Source Book of London History, from the earliest times to 1800
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Title: Source Book of London History, from the earliest times to 1800
Editor: P. Meadows
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOURCE BOOK OF LONDON HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO 1800 ***
A SOURCE BOOK OF
LONDON HISTORY
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
TO 1800
EDITED BY
P. MEADOWS, M.A.
[Illustration]
LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1914
PREFACE
If the study of History is to be made really valuable from either the
recreative or the educational point of view, it is necessary to have
frequent recourse to original sources and contemporary writings; they
introduce a certain quality of reality and vividness, a kind of
historical atmosphere, which is most essential to a true appreciation of
the subject. This fact is now generally recognised, and many collections
of sources are available for the student of English History. In this
volume will be found a selection of passages, generally from
contemporary sources, relating to the history of London. It is quite
impossible, of course, in a small book to do justice to every aspect of
the subject; and it has seemed best to give special prominence to those
events which concern the City as a whole, its growth, its corporate
life, and its connection with national affairs.
Besides a vast mass of general contemporary literature, a large number
of the most important and interesting documents dealing with London
history have already been printed; but all this material is very
scattered, and frequently rather inaccessible to the general reader. The
Histories by Maitland and Noorthouck, published in the eighteenth
century, contain translations of charters and other documents; Riley's
"Memorials" is invaluable for the fourteenth century; and many useful
suggestions have been derived from Besant's "Survey of London."
The spelling of the extracts has generally been modernised, but in a few
cases the original text has been exactly followed.
It is hoped that the chronological arrangement of the passages, the care
which has been taken in selecting them so as to illustrate events or
circumstances of definite importance in the history of the City, and the
introductory remarks attached to each extract, will save this volume
from being merely a collection of historical scraps, and will enable it
to be of real use to all who are interested in the story of London.
P. M.
CONTENTS
DATE PAGE
TO 1066. LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST 1
1066. THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER 4
1085. LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY 4
_c._ 1130. HENRY I.'S CHARTER 8
1141. MATILDA IN LONDON 10
_c._ 1173. A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON 12
1177. DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY 17
1189. ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING 19
1191. THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED 22
1199. JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER 23
1202. LONDON BRIDGE 25
1249. OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. 27
1258. INTERFERENCE BY BARONS 29
1282. THE STEELYARD 31
1282. THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER 33
1311. THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. 36
1319. CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY 37
1326. A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II. 40
1329. A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. 42
1347. ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF THE HATTERS 44
1350. REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND PRICES 46
1364. THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS 49
1365. A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. 51
1374. A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER 52
1375. THE CITY ARMS 54
1381. WAT TYLER IN LONDON 56
_c._ 1400. LONDON LICKPENNY 62
1406. WHITTINGTON'S SECOND MAYORALTY 66
1413. THE PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS 68
1415. IMPRISONMENT FOR REFUSING OFFICE 70
1419. OATHS OF THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN 72
1450. JACK CADE IN LONDON 74
1464. THE MAYOR'S DIGNITY 78
1485. REGULATIONS CONCERNING STRANGERS 79
1510. THE MARCHING WATCH 82
1514. DESTRUCTION OF FENCES 84
1517. MORE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON 85
1517. EVIL MAY DAY 88
1519. THE PAPAL LEGATE IN THE CITY 91
1525. WOLSEY AND THE CITIZENS 93
1527. THE APPRENTICES 95
1533. A WATER PAGEANT 98
1549. LATIMER'S EXHORTATION TO LONDON 100
1553. MARY'S SPEECH TO THE CITIZENS 102
1554. SORANZO'S REPORT ON LONDON 105
1566. THE ROYAL EXCHANGE 106
1575. A LORD MAYOR'S SHOW 107
1587. LONDON AND THE ARMADA 110
1592. THE CITY'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE STAGE 111
1593. A PLAGUE ORDER 115
1598. LONDON SCHOOLS 121
1600. A GERMAN VIEW OF LONDON 123
1609. LONDON AND ULSTER 125
1626. THE DEMANDS OF CHARLES I. 129
1629. THE KEEPING OF THE SABBATH 131
1640. THE CITY'S PETITION TO CHARLES I. 132
1642. LONDON UNDER THE EARLY STUARTS 134
1643. A PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE CITY 136
1653. CROMWELL IN LONDON 138
1660. LONDON AND THE RESTORATION 140
1661. STATE OF LONDON BEFORE THE PLAGUE 144
1665. THE PLAGUE 146
1666. THE FIRE 148
1666. A PROCLAMATION OF CHARLES II. 156
1667. EVELYN'S PLANS FOR REBUILDING 159
1671. AN ACT CONCERNING THE STREETS 162
1679. A LORD MAYOR'S PROCLAMATION 164
1681. THE POPISH PANIC 169
1681. POSTAL ARRANGEMENTS 169
1688. LONDON AFTER JAMES II.'S ABDICATION 172
1689. A LORD MAYOR'S DAY 174
1716. GAY'S "TRIVIA" 177
1720. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE 179
1725. DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON 181
1733. A PETITION AGAINST THE EXCISE BILL 183
1741. THE LONDON STREETS 185
1743. THE LOYALTY OF THE LONDON MERCHANTS 187
1780. THE GORDON RIOTS 188
1791. LONDON'S TRADE 191
HISTORY OF LONDON
LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST.
References to London in the early chronicles are comparatively few;
under Roman rule it took the place for which it was fitted by its
geographical situation—a commercial port, and it flourished or decayed
as trade prospered or declined. The Saxon invaders did not care for
walled towns, and London was neglected; moreover, they did not care for
commerce, and there was no need for a commercial centre or port. The
unsettled condition of the country made it impossible for the city to
prosper, and the invasions of the Danes further interfered with its
growth. But in spite of all these drawbacks, London was definitely
marked out from the first as the best and most convenient centre for
trading and commercial activity; and Alfred fully realised the
importance of the city not only for purposes of trade, but as a bulwark
of national defence.
The following are the most important passages in the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle relating to London. Its importance as a military station
appears to have been very great in the time of Cnut, to judge by the
efforts he made to capture the town; and the proportion of tribute paid
in 1018 seems to show that the population and wealth of the city must
have been very considerable.
=Source.=—_The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._
AN. 457. Hengist and Æsc his son fought against the Britons at the place
called Cregan Ford, and there slew four thousand men; and the Britons
then forsook Kent and in great terror fled to London.
AN. 886. In this year the army again went west, which had before landed
in the east, and then up the Seine, and there took winter-quarters at
the city of Paris. In the same year king Ælfred restored London; and all
the Angle-race turned to him that were not in the bondage of the Danish
men; and he then committed the burgh to the keeping of the aldorman
Æthered.
AN. 894.... Then those who dwell with the Northumbrians and with the
East Angles gathered some hundred ships, and went south about, and
besieged a work in Devonshire by the north sea; and those who went south
about besieged Exeter. When the King heard that, he turned west towards
Exeter with all the force, save a very powerful body of the people
eastwards. These went on until they came to London, and then, with the
townsmen and with the aid which came to them from the west, marched east
to Benfleet. Hæsten was then come there with his army, which had
previously sat at Middleton (Milton); and the great army also was come
thereto, which had before sat at the mouth of the Limen, at Appledore.
Hæsten had before wrought the work at Benfleet, and was then gone out
harrying, and the great army was at home. They then marched up and put
the army to flight, and stormed the work, and took all that there was
within, as well money, as women and children, and brought all to London;
and all the ships they either broke in pieces, or burned, or brought to
London, or to Rochester.
AN. 994. In this year came Olaf (Anlaf) and Svein to London, on the
Nativity of St. Mary (Sept. 8th), with ninetyfour ships, and they were
obstinately fighting against the town, and would also have set it on
fire. But they there sustained more harm and evil than they ever weened
that any townsmen could do to them. For the holy mother of God, on that
day, manifested her mercy to the townsmen, and delivered them from their
foes.
AN. 1016.... And the ætheling Eadmund went to London to his father. And
then, after Easter, King Cnut went with all his ships towards London.
Then it befell that King Æthelred died before the ships came. He ended
his days on St. George's mass day (April 23rd): and he held his kingdom
with great toil and difficulty, while his life lasted. And then, after
his end, all the "witan" that were in London, and the townsmen, chose
Eadmund for King; and he boldly defended his kingdom while his time was.
Then came the ships to Greenwich in the Rogation days (May 7th); and
within a little space they went to London, and they then dug a great
ditch on the south side, and dragged their ships to the west side of the
bridge, and afterwards ditched the town without, so that no one could
pass either in or out; and they repeatedly fought against the town, but
they boldly withstood them. Then before that, King Eadmund had gone out;
and he rode over Wessex, and all the folk submitted to him. And shortly
after that, he fought against the army at Pen by Gillingham. And a
second battle he fought after Midsummer at Sherston (Sceorstân), and
there was great slaughter made on each side, and the armies of
themselves separated. In that battle the aldorman Eadric and Ælmær
Dyrling gave aid to the army against king Eadmund. And then a third time
he gathered a force and went to London, all north of the Thames, and so
out through Clayhanger, and saved the townsmen, and drove the army in
flight to their ships. And then, two nights after, the king went over at
Brentford, and then fought against the army, and put it to flight; and
there were drowned a great many of the English folk, by their own
carelessness, those who went before the force, and would take booty. And
after that, the king went into Wessex, and collected his force. Then the
army went forthwith to London, and beset the city around, and
obstinately fought against it, both by water and by land. And Almighty
God saved it.
AN. 1018. In this year the tribute was paid over all the Angle-race:
that was in all two and seventy thousand pounds, exclusive of what the
townsmen of London paid, which was ten and a half thousand pounds.
THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER (1066).
William of Normandy might be able, by force of arms, to make himself
master of England, but not until London opened her gates to him could he
be really King. He preferred negotiation to attack, and in return for
the support of the citizens he promised to abide by the laws of Edward
the Confessor, and maintain the rights of the City. Shortly after his
coronation he gave the citizens his famous Charter, the first of a long
series of charters; in it are conveyed in the fewest possible words the
largest possible rights and privileges. The Charter, which is really a
compact between the King and the citizens rather than a grant from the
former to the latter, indicates three all-important points with the
greatest clearness and precision. They are, first, the rights of a
freeman, as understood at the time, and according to the English
customs, were to be secured to every man; second, every man was to have
the right of inheritance; and third, no one was to stand between the
City and the King.
William the King friendly salutes William the Bishop, and Godfrey
the portreve, and all the burgesses within London, both French and
English. And I declare, that I grant you to be all law-worthy, as
you were in the days of King Edward; and I grant that every child
shall be his father's heir, after his father's days; and I will not
suffer any person to do you wrong. God keep you.
LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY (1085).
In 1085 William the Conqueror, according to the Chronicle, "sent over
all England into every shire his men, and let them inquire how many
hundred hides were in each shire, and what land and cattle the King
himself had in the shire, and what rent he ought to receive yearly in
each. He let them also inquire how much land his archbishops had, and
his other bishops and his abbots, and how much every man had who held
land within the kingdom, as well on land as on cattle, and how much each
was worth."
This Domesday Survey did not include the City of London, but the suburbs
are described as in Middlesex. The most striking fact with regard to
these suburbs is that nearly the whole of the land immediately bordering
the City was in the hands of the Church; all round London was a broad
belt of ecclesiastical manors, and this fact interfered considerably
with the extension of the City. The privileges of London citizens were
confined rigidly to the town within the walls; we notice that at the
time of Domesday Book the adjacent country was very sparsely inhabited,
and the expansion of the residential area outside the City boundaries
was a slow process, often hindered by the ecclesiastical authorities.
_Stepney._—In Osuluestan (Ossulston) hundred, the Bishop of London
holds Stibenhede (Stepney) for thirty-two hides. There is land to
twenty-five ploughs. Fourteen hides belong to the demesne, and there
are three ploughs there; and twenty-two ploughs of the villanes.
There are forty-four villanes of one virgate each; and seven
villanes of half a hide each; and nine villanes of half a virgate
each; and forty-six cottagers of one hide; they pay thirty shillings
a year. There are four mills of four pounds and sixteen shillings
save fourpence. Meadow sufficient for twenty-five ploughs. Pasture
for the cattle of the village, and fifteen shillings. Pannage for
five hundred hogs and forty shillings. Its whole value is
forty-eight pounds; and it was worth the same when received; in King
Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.
_Fulham._—In Fvleham (Fulham) the Bishop of London holds forty
hides. There is land to forty ploughs. Thirteen hides belong to the
demesne, and there are four ploughs there. Among the freemen (franc)
and the villanes are twenty-six ploughs; and ten more might be made.
There are five villanes of one hide each; and thirteen villanes of
one virgate each; and thirty-four villanes of half a virgate each;
and twenty-two cottagers of half a hide; and eight cottagers with
their own gardens. Foreigners and certain burgesses of London hold
amongst them twenty-three hides of the land of the villanes.
Thirty-one villanes and bordars dwell under them. Meadows for forty
ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village. For half the stream
ten shillings. Pannage for one thousand hogs, and seventeen pence.
Its whole value is forty pounds; the like when received; in King
Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.
_St. Pancras._—The canons of St. Paul hold four hides to Sem
Pancratium (St. Pancras). There is land to two ploughs. The villanes
have one plough, and another plough may be made. Wood for the
hedges. Pasture for the cattle, and twenty pence. There are four
villanes who hold this land under the canons, and seven cottagers.
Its whole value is forty shillings; the same when received; in King
Edward's time sixty shillings. This manor was and is in the demesne
of St. Paul.
_Islington._—In Isendone (Islington) the canons of St. Paul have two
hides. Land to one plough and a half. There is one plough there, and
a half may be made. There are three villanes of one virgate. Pasture
for the cattle of the village. This land is and was worth forty
shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St.
Paul.
In the same village the canons themselves have two hides of land.
There is land there to two ploughs and a half, and they are there
now. There are four villanes who hold this land under the canons;
and four bordars and thirteen cottagers. This land is worth thirty
shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time forty
shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St.
Paul.
_Hoxton._—In Hochestone (Hoxton) the canons of St. Paul have one
hide. Land to one plough, and it is now there; and three villanes
hold this land under the canons. Pasture for the cattle. This land
was and is worth twenty shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne
of the church of St. Paul.
_Manor._—The canons hold Hochestone (Hoxton) for three hides. There
is land to three ploughs, and they are there; and seven villanes who
hold this land; and sixteen cottagers. It is worth in the whole
fifty-five shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time
sixty shillings. This manor belonged and belongs to the church of
St. Paul.
_Westminster._—In the village where the church of St. Peter is
situate, the abbot of the same place holds thirteen hides and a
half. There is land to eleven ploughs. Nine hides and one virgate
belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs therein. The
villanes have six ploughs, and one plough more may be made. There
are nine villanes of one virgate each; one villane of one hide; and
nine villanes of half a virgate each; and one cottager of five
acres; and forty-one cottagers who pay forty shillings a year for
their gardens. Meadow for eleven ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of
the village. Pannage for one hundred hogs. And twenty-five houses of
the knights of the abbot and of other vassals, who pay eight
shillings a year. Its whole value is ten pounds; the same when
received; in King Edward's time twelve pounds. This manor was and is
in the demesne of the church of St. Peter, of Westminster.
_Hampstead._—The Abbot of St. Peter holds Hamestede (Hampstead) for
four hides. Land to three ploughs. Three hides and a half belong to
the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes have one
plough, and another may be made. There is one villane of one
virgate; and five bordars of one virgate; and one bondman. Pannage
for one hundred hogs. In the whole it is worth fifty shillings; the
same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred shillings.
In the same village Rannulf Pevrel holds under the abbot one hide of
the land of the villanes. Land to half a plough, and it is there.
This land was and is worth five shillings. This manor altogether
laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Peter.
_Tyburn._—The abbess of Berking holds Tiburne (Tyburn) of the King;
it answered for five hides. Land to three ploughs. There are two
hides in the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes
have two ploughs. There are two villanes of half a hide; and one
villane of half a virgate; and two bordars of ten acres; and three
cottagers. Pasture for the cattle of the village. Pannage for fifty
hogs. For herbage forty pence. It is worth in the whole fifty-two
shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred
shillings. This manor always belonged and belongs to the church of
Berking.
THE CHARTER OF HENRY I. (_circa_ 1130).
In William I.'s Charter the laws and customs of Edward the Confessor
were confirmed. This was perhaps all that the citizens wanted at the
time, but after a lapse of sixty years they desired a more explicit
definition of their laws and liberties, and obtained it from Henry I. In
his Charter the rights conferred by the Conqueror are not
recited—probably they were taken as a matter of course—but for the rest,
the citizens obtained all that they could reasonably ask or obtain by
purchase. In one respect only was their freedom limited: the King
reserved to himself the right of taxation, and in a medieval kingdom
this was only to be expected. The City was encouraged to grow strong and
wealthy, and the King might take its money freely for himself.
Among the more important points of this Charter may be noted the freedom
of toll to assist the development of trade; the permission to refuse
lodging to the King's household; the right of the citizens to appoint
their own Justiciar; and the grant that they should not plead without
the City walls, obviating the necessity of following the King's Court in
its travels. Altogether, this is a most important Charter, both on
account of the privileges it grants, and the light it throws on the
government of the City.
Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, to the archbishop of
Canterbury, and to the bishops and abbots, earls and barons,
justices and sheriffs, and to all his faithful subjects of England,
French and English, greeting.
Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of London, to hold
Middlesex to farm for three hundred pounds, upon accompt to them and
their heirs; so that the said citizens shall place as sheriff whom
they will of themselves; and shall place whomsoever, or such a one
as they will of themselves, for keeping of the pleas of the crown,
and of the pleadings of the same, and none other shall be justice
over the same men of London; and the citizens of London shall not
plead without the walls of London for any plea. And be they free
from scot and lot and danegeld, and of all murder; and none of them
shall wage battle. And if any one of the citizens shall be impleaded
concerning the pleas of the crown, the man of London shall discharge
himself by his oath, which shall be adjudged within the city; and
none shall lodge within the walls, neither of my household, nor any
other, nor lodging delivered by force.
