Index Expurgatorius Anglicanus
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Title: Index Expurgatorius Anglicanus
Author: W. H. Hart
Release date: April 26, 2015 [eBook #48796]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
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over another digit, similar to 167½ for example. These have been
changed to the form 1671/2.
The TABLE OF CONTENTS section has been created by the Transcriber.
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comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation
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INDEX
EXPURGATORIUS
ANGLICANUS:
OR
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE PRINCIPAL BOOKS
PRINTED OR PUBLISHED IN ENGLAND,
WHICH HAVE BEEN SUPPRESSED,
OR BURNT BY THE COMMON HANGMAN,
OR CENSURED,
OR FOR WHICH THE AUTHORS, PRINTERS, OR PUBLISHERS
HAVE BEEN PROSECUTED.
BY W. H. HART
[Illustration: (Colophon)]
BURT FRANKLIN
NEW YORK
Published by BURT FRANKLIN
235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
Originally Published: 1872-1878
Reprinted: 1969
Printed in the U.S.A.
This book is complete in five parts ending at numbered page 290.
Library of Congress Card Catalog No.: 76-80250
Burt Franklin: Bibliography & Reference Series 302
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Part I 3
Part II 67
Part III 131
Part IV 195
Part V 243
PART I.] [TO BE CONTINUED.
INDEX
EXPURGATORIUS
ANGLICANUS:
OR
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE PRINCIPAL BOOKS
PRINTED OR PUBLISHED IN ENGLAND,
WHICH HAVE BEEN SUPPRESSED,
OR BURNT BY THE COMMON HANGMAN,
OR CENSURED,
OR FOR WHICH THE AUTHORS, PRINTERS, OR PUBLISHERS
HAVE BEEN PROSECUTED.
BY W. H. HART, F.S.A.
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS.
LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.
1872.
_The object of this work, which at present it is believed is
sufficiently indicated by the title, will be more fully explained
in the preface, which cannot as yet conveniently be printed. It is
not possible to estimate the exact extent of the work, but it will
be included in one moderately sized volume, published in parts of
similar size and price to that now issued._
_W. H. HART._
_October, 1872._
INDEX EXPURGATORIUS ANGLICANUS.
1.
A SUPPLICACYON for the Beggers. (Compiled by Simon Fyshe, ANNO
MCCCCCXXIIII.)
This book gave considerable uneasiness to Cardinal Wolsey, who was
personally attacked in it, and sought by every means to discover
and punish its author. It was prohibited by a proclamation issued
in June, 1530. An account of Simon Fish, "a zealous man for the
reformation of abuses in the church" will be found in Wood's Athenæ
Oxonienses and Tanner's Biblioth. Britan.
2.
The Newe Testament, in Englysshe, (translated by William Tyndale.)
Assumed to have been printed at Cologne in the Office of Peter
Quentell and finished at Worms by Peter Schoeffer, 1525. It was
inhibited by order of Bishop Tonstall and Archbishop Wareham and
burnt. An imperfect copy is in the Grenville collection, British
Museum.
3.
The Parable of the wicked Mammon. (By William Tyndale), 1528.
The Obedyence of a Christen Man, and how Christen Rulers ought to
governe. (By the same), 1528.
These books were prohibited by the before mentioned proclamation of
June, 1530.
4.
The Revelation of Antichrist. No date.
This book was prohibited by the before mentioned proclamation of
June, 1530.
5.
The Summary of Scripture. No date.
This book was prohibited by the before mentioned proclamation of
June, 1530. It is a translation by Simon Fish from the German.
6.
An exposition upon the fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of Matthew.
No publisher or date.
Printed for Tyndale while he was in Holland in 1537 by R. Grafton,
for which he was thrown into the Fleet for six weeks.
7.
The historie of Italie, a boke excedyng profitable to be redde;
because it intreateth of the astate of many and divers common weales,
how thei have ben and now be governed, 1549. London.
This book was suppressed and burnt by the Common Hangman, but a
reprint was subsequently made in 1561. The original edition is very
rare. "W. Thomas," says Holinshed, "who wrote the History of Italie
and other thinges verie eloquentlie, was hanged and quartered at
Tiburne, 18 May, 1554, for conspiring to murther Queen Mary." He
had been Tutor to Edward VI, and some of his letters are preserved
by Strype.
8.
