Life and Times of Her Majesty Caroline Matilda, Vol. 2 (of 3)
by Sir Lascelles Wraxall · English · Gutenberg #49583 · 575,520 chars · public domain (US)
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Life and Times of Her Majesty Caroline Matilda, Vol. 2 (of 3)
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Life and Times of Her Majesty Caroline Matilda, Vol. 2 (of 3)
Author: Sir Lascelles Wraxall
Release date: August 3, 2015 [eBook #49583]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/49583
Credits: Produced by Jane Robins and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE AND TIMES OF HER MAJESTY CAROLINE MATILDA, VOL. 2 (OF 3) ***
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
HER MAJESTY CAROLINE MATILDA.
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
HER MAJESTY
CAROLINE MATILDA,
QUEEN OF DENMARK AND NORWAY,
AND
SISTER OF H. M. GEORGE III. OF ENGLAND,
FROM FAMILY DOCUMENTS AND PRIVATE STATE ARCHIVES.
BY
SIR C. F. LASCELLES WRAXALL, BART.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
WM. H. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, S.W.
1864.
[_All Rights reserved._]
LEWIS AND SON, PRINTERS, SWAN BUILDINGS, MOORGATE STREET.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
CHAPTER I.
A GATHERING STORM.
PAGE
The Anonymous letter--Incendiary Placards--The Sailors at
Hirschholm--Alarm at Court--The Feast of the Bœuf Roti--The
Conspiracy--Falckenskjold's Advice--Struensee's Alarms--Brandt's
Levity--The Second Letter--Brandt's Resolution 1
CHAPTER II.
THE SINKING SHIP.
Brandt's Letter of Complaint--Struensee's Dignified Answer--A
False Friend--The Proposed Plot--Freedom of the Press--Insulting
Pamphlets--The Queen Dowager--Rumoured Intrigues--Attempted
Reconciliation--Struensee's Self-Conceit--Fresh Changes at Court 27
CHAPTER III.
THE MUTINY OF THE GUARDS.
Restrictions on the Press--The Pamphleteers--The King at
Home--The Fight with Brandt--The Master of the Wardrobe--Court
Amusements--The Town Commandant--Public Disaffection--The Foot
Guards--The Mutiny--Visit to Frederiksberg--Behaviour of the
Citizens--Struensee Gives Way--Colonel Keith 54
CHAPTER IV.
THE CONSPIRACY.
Struensee's Blindness--Dangerous Rumours--We are Seven--Von
Beringskjold--A Conspirator--The Queen Dowager's Assent--Secret
Meetings--The Masked Ball--A Fatality--Rantzau's Vacillation--The
Visit to the King--The Order to Arrest Caroline Matilda 80
CHAPTER V.
SHARING THE SPOIL.
Arrest of Struensee and Brandt--Falckenskjold's Prison--A
Lady's Perils--Caroline Matilda--A Terrible Scene--Osten's
Persuasion--Arrival at Kronborg--The Queen's Despair--The King in
Public--Popular Excesses--Rewards--General von Huth 106
CHAPTER VI.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
The Te Deum--A Warning Voice--Hitting a Fallen Man--A good
Hater--Court Festivities--The Alarm at the Theatre--Banishment of
Beringskjold--Retirement of Reverdil--The Two Counts--Struensee's
Despair--Attempted Suicide--The Commission--The Cabinet Council The
Privy Council of State 128
CHAPTER VII.
WHAT THEY SAID IN ENGLAND.
Colonel Keith--Bad News from Copenhagen--Death of the Princess
of Wales--The Public Press--Junius's Letter--Atticus--A Foul
Libel--The Earl of Bute Denounced--Another Appeal for the
Queen--The State of Public Opinion--The approaching Trial 158
CHAPTER VIII.
STRUENSEE IN PRISON.
Struensee's Confession--A Hopeless Defence--Brandt's Firmness--Dr.
Münter--Materialism--Death of Bernstorff--A Pious Letter--A Roman
Mother--The Convert--D'Alembert--Struensee's Apology--The other
Prisoners 178
CHAPTER IX.
THE QUEEN'S TRIAL.
The Queen's Letters--An Extorted Confession--The High Court
of Inquiry--The Indictment--Statement of Witnesses--Revolting
Details--Amateur Detectives--The Maids in Waiting--Fräulein
von Eyben--Sentiments--Presents--The Verdict
Demanded 203
CHAPTER X.
THE QUEEN'S DEFENCE.
Caroline Matilda's Feelings--Advocate Uldall--The Defence--The
Queen's Innocence--A Fair Trial Demanded--Character of the
Evidence--The Law of Adultery--Value of Evidence--Struensee's
Favour--Fräulein von Eyben--Trifles Light as Air--The Queen's
Attendants--A Flaw in the Argument--Reverdil's Appeal--The
Sentence 231
CHAPTER XI.
A JEALOUS ADVOCATE.
The Indictment of Struensee--Historical Introduction--Coarse
Jests--Brandt's Assault on the King--Treatment of the
Prince Royal--The Minister of State--Abolition of the
Council--Disbandment of the Guards--Alleged Forgery--The
Queen's Bouquet--The Sentence Demanded 255
CHAPTER XII.
A LUKEWARM DEFENCE.
Uldall's Speedy Reply--Breach of the Law--Weak
Arguments--Personalities Appealed Against--Explanations--An Appeal
to Mercy--Falckenskjold's Opinion of the Affair--Reverdil
speaks his Mind--Conduct of the Favourites--The Bribe to
Holck--Count Bernstorff--The Fiscal General's Reply--A Savage
Opponent 297
CHAPTER XIII.
STRUENSEE'S APOLOGY.
The Travelling Doctor--Count Holck--The Foreign Tour--Struensee
at Court--The Queen's Confidence--The Mutual Friend--The
Holstein Progress--Holck Dismissed--The Ministry--The
King's Advisers--Count von Rantzau--The Russian
Alliance--The New Cabinet--Struensee's Advice--The Cabinet
Minister--Education of the Prince Royal 328
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
CAROLINE MATILDA.
CHAPTER I.
A GATHERING STORM.
THE ANONYMOUS LETTER--INCENDIARY PLACARDS--THE SAILORS AT
HIRSCHHOLM--ALARM AT COURT--THE FEAST OF THE BŒUF ROTI--THE
CONSPIRACY--FALCKENSKJOLD'S ADVICE--STRUENSEE'S ALARMS--BRANDT'S
LEVITY--THE SECOND LETTER--BRANDT'S RESOLUTION.
When Brandt had got rid so cleverly of his oppressive duties in
constantly attending on the king, it might have been supposed that he
would have nothing to trouble his mind henceforth, but would take the
goods the gods provided him in a happy frame of mind. But Brandt had
one of those private skeletons which are said to be in every house, and
his took the shape of an anonymous letter in French, which was sent to
him early in July. Although the writer had disguised his hand, he had
taken no great trouble to remain unknown, as the seal bore the initial
letters of his name, and in the letter itself there were plenty of
allusions to enable Brandt to guess the writer. This was Conferenz-rath
Braëm, deputy of the College of the Generalty.
SIR[1],
Perhaps you may wonder to receive a letter without a name on a matter
of so great importance, from a friend who formerly used to tell you
the truth before your face: but the times we live in now will not
justify a man in exposing himself to danger, without seeing any good
arising from it.
The two last court days I sought for an opportunity at Hirschholm to
speak a few words to you in private, but I found it was impossible.
You might have observed that if you had been at all attentive: but
I found you so much engaged with another object that I could not
approach near enough to you to make you understand what I wanted, and
I thought it inadvisable to go to Hirschholm on purpose to pay you a
visit.
Once, sir, you showed that you had the honour of your master at
heart.[2] It was then asserted that neither zeal nor attachment was
the mainspring of your actions, but ambition and interest, because
you hoped that if you could bring Count Holck into disgrace, you
might succeed him in the favour and honour he enjoyed. However,
the bulk of the people thought your intentions noble and without
self-interest. Perhaps the immediate consequences of this transaction
have made so great an impression on you, that you think you dare not
venture on such another. And yet the final issue of the affair has
shown, that even your ill-success in it has been more advantageous
than detrimental to you. Therefore, sir, do not think that this
was the mere effect of accident, but rather that a higher hand has
guided this matter. I do not know what your notions of God may be, or
whether you believe in a God at all, or in a mere stoical fate. It
would be very superfluous to discuss a matter of so great importance
here. The time will come, when experience will teach you that there
is a God, who sees and knows everything, who either early or late
rewards virtue and punishes vice.
My intention is not at present to make you a Christian. It is only to
remind you of your duty--that duty by which even an honest heathen
thought himself bound toward his king, his country, himself, and his
family. The heathen even demanded this of every subject and of every
man who laid any claim to honour.
You see, sir, in what manner your king and benefactor is used.
You see the indecent things that are done before his eyes, and in
which you, yourself, are so much concerned. You see that in the
whole kingdom everything is turned upside down. Consider, sir, and
recover your senses, and you will not be at a loss how to act. If
it be true (and it is but too true) that the life of the king is in
danger, or at least that preparations are being made to take away
his liberty, you certainly must know it. The sense of the nation on
this head cannot be unknown to you, and that one time or another you
will have to account for the life and liberty of your sovereign.
You, sir, since you are constantly with him, and since you see and
know everybody, be assured that your head will be answerable for it
either sooner or later. Think of your own safety, I conjure you by
the friendship I entertain for you. It is in your power to do it. You
see plainly from the king's desire to avoid the place and company in
which he is ill-used, and from his aversion to return to it, that
he is sensible of the ill-treatment. Some day the king will deliver
himself from you, or good fortune will rid him of you, and what
will then be your fate? Would it not be best for you to save your
head and do your duty at the same time? To build your happiness on
a solid and noble foundation, which you will then owe to your zeal,
your faithfulness and attachment to your king, who will reward you
with riches and honour; and the nation will not think even this an
equivalent for your services. You and your present welfare depend on
the caprice of a wretch who will abandon you as soon as he is above
your assistance. At present he makes the same use of you as the
monkey did of the cat, and I fancy you have found this out more than
once, if you will not impose on yourself.
If the king should come to town, I advise you to act in the
following manner: Prevail on him to go to the palace, and persuade
him to call for one or two of his faithful servants, in order to
consult on the best way of proceeding. It is unfortunate enough that
the number of these faithful servants is so small, and reduced,
perhaps, to one or two persons; for the best and cleverest men have
been carefully removed. You will easily guess who these persons are,
without my naming them. Perseverance, honesty, and experience, are
characteristics by which you can know them. I could name them, but
would avoid the least suspicion of self-interest. However, I must
tell you that it must be neither Rantzau nor Gähler, for both are
detested by the nation in an equal degree. You will forfeit your head
if you do not follow this advice, which I give you as a friend, and
a faithful servant of the king. If you do not heed it, but neglect
your duty toward your king and benefactor, you may be sure it will
cost you your life, your honour, and everything that is dearest to
an honest man; and, moreover, no one will pity you. If, on the other
hand, you do what your duty requires, and save your king from those
wicked hands into which he has fallen, you may be sure that there is
no honour or prosperity to which you will not be entitled, and this
with the consent of the king, and all his faithful subjects.
Perhaps you will think proper to show this letter to your friend
Struensee, in order to give him a proof of your fidelity at the
expense of those obligations which you have sworn to your king,
and to induce him to grant new favours to the husband of Countess
von Holstein; and perhaps he might do so, in order to deceive you,
and keep you in his interest. But I assure you that when they have
deposed the king, you will be wretched, and perhaps the guilt will
fall on you.
I repeat again, that your head shall answer for the safety of the
king. You are continually about him. You accompany him; you are
entrusted with his person; and lest you may plead ignorance, I assure
you on my honour, that in such a case a copy of this letter shall be
produced against you, at the proper time and place. And for fear you
should mistake in this respect, I desire you to notice the seal of
this letter, which contains the initial letters of my name, and which
will also be produced against you.
The life and health of the king, together with the welfare of the
kingdom, are in your hands: act in such a manner as you can answer
for before your fellow-citizens. I do not say before God, for I do
not know what your idea of God may be; though I have reason to think,
from what you told me once in your apartments at Christiansborg, and
afterwards at Hirschholm, that your notions are not altogether what
they should be.
You see I am not afraid of your guessing who I am, and I assure you,
that if you act in the way I expect from your birth, you will find me
to be your faithful and devoted servant.
_July 8, 1771._
It had always been hitherto assumed as an historical fact that the
Copenhagen Palace Revolution was concocted only a few days before the
catastrophe of January 17, 1771, by the Queen Juliana Maria; but it is
sufficiently evident, from the above anonymous letter, that six months
previously a plot existed among men of position, to overthrow Struensee
at any cost, and they seem even to have uttered the blood sentence,
which condemned their victim to death and ruin. The threatening letter
does not appear to have produced the intended effect on Brandt; but he
became very serious, concealed the contents of the letter even from
Struensee, and carefully kept it in his pocket-book. As he gradually
became more and more melancholy, he lost the king's favour to the same
extent.
With what boldness the conspirators dared to act, even at this period,
is evidenced by the numerous threatening and abusive documents which
were sent to the cabinet minister's house, placarded on the walls of
the palace and the theatre, and even thrown into the Hirschholm garden.
As a specimen of the tone and contents of them, we may here reproduce
a placard, supposed to have been composed by Brandt's father-in-law,
Conferenz-rath Lüxdorph, which was found one morning posted up in the
principal street of the capital.[3] The literal translation is to the
following effect:--
"As the traitor Struensee continues to ill-treat the beloved king,
to mock his faithful subjects, and to daily seize, with force and
injustice, more and more of the royal authority which the subjects have
entrusted to the king, the before-mentioned Struensee and his adherents
are hereby declared free as birds (outlawed), and the man who puffs out
this treacherous soul, shall receive as reward 5,000 dollars, his name
be kept secret, and in any case a royal pardon be granted him."
The dissatisfaction of the people of Copenhagen, which was partially
justified, being fanned in this way, began, ere long, to display itself
actively.
The bomb-ketches intended to be sent against Algiers were not yet
finished, and the sailors brought from Norway to man them roamed about
the capital in idleness; moreover, the government neglected to pay
them. The political creed of the Norwegians at that time was composed
of two dogmas:--first, that the king is never unjust; secondly, that
the king must be blindly obeyed, provided that the order emanate from
him. The corollary was, that acts of injustice were committed by the
king's subordinates, and that by application to their master redress
was certain.[4]
As early as June 10 many ship-carpenters had struck work, after in
vain asking double wages for working on Sunday, which was considered
necessary to get the fleet off. Two days after this event, a squadron
of dragoons was posted in front of Hirschholm Palace; but, as no
further excesses occurred, this picket was removed toward the end of
July. On September 10, however, a band of from two hundred to three
hundred sailors set out for Hirschholm; they had been waiting eight
weeks for their pay, were almost starving, and had sent in repeated
petitions, to which no answer was returned. As they now saw that no
relief was to be obtained in this way, they formed the bold resolution
of laying their request before the king personally.
When they arrived in the vicinity of the palace, a naval officer went
to ask them what they wanted? "We wish to speak to our father," was the
reply; "he shall hear us, and help us." The aide-de-camp hastened with
this message back to the palace, but the whole court had already fled
by a back-door to the estate of Sophienberg, about two miles distant.
Here the question was discussed between the queen, Struensee, Brandt,
Falckenskjold, and Bülow, whether the flight should be continued to
Elsinore. At this moment the sailors arrived here, and demanded speech
with the king. They were answered that the king was out hunting, but
the intruders did not believe it, and were preparing to force their way
into the palace, when Colonel Numsen came up with a troop of dragoons
and tried to drive them back. The sailors laid their hands on their
knives, and declared they would defend themselves if the soldiers
attacked them. Fortunately, some firmer and wiser gentlemen represented
that the men did not look like insurrectionists, and that by signifying
to them from the king through a naval aide-de-camp that they must
return and justice would be dealt them, an odious and sanguinary
scene, perhaps a real sedition, would be avoided. On the pledge of the
aide-de-camp the sailors went back to Copenhagen as peacefully as they
had come, and the court returned to the summer residence. Still, the
alarm the sailors had caused lasted all night, because everybody felt
persuaded that they would return furious and better armed.
The queen ordered that her horses should be kept in readiness; she
went to bed bare-headed and in disorder, had her riding-habit laid
in readiness by her side, and a moment after rose hurriedly to have
her jewellery packed up. She also requested a colonel, in whom she
placed confidence, to sleep at the palace. The dragoons, however, who
patrolled all night, discovered nothing, and so the court became calm,
and did their best to hide the fright they had suffered.
Struensee gave way; the sailors on their arrival in Copenhagen were
treated with spirits, and temporarily appeased by a payment on account,
while the whole arrears were paid up a few days later. The chief of the
naval division, however, to which they belonged, Herr von Rumohr, was
dismissed the service, on the charge of not having attempted to quell
the tumult.
The bad example which the Norwegian sailors had given, and the fact
that they were not punished for it, soon induced other men to bring
forward less just claims in a similar way. A fortnight later, some one
hundred and twenty silk weavers proceeded from Copenhagen to Hirschholm
to complain that they were starving, because the royal silk factories
had been closed. This request was also taken into consideration by
the alarmed court, and an order was issued to continue the work
in the factories till the men obtained other employment. As these
demonstrations, however, raised apprehension of others, from this
time guards were posted round the palace, the manège, and the palace
gardens, by Falckenskjold's advice, which naturally led to many bitter
comments.
But the greatest fear was entertained at court about the dockyard-men,
who were known to be still angry at their exclusion from the king's
birthday rejoicings, and the loss of their perquisites. In addition
to the sailors obtained expressly from Norway, there were generally
five thousand more in Copenhagen, divided into five detachments,
of ten companies each; some were intended to man the ships, while
others were employed as carpenters, caulkers, and labourers of every
description in the navy dockyards. These men were also dissatisfied
with the new regulations introduced in the yards, as in every other
department, and it was consequently resolved to give them a "festival
of reconciliation," for which September 29 was selected. When the day
arrived, all the dockyard-men went in procession, with their wives and
children, to the riding-school of Frederiksberg Palace, where they
were to be regaled in the open air. Of course a roast ox again formed
the staple dish; but as it was not sufficient to fill all the empty
stomachs, six sheep, twelve pigs, and an infinity of geese, ducks,
and fowls, were also roasted and distributed. To wash this food down,
upwards of thirty tuns of beer, and a quart of rum per man, were
distributed. Any one who liked to smoke received a charged pipe, and
all were paid their wages as for an ordinary working-day. Dancing and
music concluded the festival.
Struensee, in his abject terror, had not duly reflected how uncertain
is the permanent effect of popular demonstrations, or to what remarks
they give rise. But the mistake led to even more ugly consequences.
It had not only been announced that the court would be present at the
festival, but the diplomatic corps, and all the dignitaries of the
state, had been invited as well. Fifty men of the flying corps of
guards were to form the king's escort, and had been told off, when a
rumour reached the court that a design on the favourite's life would
be carried out at the feast of the roast ox. In the terrible confusion
which this rumour caused at Hirschholm, the advice of the experienced
Falckenskjold was demanded. Struensee was afraid of being murdered, and
said in Brandt's presence to Falckenskjold, that the fate of Concini
might be hanging over him. The colonel advised him to mix among the
populace at the festival, and display an undaunted demeanour, but took
advantage of the opportunity to urge him to be more cautious, and not
to arouse his enemies further. He told him that the dissatisfaction
with his government was now extending to his friends, and reminded him
of the fate of Counts Corfix Ulfeld and Griffenfeldt, whom the court
had been compelled to sacrifice to their enemies.
"Such is the fate," Struensee's best friend concluded his far-sighted
warnings, "by which you are also threatened, and, if they can, they
will drag you to the scaffold. So, at any rate, take care that your
papers are in order."
"My papers are arranged," Struensee coldly answered him; "from that
side I have nothing to fear, if they will only behave fairly in other
respects."
Brandt joined in Falckenskjold's warnings, and urged Struensee not to
be so obstinate, but to give way, and yield to circumstances.
"No!" Struensee answered him, with considerable violence; "no! I will
give up nothing of what, according to my conviction, promotes the
welfare of the state."
"The time will come," Brandt said, prophetically, "when we shall be
compelled to give way."