And all the men of London shall be quit and free, and all their
goods, throughout England, and the ports of the sea, of and from all
toll and passage and lestage, and all other customs; and the
churches and barons and citizens shall and may peaceably and quietly
have and hold their sokes with all their customs, so that the
strangers that shall be lodged in the sokes shall give custom to
none but to him to whom the soke appertains, or to his officer, whom
he shall there put: And a man of London shall not be adjudged in
amerciaments of money but of one hundred shillings (I speak of the
pleas which appertain to money); and further there shall be no more
miskenning in the hustings, nor in the folkmote, nor in any other
pleas within the city, and the hustings may sit once in a week, that
is to say on Monday: And I will cause my citizens to have their
lands, promises, bonds and debts, within the city and without; and I
will do them right by the law of the city, of the lands of which
they shall complain to me:
And if any shall take toll or custom of any citizen of London, the
citizens of London in the city shall take of the borough or town,
where toll or custom was so taken, so much as the man of London gave
for toll, and as he received damage thereby: And all debtors, which
do owe debts to the citizens of London, shall pay them in London, or
else discharge themselves in London, that they owe none; but, if
they will not pay the same, neither come to clear themselves that
they owe none, the citizens of London, to whom the debts shall be
due, may take their goods in the city of London, of the borough or
town, or of the country wherein he remains who shall owe the debt:
And the citizens of London may have their chaces to hunt, as well
and fully as their ancestors have had, that is to say, in Chiltre,
and in Middlesex and Surrey.
Witness the bishop of Winchester, and Robert son of
Richier, and Hugh Bygot, and Alured of Toteneys,
and William of Alba-spina, and Hubert the king's
Chamberlain, and William de Montfichet, and
Hangulf de Taney, and John Bellet, and Robert
son of Siward. At Westminster.
MATILDA IN LONDON (1141).
The power and influence of the City are well illustrated by the part
which it took in the struggles between Stephen and Matilda for the
throne of England. The Londoners at first supported Stephen; but the
party of the Empress Matilda proved to be the stronger, and for some
time everything appeared to be in her favour. But she ruined her cause
by her foolish behaviour towards the Londoners. She gave grants to a
feudal nobleman, Geoffrey de Mandeville, which practically placed the
City at his mercy, and she made unreasonable demands for subsidies from
the citizens, besides treating them in a very contemptuous fashion.
Finally, when they asked for a renewal of the laws of Edward the
Confessor, she refused, and the citizens rose in revolt and compelled
Matilda to withdraw from the City. The opposition of the Londoners at
that particular time completely altered the aspect of affairs, and
Stephen was shortly afterwards restored to the throne.
=Source.=—_Gesta Stephani._
Having now obtained the submission of the greatest part of the
kingdom, taken hostages and received homage, and being, as I have
just said, elated to the highest pitch of arrogance, she came with
vast military display to London, at the humble request of the
citizens. They fancied that they had now arrived at happy days, when
peace and tranquillity would prevail.... She, however, sent for some
of the more wealthy, and demanded of them, not with gentle courtesy,
but in an imperious tone, an immense sum of money. Upon this they
made complaints that their former wealth had been diminished by the
troubled state of the kingdom, that they had liberally contributed
to the relief of the indigent against the severe famine which was
impending, and that they had subsidised the King to their last
farthing: they therefore humbly implored her clemency that in pity
for their losses and distresses she would show some moderation in
levying money from them.... When the citizens had addressed her in
this manner, she, without any of the gentleness of her sex, broke
out into insufferable rage, while she replied to them with a stern
eye and frowning brow "that the Londoners had often paid large sums
to the King; that they had opened their purse-strings wide to
strengthen him and weaken her; that they had been long in
confederacy with her enemies for her injury; and that they had no
claim to be spared, and to have the smallest part of the fine
remitted." On hearing this, the citizens departed to their homes,
sorrowful and unsatisfied.
A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON (_circa_ 1173).
William Fitz-Stephen was a native of London, and lived there much of his
life. This description of his birthplace is prefixed to his "Life of
Thomas Becket," perhaps because he did not wish Canterbury to eclipse
London in his narrative. This account of the capital city is clearly a
fanciful picture, containing much exaggeration; but apart from its
quaintness, it is interesting as showing how a medieval writer treated a
subject which would now be discussed precisely and minutely, with
accurate details and statistics.
=Source.=—William Fitz-Stephen's _Descriptio Nobilissimæ Civitatis
Londonæ_.
_Of the Site Thereof._
Among the noble cities of the world that Fame celebrates the City of
London, of the Kingdom of the English, is the one seat that pours
out its fame more widely, sends to farther lands its wealth and
trade, lifts its head higher than the rest. It is happy in the
healthiness of its air, in the Christian religion, in the strength
of its defences, the nature of its site, the honour of its citizens,
the modesty of its matrons; pleasant in sports; fruitful of noble
men. Let us look into these things separately....
_Of Religion._
There is in the church there the Episcopal Seat of St. Paul; once it
was Metropolitan, and it is thought will again become so if the
citizens return into the island, unless perhaps the archiepiscopal
title of St. Thomas the Martyr, and his bodily presence, preserve to
Canterbury, where it is now, a perpetual dignity. But as Saint
Thomas has made both cities illustrious, London by his rising,
Canterbury by his setting, in regard of that saint, with admitted
justice, each can claim advantage of the other. There are also, as
regards the cultivation of the Christian faith, in London and the
suburbs, thirteen larger conventual churches, besides lesser parish
churches one hundred and twenty-six.
_Of the Strength of the City._
It has on the east the Palatine Castle, very great and strong, of
which the ground plan and the walls rise from a very deep
foundation, fixed with a mortar tempered by the blood of animals. On
the west are two towers very strongly fortified, with the high and
great wall of the city having seven double gates, and towered to the
north at intervals. London was walled and towered in like manner on
the south, but the great fish-bearing Thames river which there
glides, with ebb and flow from the sea, by course of time has washed
against, loosened, and thrown down those walls. Also upwards to the
west the royal palace is conspicuous above the same river, an
incomparable building with ramparts and bulwarks, two miles from the
city, joined to it by a populous suburb.
_Of Gardens._
Everywhere outside the houses of those living in the suburbs are
joined to them, planted with trees, the spacious and beautiful
gardens of the citizens.
_Of Pasture and Tilth._
Also there are, on the north side, pastures and a pleasant
meadowland, through which flow river streams, where the turning
wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful sound. Very near
lies a great forest, with woodland pastures, coverts of wild
animals, stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls. The tilled lands
of the city are not of barren gravel but fat plains of Asia, that
make crops luxuriant, and fill their tillers' barns with Ceres'
sheaves.
_Of Springs._
There are also about London, on the north side, excellent suburban
springs, with sweet, wholesome, and clear water that flows rippling
over the bright stones; among which Holy Well, Clerken Well, and
Saint Clements are frequented by greater numbers, and visited more
by scholars and youth of the city when they go out for fresh air on
summer evenings. It is a good city indeed when it has a good master.
_Of Honour of the Citizens._
That City is honoured by her men, adorned by her arms, populous with
many inhabitants, so that in the time of slaughter of war under King
Stephen, of those going out to muster twenty thousand horsemen and
sixty thousand men on foot were estimated to be fit for war. Above
all other citizens, everywhere, the citizens of London are regarded
as conspicuous and noteworthy for handsomeness of manners and of
dress, at table, and in way of speaking....
_Of Schools._
In London three principal churches have by privilege and ancient
dignity famous schools; yet very often by support of some personage,
or of some teachers who are considered notable and famous in
philosophy, there are also other schools by favour or permission. On
feast days the masters have festival meetings in the churches. Their
scholars dispute, some by demonstration, others by dialectics; some
recite enthymemes, others do better in using perfect syllogisms.
Some are exercised in disputation for display, as wrestling with
opponents; others for truth, which is the grace of perfectness.
Sophists who feign are judged happy in their heap and flood of
words. Others paralogise. Some orators, now and then, say in their
rhetorical speeches something apt for persuasion, careful to observe
rules of their art, and to omit none of the contingents. Boys of
different schools strive against one another in verses, and contend
about the principles of grammar and rules of the past and future
tenses....
_Of the Ordering of the City._
Those engaged in the several kinds of business, sellers of several
things, contractors for several kinds of work, are distributed every
morning into their several localities and shops. Besides, there is
in London on the river bank, among the wines in ships and cellars
sold by the vintners, a public cook shop; there eatables are to be
found every day, according to the season, dishes of meat, roast,
fried and boiled, great and small fish, coarser meats for the poor,
more delicate for the rich, of game, fowls, and small birds. If
there should come suddenly to any of the citizens friends, weary
from a journey and too hungry to like waiting till fresh food is
brought and cooked, with water to their hands comes bread, while one
runs to the river bank, and there is all that can be wanted. However
great the multitude of soldiers or travellers entering the city, or
preparing to go out of it, at any hour of the day or night,—that
these may not fast too long and those may not go supperless,—they
turn hither, if they please, where every man can refresh himself in
his own way.... Outside one of the gates there, immediately in the
suburb, is a certain field, smooth (Smith) field in fact and name.
Every Friday, unless it be a higher day of appointed solemnity,
there is in it a famous show of noble horses for sale. Earls,
barons, knights, and many citizens who are in town, come to see or
buy.... In another part of the field stand by themselves the goods
proper to rustics, implements of husbandry, swine with long flanks,
cows with full udders, oxen of bulk immense, and woolly flocks....
To this city from every nation under heaven merchants delight to
bring their trade by sea.... This city ... is divided into wards,
has annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and lower
magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets, its proper places
and separate courts for cases of each kind, deliberative,
demonstrative, judicial; has assemblies on appointed days. I do not
think there is a city with more commendable customs of church
attendance, honour to God's ordinances, keeping sacred festivals,
almsgiving, hospitality, confirming, betrothals, contracting
marriages, celebration of nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the
guests, and also in care for funerals and the interment of the dead.
The only pests of London are the immoderate drinking of fools and
the frequency of fires. To this may be added that nearly all the
bishops, abbots, and magnates of England are, as it were, citizens
and freemen of London; having there their own splendid houses, to
which they resort, where they spend largely when summoned to great
councils by the king or by their metropolitan, or drawn thither by
their own private affairs.
_Of Sports._
Let us now come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is fit that a
city should not only be commodious and serious, but also merry and
sportful; ... but London ... hath holy plays, representations of
miracles which holy confessors have wrought, or representations of
torments wherein the constancy of martyrs appeared. Every year also
at Shrove Tuesday, that we may begin with children's sports, seeing
we all have been children, the schoolboys do bring cocks of the game
to their master, and all the forenoon they delight themselves in
cock-fighting: after dinner, all the youths go into the field to
play at the ball.
The scholars of every school have their ball, or baton, in their
hands; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come forth on
horseback to see the sport of the young men, and to take part of the
pleasure in beholding their agility. Every Friday in Lent a fresh
company of young men comes into the field on horseback, and the best
horseman conducteth the rest. Then march forth the citizen's sons,
and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and there
they practise feats of war. Many courtiers likewise, when the king
lieth near, and attendants of noblemen, do repair to these
exercises; and while the hope of victory doth inflame their minds,
do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs.
In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water; a shield is hung
upon a pole, fixed in the midst of a stream, a boat is prepared
without oars, to be carried by violence of the water, and in the
fore part thereof standeth a young man, ready to give charge upon
the shield with his lance; if so be he breaketh his lance against
the shield, and doth not fall, he is thought to have performed a
worthy deed; if so be, without breaking his lance, he runneth
strongly against the shield, down he falleth into the water, for the
boat is violently forced with the tide; but on each side of the
shield ride two boats, furnished with young men, which recover him
that falleth as soon as they may. Upon the bridge, wharfs, and
houses, by the river's side, stand great numbers to see and laugh
thereat.
In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised in leaping,
dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, and practising
their shields; the maidens trip in their timbrels, and dance as long
as they can well see. In winter, every holiday before dinner, the
boars prepared for brawn are set to fight, or else bulls and bears
are baited.
When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of the city on
the north side, is frozen, many young men play upon the ice; some,
striding as wide as they may, do slide swiftly; others make
themselves seats of ice, as great as millstones; one sits down, many
hand in hand to draw him, and one slipping on a sudden, all fall
together; some tie bones to their feet and under their heels; and
shoving themselves by a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as
a bird flieth in the air, or an arrow out of a crossbow. Sometime
two run together with poles, and hitting on the other, either one or
both do fall, not without hurt; some break their arms, some their
legs, but youth desirous of glory in this sort exerciseth itself
against the time of war. Many of the citizens do delight themselves
in hawks and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex,
Hertfordshire, all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of Cray.
DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY (1177).
The following story is not altogether free from suspicion, but it was
probably inspired by accounts of the depredations of the young bloods of
the City. Nocturnal disturbances were by no means unknown as late as the
eighteenth century, and the Mohocks were following a tradition which was
as old as the City itself.
=Source.=—Translated from _Benedict of Peterborough_, vol. i., p. 155.
During this council the brother of earl Ferrers was slain by night
in London. When the King heard this he was greatly distressed, and
swore that he would take vengeance on the citizens of London. For it
was the custom then in London for a hundred or more of the sons and
relations of the citizens to make nocturnal assaults on the houses
of the rich, and rob them; and if they found anybody wandering about
the streets they would kill him without pity; so that very few dared
to walk through the city at night for fear of them. Three years
before this the sons of the "nobility" of London assembled by night
for purposes of robbery, and attacked the house of a certain rich
citizen; having broken down the wall with iron bars they entered
through the aperture thus made. But the occupier of the house had
been forewarned of their arrival; he donned a coat of mail and
collected several trusty armed servants, with whom he waited in a
corner of the house. Soon he saw one of the robbers, named Andrew
Bucquinte, who was eagerly leading the rest; he hurled at him a pan
full of hot coals and rushed on him fiercely. When Richard Bucquinte
saw this, he drew his dagger and struck the citizen, but he received
no injury because of his coat of mail; he drew his sword and cut off
the right hand of Richard Bucquinte. Then he raised a cry, "Thieves,
thieves!" and on hearing it all the robbers fled except the one who
had lost his hand, and the citizen captured him. Next day he was
brought before Richard de Lucy, the King's justiciar, and was
imprisoned. This thief, being promised pardon, informed against his
companions, many of whom were taken, although many escaped. Among
those who were taken was a certain John, an old man, the noblest and
wealthiest of the citizens of London. He offered five hundred marks
of silver to the King in return for his life, but the King would not
take the fine, and ordered justice to be carried out, so he was
hanged.
ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING
(1189, 1212).
The documents quoted below give good evidence of the style in which the
better class of houses was built during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. The greater part of the city was built of wood, the houses
being roofed with straw, reeds, and similar materials. The frequent
fires which took place owing to this manner of building, especially the
great fire of 1135 which destroyed a great part of the City, compelled
the citizens to take some precautions against the recurrence of such a
calamity. Stone was used to a larger extent, and various privileges were
conceded to those who used stone in the construction of their houses.
This material was made compulsory in the party-walls, but the rest of
the buildings might be made of anything, and was usually constructed of
wood. The regulations of 1189 did not produce any great or immediate
effect on the style of building, and a further ordinance was issued in
1212, after a disastrous fire had destroyed London Bridge and a large
number of houses.
=Source.=—The London Assizes of 1189 and 1212, quoted in Hudson
Turner's _History of Domestic Architecture_.
(_a_) In the year of the Lord 1189, in the first year of the reign
of the illustrious King Richard, in the mayoralty of Henry
Fitz-Aylwin, who was the first Mayor of London, these provisions and
ordinances were made by the wise men of the City, for appeasing the
contentions which sometimes arise among neighbours touching
boundaries made or to be made between their lands, so that such
disputes might be settled according to that which was then provided
and ordained. And the said provision and ordinance was called an
Assize.
When two neighbours shall have agreed to build between themselves a
wall of stone, each shall give a foot and a half of land, and so
they shall construct, at their joint cost, a stone wall three feet
thick and sixteen feet in height. And, if they agree, they shall
make a gutter between them, to carry off the water from their
houses, as they may deem most convenient. But if they should not
agree, either of them may make a gutter to carry the water dripping
from his house on to his own land, except he can convey it into the
high street.
They may also, if they agree, raise the said wall as high as they
please, at their joint expense; and if it shall happen that one
shall wish to raise the wall, and the other not, it shall be lawful
for him who is willing, to raise his own part as much as he please,
and build upon it, without damage of the other, at his own cost.
And if any one shall build his own stone wall, upon his own land, of
the height of sixteen feet, his neighbour ought to make a gutter
under the eaves of the house which is placed on that wall, and
receive in it the water falling from that house, and lead it on to
his own land, unless he can lead it into the high street.
Also, no one of two parties having a common wall built between them,
can, or ought, to pull down any portion of his part of the said
wall, or lessen its thickness, or make arches in it, without the
assent and will of the other.
And if any one shall have windows looking towards the land of a
neighbour, and although he and his predecessors have long been
possessed of the view of the aforesaid windows, nevertheless his
neighbour may lawfully obstruct the view of those windows, by
building opposite to them on his own ground, as he shall consider
most expedient; except he who hath the windows can shew any writing
whereby his neighbour may not obstruct the view of those windows.
