Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson
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Title: Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson
Author: Pierre Esprit Radisson
Release date: November 1, 2004 [eBook #6913]
Most recently updated: December 30, 2020
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK VOYAGES OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON ***
Produced by Karl Hagen, Juliet Sutherland, Charles Franks,
and the online Distributed Proofing team.
This file was produced from images generously made available
by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.
The Publications of the Prince Society
Established May 25th, 1858.
RADISSON'S VOYAGES.
VOYAGES
OF
PETER ESPRIT RADISSON,
BEING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS TRAVELS AND EXPERIENCES AMONG
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, FROM
1652 TO 1684.
TRANSCRIBED FROM ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY
AND THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS
AND AN
INTRODUCTION,
BY GIDEON D. SCULL,
LONDON, ENGLAND.
PREFACE.
It may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance that we are able to add to
the Society's publications this volume of RADISSON'S VOYAGES. The
narratives contained in it are the record of events and transactions in
which the author was a principal actor. They were apparently written
without any intention of publication, and are plainly authentic and
trustworthy. They have remained in manuscript more than two hundred years,
and in the mean time appear to have escaped the notice of scholars, as not
even extracts from them have, so far as we are aware, found their way into
print. The author was a native of France, and had an imperfect knowledge of
the English language. The journals, with the exception of the last in the
volume, are, however, written in that language, and, as might be
anticipated, in orthography, in the use of words, and in the structure of
sentences, conform to no known standard of English composition. But the
meaning is in all cases clearly conveyed, and, in justice both to the
author and the reader, they have been printed _verbatim et literatim_, as
in the original manuscripts. We desire to place upon record our high
appreciation of the courtesy extended to the Editor of this volume by the
governors of the Bodleian Library and of the British Museum, in allowing
him to copy the original manuscripts in their possession. Our thanks
likewise are here tendered to Mr. Edward Denham for the gratuitous
contribution of the excellent index which accompanies the volume.
EDMUND F. SLAFTER,
_President of the Prince Society_.
BOSTON, 249 BERKELEY STREET,
November 20, 1885.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
FIRST VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON
SECOND VOYAGE, MADE IN THE UPPER COUNTRY OF THE IROQUOITS
THIRD VOYAGE, MADE TO THE GREAT LAKE OF THE HURONS, UPPER SEA OF THE EAST,
AND BAY OF THE NORTH
FOURTH VOYAGE OF PETER ESPRIT RADISSON
RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO THE NORTH PARTS OF AMERICA IN THE YEARS 1682 AND
1683
RELATION OF THE VOYAGE ANNO 1684
OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY
THE PRINCE SOCIETY
PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY
VOLUMES IN PREPARATION BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY
INDEX
INTRODUCTION.
The author of the narratives contained in this volume was Peter Esprit
Radisson, who emigrated from France to Canada, as he himself tells us, on
the 24th day of May, 1651. He was born at St. Malo, and in 1656, at Three
Rivers, in Canada, married Elizabeth, the daughter of Madeleine Hainault.
[Footnote: Vide _History of the Ojibways_, by the Rev. E. D. Neill, ed.
1885.] Radisson says that he lived at Three Rivers, where also dwelt "my
natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and
children." [Footnote: The Abbe Cyprian Tanguay, the best genealogical
authority in Canada, gives the following account of the family: Francoise
Radisson, a daughter of Pierre Esprit, married at Quebec, in 1668, Claude
Volant de St. Claude, born in 1636, and had eight children. Pierre and
Claude, eldest sons, became priests. Francoise died in infancy: Marguerite
married Noel le Gardeur; Francoise died in infancy; Etienne, born October
29, 1664, married in 1693 at Sorel, but seems to have had no issue. Jean
Francois married Marguerite Godfrey at Montreal in 1701. Nicholas, born in
1668, married Genevieve Niel, July 30, 1696, and both died in 1703, leaving
two of their five sons surviving.
There are descendants of Noel le Gardeur who claim Radisson as their
ancestor, and also descendants of Claude Volant, apparently through
Nicholas. Among these descendants of the Volant family is the Rt. Rev.
Joseph Thomas Duhamel, who was consecrated Bishop of Ottawa, Canada,
October 28, 1874.
Of Medard Chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his
son Jean Baptiste, born July 25, 1654, can be found.] This brother, often
alluded to in Radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was
Medard Chouart, "who was the son of Medard and Marie Poirier, of Charly St.
Cyr, France, and in 1641, when only sixteen years old, came to Canada."
[Footnote: Chouart's daughter Marie Antoinette, born June 7, 1661, married
first Jean Jalot in 1679. He was a surgeon, born in 1648, and killed by the
Iroquois, July 2, 1690. He was called Des Groseilliers. She had nine
children by Jalot, and there are descendants from them in Canada. On the
19th December, 1695, she married, secondly, Jean Bouchard, by whom she had
six children. The Bouchard-Dorval family of Montreal descends from this
marriage. Vide _Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families_, Quebec,
1881.] He was a pilot, and married, 3rd September, 1647, Helen, the
daughter of Abraham Martin, and widow of Claude Etienne. Abraham Martin
left his name to the celebrated Plains of Abraham, near Quebec. She dying
in 1651, Chouart married, secondly, at Quebec, August 23, 1653, the sister
of Radisson, Margaret Hayet, the widow of John Veron Grandmenil. In Canada,
Chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the Jesuit mission near Lake
Huron. He left the service of the mission about 1646, and commenced trading
with the Indians for furs, in which he was very successful. With his gains
he is supposed to have purchased some land in Canada, as he assumed the
seigneurial title of "Sieur des Groseilliers."
Radisson spent more than ten years trading with the Indians of Canada and
the far West, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years
each, in company with his brother-in-law, Des Groseilliers. He carefully
made notes during his wanderings from 1652 to 1664, which he afterwards
copied out on his voyage to England in 1665. Between these years he made
four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "The
Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits, which
was the next year after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651, the 24th
day of May." In 1652 a roving band of Iroquois, who had gone as far north
as the Three Rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on
the banks of the Mohawk River. He was adopted into the family of a "great
captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was
marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." In the autumn of
1653 he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into
the Dutch territory. They arrived "the next day in a small brough of the
Hollanders," Rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to Fort Orange.
Here they remained several days, and Radisson says: "Our treaty's being
done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way
that we came, to see again our village."
At Fort Orange Radisson met with the Jesuit Father, Joseph Noncet, who had
also been captured in Canada by the Mohawks and taken to their country. In
September he was taken down to Fort Orange by his captors, and it is
mentioned in the Jesuit "Relations" of 1653, chapter iv., that he "found
there a young man captured near Three Rivers, who had been ransomed by the
Dutch and acted as interpreter." A few weeks after the return of the
Indians to their village, Radisson made his escape alone, and found his way
again to Fort Orange, from whence he was sent to New Amsterdam, or Menada,
as he calls it. Here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for
Holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at Amsterdam
"the 4/7 of January, 1654. A few days after," he says, "I imbarqued myself
for France, and came to Rochelle well and safe." He remained until Spring,
waiting for "the transport of a shipp for New France."
The relation of the second journey is entitled, "The Second Voyage, made in
the Upper Country of the Irokoits." He landed in Canada, from his return
voyage from France, on the 17th of May, 1654, and on the 15th set off to
see his relatives at Three Rivers. He mentions that "in my absence peace
was made betweene the French and the Iroquoits, which was the reson I
stayed not long in a place. The yeare before the ffrench began a new
plantation in the upper country of the Iroquoits, which is distant from the
Low Iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher I was prisoner and been
in the warrs of that country.... At that very time the Reverend Fathers
Jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach
Christian doctrine. I offered myself to them and was, as their custome is,
kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in
June, 1657." Charlevoix [Footnote: _Charlevoix's History of New France_,
Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 256.] says: "In 1651 occurred the almost complete
destruction of the Huron nation. Peace was concluded in 1653. Father Le
Moyne went in 1654, to ratify the treaty of peace, to Onondaga, and told
the Indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. His offer
was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. He left
Quebec July 2, 1654, and returned September 11. In 1655 Fathers Chaumont
and Dablon were sent to Onondaga, and arrived there November 5, and began
at once to build a chapel. [Footnote: _Charlevoix's Hist. of New France_,
Shea's ed., Vol. II. p. 263.]
"Father Dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at
Onondaga, was sent back to Montreal, 30 March, 1656, for reinforcements. He
returned with Father Francis le Mercier and other help. They set out from
Quebec 7 May, 1656, with a force composed of four nations: French,
Onondagas, Senecas, and a few Hurons. About fifty men composed the party.
Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the
proposed settlement at Onondaga. On their arrival they at once proceeded to
erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence.
"While these things were passing at Onondaga, the Hurons on the Isle
Orleans, where they had taken refuge from the Iroquois, no longer deeming
themselves secure, sought an asylum in Quebec, and in a moment of
resentment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent secretly to
propose to the Mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only
one people with them. They had no sooner taken this step than they
repented; but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they
endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to
compel them to adhere to it." [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. II. p.278.] The
different families of the Hurons held a council, and "the Attignenonhac or
Cord family resolved to stay with the French; the Arendarrhonon, or Rock,
to go to Onondaga; and the Attignaonanton, or Bear, to join the Mohawks."
[Footnote: _Relation Nouvelle France_, 1657 and _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed.,
Vol. II. p 280.] "In 1657 Onondagas had arrived at Montreal to receive the
Hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous."
[Footnote: _Charlevoix_, Shea's ed., Vol. III. p. 13.] Some Frenchmen and
two Jesuits were to accompany them. One of the former was Radisson, who had
volunteered; and the two Jesuits were Fathers Paul Ragueneau and Joseph
Inbert Duperon. The party started on their journey in July, 1657.
The relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with
the narrative of their journey to Onondaga, his residence at the mission,
and its abandonment on the night of the 20th of March, 1658. On his way
thither he was present at the massacre of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in
August, 1657. His account of the events of 1657 and 1658, concerning the
mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of Charlevoix,
[Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. III. p. 13.] and the Jesuit relations written for
those years by Father Ragueneau. Radisson, in concluding his second
narrative, says: "About the last of March we ended our great and incredible
dangers. About fourteen nights after we went downe to the Three Rivers,
where most of us stayed. A month after, my brother and I resolves to
travell and see countreys. Wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. We
proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very
faire countreys." He says of the third voyage: "Now followeth the
Auxoticiat, or Auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the
hurrons upper sea of the East and bay of the North." He mentions that
"about the middle of June, 1658, we began to take leave of our company and
venter our lives for the common good."
Concerning the third voyage, Radisson states above, "wee proceeded three
years." The memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some
confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation,
as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. At the close of
his fourth narrative, on his return from the Lake Superior country, where
he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says:
"You must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four Algonquins
to make a league with three score Hurrons for to goe and wait for the
Iroquoits in the passage." This passage was the Long Sault, on the Ottawa
river, where the above seventeen Frenchmen were commanded by a young
officer of twenty-five, Adam Dollard, Sieur des Ormeaux. The massacre of
the party took place on May 21, 1660, and is duly recorded by several
authorities; namely, Dollier de Casson [Footnote: _Histoire de Montreal,
Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1660, p. 14.], M. Marie [Footnote: _De
l'Incarnation_, p. 261.], and Father Lalemont [Footnote: _Journal_, June 8,
1660.]. As Radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would
make it appear as having occurred in May, 1664. He writes: "It was a
terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat,
which saved us without doubt." He started on this third journey about the
middle of June, 1658, and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it
two years, instead of over three, as he says. Charlevoix gives the above
incident in detail. [Footnote: Shea's edition, Vol. III. p. 33, n.]
During the third voyage Radisson and his brother-in-law went to the
Mississippi River in 1658/9. He says, "Wee mett with severall sorts of
people. Wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. By
the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides
itself in two where the hurrons with some Ottanake and the wild men that
had warrs with them had retired.... The river is called the forked, because
it has two branches: the one towards the West, the other towards the South,
which we believe runs towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave." They also
made diligent inquiry concerning Hudson's Bay, and of the best means to
reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future
exploration and trade. They must have returned to the Three Rivers about
June 1, 1660. Radisson says: "Wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. My
brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seen or
no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we
have not ben in the bay of the north (Hudson's Bay), not knowing anything
but by report of the wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for
feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a
discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover
anything of it."
In the fourth narrative he says: "The Spring following we weare in hopes to
meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. Now during
the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had
seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe,
it was knowne so much that the ffather Jesuits weare desirous to find out a
way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the North, by the
Sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. They resolved to
make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. So to discover our
intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that
voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which I uterly
denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." They made an
application to the Governor of Quebec for permission to start upon this
their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard
conditions which they found it impossible to accept. In August they
departed without the Governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their
journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the
Sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for
them two days in the Lake of St. Peter, some six leagues from Three Rivers.
Their journey was made to the country about Lake Superior, where they
passed much of their time among the nations of the Sault, Fire, Christinos
(Knisteneux), Beef, and other tribes.
Being at Lake Superior, Radisson says they came "to a remarkable place.
It's a banke of Rocks that the wild men made a Sacrifice to,... it's like a
great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. The lower part of that
opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. There is,
I believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of 500 tuns could passe by,
soe bigg is the arch. I gave it the name of the portail of St. Peter,
because my name is so called, and that I was the first Christian that ever
saw it." Concerning Hudson's Bay, whilst they were among the Christinos at
Lake Assiniboin, Radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to
know what we heard before, we waited untill the Ice should vanish."
The Governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of Radisson and his
brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. On
their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not
having obeyed his orders; he fines us L. 4,000 to make a fort at the three
rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us
leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover L. 6,000 for the
country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being
wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country
with our relations and friends.... Seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother
did resolve to go and demand justice in France." Failing to get
restitution, they resolved to go over to the English. They went early in
1665 to Port Royal, Nova Scotia, and from thence to New England, where they
engaged an English or New England ship for a trading adventure into
Hudson's Straits in 61 deg. north.
This expedition was attempted because Radisson and Des Groseilliers, on
their last journey to Lake Superior, "met with some savages on the lake of
Assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the
bottom of Hudson's Bay, where the English had not been yet, at James Bay;
upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages
accordingly did it. They returned to the upper lake the same way they
came, and thence to Quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to
carry ships to Hudson's Bay; but their project was rejected. Des
Groseilliers then went to France in hopes of a more favorable hearing at
Court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of
time and money, he was answered as he had been at Quebec, and the project
looked upon as chimerical." [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 548.] This
voyage to Hudson's Straits proved unremunerative. "Wee had knowledge and
conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that
there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of
the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our Master." Radisson
continues: "Wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." One of
these ships was sent to "the Isle of Sand, there to fish for Basse to make
oyle of it," and was soon after lost.