The Union of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre and
Yorke, beyng long in continuall discension for the Crowne of this
noble realme, with all the actes done in both the tymes of the
Princes, both of the one linage and of the other, beginnyng at the
tyme of Kyng Henry the fowerth, the first aucthor of this devision,
and so successively proceading to ye reigne of the high and prudent
Prince, Kyng Henry the eyght, the indubitate flower and very heire of
both the saied linages. Whereunto is added to every Kyng a severall
table. (By Edward Halle), 1550.
This book was prohibited by a proclamation dated June 13, 1555.
(Foxe's Acts and Monuments, vol. 7, p. 127, ed. 1847.)
9.
A declaration of the succession of the Crown Imperial of England. By
John Hales. London, 1563.
This book was written in support of the marriage and the claims
of Lord Hertford's children by the Lady Catherine Grey. The Queen
was so angry at its appearance that the author was committed to
the Tower, and Bacon himself, the Lord Keeper, who was suspected
of having had a hand in its appearance, fell considerably in his
mistress's favour.
10.
An admonition to Parliament. 1571.
The authors of this tract were most probably the Puritan divines
John Field and Thomas Wilcox. It was frequently reprinted, and in
1572 Field and Wilcox presented a copy to the House of Commons, and
were immediately committed to Newgate. By a proclamation dated June
11th, 1573, the admonition itself, and "one other also in defence
of the sayde admonition" were commanded to be delivered up on pain
of imprisonment, "and her highness further displeasure."
11.
A Treatise of Schisme shewing, that al Catholikes ought in any wise
to abstaine altogether from heretical Conventicles, to witt, their
prayers, sermons, &c., devided into foure chapters. By Gregorie
Martin, Licenciate in Divinitie, Douay, 1578.
This book gave great offence to the Queen and her ministers, for it
invites the ladies about the Queen's person to imitate the example
of Judith in ridding the world of Holofernes. Though printed in
1578 it was not till 1584 that measures were taken concerning
it. A copy had been sent by Cardinal Allen to William Carter,
the printer for a new edition. That very copy, wanting the title
page, is now in the Bodleian. The impression was seized, and on
January 10th, at a Sessions held in the Old Bailey, for the gaol
delivery of Newgate, Carter himself was there indicted, arraigned,
and condemned of high treason for printing this book, and was for
the same, on the next day drawn from Newgate to Tyburn, and there
hanged, bowelled, and quartered. (Holinshed.)
12.
A Letter sent by F. A., touching the Proceedings in a private
Quarell and Unkindnesse, between Arthur Hall and Melchisidech
Mallerie, Gentlemen, to his very Friend L. B., being in Italy. With
an admonition by the Father of F. A. to him, being a Burgesse of
the Parliament, for his better Behaviour therein. London, by Henry
Bynneman, 1579-80.
A book presenting a curious view of the habits and manners of the
young men of family and fashion in the reign of Elizabeth. It is
reprinted in the Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana. Upon a motion made
by Mr. Norton in the House of Commons on February 4th, 1580/81,
stating that this book was "done and procured" by Mr. Arthur Hall,
a member of that House: it was resolved that the Sergeant at Arms
be forthwith sent to apprehend Mr. Hall, and the printer was also
to be sent for; and accordingly on the 6th February Mr. Hall was
brought to the bar and admitted the offence. On the 14th February
it was resolved that he should be committed to the Tower for six
months, and so much longer as until he should willingly make a
retractation; that he be fined 500 marks, and be expelled the House
of Commons. (Vide Commons' Journals, vol. 1, pp. 122, 124, 125,
126, 132, 136.)
13.
The Discoverie of a Gaping Gulf whereinto England is like to be
swallowed by another French marriage, if the Lord forbid not the
banes, by letting her Majestie see the sin and punishment thereof.
Mense Augusti Anno 1579.
