The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 01 [of 13]
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Title: The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 01 [of 13]
containing an account of the cruel civil wars between the houses of Orleans and Burgundy, of the possession of Paris and Normandy by the English, their expulsion thence, and of other memorable events that happened in the kingdom of France, as well as in other countries
Author: Enguerrand de Monstrelet
Translator: Thomas Johnes
Release date: January 4, 2016 [eBook #50839]
Most recently updated: October 22, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHRONICLES OF ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET, VOL. 01 [OF 13] ***
THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF
ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;
OF THE POSSESSION OF
PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;
_THEIR EXPULSION THENCE;_
AND OF OTHER
MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,
AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.
_A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE
FRENCH,_
_Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART
finishes, and ending at the Year MCCCCLXVII. and continued
by others to the Year MDXVI._
TRANSLATED
BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.
IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES ... VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW;
AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.
1810.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TO
HIS GRACE
_JOHN DUKE OF BEDFORD_,
_&c. &c. &c._
MY LORD,
I am happy in this opportunity of dedicating the CHRONICLES OF
MONSTRELET to your grace, to show my high respect for your many virtues,
public and private, and the value I set on the honour of your grace’s
friendship.
One of MONSTRELET’S principal characters was JOHN DUKE OF BEDFORD,
regent of France; and your grace has fully displayed your abilities, as
regent, to be at least equal to those of your namesake, in the milder
and more valuable virtues. Those of a hero may dazzle in this life; but
the others are, I trust, recorded in a better place; and your late wise,
although, unfortunately, short government of Ireland will be long and
thankfully remembered by a gallant and warm-hearted people.
I have the honour to remain,
Your grace’s much obliged,
Humble servant and friend,
_Thomas Johnes_.
_CASTLE-HILL_,
_March 13, 1808_.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CONTENTS
OF
_THE FIRST VOLUME_.
PAGE
The prologue 1
CHAP. I.
How Charles the well-beloved reigned in France,
after he had been crowned at Rheims, in the
year thirteen hundred and eighty 7
CHAP. II.
An esquire of Arragon, named Michel d’Orris,
sends challenges to England. The answer he
receives from a knight of that country 13
CHAP. III.
Great pardons granted at Rome 38
CHAP. IV.
John of Montfort, duke of Brittany, dies. The
emperor departs from Paris. Isabella queen of
England returns to France 39
CHAP. V.
The duke of Burgundy, by orders from the king
of France, goes into Brittany, and the duke
of Orleans to Luxembourg. A quarrel ensues
between them 42
CHAP. VI.
Clement duke of Bavaria is elected emperor of
Germany, and afterward conducted with a
numerous retinue to Frankfort 45
CHAP. VII.
Henry of Lancaster, king of England, combats
the Percies and Welshmen, who had invaded his
kingdom, and defeats them 47
CHAP. VIII.
John de Verchin, a knight of great renown, and
seneschal of Hainault, sends, by his herald,
a challenge into divers countries, proposing
a deed of arms 49
CHAP. IX.
The duke of Orleans, brother to the king of
France, sends a challenge to the king of
England. The answer he receives 55
CHAP. X.
Waleran count de Saint Pol sends a challenge to
the king of England 84
CHAP. XI.
Concerning the sending of sir James de Bourbon,
count de la Marche, and his two brothers, by
orders from the king of France, to the
assistance of the Welsh, and other matters 87
CHAP. XII.
The admiral of Brittany, with other lords,
fights the English at sea. Gilbert de Fretun
makes war against king Henry 89
CHAP. XIII.
The university of Paris quarrels with sir
Charles de Savoisy and with the provost of
Paris 91
CHAP. XIV.
The seneschal of Hainault performs a deed of
arms with three others, in the presence of
the king of Arragon. The admiral of Brittany
undertakes an expedition against England 95
CHAP. XV.
The marshal of France and the master of the
cross-bows, by orders from the king of
France, go to England, to the assistance of
the prince of Wales 103
CHAP. XVI.
A powerful infidel, called Tamerlane, invades
the kingdom of the king Bajazet, who marches
against and fights with him 106
CHAP. XVII.
Charles king of Navarre negotiates with the
king of France, and obtains the duchy of
Nemours. Duke Philip of Burgundy makes a
journey to Bar-le-Duc and to Brussels 108
CHAP. XVIII.
The duke of Burgundy dies in the town of Halle,
in Hainault. His body is carried to the
Carthusian convent at Dijon, in Burgundy 110
CHAP. XIX.
Waleran count de St Pol lands a large force on
the Isle of Wight, to make war against
England, but returns without having performed
any great deeds 114
CHAP. XX.
Louis duke of Orleans is sent by the king to
the pope at Marseilles. The duke of Bourbon
is ordered into Languedoc, and the constable
into Acquitaine 116
CHAP. XXI.
The death of duke Albert, count of Hainault,
and of Margaret duchess of Burgundy, daughter
to Louis earl of Flanders 120
CHAP. XXII.
John duke of Burgundy, after the death of the
duchess Margaret, is received by the
principal towns in Flanders as their lord 122
CHAP. XXIII.
Duke William count of Hainault presides at a
combat for life or death, in his town of
Quesnoy, in which one of the champions is
slain 124
CHAP. XXIV.
The count de St Pol marches an army before the
castle of Mercq, where the English from
Calais meet and discomfit him 126
CHAP. XXV.
John duke of Burgundy goes to Paris, and causes
the dauphin and queen to return thither, whom
the duke of Orleans was carrying off, with
other matters 136
CHAP. XXVI.
Duke John of Burgundy obtains from the king of
France the government of Picardy. An embassy
from England to France. An account of Clugnet
de Brabant, knight 157
CHAP. XXVII.
The war is renewed between the dukes of Bar and
Lorraine. Marriages concluded at Compiegne.
An alliance between the dukes of Orleans and
Burgundy 161
CHAP. XXVIII.
The duke of Orleans, by the king’s orders,
marches a powerful army to Acquitaine, and
besieges Blay and le Bourg 167
CHAP. XXIX.
The duke of Burgundy prevails on the king of
France and his council, that he may have
permission to assemble men at arms to besiege
Calais 169
CHAP. XXX.
The prelates and clergy of France are summoned
to attend the king at Paris, on the subject
of an union of the church 174
CHAP. XXXI.
The Liegeois eject their bishop, John of
Bavaria, for refusing to be consecrated as a
churchman, according to his promise 176
CHAP. XXXII.
Anthony duke of Limbourg takes possession of
that duchy, and afterward of the town of
Maestricht, to the great displeasure of the
Liegeois 179
CHAP. XXXIII.
Ambassadors from pope Gregory arrive at Paris,
with bulls from the pope to the king and
university of Paris 182
CHAP. XXXIV.
The duke of Orleans receives the duchy of
Acquitaine, as a present, from the king of
France. A truce concluded between England and
France 188
CHAP. XXXV.
The prince of Wales, accompanied by his two
uncles, marches a considerable force to wage
war against the Scots 189
CHAP. XXXVI.
The duke of Orleans, only brother to Charles
VI. the well beloved, king of France, is
inhumanly assassinated in the town of Paris 191
CHAP. XXXVII.
The duchess of Orleans with her youngest son
wait on the king in Paris, to make complaint
of the cruel murder of the late duke her
husband 206
CHAP. XXXVIII.
The duke of Burgundy assembles a number of his
dependants, at Lille in Flanders, to a
council, respecting the death of the duke of
Orleans. He goes to Amiens, and thence to
Paris 211
CHAP. XXXIX.
The duke of Burgundy offers his justification,
for having caused the death of the duke of
Orleans, in the presence of the king and his
great council 220
CHAP. XL.
The king of France sends a solemn embassy to
the pope. The answer they receive. The pope
excommunicates the king and his adherents 302
CHAP. XLI.
The university of Paris declares against the
pope della Luna, in the presence of the king
of France. King Louis of Sicily leaves Paris.
Of the borgne de la Heuse 315
CHAP. XLII.
The duke of Burgundy departs from Paris, on
account of the affairs of Liege. The king of
Spain combats the saracen fleet. The king of
Hungary writes to the university of Paris 320
CHAP. XLIII.
How all the prelates and clergy of France were
summoned to Paris. The arrival of the queen
and of the duchess of Orleans 325
CHAP. XLIV.
The duchess-dowager of Orleans and her son
cause a public answer to be made, at Paris,
to the charges of the duke of Burgundy
against the late duke of Orleans, and
challenge the duke of Burgundy for his murder 331
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
_LIFE OF MONSTRELET_.
Materials for the biography of Monstrelet are still more scanty than for
that of Froissart. The most satisfactory account, both of his life and
of the continuators of his history, is contained in the Memoires de
l’Académie de Belles Lettres, vol. XLIII. p. 535. by M. Dacier.
‘We are ignorant of the birthplace of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, and of
the period when he was born, as well as of the names of his parents. All
we know is, that he sprang from a noble family,—which he takes care to
tell us himself, in his introduction to the first volume of the
chronicles; and his testimony is confirmed by a variety of original
deeds, in which his name is always accompanied with the distinction of
‘noble man,’ or ‘esquire.[1]’
‘According to the historian of the Cambresis, Monstrelet was descended
from a noble family settled in Ponthieu from the beginning of the
twelfth century, where one of his ancestors, named Enguerrand, possessed
the estate of Monstrelet in the year 1125,—but Carpentier does not name
his authority for this. A contemporary historian (Matthieu de Couci, of
whom I shall have occasion to speak in the course of this essay,) who
lived at Peronne, and who seems to have been personally acquainted with
Monstrelet, positively asserts that this historian was a native of the
county of the Boulonnois, without precisely mentioning the place of his
birth. This authority ought to weigh much: besides, Ponthieu and the
Boulonnois are so near to each other that a mistake on this point might
easily have happened. It results, from what these two writers say, that
we may fix his birthplace in Picardy.
‘M. l’abbé Carlier, however, in his history of the duchy of Valois,
claims this honour for his province, wherein he has discovered an
ancient family of the same name,—a branch of which, he pretends, settled
in the Cambresis, and he believes that from this branch sprung
Enguerrand de Monstrelet. This opinion is advanced without proof, and
the work of Monstrelet itself is sufficient to destroy it. He shows so
great an affection for Picardy, in divers parts of his chronicle, that
we cannot doubt of his being strongly attached to it: he is better
acquainted with it than with any other parts of the realm: he enters
into the fullest details concerning it: he frequently gives the names of
such picard gentlemen, whether knights or esquires, as had been engaged
in any battle, which he omits to do in regard to the nobility of other
countries,—in the latter case, naming only the chief commanders. It is
almost always from the bailiff of Amiens that he reports the royal
edicts, letters missive, and ordinances, &c. which abound in the two
first volumes. In short, he speaks of the Picards with so much interest,
and relates their gallant actions with such pleasure, that it clearly
appears that he treats them like countrymen.
‘Monstrelet was a nobleman then, and a nobleman of Picardy; but we have
good reason to suspect that his birth was not spotless. John le Robert,
abbot of St Aubert in Cambray from the year 1432 to that of 1469, and
author of an exact journal of every thing that passed during his time in
the town of Cambray and its environs, under the title of ‘Memoriaux,’[2]
says plainly, ‘_qu’il fut né de bas_,’—which term, according to the
glossary of du Cange, and in the opinion of learned genealogists,
constantly means a natural son; for at this period, bastards were
acknowledged according to the rank of their fathers. Monstrelet,
therefore, was not the less noble; and the same John le Robert qualifies
him, two lines higher, with the titles of ‘noble man’ and ‘esquire,’ to
which he adds an eulogium, which I shall hereafter mention,—because, at
the same time that it does honour to Monstrelet, it confirms the opinion
I had formed of his character when attentively reading his work.
‘My researches to discover the precise year of his birth have been
fruitless. I believe, however, it may be safely placed prior to the
close of the fourteenth century; for, besides speaking of events at the
beginning of the fifteenth as having happened in his time, he states
positively, in his introduction, that he had been told of the early
events in his book (namely, from the year 1400,) by persons worthy of
credit, who had been eye-witnesses of them. To this proof, or to this
deduction, I shall add, that under the year 1415, he says, that he heard
(_at the time_) of the anger of the count de Charolois, afterwards
Philippe le bon duke of Burgundy, because his governors would not permit
him to take part in the battle of Azincourt. I shall also add, that
under the year 1420, he speaks of the homage which John duke of Burgundy
paid the king of the Romans for the counties of Burgundy and of Alost.
It cannot be supposed that he would have inquired into such particulars,
or that any one would have taken the trouble to inform him of them if he
had not been of a certain age, such as twenty or twenty-five years old,
which would fix the date of his birth about 1390 or 1395.
‘No particulars of his early years are known, except that he evinced,
when young, a love for application, and a dislike to indolence. The
quotations from Sallust, Livy, Vegetius, and other ancient authors, that
occur in his chronicles, show that he must have made some progress in
latin literature. Whether his love for study was superior to his desire
of military glory, or whether a weakly constitution or some other
reason, prevented him from following the profession of arms, I do not
find that he yielded to the reigning passion of his age, when the names
of gentleman and of soldier were almost synonimous.
‘The wish to avoid indolence by collecting the events of his time, which
he testifies in the introduction to his chronicles, proves, I think,
that he was but a tranquil spectator of them. Had he been an Armagnac or
a Burgundian, he would not have had occasion to seek for solitary
occupations; but what proves more strongly that Monstrelet was not of
either faction is the care he takes to inform his readers of the rank,
quality, and often of the names of the persons from whose report he
writes, without ever boasting of his own testimony. In his whole work,
he speaks but once from his own knowledge, when he relates the manner in
which the Pucelle d’Orléans was made prisoner before Compiégne; but he
does not say, that he was present at the skirmish when this unfortunate
heroine was taken: he gives us to understand the contrary, and that he
was only present at the conversation of the prisoner with the duke of
Burgundy,—for he had accompanied Philip on this expedition, perhaps in
quality of historian. And why may not we presume that he may have done
so on other occasions, to be nearer at hand to collect the real state of
facts which he intended to relate?
‘However this may be, it is certain that he was resident in Cambray,
when he composed his history, and passed there the remainder of his
life. He was indeed fixed there, as I shall hereafter state, by
different important employments, each of which required the residence of
him who enjoyed them. From his living in Cambray, La Croix du Maine has
concluded, without further examination, that he was born there, and this
mistake has been copied by other writers.
‘Monstrelet was married to Jeanne de Valbuon, or Valhuon, and had
several children by her, although only two of them were known,—a
daughter called Bona, married to Martin de Beulaincourt, a gentleman of
that country, surnamed the Bold, and a son of the name of Pierre. It is
probable, that Bona was married, or of age, prior to the year 1438,—for
in the register of the officiality of Cambray, towards the end of that
year, is an entry, that Enguerrand de Monstrelet was appointed guardian
to his young son Pierre, without any mention of his daughter Bona. It
follows, therefore, that Monstrelet was a widower at that period.
‘In the year 1436, Monstrelet was nominated to the office of Lieutenant
du Gavènier of the Cambresis, conjointly with Le Bon de Saveuses, master
of the horse to the duke of Burgundy, as appears from the letters patent
to this effect, addressed by the duke to his nephew the count
d’Estampes, of the date of the 13th May in this year, and which are
preserved in the chartulary of the church of Cambray.
‘It is even supposed that Monstrelet had for some time enjoyed this
office,—for it is therein declared, that he shall continue in the
receipt of the Gavène, as he has heretofore done, until this present
time. ‘Gave,’ or ‘Gavène,’ (I speak from the papers I have just quoted,)
signifies in Flemish, a gift, or a present. It was an annual due payable
to the duke of Burgundy, by the subjects of the churches in the
Cambresis, for his protection of them as earl of Flanders. From the name
of the tribute was formed that of Gavènier, which was often given to the
duke of Burgundy, and the nobleman he appointed his deputy was styled
Lieutenant du Gavènier. I have said ‘the nobleman whom he appointed,’
because in the list of those lieutenants, which the historian of Cambray
has published, there is not one who has not shown sufficient proofs of
nobility. Such was, therefore, the employment with which Monstrelet was
invested; and shortly after, another office was added to it, that of
Bailiff to the chapter of Cambray, for which he took the oaths on the
20th of June, 1436, and entered that day on its duties. He kept this
place until the beginning of January, in the year 1440, when another was
appointed.
‘I have mentioned Pierre de Monstrelet, his son; and it is probable that
he is the person who was made a knight of St John of Jerusalem in the
month of July, in 1444, although the acts of the chapter of Cambray do
not confirm this opinion, nor specify the Christian name of the new
knight by that of Pierre. It is only declared in the register, that the
canons, as an especial favour, on the 6th of July, permitted Enguerrand
de Monstrelet, esquire, to have his son invested with the order of St
John of Jerusalem, on Sunday the 19th of the same month, in the choir of
their church.
‘The respect and consideration which he had now acquired, gained him the
dignity of governor of Cambray, for which he took the usual oath on the
9th of November; and on the 12th of March, in the following year, he was
nominated bailiff of Wallaincourt. He retained both of these places
until his death, which happened about the middle of July, in the year
1453. This date cannot be disputed: it was discovered in the 17th
century by John le Carpentier, who has inserted it in his history of the
Cambresis. But in consequence of little attention being paid to this
work, or because the common opinion has been blindly followed, that
Monstrelet had continued his history to the death of the duke of
Burgundy in 1467, this date was not considered as true until the
publication of an extract from the register of the Cordeliers in
Cambray, where he was buried.[3] Although this extract fully establishes
the year and month when Monstrelet died, I shall insert here what
relates to it from the ‘Memoriaux’ of John le Robert, before mentioned,
because they contain some circumstances that are not to be found in the
register of the Cordeliers. When several years of his history are to be
retrenched from an historian of such credit, authorities for so doing
cannot be too much multiplied. This is the text of the abbot of St
Aubert, and I have put in italics the words that are not in the
register:
“The 20th day of July, in the year 1453, that honourable
and noble man Enguerrand de Monstrelet, esquire,
governor of Cambray, and bailiff of Wallaincourt,
departed this life, and was buried at the Cordeliers of
Cambray, according to his desire. He was carried thither
on a bier covered with a mat, clothed in the frock of a
cordelier friar, his face uncovered: six flambeaux and
three chirons, each weighing three quarters of a pound,
were around the bier, whereon was _a sheet thrown over_
the cordelier frock. _Il fut nez de bas_, and was a very
honourable and _peaceable_ man. He chronicled the wars
which took place in his time in France, Artois, Picardy,
England, Flanders, and those of the Gantois against
their lord duke Philip. He died fifteen or sixteen days
before peace was concluded, which took place toward the
end of July, in the year 1453.”
‘I shall observe, by the way, that the person who drew up this register
assigns two different dates for the death of Monstrelet, and in this he
has been followed by John le Robert. Both of them say, that Monstrelet
died on the 20th of July,—and, a few lines farther, add, that he died
about sixteen days before peace was concluded between duke Philip and
Ghent, which was signed about the end of the month: it was, in fact,
concluded on the 31st: now, from twenty to thirty-one, we can only
reckon eleven days,—and I therefore think, that one of these dates must
mean the day of his death, and the other that of his funeral,—namely,
that Monstrelet died on the 15th and was buried on the 20th. The precise
date of his death is, however, of little importance: it is enough for us
to be assured, that it took place in the month of July, in 1453, and
consequently that the thirteen last years of his history, printed under
his name, cannot have been written by him. I shall examine this first
continuation of his history, and endeavour to ascertain the time when
Monstrelet ceased to write,—and likewise attempt to discover whether,
during the years immediately preceding his death, some things have not
been inserted that do not belong to him.