In New England, in the early part of the year 1665, Radisson and Des
Groseilliers met with two of the four English Commissioners who were sent
over by Charles II in 1664 to settle several important questions in the
provinces of New York and New England. They were engaged in the prosecution
of their work in the different governments from 1664 to 1665/6. The two
Frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in Boston to defend themselves in a
lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of
the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the
two ships contracted for was lost. The writer states, that "the expectation
of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much
discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us
to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. After wee had
disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee
innocent of what they did accuse us. So they endeavoured to come to an
agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party.
"In the mean time the Commissioners of the King of Great Britain arrived in
that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to New York, and the
other advised us to come to England and offer ourselves to the King, which
wee did." The Commissioners were Colonel Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr,
Colonel George Cartwright, and Samuel Mavericke. Sir Robert Carr wished the
two Frenchmen to go with him to New York, but Colonel George Cartwright,
erroneously called by Radisson in his manuscript "Cartaret," prevailed upon
them to embark with him from Nantucket, August 1, 1665. On this voyage
Cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of
the Royal Commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies."
They had also as a fellow passenger George Carr, presumably the brother of
Sir Robert, and probably the acting secretary to the Commission. Colonel
Richard Nicolls, writing to Secretary Lord Arlington, July 31, 1665, Says,
"He supposes Col. Geo. Cartwright is now at sea." George Carr, also writing
to Lord Arlington, December 14, 1665, tells him that "he sends the
transactions of the Commissioners in New England briefly set down, each
colony by itself. The papers by which all this and much more might have
been demonstrated were lost in obeying His Majesty's command by keeping
company with Captain Pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in
probability we might have been in England ten days before we met the Dutch
'Caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in Spain.
Hearing also some Frenchmen discourse in New England of a passage from the
West Sea to the South Sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage,
and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had
said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out
of a North Western passage, he thought them the best present he could
possibly make His Majesty, and persuaded them to come to England. Begs His
Lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and
service." Colonel Cartwright, upon his capture at Sea by the Dutch "Caper,"
threw all his despatches and papers overboard.
No doubt the captain of the Dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers
of Radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of
them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration
of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of
one important and well-known event in Canadian history. It is evident that
the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for
presentation to the King. Towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says:
"We are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the
Commissioners called Collonell George Cartaret, was taken by the
Hollanders, and wee arrived in England in a very bad time for the plague
and the warrs. Being at Oxford, wee went to Sir George Cartaret, who spoke
to His Majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for
the next Spring, and that the King did allow us forty shillings a week for
our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee
stayed three months. Afterwards the King came to London and sent us to
Windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter."
Charles II., with his Court, came to open Parliament and the Courts of Law
at Oxford, September 25, 1665, and left for Hampton Court to reside,
January 27, 1666. Radisson and Des Groseilliers must have arrived there
about the 25th of October. DeWitt, the Dutch statesman, and Grand
Pensionary of the States of Holland from 1652, becoming informed by the
captain of the Dutch "Caper" of the errand of Radisson and his companion
into England, despatched an emissary to that country in 1666 to endeavor to
entice them out of the English into the service of the Dutch. Sir John
Colleton first brought the matter before the notice of Lord Arlington in a
letter of November 12th. The agent of DeWitt was one Elie Godefroy Touret,
a native of Picardy, France, and an acquaintance of Groseilliers. Touret
had lived over ten years in the service of the Rhinegrave at Maestricht.
Thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass
himself off in London as Groseilliers' nephew. One Monsieur Delheure
deposed that Groseilliers "always held Touret in suspicion for calling
himself his nephew, and for being in England without employment, not being
a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his
company as dangerous to the State. Has heard Touret say that if his uncle
Groseilliers were in service of the States of Holland, he would be more
considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his
discovery were under the protection of Holland, all would go better with
him."
On the 21st of November a warrant was issued to the Keeper of the Gate
House, London, "to take into custody the person of Touret for corresponding
with the King's enemies." On the 23d of December Touret sent in a petition
to Lord Arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment,
and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that
Groseilliers, Radisson, and a certain priest in London tried to persuade
him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had
persecuted and entered the accusation against him.
To Des Groseilliers and Radisson must be given the credit of originating
the idea of forming a settlement at Hudson's Bay, out of which grew the
profitable organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. They obtained through
the English Ambassador to France an interview with Prince Rupert, and laid
before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading
merchants of Canada and the French Court. Prince Rupert at once foresaw the
value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required
assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in 1667 two
ships from London, the "Eagle," Captain Stannard, and the "Nonsuch," ketch,
Captain Zechariah Gillam. This Gillam is called by Oldmixon a New
Englander, and was probably the same one who went in 1664/5 with Radisson
and Groseilliers to Hudson's Strait on the unsuccessful voyage from Boston.
Radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in London by
the help of Prince Rupert and his associates. The third year after their
arrival in England "wee went out with a new Company in two small vessels,
my brother in one and I in another, and wee went together four hundred
leagues from the North of Ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise
and put us asunder. The sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that
it did almost overturne our ship. So that wee were forced to cut our masts
rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, God be thanked; and the
other, I hope, is gone on his voyage, God be with him."
Captain Gillam and the ketch "Nonsuch," with Des Groseilliers, proceeded on
their voyage, "passed thro Hudson's Streights, and then into Baffin's Bay
to 75 deg. North, and thence Southwards into 51 deg., where, in a river
afterwards called Prince Rupert river, He had a friendly correspondence
with the natives, built a Fort, named it Charles Fort, and returned with
Success." [Footnote: Oldmixon, _British Empire_, ed. 1741, Vol. I. p. 544]
When Gillam and Groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting
them out "applied themselves to Charles II. for a patent, who granted one
to them and their successors for the Bay called Hudson's Streights."
[Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 545.] The patent bears date the 2d of May,
in the twenty-second year of Charles II., 1670.
In Ellis's manuscript papers [Footnote: _Ibid_., Vol. V. p.319] has been
found the following original draft of an "answer of the Hudson's Bay
Company to a French paper entitled Memoriall justifieing the pretensions of
France to Fort Bourbon." 1696/7.
"The French in this paper carrying their pretended right of Discovery and
settlement no higher then the year 1682, and their being dispossessed in
1684. Wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how
those two actions were managed. Mr. Radisson, mentioned in the said paper
to have made this settlement for the French at Port Nelson in 1682, was
many years before settled in England, and marryed an English wife, Sir John
Kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the English
upon private adventure before as well as after the Incorporation of the
Hudson's Bay Company. In 1667, when Prince Rupert and other noblemen set
out two shipps, Radisson went in the Eagle, Captain Stannard commander, and
in that voyage the name of Rupert's river was given. Again in 1668 and in
1669, and in this voyage directed his course to Port Nelson, and went on
shore with one Bayly (designed Governor for the English), fixed the King of
England's arms there, & left some goods for trading. In 1671 three ships
were set out from London by the Hudson's Bay Company, then incorporated,
and Radisson went in one of them in their service, settled Moose River, &
went to Port Nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at Rupert's
River. In 1673, upon some difference with the Hudson's Bay Company,
Radisson returned into France and was there persuaded to go to Canada. He
formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the French into
Hudson's Bay, which the Governor, Monsr. Frontenac, would by no means
permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two Kings."
Oldmixon says [Footnote: Oldmixon, Vol. I. p. 549.] that the
above-mentioned Charles Baily, with whom went Radisson and ten or twenty
men, took out with him Mr. Thomas Gorst as his secretary, who at his
request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of
Oldmixon. The following extracts give some idea of the life led by the
fur-traders at the Fort: "They were apprehensive of being attacked by some
Indians, whom the French Jesuits had animated against the English and all
that dealt with them. The French used many artifices to hinder the natives
trading with the English; they gave them great rates for their goods, and
obliged Mr Baily to lower the price of his to oblige the Indians who dwelt
about Moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. The French, to
ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above
eight days' journey up that river from the place where the English traded.
'Twas therefore debated whether the Company's Agents should not remove from
Rupert's to Moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the
French. On the 3d of April, 1674, a council of the principal persons in the
Fort was held, where Mr Baily, the Governor, Captain Groseilliers, and
Captain Cole were present and gave their several opinions. The Governor
inclined to move. Captain Cole was against it, as dangerous, and Captain
Groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [Footnote: Oldmixon,
Vol. I. p. 552.] ... The Governor, having got everything ready for a voyage
to Moose river, sent Captain Groseilliers, Captain Cole, Mr Gorst, and
other Indians to trade there. They got two hundred and fifty skins, and the
Captain of the Tabittee Indians informed them the French Jesuits had bribed
the Indians not to deal with the English, but to live in friendship with
the Indian nations in league with the French.... The reason they got no
more peltry now was because the Indians thought Groseilliers was too hard
for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [Footnote: Oldmixon,
Vol. I. p. 554.] After Captain Baily [Footnote: _Ibid._, Vol. I. p. 555.]
had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the 30th
Aug a missionary Jesuit, born of English parents, arrived, bearing a letter
from the Governor of Quebec to Mr Baily, dated the 8th of October, 1673.
"The Governor of Quebec desired Mr Baily to treat the Jesuit civilly, on
account of the great amity between the two crowns. Mr Baily resolved to
keep the priest till ships came from England. He brought a letter, also,
for Capt Groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the English of his
corresponding with the French. His son-in-law lived in Quebec, and had
accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other Frenchmen, who,
being afraid to venture among strange Indians, returned.... Provisions
running short, they were agreed, on the 17th Sept, they were all to depart
for Point Comfort, to stay there till the 22d, and then make the best of
their way for England. In this deplorable condition were they when the
Jesuit, Capt Groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the
seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. They
came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and
assured them it was true. Upon which they fired three great guns from the
fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such
an uncertainty." The ship "Prince Rupert" had arrived, with Captain Gillam,
bringing the new Governor, William Lyddel, Esq.
Groseilliers and Radisson, after remaining for several years under the
Hudson's Bay Company, at last in 1674 felt obliged to sever the connection,
and went over again to France. Radisson told his nephew in 1684 that the
cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the Hudson's Bay
Company to satisfy us." Several influential members of the committee of
direction for the Company were desirous of retaining them in their employ;
among them the Duke of York, Prince Rupert their first Governor, Sir James
Hayes, Sir William Young, Sir John Kirke, and others; but it is evident
there was a hostile feeling towards Radisson and his brother-in-law on the
part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful
expedition in 1684 they found "some members of the committee offended
because I had had the honour of making my reverence to the King and to his
Royal Highness."
From 1674 to 1683, Radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance
to Louis XIV. In his narrative of the years 1682 and 1683 he shews that
Colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into France, it
would appear to remain there during his absence in Hudson's Bay, as some
sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the French
monarch. After his return from this voyage in 1683 he felt himself again
unfairly treated by the French Court, and in 1684, as he relates in his
narrative, he "passed over to England for good, and of engaging myself so
strongly to the service of his Majesty, and to the interests of the Nation,
that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it."
We again hear of Radisson in Hudson's Bay in 1685; and this is his last
appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. A Canadian,
Captain Berger, states that in the beginning of June, 1685, "he and his
crew ascended four leagues above the English in Hudson's Bay, where they
made a Small Settlement. On the 15th of July they set out to return to
Quebec. On the 17th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded
by Captain Oslar, on board of which was the man named Bridgar, the
Governor, who was going to relieve the Governor at the head of the Bay. He
is the same that Radisson brought to Quebec three years ago in the ship
Monsieur de la Barre restored to him. Berger also says he asked a parley
with the captain of Mr Bridgar's bark, who told him that Radisson had gone
with Mr Chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the River Santa
Theresa, where they wintered a year." [Footnote: _New York Colonial
Documents_, Vol. IX.]
After this date the English and the French frequently came into hostile
collision in Hudson's Bay. In 1686 King James demanded satisfaction from
France for losses inflicted upon the Company. Then the Jesuits procured
neutrality for America, and knew by that time they were in possession of
Fort Albany. In 1687 the French took the "Hayes" sloop, an infraction of
the treaty. In 1688 they took three ships, valued, in all, at L. 15,000; L.
113,000 damage in time of peace. In 1692 the Company set out four ships to
recover Fort Albany, taken in 1686. In 1694 the French took York, alias
Fort Bourbon. In 1696 the English retook it from them. On the 4th
September, 1697, the French retook it and kept it. The peace was made
September 20, 1697. [Footnote: _Minutes Relating to Hudson's Bay Company_.]
In 1680 the stock rose from L. 100 to near L. 1,000. Notwithstanding the
losses sustained by the Company, amounting to L. 118,014 between 1682 and
1688, they were able to pay in 1684 the shareholders a dividend of fifty
per cent. Radisson brought home in 1684 a cargo of 20,000 beaver skins.
Oldmixon says, "10,000 Beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best
years of Trade they ever had, besides other peltry." Again in 1688 a
dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in 1689 one of twenty-five per
cent. In 1690, without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at
the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased
or newly created stock. At the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, the forts
captured by the French in 1697 were restored to the Company, who by 1720
had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. After a
long and fierce rivalry with the Northwest Fur Company, the two companies
were amalgamated in 1821. [Footnote: Encyclopaedia Britannica.]
Radisson commences his narrative of 1652 in a reverent spirit, by
inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de Dieu." All his manuscripts have
been handed down in perfect preservation. They are written out in a clear
and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good
education, who had also travelled in Turkey and Italy, and who had been in
London, and perhaps learned his English there in his early life. The
narrative of travels between the years 1652 and 1664 was for some time the
property of Samuel Pepys, the well-known diarist, and Secretary of the
Admiralty to Charles II. and James II. He probably received it from Sir
George Cartaret, the Vice-Chamberlain of the King and Treasurer of the
Navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by
the author, So that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of
Charles II. Some years after the death of Pepys, in 1703, his collection of
manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various London
tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper.
The most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated
collector, Richard Rawlinson, who in writing to his friend T. Rawlins,
from. "London house, January 25th, 1749/50," says: "I have purchased the
best part of the fine collection of Mr Pepys, Secretary to the Admiralty
during the reigns of Charles 2d and James 2d. Some are as old as King Henry
VIII. They were collected with a design for a Lord High Admiral such as he
should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was
taken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_."
The manuscript containing Radisson's narrative for the years 1682 and 1683
was "purchased of Rodd, 8th July, 1839," by the British Museum. The
narrative in French, for the year 1684, was bought by Sir Hans Sloane from
the collection of "Nicolai Joseph Foucault, Comitis Consistoriani," as his
bookplate informs us. With the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in
the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in
Italian, relating to some of the saints of the Catholic Church. [Footnote:
I am under obligations to Mr. John Gilmary Shea for valuable information.]