According to Camden[1] the Queen was much incensed at this book, in
which those of the Council who favoured the marriage are taxed as
ungrateful to their Prince and Country; the Queen herself (in the
midst of several flattering expressions) is glanced at as unlike
herself; the Duke of Anjou slandered with unworthy reproaches; the
French nation odiously defamed; and the marriage itself, in regard
of the difference of religion, (as of the daughter of God with
a son of Antichrist) with virulent words condemned, as profane,
dangerous to the Church, and destructive to the Commonwealth; and
this proved out of the Holy Scriptures, miserably wrested. Neither
would the Queen be persuaded that the author of the book had any
other intent but to procure the hatred of her subjects against her,
(who had always no less regard of the love of her people than she
had of her own authority, and as Princes use to do, made it her
chief care to preserve her reputation) and privately to open a gap
for some prodigious innovation; considering that the writer had
not so much as mentioned the security of the Queen and realm, or
prevention of dangers to either, and that the States of the Realm
had before with all earnestness besought her to marry, as the most
assured remedy against the threatening mischiefs. These things
she declared by public proclamation,[2] wherein having condemned
the author of the book as a publisher of sedition, she highly
commended the Duke of Anjou's good affection towards her and the
Protestant religion, and expressed her resentment that so great an
injury should be offered to so noble a Prince, and one that had so
well deserved, who had desired nothing to be altered either in the
commonwealth or religion: and withal, she commended Simier, the
Duke of Anjou's agent, for his wisdom and discretion, whom some
had loaded with calumnies and slanders. She also advertised the
people that the said book was nothing else but a fiction of some
traitors, to raise envy abroad, and sedition at home; and commanded
it to be burnt before the magistrate's face. From this time forward
she began to be a little more incensed against the puritans, or
innovators, from whom she easily believed these kind of things
proceeded: and indeed, within a few days after, John Stubbs of
Lincoln's Inn, a furious hot-headed professor of religion, (whose
sister, Thomas Cartwright, a ringleader amongst the Puritans, had
married) the author of this book, William Page, who dispersed the
copies, and Singleton the printer, were apprehended; against whom
sentence was given, that their right hands should be cut off,
according to an Act of Philip and Mary, against the authors and
publishers of seditious writings. Though some lawyers muttered that
the sentence was erroneous and void by reason of the false noting
of the time wherein the law was made; and that that Act was only
temporary, and died with Queen Mary. Of this number was Dalton,
who often bawled it out openly, and was committed to the Tower;
and Monson, a judge in the Court of Common Pleas, was so sharply
reprehended, that he resigned his place, forasmuch as Wray, Lord
Chief Justice of England, made it appear that there was no mistake
in noting the time; and proved by the words of the Act, that the
Act was made against those who should abuse the King by seditious
writings, and that the King of England never dieth; yea that that
Act was renewed Anno primo Elizabethæ, to be in force during the
life of her and the heirs of her body. Hereupon Stubbs and Page
had their right hands cut off with a cleaver, driven through the
wrist by the force of a mallet, upon a scaffold in the market place
at Westminster. The printer was pardoned. I remember (being there
present) that Stubbs, after his right hand was cut off, put off his
hat with his left, and said with a loud voice "God save the Queen."
The multitude standing about was deeply silent; either out of an
horror of this new and unwonted kind of punishment, or else out of
commiseration towards the man, as being of an honest and unblamable
repute; or else out of hatred of the marriage, which most men
presaged would be the overthrow of religion.
On October 5th, 1579, a circular was prepared from the Council
to the bishops, to give notice to the clergy and others that the
seditious suggestions set forth in Stubbs's book were without
foundation, and that special noted preachers should declare the
same to the people.
Eleven copies of this circular are in the Public Record Office
unfinished, some signed, others not fully signed, and some not
signed at all; from which it would appear that none were sent, and
that the matter dropped.
14.
Henry or Harry Nicholas, The works of.
These productions, which include a miscellaneous collection of
books and tracts on the peculiar principles of the sect called
_The Family of Love_, were by royal proclamation dated October
13, 22 Elizabeth, ordered to be burnt, and all persons declared
punishable for having them in their possession without the
ordinary's permission.
This _Family of Love_ or _House of Charity_ as they styled
themselves, were sectaries out of Holland who persuaded their
followers "That those only were elected and should be saved, who
were admitted into that Family, and all the rest Reprobates, and
to be damned; and that it was lawful for them to deny upon their
oath before a magistrate whatsoever they pleased, or before any
other who was not of their family." Of this fanatical vanity they
dispersed books amongst their followers, translated out of the
Dutch tongue into the English, they were entitled The Gospel of the
Kingdom, Documental Sentences, The Prophecy of the Spirit of Love,
The publishing of Peace upon Earth. The author, H. N., they could
by no means be persuaded to reveal; yet was it found afterwards to
be Henry Nicholas of Leyden, who with a blasphemous mouth gave out,
that he did partake of God, and God of his humanity. (Camden's Life
and Reign of Queen Elizabeth, p. 477.)
15.
The confession and execution of John Slade. The confession and
execution of John Bodye. (1583.)