Let it be borne in mind that in former times a great part of the
city was built of wood, and the houses were roofed with straw, reeds
and such things; so that when any house caught fire, a great part of
the city was destroyed by that fire; as happened in the first year
of the reign of King Stephen. For it is written in the chronicles
that in a fire which began at London Bridge, St. Paul's Church was
burnt down, and the fire proceeded thence, burning all the houses
and buildings as far as St. Clement Danes. Therefore many citizens,
to avoid such danger, built according to their means, on their
ground, a stone house covered and protected by thick tiles against
the fury of fire, whereby it often happened that when a fire arose
in the city and burnt many edifices, and had reached such a house,
not being able to injure it, it became there extinguished, so that
many neighbours' houses were wholly saved from fire by that house.
(_b_) A decree made by the counsel of the citizens, for the setting
into order of the city and to provide, by God's help, against fire.
First, they advise that all ale-houses be forbidden, except those
which shall be licensed by the common council of the city at
Guildhall, excepting those belonging to persons willing to build of
stone, that the city may be secure. And that no baker bake, or
ale-wife brew, by night, either with reeds or straw or stubble, but
with wood only.
They advise also that all the cook-shops on the Thames be
whitewashed and plastered within and without, and that all inner
chambers and hostelries be wholly removed, so that there remain only
the house (hall) and bed-room.
Whosoever wishes to build, let him take care, as he loveth himself
and his goods, that he roof not with reed, nor rush, nor with any
manner of litter, but with tile only, or shingle, or boards, or, if
it may be, with lead, within the city and Portsoken. Also all houses
which till now are covered with reed or rush, which can be
plastered, let them be plastered within eight days, and let those
which shall not be so plastered within the term be demolished by the
aldermen and lawful men of the venue.
All wooden houses which are nearest to the stone houses in Cheap,
whereby the stone houses in Cheap may be in peril, shall be securely
amended by view of the mayor and sheriffs, and good men of the city,
or, without any exception, to whomsoever they may belong, pulled
down.
The watches, and they who watch by night for the custody of the city
shall go out by day and return by day, or they by whom they may have
been sent forth shall be fined forty shillings by the city. And let
old houses in which brewing or baking is done be whitewashed and
plastered within and without, that they may be safe against fire.
Let all the aldermen have a proper hook and cord, and let him who
shall not have one within the appointed term be amerced by the city.
Foreign workmen who come into the city, and refuse to obey the
aforesaid decree, shall be arrested until brought before the mayor
and good men to hear their judgment. They say also that it is only
proper that before every house there should be a tub full of water,
either of wood or stone.
THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED
(1191).
When Richard I. set out on his crusade, he left the government of
England in the hands of William Longchamp, as Chancellor. This man made
himself most unpopular by his tyrannical acts, and John, the King's
brother, for purposes of his own, joined the malcontents. Longchamp
attempted to gain the support of London, and at a meeting of citizens in
the Guildhall he denounced John as aiming at the crown, and prayed them
to uphold the King. The citizens, however, received John with welcome,
and he was given to understand that he would receive the support of the
City on certain terms, to which, of course, he agreed. This "commune,"
which was granted by John and the barons, was the first public
recognition of the citizens of London as a body corporate.
=Source.=—Translated from _Benedict of Peterborough_,
vol. ii., p. 213.
John, with almost all the bishops and barons of England in
attendance on him, entered London on that day (October 7, 1191), and
on the following day John and the Archbishop of Rouen and all the
bishops and barons, and with them the citizens of London, met in St.
Paul's church, and accused the chancellor of many things, especially
with regard to the injuries which he had wrought to the Archbishop
of York, the Bishop of Durham, and his son Henry. Moreover the
colleagues of the chancellor, whom the King had associated with him
in the government of the country, accused him of many crimes, saying
that he had performed everything without their counsel and consent.
Then the Archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall showed to the
assembly the King's letter, by which it was ordered that if the
chancellor did any foolish thing to the harm of the King or the
realm, the said Archbishop of Rouen was to be appointed in his
stead.... Therefore John the King's brother, and all the bishops and
barons and the citizens of London, decided that the chancellor
should be deposed from the government of the kingdom.... John and
the Archbishop of Rouen, and all the bishops and barons of the
kingdom who were present, granted to the citizens of London their
commune, and swore that they would guard it and the liberties of the
city of London, as long as it pleased the King; and the citizens of
London and the bishops and barons swore allegiance to King Richard,
and to John the King's brother, and undertook to accept John as
their lord and King, if the King died without issue.
From _Richard of Devizes_, vol. iii., p. 416.
On that day was granted and confirmed the commune of London, to
which the barons of the whole kingdom and the bishops of every
diocese gave their consent. On that occasion for the first time
London realized that the kingdom was without a king, by this
conspiracy which neither Richard himself nor his father Henry would
have allowed to take place for a million marks. A commune puffs up
the people, threatens the kingdom, and weakens the priesthood.
JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER (1199).
John granted five charters to the City, and in this third charter he
restored to the citizens two privileges, of which they had been deprived
by Matilda and Henry II. The latter, wishing to bring the City under the
direct supervision of the Crown, had retained the appointment of
sheriffs in his own hands; Matilda had annulled the arrangement by which
the citizens were to have the farm of Middlesex on payment of £300 every
year. The restoration of the right of electing the sheriffs was not of
very great importance, for during the period which had elapsed since
Henry II. assumed this privilege the office of Mayor had become
established, and this had considerably lessened the importance of the
sheriffs.
John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of
Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou; to his archbishops,
bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, rulers, and to
all his bailiffs and loving subjects.
Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present writing
confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks of London and
Middlesex, with all the customs and things to the sheriffwick
belonging, within the city and without, by land and by water, to
have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs,
paying therefor three hundred pounds of blank sterling money, at two
terms in the year; that is to say, at the Easter exchequer, one
hundred and fifty pounds; and at the Michaelmas exchequer, one
hundred and fifty pounds; saving to the citizens of London all their
liberties and free customs.
And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that they
amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and may amove them
when they will; and those whom they make sheriffs, they shall
present to our justices of our exchequer, of these things which to
the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof they ought to answer us; and
unless they shall sufficiently answer and satisfy, the citizens may
answer and satisfy us the amerciaments and farm, saving to the said
citizens their liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said
sheriffs the same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if
they which shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall
commit any offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of
money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the
amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage of other
citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment of their
amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby they ought to
incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall be adjudged, as
they ought to be, according to the law of the city; and of these
things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the sheriffs shall answer
before our justices at our exchequer, saving to the said sheriffs
the liberties which other citizens of London have.
Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the citizens of
London for the amendment of the said city, and because it was in
ancient times farmed for three hundred pounds: wherefore we will and
steadfastly command, that the citizens of London and their heirs may
have and hold the sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all
things to the said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to
possess and enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and
wholly, by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none
presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the citizens
of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick do or were
accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command, that if we or our
heirs, or any of our justices, shall give or grant to any person any
of those things which to the farm of the sheriffwick appertain, the
same shall be accounted to the citizens of London, in the acquittal
of the said farm at our exchequer.
LONDON BRIDGE (1202).
It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman times, and there
certainly was one, built of wood, before the Conquest. The modern
structure was finished in 1831, and this replaced the old bridge, which
was built between 1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one.
It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large vessels, and a
chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury.
It was afterwards covered with houses and shops on both sides, like a
street. The last of these buildings was removed in 1757.
The following letter was written by King John to the citizens of London
during the construction of the bridge, and shows that the erection and
maintenance of this important means of communication was a matter for
royal and national, as well as local, consideration.
=Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.
John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.
To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of London,
greeting.
Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in regard to
the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great care and pains of
our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert, Master of the
Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the advice of our Reverend
Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and that of
others, have desired, directed and enjoined him to use his best
endeavour in building your bridge, for your benefit, and that of the
public: For we trust in the Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for
you, and all who shall pass the same, will, through his industry,
and the Divine blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without
prejudice to our right, or that of the City of London, We will and
grant, that the rents and profits of the several houses that the
said Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge
aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and uphold
the same.
And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot be
accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We charge and
exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named Isenbert,
and those employed by him, who will perform everything to your
advantage and credit, according to his directions, you affording him
your joint advice and assistance in the premises. For whatever good
office or honour you shall do to him, you ought to esteem the same
as done to us. But should any injury be offered to the said
Isenbert, or the persons employed by him (which we do not believe
there will), see that the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to
your knowledge.
Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of
April (1202).
OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).
Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the citizens of London than
was Henry III.—a weak and foolish ruler, who subjected every class to
his exactions and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms of
favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive projects, and could
only free himself from his debts and difficulties by abusing his royal
prerogative. On one occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the
Londoners. "These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves the name
of barons, abound in everything, while we are reduced to necessities."
Henry certainly seemed to regard their resources as inexhaustible; false
charges were repeatedly made against them, for the purpose of exacting
money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing the King's
good-will, and for the granting of charters; no occasion of soliciting
presents was allowed to pass by; schemes of begging and robbing were
carried on so assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens
were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance to the
barons who leagued themselves against him. During this disturbed period
the City did not prosper; it needed a firm and steady Government, and
not till Edward I. ascended the throne did London resume its career of
progress.
=Source.=—Matthew Paris, _History_.
The King began now sedulously to think how he could entirely dry up
the inexhaustible well of England. For, on meeting with a just
repulse from the community of nobles, as above mentioned, who stated
that they would no longer lavish their property to the ruin of the
kingdom, he studied, by other cunning devices, to quench the thirst
of his cupidity. Immediately after the festivities of the said
season, he entered upon the following plan of harassing the citizens
of London: he suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as
has been before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new
fair at Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately
afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and
imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On receipt of
this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart, and said: "Woe
to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of London, which is so often
bought; so often granted; so often guaranteed by writing; so often
sworn to be respected? For each year almost, like slaves of the
lowest condition, we are impoverished by new talliages, and
injuriously harassed by fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into
what whirlpool the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At
length, however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens,
although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart, yielded
their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds, to be paid
to the King at a brief period....
About the same time, the City of London was excited in no slight
degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the citizens
for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their enormous loss,
and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of the city and the
whole of the community in general, as far as lay in their power,
opposed the wish (or rather violence and raving) of the King; but he
proved harsh and inexorable to them. The citizens, therefore, in a
state of great excitement, went with sorrowful complaints to Earl
Richard, the earl of Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom,
telling them how the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by
the pope's example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to
them by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at
this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding with
them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding threats to
their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot, who, they believed,
was the originator and promoter of this wrong, heaping insult upon
insult on him; which, however, it does not become us to relate, out
of respect to the order. Thus the prudence of the nobles happily
recalled the King from his conceived design.
INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).
When, in medieval England, the central authority was weak, injustice and
oppression were rife throughout the country, and at such times the men
of London were often hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges.
Under the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little restraint
upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as the Hugh Bygot of the
following passage. The right to attend to the administration of justice
within the borders of the City was one of the most essential elements of
the citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could possibly
be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to be of any avail. It is
not surprising, therefore, that the arbitrary conduct of this justiciar,
who pretended to act by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused
great resentment among the citizens.
=Source.=—Fitz-Thedmar's _Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs_,
edited by Riley, p. 42.
This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too, even in
his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by the Barons at
Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went to Saint Saviour's, and
having Roger de Turkelby for his associate, held there all the Pleas
which pertain unto the Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey;
and not only did he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had
been convicted of offences committed against those subject to them,
but he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen. And
yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain others for
forty marks, and more; while several others, for but trifling
reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.
In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the County of
Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and citizens of London,
that they unjustly took custom without the Stone Gate on the Bridge,
seeing that they ought to possess no such rights beyond the
Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming with their Sheriffs who had
been summoned by the Justiciars, appeared at Saint Saviour's, before
the Justiciars, and bringing with them their Charters, said that
they were not bound to plead there, nor would they plead without the
walls of the City; but without formal plea, they were willing to
acknowledge that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to
take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as far as
the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water of Thames
pertains unto the City, and always did pertain thereto; and that
too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At length, after much
altercation had taken place between the Justiciars and the citizens,
the Justiciars caused inquisition to be made, on the oath of twelve
knights of Surrey—and this, although the citizens had not put
themselves on such inquisition—whether the Sheriffs of London had
taken any custom beyond their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the
Sheriffs aforesaid might rightfully take custom there, for that as
far the staples before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City,
and no one has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir,
save and except the citizens of London.
After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his associate
Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London, and there held
Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished to make plaint;
and at once, without either making reasonable summons or admitting
any lawful excuses, determined the same, observing no due procedure
of justice; and that too against the laws of the City, as also
against the laws and customs of every freeman of the English realm.
This, however, the citizens persistently challenged, saying that no
one except the Sheriffs of London ought to hold pleadings in the
City as to trespasses there committed; but to no purpose. Still
however, the citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in
the City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a false
charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned before himself
and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers of the City who
could be found, together with their loaves; and so, by some few
citizens summoned before them, judgment was given in reference to
their bread; those whose bread did not weigh according to the assay
of the City, not being placed in the pillory, as they used to be,
but, at the will of the Justiciar and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the
tumbrel, against the ancient usage of the City and of all the realm.
THE STEELYARD (1282).
The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants, who obtained a
settlement in London as early as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted
to them by Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by Edward
I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of the City by all possible
means. Many privileges were also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by
the City, in return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate in
good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity arose. In spite
of the jealousy of the English merchants, the foreigners flourished
exceedingly, but towards the end of the sixteenth century their power
began to fail. As English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly
of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in 1598, Elizabeth
expelled them from the country.
=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 234.
Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as they
term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring
hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts,
pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and
other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants in the year 1259
Henry the third, at the request of his brother Richard earl of
Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the
merchants, having a house in the City of London, commonly called
Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through
the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages or liberties,
as by the King and his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed,
etc. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that charter of
Liberties granted by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same
Edward, Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise
between the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine,
about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that
the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in respect of
maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair: for the
appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the
Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding that they should
make inquisition thereof, before whom the merchants being called,
when they were not able to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed
the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to
the Mayor, and sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make
reparations, namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de
Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess of Triuar,
John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke
of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon, John de Dele a Burgess of
Munstar, then remaining in the said City of London: for themselves,
and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks
sterling to the Mayor and Citizens, and undertook that they and
their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and
bear the third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it
when need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and Citizens
granted to the said merchants their liberties which till of late
they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that they might lay up
their grain which they brought into this realm, in Inns, and sell it
in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it
up: except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expressly forbidden,
because of dearth or other reasonable occasions. Also they might
have their Aldermen as they had been accustomed, forseen always that
he were of the City, and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the
City, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before
them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves
in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs
of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth,
that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the East parts
hither, in so much that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were
enforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance, when
the corn of this realm was at an easy price: whereupon it was
ordained by Parliament, that no person should bring into any part of
this realm by way of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out
of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price
of 6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the
quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other half to
the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guild hall
in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said Cosin lane. Their
hall is large, builded of stone, with three arched gates towards the
street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is
seldom opened, the other two be mured up, the same is now called the
old hall.
THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER
(1282).
It would appear from contemporary evidence that the Londoners must have
been somewhat turbulent during the thirteenth century. Owing to the
smallness of the houses and the insufficient accommodation for families,
the greater part of the population constantly filled the streets; and,
although the watch and ward arrangements for the protection of the City
may have been sufficient in quiet times, they were quite inadequate when
troubles arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels and
riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments, fines, and
imprisonments were common. The commonest offences, to judge by the
records of trials, were night-walking after curfew, robbery with
violence, frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages
illustrate some of the efforts which were continually being made to
devise improvements in the administration of the City and the
safeguarding of its inhabitants:
=Sources.=—(_a_) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";
(_b_) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace."
Riley's_Memorials_, pp. 21, 36.
(_a_) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in the 10th
year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys, Mayor, the
Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall, the following
provisions were subscribed:—
As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names of all
persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving therein;
where they dwell, and in what Ward.
Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward, shall
make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the persons
lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and from house to
house; that so he may know how many, and who, and of what kind or
condition they are, clerks or laymen, who are residing in his Ward,
of the age of twelve years and upwards.
To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected persons, when
found, ought to be removed, or under what security to remain.
Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates of the
City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are to be two
serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent of speech, who
are to keep a good watch upon persons coming in and going out; that
so no evil may befall the City.
At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same hour as at
St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together, and end
together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as well as all
taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to go about the
streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each Ward by night, of
the most competent men of the Ward thereto; and the two serjeants
who guard the Gates by day, are to lie at night either within the
Gates, or near thereto.
The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see that all
boats are moored on the City side at night, and are to have the
names of all boats; and no one is to cross the Thames at night. And
each serjeant must have his own boat with four men, to guard the
water by night, on either side of the bridge.
The serjeants at the Gates are to receive four pence each per day,
and the boatmen at night, one penny each.
(_b_) Henry le Galeys, Mayor of the City of London, presented a writ
of our Lord the King, in these words:—
Edward by the grace of God, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs of
London, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that the bakers, and
brewsters, and millers, in the city aforesaid, do frequently
misconduct themselves in their trades, and that misdoers by night
going about the city aforesaid with swords and bucklers, and other
arms, as well at the procuration of others as of their own malice,
do beat and maltreat other persons, and are wont to perpetrate many
other offences and enormities, to no small damage and grievance of
our faithful subjects: We, of our counsel, wishing to apply a
fitting remedy to all the premises, and to strike both them and
others with fear of so offending, do command you, and strictly
enjoin, that you will so chastise such bakers, brewsters, and
misdoers, with corporal punishments, and so visit the other
offences, at your discretion, that they may excite in others in like
case a fear of so offending. And that all corn to be ground at mills
within the city aforesaid, and without, shall be weighed by the
millers, and that such millers shall answer in like weight in the
flour coming therefrom. And the matters aforesaid, and all other
things which unto the office of the Mayoralty of the same city, and
to the preservation there of our peace, do pertain, you are to cause
to be inviolably observed. Witness myself, at York, the 28th day of
May, in the 26th year of our reign.
THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. (1311).
The attitude of the City towards the Sovereign was invariably determined
by the respect which the latter paid to the liberties and privileges of
the citizens, who were generally disposed to be loyal enough if they
were treated with proper consideration. The change from the powerful and
competent rule of Edward I. to the feeble government of his son produced
its inevitable effect on London as well as on the kingdom; but the
letter quoted below shows that the citizens were prepared to support the
King during the early years of his reign. Later, however, his arbitrary
measures and foolish actions led to a complete revulsion of feeling,
which expressed itself in actual revolt.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 84.
To the most noble Prince, and their very dear liege lord, our Lord
the King of England, his lieges, Richer de Refham, Mayor of his city
of London, and the commonalty of the same city, all manner of
reverence, service, and honour, as unto their liege lord. Whereas,
Sire, we have heard good news of you, Sire, and of your successful
prosecution of your war in Scotland, God be thanked; we do send you,
by the bearers of these letters, one thousand marks, in aid and in
prosecution of your war; and we do pray you, as being our most dear
lord, that you will be pleased to accept the same; and that, if
aught shall please you as regards your said city, you will signify
your will unto us, as being your liege men. Our Lord have you in his
keeping, body and soul; and may he give you a good life, and long.
CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE CITY (1319).
These articles were drawn up by the citizens and submitted to Edward II.
for his approval, which he duly gave in exchange for £1,000. It is clear
that there had been dissensions in the city; the officials had been
endeavouring to obtain favour at Court, and in doing so they had acted,
as the citizens alleged, against their interests. The mayor, when it
suited the interests of the City magistrates, was re-elected at
pleasure; the citizens were taxed in an oppressive manner while the
magistrates are stated to have lowered their own assessments. The
citizens were unable to obtain satisfactory redress from the King's
judges, and proposed these new constitutions, which were accepted by the
King and afterwards incorporated into the charter of Richard II. It is
to be noted that henceforth the only way to the civic franchise was by
becoming a member of the civic gilds.
Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, and
duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters shall have
come, greeting.
Know ye, that whereas our beloved and faithful the mayor and
aldermen, and the other citizens of our city of London, had lately
ordained and appointed among themselves, for the bettering of the
same city, and for the common benefit of such as dwell in that city,
and resort to the same, certain things to be in the same city
perpetually observed, and had instantly besought us that we would
take care to accept and confirm the same.
We having seen certain letters, patentwise, signed with the common
seal of that city, and the seal of the office of the mayoralty of
that city, upon the premises, and to us exhibited, have caused
certain articles to be chosen out of the foresaid letters, and
caused them in some things to be corrected, as they are underneath
inserted, viz.
1. That the mayor and sheriffs of the same city be elected by the
citizens of the said city, according to the tenor of the charters of
our progenitors, heretofore kings of England, made to them thereby,
and not otherwise.
2. That the mayor remain only one year together in his mayoralty.
3. That sheriffs have but two clerks and two serjeants; and that
they take such for whom they will answer.
4. That the mayor have no other office belonging to the city, but
the office of mayoralty; nor draw to himself the sheriff's plea in
the chamber of London, nor hold other pleas than those the mayor,
according to ancient custom, ought to hold.
5. That the aldermen be removed from year to year, on the day of St.
Gregory the Pope, and not re-elected; and others chosen by the same
wards....
7. That no stranger be admitted into the freedom of the city in the
husting; and that no inhabitant, and especially English merchant, of
any mistery or trade, be admitted into the freedom of the city,
unless by surety of six honest and sufficient men of the mistery or
trade that he shall be of, who is so to be admitted into the
freedom; which six men may undertake for him, of keeping the city
indemnified in that behalf. And that the same form of surety be
observed of strangers to be admitted into the freedom in the
husting, if they be of any certain mistery or trade. And if they are
not of some certain mistery, then that they be not admitted into the
freedom without the assent of the commonalty. And that they who have
been taken into the freedom of the city (since we undertook the
government of the realm) contrary to the forms prescribed, and they
who have gone contrary to their oath in this behalf, or contrary to
the state of the city, and are thereof lawfully convicted, lose the
freedom of the said city.
Saving always, that concerning apprentices the ancient manner and
form of the said city be observed.
8. That each year in the same city, as often as need shall be,
inquiry be made, if any of the freedom of the same city exercise
merchandises in the city, of the goods of others not of the same
freedom, by calling those goods their own, contrary to their oath,
and contrary to the freedom of the said city; and they that are
lawfully convicted thereof to lose the freedom of the said city....
12. That weights and scales of merchandises to be weighed between
merchants and merchants, the issues coming of which belong to the
commonalty of the said city, remain in the custody of honest and
sufficient men of the same city, expert in that office, and as yet
to be chosen by the commonalty, to be kept at the will of the same
commonalty; and that they be by no means committed to others than
those so to be chosen....
14. Merchants who are not of the freedom of the city, not to sell,
by retail, wines or other wares, within the city or suburbs....
16. That the common harbourers in the city and suburbs, although
they are not of the freedom of the same, be partakers of the
contingent burdens for maintaining the said city, according to the
state of it, as long as they shall be so common harbourers, as other
like dwellers in the city and suburbs shall partake, on account of
those dwellings. Saving always, that the merchants of Gascony, and
other foreigners, may, one with another, inhabit and be harboured in
the said city, as hitherto they have accustomed to do.
17. That the keeping the bridge of the said city, and the rents and
profits belonging to that bridge, be committed to be kept to two
honest and sufficient men of the city, other than the aldermen, to
be chosen to this by the commonalty, at the will of the said
commonalty, and not to others, and who may answer thereupon to the
said commonalty....
20. That the goods of the aldermen, in aids, tallages, and other
contributions, concerning the said city, be taxed by the men of the
wards in which those aldermen abide, as the goods of other citizens,
by the said wards.
Which articles, as they are above expressed, and the matters
contained in the same, we accept, approve and ratify; and we yield
and grant them, for us and our heirs, as much as in us is, to the
aforesaid citizens, their heirs and successors, in the aforesaid
city and suburbs, for the common profit of those that inhabit
therein, and resort thither, to obtain the same, and to be observed
perpetually.
Moreover, we, willing to show ampler grace to the mayor, aldermen
and citizens, at their request have granted to them, for us and our
heirs, that the mayor, aldermen, citizens and commonalty of the
commoners of the city, and their heirs and successors, for the
necessities and profits of the same city, may, among themselves of
their common assent assess tallages upon their own goods within that
city, as well upon the rents as other things; and as well upon the
misteries as any other way, as they shall see expedient, and levy
them, without incurring the danger of us or our heirs, or our
ministers whomsoever. And that the money coming from such tallages
remain in the custody of four honest and lawful men of the said
city, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, and be laid out, of
their custody, for the necessities and profits of the said city, and
not otherwise. In witness whereof, etc.
Witness the King, at York, the eighth day of June,
in the twelfth year of our reign.
A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II (1326).
Although the citizens were at first sufficiently well disposed towards
Edward II., his misgovernment led ultimately to grave dissatisfaction,
which expressed itself in riots and revolt. The King was induced by his
worthless advisers to make claims and attacks upon the rights of the
citizens. He was always in want of money, and believed, like many other
Kings, that the wealth of the City was inexhaustible. In 1321 he
deprived the citizens of their cherished right of electing their own
Mayor, and from that time the condition of the City was perfectly
wretched until the close of his reign. There was no proper authority at
all; the King deposed one Mayor and set up another; the city generally
supported Queen Isabella, and received her and Mortimer with enthusiasm.
All who were thought to favour the King were in danger, and the attitude
of the City was to a considerable extent responsible for the unhappy
King's deposition.
=Source.=—Aungier, _French Chronicle_, edited by Riley, p. 262.
At this time, at Saint Michael, Lady Isabele, the Queen, and Sir
Edward, her son, sent their letters to the commons of London, to the
effect that they should assist in destroying the enemies of the
land; but received no answer in return, as to their wishes thereon,
through fear of the King. Wherefore a letter was sent to London by
the Queen and her son, and was fixed at daybreak upon the Cross in
Chepe, and a copy of the letter on the windows elsewhere, upon
Thursday, that is to say, the Feast of Saint Denis [October 9], to
the effect that the commons should be aiding with all their power in
destroying the enemies of the land, and Hugh le Despencer in
especial, for the common profit of all the realm; and that the
commons should send them information as to their wishes thereon.
Wherefore the Commonalty proceeded to wait upon the Mayor and other
great men of the City, at the Black Friars Preachers in London, upon
the Wednesday before the Feast of Saint Luke [October 18] which then
fell on a Saturday; so much so, that the Mayor, crying mercy with
clasped hands, went to the Guildhall and granted the commons their
demand, and cry was accordingly made in Chepe, that the enemies to
the King, and the Queen, and their son, should all quit the City
upon such peril as might ensue. It happened also on the same day, at
the hour of noon, that some persons had recourse to arms, and seized
one John le Marchal, a burgess of the City, in his own house near
Wallbrook, who was held as an enemy to the City and a spy of Sir
Hugh le Despencer; and he was brought into Chepe, and there
despoiled and beheaded.
A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. (1329).
The frequent proclamations for the preservation of peace and order in
the City seem to show that some difficulty was experienced in this
direction; it is, at any rate, interesting to note that the authority of
the King is invoked to assist in the discipline and control of lawless
inhabitants. The restriction as to the bearing of arms is very
significant, and the instructions regarding night-walkers and
tavern-keepers, which continually recur in similar documents, show
whence arose the greatest dangers to life and property.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 172.
This proclamation was ordered by the Mayor and Aldermen, on Saturday
the morrow of St. Dunstan [May 19], in the 3rd year of the reign of
King Edward the Third; and on the Sunday following throughout the
City proclaimed; our said Lord the King being about to cross over to
the parts of France on the Friday next ensuing, there to do his
homage; and to the end that, while the King was there, his peace
might be the more strictly observed.—
We do command, on behalf of our Lord the King, that his peace shall
be preserved and kept between both denizens and strangers,
throughout all the franchise of this city.
Also,—that no person, native or stranger, shall go armed in
the same city, or shall carry arms by night or by day, on pain
of imprisonment, and of losing his arms; save only, the
serjeants-at-arms of our Lord the King, and of my Lady the
Queen, and the vadlets of the Earls and Barons; that is to
say, for every Earl or Baron one vadlet, carrying the sword of
his lord in his presence; and save also, the officers of the
City, and those who shall be summoned unto them, for keeping
and maintaining the peace of the City.
We do also forbid, on behalf of our said Lord the King, that anyone
shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to go wandering
about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out at St. Martin's le
Grand; unless it be some man of the City of good repute, or his
servant; and that, for reasonable cause, and with light.
And that no one shall hold covin or congregation, to make persons
pay fine, by imputing to them that they have committed against them
divers grievances or offences: but let those who feel themselves
aggrieved, shew their grievances unto the officers of the City, and
they will do them speedy right, according as the law demands. And
that no one of the City, of whatsoever condition he be, shall go out
of this city, to maintain parties, such as taking seisins, or
holding days of love, or making other congregations, within the City
or without, in disturbance of the peace of our Lord the King, or in
affray of the people, and to the scandal of the City. And if any
person, of whatsoever condition or estate he be, shall from
henceforth be found guilty thereof, let him be taken and put in the
Prison of Newgate; and let him remain for a year and a day, without
being reprieved; and if he be free of the City, let him for ever
lose his freedom.
And whereas misdoers, going about by night, have their resort more
in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge, and watch their
time for misdoing; we do forbid that any taverner or brewer keep the
door of his tavern open after the hour of curfew aforesaid, on the
pain as to the same ordained; that is to say, the first time, on
pain of being amerced in the sum of 40d.; the second time, half a
mark; the third time, 10s.; the fourth time, 20s.; the fifth time,
let him forswear the trade for ever.
THE ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF
THE HATTERS (1347).
The organisation of industries is a most important and interesting
feature of medieval London history, and during the fourteenth century
the craft gilds played a prominent part in the life of the City. The
story of the development of the various gilds, fraternities, and
misteries, and their connection with the later Livery Companies, has
been the subject of considerable research, and it seems probable that
the origin of most of the City Companies of to-day can be connected with
the medieval organisations. These articles will be found to be
noteworthy chiefly for the information they give regarding the craft
organisations of the time; it is clear that it was considered to be of
the highest importance that the work should be of good quality, and
great care is taken that workmen shall be as skilful as possible in
their trades. The interference of strangers is, as usual, resented, and
every effort is made to strengthen and encourage the native crafts.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, pp. 237, 239.
The points of the Articles touching the trade of helmetry, accepted
by Geoffrey de Wychingham, Mayor, and the Aldermen, at the suit and
request of the folks of the said trade.—
In the first place, that no one of the said trade shall follow, or
keep seld of, the trade aforesaid within the franchise of the City
of London, until he shall have properly bought his freedom,
according to the usage of the said city; on pain of losing his
wares.
Also,—forasmuch as heretofore some persons coming in, who are
strangers, have intermeddled, and still do intermeddle, in the
making of helmetry, whereas they do not know their trade; by reason
whereof, many great men and others of the realm have been slain
through their default, to the great scandal of the said trade; it is
ordained that no person shall from henceforth intermeddle with, or
work at, helmetry, if he be not proved to be a good, proper, and
sufficient workman, by the Wardens of the said trade, on pain of
forfeiture to the use of the Chamber.
Also,—that three, or four, if need be, of the best workmen of the
said trade shall be chosen and sworn to rule the trade well and
properly, as is befitting; for the security and safety of the great
men and others of the realm, and for the honour and profit of the
said city, and of the workers in the said trade.
Also,—that no apprentice shall be received by any master of the said
trade for a less term than seven years; and that, without collusion
or fraud; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 100 shillings.
Also,—that no one of the said trade, or other person of the
franchise, shall set any stranger to work, who is of the said trade,
if he be not a proper and lawful person, and one for whom his master
will answer as to his good behaviour; on pain of paying to the said
Chamber 20 shillings.
Also,—that no one of the said trade shall receive or set to work the
apprentice or serving-man of another, until the term of his master
shall have been fully ended; on pain of paying to the said Chamber
20 shillings.
The points of the Articles touching the trade of Hat-makers,
accepted by Thomas Leggy, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of
London, at the suit, and at the request, of the folks of the said
trade.
In the first place,—that six men of the most lawful and most
befitting of the said trade shall be assigned and sworn to rule and
watch the trade, in such manner as other trades of the said city are
ruled and watched by their Wardens.
Also,—that no one shall make or sell any manner of hats within the
franchise of the city aforesaid, if he be not free of the same city;
on pain of forfeiting to the Chamber the hats which he shall have
made and offered for sale.
Also,—that no one shall be made apprentice in the said trade for a
less term than seven years, and that, without fraud or collusion.
And he who shall receive any apprentice in any other manner, shall
lose his freedom, until he shall have bought it back again.
Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take any apprentice, if he
be not himself a freeman of the said city.
Also,—that the Wardens of the said trade shall make their searches
for all manner of hats that are for sale within the said franchise,
so often as need shall be. And that the aforesaid Wardens shall have
power to take all manner of hats that they shall find defective and
not befitting, and to bring them before the Mayor and Aldermen of
London, that so the defaults which shall be found may be punished by
their award.
Also,—whereas some workmen in the said trade have made hats that are
not befitting, in deceit of the common people, from which great
scandal, shame, and loss have often arisen to the good folks of the
said trade, they pray that no workman in the said trade shall do any
work by night touching the same, but only in clear daylight; that
so, the aforesaid Wardens may openly inspect their work. And he who
shall do otherwise, and shall be convicted thereof before the Mayor
and Aldermen, shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first
time 40d., the second time half a mark, and the third time he shall
lose his freedom.
REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND
PRICES (1350).
The Black Death, which broke out in England in 1348, was a terrible
calamity, and it is estimated that at least half of the population of
the country perished by the pestilence, including a large proportion of
the inhabitants of London. The churchyards were speedily filled, and
additional pieces of land were given by the Bishop of London and other
persons for the burial of the victims of this fearful plague. The most
important result of the pestilence was the dearth of labour which was
immediately caused, and the consequent rise in wages was a source of
considerable trouble to the legislature and to all employers of labour.
Parliament passed the Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to fix
the wages of workpeople at the rates which had been customary before the
plague, and in London an attempt was made towards the same object by
this Proclamation, in which wages are laid down "to be observed for
ever." It seems strange that in a commercial city like London it should
be considered possible to regulate wages and prices by an arbitrary
enactment of this kind, and it does not appear that the ordinance was
obeyed. There is little doubt that it was generally ignored, and the
craftsmen continued to make the most of the situation, just as the
agricultural labourers and craftsmen in the country were able, on the
whole, to set at defiance the Statutes of Labourers.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 253.
To amend and redress the damages and grievances which the good folks
of the City, rich and poor, have suffered and received within the
past year, by reason of masons, carpenters, plasterers, tilers, and
all manner of labourers, who take immeasurably more than they have
been wont to take, by assent of Walter Turk, Mayor, the Aldermen,
and all the Commonalty of the City, the points under-written are
ordained, to be held and firmly observed for ever; that is to say.—
In the first place,—that the masons, between the Feasts of Easter
and St. Michael [September 29], shall take no more by the
working-day than 6d., without victuals or drink; and from the Feast
of St. Michael to Easter, for the working-day, 5d. And upon
Feast-days, when they do not work, they shall take nothing. And for
the making or mending of their implements they shall take nothing.
Also,—that the carpenters shall take, for the same time, in the same
manner.
Also,—that the plasterers shall take the same as the masons and
carpenters take.
Also,—that the tilers shall take for the working-day, from the Feast
of Easter to St. Michael 5½d., and from the Feast of St. Michael to
Easter 4½d.
Also,—that the labourers shall take in the first half year 3½d., and
in the other half 3d.
Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between the
Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half year
4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the labourers of
the tilers.
Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the masons
and carpenters take.
Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid, on pain
of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release therefrom; and
he who shall take more than the above, shall go to prison for forty
days....
Also,—that one person of every company may see that the vessel into
which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what tun their wine is
drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of paying to the Chamber, for
the first time, half a mark; for the second time, one mark; for the
third time, 20s.; and every other time a person shall be found in
like default, let his fine be increased by half a mark.
Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and sealed with
the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who shall sell by other
measures, let him go to prison, and further, be amerced in half a
mark.
Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to the
ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according to the
purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and punishment for
the same, as of old ordained.
Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing victuals
or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale, for the
purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before that they
shall have come to certain places assigned thereto, where they ought
to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the victuals and other wares,
and of their bodies being committed to prison, until they have been
sufficiently punished, at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.
THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).
"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now, a dealer in cloth.
In the Middle Ages the drapers both made it and sold it, but gradually
their particular work was confined to supervising the manufacture and
selling the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been one of
the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was incorporated by royal
charter in 1364. One of the most important features of this charter
seems to be the instruction that the mistery of drapery should be
definitely separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers;
it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper supervision in a
trade which involved so many different operations, and the remedy was
obviously to split it up into several trades, each of which might have
its own organisation.
=Source.=—Herbert, _Livery Companies_, vol. i., p. 480.
The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas,
amongst other things ordained in our last parliament, it was for
certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament ordained, that
no English merchant should use merceries or merchandizes by himself
or another by any manner of covine, unless one only, and which he
should choose before the feast of Candlemas last past, as in the
said ordinances is more fully contained.
* * * * *
And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council, that people
of divers misteries of the city of London intermix themselves with
the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers deceits and frauds in the
use of the same mistery,—to the great damage of us and of our
people, and contrary to the ordinances aforesaid.
We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained in all
points, accordingly have, by the assent of the great and others of
our council, ordained and granted, that none shall use the Mistery
of Drapery in the city of London, nor in the suburbs of the same,
unless he has been apprenticed in the same mistery, or in other due
manner been admitted by the common assent of the same mistery. And
that each of the misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep
himself to his own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making,
buying, or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of
imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made, bought, or
sold, or the value thereof to us.
And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the
suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the said
mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and others
of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves or servants by
retail, under the same penalty.
And that the drapers enfranchised in the mistery of drapery in the
said city, may elect each year four of their own mistery, who may be
sworn twice a year in the presence of the Mayor, to oversee that no
default or deceit be used or committed in the mistery aforesaid, and
to rule and govern the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to
the common profit of the people, and that due punishment be done on
them in whom defaults shall be found, according to the advice and
discretion of the said four persons, by the aid of the Mayor and
Sheriffs when need is; the which Mayor and Sheriffs we will shall be
intendants to the said four persons, when they shall be required by
them.
And we also will and give power to the said four persons who may be
elected and sworn, to take an oath of all those who shall be
received into the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to use
and do whatever appertains to the same mistery well and lawfully,
without fraud, evil design, or subtle management against the points
and ordinances aforesaid.
Saving always to our beloved in God the prior of St. Bartholomew, in
Smithfield, and other lords who have fairs in the said suburbs by
grant of our progenitors, their fairs, franchises, and free-customs,
which they have exercised in their said fairs, from the time of the
said grants, so that no damage or prejudice shall be done to them in
any way under colour of this our ordinance and grant; and saving the
franchises by us granted to the merchants, vintners of England and
Gascoigny, which we will shall remain in force in all points in
manner as in our letters patent to the said drapers is more fully
contained.
* * * * *
Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin you forthwith that at your
peril you cause to be proclaimed and published in the said city and
suburbs, and all places where it should be done, that all the said
things so by us granted may be firmly held and kept in form
aforesaid.
And hereof in no manner fail.
Given at Westminster the 14th day of July (1364).
A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. (1365).
The Battle of Crecy had first demonstrated the immense superiority of
archers over mounted knights in battle. It became necessary to insist
that Englishmen should be fully and properly trained in the use of the
bow and arrow, if this superiority was to be maintained. The youths of
London appear to have been addicted at this time to more exciting and
less serviceable sports than the old exercise of archery, and Edward
III.'s letter is at once a reprimand and an instruction.
The King to the Sheriffs of London, greeting.
Because the people of our realm, as well of good quality as mean,
have commonly in their sports before these times exercised the skill
of shooting arrows; whence it is well known, that honour and profit
have accrued to our whole realm, and to us, by the help of God, no
small assistance in our warlike acts; and now the said skill being,
as it were, wholly laid aside, the same people please themselves in
hurling of stones and wood and iron; and some in hand-ball,
foot-ball, bandy-ball, and in Cambuck, or Cock fighting; and some
also apply themselves to other dishonest games, and less profitable
or useful: whereby the said realm is likely, in a short time, to
become destitute of archers.
We, willing to apply a seasonable remedy to this, command you, that
in places in the foresaid City, as well within the liberties as
without, where you shall see it expedient, you cause public
proclamation to be made, that every one of the said City, strong in
body, at leisure times on holidays, use in their recreations bows
and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise the art of
shooting; forbidding all and singular on our behalf, that they do
not after any manner apply themselves to the throwing of stones,
wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, cambuck, or
cock-fighting, nor such other like vain plays, which have no profit
in them, or concern themselves therein, under pain of imprisonment.
Witness the King at Westminster, the twelfth day of
June (1365).
A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1374).
Modern English poetry may be said to have begun in London. Chaucer was
born in London, was the descendant of a long line of Londoners, and
lived in London the greater part of his life. Many of his
contemporaries, including Gower, Occleve, and Lydgate, were connected
with London, and spent much of their time there.
Chaucer's father was a citizen and vintner of London, and owned a house
in Thames Street, close to Walbrook. Geoffrey Chaucer was in all
probability born in this house; it became his own property, and he
parted with it in 1380. Six years before this he acquired the lease of
the dwelling-house above the city-gate of Aldgate, on condition that he
kept it in good repair; he seems to have made this his usual residence
till 1385. In it he must have composed several of his poems, including
_The Parlement of Foules_, _The House of Fame_, and _Troilus_. He did
not commence the _Canterbury Tales_ until the following year.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 377.
To all persons to whom this present writing indented shall come,
Adam de Bury, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty of the City of
London, greeting. Know ye that we, with unanimous will and assent,
have granted and released by these presents unto Geoffrey Chaucer
the whole of the dwelling-house above the Gate of Aldgate, with the
rooms built over, and a certain cellar beneath, the same gate, on
the South side of that gate, and the appurtenances thereof; to have
and to hold the whole of the house aforesaid, with the rooms so
built over, and the said cellar, and the appurtenances thereof, unto
the aforesaid Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the same
Geoffrey. And the said Geoffrey shall maintain and repair the whole
of the house aforesaid, and the rooms thereof, so often as shall be
requisite, in all things necessary thereto, competently and
sufficiently, at the expense of the same Geoffrey, throughout the
whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And it shall be lawful for the
Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London, for the time being, so often
as he shall see fit to enter the house and rooms aforesaid, with
their appurtenances, to see that the same are well and competently,
and sufficiently, maintained and repaired, as aforesaid. And if the
said Geoffrey shall not have maintained or repaired the aforesaid
house and rooms competently and sufficiently, as is before stated,
within forty days after the time when by the same Chamberlain he
shall have been required to do so, it shall be lawful for the said
Chamberlain wholly to oust the before-named Geoffrey therefrom, and
to re-seise and resume the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their
appurtenances, into the hand of the City, to the use of the
Commonalty aforesaid; and to hold the same in their former state to
the use of the same Commonalty, without any gainsaying whatsoever
thereof. And it shall not be lawful for the said Geoffrey to let the
house, rooms, and cellar, aforesaid, or any part thereof, or his
interest therein, to any person whatsoever. And we, the Mayor,
Aldermen, and Commonalty aforesaid, will not cause any gaol to be
made thereof, for the safe-keeping of prisoners therein, during the
life of the said Geoffrey; but we and our successors will warrant
the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances unto the
before-named Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the said Geoffrey,
in form aforesaid: this however excepted, that in time of defence of
the city aforesaid, so often as it shall be necessary, it shall be
lawful for us and our successors to enter the said house and rooms,
and to order and dispose of the same, for such time, and in such
manner, as shall then seem to us to be most expedient. And after the
decease of the same Geoffrey, the house, rooms and cellar aforesaid,
with their appurtenances, shall wholly revert unto us and our
successors. In witness whereof, as well the Common Seal of the City
aforesaid as the seal of the said Geoffrey, have been to these
present indentures interchangeably appended.
Given in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the city
aforesaid, the 10th day of May, in the 48th year
of the reign of King Edward, after the Conquest
the Third.
THE CITY ARMS (1375).
Beneath Pierce's statue of Walworth in Fishmongers' Hall is an
inscription:
"Brave Walworth, Knight, Lord Mayor, y^t slew
Rebellious Tyler in his alarmes;
The King, therefore, did give in liew
The dagger to the City armes.
"In the 4th year of Richard II., Anno Domini 1381."
It seems that it has always been a popular belief that the weapon
represented in the arms of the City is "Walworth's dagger"; but, as Stow
points out, it is intended to represent the sword of St. Paul, who was
the patron saint of this Corporation.
=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 222.
It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion, that in
reward of this service done, by the said William Walworth against
the rebel, King Richard added to the arms of this City, (which was
argent, a plain cross gules) a sword or dagger, (for so they term
it) whereof I have read no such record, but to the contrary. I find
that in the fourth year of Richard the second in a full assembly
made in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William
Walworth, then Mayor, as well of Aldermen as of the common Council
in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king, it was there
by common consent agreed and ordained, that the old seal of the
office of the Mayoralty of the city being very small, old,
unsuitable, and uncomely for the honour of the city, should be
broken, and one other new should be had, which the said Mayor
commanded to be made artificially, and honourable for the exercise
of the said office thereafter in place of the other: in which new
Seal, besides the images of Peter, and Paul, which of old were
rudely engraven, there should be under the feet of the said images,
a shield of the arms of the said City perfectly graved, with two
lions supporting the same with two sergeants of arms, on either part
one, and two tabernacles, in which above should stand two Angels,
between whom above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set
the glorious virgin: this being done, the old seal of the office was
delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain, who brake it, and in place
thereof, was delivered the new seal to the said Mayor to use in his
office of Mayoralty, as occasion should require. This new seal
seemeth to be made before William Walworth was knighted, for he is
not here entitled Sir, as afterwards he was: and certain it is that
the same new seal then made, is now in use and none other in that
office of the Mayoralty, which may suffice to answer the former
fable, without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old seal,
which was the Cross, and sword of Saint Paul, and not the dagger of
William Walworth.
WAT TYLER IN LONDON (1381).
Froissart's description of the Peasants' Revolt is one of our main
sources of information concerning this important event, and seems likely
to be fairly accurate. He himself was, of course, an aristocrat, and was
in no way disposed to be favourable to the "wicked rebels"; but he seems
anxious to represent their case as fairly as possible, although he is
plainly out of sympathy with the ideas and arguments of the rebels. It
is noteworthy that the rising was almost simultaneous in many parts of
the country, but its chief headquarters were in Kent, one of the most
prosperous counties in the kingdom, where actual distress was least
likely to be prevalent; and it is probable that the peasants in this
county had benefited to no small extent by the economic changes which
succeeded the Pestilence of 1349, and had improved both their material
conditions and their intellectual outlook. The ideas of liberty which
formed the motive of the revolt were somewhat vague, but were
strengthened by numerous concrete instances of injustice and injury; and
the concentration of the insurgents upon London forms one of a long
series of indications of the importance of the city as the determining
factor in vital issues.
=Source.=—Froissart's _Chroniques_.
In the mean season there fell in England great mischief and
rebellion of the common people, by which deed England was at a point
to have been lost without recovery....
It was a marvellous thing, and of poor foundation, that this
mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all manner of
people, I will speak thereof as it was done, as I was informed, and
of the incidents thereof. There was an usage in England, and yet is
in divers countries, that the noblemen have great franchises over
the commons, and keep them in servage, that is to say, their tenants
ought by custom to labour their lords' lands, to gather and bring
home their corn, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to
make their hay and to hew their wood and bring it home. All these
things they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these
people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen and
prelates are served by them, and specially in the counties of Kent,
Essex, Sussex, and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said
counties began to stir, because they said they were being kept in
great servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there
were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none ought to be
bond, without he did treason to his lord, as Lucifer did to God....
And of this imagination was a foolish priest in the county of Kent,
called John Ball, for which foolish words he had been three times in
the Bishop of Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes
on the Sundays, after mass, when the people were going out of the
minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people to
assemble about him, and would say thus: "Ah, ye good people, the
matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor shall not do till
everything be common, and that there be no villains nor gentlemen,
but that we may be all united together, and that the lords be no
greater masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should we
be kept thus in servage? We be all come from one father and from one
mother, Adam and Eve: whereby can they say or show that they be
greater lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and
labour for that they dispend.
"They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we be
vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, spices, and good
bread, and we have the rye, the bran, and the straw, and drink
water: they dwell in fair houses, and we have pain and travail, rain
and wind in the fields: and by that that cometh of our labours they
keep and maintain their estates: we be all called their bondmen,
and, without we do readily them service, we be beaten: and we have
no sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us, nor do
us right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and show him what
servage we be in, and show him how we will have it otherwise, or
else we will provide us of some remedy; and if we go together, all
manner of people that be now in any bondage will follow us to the
intent to be made free; and when the king seeth us, we shall have
some remedy, either by fairness or otherwise."
Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the
churches in the villages: wherefore many of the mean people loved
him, and such as intended to no goodness said, how true; and so they
would murmur one with another in the fields, and in the ways as they
went together, affirming how John Ball said truth.
Of his words and deeds there was much people in London informed,
such as had great envy at them that were rich and such as were
noble; and then they began to speak among them, and said how the
realm of England was right evil governed, and how that gold and
silver was taken from them by them that were named noblemen: so thus
these unhappy men of London began to rebel, and assembled them
together, and sent word to the foresaid counties that they should
come to London, and bring their people with them, promising them how
they should find London open to receive them, and the commons of the
city to be of the same accord, saying how they would do so much to
the king that there should not be one bondman in all England.
This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford,
and of the counties about, that they rose and came towards London to
the number of 60,000. And they had a captain called Walter Tyler,
and with him in company was Jack Straw and John Ball: these three
were chief sovereign captains, but the head of all was Walter Tyler,
and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When
these unhappy men began thus to stir, they of London, except such as
were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the Mayor of London
and the rich men of the city took counsel together, and when they
saw the people thus coming in on every side, they caused the gates
of the city to be closed, and would suffer no man to enter into the
city. But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to do,
for they thought they should thereby put their suburbs in great
peril to be brent; and so they opened again the city, and there
entered in at the gates in some places a hundred, two hundred, by
twenty or thirty; and so when they came to London, they entered and
lodged: and yet, of truth, most of their people could not tell what
to ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts. In like wise
these villains and poor people came to London, a hundred miles off,
sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty mile off, and from
all counties about London, but the most part came from the counties
before named, and as they came they demanded ever for the king.
The gentlemen of the counties, knights and squires, began to doubt
when they saw the people began to rebel; so the gentlemen drew
together as well as they might.
This rebellion was well known in the king's court ere any of these
people began to stir out of their houses; but the king nor his
council did provide no remedy therefor, which was great marvel.
In the morning on Corpus Christi Day King Richard heard mass in the
Tower of London, and all his lords, and then he took his barge with
the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Oxford, and
certain knights, and so rowed down along the Thames to Rotherhithe,
where were descended down the hill 10,000 men to see the king and
speak with him. And when they saw the king's barge coming, they
began to shout, and made such a cry, as though all the devils of
hell had been among them. And they had brought with them Sir John
Newton, to the intent that, if the king had not come, they would
have stricken him all to pieces, and so they had promised him. And
when the king and his lords saw the demeanour of the people, the
best assured of them were in dread; and so the king was counselled
by his barons not to take any landing there, but so rowed on down
the river. And the king demanded of them what they would, and said
how he was come thither to speak with them, and they said all with
one voice: "We would that ye should come aland, and then we shall
show you what we lack." Then the Earl of Salisbury answered for the
king, and said: "Sirs, ye be not in such order nor array that the
king ought to speak with you." And so with these words no more was
said: and then the king was counselled to return to the Tower of
London, and so he did.
And when the people saw that, they were inflamed with ire, and
returned to the hill, where the great band was, and then showed them
what answer they had, and how the king was returned to the Tower of
London. Then they all cried out: "Let us go to London," and so they
took their way thither: and in their going they beat down abbeys and
houses of advocates and of men of the court, and so came into the
suburbs of London, which were great and fair, and there beat down
divers fair houses, and specially they brake up the king's prisons,
as the Marshalsea and others, and delivered out all the prisoners
that were within: and then they did much hurt; and on the bridge
foot they threatened them of London because the gates of the bridge
were closed, saying how they would bren all the suburbs and so
conquer London by force, and slay and bren all the commons of the
city. There were many within the city of their accord, and so they
drew together and said: "Why do ye not let these good people enter
into the city? They are our fellows, and that that they do is for
us." So therewith the gates were opened, and then these people
entered into the city, and went into houses and sat down to eat and
drink. They desired nothing but it was incontinent brought to them,
for every man was ready to make them good cheer, and to give them
meat and drink to appease them.
Then the captains, as John Ball, Jack Straw, and Wat Tyler, went
throughout London, 20,000 with them, and so came to the Savoy on the
way to Westminster, which was a goodly house, and it pertaineth to
the Duke of Lancaster. And when they had entered, they slew the
keepers thereof, and robbed and pillaged the house; and when they
had so done, then they set fire on it, and clean destroyed and brent
it. And when they had done that outrage, they left not therewith,
but went straight to the fair hospital called St. John's, and there
they brent house, hospital, minster, and all. Then they went from
street to street and slew all the Flemings that they could find in
church or in any other place, there was none respited from death.
