted to bribe him by large sums of money, and,
failing in this, thought to frighten him by hiding an elephant behind
a curtain; the curtain was suddenly removed, but Fabricius, though
immediately under the elephant's trunk, stood unmoved.

In this generation we find Roman character at its best. Wealth had not
flowed into the state in such large quantities as to corrupt it. The
great mass of the people were peasants, small land-owners, of frugal
habits and moral qualities. But comparatively few owned large estates as
yet, or possessed large tracts of the _Ager Publicus_. A century later,
when most of the available land in the peninsula was held by the wealthy
and farmed by slaves, we find a great change.

The fall of TARENTUM marks an important era in Roman history. Large
treasures were obtained from this and other Greek cities in Southern
Italy. Luxury became more fashionable; morals began to degenerate. Greed
for wealth obtained by plunder began to get possession of the Romans.
From now on the moral tone of the people continued to degenerate in
proportion as their empire increased.




CHAPTER XII. FOREIGN CONQUEST.


ROME AND CARTHAGE.--FIRST PUNIC WAR. (264-241.) (Footnote: The word
"Punic" is derived from _Phoenici_. The Carthaginians were said to
have come originally from PHOENICIA, on the eastern coast of the
Mediterranean. Their first ruler was Dido. The Latin student is of
course familiar with Virgil's story of Dido and Aeneas.)

While Rome was gradually enlarging her territory from Latium to the
Straits of Messana, on the other shore of the Mediterranean, opposite
Italy and less than one hundred miles from Sicily, sprang up, through
industry and commerce, the Carthaginian power.

Like Rome, Carthage had an obscure beginning. As in the case of Rome, it
required centuries to gain her power.

It was the policy of Carthage to make a successful revolt of her subdued
allies an impossibility, by consuming all their energies in the support
of her immense population and the equipment of her numerous fleets and
armies. Hence all the surrounding tribes, once wandering nomads, were
forced to become tillers of the soil; and, with colonies sent out by
herself, they formed the so called Libyo-Phoenician population, open
to the attack of all, and incapable of defence. Thus the country around
Carthage was weak, and the moment a foreign enemy landed in Africa the
war was merely a siege of its chief city.

The power of Carthage lay in her commerce. Through her hands passed the
gold and pearls of the Orient; the famous Tyrian purple; ivory, slaves,
and incense of Arabia; the silver of Spain; the bronze of Cyprus; and
the iron of Elba.

But the harsh and gloomy character of the people, their cruel religion,
which sanctioned human sacrifice, their disregard of the rights of
others, their well known treachery, all shut them off from the higher
civilization of Rome and Greece.

The government of Carthage was an ARISTOCRACY. A council composed of a
few of high birth, and another composed of the very wealthy, managed the
state. Only in times of extraordinary danger were the people summoned
and consulted.

Rome had made two treaties with Carthage; one immediately after the
establishment of the Republic, in 500, the other about 340. By these
treaties commerce was allowed between Rome and its dependencies and
Carthage and her possessions in Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. But the
Romans were not to trade in Spain, or sail beyond the Bay of Carthage.

In leaving Sicily, Pyrrhus had exclaimed, "What a fine battle-field for
Rome and Carthage!" If Carthage were mistress of this island, Rome would
be shut up in her peninsula; if Rome were in possession of it, "the
commerce of Carthage would be intercepted, and a good breeze of one
night would carry the Roman fleets to her walls".

At this time the island was shared by three powers,--HIERO, king of
Syracuse, the CARTHAGINIANS, and the MAMERTINES, a band of brigands who
came from Campania. The latter, making Messana their head-quarters, had
been pillaging all of the island that they could reach. Being shut up
in Messana by Hiero, they asked aid of Rome on the ground that they were
from Campania. Although Rome was in alliance with Hiero, and had
but recently executed 300 mercenaries for doing in Rhegium what the
Mamertines had done in Sicily,--she determined to aid them, for Sicily
was a rich and tempting prey.

Meanwhile, however, through the intervention of the Carthaginians, a
truce had been formed between Hiero and the brigands, and the siege of
Messana was raised. The city itself was occupied by a fleet and garrison
of Carthaginians under HANNO, The Romans, though the Mamertines
no longer needed their aid, landed at Messana and dislodged the
Carthaginians.

Thus opened the FIRST PUNIC WAR. The Romans at once formed a double
alliance with Syracuse and Messana, thus gaining control of the eastern
coast of Sicily and getting their first foothold outside of Italy.

The most important inland city of Sicily was AGRIGENTUM. Here the
Carthaginians the next year (262) concentrated their forces under
HANNIBAL, son of Cisco. The Romans besieged the city, but were
themselves cut off from supplies by Hanno, who landed at Heraclea in
their rear. Both besieged and besiegers suffered much. At last a battle
was fought (262), in which the Romans were victorious, owing to their
superior infantry. Agrigentum fell, and only a few strongholds on the
coast were left to the Carthaginians.

The Romans now began to feel the need of a fleet. That of Carthage ruled
the sea without a rival: it notonly controlled many of the seaports of
Sicily, but also threatened Italy itself. With their usual energy, the
Romans began the work. (Footnote: In 259, three years previous to the
battle of Ecnomus, the Romans under Lucius Scipio captured Blesia, a
seaport of Corsica, and established there a naval station.) A wrecked
Carthaginian vessel was taken as a model, and by the spring of 260 a
navy of 120 sail was ready for sea.

The ships were made the more formidable by a heavy iron beak, for the
purpose of running down and sinking the enemy's vessels; a kind of
hanging stage was also placed on the prow of the ship, which could be
lowered in front or on either side. It was furnished on both sides
with parapets, and had space for two men in front. On coming to close
quarters with the enemy, this stage was quickly lowered and fastened to
the opposing ship by means of grappling irons; thus the Roman marines
were enabled to board with ease their opponents' ship, and fight as if
on land.

Four naval battles now followed: 1st, near LIPARA (260); 2d, off MYLAE
(260); 3d, off TYNDARIS (257); 4th, off ECNOMUS (256).

In the first of these only seventeen ships of the Romans were engaged
under the CONSUL GNAEUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO. The fleet with its commander
was captured.

In the second engagement, off Mylae, all the Roman fleet under GAIUS
DUILIUS took part. The Carthaginians were led by Hannibal, son of Gisco.
The newly invented stages or boarding-bridges of the Romans were found
to be very effective. The enemy could not approach near without these
bridges descending with their grappling irons and holding them fast to
the Romans. The Carthaginians were defeated, with the loss of nearly
half their fleet.

A bronze column, ornamented with the beaks of the captured vessels, was
erected at Rome in honor of this victory of Duilius. The pedestal of
it is still standing, and on it are inscribed some of the oldest
inscriptions in the Latin language.

The third engagement, off Tyndaris, resulted in a drawn battle.

In the fourth engagement, off Ecnomus, the Carthaginians had 350
sail. Thirty Carthaginian and twenty-four Roman vessels were sunk, and
sixty-four of the former captured. The Punic fleet withdrew to the coast
of Africa, and prepared in the Bay of Carthage for another battle. But
the Romans sailed to the eastern side of the peninsula which helps to
form the bay, and there landed without opposition.

MARCUS ATILIUS REGULUS was put in command of the Roman forces in
Africa. For a time he was very successful, and the Carthaginians became
disheartened. Many of the towns near Cartilage surrendered, and the
capital itself was in danger. Peace was asked, but the terms offered
were too humiliating to be accepted.

Regulus, who began to despise his opponents, remained inactive at
Tunis, near Carthage, neglecting even to secure a line of retreat to his
fortified camp at Clupea. The next spring (255) he was surprised, his
army cut to pieces, and he himself taken prisoner. He subsequently died
a captive at Carthage.

The Romans, learning of this defeat, sent a fleet of 350 sail to relieve
their comrades who were shut up in Clupea. While on its way, it gained a
victory over the Carthaginian fleet off the Hermean promontory, sinking
114 of the enemy's ships.

It arrived at Clupea in time to save its friends. The war in Africa was
now abandoned. The fleet, setting sail for home, was partly destroyed in
a storm, only eighty ships reaching port.

Hostilities continued for six years without any great results. Panormus
was taken in 254; the coast of Africa ravaged in 253; Thermae and the
island of Lipara were taken in 252, and Eryx in 249.

DREPANA and LILYBAEUM were now the only places in Sicily, held by
Carthage. A regular siege of Lilybaeum was decided upon, and the city
was blockaded by land and sea; but the besieging party suffered as much
as the besieged, its supplies were frequently cut off by the cavalry of
the Carthaginians, and its ranks began to be thinned by disease.

The Consul, Publius Claudius, who had charge of the siege, determined to
surprise the Carthaginian fleet, which was stationed at Drepana (249).
He was unsuccessful, and lost three fourths of his vessels. Another
fleet of 120 sail sent to aid him was wrecked in a violent storm.

The Romans were now in perplexity. The war had lasted fifteen years.
Four fleets had been lost, and one sixth of the fighting population.
They had failed in Africa, and the two strongest places in Sicily
were still in the enemy's hands. For six years more the war dragged on
(249-243).

A new Carthaginian commander, HAMILCAR BARCA (Lightning), meanwhile took
the field in Sicily. He was a man of great activity and military talent,
and the Romans at first were no match for him. He seemed in a fair way
to regain all Sicily. The apathy of the Senate was so great, that at
last some private citizens built and manned at their own expense a fleet
of 200 sail.

GAIUS LUTATIUS CATALUS, the Consul in command, surprised the enemy and
occupied the harbors of Drepana and Lilybaeum in 242. A Carthaginian
fleet which came to the rescue was met and destroyed off the AEGATES
INSULAE in 241. Hamilcar was left in Sicily without support and
supplies. He saw that peace must be made.

Sicily was surrendered. Carthage agreed to pay the cost of the
war,--about $3,000,000,--one third down, and the remainder in ten annual
payments. Thus ended the First Punic War.




CHAPTER XIII. ROME AND CARTHAGE BETWEEN THE FIRST AND SECOND PUNIC WARS
(241-218).


Twenty-three years elapsed between the First and Second Punic Wars.
The Carthaginians were engaged during the first part of this time in
crushing a mutiny of their mercenary troops.

Rome, taking advantage of the position in which her rival was placed,
seized upon SARDINIA and CORSICA, and, when Carthage objected,
threatened to renew the war, and obliged her to pay more than one
million dollars as a fine (237).

The acquisition of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica introduced into the
government of Rome a new system; viz. the PROVINCIAL SYSTEM.

Heretofore the two chief magistrates of Rome, the Consuls, had exercised
their functions over all the Roman possessions. Now Sicily was made
what the Romans called a _provincia_, or PROVINCE. Sardinia and Corsica
formed another province (235).

Over each province was placed a Roman governor, called Proconsul. For
this purpose two new Praetors were now elected, making four in all. The
power of the governor was absolute; he was commander in chief, chief
magistrate, and supreme judge.

The finances of the provinces were intrusted to one or more QUAESTORS.
All the inhabitants paid as taxes into the Roman treasury one tenth
of their produce, and five per cent of the value of their imports and
exports. They were not obliged to furnish troops, as were the dependants
of Rome in Italy.

The provincial government was a fruitful source of corruption. As the
morals of the Romans degenerated, the provinces were plundered without
mercy to enrich the coffers of the avaricious governors.

The Adriatic Sea at this time was overrun by Illyrican pirates, who did
much damage. Satisfaction was demanded by Rome of Illyricum, but to no
purpose. As a last resort, war was declared, and the sea was cleared of
the pirates in 229.

"The results of this Illyrican war did not end here, for it was the
means of establishing, for the first time, direct political relations
between Rome and the states of Greece, to many of which the suppression
of piracy was of as much importance as to Rome herself. Alliances
were concluded with CORCYRA, EPIDAMNUS, and APOLLONIA; and embassies
explaining the reasons which had brought Roman troops into Greece were
sent to the Aetolians and Achaeans, to Athens and Corinth. The admission
of the Romans to the Isthmian Games in 228 formally acknowledged them as
the allies of the Greek states."

The Romans now began to look with hungry eyes upon GALLIA CISALPINA. The
appetite for conquest was well whetted. There had been peace with the
Gauls since the battle of Lake Vadimonis in 283. The _ager publicus_,
taken from the Gauls then, was still mostly unoccupied. In 232 the
Tribune Gaius Flaminius (Footnote: Gaius Flaminius, by his agrarian laws
gained the bitter hatred of the nobility. He was the first Governor of
Sicily, and there showed himself to be a man of integrity and honesty,
a great contrast to many who succeeded him.) carried an agrarian law,
to the effect that this land be given to the veterans and the poorer
classes. The law was executed, and colonies planted. To the Gauls
this seemed but the first step to the occupation of the whole of their
country. They all rose in arms except the Cenomani.

This contest continued for ten years, and in 225 Etruria was invaded by
an army of 70,000 men. The plans of the invaders, however, miscarried,
and they were hemmed in between two Roman armies near TELAMON in 222,
and annihilated. The Gallic king was slain at the hands of the Consul
MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. PAGE 61 Rome was now mistress of the whole
peninsula of Italy, excepting some tribes in Liguria, who resisted a
short time longer.

Three _military_ (Latin) colonies were founded to hold the Gauls in
check; PLACENTIA and CREMONA in the territory of the Insubres, and
MUTINA in that of the Boii. The _Via Flaminia_, the great northern road,
was extended from SPOLETIUM to ARIMINUM. (Footnote: During this period
the _Comitia Centuriata_ was reorganized on the basis of tribes (35)
instead of money.)

Meanwhile Carthage was not idle. After subduing the revolt of the
mercenaries in 237, she formed the project of obtaining SPAIN as
compensation for the loss of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. Hamilcar
Barca, by energetic measures, established (236-228) a firm foothold in
Southern and Southeastern Spain.

At his death, his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, continued his work. Many towns
were founded, trade prospered, and agriculture flourished. The discovery
of rich silver mines near Carthago Nova was a means of enriching the
treasury. After the assassination of Hasdrubal, in 220, the ablest
leader was Hannibal, son of Hamilcar. Although a young man of but
twenty-eight, he had had a life of varied experience. As a boy he had
shown great courage and ability in camp under his father. He was a fine
athlete, well educated in the duties of a soldier, and could endure
long privation of sleep and food. For the last few years he had been
in command of the cavalry, and had distinguished himself for personal
bravery, as well as by his talents as a leader.

Hannibal resolved to begin the inevitable struggle with Rome at once.
He therefore laid siege to Saguntum, a Spanish town allied to Rome. In
eight months the place was compelled to capitulate (219).