Struensee retired silently to his cabinet. But, a few minutes after,
Falckenskjold received a note from him, in which he asked whether he
could be present at the festival without risk. Falckenskjold answered
him, that he was able to stay away if he felt afraid.[5]
Neither Struensee nor their Majesties appeared at the festival of the
roast ox: the preparations for their reception proved a farce. The
proceedings passed off tranquilly, with the exception that some of the
sailors remarked that it was not the ox that had been promised them--in
allusion to Struensee's corpulence. The citizens were very much annoyed
at not having been shown their king, whom they were growing accustomed
to talk about as an automaton. They were even more indignant when they
learned that fear had retained their Majesties at Hirschholm, and this
distrust with which the king was inspired against his subjects was a
fresh crime with which the favourites were accused. But though it is
certain that the king had nothing to fear, it is equally certain that
he had not been inspired either with fear or distrust; in the whole
affair he was passive and indifferent.[6]
There can be little doubt but that Struensee was quite right in
staying away from the festival of September 29, for there was a regular
conspiracy; it was formed under the auspices of Juliana Maria, and
managed by the head man of the caulkers, Captain Winterfeldt, who was
eventually rewarded for his good will. In 1774, Baron von Bülow gave
Mr. Wraxall a detailed account of the plot to murder Struensee and his
partisans on this occasion.
The favourites were not at all reassured by the tranquillity of the
people and the sailors, for a dull fermentation was going on, of which
they could not be ignorant. Projects for leaving the country, and
the results which might ensue from obstinately despising the danger,
frequently occupied them. The cabinet minister even one day mentioned
his disgust to Reverdil, who was in no respect his confidant, and the
latter expressed his surprise that he put up with it. Struensee replied
that he had often thought of retiring, and was only prevented by his
devotion to the queen, who had ever been before his time a victim of
the intrigues and malice of the favourites, and would be so after him.
On another occasion, when he assured Reverdil that the king was the
sole author of the reforms he had accomplished, he added, "I will not
say otherwise under torture." Brandt, who frequently complained of
his lot, said, with respect to some reproaches he received from the
queen, "that alone is a hell." Brandt, who pretended to be seriously
affected by an anonymous letter, confirmed his friend, however, in his
resolution of remaining. "To what place could you go," he said to him,
"where you would be prime minister and favourite of the king and queen?"
On other occasions, Brandt's incredible levity inspired him with jests
as to the fate they had to fear. One day, after making some rather
malicious remarks about the marshal of the court, he added: "After all,
though, Biälke is the wisest of us, for he is taking advantage of the
present time to settle down; he is making a wealthy marriage, and when
we are in prison, I flatter myself that he will have pity on us, and
send us every now and then some good soup." At another dinner, Brandt
began talking about the proposition of September 29 of all flying
together, and asked each of the guests what profession he would choose
to gain a livelihood. The queen said that she would turn singer; and,
indeed, she had a very agreeable voice. Struensee said that he would
take a distant farm, and live on it as a philosopher. Brandt proposed
to carry on, on his own account, his trade as manager of a theatre;
"and you, my fair lady," he added to one of the guests, "cannot fail to
succeed; with your form, you need only offer yourself as a model at an
academy." The lady was certainly very beautiful, but hid with a great
deal of art a defect in her shape, which she thought no one knew.[7]
Still, these anxieties which Brandt treated so gaily in company,
affected him, nevertheless, in secret. "I wish all this would come to
an end," he said one day to Falckenskjold, "for I have a foreboding
that this government will speedily be overthrown."
"You will fare badly if it is," Falckenskjold answered.
"Oh!" said Brandt, with a flash of his old levity, "as far as that
is concerned, I have studied law, and shall be able to answer for
myself."[8]
About this time, Brandt received another anonymous letter in the same
handwriting as the first:--
Well, sir, what I foretold you has happened, and you feel already
the effects of your bad conduct. You have been faithless to your
king, and you are now treated by others in the same manner. They
use you as the monkey did the cat. You are deceived, and since they
find they can do with you whatever they please, they laugh at you
now, and it will not last long before they send you with contempt
about your business, and lest you should tell tales, they may very
likely imprison you for life, or send you by some means or the other
into another world. This will be the due reward of your treachery,
cowardice, and mean actions. I prognosticated all these things to you
in my last letter of July 8: since that time my friendship for you,
of which I have given you undeniable proof, has grown very cool. You
do not deserve that it should continue, since you have been unable to
follow good advice, and to do what your honour and your duty require
of you. You have, on the contrary, chosen to persevere in your wicked
course of life. If you at that time had followed my advice, you would
have set the king at liberty, by saving him, and your praise would
have been immortal. You would then have satisfied the duties of a
good subject, a faithful servant, and an honest man: you would have
gained the applause not only of your countrymen, but even of all
Europe: they would all have united to procure you rewards according
to your merit, and proportionate to the services done to the king and
to your country. And certainly nobody would have been more deserving
of rewards. But now you are detested through the whole kingdom, and
are everywhere laughed at. Much was expected from your loyalty, your
love for the king, and from a sense of your own duty; but people were
mistaken. You are now punished. You are infamous among the whole
nation, and your name is mentioned with horror. At court you are
laughed at and entertained with vain hopes; an imaginary greatness
is shown you. You are treated with the empty title of Count, which
will remain a monument of your want of faith, your weakness, your
meanness, and your reproachful conduct. In the meantime, Struensee
insults the king and the whole of the royal family, not because they
have offended him, but only to show his unlimited power. He arrogates
all honours to himself; he makes himself master of the kingdom, the
concerns of the government, and of the king, whom he dishonours
before the whole world; he disposes of the revenues of the kingdom
in a despotic manner, and against all order. This wretch dares to
place himself on a level with his master by drawing up an order, by
which the signature of his name acquires the same authority that, by
the constitution of the kingdom, only belongs to the signature of
the king. Your meanness and unwarrantable conduct have assisted to
raise him so high; you could have prevented this, and, therefore,
you will be answerable for the consequences. He commits crimes and
assassinations, and he does it to retain the reins of government; but
you contribute your share by obeying the orders of this Cromwell, who
is ready to sacrifice the life of the king a thousand times over,
if possible, so that he may obtain his wicked ends, and provide for
his own security. Instead of acquainting the king with things which
nobody knows better than you (for you are cunning enough when it
concerns your own interest), you assist this Diedrich Slagheck[9] in
arrogating to himself royal authority; in keeping his master under
guardianship; in degrading him in the eyes of his subjects, that
their love may cease, or at least decrease; and, lastly, as every one
says, "in using him personally ill in the bargain."
You who can prevent all this and save the king from the hands of
this good-for-nothing wretch, and yet are not willing to do it--you,
sir, are accountable for it, and deserve greater punishment than the
traitor himself; and believe me, as sure as that there is a God, you
sooner or later shall pay for it with your head.
You see how preposterously business is managed; everything is
overthrown and jumbled together in the strangest manner and blended
with the highest inconsiderateness, of which there is no parallel
instance to be met with in history. The most honest people who have
served the kingdom such a long while, and so faithfully that even
envy itself could not blame them, are removed to a great distance;
they are turned away in the most shameful manner if they will not
fall in with the measures of this doctor of physic. As if he were
afraid of their honesty, their places are filled up with wretches who
know nothing of the constitution of the kingdom and the situation of
affairs; who know nothing of the business annexed to their offices;
in short, people of whom nobody so much as dreamed that they were
acquainted even with the first principles of the art of government.
For God's sake! what is the meaning that an Oeder and a Struensee,
professor of mathematics at Liegnitz, are placed at the head of
the board of finances? These men enjoy an annual salary of 3,000
rix dollars, while others who have served forty and fifty years
without blame, are now starving, because they could not betray the
king and their country, and would not be employed in promoting bad
and destructive ends. Yet these ignorant men dare to take on their
shoulders a burden under which, particularly in these unhappy times,
a man of courage, ability, and experience, would have trembled.
However, the wise man knows the danger, and therefore will not
hazard the welfare of the nation and his good character, but the
ignorant man, who has nothing to lose, does not perceive the unhappy
consequences of his inability and ignorance.
You see, sir, that the nation is acquainted with the wretchedness of
this present administration, that it feels the bad consequences of
it, which will drive it at last to extremities. You may be the more
assured of the truth of this, as discontent discovers itself in a
public and alarming manner. You know all this, but you conceal it
from the king, though you are the only man that converses with his
Majesty, while access to the throne is denied to all the rest of his
subjects. You, alone, can inform the king of the dangerous situation
himself and his kingdom are in, and the inconceivable indifference
wherewith the best and worthiest of his Majesty's subjects are
treated. I hear that a certain kingdom (Norway) may soon become
alienated: so that in a short time everything may be hopelessly lost,
if the king continues to listen to such bad advice.
You see, sir, how the department of foreign affairs is managed, and
how, by the intrigues and incapacity of our great prime minister, who
has the audacity to interfere, everything is confused, so that the
name of the Danes is now a subject for ridicule.
You see, sir, and you know how arbitrarily his excellency, our great
prime minister, Count Struensee, disposes of the finances,--the pure
blood of the poor subjects.
You, sir, are a Dane of noble extraction, beloved by our king, to
whom you and your family owe so many favours, and yet you keep
silence! Do you not blush? and are you not convinced in your
conscience that you ought to fall the first sacrifice of such
conduct, since you might have prevented it, or had, at least, a
thousand opportunities to set matters to rights again? If tumult and
rebellion (which God forbid) should be the consequences, whom do you
think the exasperated populace would attack first? Would they not
secure you first, as you are at least as culpable as Struensee? And
do not you expose your life, sooner or later, to the greatest danger
by this conduct, which is not consistent with the character of an
honest man?
Reflect, sir, and return to your duty: I conjure you by the ashes
of your father, whom you never knew; by the tears of your virtuous
mother, who weeps, perhaps, already on account of your approaching
untimely death; and what is still more, I conjure you, by the tears
which may some day be shed on your account by the king, the royal
family, and your afflicted country.
You are not afraid to disagree with the doctor prime minister when
it concerns your private interest: but you are mean enough to be
reconciled by a present of 10,000 rix dollars, of which he had robbed
the king and the nation to give them to you. Are you not ashamed of
such a meanness? and are you not afraid of this man in matters that
concern the welfare of your king and your country? These traitors
and villains who defend a bad cause, would not have the courage to
oppose you, through fear of endangering their heads, which already
sit loosely on their shoulders. You would save your king and your
country: you would deserve rewards, and would have a right to claim
them: they would follow you, of course, since nobody would refuse
them: I, myself, who write this letter, would be the first to
contribute toward loading you with riches. With what tranquillity and
inward satisfaction would you enjoy your fortune, your prerogatives,
and your honour, if you should gain this by the consent, and even
agreeably to the wishes of your king, your country, and your
fellow-citizens. I desire you, sir, to consider this well, though I
entertain a better opinion of your generosity, than to suppose that
you can be instigated to perform noble actions only by mercenary
motives.
In my opinion, you must begin this most important business in
the following manner: You are frequently alone with the king: you
take a walk in the evening with his Majesty, as I was informed last
Wednesday, at Hirschholm: you have found that the king is weary
of the guardianship he is kept under. Make use, sir, of such a
favourable moment, or occasion it yourself, since you have sufficient
understanding for it. Represent to him the unhappy situation he is
in, and how inconsistent it is with those obligations under which
his royal dignity lays him. Tell him that he, by signing the order
of July 15, has divided the throne and his royal authority between
himself and Struensee: that he himself, the royal family, the
kingdom, all his subjects, his revenues, the life and the property
of every one, are left to the arbitrary disposal of this arch-grand
vizier, who is a man without experience, honour, religion, or
fidelity: who does not regard laws, who is a master over all, even
over the life of the king. You know that great crimes are ofttimes
productive of still greater ones, or that we may at last fear that
it might happen. When you have explained this to the king, then
represent to him the despair his subjects are in, and to what they
might be driven by such a destructive administration, and by such
misery. Show him what danger threatens him and his kingdom, if this
wretch has time enough to turn everything upside down. If you should
have put the heart of the king in emotion, and have convinced him
how absolutely necessary it was to think of the preservation of his
royal person, his family, and his kingdom, then propose to him to go
directly to Copenhagen, where he will be quite safe: to go to the
palace, and send for two or three noblemen who can give good advice,
according as the circumstances require: that he might not take false
steps (which could be of consequence) at the time when the nation
should attempt to revenge itself, and to show its hatred against
the authors of its misfortunes and its miseries. I could name these
persons, but the nation will do it for me; they ought to be persons
acquainted with government, that they may advise according as the
present situation of affairs requires: but it must not be Rantzau, or
Gähler, or Von der Osten, for these three the nation equally detests,
and they, therefore, would frustrate the whole design.
For God's, your king's, your country's, your family's, your own
sake--consider all this well; and do not delay any longer to hasten
to the assistance of your unhappy country. Save the nation, the king,
and your own head.
The contents of this hypocritical letter are in so far of importance,
because they comprise all the charges raised by Struensee's opponents
among the higher officials. The writer of the two threatening letters
was not publicly considered a man of bright intellect, as indeed
his Jeremiads sufficiently prove; but still he was supposed to be
thoroughly honest. Although he proved himself the contrary, as the
result will show, still Brandt appears to have paid some attention to
his repeated efforts to save his Danish countryman. The letters, the
alarm at the late tumult, and his own melancholy forebodings, at last
made Brandt form a desperate resolution. He determined openly to impart
his feelings and wishes to Struensee, and hence addressed the following
appeal to his noble colleague.[10]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: This and the following letter were found in Brandt's
pocket-book when he was arrested, and were first published by Dr.
Jörgen Hee, in his account of his penitent's conversion.]
[Footnote 2: An allusion to Brandt's letter to the king, intended to
overthrow Holck.]
[Footnote 3: The original is preserved in the Royal Library at
Copenhagen.]
[Footnote 4: Reverdil, p. 283.]
[Footnote 5: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," pp. 151-2.]
[Footnote 6: Reverdil, p. 287.]
[Footnote 7: Reverdil, p. 290. Though these details may appear trivial,
they are worth notice, because Brandt's caustic manner procured him
many enemies, and rendered the efforts made to save him of no effect.]
[Footnote 8: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold."]
[Footnote 9: The uncle of Dieveke, the mistress of Christian II.,
who induced the king to commit the massacre of Stockholm, under
circumstances of the greatest treachery and barbarity.]
[Footnote 10: The letters contained in the following chapter, the
originals of which are in the Copenhagen secret archives, have not been
published before. Only some passages of them were quoted by Fiscal
General Wiwet in his prosecution of Brandt. Hence it is probable that
Struensee returned them as requested, and that the letters were found
among Brandt's sealed-up papers.]
CHAPTER II.
THE SINKING SHIP.
BRANDT'S LETTER OF COMPLAINT--STRUENSEE'S DIGNIFIED ANSWER--A
FALSE FRIEND--THE PROPOSED PLOT--FREEDOM OF THE PRESS--INSULTING
PAMPHLETS--THE QUEEN DOWAGER--RUMOURED INTRIGUES--ATTEMPTED
RECONCILIATION--STRUENSEE'S SELF-CONCEIT--FRESH CHANGES AT COURT.
_Brandt to Struensee._
Reproaches often convert love into mere friendship, and equality
often friendship into coldness. But this shall be no obstacle to my
considering myself bound to pour out my heart before you, as an old
friend from whom I am seeking counsel. For the last five or six weeks I
have incessantly felt unhappy. With the same strength as I was tortured
by melancholy considerations, I tried to appease myself again, but did
not succeed. Every night I walk weeping up and down my room till four
in the morning. With your remarkably healthy common sense, you, whom I
do not know whether I dare call a friend, may condemn me; but you must
feel yourself exactly in my position, which you will probably have a
difficulty in doing. It must be most oppressive to a man possessed of
delicate feelings, through his earlier associations, to be the daily
companion of a king, who, far from loving this man (myself), regards me
as a burden, and does everything in his power to liberate himself from
me. But you force the king to live with me, and in order to complete
my misery, compel me to treat the king harshly, according to his own
confession. If this is in itself a hell, it is far from being all. I
have at the same time been exposed to the laughter and ridicule of the
whole nation. In the provinces I am compared with Moranti,[11] and
justly so. I have not the slightest influence, and no more power than
the first street boy, chosen hap-hazard. My position could at least
have an appearance of reputation, and thus flatter vanity, but it has
become ridiculous, contemptible, and almost dishonouring, through the
rivalry of the negro boy. I am obliged to tell you disagreeable things,
but they are true. I alone speak frankly to you. You have inspired
everybody with terror: all tremble before you. No despot has ever
arrogated such power as yourself, or exercised it in such a way. The
king's pages and domestics tremble at the slightest occurrence; all are
seized with terror; they talk, they eat, they drink, but tremble as
they do so. Fear has seized upon all who surround the minister, even
on the queen, who no longer has a will of her own, not even in the
choice of her dresses, and their colour. Could you but see yourself in
this position, my God, how startled you would be at yourself! Neither
in my head nor in my heart has a wish been aroused to conduct the
affairs of state, but it suited me to regulate the court and society.
For this I am better adapted than you, and would have managed the
business more properly: for, only to mention the liveries, they are
not liveries, but uniforms. This would have spared you much hatred,
and relieved the queen of considerable embarrassment, as she would
have arranged the court parties more easily with me than with you.
That would have given me a real existence, and saved me from becoming
an object of mockery. But with all this it is now too late; for this
evil, like so many others, is incurable. If you were now to entrust
me with the management, it would only be apparent, and cause me a
thousand annoyances. Only one as a specimen. I had a couple of suits
of clothes made for the king, and they have been terribly criticised.
You find the expense of two suits in three months a little too much,
although the king, as a rule, changes his dress thrice a day. Had I not
been so firm, which is certainly a difficult matter when opposed to
you, I must have engaged, instead of real actors, a lot of impostors,
Crispins and Harlequins; and instead of good comedies, we should only
have had farces, of which people would have grown tired at the end
of three months, after we had made ourselves ridiculous in the eyes
of foreigners. Martini and Paschini, whom you tried in the queen's
name to induce me to engage, would have been of this description. The
orchestra would have been reduced one-half, and have only consisted
of pot-house fiddlers from the regiments, who would have cracked the
ears of everybody. It would have been the same case as at the balls,
which, owing to the eternal repetition of the same dances, which, as
you said, were performed by the queen's desire, became in a short time
unendurably insipid, as I prophesied. I only mention this to show you
what a part I play, and what I could have played, and to request you,
if possible, to place me in a position suitable for a man of sense,
information, feeling, and decent and proper pride. Even Warnstedt's
situation was not so unworthy as mine; and I have cause to apprehend
the contempt of all persons, which in my present position would fall on
me not unjustly.
Three months ago I wrote you a letter almost to a similar effect,
but since then love has made me blind; with love in his heart a man
closes his eyes to the truth; he becomes blind, and falls asleep in
this blindness. When reason afterwards comes to his help, when love
has become friendship, then he sees things in their true light. Now,
I ask myself, what would have afforded me any consolation in this
unhappy position? and have only the answer--Struensee's friendship
and kind conduct towards me. The former no longer exists, for you
treat me with rusticity and arrogance. No mortal man has ever before
dared to behave to me in such a way. At the play table, in company and
everywhere, you decide everything yourself, and are only satisfied
when you have humiliated other men. You really should not have behaved
thus to a friend who has ever loved you so dearly, and even at a time
when all his companions and daily associates reproached him for his
intercourse with you; and though it might injure him, always praised
you, confessed his friendship for you to everybody, and formerly
employed all his skill in persuading Holck and quieting Bernstorff.
Ah, my friend, how dangerous life at court is to the character! Would
to Heaven you had never made acquaintance with it! I cannot possibly
comprehend why your fine feelings have not been aroused against the
unworthy and disgraceful game of loo. If you were to be so unfortunate
as to win a large sum from a friend or a man unable to afford it, you
would not be satisfied till you had introduced a loo, a _campion_, or a
_trente-et-un_, of a less dangerous character. For me it is a terrible
reflection how much I have lost at these games in two months. There
have been months in which I lost 1,800 dollars, and I am now obliged to
sell some of my shares. And then, to be obliged to submit to reproaches
for at times losing less than formerly! Could not a man blow out his
brains for vexation at it?