And they brake up divers houses of the Lombards, and robbed them and
took their goods at their pleasure, for there was none that durst
say them nay. And they slew in the city a rich merchant called
Richard Lyon, whom before that time Wat Tyler had served in France;
and on a time this Richard Lyon had beaten him, while he was his
varlet, which Wat Tyler then remembered, and so came to his house
and strake off his head, and caused it to be borne on a spear-point
before him all about the city....
The Saturday the king went to Westminster and heard mass in the
church there, and all his lords with him; and then he leapt on his
horse, and all his lords, and so the king rode toward London; and
when he had ridden a little way, on the left hand there was a way to
pass without London.
The same morning Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and John Ball had assembled
their company together in a place called Smithfield, where every
Friday there is a market of horses; and there were together all of
one affinity more than 20,000, and yet there were many still in the
town, drinking and making merry in the taverns, and paying nothing,
for they were happy that made them best cheer.
And therewith the king came the same way unaware of them, for he had
thought to have passed that way without London, and with him forty
horse.... The mayor of London came to the king with twelve horsemen
well armed under their coats, and so he broke the press and saw and
heard how Wat Tyler demeaned himself, and said to him: "Ha, thou
knave, how art thou so hardy in the king's presence to speak such
words? It is too much for thee to do so." Then the king began to
chafe and said to the mayor: "Set hands on him." And while the king
said so, Tyler said to the mayor: "A God's name, what have I said to
displease thee?" "Yes, truly," quoth the mayor, "thou false knave,
shalt thou speak thus in the presence of the king, my natural lord?"
And with these words the mayor drew out his sword and strake Tyler
so great a stroke on the head, that he fell down at the feet of his
horse, and as soon as he was fallen, they environed him all about,
whereby he was not seen of his company. Then a squire of the king
alighted, called John Standish, and he drew out his sword and put it
through Wat Tyler's body, and so he died.
Then the ungracious people there assembled, perceiving their captain
slain, began to murmur among themselves and said: "Ah, our captain
is slain, let us go and slay them all;" and therewith they arrayed
themselves on the same place in manner of battle, and their bows
before them. Then the king began a great deed; howbeit, all turned
to the best: for as soon as Tyler was on the earth, the king
departed from all his company, and all alone he rode to these
people, and said to them: "Sirs, what aileth you? Ye shall have no
captain but me: I am your king: be all in rest and peace." And so
the most part of the people that heard the king speak and saw him
among them, were shamefast and began to wax peaceable and depart.
LONDON LICKPENNY (EARLY FIFTEENTH CENTURY).
This poem is generally ascribed to John Lydgate, a disciple of Chaucer,
but the authorship is doubtful. Whatever its poetical merit may be, it
is full of interest as a picture of contemporary life in London, and the
description of the adventures of the poor countryman, endeavouring to
obtain legal justice in the metropolis, lacks neither pathos nor humour.
=Source.=—_Minor Poems of Lydgate_, edited by Halliwell, p. 103.
To London once my stepps I bent,
Where trouth in no wyse should be faynt,
To Westmynster-ward I forthwith went,
To a man of law to make complaynt,
I sayd, "For Marys love, that holy saynt!
Pity the poore that wold proceede;"
But for lack of mony I could not spede.
And as I thrust the prese amonge,
By froward chaunce my hood was gone,
Yet for all that I stayd not longe,
Tyll to the kyngs bench I was come.
Before the judge I kneled anone,
And prayd hym for Gods sake to take heede;
But for lack of mony I myght not speede.
Beneth them sat clarkes a great rout,
Which fast dyd wryte by one assent,
There stoode up one and cryed about,
Rychard, Robert, and John of Kent.
I wyst not well what this man ment,
He cryed so thycke there indede;
But he that lackt mony myght not spede.
Unto the common place I yode thoo,
Where sat one with a sylken hoode;
I dyd hym reverence, for I ought to do so,
And told my case as well as I coode,
How my goods were defrauded me by falshood.
I gat not a mum of his mouth for my meed,
And for lack of mony I myght not spede.
Unto the Rolls I gat me from thence,
Before the clarkes of the chauncerye,
Where many I found earnying of pence,
But none at all once regarded mee.
I gave them my playnt uppon my knee;
They lyked it well, when they had it reade:
But lackyng money I could not be sped.
In Westmynster hall I found out one,
Which went in a long gown of raye;
I crowched and kneled before hym anon,
For Maryes love, of help I hym praye.
"I wot not that thou meanest," gan he say:
To get me thence he did me bede,
For lack of mony I cold not speed.
Within this hall, neither rich nor yett poore
Wold do for me ought, although I shold dye.
Which seing, I gat me out of the doore,
Where Flemynges began on me for to cry,
"Master, what will you copen or by?
Fyne felt hattes, or spectacles to reede?
Lay down your sylver, and here you may speede."
Then to Westmynster-Gate I presently went,
When the sonn was at hyghe pryme;
Cookes to me, they tooke good entente,
And proffered me bread, with ale and wyne,
Rybbs of befe, both fat and ful fyne.
A fayre cloth they gan for to sprede;
But wantyng mony I myght not then speede.
Then unto London I dyd me hye,
Of all the land it beareth the pryse:
Hot pescodes, one began to crye,
Strabery rype, and cherryes in the ryse;
One bad me come nere and by some spyce,
Peper and safforne they gan me bede,
But for lack of mony I myght not spede.
Then to the Chepe I began me drawne,
Where mutch people I saw for to stande;
One ofred me velvet, sylke, and lawne,
An other he taketh me by the hande,
"Here is Parys thred, the fynest in the land;"
I never was used to such thyngs indede,
And wantyng mony I myght not spede.
Then went I forth by London stone,
Throughout all Canwyke streete;
Drapers mutch cloth me offred anone;
Then comes me one cryed hot shepes feete;
One cryde makerell, ryster grene, an other gan greete;
One bad me by a hood to cover my head,
But for want of mony I myght not be sped.
Then I hyed me into Est-Chepe;
One cryes rybbs of befe, and many a pye;
Pewter pottes they clattered on a heape;
There was harpe, pype, and mynstrelsye.
"Yea, by cock! nay, by cock!" some began crye;
Some songe of Jenken and Julyan for their mede;
But for lack of mony I myght not spede.
Then into Corn-Hyl anon I yode,
Where was mutch stolen gere amonge;
I saw where honge myne owne hoode,
That I had lost amonge the thronge:
To by my own hood I thought it wronge,
I knew it well as I dyd my crede,
But for lack of mony I could not spede.
The taverner took mee by the sleeve,
"Sir," sayth he, "wyll you our wyne assay?"
I answered, that can not mutch me greve,
A peny can do no more then it may,
I drank a pynt and for it dyd paye;
Yet sone a hungerd from thence I yode,
And wantyng mony I cold not spede.
Then hyed I me to Belyngsgate;
And one cryed, "hoo! go we hence!"
I prayd a barge man, for God's sake,
That he wold spare me my expence.
"Thou scapst not here," quod he, "under ij. pence;
I lyst not yet bestow any almes dede."
Thus lackyng mony I could not speede.
Then I convayd me into Kent;
For of the law wold I meddle no more;
Because no man to me tooke entent,
I dyght me to do as I dyd before.
Now Jesus, that in Bethlem was bore,
Save London, and send trew lawyers there mede!
For who so wantes mony with them shall not spede.
WHITTINGTON'S SECOND MAYORALTY (1406).
Richard Whittington was the son of a Gloucestershire knight, and was
born in 1350. The familiar stories of his roadside adventure in Highgate
and of his fortune-making cat are, in common with many other delightful
and picturesque incidents of history, rejected by historians; but he is
certainly a great and famous man, even when his story is robbed of these
interesting particulars. He was four times Mayor, and his justice and
patriotism became proverbial. He vigorously opposed the admission of
foreigners to the freedom of the City; he was exceedingly generous, and
performed many deeds of charity. The following account of his second
election to the highest dignity of the City illustrates the form and
manner in which the appointment was made in the Middle Ages.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 565.
On Wednesday, the Feast of the Translation of St. Edward the King
and Confessor [October 13], in the 8th year etc., John Wodecok,
Mayor of the City of London, considering that upon the same day he
and all the Aldermen of the said city, and as many as possible of
the wealthier and more substantial Commoners of the same city, ought
to meet at the Guildhall, as the usuage is, to elect a new Mayor for
the ensuing year, ordered that a Mass of the Holy Spirit should be
celebrated, with solemn music, in the Chapel annexed to the said
Guildhall; to the end that the same Commonalty, by the grace of the
Holy Spirit, might be able peacefully and amicably to nominate two
able and proper persons to be Mayor of the said city for the ensuing
year, by favour of the clemency of Our Saviour, according to the
customs of the said city.
Which Mass having in the said Chapel been solemnly celebrated, there
being present thereat the said John Wodecok, the Mayor, John
Prestone, Recorder, Nicholas Wottone and Geoffrey Broke, Sheriffs,
the Prior of the Holy Trinity, John Hadlee, William Staundone,
Richard Whytyngtone, Drew Barentyn, Thomas Knolles, John Shadworth,
William Askham, William Bramptone, John Warner, William Walderne,
William Venour, Robert Chychely, Thomas Fauconer, Thomas Polle,
William Louthe, William Crowmere, Henry Bartone, and Henry
Pountfreyt, Aldermen, and many reputable Commoners of the City
aforesaid; the same Mayor, Recorder, Sheriffs, Aldermen, and
Commoners, entered the Guildhall, where the precept of the said
Mayor and Aldermen, as the cause of the said congregation, was
becomingly set forth and declared by the said Recorder to the
Commoners aforesaid; to the end that such Commoners should nominate
unto the said Mayor and Aldermen such able and proper persons as had
before filled the office of Sheriff in the City aforesaid; it being
for the said Commoners to take no care which one of the persons so
to be nominated should be chosen by the Mayor and Aldermen to be
Mayor for the ensuing year. Which being done, the said Mayor,
Recorder, Sheriffs, and Aldermen, went up into the Chamber of the
Mayor's Court, within the Guildhall aforesaid, there to await the
nomination of such two persons. Whereupon, the Commoners peacefully
and amicably, without any clamour or discussion, did becomingly
nominate Richard Whytyngtone, mercer, and Drew Barentyn, goldsmith,
through John Westone, Common Countor of the said city, and presented
the same.
And hereupon, the Mayor and Aldermen, with closed doors, in the said
chamber chose Richard Whytyngtone aforesaid, by guidance of the Holy
Spirit, to be Mayor of the City for the ensuing year: after which,
the Mayor and Aldermen, coming down from the Chamber into the Hall,
to the Commoners there assembled as the custom is, notified by the
Recorder unto the same Commoners, how that, by Divine inspiration,
the lot had fallen upon the said Richard Whytyngtone, as above
stated.
THE PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS (1413).
The Lollards were disciples of Wyclif, and increased very considerably
in numbers and in power at the beginning of the fifteenth century. A
large number of the citizens of London appear to have become attached to
the new doctrines, which repudiated some of the most important dogmas of
the Church. The clergy were active in their efforts to suppress the new
beliefs, and applied to the King for assistance. Whatever may have been
the personal views of Henry IV. and Henry V. on the matter, they were
compelled by force of circumstances to keep on good terms with the
Church, and measures of repression were adopted. The leader of the
Lollards, Sir John Oldcastle, a man of distinguished military ability,
was imprisoned, but rescued from the Tower by a band of Londoners. A
huge meeting was held in St. Giles's Fields, but was prevented from
doing any damage by Henry V.'s vigilance; the party was vigorously
persecuted, and Oldcastle was captured and hanged. After this Lollardry
languished, and gradually disappeared.
The King to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London: Greeting.
Inasmuch as we have been given to understand that certain priests,
not privileged by law for this purpose, nor licensed by the diocesan
of the place, nor permitted by the Church, who are said to be of
this new sect of the Lollards, have been preaching in public places
within the aforesaid city, and in the suburbs and vicinity thereof,
in order to excite and win over some who are ill disposed to the
Catholic faith and the doctrine of holy mother Church; and by their
own rashness, and contrary to the laws and ordinances of the Church,
they have preached, nay, rather have profaned the Word of God; or at
least under pretext of preaching they have in such places been
emboldened to propagate discord among our people on the pestiferous
seeds of Lollardism and evil doctrine, after the manner of
preachers; and as some of our people of our said city and its
vicinity, under pretence of hearing such preaching, have assembled
to those places, and have congregated together in large multitudes;
and, in consequence, murmurs and seditions have in part arisen, and
will probably arise, to the disturbance and no small marring of our
peace, unless a remedy be more quickly applied to abolish such
meetings and pull down such conventicles:
We, desiring especially to provide for the defence of the Catholic
faith, the laws and ordinances of the Church, and for preserving our
peace, command you, that you cause proclamation publicly to be made,
within our city aforesaid, and its suburbs, in every place where you
shall find it expedient:
That no chaplains, of whatsoever degree, state, or condition they
may be, shall henceforward hold, cherish, affirm, preach, or defend
such opinions, heresy, or error, contrary to the decision of holy
mother Church; and that none other our lieges and subjects in this
matter adhere to or abet them, or lend them counsel or assistance,
under penalty of imprisonment of their bodies, and the forfeiture of
all their goods and chattels, to our will and disposal. We further
command and positively enjoin you that, if henceforth you shall be
able to find within your bailiwick any such chaplains preaching and
affirming publicly or secretly, contrary to the aforesaid rescript,
or any other our lieges and subjects making conventicles and
meetings, or receiving the same chaplains, or being under probable
or great suspicion concerning the premises, or in any way
counselling, favouring, or helping such chaplains in this matter,
then arrest ye them without delay, and commit them to prison, there
to remain, until they shall obey the commands of the diocesan in
whose diocese they may have preached....
Witness the King, at Westminster, the 21st day of
August, 1413.
IMPRISONMENT FOR REFUSING OFFICE (1415).
Reluctance to accept positions of dignity and importance is rarely met
with nowadays; we are accustomed to witness keen competition for the
honour and privilege—even if there be no more solid advantage—of a seat
in Parliament or a civic office. But in medieval times there was
frequently considerable unwillingness to hold these now coveted posts;
most men had their own affairs to attend to, and these were almost
certain to be seriously prejudiced by the distractions of public life.
More especially was this the case where Parliamentary representation of
a remote constituency was concerned. The danger, expense, and time
involved in the necessary journeys to the capital were a very serious
consideration, and fines had to be imposed frequently upon burgesses or
knights of the shire, who resented the greatness which their
constituents thrust upon them. The following instance shows that even in
London pressure had to be applied in order to induce the acceptance of
an important office; and it was not until the holders of such posts
began to realise the possibility of deriving profit from them, as, for
example, by exempting their own property from taxation, that these
difficulties were entirely overcome.
=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 601.
Forasmuch as a laudable custom which has hitherto prevailed in the
City of London, has so prescribed and ordained, that the inhabitants
of each of the Wards of the said city are at liberty to elect an
Alderman whensoever they need one, to rule them in their own Ward;
provided always, that the person so elected is presented to the
Mayor and Aldermen, for the time being, and by them is deemed worthy
to be admitted and approved.—And whereas, on the 3rd day of January,
in the 2nd year of the reign of King Henry etc. one Ralph Lobenham,
late Alderman of the Ward of Farndone Without, having voluntarily
resigned the rule of that Ward, the inhabitants of the Ward
thereupon, according to the usual custom, met together at the usual
place within the Ward, for the purpose of electing an Alderman
thereof, and there unanimously chose one John Gedeney, citizen and
draper, to hold the office of Alderman of the Ward aforesaid....
The said John Gedeney appeared before the Mayor and Aldermen, in the
Chamber aforesaid, and after the reason for his being summoned had
been first stated to him, precept was given to him forthwith to take
his seat there in Court, that he might take the oath that pertains
unto the office and rank of Alderman. Whereupon, the same John
Gedeney, after first setting forth his excuses on the ground of his
inability, and his insufficiency for the office, wholly refused to
accept it: upon which, he was informed by the Court that he could
not refuse this office, to which, as being a fit person, he was
admitted by the Court, without breach of his freedom, and of the
oath which by him, when he was admitted to the freedom of the City,
had been made; and this the more especially, as every freeman is
bound to be a partaker in Lot, which is liability to hold office,
and in Scot, which means contribution to taxes and other charges, by
reason of such oath.
But all and singular the matters before stated notwithstanding, he
altogether refused to accept the office, like a person who was
utterly obdurate. And hereupon, the matter having been considered by
the Mayor and Aldermen, because that it appeared to them that if any
one, when elected to such office, should be at liberty at his own
will and pleasure to refuse the post, and pass it by, not improbably
the City before long would be left destitute, as it were, of all
rule and governance whatsoever; the same John Gedeney was by the
said Mayor and Aldermen committed to prison, there to remain until
the Court should be better advised what to do as to the matters
aforesaid.
OATHS OF THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN (1419).
The following extracts are from the _Liber Albus_, a book on the
government of the City of London, by John Carpenter, who was Town Clerk
from 1417 to 1438. It contains a complete description of the
administration of the City at this interesting point in its history, and
gives particulars of the duties and responsibilities of all the civic
officers. The author explains that before the office of Mayor was
established, the chief person in the City was the Portreeve, who was
also the King's representative and justiciar. Then the "Barons of the
City," who may have been the Aldermen, obtained the privilege of
electing their own Mayor every year; and gradually a custom arose for
the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and certain chosen commoners to meet for
the purpose of choosing a new Mayor. At first the same Mayor was
frequently re-elected, so long as there was no expense attached to the
office; but when it became customary for him to give feasts and
liveries, the cost was generally too great for him to continue in office
for more than one year, and the practice arose for the Mayor to retire
at the end of his term, when the Aldermen might offer him a second year.