When Rome demanded satisfaction of Carthage for this insult, and
declared herself ready for war, the Carthaginians accepted the
challenge, and the Second Punic War began in 218.




CHAPTER XIV. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR.--FROM THE PASSAGE OF THE PYRENEES TO
THE BATTLE OF CANNAE. (218-216.)

In the spring of 218 Hannibal started from Carthago Nova to invade
Italy. His army consisted of 90,000 infantry, 12,000 cavalry, and 37
elephants. His march to the Pyrenees occupied two months, owing to the
opposition of the Spanish allies of Rome. Hannibal now sent back a
part of his troops, retaining 50,000 infantry and 9,000 cavalry, all
veterans. With these he crossed the mountains, and marched along the
coast by Narbo (Narbonne) and Nemansus (Nimes), through the Celtic
territory, with little opposition. The last of July found him on
the banks of the Rhone, opposite Avenio (Avignon). The Romans were
astonished at the rapidity of his movements.

The Consuls of the year were SCIPIO and SEMPRONIUS. The former had been
in Northern Italy, leisurely collecting forces to attack Hannibal in
Spain; the latter was in Sicily, making preparations to invade Africa.
Scipio set sail for Spain, touching at Massilia near the end of June.
Learning there for the first time that Hannibal had already left
Spain, he hoped to intercept him on the Rhone. The Celtic tribes of the
neighborhood were won over to his side. Troops collected from these were
stationed along the river, but Scipio's main army remained at Massilia.
It was Hannibal's policy to cross the river before Scipio arrived with
his troops. He obtained all the boats possible, and constructed numerous
rafts to transport his main body of troops. A detachment of soldiers
was sent up the river with orders to cross at the first available place,
and, returning on the opposite bank, to surprise the Celtic forces in
the rear. The plan succeeded. The Celts fled in confusion, and the
road to the Alps was opened. Thus Scipio was outgeneralled in the very
beginning.

His course now should have been to return to Northern Italy with all his
forces, and take every means to check Hannibal there. Instead, he
sent most of his troops to Spain under his brother Gnaeus Scipio, and
himself, with but a few men, set sail for Pisae.

Meanwhile Hannibal hurried up the valley of the Rhone, across the Isara,
through the fertile country of the Allobroges, arriving, in sixteen
days from Avenio, at the pass of the first Alpine range (Mont du Chat).
Crossing this with some difficulty, owing to the nature of the country
and the resistance of the Celts, he hastened on through the country of
the Centrones, along the north bank of the Isara. As he was leaving this
river and approaching the pass of the Little St. Bernard, he was again
attacked by the Celts, and obliged to make the ascent amidst continual
and bloody encounters. After toiling a day and a night, however, the
army reached the summit of the pass. Here, on a table-land, his troops
were allowed a brief rest.

The hardships of the descent were fully as great, and the fertile
valley of the Po was a welcome sight to the half-famished and exhausted
soldiers. Here they encamped, in September, and recruited their wearied
energies.

This famous march of Hannibal from the Rhone lasted thirty-three days,
and cost him 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry.

The Romans were still unprepared to meet Hannibal. One army was in Spain
under Gnaeus Scipio; the other in Sicily, on its way to Africa, under
the Consul Sempronius. The only troops immediately available were a
few soldiers that had been left in the valley of the Po to restrain the
Gauls, who had recently shown signs of defection.

Publius Cornelius Scipio, upon his return from Massilia, took command of
these. He met Hannibal first in October, 218, near the river Ticinus,
a tributary of the Po. A cavalry skirmish followed, in which he was
wounded and rescued by his son, a lad of seventeen, afterwards the
famous Africanus. The Romans were discomfited, with considerable loss.

They then retreated, crossing the Po at Placentia, and destroying the
bridge behind them. Hannibal forded the river farther up, and marched
along its right bank until he reached its confluence with the Trebia,
opposite Placentia. Here he encamped.

Meanwhile Sempronius, who had been recalled from Sicily, relieved the
disabled Scipio.

Early one raw morning in December, 218, the vanguard of the
Carthaginians was ordered to cross the Trebia, and, as soon any
resistance was met, to retreat. The other troops of Hannibal were drawn
up ready to give the enemy a hot reception, if, as he expected, they
should pursue his retreating vanguard. Sempronius was caught in the
trap, and all his army, except one division of 10,000, was cut to
pieces. The survivors took refuge in Placentia and Cremona, where they
spent the winter. Sempronius himself escaped to Rome.

The result of TREBIA was the insurrection of all the Celtic tribes in
the valley of the Po, who increased Hannibal's army by 60,000 infantry
and 4,000 cavalry. While the Carthaginian was wintering near Placentia,
the Romans stationed troops to guard the two highways leading north from
Rome and ending at Arretium and Ariminum, The Consuls for this year were
GAIUS FLAMINIUS and GNAEUS SERVILIUS. The former occupied Arretium, the
latter Ariminum. Here they were joined by the troops that had wintered
at Placentia.

In the spring, Hannibal, instead of attempting to pursue his march by
either of the highways which were fortified, outflanked the Romans by
turning aside into Etruria. His route led through a marshy and unhealthy
country, and many soldiers perished. Hannibal himself lost an eye from
ophthalmia. When he had arrived at Faesulae a report of his course first
reached Flaminius, who at once broke camp and endeavored to intercept
his enemy. Hannibal, however, had the start, and was now near LAKE
TRASIMENUS.

Here was a pass with a high hill on one side and the lake on the other.
Hannibal, with the flower of his infantry, occupied the hill. His
light-armed troops and horsemen were drawn up in concealment on either
side.

The Roman column advanced (May, 217), without hesitation, to the
unoccupied pass, the thick morning mist completely concealing the
position of the enemy. As the Roman vanguard approached the hill,
Hannibal gave the signal for attack. The cavalry closed up the entrance
to the pass, and at the same time the mist rolled away, revealing the
Carthaginian arms on the right and left. It was not a battle, but a mere
rout. The main body of the Romans was cut to pieces, with scarcely any
resistance, and the Consul himself was killed. Fifteen thousand Romans
fell, and as many more were captured. The loss of the Carthaginians was
but 1,500, and was confined mostly to the Gallic allies. All Etruria
was lost, and Hannibal could march without hindrance upon Rome, whose
citizens, expecting the enemy daily, tore down the bridges over the
Tiber and prepared for a siege. QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS was appointed
Dictator.

Hannibal, however, did not march upon Rome, but turned through Umbria,
devastating the country as he went. Crossing the Apennines, he halted on
the shores of the Adriatic, in Picenum. After giving his army a rest, he
proceeded along the coast into Southern Italy.

The Romans, seeing that the city was not in immediate danger, raised
another army, and placed the Dictator in command. Fabius was a man of
determination and firmness, well advanced in years. He determined to
avoid a pitched battle, but to dog the steps of the enemy, harassing him
and cutting off his supplies as far as possible.

Meanwhile Hannibal again crossed the mountains into the heart of
Italy to Beneventum, and from there to Capua, the largest Italian city
dependent upon Rome. The Dictator followed, condemning his soldiers to
the melancholy task of looking on in inaction, while the enemy's cavalry
plundered their faithful allies. Finally, Fabius obtained what he
considered a favorable opportunity for an attack. Hannibal, disappointed
in his expectations that Capua would be friendly to him, and not being
prepared to lay siege to the town, had withdrawn towards the Adriatic.
Fabius intercepted him near Casilinum, in Campania, on the left bank of
the Volturnus. The heights that commanded the right bank of the river
were occupied by his main army; and the road itself, which led across
the river, was guarded by a strong division of men.

Hannibal, however, ordered his light-armed troops to ascend the heights
over the road during the night, driving before them oxen with burning
fagots tied to their horns, giving the appearance of an army marching by
torchlight. The plan was successful. The Romans abandoned the road and
marched for the heights, along which they supposed the enemy were going.
Hannibal, with a clear road before him, continued his march with the
bulk of his army. The next morning he recalled his light-armed troops,
which had been sent on to the hills with the oxen. Their engagement with
the Romans had resulted in a severe loss to Fabius.

Hannibal then proceeded, without opposition, in a northeasterly
direction, by a very circuitous route. He arrived in Luceria, with much
booty and a full money-chest, at harvest time. Near here he encamped in
a plain rich in grain and grass for the support of his army.

At Rome the policy of Fabius was severely criticised. His apparent
inaction was displeasing to a large party, and he was called Cunctator
(the Delayer). At length the assembly voted that his command be shared
by one of his lieutenants, Marcus Minucius. The army was divided into
two corps; one under Marcus, who intended to attack Hannibal at the
first opportunity; the other under Fabius, who still adhered to his
former tactics. Marcus made an attack, but paid dearly for his rashness,
and his whole corps would have been annihilated had not Fabius come to
his assistance and covered his retreat. Hannibal passed the winter of
217-216 unmolested.

The season was spent by the Romans in active preparations for the spring
campaign. An army of 80,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry was raised and
put under the command of the Consuls, LUCIUS AEMILIUS PAULLUS and GAIUS
TERENTIUS VARRO. It was decided to test Hannibal's strength once more in
open battle. His army was only half as strong as the Roman in infantry,
but was much superior in cavalry.

In the early summer of 216 the Consuls concentrated their forces at
CANNAE, a hamlet near the mouth of the Aufidus. Early one morning in
June the Romans massed their troops on the left bank of the river, with
their cavalry on either wing, the right under Paullus, and the left
under Varro. The Proconsul Servilius commanded the centre.

The Carthaginians were drawn up in the form of a crescent, flanked by
cavalry. Both armies advanced to the attack at the same time. The onset
was terrible; but though the Romans fought with a courage increased by
the thought that their homes, wives, and children were at stake, they
were overwhelmed on all sides. Seventy thousand fell on the field,
among whom were Paullus, Servilius, many officers, and eighty men of
senatorial rank. This was the most crushing defeat ever experienced by
the Romans. All Southern Italy, except the Latin colonies and the Greek
cities on the coast, went over to Hannibal.




CHAPTER XV. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR.-FROM CANNAE TO THE BATTLE OF ZAMA
(216-202).


ROME was appalled; but though defeated, she was not subdued. All the
Latin allies were summoned for aid in the common peril. Boys and old men
alike took up arms even the slaves were promised freedom if they would
join the ranks.

Hannibal marched from Cannae into Campania. He induced Capua, the second
city of Italy, to side with him. But his expectations that other
cities would follow her example were not fulfilled. He went into winter
quarters here (215-214). The Capuans, notorious for their luxurious and
effeminate habits, are said to have injured his soldiers. But Hannibal's
superiority as a general is unquestionable, and his want of success
after this was due to insufficient aid from home, and to the fact that
the resources of Rome were greater than those of Carthage. The Latin
allies of Rome had remained true to their allegiance, and only one city
of importance was under his control. It was an easy matter to conquer
the enemy in open battle, but to support his own army was more
difficult, for all Italy had been devastated. On the other hand, the
Romans were well supplied with food from their possessions in Sicily.

Hannibal saw, therefore, that more active measures than those already
employed were necessary. He sent to Carthage an appeal for aid. He
formed an alliance with Philip V. of Macedonia, and earnestly urged
Hasdrubal Baroa, his lieutenant in Spain, to come to his assistance. He
hoped, with this army from the north, with supplies and reinforcements
from Carthage, and with such troops as he might obtain from Macedonia,
to concentrate a large force at Rome and compel her into submission.

The Romans, realizing the position of Hannibal, kept what forces they
could spare in Spain, under the two Scipio brothers, Publius and Gnaeus.
With these they hoped to stop reinforcements from reaching the enemy
from that quarter. At the same time their army in Northern Greece
effectually engaged the attention of Philip. Thus two years (214-212)
passed without any material change in the situation of affairs in Italy.

In 212, while the Carthaginians were in the extreme south of Italy,
besieging Tarentum, the Romans made strenuous efforts to recover
Campania, and especially Capua. Hannibal, learning the danger, marched
rapidly north, and failing to break through the lines which enclosed the
city, resolved to advance on Rome itself.

Silently and quickly he marched along the _Via Latino_ through the heart
of the territory of Rome, to within three miles of the city, and with
his vanguard he even rode up to one of the city gates. But no ally
joined him; no Roman force was recalled to face him; no proposals of
peace reached his camp. Impressed by the unmoved confidence of
the enemy, he withdrew as quickly as he came, and retreated to his
head-quarters in the South.

Capua fell in 211, and the seat of war, to the great relief of Rome, was
removed to Lucania and Bruttium. The punishment inflicted upon Capua was
severe. Seventy of her Senators were killed, three hundred of her chief
citizens imprisoned, and the whole people sold as slaves. The city and
its territory were declared to be Roman territory, and the place was
afterwards repeopled by Roman occupants.

Such was the fate of this famous city. Founded in as early times as Rome
itself, it became the most flourishing city of Magna Graecia, renowned
for its luxury and refinement, and as the home of all the highest arts
and culture.


AFFAIRS IN SICILY.

HIERO II., tyrant of Syracuse, died in 216. During his long reign of
more than fifty years he had been the stanch friend and ally of Rome in
her struggles with Carthage. Hieronymus, the grandson and successor of
Hiero, thought fit to ally himself with Carthage. The young tyrant, who
was arrogant and cruel, was assassinated after reigning a few months.

The Roman Governor of Sicily, MARCELLUS, troubled by the Carthaginian
faction in Syracuse, threatened the city with an attack unless the
leaders of this faction were expelled. In return, they endeavored to
arouse the citizens of the neighboring city of Leontini against Rome
and the Roman party in Syracuse. Marcellus at once attacked and stormed
Leontini. The Syracusans then closed their city gates against him. A
siege of two years (214-212) followed, famous for the various devices
adopted by the noted mathematician ARCHIMEDES (Footnote: Archimedes was
a great investigator in the science of mathematics. He discovered the
ratio of a sphere to its circumscribed cylinder. One of his famous
sayings was, "Give me where to stand, and I will move the world." He
exerted his ingenuity in the invention of powerful machines for the
defence of Syracuse. Eight of his works on mathematics are in existence.
He was killed at the close of the siege by a Roman soldier, who would
have spared his life had he not been too intent on a mathematical
problem to comply with the summons to surrender. On his tombstone, it
is said, was engraved a cylinder enclosing a sphere.) to defeat the
movements of the Romans. The city was finally betrayed by a Spanish
officer, and given up to plunder. The art treasures in which it was so
rich were conveyed by Marcellus to Rome. From this time (212) the city
became a part of the province of Sicily and the head-quarters of the
Roman Governor.


THE CAMPAIGNS IN SPAIN.

PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO, with his brother, GNAEUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO
CALVUS, were winning victories over the Carthaginians under HANNO
and HASDRUBAL. The greatest of these was fought in 215 at Ibera, the
location of which is uncertain. Spain was gradually being gained over
to Rome, when the Carthaginians, making desperate efforts, sent large
reinforcements there (212). The armies of the Scipios were separated,
surprised, and overwhelmed. Both their leaders were slain, and Spain was
lost to Rome.

Unless checked, the Carthaginians would now cross the Alps, enter Italy,
and, joining forces with Hannibal, place Rome in great danger. PUBLIUS
CORNELIUS SCIPIO, son of one of the slain generals, then but twenty-four
years of age, offered to go to Spain and take command. He had previously
made himself very popular as Aedile, and was unanimously elected to the
command. On his arrival in Spain in 210, he found the whole country west
of the Ebro under the enemy's control.

Fortunately for the Romans, the three Carthaginian generals, HASDRUBAL
and MAGO, brothers of Hannibal, and HASDRUBAL, son of Gisco, did not act
in harmony. Thus Scipio was enabled, in the following spring (209), to
capture Carthago Nova, the head-quarters of the enemy. A good harbor was
gained, and eighteen ships of war, sixty-three transports, $600,000, and
10,000 captives fell into the hands of the Romans.

Shortly after, Scipio fought Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, at
BAECULAE, in the upper valley of the Baetis (Guadalquivir); but the
battle was not decisive, for Hasdrubal was soon seen crossing the
Pyrenees, with a considerable force, on his way to Italy. He spent the
winter (209-208) in Gaul.

The two Carthaginian generals now in Spain, Mago, and Hasdrubal, the son
of Gisco, retired, the latter to Lusitania, the former to the Baleares,
to wait for reinforcements from home.

The next year another battle was fought near Baecula, resulting in
the total defeat of the Carthaginians, who retreated to Gadus, in the
southwestern part of Spain.

The country being now (206) under Roman influence, Scipio crossed
the straits to Africa, and visited the Numidian princes, SYPHAX and
MASINISSA, whom he hoped to stir up against Carthage. On his return,
after quelling a mutiny of the soldiers, who were dissatisfied about
their pay, he resigned his command, and started for Rome, where he
intended to become a candidate for the consulship.


OPERATIONS IN ITALY.

The news of the approach of Hasdrubal caused intense anxiety at Rome.
Every nerve was strained to prevent the union of the two brothers. The
Consuls for this year (207) were GAIUS CLAUDIUS NERO, a patrician,
and MARCUS LIVIUS, a plebeian. To the former was intrusted the task of
keeping Hannibal in check in Bruttium, while the duty of intercepting
Hasdrubal was given to the latter.

The Carthaginian had already reached the neighborhood of the river
Metaurus, a small stream south of the Rubicon. From here he sent
messengers to inform his brother of his approach and proposed line of
march. These messengers were captured by Nero, and the contents of their
despatches learned. He at once pushed north with his forces, joined
Livius, met Hasdrubal on the METAURUS early in 207, and defeated his
army with great slaughter. Among the slain was Hasdrubal himself. Nero
returned south without delay, and the first intimation that Hannibal had
of this battle was the sight of his brother's head thrown into the camp
by the victorious foe.

The war in Italy was now virtually ended, for, although during four
years more Hannibal stood at bay in a corner of Bruttium, he was
powerless to prevent the restoration of Roman authority throughout
Italy. Nothing now remained to Carthage outside of Africa, except the
ground on which Hannibal was making his last stand.


INVASION OF AFRICA.

Scipio, on his return from Spain, urged an immediate invasion of Africa.
He was elected Consul in 205, receiving Sicily as his province, with
permission to cross into Africa if it seemed to him wise. He was so
popular that voluntary contributions of men, money, and supplies poured
in from all sides. The old-fashioned aristocracy, however, did not like
him, as his taste for splendid living and Greek culture was particularly
offensive to them; and a party in the Senate would have recalled him,
had not the popular enthusiasm in his favor been too strong to be
resisted.

In 204 he sailed from Lilybaeum, and landed near Utica. He was welcomed
by Masinissa, whose friendship he had gained in his previous visit to
Africa from Spain. Syphax, however, sided with Carthage; but in 203
Scipio twice defeated him and the Carthaginian forces.

Negotiations for peace followed, but the war party in Carthage
prevailed. Hannibal was recalled. He returned to fight his last battle
with Rome, October 19, 202, at ZAMA, a short distance west of Carthage.
The issue was decided by the valor of the Roman legions, who loved their
commander and trusted his skill. Hannibal met his first and only defeat,
and Scipio won his title of AFRICANUS. The battle was a hard one. After
all the newly enrolled troops of Hannibal had been killed or put
to flight, his veterans, who had remained by him in Italy, although
surrounded on all sides by forces far outnumbering their own, fought
on, and were killed one by one around their beloved chief. The army was
fairly annihilated. Hannibal, with only a handful, managed to escape to
Hadrumetum.

The battle of Zama decided the fate of the West. The power of Carthage
was broken, and her supremacy passed to Rome. She was allowed to retain
her own territory intact, but all her war-ships, except ten, were given
up, and her prisoners restored; an annual tax of about $200,000, for
fifty years, was to be paid into the Roman treasury, and she could carry
on no war without the consent of Rome. Masinissa was rewarded by an
increase in territory, and was enrolled among the "allies and friends of
the Roman people."

Rome was now safe from any attack. She had become a great Mediterranean
power. Spain was divided into two provinces, and the north of Africa was
under her protection.

Such was the result of the seventeen years' struggle. Scipio was
welcomed home, and surnamed AFRICANUS. He enjoyed a triumph never before
equalled. His statue was placed, in triumphal robes and crowned with
laurels, in the Capitol. Many honors were thrust upon him, which he had
the sense to refuse. He lived quietly for some years, taking no part in
politics.




CHAPTER XVI. ROME IN THE EAST.


ROME was now in a position to add new nations to her list of subjects.
The kingdoms of the East which formerly composed a part of the vast
empire of Alexander the Great, and which finally went to swell the
limits of Roman authority, were Egypt, Syria, Macedonia, and Greece
proper.

EGYPT was governed by the Ptolemies, and included at this time the
valley of the Nile, Palestine, Phoenicia, the island of Cyprus, and a
number of towns in Thrace.

SYRIA, extending from the Mediterranean to the Indus, was composed of
various nations which enjoyed a semi-independence. Under incompetent
rulers, she saw portion after portion of her dominions fall from her.
Thus arose Pergamus, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Phrygia.

MACEDONIA was ruled by Philip V., and included also a large portion of
Northern Greece.

GREECE proper was divided between the ACHAEAN and AETOLIAN LEAGUES, the
former including the most of the Peloponnesus, the latter the greater
part of Central Greece.

Ever since the repulse of Pyrrhus, Rome had been slowly drifting into
closer contact with the East. She formed an alliance with Egypt in 273.
From this country had come in part her supply of corn during the Second
Punic War. In 205, Ptolemy V. became king, and, through fear of the
Macedonian and Syrian kings, sought the protection of Rome.

The punishment of the Illyrican pirates in 228 brought Rome into closer
relations with Greece. These connections had been sufficient to open the
Eastern ports to her trade, but her struggle with Carthage had left her
no time or strength to interfere actively in Eastern politics, until she
was forced to take action by the alliance of Philip V. of Macedonia and
Hannibal, and by the former's threatened invasion of Italy in 214. A
small force was sent into Greece, which was soon largely increased by
the dissatisfied subjects of Philip.

The only object of Rome in the First Macedonian War (214-205) was
to prevent Philip from lending aid to Hannibal; and in this she was
partially successful. None of the Macedonian troops entered Italy, but
four thousand of them were at Zama.

The military operations of this war were of slight importance. Marcus
Valerius Laevinus was sent to the Adriatic, and pushed the king so hard
that he was obliged to burn the fleet in which he intended to sail for
Italy. Philip was at this time at war with Aetolia. Laevinus assisted
the Aetolians, and the king was too fully occupied at home to think of
operations farther away. But in 205, the Romans, wishing to concentrate
their energies upon the invasion of Africa, made peace.

Some of Philip's soldiers had been captured at Zama. He demanded their
return. The answer was, that, if he wished war again, he could have it.

There were several other reasons which led to the SECOND MACEDONIAN
WAR (200-197). Philip had agreed with ANTIOCHUS III., king of Syria, to
attempt with him the division of Egypt, since it seemed probable that
the young king, Epiphanes (Ptolemy V.), who was only four years old,
would not be able to make an effectual resistance. The ministers of
Egypt sought the protection of Rome. On their journey, the Roman envoys
sent to assume the office of protectorship remonstrated with Philip.

In Asia Minor Philip had conducted himself with such barbarity that the
people rose against him; and from a similar cause Greece was driven to
seek alliances which would protect her against him.

Rome was unwilling to undertake a new war, but the people were induced
to vote for one, on the representation that the only means of preventing
an invasion of Italy was to carry the war abroad.

This year (200) the Consul, Publius Sulpicius Galba, was sent with a
considerable force across the Adriatic. His campaign, and that of the
Consul Villius during the next year, were productive of no decisive
results, but in 198 the Consul TITUS QUINCTIUS FLAMININUS, a man of
different calibre, conducted the war with vigor. He defeated Philip on
the Aous, drove him back to the pass of Tempe, and the next year utterly
defeated him at CYNOSCEPHALAE.

The king had drawn up his forces in two divisions. With the first he
broke through the line of the legions, which, however, closed in around
him with but little loss. The other division was attacked by the Romans,
while it was forming, and thoroughly discomfited. The victory of the
Romans was decisive.

About the same time the Achaeans captured CORINTH from Philip, and the
Rhodians defeated his troops in Caria.

Further resistance was impossible. Philip was left in possession of
Macedonia alone; he was deprived of all his dependencies in Greece,
Thrace, and Asia Minor, and was forbidden, as Carthage had been, to wage
war without Rome's consent.

The next year (196), at the Isthmian Games, the "freedom of Greece" was
proclaimed to the enthusiastic crowds, and two years later
Flamininus withdrew his troops from the so called "three fetters of
Greece,"--Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth,--and, urging the Greeks to
show themselves worthy of the gift of the Roman people, he returned home
to enjoy a well earned triumph.

The chief result of the second Macedonian war was, therefore, the firm
establishment of a ROMAN PROTECTORATE OVER GREECE AND EGYPT. The wedge
had been entered and the interference of Rome in Eastern affairs was
assured.




CHAPTER XVII. THE SYRIAN WAR.


Antiochus III. of Syria, who had proposed to share Egypt with Philip,
had been engaged for some time in a campaign in the East, and did not
hear of his ally's danger until too late to aid him. However, he
claimed for himself portions of Asia Minor and Thrace, which Philip had
previously held, and which Rome now declared free and independent. He
crossed the Hellespont into Thrace in 196, but did not dare to enter
Greece, although earnestly urged to do so by the Aetolians, until after
Flamininus had withdrawn all his troops (192).

Antiochus was no general. Himself irresolute and fond of pleasure, the
power behind his throne was HANNIBAL. This great soldier, after his
defeat at Zama, did not relinquish the aim of his life. He became the
chief magistrate of his native city, and in a short time cleared the
moral atmosphere, which was charged with corruption and depravity. Under
him Carthage might have risen again. But his intrigues with Antiochus,
with whom he wished to make an alliance, gave Rome an opportunity to
interfere. His surrender was demanded. He fled, and, after wandering
from coast to coast, became the trusted adviser of the Syrian king.

Had Antiochus been energetic after his arrival in Greece, he could have
accomplished something before the Roman troops came. But he disregarded
the warnings of Hannibal, and spent valuable time in minor matters. The
Romans arrived in 191, and under Glabrio at Thermopylae drove back the
intruder, who hastily retired to Asia Minor. The Aetolians were punished
for their infidelity.

In 190, LUCIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO was elected Consul, and put in command
of the army in the East, with the understanding that he should be
accompanied by his brother Africanus, and have the benefit of his
military skill and experience. Under his command, the Romans crossed the
Hellespont and sought Antiochus in his own kingdom.

Hannibal could do nothing with the poorly disciplined troops of the
king. They were met by the invading forces at MAGNESIA, in Lydia, in
190, and 80,000 Asiatics were put to rout by 30,000 Romans, 50,000 being
slain. The loss of the victors was slight.

On that day the fate of Asia was sealed. Antiochus relinquished all
pretensions to any territory west of the river Halys and the Taurus
mountains. His chariots, elephants, fleet, and treasures were all
surrendered.

Scipio returned home to enjoy a triumph, and added ASIATICUS to his
name, as his brother had taken that of Africanus in commemoration of his
victory.

Gneius Manlius Vulso succeeded Scipio in the East. He made a campaign
against the Gauls, who had settled in Galatia about a century before,
and had become wealthy by means of constant plunderings. The excuse for
the campaign was, that they had served in the Syrian army; the reason
was, their wealth, and the ambition of the Consul for glory.

The Galatians were easily overcome, their wealth seized, and they
themselves became assimilated to their neighbors. This war is noticeable
chiefly for the reason that Manlius undertook it _without the authority
of the Senate_, the first instance of its kind, and a precedent which
was too frequently followed in later times. On his return to Rome he was
allowed a triumph, which stamped his act as legal.

These wars in the East brought to Rome immense riches, which laid
the foundation of its Oriental extravagance and luxury, and finally
undermined the strength of the state. From Greece were introduced
learning and refinement, from Asia immorality and effeminacy. The vigor
and tone of Roman society are nowhere more forcibly shown than in the
length of time it took for its subjugation by these ruinous exotics.

Meanwhile, at Rome the political enemies of the Scipios were in the
ascendency. Asiaticus was accused of misappropriating funds obtained
during his campaign in the East. As he was about to produce his
account-books before the Senate, his brother, Africanus, seized them,
tore them to pieces, and threw the remnants on the floor. Asiaticus,
however, was sentenced to pay a fine. When it was afterwards intimated
that his brother too was implicated, he proudly reminded his enemies
that their insinuations were ill-timed, for it was the anniversary of
Zama. This remark changed the tide of feeling, and no more charges were
made.

Two years later (183), Africanus died in voluntary exile at Liternum,
on the coast of Campania. He had lived little more than fifty years. His
wife, Aemilia, was the daughter of Paullus, who fell at Cannae, and
the sister of him who afterwards conquered Perseus of Macedonia. His
daughter, CORNELIA, afterwards became the mother of the famous GRACCHI.
Next to Caesar, Scipio was Rome's greatest general. During the
campaign in the East, he met Hannibal at the court of Antiochus. In
the conversation Hannibal is reported to have said that he considered
Alexander the greatest general, Pyrrhus next, and, had he himself
conquered Scipio, he would have placed himself before either.