If you desired to make a concession to a feeling and cruelly-wounded
mind, I have lately thought out a plan whose fulfilment would render me
perfectly happy. It would be the greatest pleasure to me to be able to
go to Paris, and live there decently. In order to realise this wish, I
require a yearly revenue of 20,000 species.[12] The whole city daily
expects to hear that the king has given you estates, and people mention
Wallö and Wemmetofte, while others are said to be intended for me. It
is considered strange that we counts have no landed property, and if
the king gives you Wallö and Wemmetofte, which produce 21,000 species
annually, and me the county of Rantzau, which produces 15,000, no one
will be surprised at it, and I shall thus be enabled to make an annual
trip to Paris, and reside for some months on my estates.
Still this plan, however flattering it may sound for me, and even if
you concede its fulfilment, cannot tranquillise me, for my imagination
alone has sought a vain refuge in it. Fortunately there are three men
here who are all gifted with sound sense, and honest and united, for
whom I will answer with my head--Reverdil, Falckenskjold, and Düval. It
will, therefore, solely depend on you, whether I shall entirely retire
from court, and shortly undertake the post of a theatrical director,
which, if it is to be properly conducted, will require my constant
presence. We shall then love each other more, and you will find in me
a man who, sooner than allow himself by madness and desperation to
be drawn into a cabal against you, even if it promised a successful
result, would not hesitate to free himself from his misery by poison or
steel.
Hence I beg you to release me, to continue to be my friend, to reflect
on the contents of this letter for a week or a fortnight, and then
return it to me with your answer. For it is written solely for you, and
I declare that I would despair if it accidentally fell into other hands.
BRANDT.
* * * * *
Strange that Struensee, a man of sense and experience, could continue
to trust in Brandt after the perusal of such a letter addressed to him.
Not only does the letter contain a series of insulting remarks, and the
direct assertion that intercourse with Struensee had been dishonourable
to the writer, but it also bore the stamp of incipient insanity,
and a temper that might easily become dangerous. But Struensee's
self-confidence was so great that he did not apprehend desertion or
attack from this quarter. Besides, he was sincerely attached to Brandt,
and did not forget the services the latter had rendered him. His reply
to Brandt's petulant letter may almost be called a state paper, though
of the _doctrinaire_ school:--
_Struensee to Brandt._
Persons are always unhappy who possess an imagination rich enough
to invent everything that makes us unhappy and yet wish to render us
happy. When a man is gifted with such a temperament, and combines
with it a natural levity which produces a liking for change, he will
never arrive at a quiet enjoyment of the moment, but constantly find
reasons to wish himself in a different position. But a man must
sacrifice himself when he wishes to perform meritorious actions. For
no one will give us credit for actions which cost us no trouble, or
which we undertake for our own pleasure. The satisfaction which it
will cause the queen if you succeed in your task, and the unmistakable
proofs of it which you have already received, will be your reward.
All that you say in addition would cause me no suspicion, if I were
only convinced that it merely emanated from your zealousness; but I
am morally convinced that it flows from an entirely different source.
Since your amour (with Frau von Holstein), you have altered your
principles, mode of thought, and views. From that moment, you have
deserted and neglected me, and only granted me a few spare minutes. I
have never reproached you for this, although it was done to please a
person who has a mean opinion of me, and often treats me improperly. I
have had the greatest respect for your inclination, and done all in my
power to please you, although it has cost me trouble to overcome the
anger with which Frau von Holstein inspires me. She is to me the most
disagreeable of her sex, and has become even more so since I have been
obliged to share your friendship with her. I request you to compare
this confession with my conduct, and then to judge whether I have made
a sacrifice for your sake. You must also take into account the queen's
aversion for this lady, which I had even to overcome at the moment when
I reproved her while dancing,--all of which, up to the present day, has
been occasioned by her. This misunderstanding has often embittered my
happiness; but I have never spoken to you about it. Whether this may
be called a mistake or a reserve, the effect remains the same. You can
yourself decide how great my confidence in you must be, as neither my
feelings nor my conduct toward you have undergone any change, although
I saw you allied with a person whom I dislike; whose society is
disagreeable to me; and whom I mistrust.
I request you to reproach me and to oppose my intentions, in case you
see that matters are going badly, or that I render the king unhappy.
But if they succeed, I do not permit you to examine the means I have
employed. You object, that I cause everybody terror; you should, on
the contrary, praise me for it, because it is the sole correct means
of curing an enervated state, with an intriguing court and people, and
a king who has the same liking for change as his nation. You ought to
pity me, because it is necessary for me to make myself feared, as I can
only find affection through the fulfilment of my duty. I challenge you
to mention anybody whom I have rendered unhappy. A yielding minister,
who does not know how to act, is only a charlatan, a harlequin; for if
he is also compliant in his acts, the state will always have to pay the
price for securing adherents in that way. Denmark furnishes the most
melancholy instances of this.
The persons who have spoken to you about the suffering of the pages
and lackeys are assuredly intriguing, mean men, of no character, who
only aim to make everything sink once more into the old chaos. If a man
has to reform an intriguing court, and bring it to order, he cannot
treat it with the mildness with which the late Söhlenthal[13] managed
his household. You, yourself, were a witness of the disorder that crept
into the king's apartments during my illness.[14] Good-heartedness and
concession have ever been the true cause of Denmark's decay. I have
saved the king from slavery, and done everything to render him happy.
As regards my conduct toward his Majesty, I allow you no opinion about
it, least of all when you express it in such a tone as your letter
displays. You desire to arrange the king and queen's company? but I
cannot hand over to you this decisive way of acquiring influence.
I could mention other reasons why the court parties and balls have
become insipid and tedious,--the arrogant and imperious conduct of Frau
von Holstein; the readiness to oblige which you imputed to the other
ladies through assisting in concerts, &c.; your attempt to introduce
tragedies, and thus overcome the king's tastes; the composition of
the dances contrary to the queen's inclination, and the dislike for
the _tour_ which she is fond of, and a thousand other trifles, which
I could mention to you, if I were equally inclined with you to listen
to complaints which persons wished to bring against you. But I have
constantly refused to listen to such complaints, and have striven to
convince people of the injustice of their accusations, without saying
a word against you. If I liked to repeat everything of this sort which
has been said to me, you would be astonished to find that as many
complaints have been made against you as your so-called friends have
brought against me. I regard both the one and the other as a thing
that deserves no attention, and hence does not cause me the slightest
anxiety; and I had expected the same from you.
As, besides, all these disputes have no ulterior effect on the king
and the state, and solely affect my person and yours, we should strive
to remove them, for they do not merit that on their account men should
select a different road, when they, in a consciousness of higher and
nobler motives, occupy a place like yours and mine. Personalities must
not be taken into consideration, or, at the most, be regarded as a
matter of secondary importance. A man can change his situation when
he does not feel happy in it but he ought to go to work sensibly, and
be tranquil under all circumstances, just in the same way as it is
not permitted to change the cards because they are not good, or a man
does not give up the game at once because he has been unfortunate for
a time. A practised player does what he can, and waits patiently for a
change in his luck.
I feel all possible gratitude for what you have done to place me in
the position I now occupy. I regard you as the first man who helped
me to it, although in politics it is not usual to reckon what any man
has done to produce our good fortune by distant steps, but only what
that person has done for us who also possessed the means to do it,
while we value the former for his good intentions, which is a matter
of friendship. After I had acquired the confidence and favour of the
king and the queen, and gained respect with the public, through my own
strength, and all the difficulties and dangers which are connected with
such an enterprise, I summoned you, and shared with you the results and
pleasantness of my position, so that you at once found yourself in the
same fortunate situation as myself. But you are not willing to thank
me for this, but insist, on the contrary, that I should owe everything
to you, make way for you, and share with you the honour which I have
acquired neither accidentally nor through favour, but solely through
my own exertions. You insist on my taking the second place, so that
you alone may be in possession of the favour, confidence, and respect,
and I execute your orders. But let me tell you, once for all, that a
division is impossible through the character of the king and queen. You
must, therefore, either take the whole authority, or be satisfied with
the confidence of being informed by me of everything that takes place.
I ask you to reflect, only for a moment, what use I make of my dignity,
and whether I apply it to my personal profit? I have no court, no
party, no personal distinction. You enjoy the same privileges at court
as myself. And are my friends, if I have any, the most distinguished?
Can you not be satisfied with being at a court where there is somebody
who stands above you in respect and power? and if you can be so, are
you not glad that this man, whose conduct is irreproachable, has
invited you to join him, and procured you the place you occupy?
You request that the management of the court and all that appertains
to it should be entrusted to you. What else is this than that you wish
to deprive me of the sole means by which I can compel subordinates to
pay me external respect, as in the opposite case, they would openly
express their dissatisfaction with me, owing to my proper opposition to
them? But, leaving this point out of consideration, business would be
impeded if it were believed that my influence was weakened, which would
be so serious a matter to me, that I cannot allow any one to touch it,
because in that case I should soon become powerless.
The sole cause why you desire a division of that nature is, because you
think you play too insignificant a part in public. But who has told you
so? I suppose some of your friends, or those who flatter you, and hope
to profit by the change, if your influence were increased. But, at the
same time, those who call themselves my friends, and probably with the
same intention, have said to me, "You allow Brandt too much power; he
and Frau von Holstein manage everything, if not by straight ways, then
by crooked. It is better to cling to Brandt, for all whom he protects
prosper better than those protected by you."
I have never refused you anything. You desired the Holstein, and I
consented, in spite of my repugnance. Her husband has rewarded me
badly for it. It is not his fault that the finances have not fallen
into utter confusion, and I have even found myself compelled to resist
the appearance of possessing influence which he has given himself.
You have power over everything which agrees with the principles and
with the system accepted by yourself, and have no cause to complain
so long as I do not alter, either because my own interests might
demand it, or for the sake of another person, whom I am forced to take
under my protection. Everything you bring forward only leads to the
conclusion that your ambition and vanity are not satisfied. You desire
an immediate influence over my mind and my heart. You want to pull
down the house because you did not build it, and refuse to inhabit it
because it does not belong to you, and you are obliged to share it with
another man.
You are the only person who is in possession of all my secrets, and
in whom I have in every case confided without reservation. I have
no necessity to justify myself for this, for my heart gives me the
testimony that I have neglected nothing to prove that which you too
would have recognised, were not your heart engaged elsewhere. I do
not complain because I have not succeeded in meeting with reciprocal
feelings, for it cost me no self-conquest to be devoted to you.
What folly that there can be men who speak of a rivalry between you
and the negro lad Moranti! The livery is an insignificant subject
among the arrangements I have made. It would have been better had you,
instead of withdrawing from the hatred and discontent of the persons by
whom you are surrounded, and who represent the court and the public,
not mixed yourself up in this matter, for it is wise to be unpleasant
to such persons, and this ought to be managed even in an unfair way.
I have always striven to produce the king and queen contentment, and
have, at least, partially succeeded. If you, on the contrary, strive
to please others, you will stray off the road, like your predecessors.
You know very well how necessary economy is, and that I request it on
every occasion. The queen, though a lady, is not angry with me when I
recommend retrenchment as regards her wardrobe. It is of the greatest
influence on the general welfare that no paying of fees should exist,
and yet you wish that the valet should retain his fees, although I took
them away from him, and exposed myself to the risk of having enemies
in the king's _entourage_! I have deprived the king's servants of a
lucrative source, and you wish to restore it to them, so as to render
yourself popular with these people. These are certainly only trifles,
but every sensible man is aware that slight causes frequently produce
great effects. We ought, perhaps, to have paid a little more attention
to buffoons; for the king would, probably, have applauded farces more
than tearful tragedies, and if you had been reproached on that account
by foreigners, but had amused the king, would not that have been a
sufficient reward for the sacrifice of your taste? If the queen has
been mistaken in her opinion about Martini and Paschini, she possesses
sufficient good sense to recognise her error, and the whole affair only
cost 2,000 dollars. You ought to have dismissed these _soi-disant_
artistes, as I advised you. If the regimental "pot-house fiddlers" had
been properly trained and practised in accompaniment, the expenses for
flute and violin players would have been saved, who look like beaux,
and drive about with four horses. If the balls had been carried on as
they began, they would have breathed a natural merriment instead of
all the affectation which the dancing-master, favoured by Madame de
Holstein, introduced, and which rendered them insipid and tedious,
because only a few danced well enough, and the others, the protectress
included, were obliged to take lessons of the dancing-master ere
they could take part. It was not the monotony but the affectation
that ruined the balls; for the king has never been able to learn a
set dance. You prefer to gain the applause of the public instead of
pleasing your friend, and humouring the whims and peculiarities of
the king and queen. The comic element has always been most in demand,
because we could not expect to find tragedians. I have explained to
you the causes of this a thousand times. That desire is founded in the
character of the king and queen, and the relations in which they have
always lived.
All your complaints are based on the passion which possesses me at
times when at the card table. In other respects, however, I am not
aware that I have ever offended against the rules of good behaviour.
Your caprice alone has detected such failings in me. If I have insulted
you, it occurred through carelessness, and I beg your pardon for it.
I will, in future, be more attentive to myself, for it would grieve
me were I to offend on this head, though I must confess that I am not
happy in the matter of small attentions. As a compensation for this,
I may be allowed to boast that I have never neglected any opportunity
to please my friends that presented itself to me. Up to the present I
was not aware either that persons had found your intercourse with me
blamable, and that you ran a risk of injuring your character by it.
Such an expression ought never to have passed the lips of a man who
boasts of his susceptibility and fine feeling. It is hard to hear such
things from a friend, although it has not insulted me; for I do not
regulate my respect for others on the opinion of strangers; and I do
not remember a single moment when you had cause to be ashamed of my
acquaintance. And then, too, what would have become of you if I had
followed the advice of my friends?
You accuse me of despotism? Well, if I am a despot in business, your
despotism goes much further, for you wish to rule the taste at the
theatres, and that of dress, balls, and parties. Loo is the only game
that amuses the king; the queen, too, is fond of it, and neither cares
for any other game, for I have often proposed it to no effect. That
you and the Holstein lose at it, and that they refuse at once to begin
another game, is sufficient to set you in a fury. In order to gain
access to Frau von Moltke, I lost from 20 to 30 dollars nearly every
evening, at a time when I had only a salary of 1,000 dollars. But I did
not grumble at it, for I thought a man must regulate himself by the
company he associates with. How many persons utterly ruin themselves
at other places, in order to be able to live at court, and belong
to the circles of the king and queen! The easy manner in which you
obtained everything you desired, has led you to consider even those
exalted personages as nobodies. My "delicate feeling" is not affected
because you lose at play; for, in the first place, I do not always win;
and, secondly, you are not without resources by which to recover your
losses. However, these are but trifles when the point is to amuse the
king and queen; but it is always a dangerous thing to undertake changes
in their mode of life. After your return to court, you raised the
stakes and bet heavily on the cards. I remember one evening when you
won and I lost, but I did not, on that account, recommend more moderate
stakes. But it is not you who wish or speak so, but the Holstein, and
on that account I am vexed.
I ask you now, whether you do not consider your proposition (about
the estates) indelicate and selfish? How have we deserved such great
rewards, that we might amuse ourselves in Paris, because we are weary
of Copenhagen? For my part, I would not accept such gifts, even if
the king entertained the most insane and blind devotion to me, and
therefore will not promote such a thing in the slightest degree, but
always oppose it.
I shall be very cautious about proposing a friend to the king. He may
choose one for himself, and I leave him perfect liberty to do so.
I also beg you to reflect, whether, when engaged with other people,
either on business or pleasure, it is possible to avoid all
unpleasantness and arrogance? But the more important the object of our
action is, the less must we care for such vexations. If I had made some
slight concessions, I could have made my fortune, but I declined the
chance; for, if I succeed in introducing order into the government, I
shall be sufficiently rewarded, although I must now put up with daily
ingratitude.
I greatly regret that, in spite of my zealous exertions to render you
happy, and thus afford you a proof of my friendship, I have effected
exactly the opposite. Still, I beg you to calm yourself, to give no
heed to ear-wiggers, to examine your position and what attaches you
to it, to weigh the comforts on one side, the unpleasantness on the
other; to compare the present with the past and the future, and to draw
a final conclusion. I have spoken to you frankly and perhaps rather
roughly. From the latter, you must not conclude that I am prejudiced
against you: for I only did so because I felt convinced that Frau von
Holstein is the cause of your dissatisfaction. You can say far more
bitter things to me without arousing me. But so long as you maintain
your connections with that lady, you will always find me reserved and
susceptible, whether it is that I do not like the woman, or because I
am jealous at being obliged to share your friendship with her. Pray
reflect what a self-conquest it must have cost me to pay her such
attention, or even to allow her to remain in Copenhagen.
Finally, I request you not to take any precipitate step, but to speak
to me frequently about your affairs, so that we may discover a way to
satisfy you. I will willingly sign any proposition to that effect.
STRUENSEE.
* * * * *
From the above answer of the cabinet minister, we see that he was most
anxious to remain on good terms with Brandt, although he could not
suppress his disgust about the liaison with Frau von Holstein. Yet he
would scarce have treated his supposed friend so generously, had he had
an idea of the odious design which Brandt undertook soon after against
him.
A few days after the festival given to the dockyard-men, at the
beginning of October, Brandt proposed to Falckenskjold to go through
the garden to the king's sleeping apartment, induce the monarch to get
up, take him privily to Copenhagen, and then arrest Struensee.
"What?" Falckenskjold exclaimed, in amazement and disgust. "You would
effect the ruin of your friend, the man to whom you owe everything?"
Brandt replied that Struensee could be conducted to Kronborg, whence
he could pass over into Sweden, and that as much money as he desired
could be given him.
"And the queen?" Falckenskjold enquired.
"Oh, I will take charge of her," Brandt answered. "I understand the art
of amusing women. I will direct their pleasures: I would convert this
court, where we now lead a very wretched life into a place of delight.
As for the government, that can be carried on how they please, for I do
not propose to interfere in that."[15]
Falckenskjold replied, that there was a good deal to lose and nothing
to gain by the affair, and asked Brandt how he supposed they would both
fare if they fell into other hands.
"Bah!" Brandt exclaimed; "I have studied the law, and will be able
to answer. I only wish to have an end of this: I long to see this
government overthrown."
Falckenskjold finally gave him the sensible advice to keep such
ill-digested plans to himself, and kept the affair secret from
Struensee.
About the same time, another man meditated designs of a similar nature
against Struensee. This was Von der Osten, who, though overwhelmed
with favours, did not mean honestly by his protector, and could not
conceal his dissatisfaction. Von der Osten had a separate interview
with Reverdil and Brandt: to the former he spoke about overthrowing the
favourite, but could make but little capital out of the honest Swiss.
What he proposed to Brandt will be best seen from the latter's report
to Reverdil:--
"Osten," Brandt said to Reverdil a few days after the interview, "is a
coward and a villain, who would like to employ you and me in pulling
the chestnuts out of the fire. Some days ago, he gave me a midnight
interview, and finding me well disposed through the anonymous letters
I had received, he represented to me the public distress in such
lively colours, that I entered with him into the project of arresting
Struensee, and this is the plan I proposed to him:--
"In one of your (Reverdil's) drives with the king, you would lead
him to Rudersdahl (an inn on the road to Copenhagen). Osten, Colonel
Numsen, and other persons would be assembled there: the king would be
induced to go on to the capital, after signing the order, which would
be entrusted to Numsen, to convey Struensee to Kronborg, and arrest the
queen in her apartments. Numsen would be able to get back to Hirschholm
almost at the same time as the king arrived in Copenhagen, and before
the queen suspected our interview and the removal of Struensee.
Besides, I should remain there to divert attention, and prevent them
learning too soon what had become of him. Struensee, once arrested,
would be allowed to escape to Sweden, and I would soon find means to
console the queen.
"Osten approved the whole plan, except that he refused to go to
Rudersdahl; he, therefore, was willing to have the entire power placed
in his hands, if it could be done without danger to his own person, and
so I would not undertake anything."[16]
Osten had the meanness to report the whole proposal to Struensee, but
the latter said to Brandt very nobly, when alluding to Reverdil in the
course of conversation: "Reverdil is so honest a man, that if he led
the king to Rudersdahl in order to hand him over to my enemies, and
they procured my arrest, and, probably, my execution, I could not help
esteeming him; because, in acting so, he would believe he was promoting
the public welfare."