The Aldermen held their office for life, and had almost despotic
authority in their ward, having their own serjeants to attend them.
=Source.=—_Liber Albus_, translated by Riley.
You shall swear, that well and lawfully you shall serve our lord the
King in the office of the Mayoralty of the City of London, and the
same City you shall surely and safely keep to the behoof of the King
of England, and of his heirs, Kings of England; and the profit of
the King you shall do in all things that unto you belong to do, and
the rights of the King, in so far as unto the Crown they belong
within the said City, you shall lawfully keep. You shall not assent
unto the decrease, or unto the concealment of the rights or of the
franchises of the King; and where you shall know the rights of the
King or of the Crown, be it in lands, or in rents, or in franchises,
or in suits, to be concealed or withdrawn, to your utmost power you
shall do to repel it; and if you cannot do it, you shall tell it
unto the King, or unto them of his Council, of whom you shall be
certain that they will tell it unto the King. And that lawfully and
rightfully you will treat the people of your bailiwick, and right
will do unto everyone thereof, as well unto strangers as to
denizens, to poor as to rich, in that which belongeth unto you to
do; and that neither for highness, nor for riches, nor for promise,
nor for favour, nor for hate, wrong you shall do unto any one; nor
the right of anyone shall you disturb, nor shall you take anything
whereby the King may lose, or by which his right may be disturbed.
And that in all things which unto the Mayor of the said City it
pertaineth to do, as well in the regulation of victuals as in all
other things, well and lawfully you shall behave yourself.
So God you help, and the Saints.
* * * * *
You shall swear, that well and lawfully you shall serve our lord the
King in the City of London, in the office of Alderman in the Ward of
N, wherein you are chosen Alderman, and shall lawfully treat and
inform the people of the same Ward of such things as unto them
pertain to do, for keeping the City, and for maintaining the peace
within the City; and that the laws, usages, and franchises of the
said City you shall keep and maintain, within town and without,
according to your wit and power. And that attentive you shall be to
save and maintain the rights of orphans, according to the laws and
usages of the said City. And that ready you shall be, and readily
shall come, at the summons and warning of the Mayor and ministers of
the said City, for the time being, to speed the Assizes, Pleas, and
Judgments of the Hustings, and other needs of the said City, if you
be not hindered by the needs of our lord the King, or by other
reasonable cause; and that good lawful counsel you shall give for
such things as touch the common profit in the same City. And that
you shall sell no manner of victuals by retail; that is to say,
bread, ale, wine, fish or flesh, by you, your apprentices, hired
servants, or by any other; nor profit shall you take of any such
manner of victuals sold during your office. And that well and
lawfully you shall (behave) yourself in the said office, and in
other things touching the City. So God you help, and the Saints.
JACK CADE IN LONDON (1450).
The rebellion headed by Cade was a manifestation of discontent at the
incompetence of the Government. An expensive and unsuccessful war had
been carried on in France, and there was very little disposition in
England to aid the inadequate resources of the royal treasury, or to
relieve the King from the load of debt which had been contracted. The
King's Ministers were forced to have recourse to arbitrary measures, and
the affections of the people were completely estranged. Cade was able,
by holding out the prospect of redress of grievances, to collect about
him a formidable body of malcontents. They were admitted into the City,
where at first they conducted themselves with comparative moderation;
but very soon indications of violence showed themselves, and the
citizens realised their danger and were able to hold the rebels at bay
until, dispirited by the opposition which they encountered, they
dispersed.
=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.
The captain being advised of the King's absence, came first into
Southwark, and there lodged at the White Hart, prohibiting to all
men, Murder, Rape, or Robbery: by which colour he allured to him the
hearts of the common people. But after that he entered into London,
and cut the ropes of the drawbridge, sticking his sword on London
stone, saying: Now is Mortimer lord of this city, and rode in every
street like a lordly Captain. And after a flattering declaration
made to the Mayor of the city of his thither coming, he departed
again to Southwark. And upon the third day of July, he caused Sir
James Fynes, Lord Say, and Treasurer of England, to be brought to
the Guildhall of London, and there to be arraigned: which being
before the King's justices put to answer, desired to be tried by his
peers, for the longer delay of his life.
The captain perceiving his dilatory plea, by force took him from the
officers, and brought him to the standard in Cheape, and there
before his confession ended, caused his head to be cut off, and
pitched it on a high pole, which was openly borne before him through
the streets. And this cruel tyrant not content with the murder of
the Lord Say, went to Mile end, and there apprehended Sir James
Cromer, then sheriff of Kent, and son in law to the said Lord Say,
and him without confession or excuse heard, caused there likewise to
be beheaded, and his head to be fixed on a pole, and with these two
heads, this bloody butcher entered into the city again, and in
despite caused them in every street to kiss together, to the great
detestation of all the beholders.
After this shameful murder, succeeded open rapine and manifest
robbery in divers houses within the City, and in especial in the
house of Philip Malpas, Alderman of London, and divers others: over
and beside ransoming, and fining of divers notable merchants, for
the security of their lives and goods, as Robert Horne alderman, who
paid 500 marks, and yet neither he, nor any other person was either
of life or substance in a surety or safeguard. He also put to
execution in Southwark divers persons, some for infringing his rules
and precepts, because he would be seen indifferent, others he
tormented of his old acquaintance, lest they should blaze and
declare his base birth, and lousy lineage, disparaging him from his
usurped surname of Mortimer, for the which, he thought and doubted
not, both to have friends and fautors, both in London, Kent, and
Essex. The wise Mayor, and sage magistrates of the City of London,
perceiving themselves neither to be sure of goods nor of life well
warranted, determined with fear to repel and expulse this
mischievous head, and his ungracious company. And because the Lord
Scales was ordained Keeper of the Tower of London, with Matthew
Gough, the often named captain in Normandy, (as you have heard
before), they purposed to make them acquainted both of their intent
and enterprise. The Lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting
of ordinance, and Matthew Gough was by him appointed to assist the
Mayor and the Londoners; because he was both of manhood, and
experience greatly renowned and noised. So the Captains of the City
appointed, took upon them in the night to keep the bridge of London,
prohibiting the Kentish men, either to pass or approach. The rebels,
which never soundly slept, for fear of sudden chances, hearing the
bridge to be kept and manned, ran with great haste to open their
passage, where between both parties was a fierce and cruel
encounter. Matthew Gough, more expert in martial feats than the
other chieftains of the City, perceiving the Kentish men better to
stand to their tackling than his imagination expected, advised his
company no further to proceed, toward Southwark, till the day
appeared: to the intent, that the citizens hearing where the place
of the jeopardy rested, might occur their enemies, and relieve their
friends and companions. But this counsel came to small effect: for
the multitude of the rebels drave the citizens from the staples at
the bridge foot, to the draw bridge, and began to set fire in divers
houses. Alas what sorrow it was to behold that miserable chance: for
some desiring to eschew the fire, leapt on his enemies weapon, and
so died; fearful women with children in their arms, amazed and
appalled, leapt into the river: others doubting how to save
themselves between fire, water, and sword, were in their houses
suffocated and smouldered. Yet the Captains nothing regarding these
chances, fought on the draw bridge all the night valiantly, but in
conclusion, the rebels held the draw bridge, and drowned many, and
slew John Sutton alderman, and Robert Heysande a hardy citizen, with
many other, beside Matthew Gough, a man of great wit, much
experience in feats of chivalry, the which in continual wars, had
valiantly served the King and his father, in the parts beyond the
sea (as before you have heard). But it is often seen that he, which
many times hath vanquished his enemies in strange countries, and
returned again as a conqueror, hath of his own nation afterward been
shamefully murdered, and brought to confusion. This hard and sore
conflict endured on the bridge, till 9 o'clock in the morning, in
doubtful chance, and fortunes balance: for some time the Londoners
were beaten back to the stulpes at Saint Magnes corner, and suddenly
again the rebels were repulsed and driven back, to the stulpes in
Southwark, so that both parties, being faint, weary and fatigued,
agreed to desist from fight, and to leave battle till the next day,
upon condition: that neither Londoners should pass into Southwark,
nor the Kentishmen into London.
After this abstinence of war agreed, the lusty Kentish Captain,
hoping on more friends, broke up the gaols of the Kings Bench and
Marshalsea, and set at liberty a swarm of galants, both meet for his
service and apt for his enterprise. The Archbishop of Canterbury,
being then Chancellor of England, and for his surety lying in the
Tower of London, called to him the Bishop of Winchester, which also
for fear, lurked at Halywell. These two prelates seeing the fury of
the Kentish people, by reason of their beating back, to be mitigate
and minished, passed the River of Thames from the Tower, into
Southwark, bringing with them under the King's great seal, a general
pardon unto all the offenders: which they caused to be openly
proclaimed and published. Lord how glad the poor people were of this
pardon (the more than of the Jubilee of Rome) and how they accepted
the same, in so much that the whole multitude, without bidding
farewell to their captain, retired the same night, every man to his
own home, as men amazed, and stricken with fear.
But John Cade desperate of help, which by the friends of the duke of
York, were to him promised, and seeing his company thus without his
knowledge suddenly depart, mistrusting the sequel of the matter,
departed secretly in habit disguised into Sussex: but all his
metamorphoses or transfiguration little prevailed. For after a
Proclamation made, that whosoever could apprehend the aforesaid Jack
Cade should have for his pains a thousand marks, many sought for
him, but few espied him, till one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent
found him in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slew the
catiff Cade, and brought his dead body to London, whose head was set
on London Bridge. This is the success of all rebels, and this
fortune chanceth ever to traitors. For where men strive against the
stream, their boat never cometh to his pretenced port.
THE MAYOR'S DIGNITY (1464).
One of the privileges of the Mayor which has been very jealously guarded
is that upon which is founded his claim to supremacy in the City; only
the Sovereign takes precedence, and from very early times the Mayors
have insisted upon this pre-eminence. It was not often that their right
was challenged in the City itself, but occasionally there was friction
concerning the Mayor's position in places which were supposed to be
outside his jurisdiction. The instance mentioned below is interesting,
as showing the importance which a fifteenth-century Mayor attached to
his office.
=Source.=—Gregory's _Chronicle_.
Thys yere (1464) abute mydsomyr, at the royalle feste of the
Sargentys of the Coyfe, the Mayre of London was desyride to be at
that feste. And at denyr time he come to the feste with his
offecers, agreyng and acordyng to hys degre. For withyn London he ys
next unto the Kyng in all maner thynge. And in tyme of waschynge the
Erle of Worseter was take before the mayre and sette down in the
myddis of the hy tabelle. And the mayre seynge that hys place was
occupyd hylde hym contente, and went home agayne with-out mete or
drynke or any thonke, but rewarde hym he dyd as hys dygnyte requyred
of the cytte. And toke with hym the substance of hys bretheryn the
aldyrmen to his place, and were sette and servyd also sone as any
man couthe devyse, bothe of sygnet and of othyr delycatys i-nowe,
that alle the howse mervelyd howe welle alle tynge was done in soo
schorte a tyme, and prayde alle men to be mery and gladde hit shulde
be a-mendyd a-nothyr tyme.
Thenn the offesers of the feste, fulle evylle a-schamyd, informyd
the maysters of the feste of thys mysse-happe that ys be-falle. And
they consyderynge the grete dygnyte and costys and change that
longgyd unto the cytte, and anon sende unto the mayre a present of
mete, brede, wyne, and many dyvers sotelteys. But whenn they that
come with the presentys saw alle the gyftys, and the sarvyse that
was at the borde, he was fulle sore a-schamyd that shulde doo the
massage, for the present was not better thenn the servyse of metys
was byfore the mayre, and thoroughe-owte the hyghe tabylle. But hys
demenynge was soo that he hadde love and thonke for hys massage, and
a grette rewarde with-alle. And thys the worschippe of the cytte was
kepte, and not loste for hym. I truste that nevyr hyt shalle, by the
grace of God.
REGULATIONS CONCERNING STRANGERS (1485).
These regulations are taken from Henry VII.'s charter, which cost the
citizens no less than five thousand marks. The main object of the
charter was to protect the City from the encroachments of foreigners and
strangers, who appear to have been unusually active about this time in
their attempts to gain a footing in the rapidly expanding trade of
London. Their efforts met with great hostility on the part of the
citizens, and these enactments are indicative of the general attitude of
the Londoners towards strangers either from other towns or from across
the sea.
=Source.=—From the Charter of Henry VII.
Of all time, of which the memory of man is not to the contrary, for
the commonweal of the realm and city aforesaid, it hath been used,
and by authority of parliament approved and confirmed, that no
stranger from the liberty of the city may buy or sell, from any
stranger from the liberties of the same city, any merchandise or
wares within the liberties of the same city, upon forfeiture of the
same. The said mayor and commonalty, and citizens, and their
predecessors by all the time aforesaid, have had and received, and
have been accustomed to receive, perceive, and have, to the use of
the said mayor, commonalty, and citizens, all and all manner of
merchandises and wares bought and sold within the liberties of the
same city as aforesaid, and forfeitures of the same merchandises and
wares, until of late past time they were troubled or molested.
The same lord Henry the seventh, by his letters patent as aforesaid,
for pacifying and taking away from henceforth controversies and
ambiguities in that behalf, and to fortify and by express words to
explain and declare the liberty and custom aforesaid to them the
said mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their heirs and
successors, and willing the said liberties to be peaceably and
quietly had, possessed, and enjoyed to the said mayor and commonalty
and citizens, and their successors, with the forfeitures aforesaid,
against the said late lord King Henry, his heirs and successors
granted, and by his said charter confirmed to the same mayor and
commonalty and citizens, and their successors, that no stranger from
the liberties of the same city may buy or sell from any other
stranger to the liberty of the same city, any merchandises or wares
within the liberties of the same city; and if any stranger to the
liberty of the same city shall sell or buy any merchandises or wares
within the liberty of the same city of any other stranger to the
liberty of the same city, that the same mayor, commonalty and
citizens, and their successors, may have, hold, and receive all and
all manner of such like merchandises and wares, so bought and to be
bought, sold or to be sold, within the liberty of the said city,
between whatsoever strangers to the liberty of the same city, as
forfeited; and all the forfeitures of the same, and also the
penalties, fines, and redemptions whatsoever anyways forfeited, lost
or to be lost, or to be forfeited or due thereon, to the use and
profit of the same mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their
heirs and successors, without hindrance of the same late king, his
heirs or successors, and without any account or any other thing to
be rendered or paid thereof to the late king, his heirs and
successors, any statute, act, or ordinance of us or our progenitors
made to the contrary notwithstanding; although the same mayor and
commonalty, and citizens of the said city, or their predecessors,
have before that time used, abused, or not used those customs and
liberties: Saving always, that the great men, lords, and nobles, and
other English and strangers, of what condition they shall be, may
freely buy whatsoever merchandises in gross for their families and
proper uses within the liberties of the said city, without any
forfeiture, loss, or hindrance whatsoever, so that they do not sell
again the said merchandises to any other.
And further, the same late king, of his ample grace, by his said
letters patent, amongst other things, did give and grant to the
mayor, commonalty, and citizens of the same city of London, and
their successors, the office of gauger within the said city, and the
disposing, ordering, surveying, and correcting of the same, to have,
hold, exercise, and occupy the said office, and other premises, with
all fees, profits, and emoluments to the said office in any manner
belonging or appertaining, to the same mayor and commonalty, and
citizens, by themselves, or by their sufficient deputy or deputies,
from the twenty-second day of August, in the first year of his
reign, for ever, without any account to be made thereof, or any
other thing rendering or paying to the said lord Henry the seventh,
his heirs or successors, as by the said letters patent doth more
plainly appear.
THE MARCHING WATCH (1510).
The Marching Watch was a kind of annual military muster of the citizens,
embodying all the companies, for the purpose of forming a regular guard
for the City during the ensuing year. The contest for magnificence on
the occasion described in the following extract created an expense so
great and detrimental that Henry VIII. prohibited the show, and confined
the citizens to the proper object of the assembly. It was afterwards
revived on a more economical plan, and continued under the name of the
"Standing Watch," till the force was finally superseded by the City
Trained Bands.
=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 102.
Besides the standing watches all in bright harness, in every ward
and street in this city and suburbs, there was also a marching watch
that passed through the principal streets thereof, to wit, from the
little conduit by Paul's gate to West Cheap, by the stocks through
Cornhill by Leadenhall to Aldgate, then back down Fenchurch Street
by Grace Church, about Grace church conduit and up Gracechurch
Street into Cornhill, and through it into West Cheap again, and so
broke up. The whole way ordered for this marching watch extendeth to
three thousand two hundred taylor's yards of assize; for the
furniture whereof with lights, there were appointed seven hundred
cressets, five hundred of them being found by the Companies, the
other two hundred by the Chamber of London.
Besides the which lights every constable in London, in number more
than two hundred and forty, had his cresset; the charge of every
cresset was in light two shillings and fourpence, and every cresset
had two men, one to bear or hold in, another to bear a bag with
light, and to serve it, so that the poor men pertaining to the
cressets, taking wages, besides that every one had a straw hat, with
a badge painted, and his breakfast, amounted in number to almost two
thousand. The marching watch contained in number about two thousand
men, part of them being old soldiers, of skill to be captains,
lieutenants, serjeants, corporals, etc., wiflers, drummers, and
fifes, standard and ensign bearers, demilances on great horses,
gunners with hand guns, or half hakes, archers in coats of white
fustian, signed on the breast and back with the arms of the city,
their bows bent in their hands, with sheafs of arrows by their
sides; pikemen in bright corslets, burganets, etc. halbards, the
like the billmen in almain rivets, and aprons of mail in great
number. There were also divers pageants, morris dancers, constables,
the one-half which was one hundred and twenty on Saint John's Eve,
the other half on St. Peter's Eve, in bright harness, some over
gilt, and every one a jornet of scarlet thereupon, and a chain of
gold, his henchman following him, his minstrels before him, and his
cresset light passing by him, the waits of the city, the Mayor's
officers for his guard before him, all in a livery worsted, or sea
jackets parti-coloured, the Mayor himself well mounted on horseback,
the sword-bearer before him in fair armour well mounted also, the
Mayor's footmen, and the like torch bearers about him, henchmen
twain upon great stirring horses following him. The Sheriffs'
watches came one after the other in like order, but not so large in
number as the Mayor's; for where the Mayor had, besides his giant,
three pageants, each of the Sheriffs had, besides their giants, but
two pageants; each their morris dance, and one henchman, their
officers in jackets of worsted or sea, parti-coloured, differing
from the Mayor's and each from other, but having harnessed men a
great many.