‘Before I enter upon this discussion of his work, I shall conclude what
I have to say of him personally, according to what the writer of the
register of the Cordeliers and the abbot of St Aubert testify of him. He
was, says each of them, ‘a very honourable and peaceable man;’
expressions that appear simple at first sight, but which contain a real
eulogium, if we consider the troublesome times in which Monstrelet
lived, the places he held, the interest he must have had sometimes to
betray the truth in favour of one of the factions which then divided
France, and caused the revolutions the history of which he has published
during the life of the principal actors. I have had more than one
occasion to ascertain that the two above-mentioned writers, in thus
painting his character, have not flattered him.
‘The Chronicles of Monstrelet commence on Easter-day,[4] in the year
1400, when those of Froissart end, and extend to the death of the duke
of Burgundy in the year 1467. I have before stated, that the thirteen
last years of his chronicle were written by an unknown author,—and this
matter I shall discuss at the end of this essay. In the printed as well
as in the manuscript copies, the chronicle is divided into three
volumes, and each volume into chapters. The first of these divisions is
evidently by the author: his prologues at the head of the first and
second volumes, in which he marks the extent of each conformable to the
number of years therein contained, leave no room to doubt of it.
‘His work is called Chronicles; but we must not, however, consider this
title in the sense commonly attached to it, which merely conveys the
idea of simple annals. The chronicles of Monstrelet are real history,
wherein, notwithstanding its imperfections and omissions, are found all
the characteristics of historical writing. He traces events to their
source, developes the causes, and traces them with the minutest details;
and what renders these chronicles infinitely precious is, his
never-failing attention to report all edicts, declarations, summonses,
letters, negotiations, treaties, &c. as justificatory proofs of the
truth of the facts he relates.
‘After the example of Froissart, he does not confine himself to events
that passed in France: he embraces, with almost equal detail, the most
remarkable circumstances which happened during his time in Flanders,
England, Scotland and Ireland. He relates, but more succinctly,
whatsoever he had been informed of as having passed in Germany, Italy,
Hungary, Poland: in short, in the different european states. Some
events, particularly the war of the Saracens against the king of Cyprus,
are treated at greater length than could have been expected in a general
history.
‘Although it appears that the principal object of Monstrelet in writing
this history was to preserve the memory of those wars which in his time,
desolated France and the adjoining countries, to bring into public
notice such personages as distinguished themselves by actions of valour
in battles, assaults, skirmishes, duels and tournaments,—and to show to
posterity that his age had produced as many heroes as any of the
preceding ones. He does not fail to give an account of such great
political or ecclesiastical events as took place during the period of
which he seemed only inclined to write the military history. He relates
many important details respecting the councils of Pisa, Constance, and
of Basil, of which the authors who have written the history of these
councils ought to have availed themselves, to compare them with the
other materials of which they made use.
‘There is no historian who does not seek to gain the confidence of his
readers, by first explaining in a preface all that he has done to
acquire the fullest information respecting the events he is about to
relate. All protest that they have not omitted any possible means to
ascertain the truth of facts, and that they have spared neither time nor
trouble to collect the minutest details concerning them. Without doubt,
great deductions must be made from such protestations: those of
Monstrelet, however, are accompanied with circumstances which convince
us that a dependance may be placed on them. Would he have dared to tell
his contemporaries, who could instantly have detected a falsehood had he
imposed on them, that he had been careful to consult on military affairs
those who, from their employments, must have been eye-witnesses of the
actions that he describes? that on other matters he had consulted such
as, from their situations, must have been among the principal actors,
and the great lords of both parties, whom he had often to address, to
engage in conversation on these events, at divers times, to confront
them, as it were, with themselves? On objects of less importance, such
as feasts, justs, tournaments, he had made his inquiries from heralds,
poursuivants, and kings at arms, who, from their office, must have been
appointed judges of the lists, or assistants, at such entertainments and
pastimes. For greater security, it was always more than a year after any
event had happened, before he began to arrange his materials and insert
them in his chronicle. He waited until time should have destroyed what
may have been exaggerated in the accounts of such events, or should have
confirmed their truth.
‘An infinite number of traits throughout his work proves the fidelity of
his narration. He marks the difference between facts of which he is
perfectly sure and those of which he is doubtful: if he cannot produce
his proof, he says so, and does not advance more. When he thinks that he
has omitted some details which he ought to have known, he frankly owns
that he has forgotten them. For instance, when speaking of the
conversation between the duke of Burgundy and the Pucelle d’Orléans, at
which he was present, he recollects that some circumstances have escaped
his memory, and avows that he does not remember them.
‘When after having related any event, he gains further knowledge
concerning it, he immediately informs his readers of it, and either adds
to or retrenches from his former narration, conformably to the last
information he had received. Froissart acted in a similar manner; and
Montaigne praises him for it. ‘The good Froissart,’ says he, ‘proceeds
in his undertaking with such frank simplicity that having committed a
mistake he is no way afraid of owning it, and of correcting it at the
moment he is sensible of it.’[5] We ought certainly to feel ourselves
obliged to these two writers for their attention in returning back to
correct any mistakes; but we should have been more thankful to them if
they had been pleased to add their corrections to the articles which had
been mistated, instead of scattering their amendments at hazard, as it
were, and leaving the readers to connect and compare them with the
original article as well as they can.
‘This is not the only defect common to both these historians. The
greater part of the chronological mistakes, which have been so ably
corrected by M. de Sainte Palaye in Froissart, are to be found in
Monstrelet; and what deserves particularly to be noticed, to avoid
falling into errors, is, that each of them, when passing from the
history of one country to another, introduces events of an earlier date,
without ever mentioning it, and intermix them in the same chapter, as if
they had taken place in the same period,—but Monstrelet has the
advantage of Froissart in the correctness of counting the years, which
he invariably begins on Easter-day and closes them on Easter-eve.
‘To chronological mistakes must be added the frequent disfiguring of
proper names,—more especially foreign ones, which are often so mangled
that it is impossible to decipher them. M. du Cange has corrected from
one thousand to eleven hundred on the margin of his copy of the edition
of 1572, which is now in the imperial library at Paris, and would be of
great assistance, should another edition of Monstrelet be called for.[6]
Names of places are not more clearly written, excepting those in
Flanders and Picardy, with which, of course, he was well acquainted. We
know not whether it be through affectation or ignorance that he calls
many towns by their latin names, frenchifying the termination: for
instance, Aix-la-Chapelle, Aquisgranie; Oxford, Oxonie,—and several
others in the like manner.
‘These defects are far from being repaid, as they are in Froissart, by
the agreeableness of the narration: that of Monstrelet is heavy,
monotonous, weak and diffuse. Sometimes a whole page is barely
sufficient for him to relate what would have been better told in six
lines; and it is commonly on the least important facts that he labours
the most.
‘The second chapter of the first volume, consisting of thirteen pages,
contains only a challenge from a spanish esquire, accepted by an esquire
of England, which, after four years of letters and messages, ends in
nothing. The ridiculousness of so pompous a narration had struck
Rabelais, who says, at page 158 of his third volume,—‘In reading this
tedious detail, (which he calls a little before _le tant long, curieux
et fâcheux conte_) we should imagine that it was the beginning, or
occasion, of some severe war, or of a great revolution of kingdoms; but
at the end of the tale we laugh at the stupid champion, the Englishman,
and Enguerrand their scribe, _plus baveux qu’un pot à moutarde_.’[7]
‘Monstrelet employs many pages to report the challenges sent by the duke
of Orleans, brother to king Charles VI., to Henry IV. king of
England,—challenges which are equally ridiculous with the former, and
which had a similar termination. When he meets with any event that
particularly regards Flanders or Picardy, he does not omit the smallest
circumstance: the most minute and most useless seem to him worth
preserving,—and this same man, so prolix when it were to be wished he
was concise, omits, for the sake of brevity, as he says, the most
interesting details. This excuse he repeats more than once, for
neglecting to enlarge on facts far more interesting than the quarrels of
the Flemings and Picards. When speaking of those towns in Champagne and
Brie which surrendered to Charles VII. immediately after his coronation,
he says, ‘As for these surrenders, I omit the particular detail of each
for the sake of brevity.’ In another place, he says, ‘Of these
reparations, for brevity sake, I shall not make mention.’ These
reparations were the articles of the treaty of peace concluded in 1437,
between the duke of Burgundy and the townsmen of Bruges.
‘I have observed an omission of another sort, but which must be
attributed solely to the copyists,—for I suspect them of having lost a
considerable part of a chapter in the second volume. The head of this
chapter is, ‘The duke of Orleans returns to the duke of Burgundy,’—and
the beginning of it describes the meeting of the two princes in the town
of Hêdin in 1441 (1442). They there determine to meet again almost
immediately in the town of Nevers, ‘with many others of the great
princes and lords of the kingdom of France,’ and at the end of eight
days they separate; the one taking the road through Paris for Blois, and
the other going into Burgundy.
‘This recital consists of about twenty lines, and then we read, ‘Here
follows a copy of the declaration sent to king Charles of France by the
lords assembled at Nevers, with the answers returned thereto by the
members of the great council, and certain requests made by them.’ This
title is followed by the declaration he has mentioned, and the answer
the king made to the ambassadors who had presented it to him.—Now, can
it be conceived that Monstrelet would have been silent as to the object
of the assembly of nobles? or not have named some of those who had been
present? and that, after having mentioned Nevers as the place of
meeting, he should have passed over every circumstance respecting it, to
the declarations and resolutions that had there been determined upon?
There are two reasons for concluding that part of this chapter must be
wanting: first, when Monstrelet returns to his narration, after having
related the king’s answer to the assembled lords, he speaks as having
before mentioned them, ‘the aforesaid lords,’ and I have just noticed
that he names none of them; secondly, when in the next chapter he
relates the expedition to Tartas, which was to decide on the fate of
Guienne, as having before mentioned it, ‘of which notice has been taken
in another place,’ it must have been in the preceding chapter,—but it is
not there spoken of, nor in any other place.
‘If the numerous imperfections of Monstrelet are not made amends for, as
I have said, by the beauty of his style, we must allow that they are
compensated by advantages of another kind. His narration is diffuse, but
clear,—and his style heavy, but always equal. He rarely offers any
reflections,—and they are always short and judicious. The temper of his
mind is particularly manifested by the circumstance that we do not find
in his work any ridiculous stories of sorcery, magic, astrology, or any
of those absurd prodigies which disgrace the greater part of the
historians of his time. The goodness of his heart also displays itself
in the traits of sensibility which he discovers in his recitals of
battles, sieges, and of towns won by storm: he seems then to rise
superior to himself,—and his style acquires strength and warmth. When he
relates the preparations for, and the commencement of, a war, his first
sentiment is to deplore the evils by which he foresees that the poorer
ranks will soon be overwhelmed. Whilst he paints the despair of the
wretched inhabitants of the country, pillaged and massacred by both
sides, we perceive that he is really affected by his subject, and writes
from his feelings. The writer of the cordelier register and the abbot of
St Aubert, have not, therefore, said too much, when they called him, ‘a
very honest and peaceable man.’ It appears, in fact, that benevolence
was the marked feature of his character, to which I am not afraid to add
the love of truth.
‘I know that in respect to this last virtue, his reputation is not
spotless, and that he has been commonly charged with partiality for the
house of Burgundy, and for that faction. Lancelot Voesin de la
Popeliniere is, I believe, the first who brought this accusation against
him. ‘Monstrelet,’ says he, ‘has scarcely shown himself a better
narrator than Froissart,—but a little more attached to truth, and less
of a party man.’ Denis Godefroy denies this small advantage over
Froissart which had been conceded to him by La Popeliniere. ‘Both of
them,’ he says, ‘incline toward the Burgundians.’
‘Le Gendre in his critical examination of the french historians, repeats
the same thing, but in more words. ‘Monstrelet,’ he writes, ‘too plainly
discovers his intentions of favouring, when he can, the dukes of
Burgundy and their friends.’ Many authors have adopted some of these
opinions, more or less disadvantageous to Monstrelet; hence has been
formed an almost universal prejudice, that he has, in his work, often
disfigured the truth in favour of the dukes of Burgundy.
‘I am persuaded that these different opinions, advanced without proof,
are void of foundation; and I have noticed facts, which having happened
during the years of which Monstrelet writes the history, may, from the
manner in which he narrates them, enable us to judge whether he was
capable of sacrificing truth to his attachment to the house of Burgundy.
‘In 1407, doctor John Petit, having undertaken to justify the
assassination of the duke of Orleans by orders from the duke of
Burgundy, sought to diminish the horror of such a deed, by tarnishing
the memory of the murdered prince with the blackest imputations.
Monstrelet, however, does not hesitate to say, that many persons thought
these imputations false and indecent. He reports, in the same chapter,
the divers opinions to which this unfortunate event gave rise, and does
not omit to say, that ‘many great lords, and other wise men, were much
astonished that the king should pardon the burgundian prince,
considering that the crime was committed on the person of the duke of
Orleans.’ We perceive, in reading this passage, that Monstrelet was of
the same opinion with the ‘other wise men.’
‘In 1408, Charles VI. having insisted that the children of the late duke
of Orleans should be reconciled to the duke of Burgundy, they were
forced to consent.—‘Sire, since you are pleased to command us, we grant
his request;’ and Monstrelet lets it appear that he considers their
compliance as a weakness, which he excuses on account of their youth,
and the state of neglect they were in after the death of their mother
the duchess of Orleans, who had sunk under her grief on not being able
to avenge the murder of her husband. ‘To say the truth, in consequence
of the death of their father, and also from the loss of their mother,
they were greatly wanting in advice and support.’ He likewise relates,
at the same time, the conversations held by different great lords on
this occasion, in whom sentiments of humanity and respect for the
blood-royal were not totally extinguished. ‘That henceforward it would
be no great offence to murder a prince of the blood, since those who had
done so were so easily acquitted, without making any reparation, or even
begging pardon.’ A determined partisan of the house of Burgundy would
have abstained from transmitting such a reflection to posterity.
‘I shall mention another fact, which will be fully sufficient for the
justification of the historian. None of the writers of his time have
spoken with such minuteness of the most abominable of the actions of the
duke of Burgundy: I mean that horrid conspiracy which he had planned in
1415, by sending his emissaries to Paris to intrigue and bring it to
maturity, and the object of which was nothing less than to seize and
confine the king, and to put him to death, with the queen, the
chancellor of France, the queen of Sicily, and numberless others.
Monstrelet lays open, without reserve, all the circumstances of the
conspiracy: he tells us by whom it was discovered: he names the
principal conspirators, some of whom were beheaded, others drowned.—He
adds, ‘However, those nobles whom the duke of Burgundy had sent to Paris
returned as secretly and as quietly as they could without being arrested
or stopped.’
‘An historian devoted to the duke of Burgundy would have treated this
affair more tenderly, and would not have failed to throw the whole blame
of the plot on the wicked partisans of the duke, without saying
expressly that they had acted under his directions and by his orders
contained ‘in credential letters signed with his hand.’ It is rather
singular, that Juvénal des Ursins, who cannot be suspected of being a
Burgundian, should, in his history of Charles VI. have merely related
this event, and that very summarily, without attributing any part of it
to the duke of Burgundy, whom he does not even name.
‘The impartiality of Monstrelet is not less clear in the manner in which
he speaks of the leaders of the two factions, Burgundians or Armagnacs,
who are praised or blamed without exception of persons, according to the
merit of their actions. The excesses which both parties indulged in are
described with the same strength of style, and in the same tone of
indignation. In 1411, when Charles VI. in league with the duke of
Burgundy, ordered, by an express edict, that all of the Orleans party
should be attacked as enemies throughout the kingdom, ‘it was a pitiful
thing,’ says the historian, ‘to hear daily miserable complaints of the
persecutions and sufferings of individuals.’ He is no way sparing of his
expressions in this instance, and they are still stronger in the recital
which immediately follows: ‘Three thousand combatants marched to
Bicêtre, a very handsome house belonging to the duke of Berry (who was
of the Orleans party),—and from hatred to the said duke, they destroyed
and villainously demolished the whole, excepting the walls.’
‘The interest which Monstrelet here displays for the duke of Berry,
agrees perfectly with that which he elsewhere shows for Charles VI. He
must have had a heart truly French to have painted in the manner he has
done the state of debasement and neglect to which the court of France
was reduced in 1420, compared with the pompous state of the king of
England: he is affected with the humiliation of the one, and hurt at the
magnificence of the other, which formed so great a contrast. ‘The king
of France was meanly and poorly served, and was scarcely visited on this
day by any but some old courtiers and persons of low degree, which must
have wounded all true french hearts.’ And a few lines farther, he says,
‘With regard to the state of the king of England, it is impossible to
recount its great magnificence and pomp, or to describe the grand
entertainments and attendance in his palace.’
‘This idea had made such an impression on him that he returns again to
it on occasion of the solemn feast of Whitsuntide, which the king and
queen of England came to celebrate in Paris, in 1422. ‘On this day, the
king and queen of England held a numerous and magnificent court,—but
king Charles remained with his queen at the palace of St Pol, neglected
by all, which caused great grief to numbers of loyal Frenchmen, and not
without cause.’
‘These different traits, thus united, form a strong conclusion, or I am
deceived, that Monstrelet has been too lightly charged with partiality
for the house of Burgundy, and with disaffection to the crown of France.
‘I have hitherto only spoken of the two first volumes of the chronicles
of Monstrelet; the third, which commences in April 1444, I think should
be treated of separately, because I scarcely see any thing in it that
may be attributed to him. In the first place, the thirteen last years,
from his death in 1453 to that of the duke of Burgundy in 1467, which
form the contents of the greater part of this volume, cannot have been
written by him. Secondly, the nine preceding years, of which Monstrelet,
who was then living, may have been the author, seem to me to be written
by another hand. We do not find in this part either his style or manner
of writing: instead of that prolixity which has been so justly found
fault with, the whole is treated with the dryness of the poorest
chronicle: it is an abridged journal of what passed worthy of
remembrance in Europe, but more particularly in France, from 1444 to
1453,—in which the events are arranged methodically, according to the
days on which they happened, without other connexion than that of the
dates.
‘Each of the two first volumes is preceded by a prologue, which serves
as an introduction to the history of the events that follow: the third
has neither prologue nor preface. In short, with the exception of the
sentence passed on the duke of Alençon, there are not, in this volume,
any justificatory pieces, negotiations, letters, treaties, ordinances,
which constitute the principal merit of the two preceding ones. It
would, however, have been very easy for the compiler to have imitated
Monstrelet in this point, for the greater part of these pieces are
reported by the chronicler of St Denis, whom he often quotes in his
first fifty pages. I am confirmed in this idea by having examined into
the truth of different events, when I found that the compiler had
scarcely done more than copy, word for word,—sometimes from the Grandes
Chroniques of France,—at others, though rarely, from the history of
Charles VII. by Jean Chartier, and, still more rarely, from the
chronicler of Arras, of whom he borrows some facts relative to the
history of Flanders.[8]
‘To explain this resemblance, it cannot be said that the editors of the
Grandes Chroniques have copied Monstrelet, for the Grandes Chroniques
are often quoted in this third volume, which consequently must have been
written posterior to them. There would be as little foundation to
suppose that Monstrelet had copied them himself, and inserted only such
facts as more particularly belonged to the history of the dukes of
Burgundy. The difference of the plan and execution of the two first
volumes and of this evidently points out another author. But should any
doubt remain, it will soon be removed by the evidence of a contemporary
writer, who precisely fixes on the year 1444 as the conclusion of the
labours of Monstrelet.