Scipio lived to see Rome grow from an Italian power to be practically
the mistress of the world. He was of marked intellectual culture, and
as conversant with Greek as with his mother tongue. He possessed a charm
which made him popular at a time when the culture and arts of Greece
were not so courted at Rome as in later days.

Hannibal, after the defeat of Antiochus, was demanded by the Romans,
but, escaping, took refuge in Crete, and subsequently with Prusias, King
of Bithynia. His surrender was demanded, and troops were sent to
arrest him. Seeing no way of escape, he opened the bead on his ring and
swallowed the poison which it contained (183).

Thus died one of the greatest of commanders, without attaining the aim
of his life. He had lived but fifty-four years, yet his life was
so marked that people have ever since looked with wonder upon
the tremendous magnitude of what he undertook, and came so near
accomplishing.

This same year is also memorable for the death of "the last of the
Greeks," PHILOPOEMEN. (Footnote: See Ancient Greece, page 145.)




CHAPTER XVIII. CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA AND GREECE. (171-146.)


Although Philip had aided the Romans in their campaign against
Antiochus, he did not receive from them the expected reward in additions
to his territory. Immediate resistance would be futile; but he labored
patiently and quietly to increase his resources, and to stir up among
the neighboring Greeks hostile feeling towards Rome. He placed his army
on the best footing possible, and soon began to enlarge his boundaries.
Complaints were made to Rome, and the king was compelled to give up his
conquests, and confine himself to the limits of Macedonia. In 179 Philip
died, and was succeeded by his son PERSEUS.

The new king was as able as his father, and more impatient of
subjection. He made friends with the surrounding princes, formed a
marriage connection with Antiochus IV. of Syria, and strove to arouse
among the Greeks memories of their former greatness.

The Senate, hearing of his numerous intrigues, determined to check him.
War was declared in 171; but the forces sent by Rome were at first led
by incompetent men, and nothing was accomplished until LICIUS AEMILIUS
PAULLUS was made Consul, and took charge of the war in 168.

Paullus (229-160) was the son of the Consul of the same name who was
killed at Cannae. His integrity was first shown when, as CURULE AEDILE,
(Footnote: See page 225) in 192, he prosecuted persons who had made an
illegal use of the public pastures. He was sent to Ulterior Spain in 191
as governor, where, after some reverses, he put down all insurrections.
He was Consul in 182, and did good work in conquering a tribe of
marauders in Liguria. For this he was allowed a triumph.

He was elected Consul a second time in 168, and sent against Perseus.
The war was brought to a speedy end by the battle of PYDNA, on the
Thermaic Gulf, June 22. The king fled to Samothrace with his treasures
and family. He was shortly afterwards captured, but was treated with
kindness by the Consul.

Paullus now travelled through Greece. Later, assisted by commissioners,
he arranged the affairs of Macedonia. The country was divided into
four small republics, independent of each other, but prohibited from
intermarriage and commerce with one another.

On his return to Rome in 167, he enjoyed a triumph, which was graced
by Perseus and his three children. He was Censor in 164, and died four
years later.

Paullus had two sons by his first wife. The elder of these was adopted
by Fabius Maximus Cunctator, the younger by the son of Africanus the
elder, his brother-in-law. He was of the "blue" blood of Rome, of
perfect honesty, and very popular, a good general, but somewhat
superstitious. A patron of learning and the fine arts, he gave his sons
the best training under Greek masters. A strong proof of his popularity
is the fact that his body was carried to its last resting place by
volunteers from the various peoples he had conquered.

Perseus spent his last days in confinement near Rome, enduring, it is
alleged, base and cruel treatment. He was the last king of Macedonia.

After the victory at Pydna, the sympathy shown in Greece for the
conquered monarch made the Romans more watchful of her interests there.
All suspected to be enemies were removed as hostages to Italy, and among
these was the historian POLYBIUS. He lived in Rome for more than twenty
years, and became a great friend of the younger Africanus, whom he
accompanied to the siege of Carthage.

Like Macedonia, Greece was separated into parts, independent of
each other, with no rights of _connubium_ or _commercium_. Utter
demoralization soon ensued, which proved a sure preventive to all
alliances liable to shake the authority of Rome.

Trouble again arose in Macedonia twenty years after Pydna, culminating
in what is sometimes called the FOURTH MACEDONIAN WAR (149-146). Under
the leadership of ANDRISCUS, who claimed to be a son of Perseus, the
people rebelled against the protection of Rome. They were twice defeated
in 148 by the praetor QUINTUS CAECILIUS METELLUS, who gained the agnomen
of MACEDONICUS. The country was made a Roman province, with a Roman
magistrate at its head.

At this time the Achaeans were quarrelling with Sparta. Metellus warned
them to desist, and when the Achaeans advanced against him, he easily
defeated them near SCARPHEIA.

Metellus was a moderate reformer and a model man. He belonged to an
illustrious plebeian _gens_, the Caecilian. Before his death in 115
three of his sons had been consuls, one censor, and the fourth was a
candidate for the consulship.

Metellus was succeeded in Greece by LUCIUS MUMMIUS, a cruel and harsh
leader. The remnant of the Achaean army had taken refuge in CORINTH.
The Senate directed Mummius to attack the city. Its capture in 146
was marked by special cruelties. The city was burned to the ground;
beautiful pictures and costly statuary were ruthlessly destroyed. Gold
in abundance was carried to Rome. The last vestige of Greek liberty
vanished. The country became a Roman province under the name of ACHAIA.

Corinth, the "eye of all Greece," remained in ruins for a century, when
it was rebuilt in 46 by Julius Caesar, who planted on its site a colony
of veterans and freedmen.




CHAPTER XIX. THE THIRD PUNIC WAR, AND FALL OF CARTHAGE.


Fifty years had passed since Zama. It was a period of great commercial
prosperity for Carthage, but her government was weakened by the quarrels
of conflicting factions.

MASINISSA, King of Numidia, an ally of the Romans, was a continual
source of annoyance to Carthage. He made inroads upon her territory,
and, as she was bound by her treaty not to war upon any allies of Rome,
her only recourse was to complain to the Senate. In 157 an embassy was
sent to inquire into the troubles. MARCUS PORCIUS CATO, the chief of the
embassy, was especially alarmed at the prosperity of the city, and from
that time never ceased to urge its destruction. The embassy did not
reach any decision, but allowed matters to go on as they might. Finally,
when some sympathizers with Masinissa were banished from the city, he
attacked and defeated the Carthaginians, compelled their army to
pass under the yoke, and afterwards treacherously destroyed it (150).
Carthage was compelled to give up some of her territory, and pay
$5,000,000 indemnity.

After this victory, matters came to a crisis. The city must be
disciplined for warring with an ally of Rome. Cato never failed to
close any speech he might make in the Senate with the same cruel words,
_Delenda est Carthago_, "Carthage must be destroyed." The people of
Carthage were called to account. Desponding and broken-hearted, they
sent ambassadors to Rome. The answer given them was obscure. They were
requested to make reparation to Rome, and at the same time they were
assured that nothing should be undertaken against Carthage herself.
But in 149 the Consuls crossed with a large army into Sicily, where the
troops were organized, and Carthaginian ambassadors were expected.

When they appeared, the Consuls declared that the Senate did not wish to
encroach upon the freedom of the people, but only desired some security;
for this purpose it demanded that, within thirty days, three hundred
children of the noblest families should be delivered into their hands
as hostages. This demand was met. The Romans then coolly crossed over
to Africa, and informed the Carthaginians that they were ready to treat
with them on any question not previously settled.

When the ambassadors again appeared before the Consuls, they were told
that Carthage must deliver over all her arms and artillery; for, they
said, as Rome was able to protect her, there was no need of Carthage
possessing arms. Hard as was this command, it was obeyed. They were then
told that Carthage had indeed shown her good will, but that Rome had no
control over the city so long as it was fortified. The preservation of
peace, therefore, required that the people should quit the city, give
up their navy, and build a new town without walls at a distance of ten
miles from the sea. The indignation and fury which this demand excited
were intense. The gates were instantly closed, and all the Romans and
Italians who happened to be within the city were massacred.

The Romans, who expected to find a defenceless population, imagined
that the storming of the place would be an easy matter. But despair had
suggested to the Carthaginians means of defence in every direction.
All assaults were repelled. Everybody was engaged day and night in the
manufacture of arms. Nothing can be more heartrending than this last
struggle of despair. Every man and every woman labored to the uttermost
for the defence of the city with a furious enthusiasm.

Two years after the siege began, PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS,
the Younger, was elected Consul while but thirty-seven (under the legal
age), for the express purpose of giving him charge of the siege. After
two years of desperate fighting and splendid heroism on the part of the
defenders, the famished garrison could hold out no longer.

Carthage fell in 146, and the ruins of the city burned for seventeen
days. The destruction was complete. A part of her territory was given to
Numidia. The rest was made a Roman province, and called AFRICA.

The year 149 saw the death of two men who had been Carthage's most
bitter enemies, but who were not allowed to see her downfall,--MASINISSA
and CATO, the one aged ninety, the other eighty-five.

Masinissa's (239-149) hostility dates from the time he failed to get the
promised hand of Hasdrubal's daughter, Sophonisba, who was given to
his rival, Syphax. After the battle of Zama, most of the possessions of
Syphax fell to Masinissa, and among them this same Sophonisba, whom he
married. Scipio, however, fearing her influence over him, demanded
her as a Roman captive, whereupon she took poison. Masinissa was a
courageous prince, but a convenient tool for the Romans.

CATO THE ELDER (_Major_), (234-149,) whose long public career was a
constant struggle with the enemies of the state abroad, and with the
fashions of his countrymen at home, was a type of the _old_ Roman
character, with a stern sense of duty that forbade his neglecting the
interests of state, farm, or household. In 184, in his capacity as
Censor, he acted with extreme rigor. He zealously asserted old-fashioned
principles, and opposed the growing tendency to luxury. All innovations
were in his eyes little less than crimes. He was the author of several
works, one of which, a treatise on agriculture, has been preserved.

Cicero's "Cato Major" represents him in his eighty-fourth year
discoursing about old age with Africanus the younger, and Laelius, a
friend of the latter.




CHAPTER XX. ROME AND SPAIN.-THE NUMANTINE AND SERVILE WARS. (206-132.)


Africanus the elder left Spain in 206. After a provincial government
of nine years (206-197), the country was divided into two provinces,
separated by the IBERUS (Ebro), and each province was assigned to a
praetor. It was some time, however, before Spain was really brought into
a state of complete peace and order. The mountains and forests were a
formidable obstacle to the Roman legions, and favored guerilla warfare,
which makes conquest slow and laborious.

The most warlike of the Spanish tribes was the CELTIBERI, who
occupied the interior of the peninsula. They were always uncertain and
intractable, continually breaking out into revolt. In 195, Cato the
elder put down a rebellion led by them. He established more firmly the
Roman power east of the Iberus. He disarmed the inhabitants of this part
of Spain, and compelled all from the Pyrenees to the Guadalquivir to
pull down their fortifications.

Still the smouldering fires of rebellion were not extinguished, for,
sixteen years later (179), we find TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS,
the father of the famous Gracchi, as Governor of Spain, fighting the
troublesome Celtiberi. He captured over one hundred of their towns, but
tempered his victories with moderate measures, showing himself greater
in peace than in war. He granted to the poorer classes lands on
favorable conditions, and did much to produce contentment among the
natives. But farther west, in the valleys of the Douro and Tagus, and in
Lusitania (Portugal), there seems to have been constant warfare.

In 154, MUMMIUS, the same who eight years later sacked Corinth, was
Governor of Farther Spain. His defeat by the Lusitanians encouraged the
Celtiberi to revolt again, and there followed another defeat, with
a massacre of many Roman citizens. Two years later (152), CLAUDIUS
MARCELLUS avenged these losses, founded Corduba, and governed the
country humanely. His successors, LUCIUS LUCULLUS and SERVIUS GALBA,
were so cruel and grasping as to drive the Lusitanians into another open
rebellion, headed by VIRIATHUS, a bold and daring bandit. During seven
years (147-140) he defeated again and again the armies sent against him.
The Celtiberi joined his standards, and Spain seemed likely to slip from
the Romans. The only check to these successes was during the command of
METELLUS MACEDONICUS (143); when he was recalled, matters returned to
their former condition.

In 140, the Consul Mancinus was obliged to capitulate, and, to save
himself and his army, made a treaty which the Senate refused to
sanction.

Viriathus was finally (139) assassinated by persons hired by the Consul
Caepio; his people were then subdued, and the government was ably
conducted (138) by DECIMUS JUNIUS BRUTUS.


THE NUMANTINE WAR (143-133).

The Celtiberi, however, were still in arms. The strong city of NUMANTIA,
the capital of one of their tribes, witnessed more than one defeat of a
Roman Consul before its walls (141-140). Finally Rome sent out her best
general, Africanus the younger.

After devoting several months to the disciplining of his troops, he
began (134) a regular siege of the place. It was defended with the
utmost bravery and tenacity, until, forced by the last extreme of
famine, it surrendered (133). The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and
the town was levelled to the ground. The victor was honored with the
title of NUMANTINUS.

The fall of Numantia gave Rome a hold upon the interior of Spain, which
was never lost. The country now, with the exception of its northern
coast, was nominally Roman territory. Several towns were established
with Latin municipal rights _(municipia)_, and, on the whole, order was
maintained. Along the coast of the Mediterranean there sprang up many
thriving and populous towns, which became centres of civilization to the
neighboring districts, and were treated by Rome rather as allies than
as subjects. Some of them were allowed to coin the silver money of Rome.
The civilizing process, due to Roman influence, went on rapidly in these
parts, while the interior remained in barbarism.

In 105 the peninsula was overrun by the Cimbri, a barbarous race from
the north. The country was ravaged, but finally saved by the brave
Celtiberi, who forced the invaders back into Gaul.

 THE SERVILE WAR (134-132).

While the Numantine war was still in progress, a war with the slaves
broke out in Sicily, where they had been treated with special barbarity.

For a long time slave labor had been taking the place of that of
freemen. The supply was rendered enormous by constant wars, and by the
regular slave trade carried on with the shores of the Black Sea and
Greece. The owners of the slaves became an idle aristocracy.