VOYAGES
OF
PETER ESPRIT RADISSON.
_The Relation of my Voyage, being in Bondage in the Lands of the Irokoits,
which was the next yeare after my coming into Canada, in the yeare 1651,
the 24th day of May._
Being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreat
ourselves in fowling, I disposed myselfe to keepe them Company; wherfor I
cloathed myselfe the lightest way I could possible, that I might be the
nimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that I hoped for, as for
to escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy the
cruelest that ever was uppon the face of the Earth. It is to bee observed
that the french had warre with a wild nation called Iroquoites, who for
that time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durst
stirre out either Cottage or house without being taken or kill'd,
[Footnote: In 1641-1645 Father Vimont writes: "I had as lief be beset by
goblins as by the Iroquois. The one are about as invisible as the other.
Our people on the Richelieu and at Montreal are kept in a closer
confinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents in
France."] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; being
departed, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandon
one another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mens
deboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security.
At an offspring of a village of three Rivers we consult together that two
should go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for to
advertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any Barbars
in ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thing
uppon the River. Having comed to the first river, which was a mile distant
from our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, and
asked him if he had knowne any appearance of Ennemy, and likewise demanded
which way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spied
more danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by no
means not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, said
he, I discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weare
of a sudaine from of the Earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemys
that way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of our
fowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. Priming
our pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for us
to avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but my
nose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. Certainly it was
a warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and of
miseryes that weare to befall mee. We did shoot sometime and killed some
Duks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. I seeing him
taking such a resolution, I proferred some words that did not like him,
giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this did
nothing prevaile with him, to the Contrary that had with him quite another
isue then what I hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailed
so much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. I lett them
goe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, and
that I would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat to
make us meate att my retourne.
I went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where I
finde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which made
me goe a league off and more, so I could not go in all further then
St. Peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the river
Ovamasis, which hindered me the pasage. I begun'd to think att my retourne
how I might transport my fowle. I hide one part in a hollow tree to keep
them from the Eagles and other devouring fowles, so as I came backe the
same way where before had no bad incounter. Arrived within one halfe a mile
where my comrades had left me, I rested awhile by reason that I was
looden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales.
After having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, I thought to have heard
a noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; I found one
of my girdle pistols wette. I shott it off and charged it againe, went up
to the wood the soffliest I might, to discover and defend myselfe the
better against any surprise. After I had gone from tree to tree some 30
paces off I espied nothing; as I came back from out of the wood to an
adjacent brooke, I perceived a great number of Ducks; my discovery
imbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, I
determined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute,
I found another worke, the two young men that I left some tenne houres
before heere weare killed. Whether they came after mee, or weare brought
thither by the Barbars, I know not. However [they] weare murthered. Looking
over them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, the
one being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchett
on the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a sword
and smitten with an hatchett. Att the same instance my nose begun'd to
bleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to the
watter side to see if any body followed mee, I espied twenty or thirty
heads in a long grasse. Mightily surprized att the view, I must needs passe
through the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. I slipped a
boullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. I heard a noise,
which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswading
myselfe I was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in the
meane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry.
Seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or rather
devils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, I shott my
gunne, whether un warrs or purposly I know not, but I shott with a pistolle
confidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw me
downe, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards I
felt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence it
comes I doe not remember. In the same time they brought me into the wood,
where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. After they consulted
together for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or five
miles from thence, and wher I have bin a while before. They layed mee
hither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they began
to errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyle
their meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to mee
to finde such an alteration so sudaine. They made [me] sitt downe by. After
this they searched me and tooke what I had, then stripped me naked, and
tyed a rope about my middle, wherin I remained, fearing to persist, in the
same posture the rest of the night. After this they removed me, laughing
and howling like as many wolves, I knowing not the reason, if not for my
skin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. But their gaping did soone
cease because of a false alarme, that their Scout who stayed behind gave
them, saying that the ffrench and the wild Algongins, friends to the
ffrench, came with all speed. They presently put out the fire, and tooke
hould of the most advantageous passages, and sent 25 men to discover what
it meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty.
In the meanewhile I was garded by 50 men, who gave me a good part of my
cloathes. After kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready,
which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, mingling
some yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; so
whilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy grease
greased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. So then,
when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me to
swallow it in a maner. My heart did so faint at this, that in good deede I
should have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes,
thinking every moment they would end my life. They perceived that my
stomach could not beare such victuals. They tooke some of this stinking
meate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle Indian meale
put to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and then
made in powder betwixt two rocks. I, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this,
swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammie
by reason of the scume that was upon the meat. Having supped, they untyed
mee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one of
another, and covered me with a red Coverlet, thorough which I might have
counted the starrs. I slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon the
breaking of the day. I dreamed that night that I was with the Jesuits at
Quebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and also
because I heard those people lived among Dutch people in a place called
Menada [Footnote: _Menada_, Manhattan, or New Netherlands, called by the
French of Canada "Manatte."], and fort of Orang, where without doubt I
could drinke beere. I, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and my
body more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burst
with their filthy meate that I could not digest, but must suffer all
patiently.
Finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bitts
where lesse wormes weare. Then they layd [me] to the watter side, where
there weare 7 and 30 boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. They tyed
me to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the heads
of those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them they
cutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire,
putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott it
dry with hot stones. They spread themselves from off the side of the river
a good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise and
shott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singing
after nots, which was an oudiousom noise. As they weare departing from
thence they injoyned silence, and one of the Company, wherein I was, made
three shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke;
which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the day
in such like. They offered mee meate; but such victuals I reguarded it
litle, but could drinke for thirst. My sperit was troubled with infinite
deale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse;
sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. I allwayes indeavoured to
comfort myselfe, though half dead. My resolution was so mastered with
feare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans I thought it to
be my end.
By sunsett we arrived att the Isles of Richelieu, a place rather for
victors then for captives most pleasant. There is to be seen 300 wild Cowes
together, a number of Elks and Beavers, an infinit of fowls. There we must
make cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits and
art, ffor 15 of these Islands are drowned in Spring, when the floods begin
to rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness of
the land. Here they found a place fitt enough for 250 men that their army
consisted [of]. They landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, saying
Chagon, which is as much [as] to say, as I understood afterwards, be
cheerfull or merry; but for my part I was both deafe and dumb. Their
behaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smiling
countenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, which
proved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combing
my head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying my
haire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haire
to grow longer in a short time.
The day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places and
shoote to gett victualls, where we stayed 3 dayes, making great cheere and
fires. I more and more getting familiarity with them, that I had the
liberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. They untyed mee, and
tooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnest
that I should pronounce as they. They tooke care to give me meate as often
as I would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. They also tooke
the paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves.
There was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. I tooke
notice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke his
way, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty.
The fourth day, early in the morning, my Brother, viz., he that tooke me,
so he called me, embarked me without tying me. He gave me an oare, which I
tooke with a good will, and rowed till I sweate againe. They, perceaving,
made me give over; not content with that I made a signe of my willingnesse
to continue that worke. They consent to my desire, but shewed me how I
should row without putting myselfe into a sweat. Our company being
considerable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. Mid-day wee came to
the River of Richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang of
their people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day of
my taking. They made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves,
saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. In this new company there
was one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him that
tooke me. I taking notice of the fellow, I shewed him more friendshipe. I
gott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower over
it, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nor
did afterwards molest mee.
They tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as I had allready a beginning
of their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our Algonquins
making the same noise. They tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. Often
have I sunged in French, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. We
passed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joy
and mirth. They lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att the
end of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarked
himselfe, some going one way, some another. Being separated, one of the
boats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boat
wherein I was; I wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on my
haire, signifying great kindnesse. Shee combs my head with her fingers and
tyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. My wish was that shee would
proceed in our way. After both companys made a shout wee separated, I was
sorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att her
first aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life.
Our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us to
arrive in a good and pleasant harbour. It was on the side of the sand where
our people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it was
a place they had sejourned [at] before. The place round about [was] full of
trees. Heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for their
food. In this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowne
of the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with some
thicke grease. So done, they brought me a looking-glasse. I viewing myselfe
all in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe,
and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, I could not
but fall in love with myselfe, if not that I had better instructions to
shun the sin of pride. So after repasting themselves, they made them ready
for the journey with takeing repose that night. This was the time I thought
to have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor I being alone feared least I should be
apprehended and dealt with more violently. And moreover I was desirous to
have seene their country.
Att the sun rising I awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was time
to goe. He called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downe
againe. I rose and went to the water side, where I walked awhile. If there
weare another we might, I dare say, escape out of their sight. Heere I
recreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. One of them seeing
mee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made me
more confidence in them. They brought mee a dish full of meate to the water
side. I began to eat like a beare.
In the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that I
had not a knife, brings me his, which I kept the rest of the voyage,
without that they had the least feare of me. Being ready to goe, saving my
boat that was ammending, which was soone done. The other boats weare not as
yett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. They made me
shoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords,
and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way.
At 3 of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where we
weare forced to land and carry our Equipages and boats thorough a dangerous
place. Wee had not any encounter that day. Att night where we found
cottages ready made, there I cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. The
morning early following we marched without making great noise, or singing
as accustomed. Sejourning awhile, we came to a lake 6 leagues wide, about
it a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. That day our
wild people killed 2 Bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the other
a small one. Wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before many
Cabbanes weare errected and places made where Prisoners weare tyed.
In this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: first
heated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne with
small sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place in
the middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place with
severall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. They made a
noise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour they
came out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, I
thought veryly they weare insensed. It is their usual Custome. Being comed
out of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning the
outside of the tripes inward not washed. They gave every one his share; as
for my part I found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. In the
night they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily.
In the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. I
slept securely till the morning, where I found meselfe in great high
rushes. There they stayed without noise.
From thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an Algonquin
army. We went on for some dayes that lake. Att last they endeavoured to
retire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. After a daye's march we
came to a litle river where we lay'd that night. The day following we
proceeded on our journey, where we mett 2 men, with whome our wild men
seemed to be acquainted by some signes. These 2 men began to speake a longe
while. After came a company of women, 20 in number, that brought us dry
fish and Indian corne. These women loaded themselves, after that we had
eaten, like mules with our baggage. We went through a small wood, the way
well beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of 15
Cabbans. There they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by a
yong man. He, my keeper, made a signe I should to him againe. I tourning to
him instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men came
about us, encouraging with their Cryes and hands, which encouraged me most
that non helpt him more then mee. Wee clawed one another with hands,
tooth, and nailes. My adversary being offended I have gotten the best, he
kick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his,
which made him [give up] that game againe. He tooke me about the wrest,
where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon the
ground till some came and putt us asunder. My company seeing mee free,
began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish to
relish me. They encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the other
greasing my haire. There we stayed 2 dayes, where no body durst trouble me.
In the same Cabban that I was, there has bin a wild man wounded with a
small shott. I thought I have seen him the day of my taking, which made me
feare least I was the one that wounded him. He knowing it to be so had
shewed me as much charity as a Christian might have given. Another of his
fellowes (I also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom I
thought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfull
countenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me his
brother. I had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man,
gave me a sacke of tobacco of 12 pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head,
as it's their usuall custome. We made severall stayes the day by reason of
the severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrs
others from fishing and shooting. In that journey our company increased,
among others a great many Hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who for
the most part are as slaves. We lay'd in the wood because they would not
goe into their village in the night time.
The next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heard
nothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarter
of a mile from the village. They satt downe and I in the midle, where I saw
women and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare,
and instantly stripped me naked. My keeper gave me a signe to be gone as
fast as I could drive. In the meane while many of the village came about
us, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand came
near mee. The old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the hand
and lead me out of the company. The old woman made me step aside from
those that weare ready to stricke att mee. There I left the 2 heads of my
comrades, and that with comforted me yet I escaped the blowes. Then they
brought me into their Cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse.
Shee gave me to eate. The great terror I had a litle before tooke my
stomack away from me. I stayed an hower, where a great company of people
came to see mee. Heere came a company of old men, having pipes in their
mouthes, satt about me.
After smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare a
company all Smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made
[me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. But it proved
otherwise; for the old woman followed mee, Speaking aloud, whom they
answered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyed
it, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same place
I was before. Then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] brings
downe from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, who
presently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint that
the fellows stuck to my face. Now the old woman getts me some Indian Corne
toasted in the fire. I tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; after
this shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with to
make me drawers. She looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice shee
would squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiall
meate. I lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers,
and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. I did what I could to gett
familiarity with them, yeat I suffered no wrong att their hands, taking all
freedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. But still they altered my
face where ever I went, and a new dish to satisfy nature.
I tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command,
shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with my
companions. The old woman wished that I would make meselfe more familiar
with her 2 daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. They weare
accustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. I went with them
into the wilderness, there they would be gabling which I could not
understand. They wanted no company but I was shure to be of the number. I
brought all ways some guifts that I received, which I gave to my
purse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. I lived 5 weeks without
thinking from whence I came. I learned more of their maners in 6 weeks then
if I had bin in ffrance 6 months. Att the end I was troubled in minde,
which made her inquire if I was Anjonack, a Huron word. Att this I made as
if I weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee liked
well, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, Orinha,
[Footnote: Called _Orimha_, over-leaf.] which signifies ledd or stone,
without difference of the words. So that it was my Lordshippe. Shee
inquired [of] mee whether I was Asserony, a french. I answering no, saying
I was Panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased.
My father feasted 300 men that day. My sisters made me clean for that
purpos, and greased my haire. My mother decked me with a new cover and a
redd and blew cappe, with 2 necklace of porcelaine. My sisters tyed me with
braceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. My brother painted my face,
and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. My
father was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and a
necklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in my
hand. It was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being so
laden with riches. Then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrations
of vallor, broak a kettle full of Cagamite [Footnote: _Cagamite, Cagaimtie,
Sagamite_, a mush made of pounded Indian corn boiled with bits of meat or
fish.] with a hattchett So they sung, as is their usual coustom. They weare
waited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate of
Oriniacke, [Footnote: _Oriniacke, Auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, the
largest species of deer. Called by the French writers-- Sagard-Theodat, La
Hontan, and Charlevoix--_Eslan, Orinal_, or _Orignal_.] of Castors, and of
red deer mingled with some flowers. The order of makeing was thus: the
corne being dried between 2 stones into powder, being very thick, putt it
into a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of Bear's grease. This
banquett being over, they cryed to me Shagon, Orimha, that is, be hearty,
stone or ledd. Every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did I.
But to the purpose of my history. As I went to the fields once, where I
mett with 3 of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great way
off, they desired me to goe along. I lett them know in Huron language (for
that I knew better then that of the Iroquoits) I was content, desiring them
to stay till I acquainted my mother. One of them came along with mee, and
gott leave for me of my kindred. My mother gott me presently a sack of
meale, 3 paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the 2 stayed for
us. My 2 sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried my
bundle, where they tooke leave.
We marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where we
travelled without any rest. I wished I had stayed att home, for we had sad
victualls. The next day about noone we came to a River; there we made a
skiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. I admired their skill in
doing of it, ffor in lesse then 2 hours they cutt the tree and pulled up
the Rind, of which they made the boat. We embarked ourselves and went to
the lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake of
about 2 miles in length and a mile in breadth. We passed this lake into
another river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of a
stagge, which made us stay heere a while. It was five of the clock att
least when 2 of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast;
the other and I stayed behind. Not long after we saw the stagge crosse the
river, which foarding brought him to his ending. So done, they went on
their cours, and came backe againe att 10 of the clocke with 3 bears, a
castor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. How did wee rejoice
to see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. After we have eaten,
wee slept.
The next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie,
one about one thing, one about another. As 3 of us retourned homewards to
our cottage we heard a wild man singing. He made us looke to our selves
least he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him,
who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a Beare since
morning, and that he gave him over, having lost his 2 doggs by the same
beare. He came with us to our Cottage, where we mett our companion after
having killed one beare, 2 staggs, and 2 mountain catts, being 5 in number.
Whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the Algonquin
language. I wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken 2
years agoe; he asked me concerning the 3 rivers and of Quebuck, who wished
himselfe there, and I said the same, though I did not intend it. He asked
me if I loved the french. I inquired [of] him also if he loved the
Algonquins? Mary, quoth he, and so doe I my owne nation. Then replyed he,
Brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the 3 rivers are not a farre off. I
tould him my 3 comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed my
mother to bring me back againe. Then he inquired whether I would live like
the Hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with the
ffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. Feare not, quoth he, shall
kill them all 3 this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be an
easy matter with their owne hatchetts.
Att last I consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country,
that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murdered
them. I promissed him to succour him in his designe. They not understanding
our language asked the Algonquin what is that that he said, but tould them
some other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. Their belly full,
their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day's
journey, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe without
the least danger. Then my wild man pushed me, thinking I was a sleepe. He
rises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other,
and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand gives
me one; to tell the truth I was loathsome to do them mischif that never did
me any. Yett for the above said reasons I tooke the hattchet and began the
Execution, which was soone done. My fellow comes to him that was nearest to
the fire (I dare say he never saw the stroake), and I have done that like
to an other, but I hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could not
disingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast,
butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked the
third; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presently
after I shott him dead.
Then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps,
after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. We tooke 3
guns, leaving the 4th, their 2 swoords, their hattchetts, their powder and
shott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. I was
sorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. Wee
tooke our journey that night alongst the river. The break of day we landed
on the side of a rock which was smooth. We carryed our boat and equippage
into the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayed
most sadly all that day tormented by the Maringoines; [Footnote:
_Musquetos_.] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it from
the raine. The night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place,
we goe without any noise for our safty. Wee travelled 14 nights in that
maner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. When we have perceaved any
fire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be]
possible. Att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came to
the lake of St. Peeter's.
We landed about 4 of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr out
of the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. We retired
into the wood, where we made a fire some 200 paces from the river. There we
roasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while from
the many labours of the former night. So, having slept, my companion awaks
first, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come to
our dweling, of which councel I did not approve. [I] tould him the Ennemys
commonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well
[to] stay in that place till sunnsett. Then, said he, lett us begon, we
[are] passed all feare. Let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelps
that killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. Nay,
saith he, Brother, if you come not, I will leave you, and will go through
the woods till I shall be over against the french quarters. There I will
make a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. I will tell to the Governor
that you stayed behind. Take courage, man, says he. With this he tooke his
peece and things. Att this I considered how if [I] weare taken att the
doore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility I saw to go by
myselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, that
I could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that I
should be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him that
so much ventured for mee. I resolved to go along through the woods; but the
litle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should
[take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hath
lost his life by it, and I in great danger have escaped by the helpe of the
Almighty. I consent to goe by watter with him.
In a short time wee came to the lake. The watter very calme and cleare. No
liklyhood of any storme. We hazarded to the other side of the lake,
thinking ffor more security. After we passed the third part of the lake, I
being the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, which
proved a real thing. He at this rises and tells mee that it was a company
of buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. We went on, where wee soone
perceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. We went back
againe towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, but
it was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare within
halfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. Seeing them approaching
nigher and nigher, we threw the 3 heads in the watter. They meet with these
3 heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runn
away from their country. We weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottom
of the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. When those cruel inhumans
came within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should gett
a way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding my
comrade, [who] fell dead. I expected such another shott. The litle skiff
was pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran in
a pace. I defended me selfe with the 2 arms. Att last they environed me
with their boats, that tooke me just as I was a sinking. They held up the
wild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with all
diligence to land. I thought to die without mercy.
They made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off his
head, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of their
boats. They cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it and
eat it. If he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best to
keepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with small
fires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat,
and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable,
they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. That was
the miserable end of that wretch.
Lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that I was
to undergo. Whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the others
tyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyed
me above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me,
not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. So [they]
brought me in that pickle to the boat. As I was imbarqued they asked mee
severall questions. I being not able to answer, gave me great blowes with
their fists. [They] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me.
What displeasure had I, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almost
come to my journey's end, that I must now goe back againe to suffer such
torments, as death was to be expected. Having lost all hopes, I resolved
alltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. I was not the [only]
one in the clawes of those wolves. Their company was composed of 150 men.
These tooke about Quebucq and other places 2 frenchmen, one french woman,
17 Hurrons, men as [well as] women. They had Eleven heads which they sayd
weare of the Algonquins, and I was the 33rd victime with those cruels.
The wild men that weare Prisners sang their fatal song, which was a
mornfull song or noise. The 12 couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for a
shew. We prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. As
for me, I was put into a boat with a Huron whose fingers weare cutt and
bourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhuman
devils. They did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner,
least I should tell him any news, as I imagine, but sent me to another
boat, where I remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which proved
somewhat to my disadvantage.
In this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, I answered him
as I could best; tould him how I was adopted by such an one by name, and as
I was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us,
and after he had eaten went his way. In the evening [he] came back againe
and found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my 3 companions,
and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. That old
man believed me in some measure, which I perceived in him by his kindnesse
towards me. But he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a will
to doe me mischief. Many slandred me, but I tooke no notice.
Some 4 leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, very
difficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand
[bank] a league wide. To this very houre I tooke notice how they tyed their
captives, though att my owne cost. They planted severall poastes of the
bignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poasts
far a sunder from one another. Then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows,
and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt 4 barrs
of the bignesse of a legge & used thus. They tooke 2 for the necke, puting
one of each side, tying the 2 ends together, so that our heads weare fast
in a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. And what
tormented us most was the Maringoines and great flyes being in abundance;
did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces from
the sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we are
cruelly tormented. Our voyage was laborious and most miserable, suffering
every night the like misery.
When we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to our
greatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came to
see us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. One cutt of a
finger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingers
into their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. Some
tooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which
[they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused our
hands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. Having souffred all
these crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffer
their Prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which is
att the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before I
escaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. Now I must
think to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the 3 men, but the
feare of death takes away the feare of blowes.
Nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and 2 left behind with the
heads. In this place we had 8 coulours. Who would not shake att the sight
of so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of Instruments:
staves, hand Irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets?
Others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the Crueltie could
invent to putt their Prisoners to greater torments. Heere, no help, no
remedy. We must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity without
helpe. He that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last,
getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. For the
meanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then to
the others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfuly
and with constancy.
They begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environed
with a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidious
sight, which seriously may be called the Image of hell in this world. The
men sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victores
cryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. In a word, all
prepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, having
nothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litle
according [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a long
rope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew them
cruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment.
As our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see the
prisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death of
the 3 men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many of
which came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then any
other. But it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult I perceaved my
father & mother with their 2 daughters. The mother pushes in among the Crew
directly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of my
haire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of my
ranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me have
courage, conducting me an other way home to his Cabban, when he made me
sitt downe. [He] said to me: You senselesse, thou was my son, and thou
rendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest not
thy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thou
notwithstanding will kill me. Bee merry; Conharrassan, give him to eate.
That was the name of one of the sisters. My heart shook with trembling and
feare, which tooke away my stomach. Neverthelesse to signifie a bould
countenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accounted
among all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is very
presumptious and haughty. Because of their magnanimity and victories
opposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running over
the whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all they
meete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom they
please to give liberty. God gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of my
duty, as I tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme I
could, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag with
that of the Hurrons, which I learned more fluently then theirs, being
longer and more frequently with the Hurrons.
Every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save my
life. Uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters the
Cabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents,
made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. After a while
my father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. My mother seeing
this, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and I believing in a terrible
motion to goe directly on to the place of execution. I must march, I must
yeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place.
I was conducted where I found a good company of those miserable wretches,
alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. One
miserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes of
sticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could
[bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. This was the
end of this Execrable wofull body of this miserable.
They made me goe up the scaffold where weare 5 men, 3 women, and 2 children
captives, and I made the Eleventh. There weare severall scaffolds nigh one
an other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singings
replenished the heavens with their Cryes. For I can say that an houre
before the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weather
changed and rayned Extremely. The most part retired for to avoid this
hayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by the
retiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the Band of
hell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor those
litle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventions
of wickednesse. This is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up,
and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest.
I prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the torments
that I have seen souffred att Coutu, after that they have passed the
sallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters that
they meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. They tie the prisoners to
a poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath a
bourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily.
They putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments of
Iron. They take these and quench them on human flesh. They pluck out their
nailes for the most part in this sort. They putt a redd coale of fire uppon
it, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. After they stop the
blood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one after
another from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can,
they cutt it with peeces of redd hott Iron; they squeeze the fingers
between 2 stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when the
flesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. After
they tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawing
him one way, another of another way. If the sinews be not cutt with a
stick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast as
they can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. Some others cutt
peeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eat
it, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. They
breake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle,
and upon this do hang 5 or 6 hattchetts, red hott, which they hang about
their neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into it
some sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and then
give it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it by
the stumps of his remalning fingers. If he cannot sing they make him quack
like a henne.
I saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night,
throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bourne
their feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. The litle ones doe exercise
themselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hard
straw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now &
then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter and
make them repose on fresh leaves. They also give them to eat of the best
they have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments.
Then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, they
cover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and often
getts the platter a fire. In the next place they cloath you with a suit
made of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. They
cutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. When they
See the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drink
some of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make them
valient. If you have indured all the above said torments patiently and
without moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burning
blades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the head
and putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which they
hawle about their village. Lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave
[him] in the fields to be eaten by the Crowes or doggs.
Now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along
[through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of 2 or 300 rogues that
shott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire from
those that had any. The showre of rayne being over, all come together
againe, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poore
wretches. That day they pluckt 4 nailes out of my fingers, and made me
sing, though I had no mind att that time. I became speechlesse oftentimes;
then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that the
gunsmiths use to pollish their armes. That liquour brought me to my speech
againe. The night being come they made me come downe all naked as I was, &
brought to a strang Cottage. I wished heartily it had ben that of my
parents. Being come, they tyed me to a poast, where I stayed a full houre
without the least molestation.
A woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingers
with a flint stoan. The boy was not 4 yeares old. This [boy] takes my
finger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strength
to breake my fingers. So my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt don
to it but the flesh cutt round about it. His mother made him suck the very
blood that runn from my finger. I had no other torment all that day. Att
night I could not sleepe for because of the great paine. I did eat a litle,
and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver I caught by the cruel torment I
suffred.
The next morning I was brought back againe to the scaffold, where there
were company enough. They made me sing a new, but my mother came there and
made [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that I should not
die. Shee brought mee some meate. Her coming comforted me much, but that
did not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which being
on the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipe
burning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked
3 pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle and
flesh became as coales. My mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, but
said not what I thought. That man having finished his hard worke, but I am
sure I felt it harder to suffer it. He trembled, whether for feare or for
so much action I cannot tell. My mother tyed my fingers with cloath, and
when he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a wooden
comb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. Shee goes back
againe.
That day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all alive
into the midle of a great fire. They burned a frenchwoman; they pulled out
her breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and made
the mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. I was not abused all that
day till the night. They bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. A
souldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and plucked
severall of my nailes. I stayed in that maner all night. I neither wanted
in the meane while meate nor drinke. I was supplied by my mother and
sisters. My father alsoe came to see me & tould me I should have courage.
That very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of my
fingers. There appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about it
leaves me instantly & did no harme, for which I was glad. I believe that my
father dissuaded him from it.
A while after my father was gon 3 came to the scaffold who swore they would
me a mischiefe, as I thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called for
a brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but by
good lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne my
skin, but bourned him to some purpos. In this posture I was to follow him,
& being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. One of the Company Cutt
the rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe the
scaffold and then went their way.
There I stayed till midday alone. There comes a multitude of people who
make me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number of
sixty old men smoaking tobacco. Here they make mee sitt downe among them
and stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why I was
brought thither, nor did I much care. For the great torments that I
souffred, I knew not whether I was dead or alive. And albeit I was in a
hott feavor & great pain, I rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that I
have not seene since my arrivement. He comes in very sumptuously covered
with severall necklaces of porcelaine,[Footnote: _Porcelaine_, the French
for wam-pum, or shell beads.] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by the
company and cast an eye on me now and then. Presently and comes in my
father with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with a
hatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. He had a
calumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [Footnote: _Cake_, meaning a
medicine-bag.] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so had
the rest of the old men. In that same cake are incloased all the things in
the world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that I should [not]
disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had in
their power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all the
earth. You must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots to
heale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of their
deceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any other
beast's head. When there they have any debatement among them they sacrifice
to this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of that
they puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperity
or warre, such ceremonies they make very often.
My father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. They
held great silence. During this they bring 7 prisoners; to wit, 7 women and
2 men, more [then] 10 children from the age of 3 to 12 years, having placed
them all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. The others all att liberty,
being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least I should pay for
all. Awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, now
shewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. This good
man putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. Having
finished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another.
They gave then liberty to some, butt killed 2 children with hattchetts, and
a woman of 50 years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onely
myselfe) att full liberty. I was left alone for a stake, they contested
together [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted above
an houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover of
his head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. His eyes weare hollow in his
head; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the Algonquins
in their language [that is, Eruata], which made me believe he spoake in my
behalfe. In that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces of
porcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. As soone
as shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of her
necklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one end
to the other. Shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes her
way. Then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings a
military song. Having finished [he] departs. I feared much that he was
first to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well,
rather then be bourned. My father rises for a second time and sings; so
done, retired himselfe. I thought all their guifts, songs, and speeches
should prevaile nothing with mee.