‘Matthieu d’Escouchy, or de Couci, author of a history published by
Denis Godefroy, at the end of that of Charles VII. by Chartier, thus
expresses himself in the prologue at the beginning of his work: ‘I shall
commence my said history from the 20th day of May, in the year 1444,
when the last book, which that noble and valiant man Enguerrand de
Monstrelet chronicled in his time, concludes. He was a native of the
county of the Boulonnois, and at the time of his death was governor and
citizen of Cambray, whose works will be in renown long after his
decease. It is my intention to take up the history where the late
Enguerrand left it,—namely, at the truces which were made and concluded
at Tours, in Touraine, in the month of May, on the day and year before
mentioned, between the most excellent, most powerful, Charles, the
well-served king of France, of most noble memory, seventh of the name,
and Henry king of England his nephew.’
‘These truces conclude the last chapter of the second volume of
Monstrelet: it is there where the real chronicles end; and he has
improperly been hitherto considered as the author of the history of the
nine years that preceded his death, for I cannot suppose that the
evidence of Matthieu de Coucy will be disputed. He was born at Quesnoy,
in Hainault, and living at Peronne while Monstrelet resided at Cambray.
The proximity of the places must have enabled him to be fully informed
of every thing that concerned the historian and his work.
‘If we take from Monstrelet what has been improperly attributed to him,
it is but just to restore that which legally belongs to him. According
to the register of the Cordeliers of Cambray, and the Memoriaux of Jean
le Robert, he had written the history of the war of the Ghent-men
against the duke of Burgundy. Now the events of this war, which began in
the month of April 1452, and was not terminated before the end of July
in the following year, are related with much minuteness in the third
volume.[9] After the authorities above quoted, we cannot doubt that
Monstrelet was the author, if not of the whole account, at least of the
greater part of it: I say ‘part of it,’ for he could not have narrated
the end of this war, since peace between the Ghent-men and their prince
was not concluded until the 31st July, and Monstrelet was buried on the
20th. It is not even probable that he would have had time to collect the
events that happened at the beginning of the month, unless we suppose
that he died suddenly; whence I think it may be conjectured, that
Monstrelet ceased to write towards the end of June, when the castle of
Helsebecque was taken by the duke of Burgundy, and that the history of
the war was written by another hand, who may have arranged the materials
which Monstrelet had collected, but had not reduced to order.
‘There seems here to arise a sort of contradiction between Matthieu de
Coucy, who fixes, as I have said, the conclusion of Monstrelet’s writing
at the year 1444, and the register of the Cordeliers, which agrees with
the Memoriaux of Jean le Robert; but this contradiction will vanish, if
we reflect that the history of the revolt of Ghent, in 1453, is an
insulated matter, having no connexion with the history of the reign of
Charles VII. and that it cannot be considered as forming part of the two
first volumes, from which it is detached by a space of eight years.
Matthieu de Coucy, therefore, who may not, perhaps, have known of this
historical fragment, was entitled to say, that the chronicles written by
Monstrelet ended at the year 1444.
‘The continuator of these chronicles having reported the conclusion of
the war between the Ghent-men and their prince, then copies
indiscriminately from the Grandes Chroniques, or from Jean Chartier,
with more or less exactness, as may readily be discovered on collating
them, as I have done. He only adds some facts relative to the history of
Burgundy, and carries the history to the death of Charles VII. This
part, which is more interesting than the former, because the writer has
added to the chronicles facts in which they were deficient, is more
defective in the arrangement. Several events that relate to the general
history of the realm are told twice over, and in succession,—first in an
abridged state, and then more minutely,—and sometimes with differences
so great that it seems impossible that both should have been written by
the same person.[10]
‘This defect, however, we cannot without injustice attribute to the
continuator of Monstrelet,—for it is clearly perceptible that he only
treats of the general history of France in as far as it is connected
with that of Burgundy, and we cannot suppose that he would repeat twice
events foreign to the principal object of his work. It is much more
natural to believe that the abridged accounts are his, and that the
first copiers, thinking they were too short, have added the whole detail
of these articles from the Grandes Chroniques or from Jean Chartier,
whence he had been satisfied with merely making extracts.
‘From the death of Charles VII. in 1461, to that of Philip duke of
Burgundy, we meet with no more of these repetitions. The historian (for
he then deserves the name) leaves off copying the Chronicles, and
advances without a guide: consequently, he is very frequently
bewildered. I shall not attempt to notice his faults, which are the same
with those of Monstrelet, and I could but repeat what I have said
before. There is, however, one which is peculiar to him, and which
pervades the whole work: it is an outrageous partiality for the house of
Burgundy.
‘We may excuse him for having written, under the title of a General
History of France, the particular history of Burgundy, and for having
only treated of that of France incidentally, in as far as it interested
the burgundian princes. We may, indeed, more readily pardon him for
having painted Charles VII. as a voluptuous monarch, and Louis XI.
sometimes as a tyrant, at others as a deep and ferocious politician,
holding in contempt the most sacred engagements. But the fidelity of
history required that he should not have been silent as to the vices of
the duke of Burgundy and his son, who plunged France into an abyss of
calamities, and that his predilection for these two princes should not
burst forth in every page.
‘The person who continued this first part of the chronicles of
Monstrelet has been hitherto unknown, but I believe a lucky accident has
enabled me to discover him. Dom Berthod, a learned benedictine monk of
the congregation of St Vanne, having employed himself for these many
years in searching the libraries and ancient rolls in Flanders for facts
relative to our history, has made a report with extracts from numerous
manuscripts, of which we had only vague ideas. He has had the goodness
to communicate some of them to me, and among others the chronicle of
Jacques du Clercq,[11] which begins at 1448, and ends, like the
continuator of Monstrelet, at the death of the duke of Burgundy in 1467.
In order to give a general idea of the contents of the work, D. Berthod
has copied, with the utmost exactness, the table of chapters composed by
Jacques du Clercq himself, as he tells us in his prologue. I have
compared this table and the extracts with the continuation of
Monstrelet, and have observed such a similarity, particularly from the
year 1453 to 1467, that I think it impossible for any two writers to be
so exactly the same unless one had copied after the other.
‘As we do not possess the whole of this chronicle, I can but offer this
as a very probable conjecture, which will be corroborated, when it is
considered that Jacques du Clercq and the continuator of Monstrelet
lived in the same country. The first resided in Arras; and by the minute
details the second enters into concerning Flanders, we may judge that he
was an inhabitant of that country. Some villages burnt, or events still
less interesting, and unknown beyond the places where they happened, are
introduced into his history. In like manner, we should discover without
difficulty (if it were otherwise unknown), that the editor of the
Grandes Chroniques was a monk of the abbey of St Denis, when he gravely
relates, as an important event, that on such a day the scullion of the
abbey was found dead in his bed,—and that a peasant of Clignancourt beat
his wife until she died.
‘To these divers relations between the two writers, we must add the
period when they wrote. We see by the preface of Jacques du Clercq, that
he composed his history shortly after the death of Philip duke of
Burgundy in 1467; and the continuator of Monstrelet, when speaking of
the arrest of the bastard de Rubempré in Holland, whither he had been
sent by Louis XI. says, that the bastard was a prisoner at the time he
was writing, ‘at the end of February 1468, before Easter;’ that is to
say, that he was at work on his history in the month of February 1469,
according to our mode of beginning the year.
‘Whether this continuation be an abridgment of the chronicle of Jacques
du Clercq or an original chronicle, it seems very clear that Monstrelet
has been tried by the merits of this third volume, and that his
reputation of being a party-writer has been grounded on the false
opinion that he was the author of it.
‘I cannot close this essay without expressing my surprise that no one,
before the publication of the article respecting Monstrelet in the
register of the Cordeliers, had suspected that part, at least, of this
third volume, which has been attributed to him, could not have come from
his hand. Any attentive reader must have been struck with the passage
where the continuator relates the death of Charles duke of Orleans,
when, after recapitulating in a few words the misfortunes which the
murder of his father had caused to France, he refers the reader for more
ample details to the history ‘of Monstrelet:’ as ‘may be seen,’ says he,
‘in the Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet.’
‘I shall not notice the other continuations, which carry the history to
the reign of Francis I.; for this article has been discussed by M. de
Foncemagne, in an essay read before the Academy in 1742;[12] nor the
different editions of Monstrelet. M. le Duchat, in his ‘Remarques sur
divers Sujets de Littérature,’ and the editor of ‘La nouvelle
Bibliothéque des Historiens de France,’ have left nothing more to be
said on the subject.’
------------------------------------------------------------------------
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE CHRONICLE OF ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET, BY M. DE
FONCEMAGNE, MENTIONED IN THE PRECEDING PAGE, TRANSLATED
FROM THE XVITH VOLUME OF THE ‘MEMOIRES DE L’ACADÉMIE DE
BELLES LETTRES,’ &c.
The Chronicle of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, governor of Cambray,
commences at the year 1400, where that of Froissart ends, and terminates
at 1467; but different editors have successively added several
continuations, which bring it down to the year 1516.
The critics have before remarked, that the first of these additions was
nothing more than a chronicle of Louis XI. known under the name of the
‘Chronique Scandaleuse,’ and attributed to John de Troyes, registrar of
the hôtel de ville of Paris. Those who have made this remark should have
added, that the beginning of the two works is different, and that they
only become uniform at the description of the great floods of the Seine
and Marne, which happened in 1460, for the author takes up the history
at that year. This event will be found at the ninth page of the
Chronique Scandaleuse (in the second volume of the Brussels-edition of
Comines), and at the third leaf of the last volume of Monstrelet (second
order of ciphers) edition of 1603.
The second continuation includes the whole of the reign of Charles VIII.
It is written by Pierre Desrey, who styles himself in the title, ‘simple
orateur de Troyes en Champagne.’ The greater part of this addition, more
especially what respects the invasion of Italy, is again to be met with
at the end of the translation of Gaguin’s chronicle made by this same
Desrey,—at the conclusion of ‘La Chronique de Bretagne,’ by Alain
Bouchard,—and in the history of Charles VIII. by M. Godefroi, page 190,
where it is called ‘a relation of the expedition of Charles VIII.’
M. de Foncemagne says nothing more of the other continuations, which he
had not occasion to examine with the same care; but he thinks they may
have been taken from those which Desrey has added to his translation of
Gaguin, as far as the year 1538. This notice may be useful to those who
shall study the history of Louis XI. and of Charles VIII. inasmuch as it
will spare them the trouble and disgust of reading several times the
same things, which they could have no reason to suspect had been copied
from each other.
We should be under great obligations to the authors of rules for
reading, if in pointing out what on each subject ought to be read, they
would, at the same time, inform us what ought not to be read. This
information is particularly necessary in regard to old chronicles, or
what are called in France _Recueils de Pieces_. The greater part of the
chroniclers have copied each other, at least for the years that have
preceded their own writings: in like manner, an infinite number of
detached pieces have been published by different editors. Thus books
multiply, volumes thicken, and the only result to men of letters is an
increase of obstacles in their progress.
The learned Benedictine, who is labouring at the collection of french
historians, has wisely avoided this inconvenience in regard to the
chronicles.[13] A society of learned men announced in 1734 an
alphabetical library, or a general index of ancient pieces scattered in
those compilations known under the names of Spicilegia, Analecta,
Anecdota, by which would be seen at a glance in how many places the same
piece could be found. This project, on its appearance, gave rise to a
literary warfare, the only fruit of which was to cool the zeal of the
illustrious authors who had conceived it, and to prevent the execution
of a work which would have been of infinite utility to the republic of
letters.[14]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
PROLOGUE.
As Sallust says, at the commencement of his Bellum Catalinarium, wherein
he relates many extraordinary deeds of arms done by the Romans and their
adversaries, that every man ought to avoid idleness, and exercise
himself in good works, to the end that he may not resemble beasts, who
are only useful to themselves unless otherwise instructed,—and as there
cannot be any more suitable or worthy occupation than handing down to
posterity the grand and magnanimous feats of arms, and the inestimable
subtleties of war which by valiant men have been performed, as well
those descended from noble families as others of low degree, in the most
Christian kingdom of France, and in many other countries of Christendom
under different laws, for the instruction and information of those who
in a just cause may be desirous of honourably exercising their prowess
in arms; and also to celebrate the glory and renown of those who by
strength of courage and bodily vigour have gallantly distinguished
themselves, as well in sudden rencounters as in pitched battles, armies
against armies, or in single combats, like as valiant men ought to do,
who, reading or hearing these accounts, should attentively consider
them, in order to bring to remembrance the above deeds of arms and other
matters worthy of record, and especially particular acts of prowess that
have happened within the period of this history, as well as the
discords, wars and quarrels that have arisen between princes and great
lords of the kingdom of France, also between those of the adjoining
countries, that have been continued for a long time, specifying the
causes whence these wars have had their origin.
I Enguerrand de Monstrelet, descended from a noble family, and residing,
at the time of composing this present book, in the noble city of
Cambray, a town belonging to the empire of Germany, employed myself in
writing a history in prose, although the matter required a genius
superior to mine, from the great weight of many of the events relative
to the royal majesty of princes, and grand deeds of arms that will enter
into its composition. It requires also great subtlety of knowledge to
describe the causes of many of the events, seeing that several of them
have been very diversely related. I have frequently marvelled within
myself how this could have happened, and whether the diversity of these
accounts of the same event could have any other foundation than in
party-prejudice; and perhaps it may have been the case, that those who
have been engaged in battles or skirmishes have paid so much attention
to conduct themselves with honour that they have been unable to notice
particularly what was passing in other parts of the field of battle.
Nevertheless, as I was from my youth fond of hearing such histories, I
took pains, according to the extent of my understanding until of mature
age, to make every diligent inquiry as to the truth of different events,
and questioned such persons as from their rank and birth would disdain
to relate a falsehood, and others known for their love of truth in the
different and opposing parties, on every point in these chronicles from
the first book to the last; and particularly, I made inquiries from
kings at arms, heralds, poursuivants, and lords resident on their
estates, respecting the wars of France, who, from their offices or
situations, ought to be well informed of facts, and relaters of the
truth concerning them.
On their informations often repeated, and throwing aside every thing I
thought doubtful or false, or not proved by the continuation of their
accounts, and having maturely considered their relations, at the end of
a year I had them fairly written down, and not sooner. I then determined
to pursue my work to a conclusion, without leaning or showing favour to
any party, but simply to give to every one his due share of honour,
according to the best of my abilities; for to do otherwise would be to
detract from the honour and prowess which valiant and prudent men have
acquired at the risk of their lives, whose glory and renown should be
exalted in recompense for their noble deeds.
And inasmuch as this is a difficult undertaking, and cannot be pleasing
to all parties,—some of whom may maintain, that what I have related of
particular events is not the truth,—I therefore entreat and request all
noble persons who may read this book to excuse me, if they find in it
some things that may not be perfectly agreeable to them; for I declare I
have written nothing but what has been asserted to me as fact, and told
to me as such, and, should it not prove so, on those who have been my
informants must the blame be laid. If, on the contrary, they find any
virtuous actions worthy of preservation, and that may with delight be
proposed as proper examples to be followed, let the honour and praise be
bestowed on those who performed them, and not on me, who am simply the
narrator.
This present Chronicle will commence on Easter-day, in the year of Grace
1400, at which time was concluded the last volume of the Chronicles of
sir John Froissart, native of Valenciennes in Hainault, whose renown on
account of his excellent work will be of long duration. The first book
of this work concludes with the death of Charles VI. the most Christian
and most worthy king of France, surnamed ‘the well beloved,’ who
deceased at his hôtel of St Pol at Paris, near the Celestins, the 22d
day of October 1422. But that the causes of these divisions and discords
which arose in that most renowned and excellent kingdom of France may be
known, discords which caused such desolation and misery to that realm as
is pitiful to relate, I shall touch a little at the commencement of my
history on the state, government, manners and conduct of the aforesaid
king Charles during his youth.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
FIRST VOLUME
OF THE
CHRONICLES
OF
_ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET_.
CHAP. I.
HOW CHARLES THE WELL-BELOVED REIGNED IN FRANCE, AFTER HE HAD
BEEN CROWNED AT RHEIMS, IN THE YEAR THIRTEEN HUNDRED AND
EIGHTY.
In conformity to what I said in my prologue, that I would speak of the
state and government of king Charles VI. of France, surnamed the
well-beloved, in order to explain the causes of the divisions and
quarrels of the princes of the blood royal during his reign and
afterward, I shall devote this first chapter to that purpose.
True it is, that the above-mentioned king Charles the well-beloved, son
to king Charles V. began to reign and was crowned at Rheims the Sunday
before All-saints-day, in the year of Grace one thousand three hundred
and eighty, as is fully described in the Chronicles of sir John
Froissart. He was then but fourteen years old, and thenceforward for
some time governed his kingdom right well. By following prudent advice
at the commencement of his reign, he undertook several expeditions, in
which, considering his youth, he conducted himself soberly and
valiantly, as well in Flanders, where he gained the battle of Rosebeque
and reduced the Flemings to his obedience, as afterward in the valley of
Cassel and on that frontier against the duke of Gueldres. He then made
preparations at Sluys for an invasion of England. All which enterprises
made him redoubted in every part of the world that heard of him.
But Fortune, who frequently turns her wheel against those of high rank
as well as against those of low degree, began to play him her
tricks[15]; for, in the year one thousand three hundred and ninety-two,
the king had resolved in his council to march a powerful army to the
town of Mans, and thence invade Brittany, to subjugate and bring under
his obedience the duke of Brittany, for having received and supported
the lord Peter de Craon, who had beaten and insulted in Paris, to his
great displeasure, sir Oliver de Clisson, his constable.
On this march, a most melancholy adventure befel him, which brought on
his kingdom the utmost distress, and which I shall relate, although it
took place prior to the date of this history.
During the time the king was on his march from Mans toward Brittany,
attended by his princes and chivalry, he was suddenly seized with a
disorder which deprived him of his reason. He wrested a spear from the
hands of one of his attendants, and struck with it the varlet of the
bastard of Langres, and slew him: he then killed the bastard of Langres,
and struck the duke of Orleans, his brother, who, although well armed,
was wounded in the shoulder. He next wounded the lord de Saint Py, and
would have put him to death had not God prevented it; for in making his
thrust, he fell to the ground,—when, by the diligence of the lord de
Coucy and others his faithful servants, the spear was with difficulty
taken from him. Thence he was conducted to the said town of Mans, and
visited by his physicians, who thought his case hopeless: nevertheless,
by the grace of God, he recovered better health, and his senses, but not
so soundly as he possessed them before this accident. From that time he
had frequent relapses,—and it was necessary, during his life,
perpetually to look after him and keep him under strict observance.
From this unfortunate disorder may be dated all the miseries and
desolations that befel his realm; for then begun all those jealousies
between the princes of his blood, each contending for the government of
the kingdom, seeing clearly that he was willing to act in any manner
that those near his person desired, and in the absence of their rivals
craftily advising him to their own private advantage, without attending
to act in concert for the general good of the state. Some, however,
acquitted themselves loyally, for which after their deaths, they were
greatly praised.
This king had several sons and daughters, whose names now follow, that
lived to man’s estate; first, Louis, duke of Acquitaine, who espoused
the eldest daughter of the duke of Burgundy, but died without issue
before the king his father,—John, duke of Touraine, who married the only
daughter of duke William of Bavaria, count of Hainault, who also died
before his father, and without issue,—Charles, married to the daughter
of king Louis II. of Naples, who had issue that will be noticed
hereafter: he succeeded to the crown of France on the death of his
father.
He had five daughters: Isabella, the eldest, was first married to king
Richard II. of England, and afterward to Charles duke of Orleans, by
whom she had a daughter: Jane, married to John duke of Brittany, had
many children: Michelle espoused Philip duke of Burgundy, but had no
issue: Mary was a nun at Poissy: Catherine, married to Henry V. of
England, had a son, Henry, who succeeded, on the death of his father, to
the throne of England. King Charles had all these children by his queen,
Isabella[16], daughter to Stephen duke of Bavaria.