A black letter tract dedicated to "Maister H. S., by R. B., from
Winchester." Slade and Bodye were sufferers under the oppressive
laws of the time against the adherents of the Catholic religion,
and were executed in the autumn of 1583. (See Challoner's Memoirs
of Missionary Priests.) This tract was suppressed and the author
punished.
16.
A book without title or date, but plainly of Catholic tendency.
(1584.)
This book was alleged to have been published or dispersed on
January 22nd, 1584, by one Robert Sutton, a yeoman, and Charles
Ratclyffe, gentleman, both of Aylsham in Norfolk, for which they
were prosecuted; but the indictment was held to be insufficient.[3]
It charges that "Robertus Sutton nuper de Aylesham in comitatu
Norfolciæ yoman vicesimo secundo die Januarii anno regni dominæ
Elizabethæ Dei gratia Angliæ Franciæ et Hiberniæ Reginæ fidei
defensoris &c., vicesimo sexto apud Aylesham prædictam in comitatu
prædicto advisate _anglice advysedly_ et voluntarie publicavit
ut veritati consentaneum quendam librum continentem in se hæc
anglicana verba sequentia videlicet _not to be wyth the Pope is to
be wyth antecryste_ Et sic prædictus Robertus Sutton tunc et ibidem
assistebat _anglice stode wyth_ ad extollendam jurisdictionem
Pontificis Romani præantea usurpatam infra hoc regnum Angliæ contra
formam statuti in hujusmodi casu nuper editi et provisi et contra
pacem dictæ dominæ Reginæ nunc coronam et dignitatem suas &c.
Item alias scilicet die et anno prædictis ad sessionem prædictam
coram præfatis justiciariis per sacramentum juratorum prædictorum
similiter extitit præsentatum quod Carolus Ratclyffe nuper de
Aylesham in comitatu Norffolciæ generosus vicesimo secundo die
Januarii anno regni dominæ Elizabethæ Dei gratia Angliæ Franciæ et
Hiberniæ Reginæ Fidei Defensoris &c. vicesimo sexto apud Aylesham
prædictam in comitatu Norffolciæ prædicto advisate _anglice
advysedly_ et voluntarie publicavit ut veritati consentaneum
quendam librum continentem in se hæc anglicana verba sequentia
videlicet _not to be wyth the Pope is to be wyth antechryste_ Et
sic prædictus Carolus Ratclyffe tunc et ibidem assistebat _anglice
stode wyth_ ad extollendam jurisdictionem Pontificis Romani
præantea usurpatam infra hoc regnum Angliæ contra formam statuti in
hujusmodi casu nuper editi et provisi et contra pacem dictæ dominæ
Reginæ nunc coronam et dignitatem suas &c."
17.
Modest answer to the English Persecutors; or a defence of English
Catholics against a slanderous libel intituled "The execution of
justice in England." No publisher or date.
This book was published anonymously, but is known to be the
production of Cardinal Allen. Thomas Allfield, a priest, who had
(says Dr. Challoner)[4] found means to import into the realm some
copies thereof, "and had dispersed them by the help of one Thomas
Webley, a dyer; was called to an account, as was also the said
Webley, and both the one and the other were most cruelly tortured
in prison; I suppose in order to make them discover the persons
to whom they had distributed the said books. They were afterwards
brought to their trial and condemned on the 5th of July, (1585),
and suffered at Tyburn on the day following; where both the one
and the other had their life offered them if they would renounce
the pope, and acknowledge the queen's church headship; which they
refusing to do were both executed."
The indictment against Allfield is as follows, (Lansdowne M.S.
British Museum 33, no. 58.)