Those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long,
throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. Then the Cottage was
open of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires,
and place was made for them as if they weare Kings. Forty staye about me,
and nigh 2000 about my cottage, of men, women, and children. Those that
went their way retourned presently. Being sett downe, smoaked againe
whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. My father
sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace
from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that
held me, then makes me rise. The joy that I receaved att that time was
incomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling the
least paine. He bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which I consented with
all my heart. Whilst I did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. The
old man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" Having don, my mother, sisters,
and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced.
Then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. As we went
along nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding me
to take great courage. My mother was not long after me, with the rest of
her friends. Now I see myselfe free from death. Their care att this was to
give me meate. I have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joy
I had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that I did eat
lustily. Then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. Then begins my
paines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes them
with a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter in
her mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. The meanwhile my father goes
to seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to my
sores as a plaster. The next day the swelling was gone, but worse then
before; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving my
feete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my Cabban. During this
time my nailes grewed a pace. I remained onely lame of my midle finger,
that they have Squeezed between two stoanes. Every one was kind to mee as
beforesaid, and [I] wanted no company to be merry with.
I should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell me
during my winter. I was beloved of my Parents as before. My exercise was
allwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. My mother
kept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. Every moneth I
had a white shirt, which my father sent for from the Flemeings, who weare
not a farr off our village. I could never gett leave to goe along with my
brother, who went there very often. Finally, seeing myselfe in the former
condition as before, I constituted as long as my father and fortune would
permitt mee to live there. Dayly there weare military feasts for the South
nations, and others for the Algonquins and for the French. The
exclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing but
the murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have the
next yeare, which is in the beginning of Spring. In those feasts my father
heaves up his hattchett against the Algonquins. For this effect [he] makes
great preparations for his next incamping. Every night [he] never failes to
instruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the death
of so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. The desire
that I had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolve
to offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. But I feared
much least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution.
Neverthelesse I finding him once of a good humour and on the point of
honnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett and
to be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of great
renowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & that
he should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was the
quickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have liberty
everywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this I
venture to aske him what I was. [He] presently answers that I was a
Iroquoite as himselfe. Lett me revenge, said I, my kindred. I love my
brother. Lett me die with him. I would die with you, but you will not
because you goe against the ffrench. Lett me a gaine goe with my brother,
the prisoners & the heads that I shall bring, to the joy of my mother and
sisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchett
against those of Quebecq, of the 3 rivers, and Monteroyall in declaring
them my name, and that it's I that kills them, and by that you shall know I
am your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adopted
me. He sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son Oninga, thy
brother died in the warrs not in the Cabban; he was of a courage not of a
woman. I goe to aveng his death. If I die, aveng you mine. That one word
was my leave, which made me hope that one day I might escape, having soe
great an opportunity; or att least I should have the happinesse to see
their country, which I heard so much recommended by the Iroquoites, who
brought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men.
Thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before the
melting of the snow, which is very soone in that Country. I began to sett
my witts together how I should resolve this my voyage; for my mother
opposed against it mightily, saying I should bee lost in the woods, and
that I should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. But at last I
flattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in his
hands. Shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne in
my father's country, but was taken [when] little in the Huronit's Country.
Notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having lived
together more then fourty years, and in that space brought him 9 children,
4 males and 5 females. Two girls died after a while, and 3 sons killed in
the warrs, and one that went 3 years before with a band of 13 men to warre
against a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. The 5th had
allready performed 2 voyages with a greate deale of successe. My father was
a great Captayne in warrs, having ben Commander in all his times, and
distructed many villages of their Ennemy, having killed 19 men with his
owne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] he
killed. He should have as many more, but that you must know that the
Commander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army to
encourage his men. If by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one of
his men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough to
command the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that he
has the power as much as the honour. He receaved 2 gunn shots and 7 arrows
shotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. He was aged 3
score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man.
When our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites a
number of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go to
warre against an Ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him to
march sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, and
that this banquett was made for his 2 sons' farewell. Then he tould that
his adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of the
death of their brothers, and desired the Commander to have a care of us
both. This Commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfe
should be with him to the end. If anything should oppose he would make me
fight him. I was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mother
toald me it att my retourne. I was a fishing by with my sisters & brother.
When wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that our
mother and sisters lett us goe. Few days after I was invited to a military
banquett where was the Captayne, a yong gallant of 20 years old, with a
company of 8, and I made the 10th. We all did sing and made good cheare of
a fatt beare. We gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts.
Our kindred brought us a great way. My sister could not forbeare crying,
yett tould me to be of a stout heart. We tooke att last [leave and] bid
them adieu. We tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to the
great Lake before the Spring. We travelled 7 days through woods and
indifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. The Rivers
weare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease.
Wee arrived the 7th day in a village called Nojottga [Footnote: _Nojottga_,
or Oneioutga, Oneida.], where we stayed 2 days. From thence came a young
man with us. We arrived into another village, Nontageya [Footnote:
_Nontageya_, Onontaguega, or Onondaga.], where we stayed foure days. Wee
had allways great preparations, and weare invited 9 or tenne times a day.
Our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much,
and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, Stagg, Indian
corne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. We have not yett searched
our baggs wheare our provision was. In this place wee mended them. For my
part I found in myne 6 pounds of powder and more then 15 pounds of shott, 2
shirts, a capp, 8 pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire of
breeches, and about 1000 graines of black and white porcelaine, and my
brother as many. Wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downe
from our shoulders like a mantle. Every one [had] a small necklace of
porcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the Prisoners.
I had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. That was all we had. Our slaves
brought the packs after us.
After we marched 3 dayes, we came to a village, Sonon-teeonon,[Footnote:
_Sononteeonon_, Tionnontonan, or Seneca.] there we layd a night. The next
day, after a small journey, we came to the last village of their
confederates. Heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation.
It's called Oiongoiconon. [Footnote: _Oiongoiconon_ is Cayuga.] Here we
stay 2 dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves,
going allwayes through the woods. We found great plaines of 2 leagues and a
halfe journey without a tree. We saw there stagges, but would not goe out
of our way to kill them. We went through 3 villages of this nation neare
one another. They admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which I
understood by their exclamations. I thought I grewed leane to take litle
voyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. The raquett alwayes with the
feet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yett
have I not complained. Att the parting of the slaves, I made my bundle
light as the rest. We found snowes in few places, saving where the trees
made a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry the
raquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands.
After 10 days' march [we completed our journey] through a country covered
with water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. In those
plaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many Tourquies. Thence we came to a
great river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there
10 or 12 dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. We made good
cheere and wished to stay there longer. We made 3 skiffs to hould 3 men,
and one to hould two. We imbarked though there weare ice in many places,
and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least what
should befall us. In 4 dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in some
places with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground all
covered with snow. Heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of the
aire, and must stay 15 dayes. The wild men admired that the season of the
yeare was so backward. Att the end the wind changes southerly, which made
the lake free from Ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without either
snow or ice. There was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow like
rivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. The weather
lovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. Tending forwards, singing and
playing, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so 6 days
upon the lake and rested the nights ashore.
The more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country and
warmer. Ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, a
stoan-cast wide. After halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring both
barks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. This
done above 20 times, hawling our boats after us all laden. We went up that
river att least 30 or 40 leagues. Att last [it] brought us to a lake of
some 9 miles in length. Being comed to the highest place of the lake, we
landed and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles.
We weare 3 dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, not
so much as could make us fire. Then the thickned flower did serve us
instead of meate, mingling it with watter. We foorded many litle rivers, in
swiming & sayling. Our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed together
of such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from the
weatt. The evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which we
made bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over.
We left this place after being there 3 dayes. We went up that river in 2
dayes; there we killed stagges. After we came to a mouth of another river.
We made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make no
noise. They desired me to be very quiet, which I observed strictly. After
refreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make som
discovery. Some went one way, some another. We went a great way, but not
farr off our fort. The next day we meet altogether & made some Councell,
where it was decreed that 2 should go to the furthermost part of a small
river in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks of
people there, whilst the other 9 should take notice of a villag, that they
knew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there a
discovery. The youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goe
into the river. We tooke the lightest boat. It was well, [for] that in some
places of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. We weare
fained to draw the boat after us. I believe not that ever a wild man went
that way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of the
river.
After we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the end
of a small lake some 4 mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not so
thick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, taking
onely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. We
scarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave 2 persons goeing on
the watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him up
a tree to discerne better if there weare any more. After he stayed there a
while [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare 2 women, and
that we might goe kill them. Doubtlesse, said I, if they are women the men
are not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. Wee are alone,
and should runne the hazzard of 2 women for to be discovered. Our breethren
also would be in danger that knowes nothing. Moreover it's night; what dost
thou intend to doe? You say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in the
wood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. Att breake of
day we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in the
fort.
Here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rotten
tree. That night it rayned sadly. We weare wett; but a naturall Exercise is
good fire. We weare in our boat early in the morning, and with great
diligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mighty
high by reason of so much that fell of raine. I will not omitt a strange
accident that befell us as we came. You must know that as we past under the
trees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake with
foure feete, her head very bigg, like a Turtle, the nose very small att the
end, the necke of 5 thumbs wide, the body about 2 feet, and the tayle of a
foot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, with
great eyes, her teeth very white but not long. That beast was a sleepe upon
one of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeing
such a creature weare astonished. We could not tell what to doe. It was
impossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot att
her wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble our
Company. Att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever,
and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, and
with that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [to
secure] us from that dreadfull animal. We durst not ventur to kill her, for
feare of breaking of our boat. There is the question who was most fearfull?
As for me, I quaked. Now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, and
that shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land and
to tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. Then my
comrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river our
feare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when once
arrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare our
fort. But in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarter
of an houre. The squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne,
being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time he
came nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, &
rose up, having her 2 fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuaded
us that shee would leave us. We leaned on that side of the boat, so with
our owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill her
with our owers, which shee had for her paines. [Footnote: Radisson's
description of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminent
herpetologists in America, who writes that "no such reptile has ever been
described by scientific writers."] The squirrell tooke the flight, soe we
went, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene.
We found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, for
they weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all night
long. As for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything.
Wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made them
alter their resolution. Wee layd all night in our fort, where we made good
cheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood.
The next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leaving
our 3 boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where we
have seene the 2 persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice of
some fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes,
which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a woman
loaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was not
afar off. The Captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts the
discovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare 5 men & 4
women a fishing. We wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to come
unawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poore
creatures who in a moment weare massacred. What we gott by this was not
much, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, of
their owne making. These weare in great estime among our wild men. Two of
ours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an old
woman. They thought it charity to send her into the other world, with two
small children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving them
to the fishes their bodyes. Every one of us had his head, and my brother
two; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we came
to a small lake. Not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road close
by a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards a
village. There we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to find
out a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] no
conveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. Heere we layd
downe uppon our bellies. We did eat, among other things, the fish we gott
in the cabban of the fishermen. After dispatching one of the Company
bouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had no
water, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. The great desire
we had to catch and take made us to controule the Buissinesse.
Early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we layd
in an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. Att two of the clock in
the after non we see 20, as well men as women, a great way from us. We went
to the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. Att evening
[they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. They
went to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men and
three women, that tooke notice of our ambush. This we could not avoid, so
weare forced to appeare to their ruine. We tooke the 3 women and killed 2
men. The other 2 thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; the
other 2 that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the other
escaped. The news was brought over all those parts. Thence we runne away
with our 4 prisoners and the 4 new heads with all speed. The women could
not goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a whole
night; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat which
Served us to goe over. We marched all that day without any delay; being
come to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. We
examined our Prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them,
although many Huron words weare in their language. In this place we
perceived 2 men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient to
discover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. We
tooke another day, 2 before and the rest after, thee prisoners in the
midle. We speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, and
the trees blowne downe with some great windes. The fire over came all, over
15 leagues in length and 10 in breadth. We layd in the very midle of that
country upon a faire sandy place where we could see 3 or 4 leagues off
round about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is their
Acconroga before death. There we made a litle fire to make our Kettle boyle
a tourkey, with some meale that was left. Seeing no body persued, we
resolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. We stayed
14 nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mett
with nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines without
victualls. Att last we came to kill 2 Stagges, but did not suffice 12 of
us. We weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with the
meat, which made all very bitter. But good stomachs make good favour.
Hunger forced us to kill our Prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating our
food, for want of which have eaten the flesh. So by that means we weare
freed from the trouble.
The next day we came neere a Village. Att our coming we killed a woman with
her child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe for
feare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was
3 days' journey; but on the way we mett with 5 and 20 or 30 men and women,
who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. They fought & defended
themselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the Strongest party, for
our guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. During the fight
the women ranne away. Five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foure
escaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery was
horribly wounded with 2 arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. If he had
stuck to it as we, he might proceed better. We burned him with all speed,
that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. We killed 2 of
them, & 5 prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats,
where we arrived within 2 days without resting, or eating or drinking all
the time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. We tooke all their booty, which
was of 2 sacks of Indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red and
green stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread,
and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some small
coyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. The
tournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. The hayre
of some of them very long, & all proper men. We went on the other side of
the river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. After we looked about
us least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about to
gett meat for our wants & then to sleepe.
Att midnight we left that place. Six of us tooke a boate, 5 an other, and 2
the litle one. We row the rest of the night with all strength, & the
breaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. The
litle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood.
One of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive any
thing, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of us
to warne us. We weare in great danger going downe the streame of that river
in the night time. We had trouble enough to carry all our baggage without
the least noise. Being come to the end of the river which empties it selfe
into a lake of some 8 or 9 leagues in compasse, we went into a small river
to kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and so
sturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. Att last finding
our selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about the
lake, where we tarried 3 dayes, and 2 of our Company mett with 2 women that
runned away from the Sanoutin's country, which is of the Iroquoit nation.
Those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves att
liberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in a
greater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us.
The next day we went from thence with the 5 prisoners & the 22 heads. So
much for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt upon
them, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place where
we intended to make new boats. For 9 days we went through dangerous places
which weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. We
weare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with great
paines. We came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, and
there we parted our acquisited booty, and then each had care of his owne.
We ordered the biggest boat should hould 4 men and 2 prisoners; the next 3
men and the 2 women that last weare taken; the 3d should hould 3 and the
other prisoner. My brother and I had a man & woman with 4 heads to our
share, and so the rest accordingly without dispute or noise.
We wandered severall dayes on that lake. It was a most delightfull place,
and a great many islands. Here we killed great many bears. After we came to
a most delightfull place for the number of stagges that weare there. Thence
into a straight river. From thence weare forced to make many carriages
through many stony mountains, where we made severall trappes for castors.