While intrigues were being privately formed against Struensee,
public attacks were also made upon him. Repeatedly when the king
changed horses at Sorgenfrie, on his journey to Copenhagen, petitions
and calumnies were thrown into his coach. The number of caricatures
and placards posted up constantly increased; and in pamphlets their
Majesties were attacked, and the man accused and ridiculed to whom the
freedom of the press was owing. The sailors' feast also gave scope
for the most unbridled attacks upon Struensee. He was said to be a
traitor to the nation, and his reforms entail the ruin of the state.
The well-known historian Langebeck published an anonymous pamphlet,
under the title "New Specimen of the Liberty of Writing, printed in
the Golden Age of the Press," which was, in truth, a specimen of press
impudence. In this wretched pamphlet he warned the king "to sit firmly
on his throne, and not suffer any one to tear a jewel from his crown;"
and his boldness went so far that "he pitied the king, who could have
converted the spot of earth confided to him into a paradise, if he had
only liked to have done so."
The cabinet minister regarded all this with equanimity, and remained
calm even when Falckenskjold and Brandt urged him to take precautionary
steps for his personal safety. To Falckenskjold he replied that the
latter had grown accustomed in Russia to see conspiracies everywhere,
and it was assuredly more glorious to reform a state than to win a
battle. To Brandt he said bluntly that his warnings were tiresome, and
that he would not allow himself to be disturbed in his undertakings. In
short, Struensee was so busied with his plans, that he heeded neither
warnings nor threats. Although he was well aware that he had attracted
the hatred of the queen dowager and her son, by destroying all their
influence over the king and court, he did not deign to concern himself
about their cabals. The old queen was not supposed to trouble herself
about affairs of state, and was not credited with any bold spirit.
As for the hereditary prince, he was only eighteen years of age,
and equally poorly endowed in mind and body. He had just received a
terrible insult, as he considered it, from Falckenskjold, who did not
order his regimental band to cease playing as Prince Frederick rode
past, and who was said to have answered the adjutant who proposed to
him to stop the performance--"No, not even if _le bon Dieu_ were to
come along!" The queen dowager, too, had felt very much annoyed because
the king and court had merely sent two pages to congratulate her on her
last birthday on September 4.
It is true that Struensee, by Falckenskjold's advice, made an effort
to effect a _rapprochement_ between the two families, by inviting the
king's two relatives to Hirschholm twice a week. But he soon grew tired
of this ceremonial politeness, and told Falckenskjold that he was sick
of the visits of the king's stepmother and half-brother. In October,
Struensee was informed that the hereditary prince was at the head of a
party, which meditated the seizure of their Majesties; but, although it
appears incredible, the menaced minister paid as little heed to this
news as to the warnings of his friends: he merely answered: "The purity
of my views is my protection."[17]
About this time, several respected officials of high standing were
dismissed. The aged Privy Councillor Gram and Amtmann Dau lost their
posts, and the master of the hunt, Chamberlain von Levetzau, became
the successor of both. Two assessors of the Supreme Court were also
dismissed, but with large pensions. At court, Privy Councillor von
Staffeldt, the chief equerry, lost his post, and only received as
compensation a small farm near Copenhagen, that produced 500 dollars a
year. The management of the royal stables was entrusted to Struensee's
friend, Baron von Bülow. Lastly, although Rear-Admiral Kaas was
acquitted by the committee that investigated his conduct as commander
of the squadron sent against Algiers, and the unsuccessful attack on
the piratical city, he received no compensation for the loss of his
post.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 11: Moranti, a negro boy from the Danish colony existing
at that day on the Gold Coast, who, with another lad and Chamberlain
Brandt, had to dress and undress the king, and a negro girl of ten
years of age, formed the daily society of the autocrat Christian VII.,
who, according to the anonymous correspondent just quoted, was so
inexpressibly beloved by the whole nation. He and his two playmates led
so wild a life, that there was not a bust or statue in the palace or
the gardens, which they had not converted into a target, or was safe
from being destroyed, or, at least, mutilated by them.]
[Footnote 12: Or about £5,000 a year. It must be confessed that the
count wished to live "decently," especially when we take the value of
money at that day into consideration.]
[Footnote 13: Brandt's stepfather.]
[Footnote 14: Struensee was thrown from his horse in September, and
confined to his room for some time.]
[Footnote 15: Reverdil tells us, in confirmation of this, that Brandt
had thought of giving Struensee a successor in the queen's favour, as
he believed that the minister's power and place depended on her, and
he had turned his attention to those courtiers whom he considered most
seductive, through their face or other advantages; but, in the end, his
imagination growing more exalted, he conceived the plan of pleasing the
queen himself.]
[Footnote 16: Reverdil, p. 295.]
[Footnote 17: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," p. 156.]
CHAPTER III.
THE MUTINY OF THE GUARDS.
RESTRICTIONS ON THE PRESS--THE PAMPHLETEERS--THE KING AT HOME--THE
FIGHT WITH BRANDT--THE MASTER OF THE WARDROBE--COURT AMUSEMENTS--THE
TOWN COMMANDANT--PUBLIC DISAFFECTION--THE FOOT GUARDS--THE
MUTINY--VISIT TO FREDERIKSBERG--BEHAVIOUR OF THE CITIZENS--STRUENSEE
GIVES WAY--COLONEL KEITH.
While Struensee thus continued to augment the number of his enemies,
he, however, began to take some measures of security. The palace guard
at Hirschholm which had hitherto been commanded by a non-commissioned
officer, was raised to thirty-two men of the flying corps, who were fed
from the royal kitchen, and received a day's pay of five schillings,
which, at that period, when the line soldier only received three
schillings a-day, was very high. When the king and queen, in whose
vicinity Struensee remained as much as he could, proceeded to the
capital, their carriage was always surrounded by a powerful escort, two
men riding on either side, and when they remained in town, either at
the palace or the playhouse, the guards were doubled.
At Sorgenfrie policemen kept the people from pressing too closely upon
the royal carriage, and these guardians of the public peace were also
ordered to tear down each morning the pasquinades and caricatures
posted against the houses during the night. In addition, their
Majesties drove from their summer residence to Copenhagen at an unusual
rate, and hardly any one in the city was aware of their arrival till
they passed through one or the other gate. If they passed a guard, the
latter usually shouldered arms, but did not offer any of the usual
honours. Their Majesties and suite, when they visited the French plays,
did not enter the theatre by the grand door, but went up a flight of
stairs on the side, and never before had the royal couple been seen
with so heavy an escort as on the night of October 17, when they
proceeded from the theatre to Rosenborg gardens, in order to witness
the fireworks.
The disbandment of the flying corps of two squadrons, which had been
suspected of insubordination, also gave rise to ugly rumours. Shortly
after, their commander, Colonel and Chamberlain von Numsen, a man who
was known to be talented and powerful, but is represented by Suhm
as given to drink, and amours, and of a treacherous character, was
transferred to Jütland as commandant of a dragoon regiment, and ordered
to set out at once. Among the public this removal aroused the greater
attention, because the colonel was regarded as a faithful adherent
of Struensee, and seemed very necessary now as a courageous defender
of the count. A part of the men were sent to Jütland also, and the
rest were placed under Major von Adeler, but were disbanded early in
November. It was rumoured that Struensee was suspicious of the flying
corps, though he had founded it himself, because not only the officers,
but also a majority of the Guardsmen, were Danes. The regiment of
Zeeland dragoons, commanded by Major-General von Eickstedt, was
selected to take the place of the disbanded Guards, and in October two
squadrons of them marched into Copenhagen, under the command of Major
von Carstenskjold, one of which was told off to Hirschholm to mount
guard over the court. The other two squadrons followed shortly after.
The report about the disbandment of the flying squadron was, therefore,
in all probability, purposely spread, because the new regiment called
in consisted almost entirely of Danes. To complete the military
measures of precaution, nearly all the Norwegian sailors were sent on
furlough.
Lastly, the government found it necessary to put a check on the
impudent attacks of the press. A rescript was issued, in which it was
stated that the government saw with anger that evil-minded persons
took advantage of the decree of September 14, 1770, to print offensive
documents, and thus make an improper use of the liberty of the press
which had been granted. By royal order, therefore, Struensee on October
3, requested an opinion from the Danish Chancery as to what measures
would be best adapted to keep down the licence of the press, and on the
7th of the same month an edict appeared addressed to the authorities
throughout the kingdom, containing "Stricter Regulations for the
Publication of Books and Pamphlets without Censorship." In this edict
the king declared that, as it could not be tolerated that a criminal
use of the granted liberty of the press should be made in contravening
other civil laws, all insults, pasquinades, and seditious writings
would be subjected to legal punishments. In order to prevent the misuse
of the press henceforth, every author of a work would be responsible
that it contained nothing contrary to the existing laws and orders.
Hence all printers would be for the future prohibited from printing
books whose author's name they could not supply, or reprinting any work
on whose title-page the name of the author or printer was not stated.
For it would be an utter misapplication of freedom from censorship if
it were to be regarded as synonymous with perfect impunity for printed
insults and offences.[18]
This restriction of the hitherto existing liberty of the press was
carried out most humanely. No prosecution for libels took place
in Denmark or Norway during Struensee's ministry, and only in the
duchies an exchequer process was instituted against Count Waldemar von
Schmettau for the "Pages for the Love of Truth," published by him.
Struensee's own father, the superintendant-general of the duchies,
denounced the author to the chief consistory of Gluckstädt as a
blasphemer.
The new regulations at first kept the literary partisans in some
check, and toned down the former coarse and unbridled attacks on
the government. But the libellers soon found out a way of employing
their satirical powers without fear of punishment, and the sharpest
pasquinades appeared in succession, whose mere titles were sufficient
to make the reader comprehend their drift. Other pamphleteers contrived
to wrap up their attacks on Struensee and his ministry in such an
artful way as not to infringe on the new regulations.[19]
Such were the precautionary measures which Struensee took in the
autumn of 1771 to protect the royal couple, himself, and his ministry.
In other respects, he took all imaginable trouble to render the king's
life pleasant. Reverdil was requested to keep his Majesty _au courant_
with French literature, and to be his regular companion. It was not
Struensee's object, however, to gain a support for his power in
Reverdil; for though he considered him a thoroughly honest man, he kept
rather aloof from him, as he feared his integrity and correct judgment.
About two months after Reverdil's return, an ex-favourite of the
king, Chamberlain von Warnstedt, who had been removed very suddenly,
was recalled to court. This gentleman, however, did not succeed in
regaining the king's favour, and Struensee, therefore, appointed a new
page, in the person of Von Schack, to wait on the king, who pined for
change.
In the meanwhile, Professor Berger continued to watch the king's
health carefully, and ordered him to continue drinking the waters from
September till December. On his morning visits to hand the patient his
medicine he spoke but little, and when he noticed that these visits
did not please the king, he left them off. As we have said, Berger had
begun also to become cold toward Struensee.
The same servants still waited on the king who had done so before
Struensee's appearance at court. The king's usual society consisted
of the two boys, who were obliged to drive away ennui by all sorts of
tricks, and certainly did not receive any confidence on the part of
Struensee.[20] The king's immediate _entourage_, consequently, could
hardly be regarded as instruments of the minister, and it was no more
difficult than under the previous minister to obtain an audience of the
king. There is no absolute proof that officials and others who could
claim access to the king requested an audience in vain.
Hitherto it had been Brandt's duty to find the king amusement.
But just as this gentleman was beginning to hesitate in his former
friendship for Struensee, he now sank more and more in the king's
favour. There had been a time when the king repeatedly said to Brandt,
that no one knew him so well as he did, or was so like him. But this
connexion was now greatly altered, and ere long a scene occurred
between the two which, though apparently of slight consequence in the
life of such a king, was destined to have the most serious results for
Brandt. Christian VII. expected that those persons who were his daily
associates should have their heart in the right place, as he used to
say, and prove it to him. According to the king's will, however, this
courage consisted in fighting and wrestling with their master, although
the law sentenced any man to death who dared even to stretch out a hand
against his Majesty's sacred person. The king had frequently tried his
strength with Holck and Warnstedt. As he had seen no proofs of Brandt's
personal courage, although he had repeatedly challenged him, he one day
in November insisted on Brandt trying his strength with him.[21]
At the queen's breakfast-table, in the presence of eight or ten
persons, the king, who hardly ever joined in the conversation, after
muttering to himself for some minutes, suddenly raised his voice, and
imitating a favourite actor, said:
"I will give you a sound thrashing. I am speaking to you, Count, do you
hear?"
This insult was unprovoked, and Brandt, as a thorough courtier,
concealed the impression it made upon him. The hearers of it held
their tongue. A moment after, the queen and Struensee, drawing the
king aside, spoke to him very sharply. On a later occasion, when the
favourite again expostulated, the king repeated: "Brandt is a thorough
coward if he will not fight with me." He also said to Brandt, that if
he had known what a cur he was, he would have hidden behind the door
and killed him when he came in.
Struensee and Brandt consulted as to what was best to be done.
Struensee was of opinion that the wisest thing would be for Brandt to
go into the king's apartment in the evening, and say, "As your Majesty
is determined to fight with me, I am now here at your service. So if
you want anything, come on."
On the day before the execution of this plan, Brandt incautiously
concealed a riding-whip inside a pianoforte that stood in the royal
ante-room, with the intention of frightening his opponent with it, but
changed his mind.
In the evening, Brandt entered the king's chamber quite calmly, ordered
the two boys to retire, and bolted the door after them. Then he turned
to the king, saying, that his Majesty desired to have a specimen of his
courage on his own person: he was quite ready. The king having declined
pistols and swords in turn, they agreed to fight with fists. Up to
this point it was an extravagance, authorised, to a certain extent, by
the example of former favourites; but during the fight Brandt behaved
cowardly. He forgot both the consequences his brutality might have, and
the respect due to his master as sovereign: he beat him unmercifully,
and bit his fingers. The poor king yelled for quarter, which Brandt
at length granted him, and left him terribly bruised, and even more
frightened.
Brandt proceeded to the queen's apartments, where the company were
seated at the card table. When the game was over, he told Struensee
what had happened, to which the latter replied: "Well, I am glad of
that, as we shall be at peace for the future; but do not tell any one
about it."
They were, however, compelled to inform the valet, who found the king's
throat grazed, and the result was, that other persons soon heard of the
affair. From this time, however, Brandt behaved more submissively to
the king, in order to keep him in check. This did not please the king,
and Struensee effected a species of reconciliation between them. As a
consequence of it, Brandt was appointed, on November 26, Maître de la
Garderobe du Roi, which satisfied his vanity, as it procured him the
title of Excellency.
The instructions the new officer received from Struensee were to the
effect that henceforth he would have, in addition to the direction of
the theatre, the orchestra, and the court amusements, the management
of all the king's household--the pages, valets, lackeys, hairdressers,
&c.--so that the servants might perform their duties with accuracy. In
addition, the king's wardrobe would be entirely in his charge; and he
would regulate all the household expenses, save in the matter of pens,
ink, and sealing-wax, which would in future be supplied in kind from
the expeditions cabinet. To such trivialities did the all-powerful
minister condescend.
By this appointment Brandt was more than ever attached to a court
which he desired to leave. It seems that Struensee tried to satisfy him
in every possible way, for he offered him Von der Osten's ministry, a
post for which Brandt did not possess the slightest ability; although
that, after all, was of little consequence, as Struensee expedited all
the foreign affairs himself.
At the queen's court two new ladies-in-waiting, Fräuleins von
Kalkreuter and Von Thienen, were appointed in November, and soon gained
Caroline Matilda's attachment. Frau von Schimmelmann, Generaless von
Gähler, Countess von Holstein, and Conferenz-räthinn Fabricius, were
the queen's most intimate friends toward the close of the year; and as
a proof of her special favour, she presented Frau von Gähler with a set
of carriage-horses, Countess Holstein with a saddle-horse, and Frau von
Fabricius with a solitaire.
The court amusements were now arranged on a settled plan for every
day of the week. In September, there was every Wednesday at court at
Hirschholm, and after the court, an Italian operetta. Twice a week, on
Tuesday and Friday, French plays were performed at the Royal Theatre
in Copenhagen, which the king and queen were accustomed to attend, and
to which persons of rank and respectable citizens had free admission.
But by Brandt's orders there were separate seats for the nobility and
the bourgeoisie. In order to complete the troupe, Captain Düval was
sent to Paris to engage actors. Thrice a week there were hunts, for the
chase was the chief amusement of the court, and the queen managed her
horse like a first rate equestrian. At times the royal party appeared
on the parade-ground of the dragoons; and in October they were present
at the races, when a royal huntsman thrice won the highest prize.
The royal couple also witnessed the fireworks given to the public at
Rosenborg, under the management of Chamberlain Gabel; and went thence
to the palace of Frederiksberg to see Brambilla's "pantomimic games"
and exercises in the "higher art of balancing."
We see that there was no want of amusements and diversions at court.
But as the king was growing more and more averse to business, this
was probably chiefly carried out for the purpose of cheering him up,
although he evidently only vegetated from one day to the other.
On November 30 the court quitted the summer residence of Hirschholm,
as a rather severe winter had already set in, but did not proceed at
once to the Christiansborg, but in the first instance to Frederiksberg
Palace, outside the city. It was perfectly well known in public that
the royal pair had selected this palace for their temporary residence,
and that the reason they had not come to it before was, because a new
road was being made from it to the city, and was only just completed;
but Struensee's enemies saw in the lengthened residence at Hirschholm
only a proof of the favourite's fear to approach the capital.
At Frederiksberg there was a court every Monday, on Thursday and
Friday a French play at the Royal Theatre, and on Wednesday an Italian
opera at the Danish playhouse. At times there was a hawking party
outside the Norderthor, at which the king and queen were often present
on horseback with Struensee. At home the king played draughts, read
novels, or walked about the park with his new page of the chamber, Von
Schack, to whom he had taken a liking. The queen also frequently went
out with the harriers.
At Frederiksberg, military arrangements were also made for the security
of the court. A squadron of dragoons was quartered in the outbuildings,
and not only mounted guard, but patrolled the surrounding country.
When the king and queen drove to town, their coach was guarded by
forty dragoons with drawn sabres. At the same time, Struensee tried to
provide for the safety of the city.
The minister was not pleased with Colonel von Sames, the commandant,
for he knew that he was an intimate friend of Rantzau-Ascheberg;
interfered in many things that did not concern him; and, in addition,
annoyed the favourite with all sorts of plans for improving the
city, in which he proposed to pull down entire quarters. Struensee,
also, did not consider it in accordance with military rules that a
cavalry colonel should command a garrison consisting of seven infantry
regiments, while the king had to pay seventy general officers. He
therefore consulted Falckenskjold, who proposed to him the Prince
of Bevern, governor of Rendsberg at the time, as commandant of the
capital. But Struensee did not want so influential a man for the post,
and was of opinion that a major-general of infantry should be selected.
There was, consequently, only a choice between the two generals Schuell
and Gude; and as the former commanded in Norway, the latter was
chosen.[22]
At last Struensee saw that it was necessary to protect himself
against the people, in the event of their daring to get up a tumult.
He therefore gave the new commandant orders to hold everything
in readiness, so as to maintain peace by force if necessary. The
heaviest guns in the arsenal were planted on the walls in front of the
guard-house and the town gates. The guns on the walls were pointed
at the city every evening after tattoo. The soldiers had thirty-six
cartridges apiece served out to them, and there was an extraordinary
quantity of patrolling. Even loaded cannon were drawn up in front of
the palace; and any one who had business to transact there was led in
and out by two soldiers.
The king was surprised at this, and asked Count Struensee what was the
meaning of these terrible preparations? He replied to the king that all
this was done for the protection of his beloved person, as his subjects
were aroused against his Majesty; hence it was feared lest the king
might meet with the same fate as the unhappy Peter III. The king was
terribly alarmed on hearing this; he clasped his hands, and exclaimed,
"My God! what harm have I done that my dear and faithful subjects
should hate me so?"[23]
Unfortunately, these very precautions served as weapons for the
favourite's enemies; and they did not fail to employ them. A report was
already spread that it was his intention to dethrone the king, or get
rid of him; that he would marry the queen, and be declared protector of
the kingdom. The display of loaded guns was regarded as a threatening
arrangement, intended to intimidate the people at the moment when the
minister's projected revolution was about to break out. A report was
spread that Struensee had proposed to disarm the bürger guard, and that
the colonel commanding it had replied, that if his men were deprived of
their muskets they would defend the king with paving stones. Lastly,
the disposition to envenom everything was so great, that Struensee,
having set up his own carriage at this time, this novelty was also
misinterpreted. It was declared to be the state coach, in which he
would figure on the day of the revolution.[24]
In this earnest season, which afforded abundant scope for discouraging
reflections, Struensee was, in some incomprehensible way, so busied
with court festivities, that he began to neglect those duties connected
with the government. Business of importance was left unsettled, and
so rapidly accumulated, that the minister decided everything without
consideration. It was evident that the blindness of this man, who
trusted to his luck, was increasing. We have a confirmation of this in
the enterprise which he finally ventured, and which deprived him of the
last ray of his favour among the populace, as well as the good opinion
of the better classes, and hence was precisely of a nature to hasten
his downfall.