Londonia scilicet. Juratores pro domina Regina præsentant quod
cum per quendam actum in Parliamento dominæ Reginæ nunc tento per
prorogationem apud Westmonasterium sexto decimo die Januarii anno
regni sui vicesimo tertio editum et provisum inter alia inactitatum
et stabilitatum existit authoritate parliamenti illius quod si
aliqua persona sive personæ post finem quadraginta dierum proximo
sequentium post finem illius sessionis ejusdem parliamenti infra
hoc regnum Angliæ vel in aliquo alio dominiorum dominæ Reginæ nunc
vel in aliquo alio loco extra dominia dictæ dominæ Reginæ advisate
et cum maliciosa intentione versus dictam dominam Reginam nunc
devisarent et scriberent imprimerent vel exponerent devisaret et
scriberet imprimeret vel exponeret _anglice sett forthe_ aliquem
librum rythmum canticum vocatum _a ballade_ literam sive scriptum
continentem aliquam falsam seditiosam et scandalosam materiam ad
defamationem Regiæ Majestatis vel ad animandam excitandam vel
movendam aliquam insurrectionem vel rebellionem infra hoc regnum
aut aliquod dominiorum eidem regno spectantium vel si aliqua
persona seu personæ post finem prædictorum quadraginta dierum
sive infra hoc regnum aut alia dominia ipsius Reginae vel in
aliquo alio loco extra dominia dictæ dominæ Reginæ advisate et cum
maliciosa intentione versus dictam dominam nostram procurarent vel
causarent procuraret vel causaret aliquem talem librum rythmum
canticum vocatum _a ballade_ literam sive scriptum scribi imprimi
publicari sive exponi _anglice sett forthe_ et offensione illa
non existente punibili per statutum factum in anno vicesimo
quinto regni nuper regis Edwardi tertii concernens proditionem
sive declarationem proditionis vel per aliquod aliud statutum per
quod aliqua offensio facta sive declarata fuit proditio quod tunc
quælibet talis offensio reputaretur et adjudicaretur felonia et
offensores in eodem inde convicti et attincti existentes paterentur
tales pœnas mortis et forisfacturas prout in casu feloniæ usitatum
fuit absque aliquo beneficio clericatus sive sanctuarii allocando
offensori in ea parte prout per statutum prædictum inter alia
plenius apparet. Cumque hoc non obstante quidam Willielmus Alleyn
Theologiæ Professor desiderans dictam dominam Reginam supremam
dominam nostram in odium et malevolentiam apud omnes subditos
suos inducere et quantum in ipso fuit efficere ut omnes subditi
ipsius dominæ Reginæ existimarent quod dicta domina Regina
fuit heretica et elapsa a vera Christiana fide et quod fuit
apostata princeps advisate et cum maliciosa intentione versus
dictam dominam Reginam quendam librum in partibus transmarinis
imprimi fecit continentem quamplurimas falsas seditiosas et
scandalosas materias ad defamationem dictæ dominæ Reginæ nunc et
ad excitationem insurrectionis et rebellionis infra hoc regnum
Angliæ et ad subvertionem veræ et sinceræ Dei religionis in eodem
regno recte et pie stabilitatæ videlicet in uno loco in eodem
libro hæc Anglicana verba sequentia. _They_ (innuendo Edmundum
Campion Radulphum Sherwin et alios falsos proditores nuper de alta
proditione attinctos) _might have spoken theire minde boldely nowe
at theyre passage and departure from this worlde as sythence that
tyme we understande a worshipfull laye gentleman_ (innuendo quendam
Jacobum Leyborne nuper similiter de alta proditione attinctum)
_did, who protested both at his arraynement and at his death that
her Majestie_ (innuendo dictam dominam Reginam nunc) _was not his
lawfull Queene for two respectes, the one for her byrthe, thother
for the excommunicacion; her Highenes havinge sought neyther
dispensacion for the first nor absolucion for the seconde._ Et
in alio loco in eodem libro hæc Anglicana verba sequentia. _By
the fall of the kinge from the fayth the daunger is so evident
and inevitable that God had not sufficiently provided for our
salvacion and the preservacion of his Churche and holy lawes yf
there were no waye to deprive or restrain apostate Princes_ (falso
innuendo dictam dominam Reginam fore Principem apostatam.) _We
see howe the whole worlde did runne from Christe after Julian to
playne Paganisme, after Valens to Arrianisme, after Edward the
Sixth with us into Zwynglianisme, and would doe into Turcisme yf
any powrable Prince will leade his subjectes that waye. Yf our
fayth or perdicion shoulde on this sorte passe by the pleasure of
everie seculer prince and no remedie for yt in the state of the
Newe Testament, but men must hold and obey him to what infidelitie
soever he fall, then we were in worse case_ (innuendo cunctum
populum hujus regni Angliæ) _then heathens and all other humayne