We tooke above 200 castors there, and fleaced off the best skins. There
weare some skins so well dressed that [they] held the oyle of beares as
pure bottles. During that time we mett severall huntsmen of our country; so
we heard news of our friends. Only our father was not yett retourned from
the warrs against the french and algonquins. We left our small boats, that
weare purposely confected for our hunting, & tooke our great boats that
could carry us and all our luggage.
We went up the same river againe, not without great labour. Att last with
much ado we arrived at the landing place where wee made a stay of 4 days;
where many Iroquoites women came, and among others my 2 sisters, that
received me with great joy, with a thousand kindnesses and guifts, as you
may think. I gave them the 2 heads that I had, keeping the woman for my
mother, to be her slave. There was nothing but singing & dancing out of
meere joy for our safe retourne. I had 20 castors for my share, with 2
skins full of oyle of beare and another full of oriniack and stagge's
grease. I gave to each of my sisters 6 stagges' skins to make them coats. I
kept the grease for my mother, to whome it is convenient to give what is
necessary for the family. We made our slaves carry all our booty, & went on
to litle journeys through woods with ease, because the woods weare not
thick and the earth very faire and plaine. All the way the people made much
of me, till we came to the village, and especially my 2 sisters, that in
all they shewed their respects, giveing me meate every time we rested
ourselves, or painting my face or greasing my haire or combing my head. Att
night they tooke the paines to pull off my stokins, & when I supped they
made me lay downe by them and cover me with their coats, as if the weather
had ben cold.
This voyage being ended, albeit I came to this village, & twice with feare
& terror, the 3d time notwithstanding with joy & contentment. As we came
neare the village, a multitude of people came to meete us with great
exclamations, and for the most part for my sake, biding me to be cheerfull
& qualifying me dodcon, that is, devil, being of great veneration in that
country to those that shew any vallour. Being arrived within halfe a league
of the village, I shewed a great modesty, as usually warriors use to doe.
The whole village prepares to give the scourge to the captives, as you
[have] heard before, under which I myselfe I was once to undergoe. My
mother comes to meet mee, leaping & singing. I was accompanied with both
[of] my sisters. Shee takes the woman, slave that I had, and would not that
any should medle with her. But my brother's prisoner, as the rest of the
captives, weare soundly beaten. My mother accepted of my brother's 2 heads.
My brother's prisoner was burned the same day, and the day following I
received the sallery of my booty, which was of porcelaine necklaces, Tourns
of beads, pendants, and girdles.
There was but banqueting for a while. The greatest part of both young men &
women came to see me, & the women the choicest of meats, and a most dainty
and cordiall bit which I goe to tell you; doe not long for it, is the best
that is among them. First when the corne is greene they gather so much as
need requireth, of which leaves they preserve the biggest leaves for the
subject that followes. A dozen more or lesse old women meet together alike,
of whome the greatest part want teeth, and seeth not a jott, and their
cheeks hange downe like an old hunting-dogg, their eyes full of watter and
bloodshott. Each takes an eare of corne and putts in their mouths, which is
properly as milke, chawes it, and when their mouths are full, spitts it out
in their hands, which possibly they wash not once one yeare; so that their
hands are white inside by reason of the grease that they putt to their
haire & rubbing of it with the inside of their hands, which keeps them
pretty clean, but the outside in the rinknesse of their rinkled hands there
is a quarter of an ounze of filth and stinking grease.
And so their hands being full of that mince meate minced with their gumms
and [enough] to fill a dish. So they chaw chestnutts; then they mingle this
with bear's grease or oyle of flower (in french we call it Tourne Sol) with
their hands. So made a mixture, they tye the leaves att one end & make a
hodgepot & cover it with the same leaves and tye the upper end so that what
is within these leaves becomes a round ball, which they boile in a kettle
full of watter or brouth made of meate or fish. So there is the description
of the most delicious bitt of the world. I leave you taste of their Salmi
gondy, which I hope to tell you in my following discourses of my other
voyages in that country, and others that I frequented the space of tenne
years.
To make a period of this my litle voyage. After I stayed awhile in this
village with all joy & mirth, for feasts, dances, and playes out of meere
gladnesse for our small victorious company's hapy retourne, so after that
their heads had sufficiently danced, they begin to talke [of going] to
warre against the hollanders. Most of us are traited againe for the castors
we bestowed on them. They resolve unanimously to goe on their designe.
Every thing ready, we march along. The next day we arrived in a small
brough [Footnote: _Brough_ probably means borough, used, as the French
applied it to "bourgade," for a town of Indians or whites.] of the
hollanders, where we masters them, without that those beere-bellies had the
courage to frowne att us. Whether it was out of hope of lucre or otherwise,
we with violence tooke the meate out of their potts, and opening their
coubards [cupboards] we take and eat what we [can] gett. For drinking of
their wine we weare good fellowes. So much that they fought with swords
among themselves without the least offer of any misdeed to me. I drunk more
then they, but more soberly, letting them make their quarrells without any
notice.
The 4th day we come to the fort, of Orange, wher we weare very well
received, or rather our Castors, every one courting us; and was nothing but
pruins and reasins and tobbacco plentifully, and all for ho, ho, which is
thanks, adding _nianonnha_, thanke you. We went from house to house. I went
into the fort with my brother, and have not yett ben knowne a french. But a
french souldier of the fort speaks to me in Iroquois language, & demanded
if I was not a stranger, and did veryly believe I was french, for all that
I was all dabbled over with painting and greased. I answered him in the
same language, that no; and then he speaks in swearing, desiring me [to
tell him] how I fell in the hands of those people. And hearing him speake
french, amazed, I answered him, for which he rejoyced very much. As he
embraces me, he cryes out with such a stirre that I thought him senselesse.
He made a shame for all that I was wild but to blush red. I could be no
redder then what they painted me before I came there. All came about me,
ffrench as well as duch, every one makeing [me] drink out of the bottles,
offering me their service; but my time yett was not out, so that I wanted
not their service, for the onely rumour of my being a frenchman was enough.
The flemish women drawed me by force into their houses, striving who should
give, one bread, other meate, to drinke and to eate, and tobacco. I wanted
not for those of my nation, Iroquois, who followed me in a great squadroon
through the streets, as if I had bin a monster in nature or a rare thing to
be seen.
I went to see the Governor, & talked with me a long time, and tould him the
life that I lead, of which he admired. He offred me to buy me from them att
what prise so ever, or else should save me, which I accepted not, for
severall reasons. The one was for not to be behoulding to them, and the
other being loathsome to leave such kind of good people. For then I began
to love my new parents that weare so good & so favourable to me. The 3d
reason was to watch a better opportunity for to retyre to the french rather
then make that long circuit which after I was forced to doe for to retyre
to my country more then 2,000 leagues; and being that it was my destiny to
discover many wild nations, I would not to strive against destinie. I
remitted myselfe to fortune and adventure of time, as a thing ordained by
God for his greatest glorie, as I hope it will prove. Our treatis being
done, overladend with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that
we came to see againe our village, and to passe that winter with our wives,
and to eat with them our Cagaimtie in peece, hoping that nobody should
trouble us during our wintering, and also to Expect or finde our fathers
retourning home.
Leaving that place, many cryed to see me among a company of wolves, as that
souldier tould me who knowed me the first houre; and the poore man made the
tears come to my eyes. The truth is, I found many occasions to retire for
to save me, but have not yett souffred enough to have merited my
deliverence. In 2 dayes' journey we weare retourned to our cabbans, where
every one of us rendered himself to his dearest kindred or master. My
sisters weare charged of porcelaine, of which I was shure not to faile, for
they weare too liberall to mee and I towards them. I was not 15 dayes
retourned, but that nature itselfe reproached me to leade such a life,
remembering the sweet behaviour and mildnesse of the french, & considered
with meselfe what end should I expect of such a barbarous nation, enemy to
God and to man. The great effect that the flemings shewed me, and the litle
space was from us there; can I make that journey one day? The great belief
that that people had in me should make them not to mistrust me, & by that I
should have greater occasion to save me without feare of being pursued.
All these reasons made one deliberat to take a full resolution, without
further delay, of saving meselfe to the flemings; ffor I could be att no
safty among such a nation full of reveng. If in case the ffrench &
algonquins defeats that troupe of theirs, then what spite they will have
will reveng it on my boanes; ffor where is no law, no faith to undertake to
goe to the ffrench. I was once interrupted, nor have I had a desire to
venture againe for the second time. I should delight to be broyled as
before in pitifull torments. I repented of a good occasion I lett slippe,
finding meselfe in the place with offers of many to assist me. But he that
is of a good resolution must be of strong hopes of what he undertakes; & if
the dangers weare considered which may be found in things of importancy,
you ingenious men would become cooks. Finally, without expecting my
father's retourne, putting away all feare & apprehension, I constituted to
deliver meselfe from their hands at what ever rate it would come too. For
this effect I purposed to faine to goe a hunting about the brough; & for to
dissemble the better, I cutt long sticks to make handles for a kind of a
sword they use, that thereby they might not have the least suspition.
One day I tooke but a simple hattchett & a knife, if occasion presented to
cutt some tree, & for to have more defence, if unhappily I should be
rencountred, to make them believe that I was lost in the woods. Moreover,
as the whole nation tooke me for proud, having allways great care to be
guarnished with porcelaine, & that I would fly away like a beggar, a thing
very unworthy, in this deliberation I ventured. I inquired [of] my brother
if he would keepe me company. I knewed that he never thought, seeing that
he was courting of a young woman, who by the report of many was a bastard
to a flemish. I had no difficulty to believe, seeing that the colour of her
hayre was much more whiter then that of the Iroquoits. Neverthelesse, shee
was of a great familie. I left them to their love. In shorte, that without
any provision I tooke journey through the forests guided by fortune. No
difficulty if I could keepe the highway, which is greatly beatten with the
great concours of that people that comes & goes to trade with the flemings;
but to avoid all encounters I must prolong a farre off. Soe being assisted
by the best hope of the world, I made all diligence in the meene while that
my mother nor kindred should mistrust me in the least.
I made my departure att 8 of the clock in the morning the 29th 8bre, 1663
[1653]. I marched all that journey without eating, but being as accustomed
to that, without staying I continued my cours att night. Before the
breaking of the day I found myselfe uncapable because of my feeblenesse and
faintnesse for want of food and repose after such constraint. But the feare
of death makes vertu of necessity. The morning commanded me to goe, for
it's faire and could ayre, which [was] somewhat advantageous to keepe [me]
more cheerfull. Finally the resolution reterning my courage, att 4 of the
clocke att evening, the next daye I arrived in a place full of trees cutt,
which made mee looke to myselfe, fearing to approach the habitation, though
my designe was such. It is a strange thing that to save this life they
abhorre what they wish, & desire which they apprehend. Approaching nigher
and nigher untill I perceived an opening that was made by cutting of wood
where was one man cutting still wood, I went nearer and called him. [He]
incontinently leaves his work & comes to me, thinking I was Iroquoise. I
said nothing to him to the contrary. I kept him in that thought, promissing
him to treat with him all my castors att his house, if he should promise me
there should be non of my brother Iroquoise there, by reson we must be
liberall to one another. He assured me there was non then there. I tould
him that my castors were hidden and that I should goe for them to-morrow.
So satisfied [he] leads me to his cabban & setts before me what good cheare
he had, not desiring to loose time because the affaire concerned me much. I
tould him I was savage, but that I lived awhile among the ffrench, & that I
had something valuable to communicate to the governor. That he would give
me a peece of paper and Ink and pen. He wondered very much to see that,
what he never saw before don by a wildman. He charges himself with my
letter, with promise that he should tell it to nobody of my being there,
and to retourne the soonest he could possible, having but 2 litle miles to
the fort of Orange.
In the meane while of his absence shee shews me good countenance as much as
shee could, hoping of a better imaginary profit by me. Shee asked me if we
had so much libertie with the ffrench women to lye with them as they; but I
had no desire to doe anything, seeing myselfe so insnared att death's door
amongst the terrible torments, but must shew a better countenance to a
worse game. In the night we heard some wild men singing, which redoubled my
torments and apprehension, which inticed me to declare to that woman that
my nation would kill [me] because I loved the ffrench and the flemings more
than they, and that I resolved hereafter to live with the flemings. Shee
perceiving my reason hid me in a corner behind a sack or two of wheat.
Nothing was to me but feare. I was scarcely there an houre in the corner,
but the flemings came, 4 in number, whereof that french man [who] had
knowne me the first, who presently getts me out & gives me a suite that
they brought purposely to disguise me if I chanced to light upon any of the
Iroquoits. I tooke leave of my landlady & landlord, yett [it] grieved me
much that I had nothing to bestow upon them but thanks, being that they
weare very poore, but not so much [so] as I.
I was conducted to the fort of Orange, where we had no incounter in the
way, where I have had the honnour to salute the Governor, who spoake
french, and by his speech thought him a french man. The next day he caused
an other habit to be given me, with shoos & stokins & also linnen. A
minister that was a Jesuit [Footnote: "A minister that was a Jesuit." This
was the Jesuit father, Joseph Noncet. See Introduction, page 3.] gave me
great offer, also a Marchand, to whom I shall ever have infinit
obligations, although they weare satisfied when I came to france att
Rochel. I stayed 3 dayes inclosed in the fort & hidden. Many came there to
search me, & doubt not but my parents weare of the party. If my father had
ben there he would venture hard, & no doubt but was troubled att it, & so
was my mother, & my parents who loved me as if I weare their owne naturall
son. My poore sisters cryed out & lamented through the town of the
flemings, as I was tould they called me by my name, ffor they came there
the 3rd day after my flight. Many flemings wondered, & could not perceive
how those could love me so well; but the pleasure caused it, as it agrees
well with the Roman proverbe, "doe as they doe." I was imbarked by the
governor's order; after taking leave, and thanks for all his favours, I was
conducted to Menada, a towne faire enough for a new country, where after
some 3 weekes I embarked in one of their shipps for holland, where we
arrived after many boisterous winds and ill weather, and, after some six
weeks' sayle and some days, we landed att Amsterdam the 4th of January,
1664 [1654]. Some days after I imbarked myselfe for france and came to
Rochelle well & safe, not without blowing my fingers many times as well as
I [had] done before [when] I arrived in holland. I stayed till spring,
expecting the transporte of a shippe for new france.