A good deal of ill-blood had already been produced by the disbandment
of the Horse Guards, and all the officers of the Guards being placed
on a level with those of the army and navy. But now Struensee
resolved to disband the battalion of Foot Guards, under the pretext
that its existence had a deleterious effect on the rest of the army.
Falckenskjold, at first, opposed this design, but at length gave way.
On December 21, Struensee issued a cabinet order to the College of the
Generalty, by which the five companies of the battalion of Foot Guards
were to be changed into so many grenadier companies, and attached to
five of the regiments composing the garrison of Copenhagen. The cabinet
order was forwarded to the college on the following day; and, though it
was Sunday, the members at once assembled in council, but considered
the affair of such consequence that they requested to be supplied with
the king's written authority. Struensee then requested Falckenskjold to
talk the matter over with General von Gähler; he told the latter that
the minister would be offended if they refused to carry out the order,
and urged the immediate despatch of the necessary commands to the
commandant, General Gude, and to the colonel of the Guards, Count von
Haxthausen.
Gähler, however, refused to give way, but, instead, joined his
colleagues in drawing up a most submissive answer, in which they
requested an order signed by the king in person, without which they
must decline to execute the cabinet decree, which they considered
extremely dangerous. Instead of being induced to reflect over this
indirect good advice from experienced men as to the danger of his
meditated enterprise, and wisely giving way before this first instance
of a refusal to obey a cabinet decree signed by himself alone, the
favourite at once obtained the required authority from the king, and
forwarded it to the War Department, who immediately yielded.
On the next morning, December 24,--from which the ensuing quarrel was
called the Christmas Eve fight,--the palace guard was relieved by the
king's regiment, of which Falckenskjold was commander, and the whole
battalion of Guards drawn up in line on the the Great King's Market:
its effective strength only amounted to three hundred men. The king's
order for their disbandment and incorporation with other regiments was
read to them, and the officers were present who would take them over.
But when the Guards saw that their colours were being taken from them,
they rushed forward in a body, and seized them again by force, shouting:
"Those are our colours: we swore obedience upon them! We will risk our
lives for them!"
They also said that the agreement with them must be kept, and that it
was contrary to that agreement to make them serve in other regiments.
Hence, they demanded their discharge, and formation into a fresh corps.
The Guards had always regarded themselves as a corps quite distinct
from the line: for they ranked with non-commissioned officers of the
army, and such punishments as flogging and running the gauntlet could
not be inflicted on them.
All the representations of the officers were of no effect. The
majority of the mutineers proceeded with the colours in front of
the palace: a non-commissioned officer assumed the command, as the
officers had withdrawn. Just as the insurgents were about to march
off, a courageous staff officer, Chamberlain Lersker, drew his sword,
in order to force them to go to their barracks: but the mutineers fell
on him and threw him into the gutter. When the commandant also tried
to oppose them, they plucked off his peruke, and on hearing him say to
the officers of the Guards: "Such fellows certainly deserve flogging,"
they squeezed him against a wall. They seized Colonel von Sames by the
breast, when he also tried to draw his sabre and assist the commandant.
On arriving in front of the locked palace gate, they burst it open,
drove the company of the king's regiment out of the corps de garde,
occupied their posts, and closed the entrance gate of the palace.
In the meanwhile, the line troops attempted to arrest the Guardsmen
who remained on the market-place, but the latter offered resistance:
the picket stationed at the main guard, which was situated on the
market-place, advanced, and there was a free fight. The majority of the
Guards, however, cut their way through, and the pickets only succeeded
in seizing a few loiterers, and carrying them to the main guard. But
the escaped men no sooner saw this than they turned back and dashed
at the main guard, in order to liberate their arrested comrades.
Being received, however, by the pickets with levelled bayonets, they
desisted, and fighting with the other soldiers, forced their way
through the streets to the palace, in order to join their confederates.
In the course of this disturbance, a Guardsman was killed, and several
soldiers wounded.
During this period, Falckenskjold hastened with the news of the mutiny
to Frederiksberg Palace, and alarmed the whole court. Count Brandt and
Baron von Bülow hurried into the city and to the palace, and made every
possible effort to appease the rebellious Guards, but with as little
success as the two colonels. The Guards gave the categorical reply,
"Remain Guards or our discharge."
After this, the Guards resolved that a party of them should proceed
to Frederiksberg, and request an interview with the king. The party
set out, found the western gate closed and held; but at the northern
gate, the officer of the guard, who was a boy, allowed them to pass.
As they were going along the fortifications they met Falckenskjold, to
whom the disbandment of the corps was publicly imputed. They consulted
together about killing him, but not being quite certain that it was
he, they allowed him to pass. A moment after they met the king in his
small English calèche, a postilion and an equerry forming his entire
escort as usual, and Reverdil being alone with him in the carriage. The
soldiers formed a line to let him pass: one of their officers, who had
followed them so far, persuaded them to do so, and not to disturb the
king, who might be frightened at their sudden appearance, and impute
violent designs to them. Neither his Majesty nor Reverdil had received
any news about what was going on, and the submissive air of this small
company was far from occasioning any idea of a mutiny.[25]
When the Guards reached Frederiksberg, the alarm felt at the small
body of mutineers was as great as that produced at Hirschholm by the
Norwegian sailors, so that hurried preparations were made for flight.
A detachment of dragoons had in the meanwhile arrived to reinforce
the palace guard. The latter surrounded the mutineers, but in no way
terrified them, but were told by the latter that they wished to speak
with the king. One of their own officers, Major von Ahrenfeld, who was
a favourite of the Guards, and had hurried to the palace, was sent out
to the mutineers, to ask them in the king's name what they wanted. They
repeated their former answer, "Remain Guards, or our discharge;" and
added, that in the latter case they wished to go wherever they thought
proper. The major assured them that he would report their demand to the
king, and soon after returned from the palace with a reply that, as the
king did not wish to keep any men in his service by force, they were at
liberty to go where they pleased.
Satisfied with this answer, the Guards returned to the capital for
the purpose of reporting it to their comrades, who were holding the
royal palace. But the latter refused to place any confidence in a
merely verbal promise, and insisted on a regular discharge for each
man before they surrendered the palace. It produced no effect on them
that this palace was surrounded by three regiments of infantry and
three squadrons of dragoons; on the contrary, they only allowed their
own officers to go in and out. At length General von Gähler, fearing
lest the scene might have a sanguinary issue, went to Frederiksberg,
and brought back a discharge duly signed and sealed for the whole body.
But the soldiers, imagining that there was some deception, raised
exceptions to the form of the order given them. On hearing this,
Struensee said to the Council of the Generalty, "You are soldiers, and
must know the means of obtaining obedience; the king insists on the
mutineers being removed from the _corps de garde_ before midnight."[26]
How greatly the mutineers had public opinion with them, was seen by
the fact that the citizens supplied them with provisions, wine, and
spirits, of which a large stock had been laid in for the Christmas
festivities. These provisions were lavished on the insurgents, whose
cause appeared to the lower classes, and even to three-fourths of the
higher classes, that of the nation. The sailors, another turbulent
band, but who generally quarrelled with the soldiers, offered their
help to the mutineers; and it was publicly reported that the gunners
had let them know privately that they would receive them into the
arsenal, and join them.
The reason for all this manifestation lay in the reports which had
been maliciously spread. It was alleged that the battalion was composed
of Norwegians, whose well-known and invincible fidelity to the king
would have been an obstacle to the minister's designs. He was going to
entrust the defence of the king and the palace to German mercenaries,
and so on. Even Reverdil is ready to acknowledge the absurdity of such
rumours. Not more than one-half of these men were Norwegians; their
service and duty had no connection with the king's personal safety;
none of them had been on guard at Hirschholm during the summer, and the
king was quite accessible to ill-disposed persons, if such existed.
He was peculiarly at the mercy of those to whom evil designs were
attributed. At Copenhagen the porters alone had orders to keep away
suspicious persons; and if the pretended conspirators had been the
ordinary inhabitants of the palace, the porters' guard was as useless
as that of the soldiers. There were avenues which were not guarded, and
the keys of which were held by the chief personages. The palace could
be entered through the stables and the playhouse; lastly, any odious
suspicion is destroyed by the fact, that the asserted disbandment of
the Foot Guards never took place. They were to have been attached to
the different regiments as light companies, but retain their officers
and their high pay.[27] In that case they would have mounted guard in
their turn.
The garrison remained under arms the whole night, and patrols marched
through the streets until the requisite number of printed discharges,
signed by the king, had been filled up, and one handed to every
Guardsman, with a promise that three dollars should be paid him, and
any advance he owed would be wiped off. In this way everybody was
contented, and on the Christmas morning the disbanded Guards left the
palace of Christiansborg, after holding it for twenty-four hours, and
started for their homes. On the next day the Norwegians assembled in
the streets, and took leave of the citizens, who collected in mobs
round them, while the sailors and populace uttered angry cries for
revenge.
When the commandant arrived with an escort of general officers and
adjutants to order peace, he was dragged from his horse and hurled
on the ground, while his suite were ridiculed, and some of them also
maltreated. The discharged Guards, however, took no part in these fresh
excesses, but the populace carried them on, and continued to keep the
town in a state of excitement for some time after the departure of the
Norwegians. How great was the terror at court is proved by the fact
that no attempt was made to disarm the Guards, but they were allowed to
depart with their arms and accoutrements.
At last tranquillity appeared to be restored in the capital. The
king and queen attended divine service on this morning, which, under
existing circumstances, appeared significant, as they rarely went to
church; and on this Sunday evening, too, they were not present at the
French play, as was usually the case.
For the third time, then, Struensee had proved himself a bold reformer
at his desk, but a cowardly and undecided opponent of the embittered
populace. To the prevalent hatred was now added a high degree of
contempt for his capacity of resistance. This bitterness was not aimed
against the person of the king, who was regarded as a prisoner in the
hands of his minister. On the other hand, no one was disposed to say
a word on behalf of the queen, for the most scandalous reports about
an illicit connection between her and Struensee were spread about,
which found most ready credence among the mob, who are always willing
to ascribe their own bad conduct to the higher classes, and were even
gladly listened to in better society, as affording an admirable scope
for the most exciting scandal.
In this menacing state of affairs the English envoy, Colonel Keith,
thought it dangerous to keep silence any longer. Although he held but
an insignificant position at court, and slight attention was paid to
his representations and proposals, he was determined to interfere, so
that he might, at least, secure the safety of his monarch's sister,
as he foresaw what was hanging over the detested minister unless he
entirely altered his plans. Hence he went to Struensee, showed him the
precipice on whose edge he was standing, and offered him a large sum of
money if he would resign his office and leave the country. Struensee
seemed affected by the minister's language, but considered that duty
compelled him to remain at his post.[28]
Thus matters stood at court at the end of the year 1771. Black clouds
were gathering over the heads of Caroline Matilda, Struensee, and
Brandt, and ere long the storm would burst and crush them all three.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 18: The original decrees will be found in Höst, vol. iii.]
[Footnote 19: As an instance of this, take the questions proposed for
solution in the "Magazine of Periodical Literature"--Is it possible
that the lover of a woman can be her husband's sincere friend and
faithful adviser? And if the husband accepts him as his confidant, what
consequences will result from it for all three and for the children?]
[Footnote 20: The reader is aware that the king was already quite
imbecile, and had frequent attacks of mania. But, in order to remove
the slightest doubts about Christian VII.'s condition of mind at this
time, I will quote the following instances from Molbeck's "Historic
Journal for 1852:"--
"One Sunday, during divine service, when the queen was diverting
herself in the riding-house in the rear of Christiansborg Palace,
the king was standing on the balcony over the gateway with his black
and his white boys, and threw from thence logs of fire-wood, tongs,
shovels, books, papers, and entire drawers, down into the court-yard,
and at last wanted to hurl his favourite Gourmand and the negro boy
over the balustrade. Among the papers thrown down was a secret list
of the fleet and the condition of each ship, which the lackey of a
foreign minister found and carried to his master. In the following June
the king broke all the windows in his own and the queen's apartments
at Hirschholm, smashed looking-glasses, chairs, tables, and costly
china vases, and threw the fragments through the windows into the
yard, in which his playmates helped him with all their might. At first
such amusements on the part of the sovereign excited great surprise
among the public, but they soon grew accustomed to them through their
frequent repetition."]
[Footnote 21: One of the king's amusements was to fight with his young
companions, and as he himself tried to hurt and even kill them, they
generally leagued against him; but he was never beaten, except by his
own express wish.--_Reverdil._]
[Footnote 22: It is rather difficult to decide about this old
soldier's character. According to Reverdil and other authorities,
he was a regular old woman, and was solely appointed as a cover for
Falckenskjold, who was the real commander. Still, Wiwet, in his
indictment of Struensee, states that Gude was a man "who could frighten
the whole city by his loud voice and savage looks."]
[Footnote 23: I give this anecdote on the authority of a pamphlet
published in Amsterdam in 1773, under the title of "Die Struensee und
Brandtische Kriminalsache," a translation of a pamphlet published on
behalf of the British ministry in Copenhagen during the previous year.]
[Footnote 24: Reverdil, p. 307.]
[Footnote 25: Reverdil, p. 312.]
[Footnote 26: Reverdil, p. 314. During Struensee's trial much use was
made of the form of this order and the absence of the king's signature.
The order in itself was most imprudent, for the queen dowager and her
son were living in the palace which it was proposed to storm.]
[Footnote 27: Reverdil, p. 309.]
[Footnote 28: That Sir R. M. Keith was strongly prejudiced against
Struensee is seen in his Memoirs. After expressing his dissatisfaction
at remaining at a post when he was prohibited from mixing himself up
in the internal administration, he adds, "If I am ordered to grapple
with these gentry, I already feel (thank God) the superiority which
honesty has over low cunning. I am sure, if I had _carte blanche_, I
could already have dismissed half a dozen of the most worthless fellows
alive."]
CHAPTER IV.
THE CONSPIRACY.
STRUENSEE'S BLINDNESS--DANGEROUS RUMOURS--WE ARE SEVEN--VON
BERINGSKJOLD--A CONSPIRATOR--THE QUEEN DOWAGER'S ASSENT--SECRET
MEETINGS--THE MASKED BALL--A FATALITY--RANTZAU'S VACILLATION--THE
VISIT TO THE KING--THE ORDER TO ARREST CAROLINE MATILDA.
The new year began, as the previous one had terminated, with
a fruitless warning to Struensee. In spite of the anger which
Rantzau-Ascheberg entertained against the minister, he had not given
up all hope of inducing him to alter his mode of conduct. The Swedish
envoy, Baron von Sprengtporten, who had no cause to be dissatisfied
with Struensee's policy, and wished to effect a reconciliation between
the cabinet minister and Rantzau, persuaded the latter to pay Struensee
a visit.[29]
Shortly after new year's day Rantzau waited on the minister, turned
the conversation to the events of the day, and represented the perils
that menaced his old friend if he persisted in his present system.
Struensee, who was by this time completely blinded by self-conceit,
thanked his former attached partisan for his well-intended advice,
but was of opinion that he could trust to the purity of his designs,
and dismissed Rantzau with his expectations unfulfilled. Perhaps the
interview would have been decisive had Rantzau had an honest intention
of moving Struensee, and been a man who could imbue him with any degree
of confidence. But if the unhappy minister had calmly considered the
circumstances of the remarkable visit, and the meaning of this unusual
conversation, it is possible that Rantzau might still have been induced
to stand off from his designs, especially as up to the last moment he
was very doubtful of the result.[30]
Rantzau, however, made a second attempt. At the next meeting of the
College of Generalty he drew Falckenskjold on one side, imparted to him
that a rumour of a conspiracy against Struensee was in circulation, and
added, that in his opinion an investigation should be instituted. He
offered to help in it; but Falckenskjold heard the news coldly, because
he considered Rantzau himself a suspicious character, and answered him,
"In that case you should apply personally to Struensee."--"He will not
listen to me," Rantzau retorted, and turned away.[31]
If we compare these repeated warnings, and the insurrectionary temper
of the city with the last out-breaks, we cannot but accept it as a
certain fact, that Struensee had grown blind to every danger that
threatened him. He had not only the discharged ministers, officials,
and courtiers, against him, but also the party of the king, the queen
dowager, and Prince Frederick, the whole of the nobility, the clergy,
and the bourgeoisie. It may fairly be said that he was an Ishmael,
against whom every man's hand was raised, and he could rely on nobody
but an imbecile king, ready to listen to the last speaker, and a young,
inexperienced, and unfortunately deceived queen. Struensee must have
built upon the almost inexplicable power which he had over the king,
and that he would not be induced to injure his minister. Perhaps, too,
he allowed himself to be persuaded by his pride sooner to venture
everything than undergo the humiliation of resigning his authority.
As the reader will remember, from the anonymous letters sent to
Brandt, secret designs were formed as early as the summer of 1771 to
overthrow Struensee. But at that time it was not found possible to
induce the queen dowager to take part in any plan for the removal of
the favourite. It was supposed for a while that a suitable instrument
had been found in Reverdil to draw the king out of Struensee's hands;
and Berger, the physician in ordinary, undertook to sound him. The
honest Swiss, however, replied that, though he was not at all an
admirer of Struensee, he had not sufficient influence over the king to
induce him to discharge his minister. As, too, Reverdil was greatly
attached to the queen, this was probably a further reason why he should
feel disinclined to aid in the overthrow of her favourite.[32]
After seven months' absence, the court returned to Copenhagen on
January 8, 1772, and the usual festivities began with a ball at the
Christiansborg Palace on the following evening. At the end of the
French performance at the palace theatre, which was given thrice a
week, the ladies and gentlemen who had attended the theatre were
allowed admission to the queen's ante-rooms. The first of the
performances was on Saturday evening, January 11, and the queen paid a
short visit to the company present; on the following Monday there was a
_Cour_.
Arrangements for securing the safety of the royal family were also
made in the capital. The palace guard was doubled, a double cavalry
post was drawn up at each entrance to the palace, and in front of the
_corps de garde_, and day and night pickets of cavalry, with drawn
sabres, patrolled the streets.
At the same time, the most fabulous reports were spread. It was
declared that the garrison and the whole army, especially the
artillery, had received private instructions, and had been supplied
with many rounds of cartridge. Their hatred of the cabinet minister
caused even sensible persons to credit the most absurd reports; among
others, the invention that the king was going to abdicate, and the
queen be declared regent during the minority of her son. Even the
letter S, set in diamonds, affixed to the cap of Struensee's running
footman, gave rise to the most disquieting explanations. In a word,
such a violent and general fermentation prevailed in the capital,
that it must lead to the worst, if a leader could only be found.
For, though Struensee's enemies were so numerous, they as yet had no
nucleus round which to gather. A fervent hatred of the minister filled
all hearts, but fear kept the bitterness in check: they shouted and
roared, but obeyed the authority, until the right leaders were found
in the higher circles. These persons were Queen Juliana Maria, the
hereditary Prince Frederick Guldberg, the prince's private secretary,
Count Rantzau-Ascheberg, Colonels von Eickstedt and Von Köller, and the
serviceable Beringskjold.