commonwealthes which both before Christe and after have had meanes
to deliver themselves from such tyrantes as were intollerable and
evidently pernicious to humaine societie_ (falso prætendens per
illud dictam dominam Reginam fore intollerabilem et perniciosum
tyrannum societati subditorum suorum.) _The bonde and obligacion
we have entred into for the service of Christe and the Churche far
exceedeth all other duety which we owe to any humaine Creature. And
therefore where the obedience to the inferior hindereth the service
of the other which is superior, we must by lawe and order discharge
ourselves of the inferior. The wyfe yf she cannot live with her
owne husband (beinge an infidell or an heretique) without injurie
and dishonor to God, she maye departe from him or contrariwise he
from her for the like cause, neyther oweth the innocent partie
nor the other can lawfullie clayme any conjugall dutie or debt
in this case. The verie bond slave which is in another kinde no
lesse bounde to his Lorde and Maister then the subjecte to his
Soveraigne, maye also by the auncient imperiall lawes departe and
refuse to obey or serve him yf he become an heretique, yea ipso
facto he is made free. Finally the parentes that become heretiques
lose the superioritie and dominion they have by lawe or nature
over their owne children. Therefore lett no man marveile that
in case of heresie the Soveraigne looseth his superiority over
his people and kingedome_ (innuendo per illud quod dicta domina
Regina nunc perderet superioritatem super subditos suos). Et in
alio loco ejusdem libri hæc Anglicana verba sequentia. _And as for
his holines accion in Ireland_ (innuendo invasionem per medium
Romani episcopi in Hibernia factam) _we that are neyther so wise
as to be worthie nor so mallaparte as to challenge to knowe his
intencions, councell, and disposicions of those matters, can nor
will neyther defend nor condemne, onely this is evidente that these
small succors which were given by him_ (innuendo dictum Episcopum
Romanum) _to the Irishe, or rather suffered at their owne adventure
to goe into those warres came uppon the ymportunate sute of the
sore afflicted Catholiques, and some of the chiefest nobilitie of
that countrye, of whose continuall complaintes knowne calamities,
and intollerable distresses of conscience and otherwyse yt maye
be he was moved with compassion and did that in cause of religion
against one_ (innuendo dictam dominam Reginam nunc) _whome he toke
in his owne judgement rightly by his predecessor's sentence to be
deposed, and in a quarrell in his sight most just and godly. And
perhaps he_ (dictum episcopum Romanum innuendo) _was the rather
readie to doe this for Irelande, for that the sea Apostolique
hath an old clayme to the Soveraigntye of that countrie._ Et in
alio loco in eodem libro hæc Anglicana verba sequentia. _And this
our countrie's scourge_ (innuendo hoc regnum Angliæ) _proceedinge
wholye of our notorious forsakinge the Catholicke Churche and
sea apostolique_ (innuendo sedem Romani Episcopi) _began first
in King Henrie the eight beinge Radex peccati of our dayes_ ubi
revera Domina Regina nunc non fuit nec est heretica nec elapsa
a vera Christiana fide nec fuit nec est apostata princeps nec
incidit in heresim nec perdidit superioritatem et jus super
cunctum populum et regnum suum et in quibus regnis revera nullus
episcopus Romanus habet potestatem deprivandi sive deponendi
aliquem principem. Quidam tamen Thomas Allfild nuper de Londonia
clericus statutum prædictum minime ponderans felonice ut felo dictæ
dominæ Reginæ nunc decimo die Septembris anno regni dictæ dominæ
Reginæ nunc vicesimo sexto apud Londoniam videlicet in parochia
Omnium Sanctorum in Breadstreate in warda de Breadstreate Londoniæ
advisate et cum maliciosa intentione versus dictam dominam Reginam
nunc prædictum librum prædicti Willielmi Alleyne continentem
prædictas falsas seditiosas et scandalosas materias in Anglicanis
verbis superius recitatas et quamplurima alia ad defamationem
dictæ dominæ Reginæ nunc et ad excitationem insurrectionis et
rebellionis infra hoc regnum Angliæ diversis subditis dictæ dominæ
Reginæ publicari et exponi causavit _anglice, did cause to be
published and sette forthe_ contra formam statuti prædicti in hoc
casu provisi et contra pacem dictæ dominæ Reginæ nunc coronam et
dignitatem suas.
The following account of the trial of Allfield, which took place
on Monday, July 6th, 1585, is taken from Lansdowne M. S., (British
Museum) 45, no. 74.
The effect and the substaunce of the matter that was done and
spoken at the arraignement of Thomas Allfeild, a Jesuett Preiste,
att Newgate, uppon Mondaie, the fifth Julie, 1585.