CHAP. II.
AN ESQUIRE OF ARRAGON, NAMED MICHEL D’ORRIS, SENDS
CHALLENGES TO ENGLAND.—THE ANSWER HE RECEIVES FROM A
KNIGHT OF THAT COUNTRY.
At the beginning of this year one thousand four hundred, an esquire of
Arragon, named Michel d’Orris, sent challenges to England of the
following tenor:
‘In the name of God and of the blessed virgin Mary, I Michel d’Orris, to
exalt my name, knowing full well the renown of the prowess of the
english chivalry, have, from the date of this present letter, attached
to my leg a piece of the greve, to be worn by me until I be delivered
from it by an english knight performing the following deeds of arms.
‘First, to enter the lists on foot, each armed in the manner he shall
please, having a dagger and sword attached to any part of his body, and
a battle-axe, with the handle of such length as I shall fix on. The
combat to be as follows: ten strokes with the battle axe, without
intermission; and when these strokes shall have been given, and the
judge shall cry out, ‘Ho!’ ten cuts with the sword, to be given without
intermission or change of armour. When the judge shall cry out, ‘Ho!’ we
will resort to our daggers, and give ten stabs with them. Should either
party lose or drop his weapon, the other may continue the use of the one
in his hand until the judge shall cry out, ‘Ho!’
‘When the combat on foot shall be finished, we will mount our horses,
each armed as he shall please, but with two similar helmets of iron,
which I will provide, and my adversary shall have the choice: each shall
have what sort of gorget he pleases: I will also provide two saddles,
for the choice of my opponent. There shall also be two lances of equal
lengths, with which twenty courses shall be run, with liberty to strike
on the fore or hinder parts of the body, from the fork of the body
upward.
‘These courses being finished, the following combats to take place: that
is to say, should it happen that neither of us be wounded, we shall be
bound to perform, on that or on the following day, so many courses on
horseback until one fall to the ground, or be wounded so that he can
hold out no longer, each person being armed as to his body and head
according to his pleasure. The targets to be made of horn or sinews,
without any part being of iron or steel, and no deceit in them. The
courses to be performed with the before-mentioned lances and saddles, on
horseback; but each may settle his stirrups as he pleases, but without
any trick.
‘To add greater authenticity to this letter, I Michel d’Orris have
sealed it with the seal of my arms, written and dated from Paris, Friday
the 27th day of May, in the year 1400.’
The poursuivant Aly went with this letter to Calais, where it was seen
by an english knight, called sir John Prendergast, who accepted the
challenge, provided it were agreeable to his sovereign lord the king of
England, and in consequence wrote the following answer to the arragonian
esquire:
‘To the noble and honourable personage Michel d’Orris,—John Prendergast,
knight, and familiar to the most high and puissant lord the earl of
Somerset, sends greeting, honour and pleasure.
‘May it please you to know, that I have just seen your letter, sent
hither by the poursuivant Aly, from which I learn the valiant desire you
have for deeds of arms, which has induced you to wear on your leg a
certain thing that is of pain to you, but which you will not take off
until delivered by an english knight performing with you such deeds of
arms as are mentioned in your aforesaid letter. I, being equally
desirous of gaining honour and amusement like a gentleman to the utmost
of my power, in the name of God, of the blessed virgin Mary, of my lords
St George and St Anthony, have accepted and do accept your challenge,
according to the best sense of the terms in your letter, as well to ease
you from the pain you are now suffering as from the desire I have long
had of making acquaintance with some of the french nobility, to learn
more knowledge from them in the honourable profession of arms. But my
acceptation of your challenge must be subject to the good pleasure of my
sovereign lord the king, that he may from his especial grace grant me
liberty to fulfil it, either before his royal presence in England, or
otherwise at Calais before my lord the earl of Somerset.
‘And since you mention in your letter, that you will provide helmets,
from which your adversary may chuse, and that each may wear such gorgets
as he shall please, I wish you to know, that to prevent any unnecessary
delay by any supposed subtlety of mine respecting armour or otherwise, I
will also bring with me two helmets and two gorgets for you, if you
shall think proper, to chuse from them; and I promise you, on my loyalty
and good faith, that I will exert all my own influence and that of my
friends, to obtain the aforesaid permission, of which I hope to God I
shall not be disappointed.
‘Should it be the good pleasure of the king to grant his consent, I will
write to the governor of Boulogne on Epiphany-day next ensuing, or
sooner if it be possible, to acquaint him of the time and place of
combat, that you may be instantly informed of the willingness of my
heart to comply with your request.
‘Noble, honourable and valiant lord, I pray the Author of all good to
grant you joy, honour and pleasure, with every kind thing you may wish
to the lady of your affections, to whom I entreat that these presents
may recommend me. Written at Calais, and sealed with my seal, this 11th
day of June, in the year aforesaid.’
This letter was sent to the arragonian esquire; but the english knight
not receiving an answer so soon as he expected, and the matter seeming
to be delayed, he again wrote as follows:
‘To the honourable Michel d’Orris, John Prendergast, knight, sends
greeting.
‘Since to ease you from the penance you have suffered, and still do
suffer, in wearing the stump of the greve on your leg, I have consented
to deliver you by a combat at arms described in your former letters,
sealed with the seal of your arms; and in consequence of the request
made by me and by my friends to my sovereign lord and king, who has
ordained the most excellent and puissant lord of Somerset, his brother,
governor of Calais, to be the judge of our combat, as I had written to
you by Aly the poursuivant, in my letter bearing date the 11th day of
last June, and which you ought to have received and seen in proper time.
‘This is apparent from letters of that noble and potent man the lord de
Gaucourt, chamberlain to the king of France, bearing date the 20th day
of January, declaring that he had forwarded my letter to you, to hasten
your journey hitherward. You will have learnt from it that the day
appointed for the fulfilment of our engagement is fixed for the first
Monday in the ensuing month of May; for so it has been ordained by the
king, our lord, in consequence of my solicitations. I must therefore
obey; and since it has pleased that monarch, for various other weighty
considerations touching his royal excellence, to order my lord, his
brother, into other parts on the appointed day, he has condescended, at
the humble requests of myself, my kindred and friends, to nominate for
our judge his cousin, my much honoured lord Hugh Lutrellier[17],
lieutenant to my aforesaid lord of Somerset, in the government of
Calais. I am therefore ready prepared to fulfil our engagement in arms,
under the good pleasure of God, St George and St Anthony, expecting that
you will not fail to meet me for the deliverance from your long penance;
and, to accomplish this, I send you a passport for forty persons and as
many horses.
‘I have nothing more now to add, for you know how much your honour is
concerned in this matter. I entreat therefore Cupid, the god of love, as
you may desire the affections of your lady, to urge you to hasten your
journey.—Written at Calais, and sealed with my arms, the 2d day of
January 1401.’
THE THIRD LETTER WRITTEN AND SENT BY THE ENGLISH KNIGHT TO
THE ESQUIRE OF ARRAGON.
‘To the honourable man Michel d’Orris, John Prendergast, knight, sends
greeting.
‘You will be pleased to remember, that you sent, by Aly the poursuivant,
a general challenge, addressed to all english knights, written at Paris
on Friday the 27th day of May 1400, sealed with the seal of your arms.
You must likewise recollect the answer I sent to your challenge, as an
english knight who had first seen your defiance; which answer, and all
that has since passed between us, I have renewed in substance, in my
letters sealed with my arms, and bearing date the last day but one of
April just passed. I likewise sent you a good and sufficient passport to
come hither, and perform the promises held out by your letter, addressed
to you in a manner similar to that of this present letter.
‘Know, therefore, that I am greatly astonished, considering the purport
of my letters, that I have not received any answer, and that you have
not kept your appointment, by meeting me on the day fixed on, nor sent
any sufficient excuse for this failure. I am ignorant if the god of
love, who inspired you with the courage to write your challenge, have
since been displeased, and changed his ancient pleasures, which formerly
consisted in urging on deeds of arms, and in the delights of chivalry.
‘He kept the nobles of his court under such good government[18] that, to
add to their honour, after having undertaken any deeds of arms, they
could not absent themselves from the country where such enterprise was
to be performed until it was perfectly accomplished, and this caused
their companions not to labour or exert themselves in vain. I would not,
therefore, he should find me so great a defaulter in this respect as to
banish me from his court, and, consequently, shall remain here until the
eighth day of this present month of May, ready, with the aid of God, of
St George and of St Anthony, to deliver you, so that your lady and mine
may know that, out of respect to them, I am willing to ease you of your
penance, which, according to the tenor of your letter, you have suffered
a long time, and have sufficient reason for wishing to be relieved from
it.
‘After the above-mentioned period, should you be unwilling to come, I
intend, under God’s pleasure, to return to England, to our ladies, where
I hope to God that knights and esquires will bear witness that I have
not misbehaved toward the god of love, to whom I recommend my lady and
yours, hoping he will not be displeased with them for any thing that may
have happened.—Written at Calais, and sealed with my arms, the 2d day of
May 1401.’
THE ANSWERS THE ARRAGONIAN ESQUIRE SENT TO THE LETTERS OF
THE ENGLISH KNIGHT.
‘To the most noble personage sir John Prendergast, knight,
‘I Michel d’Orris, esquire, native of the kingdom of Arragon, make
known, that from the ardent and courageous desire I have had, and always
shall have so long as it may please God to grant me life, to employ my
time in arms, so suitable to every gentleman; knowing that in the
kingdom of England there were very many knights of great prowess, who,
in my opinion, had been too long asleep, to awaken them from their
indolence, and to make acquaintance with some of them, I attached to my
leg a part of a greve, vowing to wear it until I should be delivered by
a knight of that country, and, in consequence, wrote my challenge at
Paris, the 27th day of May in the year 1400, and which was carried by
the poursuivant Aly, as your letters, dated the 11th of December, from
Calais, testify.
‘I thank you for what is contained at the commencement of your said
letter, since you seem willing to deliver me from the pain I am in, as
your gracious expressions testify; and you declare you have long been
desirous of making acquaintance with some valiant man of France. That
you may not be ignorant who I am, I inform you that I am a native of the
kingdom of Arragon, not that myself nor any greater person may claim a
superior rank from having been born in France; for although no one can
reproach the French with any disgraceful act, or with any thing
unbecoming a gentleman, or that truth would wish to hide, yet no honest
man should deny his country. I therefore assure you, that I have had,
and shall continue to have, the same desire for the fulfilment of my
engagement, according to the proposals contained in my letter, until it
be perfectly accomplished.
‘It is true that I formed this enterprise while living in Arragon; but
seeing I was too far distant from England for the speedy accomplishment
of it, I set out for Paris, where I staid a very considerable time after
I had sent off my challenge.
‘Business[19] respecting my sovereign lord the king of Arragon forced me
to leave France; and I returned very melancholy to my own country, and
surprised at the dilatoriness of so many noble knights in the amusement
I offered them, for I had not any answer during the space of two years
that I was detained in Arragon from the quarrels of my friends.
‘I then took leave of my lord, and returned to Paris to learn
intelligence respecting my challenge. I there found, at the hôtel of the
lord de Gaucourt, in the hands of Jean d’Olmedo his esquire, your
letters, which had been brought thither after my departure for Arragon.
Why they were brought hither after I had set out, I shall not say any
thing, but leave every one to judge of the circumstance as he may
please. Your letter has much astonished me, as well as other knights and
esquires who have seen it, considering your good reputation in chivalry
and strict observance of the laws of arms: you now wish to make
alterations in the treaty, without the advice of any one, yourself
choosing the judge of the field, and fixing the place of combat
according to your pleasure and advantage, which, as every one knows, is
highly improper. In regard to the other letters that were found lying at
the hôtel de Gaucourt at Paris, underneath is the answer to them.’
CONCLUSION OF THE SECOND LETTER OF THE ARRAGONIAN ESQUIRE.
‘In answer to the first part of your letter, wherein you say you have
sent me letters and a passport to fulfil my engagement in arms, at the
place and on the day that you have been pleased to fix on,—know for
certain, and on my faith, that I have never received other letters than
those given me at the hôtel de Gaucourt the 12th day of March, nor have
I ever seen any passport. Doubtless, had I received your letters, you
would very speedily have had my answers,—for it is the object nearest my
heart to have this deed of arms accomplished; and for this have I twice
travelled from my own country, a distance of two hundred and fifty
leagues, at much inconvenience and great expense, as is well known.
‘In your letters, you inform me, that you have fixed on Calais as the
place where our meeting should be held in the presence of the noble and
puissant prince the earl of Somerset; and afterward your letters say,
that as he was otherwise occupied, your sovereign lord the king of
England, at your request, had nominated sir Hugh Lutrellier, lieutenant
to the earl of Somerset in his government of Calais, judge between us,
without ever having had my consent, or asking for it, which has
exceedingly, and with just cause, astonished me,—for how could you,
without my permission, take such advantages as to name the judge of the
field and fix on the place of combat?
‘It seems to me, that you are very unwilling to lose sight of your own
country; and yet our ancestors, those noble knights who have left us
such examples to follow, never acquired any great honours in their own
countries, nor were accustomed to make improper demands, which are but
checks to gallant deeds.
‘I am fully aware, that you cannot be so ignorant as not to know that
the choice of the judge, and of the time and place of combat, must be
made with the mutual assent of the two parties; and if I had received
your letters, you should sooner have heard this from me.
‘With regard to what you say, that you are ignorant whether the god of
love have banished me from his court, because I had absented myself from
France, where my first letter was written, and whether he have caused me
to change my mind,—I make known to you, that assuredly, without any
dissembling, I shall never, in regard to this combat, change my mind so
long as GOD may preserve my life; nor have there ever been any of my
family who have not always acted in such wise as became honest men and
gentlemen. When the appointed day shall come, which, through GOD’s aid,
it shall shortly, unless it be by your own fault, I believe you will
need good courage to meet a man whom you have suspected of having
retracted his word. I therefore beg such expressions may not be used, as
they are unproductive of good, and unbecoming knights and gentlemen, but
attend solely to the deeds of arms of which you have given me hopes.
‘I make known to you, that it has been told me that you entered the
lists at Calais alone as if against me, who was ignorant of every
circumstance, and three hundred leagues distant from you. If I had acted
in a similar way to you in the country where I then was (which GOD
forbid), I believe my armour would have been little the worse for it,
and my lances have remained as sound as yours were. You would
undoubtedly have won the prize. I must, in truth, suppose, that this
your extraordinary enterprise was not undertaken with the mature
deliberation of friends, nor will it ever be praised by any who may
perchance hear of it. Not, however, that I conclude from this that you
want to make a colourable show by such fictions, and avoid keeping the
promise you made of delivering me;—and I earnestly entreat you will
fulfil the engagement you have entered into by your letters to me, for
on that I rest my delight and hope of deliverance.
‘Should you not be desirous of accomplishing this, I have not a doubt
but many english knights would have engaged so to do, had you not at
first undertaken it. Make no longer any excuses on account of the
letters you have sent me, for I have explained wherein the fault lay. I
am ready to maintain and defend my honour; and as there is nothing I
have written contrary to truth, I wish not to make any alteration in
what I have said.
‘Because I would not be so presumptuous to make choice of a place
without your assent, I offer the combat before that most excellent and
sovereign prince my lord the king of Arragon, or before the kings of
Spain[20], Portugal or Navarre; and should none of these princes be
agreeable to you to select as our judge, to the end that I may not
separate you far from your country, your lady and mine, to whose wishes
I will conform to the utmost of my power, I am ready to go to Boulogne
on your coming to Calais,—and then the governors of these two places, in
behalf of each of us, shall appoint the proper time and place for the
fulfilment of our engagement according to the terms of my letter, which
I am prepared to accomplish, with the aid of GOD, of our Lady, of my
lord St Michael and my lord St George.
‘Since I am so very far from my native country, I shall wait here for
your answer until the end of the month of August next ensuing; and in
the mean time, out of compliment to you, I shall no longer wear the
stump of the greve fastened to my leg, although many have advised to the
contrary. The month of August being passed without hearing
satisfactorily from you, I shall replace the greve on my leg, and shall
disperse my challenge throughout your kingdom, or wherever else I may
please, until I shall have found a person to deliver me from my penance.
That you may place greater confidence in what I have written, I have put
to these letters the seal of my arms, and to the parts marked A, B, C,
my sign manual, which parts were done and written at Paris the 4th day
of September 1401.’
THE CHALLENGE OF THE ARRAGONIAN ESQUIRE.
‘In the name of the holy Trinity, the blessed virgin Mary, of my lord St
Michael the archangel, and of my lord St George,—I, Michel d’Orris,
esquire, a native of the kingdom of Arragon, make known to all the
knights of England, that, to exalt my name and honour, I am seeking
deeds of arms.
‘I know full well, that a noble chivalry exists in England,—and I am
desirous of making acquaintance with the members of it, and learning
from them feats of arms. I therefore require from you, in the name of
knighthood, and by the thing you love most, that you will deliver me
from my vow by such deeds of arms as I shall propose.
‘First, to enter the lists on foot, and perform the deeds specified in
my first letter; and I offer, in order to shorten the matter, to show my
willingness and diligence to present myself before your governor of
Calais within two months after I shall have received your answer sealed
with the seal of your arms, if GOD should grant me life and health. And
I will likewise send, within these two months, the two helmets, two
saddles, and the measure of the staves to the battle-axes and spears.
‘I beg of that knight, who, from good will, may incline to deliver me,
to send me a speedy, honourable, and agreeable answer, such as I shall
expect from such noble personages. Have forwarded to me a good and
sufficient passport for myself and my companions, to the number of
thirty-five horses, at the same time with your answer, by Longueville,
the bearer of this letter; and that it may have the greater weight, I
have signed it with my sign manual, and sealed it with my arms, dated
Paris, the 1st day of January, 1402.’
THE FOURTH LETTER OF THE ARRAGONIAN ESQUIRE.
‘To the honour of GOD, Father of all things, and the blessed virgin
Mary, his mother, whose aid I implore, that she would, through her
grace, comfort and assist me to the fulfilment of the enterprise I have
formed against all english knights,—I Michel d’Orris, a native of the
kingdom of Arragon, proclaim, as I have before done in the year 1400,
like as one abstracted from all cares, having only the remembrance
before me of the great glories our predecessors in former times acquired
from the excellent prowess they displayed in numberless deeds of arms;
and longing in my heart to gain some portion of their praise, I made
dispositions to perform some deeds of arms with such english knight who
by his prowess might deliver me from my vow. My challenge was accepted
by a noble and honourable personage called sir John Prendergast, an
english knight, as may be seen by the letters I have received from him.
And that the conclusion I draw may be clearly seen, I have incorporated
my letters with the last letters the said sir John Prendergast has
lately sent me, as they include every circumstance relative to the fact.
These letters, with my third letter, I sent back by Berry king at arms
to Calais, to be delivered to sir John Prendergast.