The immediate cause of the outbreak in Sicily was the cruelty of a
wealthy slave-owner, Damophilus. The leader of the slaves was EUNUS, who
pretended to be a Syrian prophet. A number of defeats were suffered
by the Roman armies, until, finally, PUBLIUS RUTILIUS captured the
strongholds of the slaves, TAUROMENIUM and ENNA, and thus closed the
war. For his success he was allowed an ovation.




CHAPTER XXI. INTERNAL HISTORY.--THE GRACCHI. We have seen how the long
struggle between the patricians and plebeians terminated in a nominal
victory for the latter. From about 275, the outward form of the old
constitution had undergone little change. It was nominally that of a
"moderate democracy." The Senate and offices of state were, in law,
open to all alike. In practice, however, the constitution became an
oligarchy. The Senate, not the Comitias, ruled Rome. Moreover, the
Senate was controlled by a class who claimed all the privileges of a
nobility. The Comitias were rarely called upon to decide a question.
Most matters were settled by a DECREE OF THE SENATE (_Senatus
Consultum_). To be sure the Comitia declared for war or peace, but the
Senate conducted the war and settled the conditions of peace. It also
usually assigned the commands, organized the provinces, and managed the
finances.

The causes for this ascendency of the Senate are not hard to find. It
was a body made up of men capable of conducting affairs. It could be
convened at any time, whereas the voters of the Comitias were scattered
over all Italy, and, if assembled, would not be competent to decide
questions demanding knowledge of military matters and foreign policy.

The Senate and the Roman nobility were in the main the same. All
patricians were nobles, but all nobles were not patricians. The
patricians were the descendants of the original founders of the city.
The nobles were the descendants of any one who had filled one of the
following six curule offices, viz. Dictator, Magister Equitum, Consul,
Interrex, Praetor, or Curule Aedile. These nobles possessed the right to
place in their hall, or carry in funeral processions, a wax mask of
this ancestor, and also of any other member of the family who had held a
curule office.

A plebeian who first held this office was called a _novus homo_, or "new
man."

The Senate, thus made up of patricians and nobles, had at this time the
monopoly of power. Legally, however, it had no positive authority.
The right of the people to govern was still valid, and there was only
wanting a magistrate with the courage to remind them of their legal
rights, and urge the exercise of them.

Such a magistrate was found in TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS. With him
was ushered in the contest which lasted for more than a century, and
brought to the surface some of the proudest names of Roman history.
On one side or the other we find them,--MARIUS and SULLA, CAESAR and
POMPEY, AUGUSTUS and ANTONY--arraying Rome against herself, until the
glories of the Republic were swallowed up in the misrule and dishonor of
the Empire.

Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus the elder (see Chapter XX.) belonged to the
nobility, but not to the aristocracy. He married CORNELIA, the daughter
of Africanus the elder. They had twelve children, of whom all but three
died young. Two sons and a daughter lived to maturity. The daughter,
SEMPRONIA, married Africanus the younger. The sons, TIBERIUS and GAIUS,
grew up under the care of their noble and gifted mother, who was left a
widow when they were mere boys.

Tiberius (164-133) entered the army, and served under his brother-in-law
during the third Punic war. Ten years later (136) he was Quaestor in
Spain, where he won the affections of the people by adhering to the mild
policy which his father had previously followed. His popular measures
here displeased his brother-in-law, and he ceased to be a favorite
with him. On his return home he passed through Tuscany where he was
astonished to see large tracts of the _ager publicus_ (see Chapter VII.)
cultivated by slave gangs, while the free poor citizens of the Republic
were wandering in towns without employment, and deprived of the land
which, according to law (see the Licinian Rogations), should have
been divided among them, and not held in large quantities by the rich
land-owners.

Tiberius determined to rectify this wrong. In 133 he offered himself as
candidate for the tribuneship, and was elected. He then began boldly the
battle for the commons. He proposed to revise the Agrarian Law, now a
dead letter, which forbade the holding of more than 320 acres of the
_ager publicus_ by one individual. Occupants who had fenced this land
and improved it were to be compensated therefor.

The wealthy classes and the Senate at once took sides against Tiberius,
and the struggle began. One of the other Tribunes, OCTAVIUS CAECINA,
who was himself a large land-owner, taking advantage of his authority as
Tribune, interposed his veto to prevent a vote upon the question.

Gracchus, full of enthusiasm over the justice of his cause, obtained,
contrary to all precedent, the removal of his colleague from office, and
passed his Agrarian Law. Three commissioners were appointed, himself,
his brother, and his father-in-law, APPIUS CLAUDIUS, to carry it into
effect.

It was contrary to the law that a person should hold the office of
Tribune for two successive years. But Gracchus, in his desire to carry
out his plans, determined to violate this rule, and offered himself as
candidate for the next year. The election day came, and when it became
evident that he would be re-elected, the aristocrats, who had turned out
in full force on the Campus Martius with their retinues of armed slaves
and clients, raised a riot, and, killing Gracchus with three hundred of
his followers, threw their bodies into the Tiber (133). Thus was shed
the first blood of the civil struggle. The mob was led by SCIPIO NASICA,
the uncle of Tiberius. Africanus, when he heard of the murder of his
brother-in-law, exclaimed, "Justly slain."

The agrarian law, however, which had passed, was too evidently just to
be openly ignored. The remaining two commissioners continued their work,
until, within two years, 40,000 families were settled on tracts of
the public land which the patricians were compelled to vacate. But the
commissioners became unpopular, for those who received lands were not
always satisfied, and those who were obliged to leave them were enraged.
The commissioners were suspended, and the law repealed.

The mantle of Tiberius fell on GAIUS GRACCHUS. For a time after his
brother's death he retired from politics, and served in the army in
Africa and Sardinia, where he was Quaestor. His valor, wisdom, and
justice made him justly popular, but caused him to be regarded with
suspicion at Rome. In 123 he was elected Tribune, and twice re-elected.
He revived his brother's agrarian law, and became at once the avowed
enemy of the Senate. As a means of increasing his popularity, he
endeavored to admit all the Italians to the privileges of Roman
citizenship, and to limit the price of bread.

Gains gained the favor of the _Equites_ (Knights), the commercial class,
by carrying through the assembly a law by which all judicial functions
were taken from the Senate and intrusted to the Knights. Heretofore
all civil and criminal cases of importance had been tried before a jury
chosen from the Senate. These juries were often venal and corrupt, and
it was a notorious fact that their verdicts could be bought.

The transferring of the juries to the Equites made Gaius for a time
very powerful. He caused another law to be passed, to the effect that no
Roman citizen should be put to death without legal trial and an appeal
to the assembly of the people.

But the plan of Gaius to extend the franchise to all the Italians ruined
his popularity. The Roman citizens had no desire to share their rights
with the Etruscans and Samnites. Riots again broke out, as ten years
before. The aristocracy again armed itself. Gaius with 3,000 of his
friends was murdered in 121, and the Senate was once more master of the
situation.

However, the results obtained by the Gracchi still remained. Forty
thousand peasants had been settled on public land. The jury law was in
force. No Roman citizen could be put to death without trial, unless the
state was held to be in danger.

Nearly all Roman writers unite in attacking the reputation of the
Gracchi; but viewed in the light of to-day their characters were noble,
and their virtues too conspicuous to be obscured.

A few years previous to this, the younger Africanus died (129). His
remark about the death of Tiberius Gracchus gave dire offence to the
popular party, and a few days later he was found dead in his bed,
probably "a victim of political assassination."

Africanus was a man of refinement and culture, a warm friend of
scholars, a patron of the Greek historian POLYBIUS, and of the poets
LUCILIUS and TERENCE. He was opposed to the tendency of his age towards
luxury and extravagance. He was an orator, as well as a general. The
one blot on his career is the terrible destruction of Carthage, which he
possibly might have averted had he shown firm opposition to it.

SCIPIO NASICA, who led the mob against Tiberius, was compelled, though
Pontifex Maximus, to leave the city, and died an exile in Asia.




CHAPTER XXII. EXTERNAL HISTORY.--PERGAMUM.--JUGURTHINE WAR (118-104).


Pergamum was an ancient city of Mysia on the Caicus, fifteen miles from
the sea. It first became important after the death of Alexander. Its
first king, Attalus I. (241-197), added a large territory to the city.
He was an ally of the Romans, and his successors remained their firm
friends. The city became one of the most prosperous and famous in Asia
Minor, noted for its architectural monuments, its fine library, and
its schools. Attalus III., at his death in 133, bequeathed to Rome his
kingdom, which included Lydia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Pamphylia. It was
made a province under the name of ASIA.

THE WAR WITH JUGURTHA.

After the destruction of Carthage, the most important kingdom in Africa
was NUMIDIA. It contained a number of flourishing towns, which were
centres of a considerable commerce. Masinissa left this kingdom to his
son Micipsa. The latter had two sons and a nephew, JUGURTHA. The nephew
was a brilliant young man, who had served under Scipio in the Numantine
war, and returned to Africa covered with honors. He was named joint heir
with his cousins to the kingdom of Numidia. Micipsa dying soon after,
Jugurtha murdered one of his cousins, Hiempsal, claimed the whole
kingdom, and attacked his other cousin, Adherbal, who appealed to
Rome. Commissioners were sent to investigate. They were bought off by
Jugurtha, and returned home without accomplishing anything. Adherbal was
afterwards captured, savagely tortured, and finally killed.

The Senate, compelled by the popular indignation to make an
investigation, moved so slowly that some of its members were accused of
accepting bribes. War was declared at last, but the campaign languished,
and peace was soon made on such easy terms for the prince that it was
evident his money had again been freely used. The scandalous transaction
was denounced at Rome by the Tribune MEMMIUS. Jugurtha then repaired to
the city in person, and bought up all the authorities except Memmius,
whom he found incorruptible. He had another cousin in the city, whom he
caused to be murdered. After this the Senate ordered him to leave, and
as he departed, it is said he exclaimed, "Venal city, destined soon to
perish, if a purchaser be found!"

War was now begun in earnest (110), but resulted in a crushing defeat
of the Romans, whose army was sent under the yoke. Humiliated by
the defeat, the Senate in the following year sent QUINTUS CAECILIUS
METELLUS, nephew of Metellus Macedonicus, to take charge of the war. He
was a man of integrity, with some experience as an officer, and a rigid
aristocrat. Realizing the danger of failure, he took with him as his
lieutenant the ablest soldier that he could find, GAIUS MARIUS.

Marius, born at Arpinum in 157, was the son of a farmer, and was
himself bred to the plough. He joined the army at an early age, and soon
attracted notice for his punctual performance of all duties, and his
strictness in discipline. He was present at the siege of Numantia, and
his courage caused Scipio to predict for him a brilliant career. He soon
rose to be Military Tribune. In 119 he was chosen Tribune of the People,
and two years later Praetor. The fact that he was respected and valued
in high circles is shown by his subsequent marriage into the family of
the Caesars. By this marriage with Julia, the aunt of Julius Caesar, he
became a person of social distinction.

The campaign was moderately successful. Jugurtha was defeated near the
river Muthul, and made to retire into the desert, where his stronghold,
Thala, was captured. He sued for peace, but, as unconditional surrender
was demanded, he still held out. The popular party at Rome, irritated
that such a petty prince should give so much trouble, demanded that
Marius should be made Consul and have charge of the war. When the
lieutenant asked Metellus for leave of absence to enable him to be
present at the elections, as was necessary according to the law, his
general ridiculed the idea, and told him to wait another twenty years.
He went, however, and was elected in 107, being the first plebeian
chosen to that office for more than a century.

Metellus was recalled, enjoyed a triumph, and received the agnomen of
NUMIDICUS.

Marius was every inch a soldier. He saw that the Roman legions must be
reorganized and better disciplined. He enlisted men who had no other
occupation, that they might become professional soldiers. Some men of
rank who had a taste for war also went with him. Among these was a young
patrician, CORNELIUS SULLA. With this army Marius soon wrested from
Jugurtha all his strongholds. In less than two years the war was over.
By his ally, Bocchus, King of Mauritania, Jugurtha was betrayed (106)
into the hands of Sulla, who was acting as the Quaestor of Marius.

The western portion of Numidia was given to Bocchus as the reward of
his treachery, while the remainder continued to be governed by native
princes, until the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. In 104 Marius
returned home, and entered Rome in triumph. Jugurtha was thrown into a
dungeon, and there starved to death.




CHAPTER XXIII. THE CIMBRI AND TEUTONES.--POLITICAL QUARRELS.


The war with Jugurtha ended none too soon, for Marius was needed in a
struggle requiring all his talents.

The CIMBRI and TEUTONES, barbarous nations from Northern Europe, were
threatening the frontiers of Italy. Already the Roman armies had met
with five successive defeats at their hands on the banks of the Rhone.
Eighty thousand Romans and forty thousand camp followers are said to
have fallen in these battles. Had the barbarians at this moment chosen
to enter Italy, the destruction of Rome would have been a certain
result. Fortunately, they turned to the Pyrenees, and, sweeping over the
mountains, overran for a season the province of Spain.

Marius, appointed Consul a second time, devoted his energies to forming
and training the army. He selected the plains on the banks of the Rhone
in Southern Gaul as best adapted for his purpose. Here he drilled
his troops, accustoming them to the greatest possible exertions. Many
perished under the strain, but the survivors became hardened soldiers.
Corps of engineers were attached to each legion, and the soldiers were
taught the use of tools, as well as of arms. At length, in his fourth
consulship (102), he felt prepared to meet the enemy.

The barbarians, on their return from Spain, separated their forces, the
Cimbri marching around the northern foot of the Alps towards Noricum,
with the intention of invading Italy from that quarter, while the
Teutones remained in Gaul.

As the latter advanced, Marius took up his position in a fortified camp
near AQUAE SEXTIAE (Aix). He allowed the enemy to march past him, and
then followed cautiously, waiting for a favorable opportunity to fall
upon them. In the battle that followed, the barbarians were no match for
the drilled legionaries, who were irresistible. The contest lasted two
days, and the vast host of the Teutones was cut to pieces (20 July,
102). At the close of this battle word was brought to Marius that he had
been elected Consul for the fifth time.

Meanwhile, the Cimbri had crossed the Alps and were ravaging the fertile
fields of Lombardy, meeting with but slight opposition from Catulus, the
other Consul.

The next year Marius came to his rescue. Near VERCELLAE the Cimbri met
the same fate as their brethren, and Italy was saved (101).