This midsummer watch was thus accustomed yearly, time out of mind,
until the year 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII., in which year, on the
8th of May, a great muster was made by the citizens at the Mile's
End, all in bright harness, with coats of white silk; or cloth and
chains of gold, in three great battels, to the number of fifteen
thousand, which passed through London to Westminster, and so through
the Sanctuary, and round about the Park of St. James, and returned
home through Oldborne. King Henry, then considering the great
charges of the citizens for the furniture of this unusual muster,
forbad the Marching watch provided for at midsummer for that year;
which being once laid down, was not raised again till the year 1548,
the 2nd of Edward VI., Sir John Gresham then being Mayor, who caused
the marching watch, both on the eve of St. John Baptist and of St.
Peter the Apostle, to be revived and set forth in as comely order as
it hath been accustomed, which watch was also beautified by the
number of more than three hundred demilances and light horsemen,
prepared by the citizens to be sent into Scotland for the rescue of
the town of Haddington, and others kept by the Englishmen.
DESTRUCTION OF FENCES ABOUT THE
CITY (1514).
It has already been noticed that the City was surrounded by
ecclesiastical manors in the time of Domesday, and this was still the
case at the beginning of the sixteenth century. It would appear from the
following extract that the practice of enclosure, which at this time was
being extensively adopted in many parts of England, was being attempted
in the neighbourhood of London itself, greatly to the disgust of the
Londoners, who naturally resented the proposed restrictions on their
accustomed liberty.
=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.
Before this time the towns about London as Islington, Hoxton,
Shoreditch and other, had so enclosed the common fields with hedges
and ditches, that neither the young men of the city might shoot, nor
the ancient persons might walk for their pleasure in the fields
except either their bows and arrows were broken or taken away, or
the honest and substantial persons arrested or indited, saying that
no Londoner should go out of the city but in the highways. This
saying sore grieved the Londoners, and suddenly this year a great
number of the city assembled themselves in a morning, and a turner
in a fool's coat came crying in the city, Shovels and spades, and so
many people followed that it was wonder, and within a short space
all the hedges about the towns were cast down, and the ditches
filled, and every thing made plain, the workmen were so diligent.
The King's Council hearing of this assembly came to the Gray Friars,
and sent for the mayor and the council of the city to know the
cause, which declared to them the nusiance done to the Citizens, and
their commodities and liberties taken from them, though they would
not yet the commonalty and young persons which were dampnified by
the nusiance would pluck up and remedy the same. And when the King's
council had heard the answer, they dissimuled the matter and
commanded the Mayor to see that no other thing were attempted, and
to call home the citizens, which when they had done their
enterprise, came home before the King's council and the Mayor
departed without any more harm doing, and so after, the fields were
never hedged.
MORE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON (1517).
Although the City of Amaurote in "Utopia" is not to be identified
exactly with London, it seems very likely that More had London in his
mind while he was writing this description, which is generally regarded
as drawn, to some extent, from the capital as it was in his day.
=Source.=—More's _Utopia_.
The River Anyder riseth four and twenty miles above Amaurote, out of
a little spring: but being increased by other small floods and
brooks that run into it: and, among others, two somewhat bigger
ones. Before the City, it is half a mile broad (hardly so much now
as it was in former days, being pent in and straitened to a narrower
space, by the later buildings on each side): and further, broader.
By all that space that lieth between the Sea and the City, and a
good sort of land also above, the water ebbs and flows six hours
together, with a swift tide; when the sea flows in to the length of
thirty miles, it fills all the Anyder with salt water, and drives
back the fresh water of the river; and somewhat further, it hangeth
the sweetness of fresh water with saltness: but a little beyond
that, the river waxeth sweet, and runneth foreby the City fresh and
pleasant; and when the sea ebbs and goes back again, this fresh
water follows it almost to the very fall into the sea.
They have also another river, which indeed is not very great, but it
runneth gently and pleasantly: for it riseth even out of the same
hill that the City standeth upon, and runneth down slope through the
midst of the City into Anyder. And because it ariseth a little
without the City, the Amaurotians have enclosed the head spring of
it with strong fences and bulwarks; and so have joined it to the
City: this done, to the intent that the waters should not be stopped
nor turned away, nor poisoned, if their enemies should chance to
come upon them. From thence the water is derived and brought down in
channels or brooks divers ways into the lower parts of the city.
Where that cannot be done by reason that the place will not suffer
it, then they gather the rain water in great cisterns which doth
them as good service. Then next for the situation and walls. That it
stood by the side of a low hill, in fashion almost square. The
breadth of it began a little beneath the top of the hill, and still
continued by the space of two miles, until it came to the river
Anyder. The length of it, which lieth by the river-side, was
somewhat more.
The City is compassed about with an high and thick wall, full of
turrets and bulwarks. A dry ditch, but deep and broad and overgrown
with bushes, briers, and thorns, goeth about three sides or quarters
of the City. To the fourth side, the river itself serveth for a
ditch.
The streets be appointed and set forth very commodious and handsome,
both for carriage and also against the winds. The streets be full
twenty foot broad. The houses be of fair and gorgeous buildings: and
in the street-side, they stand joined together in a long row through
the whole street, without any partition or separation. On the
backside of the houses, through the whole length of the street, lie
large gardens which be closed in round about with the back parts of
the street. Every house hath two doors, one to the street, and a
postern door on the backside into the garden. These doors be made
with two leaves, never locked nor bolted: so easy to be opened, that
they will follow the least drawing of a finger, and shut again of
themselves.
They set great store by their gardens. In these they have vineyards
and all manner of fruits, herbs, and flowers, so pleasant, so well
furnished, and so finely kept, that I never saw anything more
fruitful, nor better trimmed in any place: and their study and
diligence herein cometh not only of pleasure, but also of a certain
strife and contention that is betwixt street and street, concerning
the trimming, husbanding, and flourishing, of their gardens, every
man for his own part: and verily, you shall not lightly find in all
the City anything that is more commodious, either for the profit of
the citizens, or for pleasure. And therefore it may seem, that the
first founder of the city minded nothing more so much as he did
these gardens. They say, that King Utopus himself, even at his first
beginning, appointed and drew forth the platform of the City into
this fashion and figure that it hath now, by his gallant garnishing
and the beautiful setting forth of it. Whereunto he saw that one's
man age would not suffice, that he left to his posterity.
Their chronicles, which they keep written with all diligent
circumspection, containing the history of 1760 years, even from the
first conquest of the Island, record and witness, that the houses in
the beginning were very low, and likely homely cottages, or poor
shepherds' houses, made at all adventures of every rude piece of
wood that came first to hand: with mud-walls, and ridged roofs
thatched over with straw. But now the houses be curiously builded
after a gorgeous and gallant sort, with three stories, one over
another.
The outside of the walls be made of either hard flint, or of
plaster, or else of brick: and the inner sides be well strengthened
with timber-work.
The roofs be plain and flat, covered with a certain kind of plaster
that is of no cost: and yet so tempered that no fire can hurt or
perish it: and it withstandeth the violence of the weather, better
than any lead.
They keep the wind out of their windows with glass: for it is there
much used; and some were also with fine linen dipped in oil or
amber: and that for two commodities: for by this means more light
cometh in, and the wind is better kept out.
EVIL MAY DAY (1517).
Riots were by no means infrequent in the City in the Middle Ages, and
here is an account of a typical disturbance, in which, of course, the
young and hot-headed apprentices took their share. Just at this time
there was intense animosity against the foreign merchants and artisans;
the citizens thought that the presence of the foreigners, pursuing their
occupations within the walls, was not only harmful to their own
interests, but a violation of their charters which had given them the
privilege of exclusive trade. At last the common indignation broke out
in the great riot of May Day, 1517, which was long remembered as Evil
May Day. It had been for centuries a practice of the citizens to collect
in bands on May Day to hold high holiday, and they would sally forth,
headed by mock officers, into the neighbouring fields to indulge in
various sports; on this particular occasion the holiday spirit was not
turned to such innocent and harmless purposes.
=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.
The young and evil disposed people said, they would be revenged on
the merchant strangers, as well as on the artificers strangers. On
Monday the morrow after, the King removed to his manor of Richmond.
Upon this rumour the 28th day of April, divers young men of the City
assaulted the Aliens as they passed by the streets, and some were
stricken and some buffeted, and some thrown in the canal. Wherefore
the Mayor sent divers persons to ward, as Stephen Studley skinner,
and Bettes and Stephenson and divers other, some to one counter, and
some to another and some to Newgate. Then suddenly was a common
secret rumour, and no man could tell how it began, that on May day
next, the City would rebel and slay all aliens, insomuch as divers
strangers fled out of the City....
Then in all haste, every Alderman sent to his Ward that no man
should stir after 9 of the clock out of his house but to keep his
doors shut, and his servants within till 7 of the clock in the
morning. After this commandment, Sir John Monday, Alderman, came
from his Ward, and found two young men in Cheap playing at Bucklers,
and a great company of young men looking on them for the commandment
was then scarce known, for then it was but 9 of the clock. Master
Monday seeing that, bade them leave, and the one young man asked him
why? and then he said Thou shalt know, and took him by the arm to
have had him to the counter. Then all the young men resisted the
Alderman and took him from Master Monday, and cried 'Prentices and
clubs. Then out at every door came clubs and weapons and the
Alderman fled, and was in great danger. Then more people arose out
of every quarter, and out came serving men, and water men and
courtiers, and by 9 of the clock there were in Cheap 6 or 7 hundred.
And out of Paul's Churchyard came 3 hundred, which wist not of the
other, and so out of all places they gathered, and brake up the
counters, and took out the prisoners, that the Mayor had thither
committed for hurting of the strangers, and came to Newgate and took
out Studley and Petyt, committed thither for that cause. The Mayor
and Sheriffs were there present, and made proclamation in the King's
name, but nothing was obeyed. Thus they ran a plump through Saint
Nicholas Shambles, and at Saint Martins gate, there met with them
Sir Thomas Moore and other, desiring them to go to their lodgings:
And as they were entreating, and had also brought them to a stay:
The people of Saint Martins threw out stones and bats and hurt
divers honest persons, that were persuading the riotous people to
cease, and they bade them hold their hands, but still they threw out
bricks and hot water. Then a sergeant of arms called Nicholas
Dounes, which was there with Master Moore, entreating them, being
sore hurt, in a fury cried Down with them. Then all the misruled
persons ran to the doors and windows of Saint Martin, and spoiled
all that they found, and cast it into the street, and left few
houses unspoiled. And after that they ran heading into Cornhill by
Leadenhall to the house of one Mutuas a Frenchman or Picardy born,
which was a great bearer of Frenchmen, where they pick purses, or
how evil disposition soever they were of, and within his gate,
called Grenegate, dwelled divers Frenchmen that calendared worsted,
contrary to the King's laws: and all they were so born out by the
same Mutuas, yet no man durst meddle with them, wherefore he was
sore hated, and if the people had found him in their fury, they
would have stricken off his head: but when they found him not, the
watermen, and certain young priests that were there fell to rifling:
some ran to Blanche-chapelton, and brake the strangers houses, and
threw shoes and boots into the street. This from 10 or 11 of the
clock, continued these riotous people during which time a knight
called Sir Thomas Parr, in great haste went to the Cardinal and told
him of this riot, which incontinent strengthened his house with men
and ordnance. And after, this knight rode to the King to Richmond,
and made the report much more than it was. Wherefore the King
hastily sent to London and was truly advised of the matter, and how
the riot was ceased, and many of the doers apprehended. But while
this ruffling continued, Sir Richard Cholmeley knight, Lieutenant of
the Tower, no great friend to the City, in a frantic fury loosed
certain pieces of ordnance, and shot into the City, which did little
harm, howbeit his good will appeared. About 3 of the clock, these
riotous persons severed and went to their places of resort, and by
the way they were taken by the Mayor and the heads of the City, and
some sent to the Tower, and some to Newgate, and some to the
Counters, to the number of 300; some fled, and specially the
watermen and priests, and serving men, but the poor prentices were
taken. About five o'clock, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Surrey, which
had heard of this riot, came to London with such strength as they
had, so did the Inns of Court, and divers noble men: but before they
came all the riot was ceased, and many taken as you have heard.
THE PAPAL LEGATE IN THE CITY (1519).
Campeggio is well known in connection with the part which he played in
the divorce proceedings between Henry VIII. and his first wife Catherine
of Aragon in 1529. That occasion was not his first visit to England; he
had previously been entrusted with a mission from the Pope to Henry, and
the reception of himself and his train is described in the passage
below. The subject of this embassy of 1519 was to urge Henry to assist
in waging war on the Turks, who were apparently endeavouring to push
their way into Europe; and similar messages were conveyed at the same
time to the other powerful rulers on the Continent. The incident of the
opening of the chests must have created considerable amusement among the
onlookers, and would hardly add to the popular estimation of a Papal
embassy.
=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.
When the Cardinal of York knew, that there was coming a legate into
England, which should have a greater pre-eminence than a Cardinal,
he whose ambition was never satisfied, caused a Bishop and certain
Doctors to pass the sea to Calais to welcome him, and to show him
that if he would have the Popes purpose, to take any effect in
England, he should in any wise send in post to Rome, to have the
said Cardinal of York to be legate also, and to be joined in
commission with him, which thing was done (not without good rewards)
so that in thirty and five days, the bull was brought to Calais.
During which time the Cardinal of York sent to the Legate to Calais,
red cloth to clothe his servants, which at their coming to Calais,
were but meanly appareled. And when all things were ready he passed
the sea and landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward
London. At every town as they passed, he was received with
Procession, and accompanied with all the Lords and gentlemen of
Kent. And when he came to Blackheath, there met him the Duke of
Norfolk, with a great number of prelates, knights and gentlemen, all
richly appareled. And in the way he was brought into a rich tent of
cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a robe of a Cardinal,
edged with ermine, and so took his mule riding toward London.
The night before he came to London the Cardinal of York, to furnish
the carriages of the Cardinal Campeius, sent to him twelve mulettes
with empty coffers covered with red, which twelve mulettes were led
through London, amongst the mulettes of Campeius, which were but
eight and so these twenty mulettes passed through the streets, as
though they had been full of treasures, apparel and other
necessaries. And when they came into Chepe, one of the mulettes
brake from her keeper, and overthrew the chests, and overturned two
or three other mulettes carriages, which fell with such violence,
that divers of them unlocked, and out of some fell old hosen, broken
shoon, and roasted flesh, pieces of bread, eggs and much vile
baggage; at which sight the boys cried, See, see my Lord Legates
treasure, and so the muleteers were ashamed, and took up all their
stuff and passed forth. And about three o'clock in the afternoon on
the 29th day of July the said legate entered the city, and in
Southwark met him all the clergy of London with crosses, censors and
copes and 'censed him with great reverence. The Mayor and Aldermen,
and all the occupations of the city in their best liveries stood in
the streets, and him highly honoured: to whom Sir Thomas More made a
brief oration in the name of the city. And when he came to St.
Pauls, there he was received by bishops mitred, and under a canopy
entered the church: which canopy his servants took for their fees.
And when he had offered, he gave his benediction to all the people,
and took again his mule, and so was with all his train aforesaid,
conveyed to Bath place, and there rested: where he was welcomed of
the Cardinal of York. And on Sunday next ensuing these two Cardinals
as legates, took their barges and came to Greenwich, each of them
had beside their cross two pillars of silver, two little axes gilt,
and two cloke bags embroidered, and the Cardinals hats borne before
them. And when they came to the kings hall, the Cardinal of York
went on the right hand; and there the King royally appareled and
accompanied, met them even as though both had come from Rome, and so
brought them both up into his chamber of presence, and there was a
solemn oration made by an Italian, declaring the cause of the legacy
to be in two articles, one for aid against God's enemies, and the
second for reformation of the Clergy. And when Mass was done, they
were had to a chamber, and served with lords and knights, with much
solemnity: and after dinner they took their leave of the king and
came to London and rode through the city together, in great pomp and
glory, to their lodgings.
WOLSEY AND THE CITIZENS (1525).
The incidents related in the following passage are concerned with one of
the periodical efforts of Henry VIII. to raise money in irregular ways.
He seems to have left the matter on this occasion to Wolsey, who issued
commissions for levying the sixth part of the goods of the laity and the
fourth of those of the clergy. This proceeding caused great alarm, and
rebellions appeared imminent in all parts of the country. Whereupon
Henry disavowed the whole business, and told the citizens of London that
he would not exact anything by compulsion, but merely ask for a
benevolence. This was, of course, recognised as an artifice to obtain
the same results by different means, and the citizens sturdily
protested, arguing that benevolences had been declared illegal. Wolsey
experienced very great difficulty in his dealings with the Londoners,
who well maintained their reputation for guarding their independence and
liberty, even when faced with threats and menaces.
=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.
And now since God hath given us victory, the King remembering the
saying of the Poet that sayeth: It is more mastery to use victory
gotten, than to get it, thinketh it necessary now in
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