‘The herald, on his return, brought me for answer, that he had been told
by the most potent prince the earl of Somerset, governor of Calais, that
he had, within the month of August, sent answers to my former letters to
Boulogne, although the enterprise had not been completed. In honour,
therefore, to this excellent prince, the governor of Calais, who through
humility had taken charge to send the letters to Boulogne (as reported
to me by the king at arms), by Faulcon king at arms in England, and in
honour of chivalry, and that on no future occasion it may be said I was
importunately pressing in my pursuit, I have waited for the space of one
month after the expiration of the above term, for the delivery of this
answer; and that my willingness and patience may be notorious, and
approved by every one, I have hereafter inserted copies of all my
letters. If, therefore, you do not now deliver me, I shall no more write
to England on this subject,—for I hold your conduct as very discourteous
and ungentlemanly, when you have so often received my request, as well
by the poursuivant Aly, at present called Heugueville, in the letters
delivered by him in England in the year 1401, as by other similar ones
presented you by the poursuivant Graville, reciting my first general
challenge, drawn up at the hôtel of my lord de Gaucourt at Plessis, the
12th day of May 1402, and by other letters sent by me to you by Berry
king at arms, and which were received by that most potent prince the
earl of Somerset, governor of Calais, written at Paris the 22d day of
July 1402, which is apparent by these presents, and by my other letters
written from Paris the 12th day of June 1403, which are here copied,
presented by the herald Heugueville, to the most potent prince the earl
of Somerset, governor of Calais. To all which letters I have not found
any one knight to send me his sealed answer and acceptance of my
propositions.
‘I may therefore freely say, that I have not met with any fellowship or
friendship where so much chivalry abounds as in the kingdom of England,
although I have come from so distant a country, and prosecuted my
request for nearly two years; and that I must necessarily return to my
own country without making any acquaintance with you, for which I have a
great desire, as is clear from the tenor of all my letters. Should I
thus depart from you without effecting my object, I shall have few
thanks to give you, considering the pain I am suffering, and have
suffered for so long a time. If I do not receive an answer from you
within fifteen days after the date of this present letter, my intention
is, under the good pleasure of GOD, of our Lady, of my lords St Michael
and St George, to return to my much-redoubted and sovereign lord the
king of Arragon. Should you, within fifteen days, have any thing to
write to me, I shall be found at the hôtel of my lord the provost of
Paris.
‘I have nothing more to add, but to entreat you will have me in your
remembrance, and recollect the pain I am suffering. To add confidence to
this letter, I have signed it with my sign manual, and sealed it with
the seal of my arms. I have also caused copies to be made of our
correspondence, marked A, B, C, one of which I have retained. Written at
Paris, the 10th day of May, 1403.’
In consequence of this letter, Perrin de Loharent, sergeant at arms to
the king of England, calling himself a proxy in this business for the
english knight, sent an answer to the esquire of Arragon, conceived in
such terms as these:
‘To the most noble esquire, Michel d’Orris. I signify to you, on the
part of my lord John Prendergast, that if you will promptly pay him all
the costs and charges he has been at to deliver you by deeds of arms,
according to the proposals in your letter, which deeds have not been
accomplished from your own fault, he will cheerfully comply with your
request; otherwise know, that he will not take any further steps towards
it, nor suffer any knight or esquire, on this side of the sea, to
deliver you, or send you any answer to your letter. If, however, you
send him five hundred marcs sterling for his expenses, which he declares
they have amounted to, I certify that you shall not wait any length of
time before you be delivered by the deeds of arms offered in your
challenge.
‘I therefore advise you as a gentleman, that should you not think proper
to remit the amount of the expenses, you be careful not to speak
slightingly of the english chivalry, nor repeat that you could not find
an english knight to accept of your offer of combat, as you have said in
your last letter; for should that expression be again used, I inform
you, on the part of sir John Prendergast, that he will be always ready
to maintain the contrary in the defence of his own honour, which you
have handled somewhat too roughly, according to the opinion of our lords
acquainted with the truth, who think sir John has acted like a prudent
and honourable man. You will send your answer to this letter, and what
may be your future intentions, by Châlons the herald, the bearer of
these presents; and that you may have full confidence in their contents,
I have signed and sealed them myself at Paris in the year 1404.’
This affair, notwithstanding the letters that have been reported, never
came to any other conclusion.
CHAP. III.
GREAT PARDONS[21] GRANTED AT ROME.
During this year, the court of Rome granted many pardons, whither an
infinity of persons went from all parts of Christendom to receive them.
An universal mortality took place about the time, which caused the
deaths of multitudes; and in the number, very many of the pilgrims
suffered from it at Rome.
[A. D. 1401.]
CHAP. IV.
JOHN OF MONTFORT, DUKE OF BRITTANY, DIES.—THE EMPEROR
DEPARTS FROM PARIS.—ISABELLA QUEEN OF ENGLAND RETURNS TO
FRANCE.
At the beginning of this year, John of Montfort, duke of Brittany, died,
and was succeeded by his eldest son John, married to a daughter of the
king of France, and who had several brothers and sisters[22]. About the
same time, the emperor of Constantinople[23], who had made a long stay
at Paris, at the charges of the king of France, set out, with all his
attendants, for England, where he was very honourably received by king
Henry and his princes; thence he returned to his own country[24].
Many able ambassadors had, at various times, been sent from France to
England, and from England to France, chiefly to negotiate with the king
of England for the return of queen Isabella, daughter to the king of
France and widow of king Richard II. with liberty to enjoy the dower
that had been settled upon her by the articles of marriage. The
ambassadors at length brought the matter to a conclusion, and the queen
was conducted to France by the lord Thomas Percy, constable of England,
having with him many knights, esquires, ladies and damsels, to accompany
her.
She was escorted to the town of Leulinghem, between Boulogne and Calais,
and there delivered to Waleran count of Saint Pol[25], governor of
Picardy, with whom were the bishop of Chartres and the lord de
Heugueville to receive her. The damsel of Montpensier, sister to the
count de la Marche, and the damsel of Luxembourg, sister to the count de
St Pol, with other ladies and damsels sent by the queen of France, were
likewise present. When both parties had taken leave of each other, the
count de St Pol conducted the queen and her attendants to the dukes of
Burgundy and Bourbon, who with a large company were waiting for them on
an eminence hard by.
She was received by them with every honour, and thence escorted to
Boulogne, and to Abbeville, where the duke of Burgundy, to celebrate her
return to France, made a grand banquet, and then, taking his leave of
her, he went back to Artois. The duke of Bourbon and the rest who had
been at this feast conducted her to the king and queen, her parents, at
Paris. She was most kindly received by them; but although it was said
that she was honourably sent back, yet there was not any dower or
revenue assigned her from England, which caused many of the french
princes to be dissatisfied with the king of England, and pressing with
the king of France to declare war against him.
CHAP. V.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, BY ORDERS FROM THE KING OF FRANCE,
GOES INTO BRITTANY, AND THE DUKE OF ORLEANS TO
LUXEMBOURG.—A QUARREL ENSUES BETWEEN THEM.
This same year, the duke of Burgundy went to Brittany to take possession
of it in the king’s name for the young duke. The country soon submitted
to him, and he continued his journey to Nantes to visit the
duchess-dowager, sister to the king of Navarre[26], who had entered into
engagements speedily to marry Henry IV. of England.
The duke was her uncle, and treated with her successfully for the
surrender of her dower lands to her children, on condition that she
received annually a certain sum of money in compensation. When this had
been concluded, and the duke had placed garrisons in the king’s name in
some of the strong places of the country, he returned to Paris, carrying
with him the young duke and his two brothers, who were graciously
received by the king and queen.
The duke of Orleans had at this time gone to take possession of the
duchy of Luxembourg[27], with the consent of the king of Bohemia, to
whom it belonged, and with whom he had concluded some private agreement.
Having placed his own garrisons in many of the towns and castles of this
duchy, he returned to France,—when shortly after a great quarrel took
place between the duke of Orleans and his uncle the duke of Burgundy;
and it rose to such a height that each collected a numerous body of men
at arms round Paris. At length, by the mediation of the queen and the
dukes of Berry and Bourbon, peace was restored, and the men at arms were
sent back to the places whence they had come.
CHAP. VI.
CLEMENT DUKE OF BAVARIA IS ELECTED EMPEROR OF GERMANY,
AND AFTERWARD CONDUCTED WITH A NUMEROUS RETINUE TO
FRANKFORT.
This year, Clement duke of Bavaria[28] was elected emperor of Germany,
after the electors had censured and deposed the king of Bohemia. Clement
was conducted by them to Frankfort, with an escort of forty thousand
armed men, and laid siege to the town because it had been contrary to
his interests. He remained before it forty days, during which time an
epidemical disorder raged in his army, and carried off fifteen thousand
of his men. A treaty was begun at the expiration of the forty days, when
the town submitted to the emperor.
The towns of Cologne, Aix, and several more followed this example, and
gave him letters of assurance that his election had been legally and
properly made. He was after this crowned by the bishop of Mentz; and at
his coronation many princes and lords of the country made splendid
feasts, with tournaments and other amusements.
When these were over, the emperor sent his cousin-german the duke of
Bavaria, father to the queen of France, to Paris, to renew and confirm
the peace between him and the king of France. Duke Stephen was joyfully
received on his arrival at Paris by the queen and princes of the
blood,—but the king was at that time confined by illness.
When he had made his proposals, a day was fixed on to give him an
answer; and the princes told him, that in good truth they could not
conclude a peace to the prejudice of their fair cousin the king of
Bohemia, who had been duly elected and crowned emperor of Germany. When
the duke of Bavaria had received this answer, he returned through
Hainault to the new emperor. He related to him all that had passed in
France, and the answer he had received, with which he was not well
pleased, but he could not amend it.
The emperor, soon after this, proposed marching a powerful army, under
his own command, to Lombardy, to gain possession of the passes, and sent
a detachment before him for this purpose, but his troops were met by an
army from the duke of Milan[29], who slew many, and took numbers
prisoners. Among the latter was sir Girard, lord of Heraucourt, marshal
to the duke of Austria, and several other persons of distinction. This
check broke up the intended expedition of the emperor.
CHAP. VII.
HENRY OF LANCASTER, KING OF ENGLAND, COMBATS THE PERCIES AND
WELSHMEN, WHO HAD INVADED HIS KINGDOM, AND DEFEATS THEM.
About the month of March, in this year, great dissensions arose between
Henry, king of England, and the family of Percy and the Welsh, in which
some of the Scots took part, and entered Northumberland with a
considerable force. King Henry had raised a large army to oppose them,
and had marched thither to give them battle; but, at the first attack,
his vanguard was discomfited. This prevented the second division from
advancing, and it being told the king, who commanded the rear, he was
animated with more than usual courage, from perceiving his men to
hesitate, and charged the enemy with great vigour. His conduct was so
gallant and decisive that many of the nobles of both parties declared he
that day slew, with his own hand, thirty-six men at arms.
He was thrice unhorsed by the earl of Douglas’s spear, and would have
been taken or killed by the earl, had he not been defended and rescued
by his own men. The lord Thomas Percy was there slain, and his nephew
Henry made prisoner, whom the king ordered instantly to be put to death
before his face. The earl of Douglas was also taken, and many others.
After this victory, king Henry departed from the field of battle, joyful
at the successful event of the day. He sent a body of his men at arms to
Wales, to besiege a town of that country which was favourable to the
Percies[30].
[A. D. 1402.]
CHAP. VIII.
JOHN DE VERCHIN, A KNIGHT OF GREAT RENOWN, AND SENESCHAL OF
HAINAULT, SENDS, BY HIS HERALD, A CHALLENGE INTO DIVERS
COUNTRIES, PROPOSING A DEED OF ARMS.
At the beginning of this year, John de Verchin[31], a knight of high
renown and seneschal of Hainault, sent letters, by his herald, to the
knights and esquires of different countries, to invite them to a trial
of skill in arms, which he had vowed to hold, the contents of which
letters were as follows:
‘To all knights and esquires, gentlemen of name and arms, without
reproach, I Jean de Verchin, seneschal of Hainault, make known, that
with the aid of GOD, of our Lady, of my lord St George, and of the lady
of my affections, I intend being at Coucy the first Sunday of August
next ensuing, unless prevented by lawful and urgent business, ready on
the morrow to make trial of the arms hereafter mentioned, in the
presence of my most redoubted lord the duke of Orleans, who has granted
me permission to hold the meeting at the above place.
‘If any gentleman, such as above described, shall come to this town to
deliver me from my vow, we will perform our enterprise mounted on
horseback, on war saddles without girths. Each may wear what armour he
pleases, but the targets must be without covering or lining of iron or
steel. The arms to be spears of war, without fastening or covering, and
swords. The attack to be with spears in or out of their rests; and each
shall lay aside his target, and draw his sword without assistance.
Twenty strokes of the sword to be given without intermission, and we
may, if we please, seize each other by the body.
‘From respect to the gentleman, and to afford him more pleasure, for
having had the goodness to accept my invitation, I promise to engage him
promptly on foot, unless bodily prevented, without either of us taking
off any part of the armour which we had worn in our assaults on
horseback: we may, however, change our vizors, and lengthen the plates
of our armour, according to the number of strokes with the sword and
dagger, as may be thought proper, when my companion shall have
determined to accomplish my deliverance by all these deeds of arms,
provided, however, that the number of strokes may be gone through during
the day, at such intermissions as I shall point out.
‘In like manner, the number of strokes with battle-axes shall be agreed
on; but, in regard to this combat, each may wear the armour he pleases.
Should it happen (as I hope it will not), that in the performance of
these deeds of arms, one of us be wounded, insomuch that during the day
he shall be unable to complete the combat with the arms then in use, the
adverse party shall not make any account of it, but shall consider it as
if nothing had passed.
‘When I shall have completed these courses, or when the day shall be
ended, with the aid of GOD, of our Lady, of my lord St George, and of my
lady, I shall set out from the said town, unless bodily prevented, on a
pilgrimage to my lord St James at Compostella. Whatever gentleman of
rank I may meet going to Galicia, or returning to the aforesaid town of
Coucy, that may incline to do me the honour and grace to deliver me with
the same arms as above, and appoint an honourable judge, without taking
me more than twenty leagues from my strait road, or obliging me to
return, and giving me assurance from the judge, that the combat, with
the aforesaid arms, shall take place within five days from my arrival in
the town appointed for it,—I promise, with the aid of GOD and my lady,
if not prevented by bodily infirmity, to deliver them promptly on foot,
as soon as they shall have completed the enterprise, according to the
manner specified, with such a number of strokes with the sword, dagger
and battle-axe, as may be thought proper to fix upon.
‘Should it happen, after having agreed with a gentleman to perform these
deeds of arms, as we are proceeding toward the judge he had fixed upon,
that I should meet another gentleman willing to deliver me, who should
name a judge nearer my direct road than the first, I would in that case
perform my trial in arms with him whose judge was the nearest; and when
I had acquitted myself to him, I would then return to accomplish my
engagement with the first, unless prevented by any bodily infirmity.
Such will be my conduct during the journey, and I shall hold myself
acquitted to perform before each judge my deeds of arms; and no
gentleman can enter the lists with me more than once,—and the staves of
our arms shall be of equal lengths, which I will provide and distribute
when required. All the blows must be given from the bottom of the
plate-armour to the head: none others will be allowed as legal.
‘That all gentlemen who may incline to deliver me from my vow may know
the road I propose to follow, I inform them, that under the will of God,
I mean to travel through France to Bordeaux,—thence to the country of
Foix, to the kingdoms of Navarre and Castille, to the shrine of my lord
St James at Compostella. On my return, if it please God, I will pass
through the kingdom of Portugal,—thence to Valencia, Arragon, Catalonia,
and Avignon, and recross the kingdom of France, having it understood if
I may be permitted to travel through all these countries in security, to
perform my vow, excepting the kingdom of France and county of Hainault.
‘That this proposal may have the fullest assurance, I have put my seal
to this letter, and signed it with my own hand, in the year of the
incarnation of our Lord, the 1st day of June, 1402.’
The seneschal, in consequence of this challenge, went to Coucy, where he
was received very graciously by the duke of Orleans; but no one appeared
to enter the lists with him on the appointed day. In a few days, he set
out on his pilgrimage to the shrine of St James, during which he
performed his deeds of arms in seven places, during seven days, and
behaved himself so gallantly that those princes who were appointed
judges of the field were greatly satisfied with him.
CHAP. IX.
THE DUKE OF ORLEANS, BROTHER TO THE KING OF FRANCE, SENDS A
CHALLENGE TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.—THE ANSWER HE
RECEIVES.
In the year 1402, Louis duke of Orleans, brother to the king of France,
sent a letter to the king of England, proposing a combat between them,
of the following tenor:
‘I Louis, by the grace of God, son and brother to the kings of France,
duke of Orleans, write and make known to you, that with the aid of God
and the blessed Trinity, in the desire which I have to gain renown, and
which you in like manner should feel, considering idleness as the bane
of lords of high birth who do not employ themselves in arms, and
thinking I can no way better seek renown than by proposing to you to
meet me at an appointed place, each of us accompanied with one hundred
knights and esquires, of name and arms without reproach, there to combat
together until one of the parties shall surrender; and he to whom God
shall grant the victory shall do with his prisoners as it may please
him. We will not employ any incantations that are forbidden by the
church, but make every use of the bodily strength granted us by God,
having armour as may be most agreeable to every one for the security of
his person, and with the usual arms; that is to say, lance, battle-axe,
sword and dagger, and each to employ them as he shall think most to his
advantage, without aiding himself by any bodkins, hooks, bearded darts,
poisoned needles or razors, as may be done by persons unless they be
positively ordered to the contrary.
‘To accomplish this enterprise, I make known to you, that if GOD permit,
and under the good pleasure of our Lady and my lord St Michael, I
propose (after knowing your intentions) to be at my town of Angoulême,
accompanied by the aforesaid number of knights and esquires. Now, if
your courage be such as I think it is, for the fulfilment of this deed
of arms, you may come to Bordeaux, when we may depute properly-qualified
persons to fix on a spot for the combat, giving to them full power to
act therein as if we ourselves were personally present.
‘Most potent and noble prince, let me know your will in regard to this
proposal, and have the goodness to send me as speedy an answer as may
be; for in all affairs of arms, the shortest determination is the best,
especially for the kings of France and great lords and princes; and as
many delays may arise from business of importance, which must be
attended to, as well as doubts respecting the veracity of our letters,
that you may know I am resolved, with God’s help, on the accomplishment
of this deed of arms, I have signed this letter with my own hand, and
sealed it with the seal of my arms. Written at my castle of Coucy[32],
the 7th day of August 1402.’
THE ANSWER OF KING HENRY TO THE LETTER OF THE DUKE OF
ORLEANS.
‘Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of
Ireland, to the high and mighty prince Louis, duke of Orleans.
‘We write to inform you, that we have seen your letter, containing a
request to perform a deed of arms; and, from the expressions contained
therein, we perceive that it is addressed to us, which has caused us no
small surprise, for the following reasons.
‘First, on account of the truce agreed on, and sworn to, between our
very dear lord and cousin king Richard, our predecessor, whom God
pardon! and your lord and brother,—in which treaty, you are yourself a
party. Secondly, on account of the alliance that was made between us at
Paris,—for the due observance of which you made oath, in the hands of
our well-beloved knights and esquires, sir Thomas de Spinguchen[33], sir
Thomas Ramson, and John Morbury, and likewise gave to them letters
signed with your great seal, reciting this treaty of alliance, which I
shall hereafter more fully state.
‘Since you have thought proper, without any cause, to act contrary to
this treaty, we shall reply as follows, being desirous that God, and all
the world, should know it has never been our intention to act any way
contradictory to what we have promised. We therefore inform you, that we
have annulled the letter of alliance received from you, and throw aside
henceforward all love and affection toward you; for it seems to us that
no prince, lord, knight, or any person whatever, ought to demand a
combat from him with whom a treaty of friendship exists.
‘In reply to your letter, we add, that considering the very high rank in
which it has pleased God to place us, we are not bound to answer any
such demands unless made by persons of equal rank with ourselves. With
regard to what you say, that we ought to accept your proposal to avoid
idleness,—it is true we are not so much employed in arms and honourable
exploits as our noble predecessors have been; but the all-powerful God
may, when he pleases, make us follow their steps, and we, through the
indulgence of his grace, have not been so idle but that we have been
enabled to defend our honour.