No sooner was the danger from the invasion over than political quarrels
broke out at Rome with great fury. Marius was elected Consul for the
sixth time. The popular heroes of the hour were two demagogues, the
Tribune SATURNINUS and the Praetor GLAUCIA. They carried corn laws and
land laws,(Footnote: These were the APPULEIAN LAWS (100):--I. Any Roman
citizen could buy corn of the state at a nominal price. II. The land
in Cisalpine Gaul, which the Cimbrians had occupied, should be divided
among the Italian and Roman citizens. III. Colonies from the veterans
of Marius were to be founded in Sicily, Achaia, and Macedonia.) and
compelled the Senators to take an oath to execute their laws. Metellus
Numidicus refusing to comply with their wishes, Saturninus sent a guard
to the Senate-House, dragged him out, and expelled him from the city.

During this troublesome time, Marius showed that he was no politician.
He lacked judgment and firmness, and by endeavoring to please all
parties he pleased none.

On the popular side there were two parties, the moderate one, led by
MEMMIUS, who had exposed the Senate in its dealings with Jugurtha, and
the radical one, led by Saturninus and Glaucia. Memmius and Glaucia
both ran for the consulship, and as the former seemed likely to be
successful, he was murdered. A reaction then set in, and Saturninus
and Glaucia were declared public enemies. They took refuge in the
Senate-House, the roof of which was torn off, and the wretches were
stoned to death.

The fall of Saturninus and Glaucia was followed in 99 by the recall
of Metellus from banishment. He died shortly afterwards, and it was
suspected that he was a victim of treachery.

Marius having now become generally unpopular on account of his
vacillating course in the recent troubles, went into voluntary exile,
travelling through Asia Minor, and visiting the court of Mithradates,
King of Pontus.

For the next eight years (99-91) Rome enjoyed a season of comparative
quiet.




CHAPTER XXIV. INTERNAL HISTORY.-THE SOCIAL WAR (90-88).


At this time there was a bitter rivalry between the Senate and the
equestrian order, or commercial class. From the former were chosen
the governors of the provinces, from the latter came the tax-gatherers
(_publicani_) and the money-brokers (_negotiatores_). It will help us to
understand better the condition of affairs, if we study the composition
of the Senate and the Equites.

The Senators, three hundred in number (later their number was increased
to six hundred), held their office for life. When vacancies occurred
from death, or occasionally from removal, they were filled by the
Censor, (Footnote: See the duties of Censor) who appointed a person that
had held one of the following offices: Dictator, Consul, Praetor, Curule
Aedile, or, after the time of Sulla, Quaestor. All persons who had held
these offices, or that of Tribune, were allowed to join in debate in the
Senate, but not to vote. No Senator could engage in business. Hence he
must be wealthy.

We saw in Chapter IV. that Roman citizens were divided into six classes
according to their property, and that these classes were subdivided into
one hundred and ninety-three other classes called centuries. About 225,
the number was increased to three hundred and seventy-three. Eighteen
of the centuries of the first class were called EQUITES, and must have
property worth twenty thousand dollars or more. This name was given to
them because at first they served in the army as horsemen, though in
later times the cavalry was composed only of allied troops. The Equites
were originally from the aristocracy alone, but, as the plebeians
increased in wealth, many of them became rich enough to be included in
this class.

There was no hostility between the Senate and the Equites until, in 123,
Gaius Gracchus passed the _Lex Judicaria_, which prescribed that the
jurors _(judices)_ should be chosen from the Equites, and not the
Senate. From this time dates the struggle between the two classes,
and the breach widened every year. On the one side were the nobles,
represented by the Senate; on the other side, the equestrian order.
Since the jurors were chosen from the latter, it had control of the
courts, and often made an unscrupulous use of its power, especially in
those courts which were established to try governors for extortion in
the management of provinces _(quaestiones rerum repetundarum)_. From
the Equites, too, were taken the tax-gatherers of the provinces. They
pillaged and robbed the people at will, and, if a governor had the
courage to interfere with them, a threat of prosecution was held over
his head. The average governor preferred to connive at their exactions;
the bolder ones paid with fines or exiles for their courage. Another
trouble was threatening the commonwealth. The Italian allies of Rome did
not possess the franchise belonging to a Roman citizen. For nearly two
centuries they had shared dangers and victories with the Romans; they
now eagerly demanded all their privileges.

In 91, MARCUS LIVIUS DRUSUS, the Tribune, took up the task of reform.
He was noble, wealthy, and popular, and he hoped to settle the
question peacefully and equitably. But his attempt to reform the
courts displeased the Equites, his agrarian and corn laws made him many
enemies, and his attempt to admit the Italians to the rights of Roman
citizenship aroused great opposition.

His laws were passed, but the Senate pronounced them null and void.
He was denounced in that body as a traitor, and was struck down by an
assassin in the same year.

The death of Drusus drove the Italians to despair. Eight nations entered
into a close alliance, chose CORFINIUM, in the Pelignian Apennines, as
their capital, and formed a Federal Republic, to which they gave the
name ITALIA. All Italians were to be citizens of Corfinium, and here was
to be the place of assembly and the Senate-House.

Rome, in the face of this danger, acted promptly and with resolution.
The Consuls, Lucius Julius Caesar and Publius Rutilius Lupus, both took
the field; with each were five lieutenants, among whom were Marius and
Sulla.

This war (90-88), called the SOCIAL WAR, i.e. the war with the allies
(_Socii_), was at first disastrous to Rome. The allies overran Campania,
defeated the Romans several times, and entered into negotiations with
the Northern Italians, whose fidelity began to waver.

It is not strange, therefore, that opinions at Rome began to be turned
in the direction of a more liberal policy. It was decided to make
concessions. Towards the close of the year 90, the Consul Caesar carried
the JULIAN LAW, by which the Roman franchise was extended to all who
had not yet revolted. The next year this law was supplemented by the
PLAUTIAN PAPIRIAN LAW, which allowed every citizen of an Italian town
the franchise, if he handed in his name to the Praetor at Rome within
sixty days. About the same time was passed another law, the CALPURNIAN,
which permitted Roman magistrates in the field to bestow the franchise
on all who wished it. These laws resulted in disorganizing the
rebellion. The Samnites and Lucanians held out the longest, but were
finally put down by Marius.

The end of the Social War brought no peace at Rome. The newly
enfranchised Italians were not fully satisfied. The Senate was torn
asunder by violent personal rivalries. There was no class not affected
by the wide-spread tightness in the money market. The treasury was
empty, and many capitalists became insolvent. War with Mithradates, King
of Pontus, had been declared, and both Marius and Sulla were eager to
have the command.

At this time (88) the TRIBUNE PUBLIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS brought forward
the following bills:--

1. That the command of the war against Mithradates be given to Marius.

2. That the new citizens should be distributed through all the tribes.

3. That any Senator who owed more than four hundred dollars be deprived
of his seat.

4. That those exiled on suspicion of having aided in the Italian revolt
be recalled.

In spite of the bitterest opposition, these bills were passed. But the
triumph of Sulpicius was of short duration. Sulla, who with his troops
had been encamping near Nola in Campania, marched upon the city, and for
the first time a Consul entered Rome at the head of his legions.




CHAPTER XXV. MARIUS AND SULLA.-CINNA.


With the name of MARIUS is usually coupled that of LUCIUS CORNELIUS
SULLA (138-78). "He was a patrician of the purest blood, had inherited
a moderate fortune, and had spent it, like other young men of rank,
lounging in theatres and amusing himself with dinner parties. He was
a poet, an artist, and a wit. Although apparently indolent, he was
naturally a soldier, statesman, and diplomatist. As Quaestor under
Marius in the Jugurthine War, he had proved a most active and useful
officer." In these African campaigns he showed that he knew how to
win the hearts and confidence of his soldiers; and through his whole
subsequent career, the secret of his brilliant successes seems to have
been the enthusiastic devotion of his troops, whom he always held well
under control, even when they were allowed to indulge in plunder and
license. It was to Sulla's combined adroitness and courage that Marius
owed the final capture of Jugurtha. He served again under Marius in
the campaigns against the Cimbri and Teutones, and gave efficient help
towards the victory. But the Consul became jealous of his rising power,
and all friendly feeling between the two ceased.

After this campaign Sulla lived at Rome for some years, taking no part
in politics, and during this time his name and that of his rival are
almost unheard. He appeared before the public again in 93, when he was
elected Praetor, and increased his popularity by an exhibition of a
hundred lions in the arena, matched against Numidian archers. In 92 he
went as Propraetor to govern the province of Asia, and here he first met
MITHRADATES.

This monarch, who ruled over Pontus, was an extraordinary man. He
spoke many languages, was the idol, of his subjects, and had boundless
ambition. He doubted the durability of the Roman Empire, and began to
enlarge his own territory, with no apparent fear of Rome's interference.

Cappadocia, a neighboring country, was under Roman protection, and was
ruled by a prince, ARIOBARZANES, that Rome had recognized. This country
Mithradates attacked. He killed the prince, and placed on the throne his
own nephew.

Rome interfered, and Sulla was instructed to visit the monarch. He
accomplished his mission with his usual adroitness, and returned to Rome
with new honors. He took an active part in the Social War, eclipsing
the fame of his rival, Marius. He was now the recognized leader of the
conservative and aristocratic party. The feeling between the rivals was
more bitter than ever, for Marius, though old, had by no means lost his
prestige with the popular party.

It was at this time that Mithradates, learning of the Social War,
thought it a good opportunity to advance his own interests and extend
his realm. He collected all his available forces, and invaded Bithynia.
With his fleets he sailed through the Dardanelles into the Archipelago.
The extortions of the Roman governors had been so great, that Ionia,
Lydia, and Caria, with all the islands near Asia Minor, gladly revolted
from Rome, and accepted his protection. All the Roman residents with
their families were massacred on a single day. It is said that 80,000
persons perished. Mithradates himself next crossed the Bosphorus, and
marched into Northern Greece, which received him with open arms.

Such was the condition in the East when Sulpicius Rufus carried the
bills mentioned in the last chapter. One of these bills was that Marius
have charge of the war against Mithradates. This was not to Sulla's
liking. He was in Campania with the legions that had served in the
Social War. The soldiers were devoted to him, and ready to follow him
anywhere. Sulla, therefore, taking matters into his own hands, marched
into the city at the head of his troops. The people resisted; Sulpicius
was slain; Marius fled for his life, and retired to Africa, where he
lived for a time, watching the course of events.

Sulla could not remain long at the capital. The affairs of the East
called him away; and no sooner was he gone than the flames of civil war
burst out anew (87).

LUCIUS CORNELIUS CINNA, a friend of Marius, was Consul that year. He
tried to recall Marius, but was violently opposed and finally driven
from the city. The Senate declared him deposed from his office. He
invoked the aid of the soldiers in Campania, and found them ready to
follow him. The neighboring Italian towns sent him men and money, and
Marius, coming from Africa, joined him with six thousand troops. They
marched upon Rome. The city was captured. Cinna was acknowledged
Consul, and the sentence of outlawry which had been passed on Marius was
revoked.

The next year Marius was made Consul for the seventh time, and Cinna for
the second. Then followed the wildest cruelties. Marius had a body-guard
of slaves, which he sent out to murder whomever he wished. The houses of
the rich were plundered, and the honor of noble families was exposed to
the mercy of the slaves. Fortunately Marius died sixteen days after he
entered office, and the shedding of blood ceased.

For the next three years Cinna ruled Rome. Constitutional government
was practically suspended. For the years 85 and 84 Cinna himself and a
trusty colleague were Consuls, but no regular elections were held. In
84, he was murdered, when on the eve of setting out against Sulla in
Asia.

Sulla left Italy for the East with 30,000 troops. He marched against
Athens, where Archelaus, the general of Mithradates, was intrenched.
After a long siege, he captured and pillaged the city, March 1, 86. The
same year he defeated Archelaus at CHAERONEA in Boeotia, and the next
year at ORCHOMENOS.

Meanwhile Sulla's lieutenant, LUCULLUS, raised a fleet and gained two
victories off the coast of Asia Minor. The Asiatic king was now ready
to negotiate. Sulla crossed the Hellespont in 84, and in a personal
interview with the king arranged the terms of peace, which were as
follows. The king was to give up Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Cappadocia,
and withdraw to his former dominions. He was also to pay an indemnity
amounting to about $3,500,000, and surrender eighty ships of war.

Having thus settled matters with the king, Sulla punished the Lydians
and Carians, in whose territory the Romans had been massacred, by
compelling them to pay at one time five years' tribute. He was now ready
to return to Rome.

The same year that Cinna died, Sulla landed at Brundisium, with 40,000
troops and a large following of nobles who had fled from Rome. Every
preparation was made by the Marian party for his reception; but no
sooner did he land in Italy than the soldiers were induced to desert to
him in immense numbers, and he soon found himself in possession of all
Lower Italy. Among those who hastened to his standard was young POMPEY,
then but twenty-three years old, and it was to his efforts that Sulla's
success was largely due. The next year, 83, the Marian party was joined
by the Samnites, and the war raged more fiercely than ever. At length,
however, Sulla was victorious under the walls of Rome. The city lay at
his mercy. His first act, an order for the slaughter of 6,000 Samnite
prisoners, was a fit prelude to his conduct in the city. Every effort
was made to eradicate the last trace of Marian blood and sympathy from
the city. A list of men, declared to be outlaws and public enemies,
was exhibited in the Forum, and a succession of wholesale murders and
confiscations throughout Rome and Italy, made the name of Sulla forever
infamous.

Having received the title of Dictator, and celebrated a splendid triumph
for the Mithradatic war, he carried (80-79) his political measures.
The main object of these was to invest the Senate, the thinned ranks
of which he filled with his own creatures, with full control over the
state, over every magistrate and every province.

In 79 he resigned his dictatorship and went to Puteoli, where he died
the next year, from a loathsome disease brought on by his excesses.


THE REFORMS OF SULLA.

Sulla restricted the power of the magistrates to the advantage of the
Senate. Senators were alone made eligible for the tribuneship, and no
former Tribune could hold any curule office. No one could be Praetor
without having first been Quaestor, or Consul without having held the
praetorship. Every candidate for the office of Quaestor must be at
least thirty years old. The number of Praetors was increased from six
to eight; that of Quaestors, from twelve to twenty. The Consuls and
Praetors were to remain at Rome during their first year of office, and
then go to the provinces as Proconsuls and Propraetors.

Three hundred new Senators, taken from the Equites, were added, and all
who had been Quaestors were made eligible to the Senate.

The control of the courts was transferred from the Equites to the
Senate.

On the death of Sulla, in 78, CRASSUS and LEPIDUS were chosen Consuls;
but such was the instability of the times that they were sworn not to
raise an army during their consulship. Lepidus attempted to evade his
oath by going to Gaul, and, when summoned by the Senate to return,
marched against the city at the head of his forces. He was defeated by
Crassus and Pompey in 78, and soon after died.