Juliana Maria and her son had long felt insulted by the seclusion in
which they were kept, but the lady had been very careful to keep her
sentiments concealed. She was described by her foes as an ambitious and
blood-thirsty woman: other writers, however, among them the excellent
Reverdil, declare that she was more sinned against than sinning. Even
the way employed to draw her into the plot against the favourite, was
of a nature to deceive even a more sensible woman. In order to secure
her adhesion, a paper was shown her containing a full account of the
court plot: January 28 was the day fixed for the king's abdication, and
the appointment of Matilda as regent, and Struensee as protector. The
elder Struensee was said to have drawn up the deed of abdication; and
in order that no proof might be wanting, a copy of this plan, _which
never existed in the original_, was allowed to fall into the hands of
Suhm, who was known to be a red-hot Dane. This copy he at once sent to
Juliana Maria, and employed the following argument to persuade her:--
"There was no time to be lost; for the man who meditated usurping the
regency ere long, would not hesitate before a further crime. The death
of the king assured him the couch of Queen Matilda, and the prince
royal, either immolated, or succumbing beneath the rigours of his
education, would make way for his sister, the too manifest proof of
their adulterine amours. For what other motive had Struensee revoked
the law which prohibited a repudiated wife from marrying the accomplice
of her infidelity?"[33]
Prince Frederick was not naturally bad hearted; but being as weak in
mind as he was crippled in his person, he entirely depended on his
mother's will. The annoyance of these two royal personages at their
estrangement from court was notorious, and shared by many persons; but
assuredly by no one so much as by Guldberg, who, as private secretary
to Prince Frederick, was the confidant of both.
OWE HÖRG GULDBERG was born in 1731, at the town of Horsens in Jütland,
where his father, who had failed in business, was sexton of the Town
Church. The poor circumstances of his family rendered it necessary
for him to obtain assistance while attending the Town Gymnasium, and
he could not have continued his further studies, had not a well-to-do
uncle helped him. After leaving school, he went to Copenhagen, but
could not continue his studies for any length of time, for want of
means. Hence he returned to Jütland, where he became a tutor, and
employed his leisure hours in preparing himself for the university
examination. In 1754 he passed the theological examination, and
received a certificate of "haud illaudabilis;" after which he remained
in Copenhagen, and turned author, although he devoted himself to
religious subjects. The first book he published bore the title "Memoirs
of a Converted Freethinker," and was an unmistakable allusion to such
men as Struensee. Soon after he commenced a universal history of
the world, which was not continued, however, as he began diligently
studying the classics, which procured him, in 1761, a professorship at
the Sorö Academy, and three years later the post of governor to the
hereditary prince, who was then eleven years of age. Guldberg obtained
the title of Etats-rath in 1770, about the time when Struensee was
appointed a councillor of conference.
Guldberg was a man considerably below the middle height. His forehead
was lofty, and his nose aquiline: his eyes glistened sharply and
expressively, and round his lips there was a certain softness. The
chief expression of his face, however, was that earnestness which is
generally found in the countenances of pietists. Another description
of Guldberg[34] speaks more decisively as to the true character of
this leader of the conspiracy against Struensee and Caroline Matilda.
According to this author, Guldberg's person was a faithful copy of
Fielding's Blifil, with the face of a cat, and the glance of a fox.
Twining and slippery as an eel, crawling and submissive with higher
persons, he was violent and coarse with subordinates.
Consequently, we may reasonably assume that it was not so much
Guldberg's devotion to his mistress as his religious opinion of the
mischief produced by Struensee's ministry and his national Danism,
which urged him to take a zealous but most cautious part in the
conspiracy against the minister, for he was perfectly well aware
that his neck would be in danger if it failed. The most cautious of
the coterie, and holding a high position, he had become the leader
of the conspiracy, owing to his direct influence over the two royal
participators in it.
As regards Rantzau-Ascheberg, whose character has already been
depicted, we have only to say of him that he was now as angry with the
Danish government, _i.e._, Struensee, for his foiled expectations, as
he had been with the Petersburg government. With extreme haughtiness he
combined a permanent dissatisfaction with what existed, and a liking
for extraordinary undertakings. In one respect he resembled Struensee:
in decisive moments his courage broke down. Proud and ignorant, he
appeared to believe that a noble descent and an arrogant manner must
suffice to make him be regarded as a man of importance. He was utterly
ignorant of the behaviour of an elegant and polished aristocrat.
Naturally imperious and violent in everything he undertook, he seemed
to regard reason and conscience as bugaboos to frighten children and
weak-minded persons.
The fifth of the conspirators was VON KÖLLER, colonel of the Holstein
infantry regiment. A partisan of Rantzau, he was one of the most
important members of the conspiracy, because in his person he united
all the qualities which are requisite to carry out revolutions coupled
with high treason. A bold, though coarse soldier, urged by unbridled
ambition, and equally passionate in temper, he was at the same time
an impudent boaster, had an imposing person, and the strength of an
athlete.[35]
Brevet Major-General HANS HENRY VON EICKSTEDt commanded the regiment
of Seeland dragoons which had taken the place of the disbanded Guards.
Like Köller, he was a native of Pomerania, whence his ancestors came
to Denmark toward the end of the seventeenth century, and purchased
several estates in Holstein. Eickstedt bought himself a regiment,
which was possible in the Danish army at that day, and, on the
accession of Christian VII., he was appointed colonel and chief of the
above-mentioned dragoon regiment. He was considered a worthy man but
of rather limited intellect, which was probably the reason why it was
proposed to put him on half-pay in 1771; but Falckenskjold, who knew
his value in an administrative capacity, prevented his dismissal. When
the Seeland dragoons were ordered to Copenhagen, and to do duty at the
palace, Eickstedt believed he had a claim for promotion, and as his
request was not acceded to, he joined the malcontents.
When the proposed conspiracy was hinted to him, Eickstedt, who up to
this time had been unknown by the court and the nobles, and to whom
this opportunity of playing a distinguished part appeared like a dream,
was so raised above the sphere of his usual thoughts by the mere idea
of being able to do a queen a service, that he was unable to reflect
over the consequences of the commission entrusted to him. He blindly
obeyed the queen dowager's will, and promised to do everything that was
asked of him.[36]
The seventh in rank among the conspirators was the Commissary-General
of War VON BERINGSKJOLD, who had been an acquaintance of Rantzau in
Petersburg. His baptismal name was Magnus Bering; he was born in 1720,
the son of a tradesman at Horsens, and was descended from Vitus Bering,
the celebrated circumnavigator in the Russian service. The daughter of
this seafarer, who was said to be married to Councillor of Chancery
Lüxdorph, was raised to noble rank.
After Magnus Bering had studied for awhile at Copenhagen, he
established himself as a colonial merchant, but soon became bankrupt,
and cheated a poor student out of his entire fortune. As Bering was
prosecuted for this, he escaped to Germany, entered the imperial
service, and was ennobled, in 1753, by the Emperor Francis I. by the
name of Beringskjold. He then proceeded to Petersburg, where he set
up as a merchant again, and at the same time performed the part of a
Danish spy. During his residence in the latter city the overthrow of
Peter III. was decided on, and, as we have already seen, he and Rantzau
took part in that sanguinary event. The emperor's murder had been
scarce accomplished ere Beringskjold set out at once for Copenhagen
with the most agreeable news for the Danish court, and for his good
tidings received a pension and the post of commissary-general.
Shortly after, Beringskjold purchased the royal domain of Nygaard, the
present Marienborg, on the island of Möen, but, as he was unable to
raise the sum of 10,000 dollars when the time arrived for a payment on
account, he was dispossessed of the estate again. This fatality forced
him to return to Copenhagen, where he renewed his old acquaintance with
Rantzau, and willingly joined the conspiracy against Struensee, as he
was always ready for intrigues and spying services.[37]
At the first glance, we might consider it an historical enigma that
men like these five could succeed in carrying out in a few hours
a thorough revolution, and that no other acts of violence should
take place, save the immediate revolting ill-treatment of the three
persons selected as victims. For us, however, it is no riddle. We are
acquainted with Struensee's incaution: the hatred which the clerical
party entertained for him: the detestation of the Danes: the numerous
foes he had in the army and navy and the officials: in a word, his
utter isolation. Struensee himself said, after his fall, that he had
no other friends but the weak king and queen; and as, in spite of the
numerous warnings that had been given him, he could not resolve to
take the necessary precautions for his ministry and his person, he
positively offered the conspirators an opportunity for overthrowing him.
The greatest activity in this respect was displayed by the most
notorious of the conspirators, Von Beringskjold. Well trained at
Petersburg, he was fully aware that palace revolutions could not
be carried out without military assistance. He it was that played
the principal part in gaining over Von Eickstedt, and laid all the
plans for inducing Maria Juliana to place herself at the head of the
conspiracy. He found the proper person to effect this in Jacob Jessen,
ex-valet of Frederick V., who was now living on a pension, but was
at the same time purveyor of wines to the queen dowager. In October,
1771, Beringskjold went to this man, and mentioned, in the course of
conversation, how opposed Struensee's government was to the _Lex Regia_
and the laws of the country, that universal dissatisfaction prevailed
in consequence, and that evil might be apprehended. When Jessen refused
to believe the last statement, Beringskjold invited him to come to his
house at ten o'clock the following morning, as Colonel von Eickstedt
would then be with him. Jessen could remain hidden, and listen to
the conversation with Eickstedt, by which he would most assuredly be
convinced that a plan existed to overthrow Struensee.
Jessen appeared at the appointed hour, and heard that, beside Von
Eickstedt, Colonel von Köller was also present. The gentlemen expressed
their determination to overthrow Struensee, and the two colonels
reckoned on the support of their regiments and of the artillery in
doing so. A few days after, Colonel Eickstedt sent the ex-valet a
message, through Beringskjold, to grant him an interview, which
was to take place at the rooms of the latter. Jessen went, and the
colonel proposed to him to go quietly to Fredensborg--where the queen
dowager and her son were residing at the time--and inform them that
an insurrection against Struensee was being prepared, for which he
(Eickstedt), Colonel Köller, and other gentlemen had drawn up the
plan. The queen and hereditary prince were invited to place themselves
at the head of the anti-Struensee party, in order by their authority
to prevent the excited populace from committing excesses on innocent
persons.
The queen dowager had already been fully prepared for the event by
the forged document shown her by Suhm. She consulted with Guldberg,
and declared her willingness to accept the proposal made to her. The
party of the queen dowager was thus organized. Valet Jessen conveyed
the good news to Copenhagen, and there performed from time to time
the part of negociator between the conspirators at Fredensborg and
those in the capital. In order to avoid notice, he made his reports in
writing, and addressed his letters sometimes to his mother-in-law, the
waiting-woman, Jacobi, at others to his little daughter, Juliana Maria
Jessen, who was afterwards a celebrated poetess, and at that time was
living with her grandmother.
When the queen dowager returned to Copenhagen in November, the secret
meetings of her party were held at the house of Abildgaard, chaplain
of the Holmenschurch, close to the palace, whose wife was a relation
of Beringskjold. The rectory had two entrances, from two different
streets, and Jessen, who was thoroughly acquainted with the ins and
outs of the Christiansborg Palace, offered the conspirators the
most valuable aid at these secret meetings. He was also thoroughly
conversant with the private staircases that led in the palace from
the queen's apartments to those of the king and Struensee, so that
it was eventually an easy matter for the conspirators to cut off all
communication between the three parties most interested, at the moment
when they carried out their enterprise.
The outbreak of the conspiracy was settled for the night between
January 16 and 17, 1772. On Thursday, the 16th, a _bal paré en domino_
was given in the palace theatre at Christiansborg, to which all nine
rank-classes were admitted.
The French Opera House, as the theatre royal was called, was most
gorgeously decorated. Innumerable chandeliers and lamps displayed the
rich gilding of the boxes, with their hangings of violet and silk. The
pit, appropriated on other occasions to the spectators, was raised to a
level with the stage, so that the whole formed one large hall; while a
numerous orchestra occupied the sides of the stage, which represented a
grove. In the background, a large bower, dimly lighted with variegated
lamps, led to some small lateral cabinets, hung with red damask, the
rich decorations of which--splendid mirrors, sparkling chandeliers,
and gilt sofas--plainly showed that they were destined for royal
personages. A semicircular saloon at the back of all closed the grand
perspective, which was doubled by the mirrors against the walls, for it
was the dressing-room of the theatre. A series of spacious and splendid
saloons occupied the rest of the wing.
In the boxes, card-tables were arranged; the king played at quadrille
with General von Gähler, Frau von Gähler, and Justiz-rath Struensee.
The young queen, however, seemed to be remarkably cheerful on this
evening; danced continually; and looked very beautiful. A circumstance
occurred which ought to have attracted attention. The king, queen,
and court entered the ball-room at ten o'clock; but Prince Frederick,
contrary to his usual custom, and, in some measure, contrary to the
respect due from him to their Majesties, did not arrive till more than
an hour later. His countenance was flushed, and his disordered looks
revealed the agitation of his mind. As soon as he came, the queen
advanced to him, and said playfully:
"Vous venez d'arriver bien tard, mon frère, qu'avez vous?"
"C'est que j'ai eu des affaires, madame," he replied.
"Il me semble," the queen remarked, gaily, "que vous auriez mieux fait
de penser à vos plaisirs qu'à vos affaires, pendant une soirée de bal."
The prince made little or no reply, and the conversation ended.
Köller was even more impudent. While playing at cards, Struensee went
up to him and said: "Are you not going to dance?" To which Köller made
answer: "No, I shall play a little longer; but my hour to dance will
arrive presently."[38]
Courtiers and officials were still longing to read a kindly glance
on the face of the omnipotent minister and even the pious hypocrite,
Guldberg, was present, for the first time in his life, at such an
entertainment. Of the foreign envoys, Colonel Keith was the only one
present. The king and queen and their nearest intimates supped together
in a box, while Prince Frederick was left to get his supper at a
buffet like the meanest of the guests. Curiously enough, Reverdil had
interceded for the prince on the previous day, and begged Brandt to
admit him to the king's table, but it was refused. Reverdil was much
affected, for he was ignorant that the measure was full, and that one
act of insolence more or less was of no consequence.
The king retired at midnight; but the queen continued dancing till
nearly three o'clock. The company soon followed; and the two last
persons who remained in the ball-room were Brandt and the Countess von
Holstein, his mistress. They were engaged in conversation, when Le
Texier, the master of the revels, went up to Brandt, and said:
"Every one is gone, and I must order the lights to be put out."
"I will give directions to that effect," Count Brandt replied; "leave
it to me."
A singular fatality seems to have attended the queen and her
friends. In order to seize so large a body of men, many of whom it
was unquestionable would resist if they were not taken by surprise
and separately, it was necessary to attack them singly and alone.
The Countess von Holstein had invited a select party of ladies and
gentlemen, among whom were Struensee and Brandt, to drink tea in her
apartments after the conclusion of the ball. If this party had taken
place, it would have frustrated the plans of the queen dowager and
her son. They would, probably, have considered it too dangerous to
attack several of the first men in Denmark, collected together in one
room, who were capable of resistance, and might either have escaped or
defended themselves successfully. In such an attempt, the royal palace,
where the principal among them were lodged, must have been rendered a
scene of blood and horror. But one of the ladies who was invited, Frau
von Schimmelmann, having a violent headache, excused herself; Frau von
Bülow, unwilling to go without her friend, made her excuses likewise;
and the Countess von Holstein, being the only female remaining of the
party, it was abandoned.
In the meanwhile, the preparations for carrying out the plan of the
conspirators were being made very silently. The grenadier company of
Colonel Köller's Holstein regiment had the guard, on this day, at the
palace, together with a troop of the Seeland dragoons, commanded by
Von Eickstedt. The military charge of the palace was, consequently,
confided to two of the accomplices. At nine in the evening, Colonel
Eickstedt entered the stables of the _corps de garde_, and inquired of
the stable-sentry whether Lieutenant Schlemann, the officer of the day,
was in his room.
"Yes," the dragoon answered; "does your excellency wish me to call him?"
"No," the colonel said at first, so as not to betray the fact that
he had solely come to speak to this officer. But after pretending to
remember something, he turned again to the sentry, with the remark:
"By the way, you can tell the lieutenant that I am here."
Soon after, the lieutenant came down into the stable from the officers'
guard-room.
"I see," the colonel addressed him, "that all your horses are saddled.
Have you received orders to that effect?"
"No, I did it on my own responsibility," the lieutenant replied. "I
was afraid lest the mob might employ this evening in making unpleasant
riots, and hence I wished to be in readiness to move at once. Still, if
you command it, I will give the order to unsaddle."
As Eickstedt naturally did not desire this, but was quite satisfied
with the lieutenant's precaution, he ordered the latter to keep all
the horses saddled throughout the night. After the lieutenant had
accompanied his commanding officer to the gates, he was about to
retire, but Eickstedt gave him a nod, and whispered to him to come to
his apartments precisely at half-past three in the morning; he would
then find the door open, but must not pass Colonel Falckenskjold's
quarters, or drop a word to a single being of what he (Eickstedt) had
just intimated to him.
The entire plot, however, all but failed owing to Rantzau's
vacillation. This man, upon whose courage, fidelity, and secrecy
no reliance could be placed, determined not only to withdraw his
assistance from the party in which he had enlisted, but to reveal the
whole conspiracy. At eight o'clock on the evening before the ball, he
drove to the house of Justiz-rath Struensee. When he was told here
that the Justiz-rath had not yet returned from a dinner party, he
urged the servant to inform his master directly he returned home that
Count Rantzau desired a visit from him as soon as possible. The count
had hardly driven away, when the Justiz-rath arrived, and the servant
delivered the message.
"The count is always in such a hurry about trifles," the minister's
brother answered, "that the visit will safely keep till to-morrow
morning."
He therefore deferred the visit, and dressed himself for the masquerade
ball.
An apparently so insignificant occurrence decided the happiness and
existence of numerous persons and the fate of the whole monarchy for
twelve long years!
Rantzau went home, and sent to tell Colonel Köller that an attack of
gout prevented him from keeping his appointment as agreed. In order
to support the deception, he even had his feet wrapped up in flannel.
The count resided in a royal mansion called the Palace, separated from
Christiansborg by a ditch. The conspirators were in a state of great
alarm, and sent off Beringskjold to the count. When Rantzau appealed
to the state of his feet, the envoy suggested a sedan-chair, and on
the count still persisting, he delivered the ultimatum from Köller
that he would have him fetched by grenadiers if he did not come. This
threat was effectual, and Rantzau appeared at the meeting-place, being
conveyed to it by two grenadiers of the guard in a chair.
The ball was over at about half-past two, and profound silence
prevailed in the palace. The conspirators alone did not sleep.
The two commandants, Eickstedt and Köller, took care that the garrison
and palace guards should be held in readiness for any event. When
Lieutenant Schlemann kept his appointment with Colonel von Eickstedt,
he found there Von Rönpstorff, the major of the regiment, who had
several lieutenants awakened. When these officers arrived, Eickstedt
lighted a candle, placed it under the table, and read to the meeting by
this mystic illumination an order signed by the queen dowager and the
hereditary prince.
This usurped order from persons who, in spite of their royal position,
had not the slightest right to command the garrison troops, was to the
effect that the king, having been hitherto surrounded by several bad
people, the two exalted signers of the secret order commanded Colonels
von Köller and Von Eickstedt to seize on the same night the Counts
Struensee and Brandt, and several other persons named, and also to
place the commandant, Major-General von Gude, under arrest. In this way
the two chief actors secured the perfect fidelity of all the persons
connected with them. After Eickstedt had read this precious document,
which was drawn up by Guldberg, he warned the officers to be on the
watch, and promised them to be himself at the spot where the greater
danger was. He ordered the officer of the dragoon picket to have the
horses bitted in the greatest secrecy, to advance at half-past three
in the morning, to occupy all the entrances, and to allow no one to
go in or out. He must try at first to keep them back politely, but
if kindness did not avail, he must employ violence, if necessary, in
effecting this.
About the same hour, Colonel Köller went the rounds of the city guards,
and took the officers of the day with him to the captain's guard-room
at the palace. Here he stated to them that he had received orders to
arrest Counts Struensee and Brandt and several others, and that he felt
assured of having their aid in doing so, if he required it; after which
the officers returned to their posts.
Everything was perfectly quiet in the palace, when, at four o'clock
A.M., the hereditary prince, Guldberg, Rantzau, Eickstedt, Köller, and
the ex-valet Jessen, assembled in the rooms of the queen dowager. After
Guldberg had shortly repeated here all they had arranged, and offered
up a prayer, the conspirators, guided by Jessen, went along dark
passages to the king's apartments, forced their way into the bedroom
of the valet Brieghil, aroused him, and induced him to follow them. As
they found the right entrance to the king's sleeping apartment locked,
they were obliged to go round by the secret staircase. Brieghil went in
front, and behind him came Guldberg, carrying a candle in each hand.