_The Second Voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits._
The 15th day of may I embarked in a fisherboat to go for peerce Island,
which is 6 score leagues off Quebecq, being there arrived the 7th of may. I
search diligently the means possible for to end my voyage & render meselfe
neere my naturall parents & country people. Att last I found an occasion to
goe by some shallops & small boats of the wildernesse, which went up as
farre as the ffrench habitation, there to joyne with the Algonquins &
Mountaignaies to warre against the Iroquoits from all times, as their
histories mentions. Their memory is their Chronicle, for it [passes] from
father to son, & assuredly very excellent for as much as I know & many
others has remarked. I embarked into one of their shallops & had the wind
favorable for us N. E. In 5 dayes came to Quebecq, the first dwelling place
of the ffrench. I mean not to tell you the great joy I perceivd in me to
see those persons that I never thought to see more, & they in like maner
with me thought I was dead long since. In my absence peace was made
betweene the french & the Iroquoits, which was the reason I stayed not long
in a place. The yeare before, the French began a new plantation [Footnote:
"Began a new plantation," at Onondaga.] in the upper Country of the
Iroquoits, which is distant from the Low Iroquois Country som fourscore
leagues, where I was prisoner, & been in the warrs of that country. I tooke
great notice of it, as I mentioned in my formest voyage, which made me have
mind to goe thither againe, by the reason peace was concluded among them.
Friends, I must confesse I loved those poore people entirely well;
moreover, nothing was to be feared by reason of the great distance which
causes a difference in their speech, yett they understand one another. At
that very time the Reverend fathers Jesuits embarked themselves for a
second time to dwell there and teach Christian doctrin. I offered myselfe
to them, and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. I prepare meselfe
for the journey, which was to be in June. You must know that the Hurrons
weare contained in the article of peace, but not the Algonquins, which
caused more difficulty; for those Iroquoits who imbarqued us durst not come
downe the 3 rivers where the french should embarque, because it is the
dwelling place of the Algonquin. To remedy this the ffrench and the
barbarrs that weare to march, must come to Mont Royall, the last french
inhabitation, in shalopps.
It will not be amisse to leave the following of the voyage for to repeat
the reasons why those poor hurrons ventured themselves into their hands,
who have bin ennemy one to another all their life time, and that naturally.
You must know that the Hurrons, so called by the ffrench, have a bush of a
hair rised up artificially uppon the heads like to a cock's comb. Those
people, I say, weare 20 or 30,000 by report of many not 20 years ago. Their
dwelling is neere the uper lake, so called by name of the ffrench. That
people tell us of their pedegree from the beginning, that their habitation
above the Lake, many years agoe, and as they increased, many, great many,
began to search out another country. For to tend towards the South they
durst not, for the multitude of people that was there, and besides some of
their owne nations had against them. Then [they] resolved to goe to the
north parts, for westward there was much watter, which was without end.
Moreover many inhabitants, monstruous for the greatnesse of body. We will
speake about this in another place more att large, where will give an exact
account of what came to our knowledge dureing our travells, and the land we
have discovered since. If eastward, they had found the Iroquoits who
possessed some parts of the river of Canada, and their dwelling was where
Quebecq is situated, and about that place, & att the upper end of
Montmerency 2 leagues from Quebecq, where was a great village where now is
seene a desolat country, that is, for woods and forests, nor more nor lesse
then what small bushes nigh the river's side in the place called the Cape
de Magdelaine. It's such a country that the ffrench calls it the burned
country 20 miles about, and in many places the same is to be seene where
there weare forests.
So seeing that the north regions weare not so peopled, they pursued [their]
route of that way, and for the purpose provided themselves provision for a
twelvemonth to live, with all their equipage imbarqued in the begining of
the Spring. After that they passed great wayes, coming to a lake which
conducts them into a great river, [Footnote: "Coming to a lake which
conducts them into a great river." Moose River, which leads into Hudson's
Bay.] which river leads them to a great extent of salt watter; so as they
being good fishers want no fish. They coasted this great watter for a long
time, finding allways some litle nation whose language they knew not,
haveing great feare of one another. Finally, finding but a fearfull country
full of mountains and rocks, they made great boats that might hould some 30
men to traverse with more assurance the great bay for to decline from the
tediousnesse of the highway, which they must doe, having but small boats;
whence they came to a country full of mountains of ice, which made us
believe that they descended to the goulden arme.
So, fearing the winter should come on, they made sayles wherein they made
greate way when the wind was behind; otherwyse they could not make use of
their sayles, and many of their boats weare lost, but still went on, hoping
of a better country. They wandered so many moons with great danger and
famine, ffor they began to misse such plenty as they [were] used [to]. Att
last [they] gott out, and coasting the skirts of the sea, and enters as it
weare into a country where the sumer begins againe, they weare incouraged
to greater hopes, insomuch that the poore people became from their first
origine to lead another life. Being only conducted by their imaginary idea
or instinct of nature ffor steering, they knewed nothing but towards the
roote of the Sun, and likewise by some starrs. Finally the coast brings
them to the great river St. Lawrence, river of Canada; knowing not that it
was a river till they came just opposit against the mounts of our blessed
lady, where they then perceaved to [be] betwixt 2 lands, albeit that litle
summer was past, and that the season of the yeare growing on somewhat
sharpe, which made them think to search for winter. [They] mounted allways
up the river, and finding one side most beautifull for the eye, they passed
it over, and planted their cabbans in many parts by reason of the many
streams there flowing with quantity of fish, whereof they made a good store
for their wintering. After a while that upon this undertaking they made
cognicence and commerced with the highlanders, inhabitants of that country,
who gave them notice that there weare a nation higher who should understand
them, being that they weare great travellers, that they should goe on the
other side and there should find another river named Tatousac.
They seeing the winter drawing on they made a fort and sent to discover the
said place a band of their men to Tatousac. They finde a nation that
understands them not more then the first, but by chance some that escaped
the hands of their ennemy Iroquoits, and doubts that there is great
difference of language between the Iroquoits and the Hurrons. They weare
heard; & further you must note that neere the lake of the Hurrons some 40
leagues eastward there is another lake belonging to the nation of the
Castors, which is 30 miles about. This nation have no other trafick nor
industry then huntsmen. They use to goe once a yeare to the furthest place
of the lake of the Hurrons to sell their Castors for Indian Corne, for some
collors made of nettles, for sacks, & such things, for which they weare
curious enough. So coming backe to their small lake againe, those
marchandises weare transported to a nation beyond that lake towards N. N.
E., and that nation had commerce with a people called the white fish, which
is norwest to the 3 rivers some 150 leagues in the land. That nation had
intelligence with the Saguenes, who are those that liveth about Tadousac,
so that the 2 nations have great correspondency with one another because of
their mutual language, saving that each one have a particular letter and
accent.
Finding that nation of the Castors, who for the most part understands the
Hurron idiom, they conversed together & weare supplied with meat by that
wandring nation that lives onely by what they may or can gett. Contrary
wise the Hurrons are seditious. We shall speak of them more amply in its
place. So those miserable adventurers had ayd during that winter, who
doubtlesse should souffer without this favor. They consulted together
often, seeing themselves renforced with such a succour of people for to
make warrs against the Iroqois.
The next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassed
the Iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. They
march up to the furthest part of the Lake Champlaine, to know if that was
their formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. Those Iroquoits to
wander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the lake
d'Ontario, of which I will after make mention. I heard all this from
frenchmen that knewed the Huron speech better then I myselfe, and after I
heard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the french
as [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made a
circuit of that litle world.
The Iroquoits after being putt out of that country of Quebecq, the Hurrons
and Algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went up
above monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, which
was over against Tadousac, att the height of the Chaudiere (so called in
french), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of their
lake, which is 200 Leagues long & 50 or 60 leagues large. Those hurrons
lived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great number
builded villages & they multiplied very many. The Iroquoits also gott a
great country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. They became warriors
uppon their owne dispences and cost. They multiplied so much, but they
became better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse.
The hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as much
as for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the name
since of Staggy. It's certaine that they have had severall other callings,
according as they have builded villages. Fishing they have in abundance in
his season of every kind; I may say, more then wee have in Europe. In some
places in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in 2
houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry.
At last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fight
against the neighbouring nation. Hearing that their sworne ennemys the
Iroquoits retired towards the nation called Andasstoueronom, which is
beyond the lake d'Ontario, between Virginia & that lake, they resolved to
goe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it to
their ruine, which I can affirme & assure, because the Iroquoits in the
most part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears
(for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for to
make the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deare
shall leape over the lake to kill the Beare that slept; but they found that
the beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small to
oppose. Such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they have
had warrs many years.
The Holanders being com'd to inhabit Menada, furnished that nation with
weopens, by which means they became conquerors. The ffrench planters in
Newfrance came up to live among this nation. In effect they doe live now
many years; but the ambition of the fathers Jesuits not willing to permitt
ffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt,
houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so that
the Christian religion by evil example could not be established. But the
time came that they have forsook it themselves. For a while after the
Iroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in the
beginning of Spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedent
years, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weare
consumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention.
This selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of 11 or 12,000 of those poore
people in a village att [in] sight of the Jesuits' Fort, which had the name
Saint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. Heere follows
sicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from all
parts to escape the sword. They found a more rude and cruell enemy; for
some after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treachery
made them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. None
escaped, saving some hundred came to Quebecq to recover their first
liberty, but contrary they found their end. So the ffathers left walls,
wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to Quebecq with the
rest of the poore fugitives. They were placed in the wildernesse neere the
habitation of Quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt to
the Isle of Orleans, 3 leagues below Quebecq, in a fort that they made with
the succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowing
Indian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of Castors, of which
grease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of 10,000 livres tournois
yearly.
In this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not without
subject of conivance. God knoweth there weare escaped that time about 150
women and some 20 men. The rest are all killed, taken and brought away, of
which for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of their
ennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations who
lived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the Iroquois to warre
as if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they weare
more cruell then the Iroquois even to their proper country, in soe much
that the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard to
be taken by force. The peace was made by the instancy of the ffather
Jesuits. As before, some weare going there to live, as they have already
begun. They seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to Mount
Royall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. To lett you know
[if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thing
for me to declare; you may judge yourselfe.
Lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. Being arrived att the
last french habitation, where we must stay above 15 dayes, ffor to pass
that place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the time
expired, our guides arrived. It was a band of Iroquois that was appointed
to fetch us, and conduct us into their country. One day att 10 of the clock
in the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats coming
from the point of St Louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some
3 miles from mont Royall. Then rejoycing all to see coming those that they
never thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att the
beginning of Spring and should arrive 15 dayes before us, but seeing them,
every one speakes but of his imbarcation.
The Hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage their
wives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being that
the heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die in
Iroquois Country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott of
their nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in the
Iroquois Country in warre for to be burned. All things so disposed, they
prepare themselves to receave the Iroquois, who weare no more then 3,000 in
number, [Footnote: "No more than 3,000 in number," meaning, no doubt, that
number at Onondaga and its vicinity.] and made a halt for to hold councell
to know what they must say that they thought of every one and of the
Hurrons. But those Barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was to
doe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery in
which they are experted. You must know that that bande [of] Irokois [in]
descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs made
shipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccour
them. A thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe without
that they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, that
untoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as is
before said, for to be revenged of the losse of their Compagnions, where
they determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons,
to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be in
their jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort in
their country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs,
it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon the
poore hurrons.
Upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. Their
speech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolably
ffriendshipp. There was presents and guifts given of both party, but when
they pertooke the death of their Compagnions they must make other presents
perhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them from
their perfidious undertakings. For often the liberalitie of those savage
was seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observance
causes that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the Hurrons
in few days. Presently they procure some boats, ffor the Iroquoits had but
eleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. So that
it must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. In
lesse then 8 dayes parted the dwelling we found more then 30 boats, and all
very great, we being also so many in company, 80 Iroquoits, some hundred
huron women and some 10 or 12 men, 20 ffrench with two ffathers Jesuits. In
this manner we departed Mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. Wee
passed the same journie. Wee passed the gulfe of St Louis, and made cabbans
in the furthermost part of the streame. That day was laborious to us, so
much that the Iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company to
fight against the Algonquins of Quebecq. Upon this, 30 left us.
The next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many weare
not content nor satisfied. What a pleasure the two ffathers to see them
trott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which with
much adoe they gott in. The boats weare so loaden that many could not
proceed if bad weather should happen. The journey but small came only to
the lake of St Louis, 3 leagues beyond the streame. There the savage
threwed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care for
them; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as Hurrons, who
would have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and had
prevented them if their designe had bin discovered. So that after a great
debat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking.
The ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to stay
with it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with 6 more,
and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours weare
diminished above 40 men. Wee embarqued indifferently one with another,
ffrench, Iroquoits, and Hurrons. After we came to the highest of the Isle
of Montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers that
of Canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and the
other from South Southeast. It was the last that wee sayled, coming to the
end of that lake, which is 14 or 15 leagues long and 3 in breadth. We must
make carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because no
other way to passe. The trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. We
draw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, every
one his bundle by land.
Having proceeded 3 dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lake
somewhat bigger; it's called St. francis. This is delightfull to the eye as
the formost. I speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to be
spoaken off. I am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull &
beautifull country. We wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts,
killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. As for the fish, what a thing it is to
see them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancing
it with lance or cramp iron. In this lake the Hurrons began to suspect the
treachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the Iroquoits
allways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice,
which made a Hurron with 3 men & 2 women goe away & run away to the ffrench
of Quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued as
the rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing &
take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the great
discontent of the Iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so much
booty that they exspected. But yett they made no signe att the present, but
lett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & so
be deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. To
that purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in an
island in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, they
resolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed in
this maner following:--
They embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among them
made up som 20 that embarked themselves in 2 of their boats, in a posture
as if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. We
weare but 7 frenchmen, & they put us 7 [in] several boats. I find meselfe
with 3 Iroquoits & one Hurron man. Coming within sight of the Isle where
they weare to play their game, one of the Iroquoits in the same boate as I
landed, takes his gunne & charges it. The hurron and I saw this, but
neither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. After goes into the
woode, & the Iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocks
downe the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the other
that charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon my
heels. My feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. He did quiver
as if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that still
they doubled. Both Iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, ffor
they would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg,
good for nothing. The small knowledge that I have had of their speech made
of a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would have
ben certainly in a great terror. This murder could not be committed so but
that the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very time
we heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. They threwed the
corps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river into
the abovesaid isle. Being landed together, the poore women went in a flock
like sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. There were 8 hurron
men that tooke theire armes. The Iroquoits not hindering them in the least,
but contrarily the Captayne of the Iroquoits appeared to defend their
cause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farr
that he did beat those that offered to hurt them.