CHAPTER XXVI. SERTORIUS.--SPARTACUS.--LUCULLUS.--POMPEY AND CRASSUS.


Quintus Sertorius (121-72), a native of the little Sabine village of
Nursia under the Apennines, had joined the party of Marius, and served
under him in the campaigns against the Cimbri and Teutones. In 97 he
served in Spain, and became acquainted with the country with which his
fame is chiefly associated. In 91 he was Quaestor in Cisalpine Gaul. He
was a partisan of Marius during his troubles with Sulla, and on Sulla's
return from the East he left Rome for Spain, where he took the lead
of the Marian party. His bravery, kindness, and eloquence pleased the
Spaniards. Many Roman refugees and deserters joined him. He defeated
one of Sulla's generals, and drove out of Lusitania (Portugal) METELLUS
PIUS,(Footnote: Son of Metellus Numidicus. He received the agnomen of
Pius on account of the love which he displayed for his father, whom
he begged the people to recall from banishment in 99.) who had been
specially sent against him from Rome.

The object of Sertorius was to establish a government in Spain after the
Roman model. He formed a Senate of three hundred members, and founded at
Osca a school for native children. He was strict and severe towards his
soldiers, but kind to the people. A white fawn was his favorite pet and
constant follower. He ruled Spain for six years. In 77 he was joined by
PERPERNA a Roman officer. The same year Pompey, then a young man, was
sent to co-operate with Metellus. Sertorius proved more than a match for
both of these generals, and defeated them near Saguntum.

The position of the Romans was becoming critical, for Sertorius now
formed a league with the pirates of the Mediterranean. He also entered
into negotiations with Mithradates, and opened correspondence with the
slaves in Italy, who were rebelling.

But intrigues and jealousies arose in his camp. The outcome of these was
that he was treacherously murdered by Perperna at a banquet in 72, and
with his death fell the Marian party in Spain.

Meanwhile a dangerous enemy was threatening Italy within her own
borders. In 73 a band of gladiators, under the leadership of one of
their number, named SPARTACUS escaped from the training school at Capua
and took up a strong position on Mount Vesuvius. They were joined by
large numbers of slaves and outcasts of every description, and were soon
in a position to defeat two Praetors who were sent against them.

The next year they assumed the offensive; and Spartacus found himself at
the head of 100,000 men. Four generals sent against him were defeated;
and for two years he ravaged Italy at will, and even threatened Rome.
But intestine division showed itself in his ranks; his lieutenants grew
jealous of him, and his strength began to wane.

In 71 the command of the war was given to CRASSUS, who finished it in
six months. Spartacus fell, fighting bravely, near Brundisium. Pompey,
returning from the Sertorian war in Spain, met five thousand of those
who had escaped from the array of Spartacus. These he slew to a man.
Crassus pointed the moral of his victory by hanging, along the road from
Rome to Capua, six thousand captives whom he had taken.

Mithradates meanwhile, taking advantage of the troubles at Rome, was
again in arms, and in 74 LUCIUS LICINIUS LUCULLUS was sent against him.

Lucullus, of plebeian birth, first distinguished himself in the Social
War, where he gained the favor of Sulla, and accompanied him, as
Quaestor, in his campaign against Mithradates in 88. With Cotta he was
chosen to the consulship in 74. The province of Cilicia was assigned to
him, Bithynia to Cotta. Mithradates invaded Bithynia, defeated Cotta,
and besieged him at Chalcedon.

Lucullus, after reorganizing and disciplining his army, went to the aid
of his colleague, drove the king into Pontus, and defeated him at Cabira
in 72, and his fleet at Tenedos in 71, compelling him to take refuge
with his son-in-law, TIGRANES, King of Armenia.

Lucullus endeavored to work reforms in the administration of provincial
governments in the East. The revenues of the provinces were farmed out,
and the measures of Lucullus were intended to protect the tax-payers
against the tax-gatherers (_publicani_). His reforms met with bitter
opposition at Rome, especially from the Equites, whose chief source of
income was often this same tax-farming. Intrigues against him by persons
sent from Rome began to create dissatisfaction among his troops. He had
been a severe disciplinarian, and so it was all the easier to turn the
soldiers against him.

In 68 he won a victory over Tigranes and Mithradates, at the river
Arsanias; but his legions refused to follow him farther, and he was
obliged to lead them into winter quarters in Mesopotamia. The next year
his soldiers again mutinied, and he was replaced by Pompey.

Returning to Rome, Lucullus spent the rest of his days in retirement,
dying about 57. He was very rich, and was famed for the luxurious
dinners which he gave.


POMPEY AND CRASSUS.

The Sullan system stood for nine years, and was then overthrown, as
it had been established, by a soldier. It was the fortune of Pompey, a
favorite officer of Sulla, to cause the first violation of the laws laid
down by his general.

GNEIUS POMPEIUS MAGNUS (106-48) led a soldier's life from his boyhood to
his death. When a youth of seventeen he fought by his father's side in
the civil struggles between Marius and Sulla. He was a partisan of the
latter, and connected himself with the cause of the aristocracy. He
defeated the followers of Marius in Sicily and Africa, and in 81 was
allowed to enjoy a triumph, though still an Eques and not legally
qualified. Sulla then greeted him with the surname of Magnus, which he
ever afterwards bore. He was then sent to Spain, with what success we
have seen in the previous chapter. In 70 Pompey and MARCUS LICINIUS
CRASSUS were elected Consuls amid great enthusiasm.

Crassus (108-53), the conqueror of Spartacus, had amassed immense wealth
by speculation, mining, dealing in slaves, and other methods. Avarice is
said to have been his ruling passion, though he gave large sums to the
people for political effect.

Neither Pompey nor Crassus, according to the laws passed by Sulla, was
eligible to the consulship. The former had never been Quaestor, and was
only thirty-five years old; the latter was still Praetor, and ought to
have waited two years.

The work of Sulla was now quickly undone. The Tribunes regained
their prerogative, the veto. The control of the criminal courts was
transferred again from the Senate to the Equites, and the former body
was cleared of its most worthless members, who had been appointed by
Sulla.

For three years (70-67) after the expiration of his consulship, Pompey
remained quietly at Rome. He was then put in charge of an expedition
against the Greek pirates. From the earliest times these marauders had
been in the habit of depredating on the shores of the Mediterranean.
During the civil wars of Rome they had become much bolder, so that
the city was compelled to take an active part against them. They had
paralyzed the trade of the Mediterranean, and even the coasts of Italy
were not safe from their raids.

GABINIUS, a Tribune, proposed that Pompey should hold his command
for three years; that he should have supreme authority over all Roman
magistrates in the provinces throughout the Mediterranean, and over the
coasts for fifty miles inland. He was to have fifteen lieutenants, all
ex-praetors, two hundred ships, and all the troops he needed.

In three months the pirates were swept from the sea.

The next year (66) Pompey's powers were still further enlarged by the
MANILIAN LAW, proposed by the Tribune Manilius. By this law the entire
control of the Roman policy in the East was given to Pompey. His
appointment was violently opposed by the Senate, especially by CATULUS,
the "father of the Senate," and by the orator HORTENSIUS; but CICERO
with his first political speech (_Pro Lege Manilia_) came to Pompey's
assistance, and to him was given the command by which he became
virtually dictator in the East. His operations there were thoroughly
successful, and, though he doubtless owed much to the previous victories
of Lucullus, he showed himself an able soldier. Mithradates was obliged
to flee across the Black Sea to Panticapaeum (Kertch).

In the year 64 Pompey went to Syria, took possession of the country in
the name of Rome, and made it a province.

Next he was invited to act as judge between Hyrcanus and Aristobulus,
two aspirants to the Jewish throne. His decision was contrary to
the wishes of the people, and to enforce it he led his army against
Jerusalem, which he captured after a siege of three months. He installed
Hyrcanus on the throne on condition of an annual tribute.

Meanwhile Mithradates had returned to Pontus for the prosecution of his
old design; but so great was the terror inspired by the Roman arms, that
even his own son refused to join him. Desperate at the turn affairs had
taken, the aged monarch put an end to his own life in 63, after a reign
of fifty-seven years. With him ceased for many years all formidable
opposition to Rome in Asia.

Besides Syria, Pontus, to which Bithynia was joined, and Crete were now
made provinces. Cilicia was reorganized, and enlarged by the addition
of Pamphylia and Isauria. The three countries in Asia Minor not
yet provinces, but dependencies, were Galatia, ruled by Deiotarus;
Cappadocia, by Ariobarzanes; and Paphlagonia, by Attalus.

After an absence of nearly seven years, Pompey returned to Rome, January
1, 61, and enjoyed a well earned triumph. He was forty-five years old,
had accomplished a really great work, had founded several cities which
afterwards became centres of Greek life and civilization, and was hailed
as the conqueror of Spain, Africa, and Asia.

The rest of Pompey's life is closely connected with that of Caesar. His
wife, Julia, was Caesar's daughter, and thus far the relations between
the two men had been friendly.

Pompey's absence in the East was marked at Rome by the rise to political
importance of CAESAR and CICERO, and by the conspiracy of CATILINE.




CHAPTER XXVII. CAESAR.--CICERO.--VERRES.


The Caesars were a family belonging to the Julian _gens_, which claimed
descent from IULUS, the son of AENEAS. Eight generations of Caesars
had held prominent places in the commonwealth. They had been Consuls,
Praetors, Censors, Aediles, and were aristocrats of the moderate wing.
The direct ancestry of GAIUS JULIUS CAESAR can be traced no further
back than his grandfather. This gentleman, of the same name as the great
Caesar, married Marcia, who claimed descent from Ancus Marcius, the
fourth King of Rome. They had three children, Gaius Julius, the father
of the Dictator, Sextus Julius, and Julia, who became the wife of
Marius. Gaius Julius held no higher office than Praetor. He was married
to Aurelia, a stately woman of simple and severe tastes. Their son Gaius
was born on July 12th, 100.

During Cinna's consulship (86), Caesar is first mentioned as a youth,
tall, slight, handsome, with dark, piercing eyes, sallow complexion,
and features refined and intellectual. The bloody scenes attending the
proscription of his uncle Marius, to whose party his father belonged,
must have made a deep impression upon him. One of his most intimate
companions was CICERO, who was six years his senior.

Marius had seen in his nephew the materials which make great men, and
determined to help him to promotion. He made him, when scarcely fifteen,
a priest of Jupiter (_flamen dialis_), which sacred office carried with
it a handsome income.

Shortly after the death of his father, in 84, Caesar married Cornelia,
the daughter of Cinna. By this marriage he was connected more closely
with the popular party, whose champion he remained.

When Sulla returned to Rome from his Eastern campaign, Caesar was but
eighteen. In the wholesale murders that followed, his party was ruined,
his nearest friends dispersed or killed. He himself was yet free from
proscription, for Sulla wished to win such a promising young man to his
own side. He made proposals that Caesar divorce his wife and marry
one whom he might select. Caesar refused. Force was then tried. His
priesthood was taken from him, and his wife's dowry. His estate was
confiscated, and, when this had no effect, he was himself declared an
outlaw, and a price was set on his head. Influential friends, however,
interceded in his behalf, and the Dictator was finally persuaded to
pardon him; but with reluctance, and with the remark that in Caesar was
the making of many a Marius. The youth then left Italy, and joined the
army in Asia.

Here Caesar served his apprenticeship as a soldier. He joined the forces
of the Praetor Thermus, who had been sent against the pirates that were
making their head-quarters in Lesbos. The Praetor, finding his troops
insufficient to accomplish his work, sent Caesar to Nicomedes, a Roman
ally and the King of Bithynia, to obtain additional forces. He was
successful in his mission, and, upon his return to Lesbos, distinguished
himself for his bravery in the attack upon Mitylene, and was awarded the
oak wreath, a coveted honor, for saving the life of a fellow-soldier.

Caesar is next seen in Cilicia, serving under Servilius, in a campaign
against the pirates who were marauding along the coast of that country.
While here he was informed of Sulla's death, and at once left the army
and returned home (77). The next year he began his struggle with the
nobility by prosecuting for extortion Dolabella, a former Governor of
Macedonia. Dolabella was a favorite of the Senate, and his cause was
theirs. The best talent was engaged to defend him, and Caesar lost the
case.

Feeling his deficiency as an orator, Caesar went to Rhodes and studied
rhetoric under the famous Apollonius. He had recovered his property
and priesthood, and could well afford the time. While on his way he was
captured by pirates, and not released until a ransom of some $50,000 was
raised and paid. Upon arriving at Miletus he at once got together some
vessels, returned to the island where he had been in captivity,
seized the crew of pirates, took them to Pergamus, and had them tried,
convicted, and crucified. He then resumed his journey to Rhodes, where
he remained two years in the pursuit of his studies. Then the report of
the uprisal of Mithradates reached him, and he at once crossed over to
the mainland, collected a body of volunteers, and saved Caria to Rome.

Having finished his studies, Caesar returned to Rome and lived quietly
for a time with his wife and mother, watching the course of events.

While Caesar was thus preparing himself for the great struggle in which
he was destined to take the leading part, Cicero, the companion of his
youth, was beginning to attract attention at Rome.

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO (106-43) was a townsman of Marius. He belonged
to the Equites, and received a good education under the best Greek
teachers. As he ripened into manhood, he chose in politics the party
opposed to Caesar, and for a profession he selected the bar, hoping to
gain fame as a speaker before the Senate, and finally to become one
of its members. He took part in the Social War (89), but during the
troubled times that followed he remained quietly engaged in literary
pursuits. His first public oration (80), the defence of Roscius, who
was falsely accused of murdering his father, was a great success, and
guaranteed for him a brilliant future. Cicero improved the next few
years by study and travel in Asia and Greece. Shortly after his return,
in 75, he was elected Quaestor, and thus became a member of the Senate.
His year of office he spent in Sicily, in the performance of his duties.
There he obtained an insight into the corrupt extortions of the Roman
governors. Five years later, he conducted his famous case against
Verres.

VERRES had been a follower of Sulla, and during the proscriptions had
amassed some property. Afterwards he held official positions in Greece
and Asia, where he became notorious for his greediness and cruelty. With
the money thus acquired, he had bought his election to the praetorship,
became Senator, and was sent by his colleagues to govern Sicily.
His government there may have been no worse than that of many other
proconsuls in the different provinces, but we have a fuller account of
it owing to the prosecution of Cicero, whose speeches against Verres are
preserved.