‘With regard to the proposal of meeting you at a fixed place with one
hundred knights and esquires of name and arms, and without reproach, we
answer, that until this moment none of our royal progenitors have been
thus challenged by persons of less rank than themselves, nor have they
ever employed their arms with one hundred or more persons in such a
cause; for it seems to us that a royal prince ought only to do such
things as may redound to the honour of God, and to the profit of all
Christendom and his own kingdom, and not through vain glory nor selfish
advantage. We are determined to preserve the state God has intrusted to
us,—and whenever we may think it convenient we shall visit our
possessions on your side of the sea, accompanied by such numbers of
persons as we may please; at which time, if you shall think proper, you
may assemble as many persons as you may judge expedient to acquire
honour in the accomplishment of all your courageous desires,—and should
it please GOD, our Lady, and my lord St George, you shall not depart
until your request be so fully complied with that you shall find
yourself satisfied by a combat between us two personally so long as it
may please God to suffer it, which mode I shall prefer to prevent any
greater effusion of Christian blood. God knows, we will that no one
should be ignorant that this our answer does not proceed from pride or
presumption of heart, which every wise man who holds his honour dear
should avoid, but solely to abase that haughtiness and over presumption
of any one, whosoever he may be, that prevents him from knowing himself.
Should you wish that those of your party be without reproach, be more
cautious in future of your letters, your promises and your seal, than
you have hitherto been. That you may know this is our own proper answer,
formed from our knowledge of you, and that we will maintain our right
whenever God pleases, we have sealed with our arms this present letter.
Given at our court of London, the 5th day of December, in the year of
Grace 1402, and in the 4th of our reign.’
THE LETTER OF ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND THE
DUKE OF LANCASTER.
‘Louis, duke of Orleans, count de Valois, Blois and de Beaumont, to all
whom these presents may come, health and greeting. We make known by
them, that the most potent prince, and our very dear cousin, Henry, duke
of Lancaster and Hereford, earl of Derby, Lincoln, Leicester and
Northampton, has given us his love and friendship. Nevertheless, being
desirous of strengthening the ties of this affection between us, seeing
that nothing in this world can be more delectable or profitable:
‘In the name of God and the most holy Trinity, which is a fair example
and sound foundation of perfect love and charity, and without whose
grace nothing can be profitably concluded,—to the end that the form and
manner of this our friendship may be reputed honourable, we have caused
the terms of it to be thus drawn up. First, we both hold it just and
right to except from it all whom we shall think proper; and conformably
thereto we except, on our part, the following persons: first, our very
mighty and puissant prince and lord Charles, by the grace of God king of
France; my lord the dauphin, his eldest son, and all the other children
of my foresaid lord; the queen of France; our very dear uncles the dukes
of Berry, Burgundy and Bourbon; those most noble princes, our dear
cousins, the king of the Romans and of Bohemia; the king of Hungary, his
brother and their uncles, and Becop[34] marquis of Moravia; and also all
our cousins, and others of our blood, now living, or that may be born,
as well males as females, and our very dear father the duke of Milan,
whose daughter we have married. This relationship must make us
favourable to his honour. Also those noble princes, and our very dear
cousins, the kings of Castille and of Scotland, with all the other
allies of our foresaid lord. To whom must likewise be added our very
dear cousin the duke of Lorraine[35], the count of Cleves[36], the lord
de Clisson, and all our vassals bound to us by faith and oath, whom we
hold ourselves obliged to guard from ill, since they have submitted to
our obedience and commands.
‘Item, The duke of Lancaster and myself will be always united in the
strictest ties of love and affection, as loyal and true friends should
be.
‘Item, Each of us will be, at all times and places, friendly to one
another, and to our friends, and enemies to our enemies, as will be
honourable and praise-worthy.
‘Item, We will each, in all times and places, aid and assist the other
in the defence of his person, his fortune, honour and estate, as well by
words as deeds, diligently and carefully in the most honourable manner.
‘Item, In times of war and discord we will mutually defend each other
against all princes, lords and barons, with the utmost good will, and
also against any corporation, college or university, by every means in
our power, engines, councils, force, men at arms, subsidies, or by
whatever other means we may think most efficient to make war on and
oppose the enemies of either of us; and we will exert ourselves to the
utmost against every person whatever, excepting those who have been
before excepted, in every lawful and honourable manner.
‘Item, All the above articles we will strictly observe so long as the
truces shall continue between my aforesaid sovereign lord and king and
the king of England, and should a more solid peace be formed, so long as
that peace shall last, without infringing an article. In witness of
which we have caused these articles to be drawn up, and have appended
our seal thereto. Done at Paris the 17th day of June, in the year of
Grace 1396.’
THE SECOND LETTER OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS, IN REPLY TO THAT
FROM THE KING OF ENGLAND.
‘High and mighty prince Henry, king of England,—I, Louis, by the grace
of God, son and brother to the kings of France, duke of Orleans, write,
to make known to you, that I received, as a new year’s gift, the first
day of January, by the hands of your herald Lancaster, king at arms, the
letter you have written to me, in answer to the one I sent to you by
Champagne, king at arms, and Orleans my herald, and have heard its
contents.
‘In regard to your ignorance, or pretended ignorance, whether my letter
could have been addressed to you, your name was on it, such as you
received at the font, and by which you were always called by your
parents when they were alive. I had not indeed given you your new titles
at length, because I do not approve of the manner whereby you have
attained them,—but know that my letter was addressed to you.
‘In regard to your being surprised at my requesting to perform a deed of
arms with you during the existence of the truce between my most
redoubted lord the king of France and the high and mighty prince king
Richard, my nephew, and your liege lord lately deceased, (God knows by
whose orders) as well as an alliance of friendship subsisting between
us, of which you have sent me a copy,—that treaty is now at an end by
your own fault; first, by your having undertaken your enterprise against
your sovereign lord king Richard, whom God pardon! who was the ally of
my lord the king of France by marriage with his daughter, as well as by
written articles, sealed with their seals, to the observance of which
the kindred on each side made oath, in the presence of the two monarchs
and their relations, in their different countries.
‘You may have seen in those articles, of which you sent me a copy, that
the allies of my said lord the king were excepted, and may judge whether
I can honestly now have any friendship for you; for at the time I made
the said alliance I never conceived it possible you could have done
against your king what it is well known you have done.
‘In regard to your objection, that no knight, of whatever rank he may
be, ought to request a deed of arms until he shall have returned the
articles of alliance, supposing such to exist between them, I wish to
know whether you rendered to your lord, king Richard, the oath of
fidelity you made to him before you proceeded in the manner you have
done against his person.
‘In respect to your throwing up my friendship, know, that from the
moment I was informed of the acts you committed, against your liege
lord, I had not any expectation that you could suppose you would place
any dependance on me,—for you must have known that I could not have any
desire to preserve your friendship.
‘With regard to your high situation, I do not think the divine virtues
have placed you there. God may have dissembled with you, and have set
you on a throne, like many other princes, whose reign has ended in
confusion. And, in consideration of my own honour, I do not wish to be
compared with you.
‘You say, you shall be always eager to defend your honour, which has
been ever unblemished. Enough on that head is sufficiently known in all
countries.
‘As for your intentions of visiting your possessions on this side of the
sea, without informing me of your arrival, I assure you, that you shall
not be there long without hearing from me; for, if God permit, I will
accomplish what I have proposed, if it be not your fault.
‘In regard to your telling me, that your progenitors have not thus been
accustomed to be challenged by those of less degree than themselves,—who
have been my ancestors, I need not be my own herald, for they are well
known to all the world. And in respect to my personal honour, through
the mercy of God, it is without reproach, as I have always acted like a
loyal and honest man, as well toward my God as to my king and his realm:
whoever has acted, or may act otherwise, though he hold the universe in
his hand, is worthless, and undeserving of respect.
‘You tell me, that a prince ought to make his every action redound to
the honour of God, to the common advantage of all Christendom, and the
particular welfare of his kingdom, and not through vain glory, nor for
selfish purposes. I reply, that you say well; but if you had acted
accordingly in your own country, many things done there by you, or by
your orders, would not have taken place.
‘How could you suffer my much redoubted lady the queen of England to
return so desolate to this country after the death of her lord,
despoiled, by your rigour and cruelty, of her dower, which you detain
from her, and likewise the portion she carried hence on her marriage?
The man who seeks to gain honour is always the defender and guardian of
the rights of widows and damsels of virtuous life, such as my niece was
known to lead. And as I am so nearly related to her, acquitting myself
toward God and toward her, as a relation, I reply, that to avoid
effusion of blood, I will cheerfully meet you in single combat, or with
any greater number you may please, and that through the aid of God, of
the blessed virgin Mary, and of my lord St Michael, so soon as I shall
receive your answer to this letter, whether body to body or with any
greater number than ourselves, you shall find me doing my duty, for the
preservation of my honour, in such wise as the case may require.
‘I return you thanks, in the name of those of my party, for the greater
care you seem to have of their healths than you had for that of your
sovereign and liege lord.
‘You tell me, that he who is not void of discernment in regard to his
own condition will be desirous of selecting irreproachable companions.
Know, that I am not ignorant who I am, nor who are my companions; and I
inform you, that you will find us loyal and honest, for such we have
been ever reported. And, thanks to God, we have never done any thing by
word or deed but what has been becoming loyal gentlemen. Do you and your
people look to yourselves, and write me back your intention as to what I
have offered, which I am impatient to know. That you may be assured this
letter has been written by me, and that, through God’s aid, I am
resolved to execute my purpose, I have put to it the seal of my arms,
and signed it with my own hand, on the morrow of the feast of our Lady,
the 26th day of March, 1402.’
THE REPLY OF KING HENRY TO THIS SECOND LETTER OF THE DUKE OF
ORLEANS.
‘Henry, king of England and lord of Ireland, to Louis de Valois, duke of
Orleans.
‘We write to inform you, that we have received, the last day of this
present month of April, the letter you have sent to us by Champagne king
at arms and your herald Orleans, intending it as an answer to the one
from us, received by you, on the 26th day of last January, from the
hands of Lancaster king at arms, our herald. Your letter is dated the
26th day of March, in the year 1402, and we have heard its contents.
‘Considering all things, more especially the situation in which it has
pleased God to place us, we ought not to make you any reply to the
request you make, nor to the replications since your first letter.
However, as you attack our honour, we send you this answer, recollecting
we did reply to your first request, which you pretended arose from the
hot spirit of youth, and your earnest desire to gain renown in arms. It
seems by your present letter, that this desire has taken a frivolous
turn, and that you wish for a war of words, thinking that by defaming
our person, you may overwhelm us with confusion, which God grant may
fall, and more justly, on yourself! We are therefore moved, and not
without cause, to make answer to the principal points of your letter, in
manner as will hereafter to you more plainly appear, considering that it
does not become our state nor honour to do so by chiding; but in respect
to such frivolous points, replete with malice, we shall not condescend
to make any answer, except declaring that all your reproaches are false.
‘First, in regard to the dignity we hold, that you write you do not
approve it, nor the manner by which we have obtained it. We are
certainly very much surprised at this, for we made you fully acquainted
with our intentions before we departed from France; at which time you
approved of it, and even promised us aid against our very dear lord and
cousin, king Richard, whom God pardon! We would not accept of your
assistance; and we hold your approbation or disapprobation of our
undertaking of little worth, since it has pleased God, by his gracious
favour, to approve of it, as well as the inhabitants of our kingdom.
This is a sufficient reply to such as would deny our right,—and I am
confident in the benign grace of God, who has hitherto guarded us, that
he will continue his gracious mercy and bring the matter to so happy a
conclusion that you shall be forced to acknowledge the dignity we enjoy,
and the right we have to it.
‘In regard to that passage in your letter, where you speak of the
decease of our very dear cousin and lord, whom God pardon! adding, God
knows how it happened, and by whom caused,—we know not with what intent
this expression has been used; but if you mean, or dare to say, that his
death was caused by our order or consent, it is false, and will be a
falsehood every time you utter it,—and this we are ready to prove,
through the grace of God, in personal combat, if you be willing and have
the courage to dare it.
‘As to your saying, that you would have preserved the alliance made
between us, if we had not undertaken such offensive measures against our
very dear lord and cousin, who was so intimately related to your lord
and brother by marriage and treaties sealed with their seals, adding,
that at the time you made the alliance with us, you never imagined we
should have acted against our very dear lord and cousin, as is publicly
known to have been done by us,—we reply, we have done nothing against
him but what we would have dared to do before God and the whole world.
‘You say, that we might have seen in the bond of alliance what persons
were excepted in it, and whether our very dear and well beloved cousin,
the lady Isabella, your much honoured lady and niece, was not
comprehended in those excepted. We know that you excepted them in
general; but when, at your request, I entered into this alliance, you
did not make any specific exceptions of them, like to what you did
respecting your fair uncle of Burgundy; and yet the principal cause of
your seeking our friendship, and requesting this alliance to be made,
was your dislike to your uncle of Burgundy, which we can prove whenever
we please, and then all loyal men will see if you have not been
defective in your conduct as to our alliance; and though hypocrisy may
not avail before God, it may serve to blind mankind.
‘When you maintain that, after you were acquainted with the pretended
act done by us against our aforesaid lord and cousin, you lost all hope
that I would abide by any agreement entered into with you, or any other
person, we must suppose that you no longer wish to preserve any
friendship with us; but we marvel greatly that some time after we were
in possession of the dignity to which it has pleased God to raise us,
you should send to us one of your knights wearing your badges, to assure
us that you were eager to remain our very sincere friend, and that,
after your lord and brother, the friendship of no prince would be so
agreeable to you as ours. You charged him also to assure us, that the
bonds of alliance between us had been sealed with our great seals, which
he said you would not that any Frenchman should know.
‘You have afterward made us acquainted, by some of our vassals, with
your good inclinations, and the true friendship you bore us; but since
you wish not any connexion with us, considering the state we hold, (such
is your expression) we know not why we should wish your friendship,—for
what you formerly wrote to us does not correspond with your present
letters.
‘When you say, that in respect to the dignity we now enjoy, you suppose
that divine virtue has not assisted us, adding, that God may have
dissembled his intentions, and, like too many other princes, have caused
us to reign to our confusion,—assuredly many persons speak
thoughtlessly, and judge of others from themselves, so that the
all-powerful God may turn their judgments against themselves, and not
without cause. And as for the divine virtue having placed us on the
throne, we reply, that our Lord God, to whom we owe every praise and
duty, has shewn us more grace than we deserve; and it is solely to his
mercy and benignity we are indebted for what he has been pleased to
bestow upon us,—for certainly no sorceries nor witchcrafts could have
done it; and however you may doubt, we do not, but have the fullest
confidence that, through the grace of God, we have been placed where we
are.
‘In regard to your charge against us for our rigour against your niece,
and for having cruelly suffered her to depart from this country in
despair for the loss of her lord, and robbed her of her dower, which you
say we detain, after despoiling her of the money she brought hither,—God
knows, from whom nothing can be concealed, that so far from acting
towards her harshly, we have ever shewn her kindness and friendship; and
whoever shall dare say otherwise lies wickedly. We wish to God that you
may never have acted with greater rigour, unkindness, or cruelty,
towards any lady or damsel than we have done to her, and we believe it
would be the better for you.
‘As to the despair you say that she is in for the loss of our very dear
lord and cousin, we must answer as we have before done; and in regard to
her dower, of the seizure of which you complain, we are satisfied, that
if you had well examined the articles of the marriage you could not, if
you had spoken truth, have made this charge against us.
‘In regard to her money, it is notorious, that on her leaving this
kingdom we had made her such restitution of jewels and money, (much more
than she brought hither) that we hold ourselves acquitted; and we have,
beside, an acquittance under the seal of her father, our lord and
brother, drawn up in his council, and in your presence, as may be made
apparent to all the world, and prove that we have never despoiled her,
as you have falsely asserted.
‘You ought therefore to be more cautious in what you write: for no
prince should write any thing but what is the truth, and honourable to
himself, which is what you have not hitherto done. We have, however,
answered your letter very particularly, in such wise, that through the
aid of GOD, of our Lady, and of my lord Saint George, all men of honour
will think our reply satisfactory, and our honour preserved.
‘With regard to your companions, we have not any fault to find, for we
are not acquainted with them; but as to yourself, considering all
things, we do not repute very highly of you. And when you return thanks
to those of your family for having felt more pity than we have done for
our king and sovereign liege lord, we reply, that by the honour of GOD,
of our Lady, and of my lord St George, when you say so you lie falsely
and wickedly, for we hold his blood dearer to us than the blood of those
on your side, whatever you may falsely say to the contrary; and if you
say that his blood was not dear to us in his lifetime, we tell you that
you lie, and will falsely lie every time you assert it. This is known to
God, to whom we appeal, offering our body to combat against yours, in
our defence, as a loyal prince should do, if you be willing or dare to
prove it.
‘I wish to God that you had never done, or procured to be done, any
thing more against the person of your lord and brother, or his children,
than we have done against our late lord,—and in that case we believe
that you would find your conscience more at ease[37].
‘Although you think us undeserving of thanks for our conduct to those on
your side, we are persuaded that we have acted uprightly before God and
man, and not in the manner you falsely pretend,—considering that, after
our faithful lieges and subjects, we have good reason to love those of
France, from the just right God has given us to that crown; and we hope,
through his aid, to obtain possession of it. For their preservation, we
the more willingly shall accept a single combat with you, as it will
spare the effusion of blood, as a good shepherd should expose himself to
save his flock; whereas your pride and vain glory would triumph in their
death,—and, like the mercenary shepherd to whom the flock does not
belong, on seeing the wolf approach, you will take to flight, without
ever attending to the safety of your sheep, confirming the quarrel of
the two mothers before Solomon; that is to say, the true mother who had
pity on her child, while the other cruelly wished to have the child
divided, if the wise judge had not prevented it.
‘As you declare in your letter, that you are willing to meet us, body
against body, or with a greater or lesser number of men, in the defence
of your honour, we shall thank you to perform it, and make known to you,
that, through God’s assistance, you shall see the day when you shall not
depart without the deed being accomplished according to one or other of
these proposals, and to our honour.
‘Since you are desirous to have the time ascertained when we shall visit
our possessions on your side of the sea, we inform you, that whenever it
may please us, or we may judge it most expedient, we shall visit those
possessions accompanied by as many persons as we shall think proper, for
the honour of God, of ourself, and of our kingdom, which persons we
esteem as our loyal servants and subjects, and friends, to assert our
right,—opposing however, with God’s aid, our body against yours, in
defending our honour against the false and wicked aspersions you are
inclined to throw on it, if you have the courage to meet us, which, if
it please God, shall be soon, when you shall be known for what you are.
‘God knows, and we wish all the world to know, that this our answer does
not proceed from pride or presumption of heart, but from your having
made such false charges against us, and from our eager desire to defend
our right with every means that God, through his grace, has granted us.
We have therefore made the above answer; and that you may be assured of
its truth, we have sealed with our arms this present letter.’
Notwithstanding these letters and answers that passed between the king
of England and the duke of Orleans, they never personally met, and the
quarrel remained as before.
CHAP. X.
WALERAN COUNT DE SAINT POL SENDS A CHALLENGE TO THE KING OF
ENGLAND.