When Juliana Maria, surrounded by her companions, approached the
king's bed, the latter woke, sprang up with a start of terror, and
asked, timidly, on seeing so many persons assembled in his bedroom in
the middle of the night, what they wanted with him? The queen dowager
replied:
"My son, your Majesty, do not be frightened. You do not see us here as
enemies, but as your true friends; and we have come----"
Here she began to shed abundant tears. Rantzau had agreed to be
spokesman, but now held back, and Köller was obliged to thrust him
forward. Thus forced, he at length said to the king that his Majesty's
mother and brother had come to liberate him and the country.
After this, the stepmother went up to the bed, embraced the king, and
repeated what Rantzau had just said. Almost fainting from terror, the
poor weak king asked for a glass of water, and when he had drunk it,
merely remarked that Rantzau had told him Eickstedt was there too.
The latter stepped forward and confirmed Rantzau's statement, with
the addition that the people were in a state of revolt, for a design
was being carried on against his Majesty and his government, in which
Struensee and the queen were the leaders.
When Christian heard the name of Matilda, he refused to place any
credence in the affair, but Juliana Maria assured him of the truth, and
Guldberg confirmed it. Rantzau then pulled out of his pocket the orders
already drawn up, and laid them before the king to sign, upon which
Christian exclaimed:
"My God! this will cost streams of blood!" Rantzau answered:
"Your Majesty may be of good cheer; with the help of the Almighty, I
take everything upon myself, and will, as far as possible, prevent
danger."
Pen and ink were produced, and the weak king was induced to sign two
orders, whose contents his stepmother explained to him. By the first,
Eickstedt was made a major-general and commandant of the city; by the
second, Eickstedt and Köller received full powers to take all the
measures necessary for the preservation of the king and the country.
After the king had signed these documents while still in bed, and the
hereditary prince countersigned them, the former expressed a wish to
get up. When he was dressed, the queen dowager, her son, and Guldberg
led the king to the prince's apartments. Here he remained for some
hours, and they were employed in inducing him to write a note to his
consort, from Juliana Maria's dictation, which contained the following
absurd words:--
"Comme vous n'avez pas voulu suivre les bons conseils, ce n'est pas ma
faute, si je me trouve obligé de vous faire conduire à Kronenbourg."
After this, the king signed fifteen different orders, drawn up by
Guldberg, which decided the fate of no less than seventeen persons.
These were in turn: Count Struensee, Count Brandt, Professor Struensee,
Lieutenant Struensee, Chamberlain Colonel von Falckenskjold,
Lieutenant-General von Gähler, Frau von Gähler, Major-General
Gude, Lieutenant-Colonel von Hesselberg, Equerry Baron von Bülow,
Rear-Admiral Hansen, Etats-rath Willebrand, Lieutenant Abö, Cabinet
Secretary von Zoëga, the Intendant Martini, and Panning, Count
Struensee's private secretary. When this was completed, the king,
animated by the sweet thought of doing injury, by the flattering
idea of being delivered from Brandt for ever, and by the remote hope
of shedding blood, spent the rest of the morning in drawing up the
requisite orders. Those which concerned the queen, such as the order to
Rantzau to arrest her, another to the commandant of Kronborg, where she
was to be taken, and the order to the intendant of the court to provide
the carriages, the king copied himself from Guldberg's minutes the
others he merely signed.[39]
While all this was going on in the royal apartments, Eickstedt placed
himself at the head of a troop of dragoons in order to inform all
officers on duty of his new dignity, strengthened the palace guard with
forty gunners, and then had all the gates of the fortress closed.[40]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 29: In order to gain the confidence of the queen dowager and
her party, Rantzau had taken formal leave of the royal family while at
Hirschholm, and was living in _quasi_ retirement. At the same time he
quieted his creditors by assuring them that, so soon as Struensee was
overthrown, he intended to pay off all his debts.--_Reverdil_, p. 326.]
[Footnote 30: "Authentische Aufklärungen," p. 150.]
[Footnote 31: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," p. 157.]
[Footnote 32: When the well-known Baron Grimm, some years after the
palace revolution of 1772, requested Reverdil to give him a description
of Struensee, he answered him: "Tacitus has drawn it for us," and read
the baron the following passage from the ANNALS:--"Poor, unknown, and
restless, he managed by secret machinations to satisfy the malicious
temper of the prince, and ere long he brought every celebrated man
into danger. Thus he attained power with one but hatred with all, and
furnished an example how rich men are made poor, and despised men
grand, by which he entailed first the ruin of others and then his own."]
[Footnote 33: Reverdil, p. 329.]
[Footnote 34: By Jörgensen Jomton, a well-known literary man, and
confidant of Christian VIII.]
[Footnote 35: Struensee is reported to have said of Köller: "He looks
as if he had no mother, but was brought into the world by a man.
Something innate in him stamps him ruffian."]
[Footnote 36: "Authentische Aufklärungen," p. 152.]
[Footnote 37: "One Beringskjold, an infamous, abandoned wretch, capable
of every crime or villany, and whom fame declares to be the man who put
Peter, the late Emperor of Russia, to death."--_N. W. Wraxall's Private
Journal._]
[Footnote 38: "Mémoires de mon Temps," p. 60.]
[Footnote 39: Reverdil, p. 336.]
[Footnote 40: In giving the above account, I have principally followed
the reports of the party favourable to the queen dowager, except in
those cases where a bias was evident. The fullest account will be found
in the "Memoiren von Köller Banner;" but I have also inserted numerous
bits from pamphlets, though I did not deem it necessary to quote my
authority in each case.]
CHAPTER V.
SHARING THE SPOIL.
ARREST OF STRUENSEE AND BRANDT--FALCKENSKJOLD'S PRISON--A
LADY'S PERILS--CAROLINE MATILDA--A TERRIBLE SCENE--OSTEN'S
PERSUASION--ARRIVAL AT KRONBORG--THE QUEEN'S DESPAIR--THE KING IN
PUBLIC--POPULAR EXCESSES--REWARDS--GENERAL VON HUTH.
Immediately after the signature of the orders, Köller delightedly
offered his services in the odious task of arresting Count Struensee.
Followed by Captain Malleville, Lieutenants von Eyben and Frank, and a
number of soldiers, he proceeded to the rooms occupied by the favourite
on the Mezzanine. Before he entered the bedroom, he made the captain
promise to kill Struensee in the event of himself (Köller) being shot.
But this precaution proved to be quite unnecessary.
On seeing the intruder, and hearing that he had orders to arrest him,
Struensee asked him if he knew to whom he was speaking, and to whom he
was intimating this command. The colonel replied:
"Yes; I know very well who you are. You are a count and a cabinet
minister; but now you are my prisoner."
Struensee requested to see the royal warrant, but as Köller did not
possess this, he said:
"I cannot show you any written order; but I am answerable with my head
that the order to arrest you was given me by the king."
Still, the count refused to surrender; so Köller placed his sword-point
against his chest, and said very seriously: "I have orders to take you
either dead or alive." Struensee sank back, fainting, on a sofa. When
he recovered, he asked for a cup of chocolate, which was refused him.
The colonel advised him to make haste and get out of the palace before
daybreak, as otherwise he could not protect him against the infuriated
populace.
Moved by these arguments, Struensee proceeded to dress himself, and
was so unprepared for the event, that he only had the masquerade dress
which he had so recently taken off. He was obliged, therefore, to put
on the pink domino breeches, but was allowed to take his furs, as the
weather was bitterly cold. Bound hand and foot, the late omnipotent
minister was dragged to a coach, and conveyed, under a powerful escort,
to the citadel. As he got into the coach, he groaned, "Great God,
what crime have I committed?" When he got out of the coach again, he
requested that a trifle might be given the driver, and Köller handed
the latter a dollar. The driver expressed his thanks, but said, in
good Danish, "I would have done it for nothing."
Struensee was then conducted to the commandant of the citadel, in whose
presence he cursed terribly, till he was ordered to be silent. He was
taken by the commandant's orders to the cell in which a notorious
pirate of the name of Norcross had been confined for a long time. On
entering it, he opened his eyes very wide, and said to the officer,
"Where are my valets?" The answer was, "I did not see any of your
valets following you." "But my secretary?"--"He is not here either." "I
must have my furs; confound it, it is cold here, and I have no wish to
be frozen to death." On seeing a wretched wooden chair, he exclaimed,
"What is the meaning of this chair? bring me my sofa." The officer
replied, with a frosty look, "There is nothing at your service here,
sir, but a night commode." On receiving this answer the prisoner burst
into an awful rage, and ran with his head against the wall to dash out
his brains; but the watch prevented his design. On the commandant being
informed of this, he ordered Struensee to be laid in chains, which hurt
him more than all the other treatment, and he passionately cried, "I am
treated _en canaille_."[41]
The simultaneous arrest of Count Brandt was confided to a turncoat
and now zealous accomplice of the conspirators, Colonel von Sames,
ex-commandant of Copenhagen. Formerly an admirer of Struensee, he had
joined the minister's enemies after his own enforced retirement to
make way for Major-General von Gude, and was now anxious to regain
the favour of the new government. Accompanied by a guard, he crept to
Brandt's apartments, but found the door locked. On Sames threatening to
burst it open with the butt-ends of muskets unless it were opened to
allow him to execute a royal order, Brandt at length turned the key,
but met the intruders with his drawn sword. When the guard, however,
made preparations to disarm him, he threw his sword away, remarking:
"This must be a mistake. I am a minister of state, and have committed
no crime for which I can be arrested."
The officer observed that it was no error, and begged him to yield.
He did so, with the words: "Eh bien, monsieur, je vous suivrai
tranquillement."
He was also conveyed to the citadel in a coach; and on entering the
quarters of the commandant, said to him:
"Do not be angry, sir, at my disturbing you at so early an hour."
"Not at all, sir," the commandant replied; "we have been expecting you
here for a long time."
After this, Count Brandt walked up and down the room several times;
looked about him; hummed an Italian air; and at length said:
"On my soul, there are fine apartments in this castle;" to which the
commandant replied, with very bloodthirsty humour:
"Yes, sir; but you will have an opportunity of seeing finer ones."
A few minutes after, Brandt's cell was shown him. It was very dark;
and, on entering it, he said good-humouredly to his companions: "On
my word, the commandant spoke the truth." Even though chained like
Struensee, Brandt retained his firmness; amused himself with playing
the flute; and generally showed a much sturdier character than the
wretched Struensee.
After the new city commandant, Von Eickstedt, had provided for the
safety of the king, and given his commands at the main guard, he rode,
accompanied by Colonel von Arnsdorff and a lieutenant, at five o'clock
in the morning, to the new barracks, for the purpose of arresting
Colonel von Falckenskjold and his friend, Lieutenant-Colonel von
Hesselberg, who were quartered there. After entering the colonel's
room, Eickstedt awoke him, and expressed his regret at being forced to
arrest a brother officer; then he read aloud his own appointment as
commandant, and the warrant, and handed Falckenskjold the papers for
his inspection. The prisoner carefully examined the order, and the king
and prince's signatures, and believed he had discovered that both the
order and the signatures were in Eickstedt's own handwriting.[42]
Still, we can hardly think that the conspirators would have ventured
upon such audacity; but it may be fairly assumed that the signature
of the king, who was frightened to death, was as illegible as that of
the counter-signer with the uneasy conscience. After Eickstedt had
expressed some alarm about the temper of the regiment, with which their
colonel was a great favourite, and Falckenskjold had calmed him, he
quitted the colonel, leaving a lieutenant and a sergeant to guard him.
On January 21, at eleven o'clock at night, a major and eight or ten
subalterns rushed into Falckenskjold's bedroom, made him get up, and
transferred him to the navy prison, intended for the vilest criminals.
The cell was reached by a narrow flight of stairs, and the interior
was not more than ten feet square. An officer constantly remained with
the prisoner, who was compelled to sleep on the boards. As he was not
allowed any knives, he was obliged to tear his food with his fingers.
At first, he was allowed to keep his tooth-powder and some tea; but
shortly after, he was deprived of them, as they might be poisoned.
Eight days after, Falckenskjold was transferred to a large room, which
it was impossible to warm, and stopped here for weeks, till he was
brought before the commission of investigation, and his unhappy fate
eventually decided.
While Eickstedt was carrying out his task, Major von Rönpstorff rode
to the deposed town commandant in order to put him under arrest, and
take away the keys of the fortress, which were delivered to the first
bürgermeister, Matthiesen, as the victorious party placed no confidence
in the chief president, Von Holstein. From this house, the major went
to Justiz-rath Struensee, whom he also arrested, and conveyed to the
citadel. At the same time, Professor Berger was also arrested by
Lieutenant von Eyben. The remainder were placed under house arrest, and
had sentries posted over them, with the exception of Von Bülow, whose
word of honour not to leave the house was considered sufficient.
Colonel von Köller undertook the task of arresting Lieutenant-General
Gähler and his wife. The latter jumped out of bed in her night-dress,
and tried to escape by the back-stairs; but she found them invested by
two dragoons, and she was removed, with her husband, to the citadel.
Councillor of Legation Sturtz also stood on the lists of proscription,
as a partisan of Struensee, but was not arrested till some time later,
when he fancied himself too secure. The domestics of Counts Struensee
and Brandt were put into the Blue Tower, which was usually employed as
a debtors' prison.
It was half-past eight o'clock A.M., when all these imprisonments
had been carried out. But the most revolting scene in this palace
revolution had been going on, in the meanwhile, at the Christiansborg.
Supplied with the note in the king's handwriting, and backed up by
three lieutenants, Beck, Oldenborg, and Bay, Count zu Rantzau-Ascheberg
proceeded to the apartments of the reigning queen, Caroline Matilda,
entered the ante-chamber, and tried to get into the bedroom, but found
the door locked. The queen was aroused by the disturbance, and summoned
her women. They hurried to her; and the queen saw fear and terror in
their faces.
"What is the matter?" she asked; but the women were silent. She
repeated the question, and received the reply that Rantzau was in the
ante-room with several officers, and was asking admission in the king's
name. The queen sprang out of bed in alarm, and threw on a few articles
of clothing.
"Make haste and summon Struensee, he must come directly," she ordered
her women; but they replied that the count had already been removed.
"Betrayed! lost! eternally lost!" the queen exclaimed, with an outburst
of despair. "Well," she continued, after a little reflection, "let them
come in, the traitors, I am prepared for everything."
When the doors were opened by the women, the queen walked boldly toward
the persons entering, and asked them what they wanted. Moved by the
young queen's decided behaviour, Rantzau gave her a low bow, then said
that he had come by the king's order, read her her consort's note, and
handed it to her. She took it, and read it through without displaying
any alarm; but then threw it disdainfully on the ground, and trampled
upon it.
"Ha!" she said, "in that I recognise the traitors and the king."
Rantzau implored her to submit to the king's orders.
"Orders!" she exclaimed, contemptuously; "orders about which he knows
nothing, and which the most shameful treachery has extorted from his
imbecility. No, a queen does not obey such commands."
Rantzau looked serious, and said that his duty admitted of no delay.
"I will obey no orders till I have seen the king," the queen answered
him; "let me go to him: I must--I will speak to him."
And she advanced some steps toward the door: but Rantzau stepped before
her with heightened anger, and his entreaties became menaces.
"Villain!" the impassioned queen cried to him, "is that the language
of a servant to his monarch? Go, most contemptible of men. Go, you are
loaded with shame and disgrace, but I am not afraid of you."
These words from the dauntless young queen infuriated the haughty
Rantzau, but he did not dare to carry out his ruffianly orders by
seizing the brave princess: hence he gave his comrades an imperious
glance to interfere. The boldest of the three advanced and seized the
queen round the waist, but she tore herself away from him, shrieked for
assistance as loudly as she could, and hastened along the passage to
the secret stairs; but her women held her back, and said:
"Your Majesty cannot pass out, for all the doors are guarded by
sentries, and no one will listen to your cry for help."
Left alone with four armed soldiers, and rendered desperate by anger
and shame, the unfortunate princess rushed to a window, tore it open,
and was about to hurl herself out, but an officer seized her round the
waist and held her back by force. Beside herself with passion, she
seized the impudent man by the hair, and struggled with him alone, when
another of the officers had to assist his comrade against a defenceless
woman. She resisted him as well, and, though half naked, continued the
struggle with the courage of despair, till she at length fell back in
a fainting state. Rantzau watched this scene with great gusto, and
when the women brought their mistress round again, he ordered them to
conduct her into an adjoining room, and dress her, while he sent for
Count von der Osten, who might induce her to yield.
Although this practised diplomatist was acquainted with all the facts
of the conspiracy, he had refrained from taking any active part in
it. Now, however, that he knew Struensee and Brandt were safe in the
citadel, he accepted Rantzau's invitation the more willingly, because
he at once saw that the revolution could only be carried through by
the queen's overthrow. By his quiet and sensible representations he
at length succeeded in persuading the now weeping queen to yield
compliance.
"_Je n'ai rien fait: le roi sera juste_," she said quietly, in the
consciousness of her innocence; but then she became more impetuous,
and declared to the count that she would not move a step from the spot
unless she were allowed to take her children with her. The diplomatist,
however, succeeded in making her comprehend that the prince royal
must not be removed, and the poor mother at length agreed that she
would only take with her the little princess, whom she was herself
suckling.[43]
At length the preparations for departure were completed, and Fräulein
von Mösting, one of the ladies-in-waiting, came in to accompany
the queen. Rantzau and two officers followed their prisoner to the
coaches held in readiness for her in the back yard of the palace. On
the stairs, Rantzau offered her his hand to conduct her down, but she
repulsed it with disgust, and exclaimed: "_Loin avec vous, traître!
Je vous déteste!_" She then walked alone to the carriage, and entered
it. Fräulein von Mösting seated herself by her side, and a bed-chamber
woman opposite to her, but the fourth seat was occupied by Major von
Carstenskjold,[44] of Eickstedt's dragoons, with his drawn sabre. In
the second coach followed the nurse with the little Princess Louisa
Augusta, and two of the queen's attendants. The carriages were guarded
by thirty dragoons, and Queen Caroline Matilda bade an eternal farewell
to her capital and her palace.
During the tedious journey to the fortress, the queen remained in
profound sorrow, and did not utter a word: but when the coach drove
through the gloomy archway into the yard of the fortress of Kronborg,
she started up, and said in a lamentable voice: "Great God! it is all
over with me. The king has deserted me!"
When she left the carriage and attempted to ascend the stairs, the
unhappy queen's strength failed her, and she was carried up to a
sleeping apartment, in order to be laid on a bed. On seeing the couch,
however, she shrieked: "Away! away from here! There is no rest for the
miserable, no rest for me any more!"
She was seated in an easy-chair; heavy sighs burst from her oppressed
bosom; her whole body seemed bowed down by the weight of sorrow, till
at length she found tears to relieve her.
"Thanks, Heaven, thanks!" she fervently exclaimed; "that consolation
comes from Thee, and it is the only one of which my enemies cannot rob
me."
She heard her daughter's voice and flew to her.
"You, too, here! dear, innocent creature! Oh, in that case your poor
mother is not utterly wretched."
And the queen clasped the child to her breast, and then seated it in
her lap. Two days elapsed ere the unfortunate queen could be induced to
take any food, and lie down on a bed; then, she gradually regained her
calmness, and accepted her fate more patiently.
It seemed as if the victorious queen dowager studied every occasion by
which she could humiliate her victim. Caroline Matilda was not even
allowed to have the necessary clothes to appear with decency, and to
prepare herself against the severity of the weather; she was conveyed
to Kronborg not like a state prisoner, but with all the marks of
contempt shown to the worst offenders. A queen, whose personal charms
would have melted the heart of a ruffian, was scarcely allowed in this
inhospitable fortress what is requisite to support nature, and not
indulged with more conveniences in her apartments than those granted
to the lowest criminals. She was treated, during the earlier part of
her captivity, with great indignity by her unfeeling keepers and an
insolent soldiery, and confined in rooms which would have hardly been
allotted to her favourite dogs in the days of her prosperity.[45]
After the queen dowager had been informed by Von der Osten of the
successful removal of Caroline Matilda, the conspirators at once set to
work completing the affair they had begun. In the first place, it was
considered necessary to make the king go through a scene, which would
convince him that everything that had been as yet effected, met with
the approval of the multitude.