Verres was Governor of Sicily for three years. In his official position,
he was judge of all civil and criminal cases. Every suit brought
before him he gave to the party that could pay him best. Property was
confiscated on false charges, and works of art of great value were
stolen. By such a course Verres collected, it is said, property to
the value of $4,000,000. Two thirds of this he expected to spend in
silencing accusations. The rest he hoped to enjoy in peace, but Cicero's
eloquence forced him to abandon his defence and retire into exile.

It was about this time that Caesar finished his rhetorical studies
abroad, and returned home. He was elected Military Tribune as a reward
for what he had accomplished in Caria. Two years later, in 68, he was
elected Quaestor, thereby acquiring a seat in the Senate. At this time
his aunt Julia died, and, as one of her nearest relatives, he delivered
the funeral oration.

Caesar was now beginning to know Pompey, and saw that their interests
were common. The latter, although but six years older, was already a
great man and a distinguished soldier. Cornelia, Caesar's wife, died,
and he married for a second wife Pompeia, the cousin of Pompey. When
sent as Quaestor to Farther Spain, in 67, he completed the work begun by
Pompey and settled the finances of the troubled country, a task which
he found the easier as he was known to belong to the popular party, of
which Marius and Sertorius had been leaders.




CHAPTER XXVIII. TROUBLES AT ROME.--CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.


While Pompey was absent in the East, matters at Rome were daily becoming
worse, and shaping themselves for the speedy overthrow of the Republic.
There were many who had suffered under Sulla, and who were anxious to
regain what they had lost, and there were many who, enriched by the
Dictator, had squandered their ill-gotten wealth, and now only waited
a leader to renew the assault upon the state. The Senate was jealous of
the power of the people, and the people distrusted the Senate.

Among the patricians who were aspiring to the consulship was LUCIUS
SERGIUS CATILINA, a villain steeped in every crime, but adroit, bold,
and withal captivating. In 68 he had been Praetor, the next year
Governor in Africa, where by his extortions he had obtained enough
money, as he hoped, to purchase his election to the consulship. On
his return home he was impeached for his misgovernment, but acquitted
through Cicero's defence and the careful selection of a jury.

He then came forward as candidate for the consulship of the next year
(63). There were two other candidates, Antonius, the uncle of Mark
Antony, and Cicero himself. Antony was sure of an election, so the
struggle was really between Catiline and Cicero. The latter was elected,
owing to the popularity he had acquired by his prosecution of Verres and
his defence of the Manilian Law. Thus Cicero reached the goal for which
he had been so long striving.

Caesar was rising at the same time. The year previous (65) he had
been Curule Aedile, had built a row of costly columns in front of the
Capitol, and erected a temple to the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux). But
what made him especially pleasing to the populace was his lavish display
at the public games and exhibitions.

Caesar was now looked upon as a prominent democratic leader. In 63
the office of Pontifex Maximus, the head of the state religion, became
vacant by the death of its occupant, Metellus Pius. Caesar became a
candidate for the office, and was elected, receiving more votes than
both the rival candidates combined. He also received further evidence of
the popular favor by being chosen Praetor for the next year (62).

Cicero's consulship would have closed without adding anything to his
fame had it not been for Catiline. The latter's failure to be elected
caused him to enter into a plot to seize and burn the city. He had many
followers, men of noble families, among whom were the former Consul
Lentulus, who had been recently expelled from the Senate by the Censors,
and Cethegus, a bankrupt spendthrift, who was anxious to regain a
fortune by a change in government. There were veterans of Sulla,
starving peasants who had been dispossessed of their farms, and outlaws
of every description. The conspirators were divided into two parties;
those outside of the city, headed by Marcus Manlius, whose head-quarters
were at Faesulae (Fiesole), where was gathered an army of trained
soldiers; and those inside of the city, headed by Catiline. Here secret
meetings were held, the purpose of which was to excite an uprising, kill
the magistrates, seize the government, and then unite with the army in
Etruria. Cicero was informed of these meetings by spies, and just
before the plans for the uprising were matured, he disclosed them to the
Senate.

Catiline fled from Rome; but his accomplices, of whom Lentulus and
Cethegus were the most prominent, were arrested in the city. A serious
difficulty now arose as to the disposition of the prisoners. Lentulus
was at that time Praetor, and the persons of public officers were
sacred. The Sempronian Law of Gracchus forbade the executing of any
Roman citizen without giving him a right of appeal to the Assembly. Too
many were implicated in the conspiracy for this to be safe.

In the debate in the Senate, the principal speakers were Caesar, Cato,
and Cicero.

Cato and Cicero advocated immediate death; Caesar, imprisonment for
life. The motives of the men are so characteristic that they form a
complete key to their several public careers. Cicero, vain and selfish,
weak in council, and distrustful of the temper of the people and of
his own ability to rule their factions, feared that they would become
dangerous enemies to himself; Cato, desiring the reformation of the
state, would make an example and warning for the future. The one,
forgetful of the state, was overcome by personal fears; the other,
unmindful of self, would have purity at any cost.

Caesar, on the other hand, wished everything done in strict accordance
with the laws; as a bold and wise statesman, he urged that nothing was
more impolitic than lawless violence on the part of the rulers. Cicero
was the timid magistrate; Cato, the injudicious reformer; but Caesar,
with his keener knowledge and stronger hand, was the safer guide.

A sentence of death was voted; and Cicero, with unseemly haste, caused
the conspirators to be strangled that same night (December 5, 63). The
suppression of the conspiracy in the city was followed by the defeat
of the army in Etruria. Thither Catiline had fled, and there he fell
fighting with desperate courage at the head of his motley force of
soldiers near Pistoria.

The name of "Father of his Country" was given to Cicero for the
vigilance shown in this affair.

The execution of Lentulus and Cethegus resulted as Caesar had expected.
It was a lawless act on the part of the Consul and the Senate, and it
was felt that by it the constitution was still more endangered. The
people demanded that Pompey return. In him they thought to have a
deliverer from internal strifes.

Cicero was wrapped up in his own conceit, imagining himself a second
Romulus. On the last day of the year (63), as was the custom of the
retiring Consuls, he arose in the Forum to deliver a speech, reviewing
the acts of his year of consulship. Metellus Nepos, a Tribune, forbade
his speaking, on the ground that one who had put to death Roman citizens
without a hearing did not deserve to be heard. Amid the uproar Cicero
could only shout that he had saved his country. Metellus threatened to
impeach him, and excitement in the city was at fever heat. The Tribune
moved before the Assembly that Pompey be recalled. The Senate feared his
coming. Caesar, who was now Praetor (judge), favored it, and earnestly
seconded the proposal of Metellus. Cato, who was also Tribune, ordered
Metellus to stop speaking, and snatched his manuscript from his
hand. The aristocrats drew their swords, and broke up the meeting.
Constitutional law was trampled under foot on all sides. The Senate was
riding rough-shod over all opponents. Metellus and Caesar were declared
deposed from their offices. The people, however, believed in Caesar. He
was followed to his home by crowds, who begged him to be their leader,
and make an example of the law-breakers in the Senate. But Caesar
refused. He would have nothing to do with lawlessness; he let his
opponents play that _role_, and awaited the results. The Senate soon saw
its mistake, and requested him to resume his official duties.

The next year (61) Caesar was sent to Farther Spain as Propraetor. He
had already left a favorable impression there as Quaestor. Portions of
the country were still unsubdued. Many of the mountain passes were held
by robbers, whose depredations caused much trouble. He completed the
subjugation of the peninsula, put down the brigands, reorganized the
government, and sent large sums of money to the treasury at Rome. His
administration was thorough and complete, and a just reward for it
would, he hoped, be the consulship.

Meanwhile Pompey had returned from the East. He landed at Brundisium in
December, 62, and proceeded with a large band of captured princes
and immense treasures to Rome, which he entered in triumph amidst the
greatest enthusiasm. By a special vote of the Senate he was permitted to
wear his triumphal robe in that body whenever he pleased.

Caesar returned from Spain in 60, with wealth and military fame. Though
feared and detested by the Senate, he was the favorite of the people,
and could depend upon their support. Pompey had the army behind him.
He received Caesar with pleasure, for he had been a friend in all his
career.

Caesar felt that, with the people and the army through Pompey on his
side, he only needed the capitalists to make his success sure. CRASSUS
was counted as the richest man at Rome. He was won over. These three
then formed what is known as the FIRST TRIUMVIRATE,--"a union of
shrewdness, renown, and riches," by which Caesar expected to rise to
great power, Pompey to retain his power, and Crassus to gain greater
wealth.




CHAPTER XXIX. THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE.


Pompey was ostensibly at the head of the first Triumvirate, and in
return supported Caesar in his candidacy for the consulship. Crassus was
to contribute his wealth to influence the election. Caesar was elected
without opposition (59); his colleague, the Senate's tool, was Marcus
Bibulus.

Caesar had now reached the highest round in the ladder of political
offices. He had shown himself in all his course to be careful in
keeping within the bounds of the constitution, never exerting himself in
political quarrels except to defend the law against lawlessness. Now
he was in a position to push his ideas of reform, and to show the
aristocracy of what stuff he was made.

It would have been well for Cicero, and better for the state, had the
orator been willing to join hands with Caesar and Pompey; but he was too
vain of his own glory to join hands with those who were his superiors,
and he clung to the Senate, feeling that his talents would shine there
more, and be more likely to redound to his own personal fame.

Caesar's consulship increased his popularity among all except the
aristocrats. His AGRARIAN LAW, carefully framed and worded, was bitterly
opposed by the Senate, especially by his colleague, Bibulus, and by
Cato. The law provided that large tracts of the _ager publicus_, then
held on easy terms by the rich patricians, be distributed among the
veterans of Pompey. Caesar proposed to pay the holders a reasonable sum
for their loss, though legally they had no claim whatever on the land.
Although Bibulus interfered, Cato raved, and the Tribunes vetoed, still
the Assembly passed the law, and voted in addition that the Senate be
obliged to take an oath to observe it.

The LEGES JULIAE were a code of laws which Caesar drew up during his
year of office. They mark an era in Roman law, for they cover many
crimes the commission of which had been for a long time undermining the
state.

The most important of these was the LEX DE REPETUNDIS, aimed at the
abuses of governors of provinces. It required all governors to make a
double return of their accounts, one to be left in the province open for
inspection, the other to be kept at Rome.

When Caesar's term of office was nearly ended, he obtained from the
reluctant Senate his appointment as Proconsul of Gaul for five years.
He must leave the city, however, in safe hands, otherwise all his work
would be undone. He managed the consular elections for the next year
(58) so adroitly, that Piso and Gabinius, on whose friendship he could
rely, were elected.

There were in Rome, however, two men whom it would be dangerous for
Caesar to leave behind. Cato, the ultra aristocrat, hated him bitterly.
Cicero, whose ambition was to lead the Senate, a body only too willing
to crush Caesar, might do him great harm. It was Caesar's good fortune,
or, as some believe, the result of his own scheming, that both these men
were put temporarily out of the way.

CLODIUS PULCHER was a young aristocrat, notorious for his wildness. At
one time, by assuming the dress of a woman, he had gained admittance to
the festival of _Bona Dea_, which was celebrated only by women. He was
discovered and brought to trial before the Senate, but acquitted by
means of open bribery. Cicero had been instrumental in bringing him
to trial, and Clodius never forgot it. He got adopted into a plebeian
family in order to be a candidate for the tribuneship, and was
successful. He then proposed to the Assembly that any person who had put
to death a Roman citizen without allowing him to appeal to the people be
considered a violator of the constitution. The proposal was carried.
All knew that Cicero was meant, and he fled at once to Macedonia. His
property was confiscated, his houses were destroyed, and his palace in
the city was dedicated to the Goddess of Liberty.

The kingdom of Cyprus, which had long been attached to that of Egypt,
had been bequeathed to Rome at the death of Ptolemy Alexander in 80. The
Senate had delayed to accept the bequest, and meanwhile the island was
ruled by Ptolemy of Cyprus, one of the heirs of the dead king.

Clodius, on the plea that this king harbored pirates, persuaded the
Assembly to annex the island, and to send Cato to take charge of it.
He accepted the mission, and was absent two years. His duties were
satisfactorily performed, and he returned with about $7,000,000 to
increase the Roman treasury. Thus, Cicero and Cato being out of the
city, the Senate was without a leader who could work injury in Caesar's
absence.




CHAPTER XXX. CAESAR'S CAMPAIGNS IN GAUL. Caesar was now in the prime of
manhood, in the full vigor of mind and body. His previous experience in
camp life had been comparatively small. His early service in Asia, and
his more recent campaigns in Spain, however, had shown his aptitude for
military life.

The Romans had already obtained a foothold in Gaul. Since 118, the
southern part of the country along the seaboard had been a Roman
province, called GALLIA NARBONENSIS, from the colony of Narbo which the
Romans had founded. The rest of Gaul included all modern France, and a
part of Switzerland, Holland, and Belgium. The inhabitants were all
of the Celtic race, except a few Germans who had crossed the Rhine and
settled in the North, and the AQUITANI, who lived in the Southwest and
who are represented by the Basques of to-day.

The Gauls were more or less civilized since they had come into contact
with the Romans, but they still had the tribal form of government, like
the early Romans. There were more than fifty of these tribes, which were
mostly hostile to one another, as well as divided into factions among
themselves. This condition favored a conquest, for the factions were
frequently Roman and non-Roman. Two of the chief tribes were the AEDUI
and SEQUANI. The former had been taken under the protection of Rome; the
latter, impatient of control and Roman influence, had invited a tribe
of Germans under Ariovistus to come into Gaul and settle, and be their
allies. These Germans had attacked and conquered the Aeduans, taken from
them hostages, and with the Sequanians were in the ascendency.

In Switzerland lived the HELVETII. They had so increased in numbers
that their country was too small for them. They therefore proposed to
emigrate farther into Gaul, and the Sequanians, whose lands bordered
on those of the Helvetians, gave them permission to march through their
country.

Such was the state of affairs when Caesar arrived in Gaul. Feeling that
the passage of such a large body of emigrants (368,000) through Gaul
would be dangerous to the province (Gallia Narbonensis), he determined
to interfere. The Helvetians were met at BIBRACTE, near Autun, and after
a terrible battle, which raged from noon until night, were defeated
with great slaughter (58). The survivors, about one third, were treated
kindly, and most of them sent back to Switzerland.

Caesar now turned his attention to the Germans who had settled west of
the Rhine. After several fruitless attempts at negotiation, during
which the bad faith of Ariovistus became conspicuous, the forces came
together. Though the Germans were brave, they were no match for the
drilled legionaries, who fought with the regularity o

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