In this same year, Waleran count de St Pol sent a challenge to the king
of England, in the following words:
‘Most high and mighty prince Henry, duke of Lancaster,—I Waleran de
Luxembourg, count de Ligny and de St Pol, considering the affinity,
love, and esteem I bore the most high and potent prince Richard, king of
England, whose sister I married[38], and whose destruction you are
notoriously accused of, and greatly blamed for;—considering also the
disgrace I and my descendants would feel, as well as the indignation of
an all-powerful God, if I did not attempt to revenge the death of the
said king, my father-in-law;—
‘I make known to you by these presents, that I will annoy you by every
possible means in my power, and that personally, and by my friends,
relations and subjects, I will do you every mischief by sea and land,
beyond the limits of the kingdom of France, for the cause before said,
and no way for the acts that have taken place, and may hereafter take
place, between my very redoubted lord and sovereign, the king of France,
and the kingdom of England.
‘This I certify to you under my seal, given at my castle of Luxembourg,
the 10th day of February, in the year 1402.’
This letter was carried to the king of England by a herald of count
Waleran; and thereto the king, Henry, made answer, that he held his
menaces cheap, and that it was his will that count Waleran should enjoy
his country and his subjects.
The count de St Pol, having sent this challenge, made preparations to
begin the war against the king of England and his allies. He also caused
to be made, in his castle of Bohain, a figure to represent the earl of
Rutland[39], with an emblazoned coat of arms, and a portable gibbet,
which he got secretly conveyed to one of his forts in the country of the
Boulonois; and thence he caused them to be carried by Robinet de
Robretanges, Aliaume de Biurtin, and other experienced warriors, to the
gates of Calais. There the gibbet was erected, and the figure of the
earl of Rutland hung on it by the feet; and when this was done, the
above persons returned to their fort.
When the english garrison in Calais saw this spectacle in the morning,
they were much surprised thereat, and without delay cut the figure down,
and carried it into the town. After that time, they were more inclined
than ever to do mischief to the count Waleran and his subjects.
CHAP. XI.
CONCERNING THE SENDING OF SIR JAMES DE BOURBON, COUNT DE LA
MARCHE, AND HIS TWO BROTHERS, BY ORDERS FROM THE KING OF
FRANCE, TO THE ASSISTANCE OF THE WELSH,—AND OTHER
MATTERS.
In this year, sir James de Bourbon[40], count de la Marche, accompanied
by his two brothers, Louis[41] and Jean[42], with twelve hundred knights
and esquires, were sent, by orders from the king of France, to the port
of Brest in Brittany,—thence to embark for Wales, to the succour of the
Welsh against the English. They found there a fleet of transports ready
provided with all necessaries, on board of which they embarked,
intending to land at Dartmouth, but the wind proved contrary. Having
noticed seven sail of merchantmen coming out of this harbour, fully
laden, making sail for Plymouth, they chaced them so successfully that
their sailors abandoned their ships, and, taking to their boats, made
their escape as well as they could. The count de la Marche took
possession of the vessels and all they contained, and then entered
Plymouth harbour, which they destroyed with fire and sword.
Thence he sailed to a small island, called Sallemue[43]; and having
treated it in the same manner as Plymouth, he created some new
knights,—among whom were his two brothers, Louis count de Vendôme, and
Jean de Bourbon his youngest brother, and many of their companions. When
the count de la Marche had tarried there for three days, suspecting that
the English would collect a superior force to offer him battle, he set
sail for France; but shortly after a tempest arose that lasted for three
days, in which twelve of his ships and all on board perished. With much
difficulty, the count reached the port of St Malo with the remainder,
and thence went to Paris to wait on the king of France.
This same year, duke Philip of Burgundy made grand feasts for the
solemnization of the marriage of his second son Anthony, count of
Rethel, who was afterwards duke of Brabant, with the only daughter of
Waleran count of St Pol,—which daughter he had by the countess Maud, his
first wife, sister to king Richard of England. These feasts were very
magnificent, and well attended by many princes and princesses, with a
noble chivalry, and they were all supported at the sole expense of the
duke of Burgundy.
[A. D. 1403.]
CHAP. XII.
THE ADMIRAL OF BRITTANY, WITH OTHER LORDS, FIGHTS THE
ENGLISH AT SEA.—GILBERT DE FRETUN MAKES WAR AGAINST KING
HENRY.
In the beginning of this year, the admiral of Brittany, the lord de
Penhors, the lord du Chastel[44], the lord du Boys, with many other
knights and esquires of Brittany, to the amount of twelve hundred men at
arms, assembled at Morlens[45], and embarked on board thirty vessels at
a port called Chastel-Pol[46], to engage the English, who had a large
fleet at sea on the look-out for merchantmen like pirates. On the
following Wednesday, as the English were cruising before a port called
St Matthieu[47], the Bretons came up with them, and chaced them until
sun-rise the ensuing morning, when they engaged in battle. It lasted for
three hours; but the Bretons at last gained the victory, and took two
thousand prisoners, with forty vessels with sails, and a carrack. The
greater part of the prisoners were thrown overboard and drowned, but
some escaped by promising punctual payment of their ransom.
About this same time, an esquire, named Gilbert de Fretun, a native of
the country of Guines, sent his challenge to the king of England, to
avoid paying him his homage; and in consequence, this Gilbert collected
many men at arms, and made such exertions that he provided himself with
two vessels well equipped, and carried on a destructive war against the
king as long as the truces between the kings of France and England were
broken, from which event great evils ensued.
CHAP. XIII.
THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS QUARRELS WITH SIR CHARLES DE SAVOISY
AND WITH THE PROVOST OF PARIS.
At this period, when the university of Paris was making its annual
processions, much dissention arose between some of its members, as they
were near to St Catherine du Val des Escoliers, and the grooms of sir
Charles de Savoisy, chamberlain[48] to the king of France, who were
leading their horses to drink in the river Seine. The cause of the
quarrel was owing to some of the grooms riding their horses against the
procession, and wounding some of the scholars,—who, displeased at such
conduct, attacked them with stones, and knocked some of the riders off
their horses.
The grooms, on this, returned to the hôtel de Savoisy, but soon came
back armed with bows and arrows, and accompanied by others of their
fellow-servants, when they renewed the attack against the scholars,
wounding many with their arrows and staves even when in the church. This
caused a great riot. In the end, however, the great number of scholars
overpowered them, and drove them back, after several of them had been
soundly beaten and badly wounded.
When the procession was concluded, the members of the university waited
on the king, to make complaints of the insult offered them, and
demanded, by the mouth of their rector, that instant reparation should
be made them for the offence which had been committed, such as the case
required,—declaring, at the same time, that if it were not done, they
would all quit the town of Paris, and fix their residence in some other
place, where they might be in safety.
The king made answer, that such punishment should be inflicted on the
offenders as that they should be satisfied therewith. In short, after
many conferences, in which the members of the university urged their
complaints to the king, as well as to the princes of the blood who
composed his council, it was ordered by the king, to appease them, that
the lord Charles de Savoisy, in reparation for the offence committed by
his servants, should be banished from the king’s household, and from
those of the princes of the blood, and should be deprived of all his
offices. His hôtel was demolished, and razed to the ground; and he was
besides condemned to found two chapelries of one hundred livres each,
which were to be in the gift of the university.
After this sentence had been executed, sir Charles de Savoisy quitted
France, and lived for some time greatly dispirited in foreign countries,
where, however, he conducted himself so temperately and honourably[49],
that at length principally, through the queen of France and some great
lords, he made his peace with the university, and, with their
approbation, returned again to the king’s household.
Not long after this event, sir William de Tigouville[50], provost of
Paris, caused two clerks of the university to be executed: the one named
Legier de Montthilier, a Norman, and the other Olivier Bourgeois, a
Breton, accused of having committed divers felonies. For this reason,
notwithstanding they were clerks, they were led to execution, and,
although they loudly claimed their privileges, as of the clergy, in
hopes of being rescued, they were hung on the gibbet. The university,
however, caused the provost to be deprived of his office, and to be
sentenced to erect a large and high cross of free stone, near the gibbet
on the road leading to Paris, on which the figures of the two clerks
were carved. They caused him also to have their bodies taken down from
the gibbet, and placed in a cart, covered with black cloth; and thus
accompanied by him and his sergeants, with others bearing lighted
torches of wax, were they carried to the church of St Mathurin, and
there delivered by the provost to the rector of the university, who had
them honourably interred in the cloisters of this church; and an epitaph
was placed over them, to their perpetual remembrance.
CHAP. XIV.
THE SENESCHAL OF HAINAULT PERFORMS A DEED OF ARMS WITH THREE
OTHERS, IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING OF ARRAGON.—THE
ADMIRAL OF BRITTANY UNDERTAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
ENGLAND.
In this same year, an enterprise of arms was undertaken by the gallant
seneschal of Hainault, in the presence of the king of Arragon[51].
The combatants were to be four against four, and their arms battle-axes,
swords and daggers: the combat was to be for life or death, subject,
however, to the will of the judge of the field.
The companions of the seneschal were, sir James de Montenay, a knight of
Normandy, sir Tanneguy du Chastel, from the duchy of Brittany, and a
notable esquire called Jean Carmen[52]. Their adversaries were from the
kingdom of Arragon,—and their chief was named Tollemache de Sainte
Coulonne, of the king of Arragon’s household, and much beloved by him:
the second, sir Pierre de Monstarde[53]: the third, Proton de Sainte
Coulonne; and the fourth, Bernard de Buef.
When the appointed day approached, the king had the lists magnificently
prepared near to his palace in the town of Valencia. The king came to
the seat allotted for him, attended by the duke de Caudie[54], and the
counts de Sardonne[55] and d’Aviemie[56], and a numerous train of his
nobility. All round the lists scaffolds were erected, on which were
seated the nobles of the country, the ladies and damsels, as well as the
principal citizens of both sexes. Forty men at arms, richly dressed,
were ordered by the king to keep the lists clear; and between their
barriers was the constable of Arragon, with a large company of men at
arms, brilliantly equipped, according to the custom of the country.
Within the field of combat were two small pavilions for the champions,
who were much adorned with the emblazonry of their arms, to repose in,
and shelter themselves from the heat or the sun. On the arrival of the
king, he made known to the seneschal, by one of his knights, that he and
his companions should advance first into the field, since it had been so
ordered, as the Arragonians were the appellants. The seneschal and his
companions, on receiving this summons, instantly armed themselves, and
mounted their coursers, which were all alike ornamented with crimson
silk trappings that swept the ground, over which were besprinkled many
escutcheons of their arms. Thus nobly equipped, they left their
lodgings, and advanced toward the barriers of the lists. The before
named esquire marched first, followed by sir Tanneguy and sir James de
Montenay; and last of all, the seneschal, conducted by the seneschal du
Chut; when, having entered the lists, they made their reverences on
horseback to king Martin of Arragon, who paid them great honour.
They then retired to their tents, and waited an hour and a half for
their opponents, who arrived, like the others, in a body on horseback.
Their horses’ trappings were of white silk, ornamented with escutcheons
of their arms. When they had made their reverences to the king, they
retired also to their tents, which were pitched on the right, where they
all remained for full five hours thus armed. The cause of this delay was
owing to the king and his council wishing to accommodate the matter and
prevent the combat. To effectuate this, many messages were sent from the
king to the seneschal, proposing that he should not proceed farther; but
he prudently made answer, that this enterprise had been undertaken at
the request of Tollemache, and that he and his companions had come from
a far country, and at great trouble and expense, to gratify his wish,
which he and his companions were determined upon doing.
At length, after much discussion on each side, it was concluded that the
combat should take place. The usual proclamations were then made in the
king’s name; and the king at arms of Arragon cried out loudly and
clearly, that the champions must do their duty. Both parties instantly
issued forth of their tents, holding their battle-axes in their hands,
and marched proudly towards each other.
The Arragonians had settled among themselves that two of them should
fall on the seneschal, in the hope of striking him down: both parties
were on foot, and they expected he would be at one of the ends of the
lists above the others, but he was in the middle part. When they
approached, the seneschal stepped forward three or four paces before his
companions, and attacked Tollemache, who had that day been made a knight
by the king’s hand, and gave him so severe a blow with his battle-axe on
the side of his helmet as made him reel and turn half round. The others
made a gallant fight with their opponents; but sir James de Montenay,
throwing down his battle-axe, seized sir James[57] de Monstarde with one
of his hands under his legs, and, raising him up with his dagger in the
other, was prepared to stab him; but, as the affair on all sides seemed
to be carried on in earnest, the king put an end to the combat.
According to appearances, the Arragonians would have had the worst of it
had the combat been carried to extremities; for the seneschal and those
with him were all four very powerful in bodily strength, well
experienced in all warlike exercises, and equal to the accomplishment of
any enterprise in arms that might be demanded from them.
When the champions were retired to their tents, the king descended from
his seat into the list, and requested of the seneschal and Tollemache,
in a kind manner, that the remaining deeds of arms might be referred to
him and his council, and he would so act that they should all be
satisfied.
The seneschal, then falling on one knee, humbly entreated the king that
he would consent that the challenge should be completed according to the
request of Tollemache. The king replied, by again requiring that the
completion of the combat should be referred to his judgment; which being
granted, he took the seneschal by the hand, and placed him above
himself, and Tollemache on the other side. He thus led them out of the
lists, when each returned to his hôtel and disarmed. The king sent his
principal knights to seek the seneschal and his companions, whom, for
three days, he entertained at his palace, and paid them as much honour
as if they had been his own brothers. When he had reconciled them with
their opponents, he made them fresh presents; and they departed thence
on their return to France, and the seneschal to Hainault.
About this time the admiral of Brittany, the lord du Chastel, and many
other knights and esquires of Brittany and Normandy, to the amount of
twelve hundred or more, embarked on board several vessels at St Malo,
and put to sea, intending to land at Dartmouth. Notwithstanding the
admiral and some others were adverse to going ashore there, the lords du
Chastel and some others made their landing good, thinking they would be
followed by the rest, which was not the case. They attacked the English,
who were assembled in a large body; but, though the combat lasted some
time, the Bretons and Normans were defeated, and the lord du Chastel
slain,—with him two brothers, sir John Martiel, a norman knight, and
many more. About one hundred prisoners were made,—among whom was the
lord de Bacqueville, who afterward ransomed himself by dint of money.
The admiral and those that had remained with him, or were wounded,
returned to their country, afflicted and disconsolate at their loss[58].
CHAP. XV.
THE MARSHAL OF FRANCE AND THE MASTER OF THE CROSS-BOWS, BY
ORDERS FROM THE KING OF FRANCE, GO TO ENGLAND, TO THE
ASSISTANCE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
Nearly at this time, the marshal of France and the master of the
cross-bows[59], by orders from the king of France and at his expense,
collected twelve hundred fighting men. They marched to Brest in
Brittany, to embark them, for the assistance of the Welsh against the
English, on board of six score vessels with sails which were lying
there. As the wind was contrary, they there remained fifteen days; but
when it became favourable, they steered for the port of
Haverfordwest,—which place they took, slaying all the inhabitants but
such as had fled. They wasted the country round, and then advanced to
the castle of Haverford, wherein was the earl of Arundel, with many
other men at arms and soldiers.
Having burnt the town and suburbs under the castle, they marched away,
destroying the whole country with fire and sword. They came to a town
called Tenby, situated eighteen miles off, where they found the prince
of Wales[60], with ten thousand combatants, waiting for them, and thence
marched together to Carmarthen, twelve miles from Tenby.
Thence they marched into the country of Linorquie[61], went to the Round
Table[62], which is a noble abbey, and then took the road to Worcester,
where they burnt the suburbs and adjoining country. Three leagues beyond
Worcester, they met the king of England, who was marching a large army
against them.
Each party drew up in order of battle on two eminences, having a valley
between them, and each waiting for the attack of its opponent. This
contest, who should commence the battle, lasted for eight days; and they
were regularly every morning drawn up in battle-array, and remained in
this state until evening,—during which time, there were many skirmishes
between the two parties, when upwards of two hundred of either side were
slain, and more wounded.
On the side of France, three knights were slain, namely, sir Patroullars
de Tries, brother to the marshal of France[63], the lord de Martelonne,
and the lord de la Valle. The French and Welsh were also much oppressed
by famine and other inconveniencies,—for with great difficulty could
they gain any provision, as the English had strongly guarded all the
passes.
At length, on the eighth day that these two armies had been looking at
each other, the king of England, seeing the enemy were not afraid of
him, retreated in the evening to Worcester, but was pursued by some
French and Welsh, who seized on eighteen carts laden with provision and
other baggage; upon which the French and Welsh then marched back to
Wales. While these things were passing, the french fleet was at sea,
having on board some men at arms to defend it, and made for a port which
had been pointed out to them, where they were found by their countrymen
on their retreat from England.
The marshal de Tries and the master of the cross-bows, having embarked
with their men on board this fleet, put to sea, and made sail for the
coast of France, and arrived at St Pol de Leon without any accident.
However, when they were disembarked, and had visited their men, they
found they had lost upwards of sixty men, of whom the three knights
before mentioned were the principal. They thence departed, each man to
his home, excepting the two commanders, who went to wait on the king and
the princes of the blood at Paris, by whom they were received with much
joy.
CHAP. XVI.
A POWERFUL INFIDEL, CALLED TAMERLANE, INVADES THE KINGDOM OF
THE KING BAJAZET, WHO MARCHES AGAINST AND FIGHTS WITH
HIM.
In this year, a great and powerful prince of the region of Tartary,
called Tamerlane, invaded Turkey, belonging to king Bajazet, with two
hundred thousand combatants and twenty-six elephants. Bajazet was very
powerful, and had been one of the principal chiefs who had conquered and
made prisoner the count de Nevers in Hungary, as is fully described in
the Chronicles of master John Froissart.
When Bajazet heard that Tamerlane had thus invaded his territory, and
was wasting it with fire and sword, he issued a special summons
throughout his country, so that within fifteen days he had assembled an
army of three hundred thousand fighting men, but had only ten elephants.
These elephants of each party had small castles on their backs, in which
were many men at arms, who grievously annoyed the enemy. Bajazet marched
this force against Tamerlane, and found him encamped on a high mountain
to the westward, called Appady, having already destroyed or burnt very
many good towns, and the greater part of the country.
When the two chiefs were in sight of each other, they drew up their
armies in battle-array[64]. The combat soon began, and lasted full six
hours; but at last Bajazet and his army were defeated, and he himself
made prisoner. Forty thousand Turks were slain, and ten thousand of
their enemies. After this success, Tamerlane sent larger detachments of
his army to the principal towns in Turkey,—all of which, or the greater
part, surrendered to him,—so that Tamerlane, in one campaign, conquered
nearly the whole of Turkey.
CHAP. XVII.
CHARLES KING OF NAVARRE NEGOTIATES WITH THE KING OF FRANCE,
AND OBTAINS THE DUCHY OF NEMOURS.—DUKE PHILIP OF
BURGUNDY MAKES A JOURNEY TO BAR-LE-DUC AND TO BRUSSELS.
At this same season, Charles[65] king of Navarre came to Paris to wait
on the king. He negotiated so successfully with the king and his privy
council that he obtained a gift of the castle of Nemours, with some of
its dependant castlewicks, which territory was made a duchy. He
instantly did homage for it, and at the same time surrendered to the
king the castle of Cherbourg, the county of Evreux[66], and all other
lordships he possessed within the kingdom of France, renouncing all
claim or profit in them to the king and to his successors, on
consideration, that with this duchy of Nemours the king of France
engaged to pay him two hundred thousand gold crowns of the coin of the
king our lord.
When this was done, duke Philip of Burgundy left Paris to go to
Bar-le-Duc, to attend the funeral of his sister the duchess of Bar[67],
who had died there. After this ceremony, he went to his town of Arras,
where the duchess was, and there celebrated the feast of Easter. He then
went to Brussels in Brabant, to the duchess’s, grandmother[68] to his
wife, who had sent for him, to resign into his hands the government of
the country; but he was there seized with an alarming illness, and
caused himself to be carried to Halle, as will be more fully shewn
hereafter.