The constant driving, and the galloping of dragoons through the
streets at an early hour, aroused attention and apprehension among
the townspeople: for the conspirators had taken care that in the last
days the most dangerous rumours of attempts on the king's life should
be propagated. At length, the terrible events of the last hours oozed
out. The town captain, Treld, appeared in the streets, and when he was
asked what was to be done, he answered: "What else, but shout huzzah
that everything has succeeded!" The mob now burst into an universal
shout of "Long live King Christian VII.;" and several voices were heard
applauding the queen dowager and Prince Frederick. After this, the
masses flocked to the palace, and at 10 A.M. the king, followed by his
brother, stepped out on the balcony, while the old queen showed herself
at the window in _négligée_. The king waved his pocket-handkerchief,
and when the populace responded to this salute by a deafening shout, he
joined in, and hurrahed to his dear people, who were offering him such
enthusiastic thanks for the heroic deed he had just carried out.
A few hours later, the king, splendidly dressed, and accompanied by his
brother, entered a state-coach drawn by eight white horses, and drove
through the city, to show himself to his people. The throng was so
great, that the carriage could hardly pass, and many, in their delight,
proposed to take out the horses and drag the king themselves. They
drove slowly through all the principal streets: Prince Frederick had
let down the window on his side, seemed greatly delighted, and bowed
incessantly to the surging crowd, and the windows crowded with ladies
and gentlemen. The king, however, as usual, kept his window up, and
stared indifferently at the crowd: loud shouts of joy were raised in
all the houses which the royal procession passed. The ladies expressed
their delight by waving their handkerchiefs; some of them even pulled
off their caps and shook them in the air, in order to testify their
enthusiasm at the incomparable felicity of seeing their beloved
sovereign, who had escaped from the mighty peril with which he had been
menaced by Struensee and Queen Caroline Matilda.
When the drive was over, and the king and prince returned to the
Christiansborg, the whole victorious party had assembled at court,
to offer their congratulations to the three royal personages on the
successful overthrow of the "Cabal," as they deigned to christen the
defeated party. But the king only made his appearance in company for a
moment.
After dinner the king, the old queen and the prince, went to the French
play, where they all sat in the royal box, and were received with
universal rejoicings when they entered. The whole city was illuminated,
the townspeople nearly all turned out in their Sunday clothes, salvoes
were fired from the ramparts, rockets were discharged, and the whole
population seemed drunk with joy.
But the people, once unchained, were not satisfied with mere
rejoicings, and hence soon turned the seamy side of their character
outwards. The public regarded Esther Gabel, one of the queen's
waiting-women, as Struensee's mistress. This girl's father had
purchased Count Schulin's house, situated in one of the most frequented
streets, and by the cabinet minister's orders, and partly at his
expense, it was said, had converted it into a public establishment for
balls, concerts, and assemblies, with a splendour hitherto unknown
in Denmark. Struensee's enemies, however, spread a report that the
minister had engaged fifteen pretty English girls to wait on the
guests, and the portraits of these girls were hung up to attract the
visitors. Toward evening, when the streets were crowded, a man, wearing
a gold-laced hat, stopped in front of this house, drew his sword, and
shouted to the people as he smashed the lamps: "This house, the English
b----, is given up." Scarce had this man--it was Beringskjold--given
these instructions, when the mob rushed into the house, destroyed or
carried off all the furniture and valuables in it, and smashed every
pane of glass. In the upper floor of the large building there still
remained a portion of Count Schulin's library, which was afterwards
valued at 8,000 dollars, and this now perished, or was stolen. In the
cellar was a large stock of spirits; the furious mob naturally forced
their way into it, drank what they pleased, and then staved all the
wine and rum casks, so that they waded up to the ankles in liquor, and
afterwards it took a day and a half to pump the cellar dry.
After these desperadoes had finished their barbarous job, and had done
damage to the amount of 40,000 species dollars, though without finding
the fifteen English beauties, they attacked the "Jungfern Comptoire,"
which were scattered over the city, and employed for improper purposes:
in a few hours only the bare walls remained of these houses, which
were sixty in number. The unfortunate girls found in them were dragged
into the streets by the hair or legs, and treated with the most cruel
brutality.[46]
In order to check the mischief, the head of the police at once asked
Eickstedt for dragoons to drive out the ruffians. But the court were
of a different opinion. They were afraid that the interference of the
military might entail loss of life, and they did not wish to overcloud
so glorious a day as January 17 had been. Therefore, instead of the
dragoons, a Herr von Bülow, page of Prince Frederick, was sent to the
mob, with instructions to offer them the king's thanks for the devotion
displayed toward his house upon the abolition of Struensee's despotism,
and to promise that the king would henceforth reign to the general
satisfaction, and especially remember the sailors. The king, however,
ordered that every one should now go quietly home. But the envoy
had scarce ended the first part of his address to the people, when
Beringskjold shouted in a stentorian voice: "There, you hear, the king
thanks you for destroying this ---- house. So to work again!"
An attempt of the mob to get hold of Struensee's state-coach, which
was valued at 6,000 dollars, was prevented by the palace guard. The
intention of destroying the house of the chief of the police was also
foiled. They had set to work about it, when a respected dockyard
official forced his way into the mob and induced them to desist, by
making himself responsible for this man's right sentiments. It was not
till the crowd made preparations to plunder the Mont de Piété that
Eickstedt's dragoons dispersed them. On the next day, patrols of the
line, the bürger guard and the marines, paraded the streets, in order
to prevent further excesses; and in the afternoon royal heralds rode
about the city, announcing that the king thanked his people for the
fidelity they had displayed, but had learned, to his displeasure, that
their zeal had gone too far. Hence he forbad any further excesses, and
any one caught in the act might expect exemplary punishment. With this
the plundering certainly ceased, but the patrolling had to be continued
for a whole week, before persons and property could again enjoy perfect
security. On January 23 a police order was issued that all those
persons who held stolen property by purchase, or in any other way,
must, under penalty of heavy fines, deliver the articles to the police
officers, so that they might be returned to their rightful owners.
In the meanwhile the principal participators in the conspiracy had
received their reward. Count von Rantzau-Ascheberg was requited for the
brutality he had displayed toward Caroline Matilda, by his nomination
as General-in-Chief of the Infantry and Knight of the Elephant. At the
same time he was told that the government undertook to pay his debts.
Major-General von Eickstedt and his Pomeranian landsman, Von Köller,
were promoted lieutenant-generals, and decorated with the star of the
Dannebrog. Köller was also offered naturalization, with the name of an
extinct illustrious noble family. He replied that, being a Pomeranian
gentleman, he esteemed his own name as much as any other; but that,
as he intended to devote his life to Denmark, he consented to adopt a
name belonging to that country. He was, therefore, known henceforth as
Köller-Banner. He was also created first aide-de-camp, with apartments
in the palace, and inspector of the king's chamber.[47]
Commissary-General von Beringskjold, who, in addition to his other
services, had given the signal for plundering, was rewarded with a
chamberlain's key, received a pension of 2,000 dollars, and was let off
a sum of nearly 40,000 species dollars, which he had been unable to pay
for the crown estate he had purchased in the island of Moën. Of his two
sons, the elder was appointed page, with a salary of 1,000 dollars,
while the younger was promised a captaincy in the army.
All the officers of Eickstedt's and Köller's regiments, even Captain
von Falckenskjold, the colonel's brother, although he had been asleep
during the arrest, gained one or two steps. Jessen, the ex-valet, who
had played the go-between, received a gratification of 2,000 dollars,
and was honoured shortly after by the title of councillor of justice.
Major von Carstenskjold, who with his drawn sabre had prevented any
possible attempt at flight on the part of Caroline Matilda, from a
coach surrounded by thirty dragoons, was made a lieutenant-colonel for
his gallant conduct. Colonel von Sames, as he was overhead and ears in
debt, received, as a reward for his altered sentiments, 10,000 dollars
in cash. Lastly, Major von Rönpstorff, of the prince royal's regiment,
was given his lieutenant-colonelcy for commanding the escort required
for the arrests.
It is not quite clear why at the same time the well-known
artillery-general, Von Huth, was appointed a general of infantry. When,
at the time of the Russian war, General St. Germain was summoned to
Denmark as commander-in-chief of the army, he effected the retirement
of Huth, because he was afraid of so scientific a rival. Huth,
consequently, retired with a pension of 2,000 dollars, and went home
to Hesse. Under Struensee's government St. Germain had been recalled,
but no satisfactory arrangement was made: the French general returned
to Paris, and was there appointed minister of war. Immediately after,
General von Huth was recalled to active service by the advice of the
Landgrave Charles, with whom he was on very intimate terms; but he kept
aloof from Struensee.
Guldberg, the chief councillor of the conspirators, was the only man
who received no reward. But as this ostensible modesty was certainly
purposed, it serves to throw light on the man who from this time
governed Denmark for twelve years. He was certain of his influence, and
consequently was in no hurry about personal distinctions. His clear
understanding also told him, that an apparent disinterestedness would
be of great advantage to him with the public.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 41: These curious details are derived from a scarce pamphlet,
"Leben, Begebenheiten und unglückliches Ende der beiden Grafen
Struensee und Brandt, 1772" (no imprint).]
[Footnote 42: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," p. 238.]
[Footnote 43: There are as many variations in the account of Caroline
Matilda's arrest as there are writers on it, but I have mainly followed
that of Prince Charles of Hesse, even passing over the "Private
Journal" in its favour, for the following reasons:--First, Prince
Charles was a friend of the queen dowager, and continued in the Danish
service: hence he had every opportunity of hearing the correct details
from some of the principal actors. On the other hand, Mr. Wraxall's
informants were friends of the queen, and both already under arrest,
so they could only repeat the affair at second-hand: and even though
Mr. Wraxall was in Copenhagen so shortly after the occurrence, all
Englishmen were regarded as spies, and I do not think he found any
opportunity of hearing the exact facts from the chief conspirators.
The two narratives, however, differ very slightly, and this is a
confirmation of the correctness of the Landgrave's story, because
Mr. Wraxall was informed by the queen herself of the whole details.
Unfortunately, he delivered to George III. all the confidential papers
and letters connected with the affair, and from this cause I am unable
to say with certainty whether the "Private Journal" is based on the
story of Caroline Matilda herself. Still, my grandfather was not
the man to give up important papers and keep a copy of them, and I
therefore believe that the narrative I have before me is drawn up from
the statements of Bülow and Le Texier.]
[Footnote 44: A descendant of this officer accompanied the Princess
Alexandra in her triumphal entrance into London. But this is only a
further proof of the well-established fact that the whirligigs of time
bring strange revenges.]
[Footnote 45: The latest traveller in Denmark, De Flaux, gives us the
following account of Caroline Matilda's apartments at Kronborg:--"In
a tower is a small oval room, the windows of which are still lined
with iron bars. It was here that the queen was confined. I was shown
the _prie-dieu_ used by this unfortunate princess. It was on the faded
velvet that covered it that she rested her beautiful head. Who knows
whether the spots on it were not produced by the tears of despair
she shed. Was it not while kneeling on this chair that she heard the
terrible sentence that sent her two friends to the scaffold, and
herself dishonoured to the Castle of Aalborg?" Mr. N. W. Wraxall,
describing his visit to Kronborg, says that the rooms which the
commandant had the mercy to give his prisoner were vast, unfurnished,
hideous, bare walls; never warm in July.]
[Footnote 46: Reverdil adds to this fearful picture: "There was another
house let to the Italian actresses, and doubtless more impure than the
others; but the people behaved more civilly here, and, wishing to treat
it like the rest, ordered the girls to leave it first, _respecting in
their persons the amusements of the king_."]
[Footnote 47: Reverdil, p. 343.]
CHAPTER VI.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
THE TE DEUM--A WARNING VOICE--HITTING A FALLEN MAN--A GOOD
HATER--COURT FESTIVITIES--THE ALARM AT THE THEATRE--BANISHMENT OF
BERINGSKJOLD--RETIREMENT OF REVERDIL--THE TWO COUNTS--STRUENSEE'S
DESPAIR--ATTEMPTED SUICIDE--THE COMMISSION--THE CABINET COUNCIL--THE
PRIVY COUNCIL OF STATE.
The next care of the new government was the amusement of the
weak-minded king, who was now a helpless tool in all matters connected
with the administration. Juliana Maria proposed to him, in turn,
various persons to take Brandt's place; but he continually answered
"No" to all the names mentioned, until the queen dowager at last
came to Von der Osten, the minister of foreign affairs. At this
name the king exclaimed with pleasure, "Yes: I will have him." As
this gentleman, however, did not feel at all disposed to exchange
his pleasant post for the dignity of a companion to a half-childish
monarch, but preferred the comforts of his own palace, Lieut.-General
von Köller, Queen Juliana Maria's declared favourite, was appointed to
the office. We do not know how the poor king liked this coarse soldier
in the place of the polished Brandt, so intimate as he was with all the
details of court life.
In order to acquire the best men of business for the new government,
one of the nocturnal accomplices, Major Malleville, was sent to Privy
Councillor Count Thott to invite him to take part once more in the
business of the state, and a similar invitation was forwarded to Privy
Councillor Schack-Rathlau and the Stifts-amtmann Scheel, who had both
been removed by Struensee. The ex-premier, Count John Hartwig von
Bernstorff, was also thought of: Carstens and Schumacher spoke in his
favour, but Von der Osten and Rantzau were opposed to it, because
both hated him. The matter was disposed of, however, by the two royal
personages, who did not particularly like the count, and by Guldberg,
who feared a dangerous rival in the practised statesman. Hence, neither
Bernstorff nor Moltke was recalled; although among all the remaining
candidates for office there was not one who possessed Bernstorff's
experience in affairs of state. Conferenz-rath Shumacher was also
reappointed private secretary to the king, while retaining his post as
deputy in the Chancery.
On January 19, the first Sunday after Struensee's downfall, thanks were
offered to Heaven from all the pulpits in Copenhagen and the vicinity
for what had happened; and, of course, the sermons were filled with
all kinds of allusions to the overthrown godless government. On the
following Sunday, the third after Epiphany, there was, in obedience to
a royal circular, a general Te Deum in the churches of the capital, and
this afforded another excellent opportunity for again insulting the
fallen. Instead of offering up a prayer of love and charity for the
sinner, the clergymen only spoke of the "fearful vengeance of the Lord
upon the godless people, as a cause for rejoicing and thanks-giving."
Nor did they even spare her Majesty, who was still reigning, but poured
out the vials of their wrath upon her, and were not ashamed to urge
their congregations "to hate and execrate the queen."
How great the bitterness of the clergy at the freedom of religion
granted in the hitherto strictly Lutheran country by Struensee must
have been, is proved more clearly by the fact, that even the celebrated
theologian and converter, Dr. Münter, joined in their cry. "Godless
men ruled over us," he said from the pulpit of the palace chapel, "and
openly defied God. They, to whom nothing was sacred, either in heaven
or on earth, despised, ridiculed, and mocked the creed to which we
belong. They, doubtless, were meditating violent measures, in order to
secure themselves for ever. But thanks be to God, that He did not yield
us up as a prey to their teeth: that He overthrew their faithless and
blood-thirsty schemes (for they could not have been otherwise), and
gave us tranquillity and peace again, at the moment when murder and
rebellion were close at hand. Our king, to whom access was entirely
precluded; for whose sacred person we often felt anxious, because we
knew in what hands he was; our king is once more ours: we are again his
people."[48]
It was in all probability this sermon which caused Münter to be
selected to hear Struensee's last confessions and attempt his
conversion.
Still, almost immediately after the catastrophe, there were respectable
authors who dared unhesitatingly to oppose the zealotry of the clergy,
although this was accompanied by double danger at the time. "Religion,"
so wrote one of them, "is employed as a cloak, for the purpose of
deceiving the nation about the events that have occurred. The bought
voices of clergymen who deserve punishment, mix up with praises of the
Supreme Being the evident lies of calumny. Struensee was to be held up
as a regicide, and the deluded people were expected to thank Heaven for
saving the king from a peril which had never existed."
But what could these isolated protests effect against the fanatical
fury of the priests in a time of universal excitement, when not only
the new governing party gave their protection to the worst zealotry,
but even other respected men took the part of the revolution in word
and writing? Among all these men, none carried matters so far as
the well-known historian, Suhm, who was chamberlain to the queen
dowager. He published an open letter to the king, whose contents are an
everlasting brand on the name of an otherwise esteemed literary man:--
"Long enough," we read in the beginning of this pamphlet, "have
religion and virtue been trampled under foot among us; long enough
have honesty and integrity been turned away from our frontiers. A
disgraceful mob of low people had seized on the person of the king and
rendered access to him impossible for every honourable man. He only saw
and heard with their eyes and ears--while the country swam in tears,
while the Danish land had become a name of shame, and men, when abroad,
did not dare express that they belonged to it; while the rich were
plundered, the sun of the royal house turned pale, and everything was
given up to ignominious robbers, blasphemers, and enemies of humanity.
And while all this was going on the king was cheerful and happy, in the
belief that the welfare of his subjects was being promoted."
After a fulsome panegyric of the queen dowager and her son (of whom
Suhm says in a foot-note: "Theologians will decide whether these names
designate glorified angels or angels still living on earth"), the
writer proceeds to thank all the patriots "who with firm intention
helped to tear the bandage from the king's eyes which prevented him
from seeing, who raised up the king and country again, risked their
lives to save the land, and restored the king his true and legitimate
power." After which effusion of gratitude the zealous chamberlain burst
into fresh assertions: that it was the highest time for the work of
salvation to be carried out, for the capital would perhaps have become
within a few days the prey of the flames--one immense ruin; while
Denmark and Norway might have been happy under a king who entertained
the most fervent wishes for their welfare.
This famous rubbish terminated with a warning appeal to the king,
"to let the blood of so many kings that flowed in his veins warm his
heart, and make him look at his people himself. Thus Christian IV. and
Frederick IV. had acted. But he must not allow himself to be persuaded
by flatterers that he was already what those kings had been, but
strive to become as they." Then came a tremendous flourish. "From God
and your nation you have received the autocracy: you are, therefore,
also responsible to God and the nation for the use you have made of
this power. You must set bounds on your own might, by regarding God
as possessing a higher authority than your own, and by choosing the
worthiest man for your government: the most worthy you have in your
brother.[49] You must mercifully chastise those who have some claim to
be treated graciously, but punish justly and without mercy the men who
have dishonoured the king and the country.... You ought to fear God,
love your people, take the government into your own hands, and believe
your brother."
One more passage, and I will close this pamphlet.
"Who would not praise and esteem that dangerous but honourable night!
Future Homers and Virgils will sing its praises, and so long as
there are any Danish and Norwegian heroes left, the glory of Juliana
Maria and Frederick will endure, but cannot be augmented, as that is
impossible. Sooner shall the world fall into nothingness than their
glory pass away."
In such a fashion as this, an otherwise honourable and educated man
ventured to address his monarch, to heap up the heaviest charges and
most manifest insults on men who were imprisoned but not yet sentenced,
and even went so far as to urge on the sovereign who would decide their
fate the inhuman request that he should mercilessly punish them. For
all that, this public letter was praised by the majority as a proof of
patriotic zeal, and of worthy liberality; and Counts Bernstorff and Von
Reventlow even thanked the author in writing for his patriotic deed.
Probably encouraged by praise from such high quarters, the same author
issued shortly after a second pamphlet, bearing the title, "To my
Countrymen: Danes, Norwegians, and Holsteiners." In it he declared that
it was only a reasonable feeling "if every body hated Struensee and
desired vengeance upon him; for all the nations of Europe would regard
a people that allowed itself to be governed by a Struensee, as a vile
and cowardly people, and not call the man a barbarian who removed such
a monster."
Justiz-rath Langebeck, keeper of the archives, a well-known historian,
also accused Struensee in a pamphlet, "Liberal Thoughts on the Day of
Requital," of the most scandalous things, and at the same time abused
the fallen party in a truly Danish fashion, selecting his complimentary
titles from the infernal regions and the entire animal kingdom, calling
them sometimes murder-fiends and firebrands of hell; at others, goats,
apes, brute beasts, wolves, tigers, &c. "But Juliana Maria's renown
would last to the end of time, and far,
Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/49583