In this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of this
cursed people. So that the Company, reassured in some respects, the
affrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and there
errect cottages some 40 paces from them; during the while I walked on the
side where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poore
hurron was killed by the Iroquoit out of malice, so much trust I putt in
the traiterous words. As I was directly coming where the hurrons weare,
what should I see? A band of Iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a wood
all painted, which is the signe of warre. I thought they weare those that I
have seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. I came to
the place where weare all those poore victims. There was the good ffather
comforting the poore innocent women. The chief of them satt by a valliant
huron who all his life time killed many Iroquoits, and by his vallour
acquired the name of great Captayne att home and abroad. The Iroquoit spake
to him, as the ffather told us, and as I myself have heard. "Brother,
cheare up," says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed by
doggs; thou art both man and captayne, as I myselfe am, and will die in thy
defence." And as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of a
sudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thou
shalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. Att that instant the
cruell Iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts,
swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man.
That hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold of
his hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a Iroquoit; but
the infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. This that was saved was
an old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severall
Iroquoits. He in authority by his means saved some. This news brought to
them and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. Heere you
see a good example, that it is decent to be good to his Ennemy.
After this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women weare
brought together. I admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence,
looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sigh
heard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losse
of their companyion that was killed in my boate. Some 2 howers all was
pacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. In this very
moment there calls a councell. The ffather was called as a statsman to that
councell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was in
reveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, and
also to certifie the ffrench of their good will. So done, the meate was
dressed, we weare invited. The ffather comes to take his dish, and finds us
all 5 in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell was
called to conclud our death as the Hurron's. The 6th was not able to menage
armes, being a litle boy. The ffather gave us a brother of his company who
had invincible good looke and a stout heart. We waited onely for his
shooting. The ffather could not persuade him to draw. We told him if he
would not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the Iroquoits,
made them looke to themselves. They came & assured us of their good will.
The 4 frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it.
Att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done in
Councell. Two Iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there is
nothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by their
armes, that they weare our brethren. The agreement was made. Some went to
the feast, some stayed. Having eaten, the ffather calls them againe to
councell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne to
make 3 guifts.
All being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guift
into the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for the
conservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, and
so was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, as
thanks. The 2nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands,
& to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted in
like manner. The 3rd was to encourage them to bring us to their owne
country & carry our Marchandises in such [manner] that they may not be
wett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed.
The councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage the
masters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give an
account of it in the country. I wish the lotts weare so distributed before
we came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better late
then never. Att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed into
every cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. The day
following being the 8th day of our departure, some went a hunting, some
stayed att home. The next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat for
each. I was more chearfull then the rest, because I knewed a litle of their
language, and many saw me in the low country. Wherefore [they] made me
embarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. We had paines and
toyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred much
troubles 6 weeks together. I thought we should come to our journey's end &
so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away the
time by honest, ingenuous discours, and I would rejoyce very much to be
allwayes in company uppon my journey. It was contrary to me all the voyage,
ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare 2 men & a woman Iroquoit, stayed
behind without seeing or hearing from one another. I leave with you to
think if they weare troubled for me or I for them. There was a great
alteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to]
2 onely. But patience perforce.
We wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that are
in it; ffor since I made reflection of the quantity of water that comes in
that river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such a
torrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest men
afraid. We went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becaus
for our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of the
ague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawing
the boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as I.
The long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that we
would take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by the
ears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. The rest tooke
delight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword,
then came they to putt us a sunder. When we weare in the boat we could not
fight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. I believe if the
fathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting.
As for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along the
watter side. We killed some almost every day, more for sport then for
neede. We finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watter
and after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hung
a bell to it, and then let them loose. What a sporte to see the rest flye
from that that had the bell!
As I satt with my compagnion I saw once of an evening a very remarquable
thing. There comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, 300 att least
together, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocks
downe by the watter side. We shot att them but [they] stirred not a step,
which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. We knewed not whether
we killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see.
The wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so many
together.
We went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where we
made fire & put the kettle on. When it was ready we eat our belly full.
After supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to be
true, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper Country of the
Iroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "Brother,"
sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. You must
know, although I am sick I am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many.
I loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have]
given us [to] kill the Algonkins. We should not warre against the ffrench,
but traited with them for our castors. You shall know I am above 50 years
(yett the fellow did not looke as if he had 40). I was once a Captayne,"
says he, "of 13 men, against the nation of the fire & against the Stairing
hairs, our Ennemys. We stayed 3 whole winters from our country, and most of
that time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the small
number we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night and
hide ourselves in the daytime in forests. Att last we are weary to be so
long absent from our wives & countrey. We resolved some more execution, &
take the first nation that we should incountre. We have allready killed
many. We went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; no
rocks there to be seene. Being landed one morning to goe out of the way
least we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare,
sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word]
that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. We
presently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought to
have ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went to
meet those monsters. We weare close to one an other, saveing they that made
a discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside,
that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes.
We needing them mightily we went to gett some. Within 200 paces nigh we
found them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lying
all along the strand asleepe. Brother, you must know that we weare all in
feare to see Such a man and woman of a vast length. They weare by two feete
taller then I, and big accordingly. They had by them two basquetts, a bow
and arrows. I came nigh the place. Their arrows weare not so long as ours,
but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to cover
their nakednesse. They have noe winter in their country. After being gone
we held a councell to consider what was to be done. We weare two boats; the
one did carry 8 men, the other 5. That of 8 would goe back againe, but that
of 5 would goe forward into another river. So we departed. The night being
come, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the other
side of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to know
what it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and great
many of them together a fishing. We stealed away without any noise and
resolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg.
The fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which is
bigger then that of an oxe.
"The day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, we
heard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, every
one hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, but
perceaved it was a beast like a Dutch horse, that had a long & straight
horne in the forehead, & came towards us. We shott twice at him; [he] falls
downe on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full boot
att us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr into
the tree, & so broak it, and died. We would eat non of her flesh, because
the flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, which
proved heavy, so we left it there. Her horne 5 feet long, and bigger then
the biggest part of an arme." [Footnote: In O'Callaghan's _Documentary
History of New York_, Vol. IV. p. 77, 1851, is given an engraving of this
animal, with the title, "Wild Animals of New Netherlands," taken from a
Dutch work published in Amsterdam in 1671. In this work it is thus
described: "On the borders of Canada animals are now and again seen
somewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a horn
right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, a
stag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. So
that the male never feeds with the female except when they associate for
the purpose of increase. Then they lay aside their ferocity. As soon as the
rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack
their own."]
We still proceeded in our journey. In 7 dayes we overtook the boat that
left us. Now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man,
yet I cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seene
severall times the same beast, so that I firmly believe it. So his story
ended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, tould
me all the circumstances of his rencounters.
We [went] from thence the next morning. We came to a beatifull river, wide
one league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we made
no carriages for 15 or 20 leagues, where we had the view of eagles and
other birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmons
with staves. One of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe and
brought it. Going along the woodside we came where a greate many trees
weare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. At the end of it there was a
tree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. Upon it there was
painted with a coale 6 men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cutt
off. They weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by the
shortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was before
us weare executed. A litle further an other was painted of 2 boats, one of
3 men, an other of 2, whereof one was standing with a hattchett in his
hands striking on the head. Att an other weare represented 7 boats,
pursueing 3 bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his gune
shooting a stagge. I considering these things, troubled me very much, yea,
caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that weare
with me certified me of what I was too sure, telling me the 6 ffrenchmen
weare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that I should not die. After I
found so much treachery in them I could but trust litle in their words or
promisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then I had a
minde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of the
frenchmen, to shew them that I was in no feare.
Being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side of
that broad river. It was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. I was ready that
both should be together for the better assurance of my life. I perceived
well that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the other
sick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. I thought to meselfe
they must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way,
and so I comforted meselfe with better hope. We soone came to the other
side of the river. The other boat followed not, being nigh the land. My
comrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteeme
among them. He lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into the
wood. I was in feare, without blame, for I knewed not what he meant. I
remembered how the poore Hurron was served so a litle before in his boat,
and in like manner. As he went about, I could not imagine what was best,
but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. Upon this I take my gunne,
which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me the
eagle, that as yett I have not seene. To obey him I stoope downe like a
monkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. My eyes
neverthelesse followed for feare. I see at last the truth of his designe;
he shoots and kills the eagle.
[We] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goe
to the other boat or he to us, which he did. I admired the weather, cleare
and calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare them
speake, and understand, as if they weare but 20 or 30 paces from us. He
being come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone was
done. The others sooner landed then we. They came to receive us att our
landing. One tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. I was
surprised att this. Then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, and
opened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that I had. I
thought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, therefore
I tooke [no] notice of what they did. The woman kindled the fire. Seeing
myselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. Shee
looked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. In the
meane while he that was sick calls me. I came and asked him what he
pleased. "I will," sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me," and
throws his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. He takes his
hattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & I with him. I
would have carryed my gunne. I tooke it from the place where they layd it.
They, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not in
their power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me have
it, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river.
About the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which I would not
consent. I bid him goe. After we disputed awhile, I not obeying, began to
consider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go in
the water. Being come a litle to myselfe I perceaved that the water was not
2 foote deepe. It was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom covered
with muskles. Having so much experience, I desired him to have patience; so
gott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell of
those shells or mussells. I made sure that the boat should not leave me,
for I fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. Mistrust is the mother of
safety. We came back againe. We found the kettle ready; they gave me meat
and a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. Having done, the man comes
and makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to cover
my nackednesse. He putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts a
medail that hung to my necke. He was a great while searching me and feeling
if I was fatt. I wished him farr enough. I looked [for] an opportunity to
be from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. I thought every
foot he was to cutt my troat. I could [not] beare [it]. I had rather dye
[at] once then being so often tormented. I rose and satt me downe by the
woman, in whome was all my trust. Shee perceived I was in great feare,
whether by collour of my face or other, I know not. Shee putts her hands
uppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "My son," says shee, "be
chearfull. It is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweth
that I love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling." Then shee
rose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. Shee gave me one
of her covers. "Sleepe," said shee. I wanted not many persuasions. So chuse
rather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for I thought never to escape.
The next morning I finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for the
future. I have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first,
for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that the
weather was contrary though very lovely. That morning they rendered all my
things againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. We left this place, which
feared me most then hurt was done. Some laughed att me afterwards for my
feares wherein I was, which I more & more hoped for better intertainment.
The weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage,
which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boat
slipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along if
I had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe in
danger. Soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; but
by fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. We must goe
downe the river. I was driven to swime to it, where I found it full of
watter, and a hole that 2 fists might goe through it, so that I could not
drive it to land without mending it. My compagnion must also in the water
like a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. All the wild
men swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. We mende the boat there
neatly, not without miscalling one another. They spoake to me a word that I
understood not because of the difference betweene the low Iroquoits and
their speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon one
another to have lett the boat flippe purposely. I tooke no heed of what he
alleadged. He comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill we
weare all in bloode. Being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave over
like 2 cocks over tyred with fighting. We could not fight longer, but must
find strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake the
other, which was a good way from us. It was impossible to overtake the day,
nor the next. So that we must lay 3 nights by our selves.
The third day we arrived to a vast place full of Isls, which are called the
Isles of Toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us.
There they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. We tooke some of it into our
boats & went on our journey together. We came thence to a place like a
bazon, made out of an Isle like a halfe moone. Here we caught eeles five
fadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundance
of fishes. We finde there 9 low country Iroquoits in their cabbans that
came back from the warre that was against the nation of the Catts. They had
with them 2 women with a young man of 25 years & a girle of 6 years, all
prisoners. They had a head with short haire of one of that nation, that
uses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. We
cottaged ourselves by them. Some of them knewed me & made much of mee. They
gave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. They asked
when should I visit my ffriends. I promissed to come there as soone as I
could arrive att the upper village. I gave them my hattchett to give to my
ffather, and 2 dozen of brass rings & 2 shooting-knives for my sisters,
promissing to bring a cover for my mother. They inquired what was it that
made me goe away, and how. I tould them through woods & arrived att the 3
rivers in 12 dayes, and that I souffred much hunger by the way. I would not
tell them that I escaped by reason of the Duch. They called me often Devill
to have undertaken such a task. I resolved to goe along with them. Heere I
found certainty, and not till then, of the 6 ffrenchmen, whom they have
seene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great Lake D'ontario;
and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done by
seaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres in
the north, that mett 2 hurron boats of 8 men, who fought & killed 3
Iroquoits and wounded others. Of the hurrons 6 weare slained, one taken
alive, and the other escaped. Those 2 boats weare going to the ffrench to
live there. That news satisfied much my wild men, and much more I rejoiced
at this. We stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. They cutt
and burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing while
they plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted well
satisfied for our meeting. From that place we came to lye att the mouth of
a lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by the
impression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. In that
island our wild men hid 10 caskes of Indian Corne, which did us a
kindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten.
The next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon that
sweet sea, as is the saying of the Iroquoits, who rekens by their daye's
journey. This was above 100 leagues in length & 30 in breadth. Seeing the
water so calme and faire, we ventured some 3 leagues, to gaine a point of
the firme land, that by that means we should shorten 7 or 8 leagues in our
way. We went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimes
with paine and labour. As we went along the water side, the weather very
faire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. My
companion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given to
leasinesse. We seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the other
boat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us far
into the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience then
wee, and judged of the weather that was to come. We would not heare them,
thinking to have an advantage.
Soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, and
putt our armes to worke. We feeled not the wind because it was in our
backs, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. We must gett
ourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. Instantly comes a
shower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reason
of the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. The lake began to
vapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. Seeing we went backwards
rather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. That rogue that was
with me sayd, "See thy God that thou sayest he is above. Will you make me
believe now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather Jesuits] say?
They doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sun
burns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, the
thundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, and
you say that it's good to be there. For my part I will not goe there.
Contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. They
are mistaken; all is goode heare. Doe not you see the earth that nourishes
all living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne and
all other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soe
contrary to us as that from above?" As he said so he coursed vehemently
after his owne maner. He tooke his instruments & shewed them to the
heavens, saying, "I will not be above; here will [I] stay on earth, where
all my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned above
with torments." How should one think to escape this torments and storms,
but God who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave us
strength to row till we came to the side of the water? I may call it a
mighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all in
watter to the breadth of 5 fingers or lesse. I thought uppon it, and out of
distress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. We tyed a sack
full of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter,
which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the other
end, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other,
and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not used
that means, we had sunk'd. The other boat landed to lett that storme [pass]
over. We found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossible
for us to escape.
After severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. We
went so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take a
broader passage which should shorten our voyage above 20 leagues. Att night
wee saw severall fires uppon the land. We all judged that it was our
company that went before us. Before brake of day we did what we could to
overtake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard,
which we could not perceive before. Being come to the bay of the isle we
could not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. We
came to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare not
mistaken in our opinions. By good looke they weare there, else we had
perished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason of
the great wind that blew, which stayed them there above 14 nights. Neither
for this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape of
rocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to th
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