[A. D. 1404.]
CHAP. XVIII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY DIES IN THE TOWN OF HALLE, IN
HAINAULT.—HIS BODY IS CARRIED TO THE CARTHUSIAN CONVENT
AT DIJON, IN BURGUNDY.
At the beginning of this year, the good duke of Burgundy, Philip, son to
king John, and brother to Charles the rich, caused himself to be carried
in a litter from the town of Brussels, in Brabant, to Halle, in
Hainault. That the horses which carried him might travel more safely,
and he be less shaken, labourers advanced before the litter, with spades
and pick-axes to repair and smooth the roads.
When at Halle, he fixed his lodgings near to the church of our Lady, at
an hôtel bearing the sign of the Stag; and, finding his disorder
increase, he sent for his three sons, namely, John count de Nevers,
Anthony and Philip. On their arrival, he entreated and commanded them to
be loyal and obedient, during their lives, to king Charles of France and
to his successors, and made them promise obedience on their love to him.
This engagement the three princes readily granted to their lord and
father, who then assigned to each such lordships and estates as they
were to hold after his decease, and specified the manner in which he
intended they should enjoy them. All these, and various other
arrangements, were wisely ordered by the duke in a manner becoming such
a prince, who had a good memory in his last moments. When he had
finished these matters, he died in this hôtel. His body was then opened,
and his bowels interred in the church of our Lady at Halle; but his body
being well embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin, and carried to the
towns of Douay and Arras, magnificently attended, and in a manner
suitable to his rank.
At Arras the corpse was placed in his chapel, where a solemn service was
performed. The duchess Margaret[69] there renounced her claim to his
moveables, from fear of the debts being too great, by placing her girdle
with her purse and keys on the coffin, as is the usual custom in such
cases,—and demanded that this act should be put into writing by a public
notary there present.
The body was afterward conveyed to Burgundy, and interred in the church
of the Carthusians near Dijon, which church he had founded and
ornamented at his own expense. His heart was carried to the church of
Saint Denis, and placed near to his royal ancestors, from whom he was
descended.
The duke, in addition to the three before mentioned sons, had three
daughters, namely, the archduchess of Austria[70], the countess of
Holland[71], wife to William count of Hainault, and the duchess of
Savoy[72].
There were great lamentations at his death, not only by his children but
generally by the greater part of the lords of France and of his own
countries; for he had prudently and ably governed the affairs of France,
in conjunction with his elder brother the duke of Berry, by whom he was
much regretted.
After his decease, John count of Nevers, his eldest son, took possession
of the county and duchy of Burgundy: his second son, Anthony, was
declared heir to the duchy of Brabant, after the death of his great aunt
the duchess, who immediately resigned to him the duchy of Limbourg[73].
Philip, his third son, inherited the county of Nevers and barony of
Draxi, but not to enjoy them during the life of his mother. The three
brothers began to govern their territories with a high hand, and held
many councils together, and with their most confidential advisers, on
the manner in which they should conduct themselves towards the king
their sovereign lord.
CHAP. XIX.
WALERAN COUNT DE ST POL LANDS A LARGE FORCE ON THE ISLE OF
WIGHT, TO MAKE WAR AGAINST ENGLAND, BUT RETURNS WITHOUT
HAVING PERFORMED ANY GREAT DEEDS.
In this year, Waleran count de St Pol assembled at Abbeville, in
Ponthieu, about sixteen hundred fighting men,—among whom were numbers of
the nobility, who had made great provision of salted meats, biscuit,
wines, brandy, butter, flour, and other things necessary on board of
ships. From Abbeville the count led them to the port of Harfleur, where
they found vessels of all descriptions to receive them.
When they had remained there some few days to arrange their matters, and
to recommend themselves to the protection of St Nicholas, they embarked
on board these vessels, and sailed for the Isle of Wight, which lies
opposite to the harbour of Southampton. They landed on the island,
making a bold countenance to face their enemies, of whom indeed they had
seen but little on their landing,—for all, or at least the greater part
of the islanders, had retreated to the woods and fortresses.
Several new knights were created by the count, namely, Philippe de
Harcourt, Jean de Fosseux, the lord de Guiency and others, who went to
burn some miserable villages, and set fire to a few other places. During
this, a sensible priest of the island came to the count to treat for the
ransom and security of the island, for which he gave the count to
understand a very large sum of money would be paid to him and his
captains. He too readily listened to this proposal; for it was a
deception on the part of the priest to delay their operations, and amuse
them with words, until the English should arrive to fight with them.
Count Waleran was at length informed of this plan, and, in consequence,
re-embarked with his men on board the vessels; and they returned to the
place whence they had come, without doing any thing more. Many of the
nobles were much displeased at this conduct, because they had expended
large sums in laying in their purveyances. The countries through which
his men at arms returned were greatly harrassed by them,—and this caused
much murmuring against the count, but no redress could be obtained.
CHAP. XX.
LOUIS DUKE OF ORLEANS IS SENT BY THE KING TO THE POPE AT
MARSEILLES.—THE DUKE OF BOURBON IS ORDERED INTO
LANGUEDOC, AND THE CONSTABLE INTO ACQUITAINE.
The king of France, with the advice of his great council, sent Louis
duke of Orleans, accompanied by about six hundred knights, to pope
Gregory, to remonstrate with him on the necessity of establishing an
union in the church. He travelled through Champagne and Burgundy to
Lyon, and thence to Marseilles, where the pope and his court then were.
He received the duke most honourably and magnificently, and, after he
had heard the object of his mission, gave him his apostolical letters,
containing certain conditions, preparatory to the attempt of an union.
The duke, on receiving them, took leave of the pope, and returned to
Paris to the king, who had near his person the dukes of Berry, Burgundy,
Brittany and Bourbon, and many other great lords, secular and
ecclesiastical. In their presence, he delivered the apostolical letters
which contained, among other things, an offer from the pope to procure
the union of the whole church; and, should it be necessary, to obtain so
desirable an object, his holiness was willing to resign the papacy, and
to act in whatever way touching this matter his council should judge
expedient, and conformable to reason and justice.
The king, his council, the lords present and the university, were well
satisfied, when they had heard the contents of the pope’s letter.
About this time, John[74] count of Clermont, son and heir to the duke of
Bourbon, was ordered by the king and council into Languedoc, and thence
to carry on a war against the English in Gascony, who were very active
in harrassing the frontiers. He appointed Saint Flour in Auvergne as the
place of rendezvous for his troops, which consisted of five hundred men
at arms, and the same number of cross-bows and archers. The next in
command to the count de Clermont was the viscount de Châteaubon, son to
the count de Foix[75]. They carried on a severe warfare, and put several
forts under the king’s obedience,—such as the castles of St Pierre, St
Mary, Châteauneuf, and many more. After he had left these forts well
garrisoned, he concluded the campaign, and returned to the king at
Paris, by whom he was most graciously received.
Shortly afterward, the lord Charles d’Albreth[76], constable of France,
was sent into the duchy of Acquitaine, accompanied by Harpedane, a
knight of great renown in arms. They laid siege to the castle of
Carlefin[77], the garrison of which had done much mischief to the king’s
subjects, and laid the whole adjoining country under contribution. The
siege lasted for six weeks, when a treaty was concluded with the
garrison by the constable, which allowed them to march out in safety
with all their wealth; and he agreed also to pay them a certain sum of
money, which was raised on the inhabitants of the country adjoining the
castle. When the constable had garrisoned the castle with his own men,
he returned to king Charles at Paris.
CHAP. XXI.
THE DEATH OF DUKE ALBERT, COUNT OF HAINAULT,—AND OF MARGARET
DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY, DAUGHTER TO LOUIS EARL OF FLANDERS.
This year died duke Albert, count of Hainault, Holland and Zealand. He
was son to Louis of Bavaria, formerly emperor of Germany, and left issue
two sons and a daughter,—namely, William, the eldest, and John, surnamed
‘sans pitié,’ who was promoted to the bishoprick of Liege,
notwithstanding he was not then consecrated. The daughter was married to
John duke of Burgundy[78]. Duke Albert was interred in the collegiate
church of the Hague, in Holland.
In this year also died Margaret duchess of Burgundy, widow of the late
duke Philip, at her dower-house in Arras. Her illness was very short,
and she departed this life on the Friday before mid-lent Sunday. Her
three sons, John duke of Burgundy, Anthony duke of Limbourg, and her
youngest son Philip, were in the utmost grief at this event in the town
of Lille, where she was buried in the collegiate church of St Peter,
near to her father the earl Louis of Flanders.
After her decease, John duke of Burgundy succeeded to the counties of
Flanders and Artois, and Philip to the county of Nevers, according to
the arrangements before mentioned. Shortly after, through the management
of the duke of Burgundy, the two following marriages took place: Louis
duke of Acquitaine, dauphin, and son to the king of France, with
Margaret, eldest daughter to the duke of Burgundy,—and Philip count de
Charolois, only son and heir to the above duke, with Michelle daughter
to the king of France. These matches had been talked of during the life
of the late duke Philip, and were very agreeable to the king, the queen,
and the princes of the blood, excepting the duke of Orleans, whom they
displeased. From that time, and indeed somewhat before, there were
appearances of jealousy and dislike between these two princes of Orleans
and Burgundy; and whatever seeming affection they may have shown to each
other, there was no sincere love. These jealousies were fomented in
great measure by the various reports which were carried to each, by
their different dependants.
The above-mentioned marriages, however, were agreed on, and proper acts
drawn up, signed and mutually interchanged, for the security of them,
between all the parties.
A very heavy tax was about this time imposed on all the inhabitants
throughout France, by the king and his council at Paris; but the duke of
Burgundy would not consent that it should be levied,—which conduct
gained him universal popularity throughout the kingdom.
[A. D. 1405.]
CHAP. XXII.
JOHN DUKE OF BURGUNDY, AFTER THE DEATH OF THE DUCHESS
MARGARET, IS RECEIVED BY THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FLANDERS
AS THEIR LORD.
At the commencement of this year, the duke of Burgundy, having paid his
duty to the king of France at Paris, set out for Flanders, attended by
his brothers and a large company of the nobles of that country. He was
most honourably and kindly received every where by his subjects, who
made him handsome presents, more especially those of Ghent, Bruges,
Ypres, and other great towns.
They took the usual oaths of fidelity to him, promising to serve him
faithfully, as they were bound to do. He then forbade all his subjects
to pay the tax last imposed at Paris by the king and his council, as has
been mentioned. This conduct greatly increased the hatred the duke of
Orleans bore him,—for at that time the public affairs were governed
according to his pleasure, insomuch that a stop was put to the marriages
before mentioned, between the children of the king and the duke of
Burgundy; and the duke of Orleans was desirous to find out some other
match for his nephew, the duke of Acquitaine, which highly displeased
the duke of Burgundy when it came to his knowledge.
The duke instantly sent his ambassadors to the king, the queen, and the
great council,—but they had no very agreeable answer to bring back to
their master, by reason of which they returned as speedily as they could
to Flanders. Having heard their account, he consulted his most
confidential ministers as to the manner in which he should act. They
advised him to set out immediately for Paris,—for that, being on the
spot, he could pursue his business with the king and council with more
urgency, and greater expectation of success, than by ambassadors. He
assented to this advice, and made his preparations to go thither as
speedily as he could.
At this period, pope Benedict XIII.[79], who resided and kept his court
in the county of Provence, imposed a tax of a tenth on his clergy. This
tax was intended to hasten the union of our holy mother church, and was
to be paid at two terms, namely, at Easter, and on the feast of St Remy.
CHAP. XXIII.
DUKE WILLIAM COUNT OF HAINAULT PRESIDES AT A COMBAT FOR LIFE
OR DEATH, IN HIS TOWN OF QUESNOY, IN WHICH ONE OF THE
CHAMPIONS IS SLAIN.
A mortal combat was this year fought in the town of Quesnoy, in the
presence of duke William count of Hainault, judge of the field, between
a gentleman named Bournecte, of the county of Hainault, appellant, and
another gentleman called Sohier Bunaige, of the county of Flanders. The
cause of quarrel was, that Bournecte declared and maintained that Sohier
had killed and murdered one of his near relations; and in this case,
duke William had ordered lists to be prepared at his expense, as was
usual in such like instances.
The duke had in vain attempted several times to reconcile them,—but
finding them unwilling to consent, he ordered them to appear before him
at a certain time and place, to decide their difference by combat. On
the appointed day, the appellant entered the lists, accompanied by some
of his nearest kindred, and was soon followed by the defendant.
Proclamation was then made in the duke’s name, by a herald, that no one
should dare to give any hindrance to the combatants, under pain of
death,—and then the champions were told to do their duty. After this
last proclamation, the appellant first left his pavilion, and advanced
to meet the defendant. When they had thrown each their lances without
effect, they drew their swords, and fought for a short time; but
Bournecte soon overcame his adversary, and made him publicly avow the
truth of the charge he had made against him, and for which he called him
to the combat. The vanquished man was speedily condemned by the duke to
be beheaded;—which sentence was instantly executed, and the conqueror
led in triumph to his hôtel. He was greatly honoured and respected by
all the nobility,—and it was reported that the duke of Orleans had been
present at this combat in disguise.
CHAP. XXIV.
THE COUNT DE SAINT POL MARCHES AN ARMY BEFORE THE CASTLE OF
MERCQ, WHERE THE ENGLISH FROM CALAIS MEET AND DISCOMFIT
HIM.
In the month of May of this year, Waleran de Luxembourg, count de Ligny
and de St Pol, governor for the king of France in Picardy, assembled in
that country and in the Boulonois from four to five hundred men at arms,
five hundred genoese cross-bows, and about one thousand Flemings on
foot, from the country about Gravelines. He marched them from St Omer to
Tournehen, and thence advanced to lay siege to a castle called Mercq, in
the possession of the English, who from that place, and other garrisons,
had greatly harrassed the Boulonois and the adjacent countries.
The count caused many engines to be erected against this castle, which
much annoyed the garrison, who defended themselves courageously. The
count saw he could not gain the place by storm without great difficulty
and loss of men, and in consequence lodged his army in the houses of the
town that were surrounded by old ditches, which he had repaired to
secure himself against his enemies, as well from Calais as from other
garrisons. On the morrow, he made an attack on the lower court of the
castle, which was carried by storm; and the assailants gained great
numbers of horses, cows, sheep and mares. At this attack, sir Robert de
Birengueville, knight, was wounded so that he died shortly after.
On this same day, about one hundred men at arms sallied out from Calais,
and having viewed the French at their ease, returned to their town, and
instantly sent a herald to the count de St Pol to say, that on the
morrow they would dine with him, if he would have the goodness to wait
for them. The herald returned with the answer, that if they would come,
they should be received, and find the dinner ready.
On the morrow, very early, two hundred men at arms, two hundred archers,
and about three hundred men on foot, lightly armed, marched out of
Calais. They carried with them ten or twelve carts laden with wines and
provision. The whole were under the command of an english knight named
Richards, lieutenant governor of Calais under the earl of Somerset,
brother to Henry of Lancaster, at that time king of England[80].
They advanced in good array until they were near the enemy, who, though
advised of their coming by their spies, made no preparations, nor did
they draw themselves up in battle without their quarters to meet them,
as they should have done. They remained so long in their ditches that
the English kept up a terrible discharge of arrows, by which numbers
were killed and wounded, without the French being enabled to make any
effectual resistance.
The Flemings, and the greater part of the infantry, shortly began to
give way, and take to flight from fear of the arrows,—and the men at
arms soon followed their example. The genoese cross-bows also, having,
in the preceding assault on the outer court of the castle, expended all
their bolts, had not provided themselves with a fresh supply, so that at
this time of need they made a very poor defence.
By these means, the English, without any great loss on their side, soon
discomfited the French, and remained victors oh the field. The count de
St Pol, with others of his companions, made off without any regard to
his honour, and, passing through St Omer, returned to Therouenne.
In general, all those of his party who remained were killed, or made
prisoners. The slain were about sixty in number,—and among them were the
principal of the french commanders, namely, the lord de Querecqs, sir
Morlet de Savences, sir Courbet de Rempeupret, sir Martel de Vaulhuon,
sir Guy d’Juergny, and the lord de Fayel.
Among the prisoners were the lord de Hangestez[81], governor of
Boulogne, the lord de Dampierre[82], seneschal of Ponthieu, the lord de
Rambures[83], George la Personne, the lord de Givenchy, with several
other noble knights and esquires, to the amount of sixty or eighty.
When the battle was concluded, and the English had taken possession of
all the carts and engines of war which the enemy had brought thither,
and had stript the dead, they returned to their town of Calais with
their prisoners, rejoicing in their victory.
On the contrary, count Waleran and those who had escaped with him were
overwhelmed with despair, and not without cause. On the third day after
this defeat, the English marched out of Calais with the numerous cannons
and other artillery they had taken from the French before Mercq, for the
town of Ardres. They amounted to about five hundred combatants; and as
they had marched all night, thinking to surprise it, and that it was
weakly garrisoned, they began their attack at the break of day, by
placing ladders against its walls, and setting fire to different parts
of it.
But through the vigilance and courage of two notable and valiant knights
who were in the town, sir Mansart de Boz and the lord de Lignes, the
English were repulsed. At this attack and retreat, there were from forty
to fifty English slain, whom their companions carried to a large house
without the walls, and set fire to it, that the enemy might be ignorant
of their loss.
Confounded and dejected with their repulse and loss, they returned to
Calais, where, some of those who had been at the affair of Mercq having
died of the wounds which they had received from the genoese cross-bows,
they wanted to put the genoese prisoners to death, saying that their
bolts and arrows had been poisoned.
The count de St Pol, who had retreated to Therouenne, sent an especial
summons throughout Picardy for another assembly of men at arms, in the
hopes of retrieving his honour. The lord de Dampierre, sir John de
Craon, lord de Dompinart[84], sir Morlet de Querecqs, the lord de
Fosseux, the lord de Chin, the lord de Houcourt, and many other nobles,
came to him numerously attended. The count held many councils with them;
and it was determined to march to the frontiers of the enemy’s country,
and to harrass them by every possible means.
As they were preparing to put their intentions into execution, the king
of France sent orders to the count and the other nobles not to proceed
further in this business, for that he had provided other commanders. In
truth, he sent the marquis du Pont, son to the duke de Bar, the count de
Dammartin[85], and Harpedanne, a knight of high renown, with four
hundred men at arms and five hundred others, to quarter themselves at
Boulogne, and other places on the frontiers of the Boulonois. The count
de St Pol was not well pleased at this; but he was forced to suffer,
whether willingly or not, the talk of the public, as there was no other
remedy than to let the public talk on.
John duke of Burgundy was in his county of Flanders when he heard of the
great defeat of the count de St Pol before Mercq. He was much vexed
thereat, and sent sir John de la Vallée, knight, in haste to Gravelines,
and other places on that frontier, with men at arms and cross-bows, to
prevent the English from doing any injury to them. The guard of this
country was also intrusted by the king of France to sir Lyonnet
d’Arummes, who, night and day, most diligently attended to it.
King Henry of England, having learnt from his commander at Calais the
brilliant success he had obtained over the French before Mercq, ordered
an army of four or five thousand combatants to be instantly raised. He
embarked this force on board the vessels prepared for it, and ordered
them to cruise off Dunkirk and Neuport, and to disembark the army at
Sluys.
About three thousand were landed on the strand, and marched along it
about the distance of a league to attack the castle of Sluys; but the
garrison, in conjunction with the inhabitants of the country, who were
greatly frightened, defended it very valiantly, and, what with cannons
and other offensive weapons, repulsed their enemies, killing about
sixty,—among whom was the earl of Pembroke, one of their leaders[86].
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