First he and his ffellowes were brought from Newgate and placed at
the barre. My Lord Maior, My Lord Buckhurste, the Master of the
Rolls, My Lord Anderson, Mr. Sackforth, Sir Rowland Hayward, Mr.
Owen, Mr. Younge, and the Recorder, sett downe uppon the Benche.
Mr. Towne Clarke redd the Commyssion of Oire and determiner; after
this, a substaunciall jurie of the best commoners to the nosmber of
twentie or there-abowtes, were sworne to enquire, &c.
Then the Recorder gave that speciall charge that belongeth to that
commission; after that done, the enqueste of inquirie went upp
into the Councell Chamber at the Sessions Hall: in which place
Mr. Attorney and Mr. Solicitor did reade unto the enquest the
three severall indictmentes, and there the offenders, uppon good
evidence geven were indicted. Billa vera was sett uppon everye
one of them. The enquest returned to the courte, and beinge called
by name they presented the bylls to the courte; the Towne Clarke
received them and delivered them to the Recorder, and he opened
them and showed them to the rest of the Justices howe they were
fownde. And thereuppon the Towne Clerke was willed to call them to
the barr and soe to arraigne them, who begane first with Allfeilde,
and the indictment redd, he was demaunded whether he were gyltie
of the matter conteyned in that indictment, to the which he would
make noe aunswere, and prayed that he might be hard speake, and
thereuppon he used a certen ffrivolous speache conteyninge noe
matter, the effect whereof was that the cause in question was such,
that the same owght to be tryed before learned men in Divinitie,
and not before layemen; and after with much adoe he pleded not
gyltie. And being asked howe he would be tryed, and also beinge
tolde that he owght to be tryed by God and the countrie, he made
a longe staye, and saied that it was noe reason that xij ignorant
men should trye a matter of religion, but that it owght to be
tryed by learned men. And then was it told him, that a matter in
ffact was laied to his charge, viz., for bringinge into the realme
and utteringe of a certen slaunderous and lewed booke against her
Majestie and the realme, devised by one Doctor Allen. To the which
Allfeild aunswered and saied expresslie that the same booke was a
loyall booke, a lawfull booke, a good and a true booke, and that
the same was prynted in Parrys under the King's priviledge there;
and was allowed for a good and a lawfull booke throwghowt all the
universities in Christendome beyonde the seas, and that it towched
nothing butt matters of religion. And beinge asked whether it were
a matter of religion that the Pope had aucthoritie to depryve the
Quene of England, and he aunswered that in generaltie it was a
matter of Religion that the Pope had aucthoritie _to deprive any
Kinge yf he sawe cause_, ffor that the Pope was a regall kinge
and prince and that he might take armes in hand as well as other
kinges might doe. Yt was aunswered him that the courte sate not to
trye matters of religion, but a matter de facto, that whether he
browght the said slaunderous bookes into the realme, and whether he
had disparsed them. To the which he aunswered that he had brought
ffyve or syx hundreth of the same bookes into the realme, and that
he had disparced them as he sawe occasion. And further he affirmed
expresslie, that the booke was a good booke and lawfull, and
declared as he had before done, howe the same was allowed, &c. And
after he was urged to put himselffe uppon his tryall, and was put
in remembraunce what the punishment of the lawe was, yf judgement
were geven against him, de payne fort et dure. And thereuppon yt
was asked him howe he would be tryed, and he aunswered by God
and the countrye; and then he was told by the courte, that uppon
the evidence geven, he should be hard att large, and then was a
jurye of verie sufficient commoners called, and he was especiallie
warned by the Towne Clerke to take his challenges unto them as they
should come to the booke to be sworne. The jurye beinge sworne,
the indictment was redd, the which conteyned divers faulse, lewed,
and slaunderous partes of Doctor Allen's booke, tendinge playnlye
by expresse wordes, not onelie to treason, but most manifest and
shamefull slaunders against her Majestie. Yet did Allfeild not
sticke to saye, _that it towched not the Quene any moore then it
did the Frenche Kinge or Spanish Kinge_. He travelled verie much
to make the Commissioners to beleve that they understood _not
the slaunderous booke, addinge, this withall the same booke was
especiallie devised and wrytten by Doctor Allen to aunswere him who
had wrytten the booke of Justice of Englande, and not to slaunder
the Quene_. And after much speache used, and manye repeticions made
all to one effecte, by Allfeilde, there was delivered to the jurye
one of the bookes to compaire the wordes of the indictment with
the booke and the examinacions, and they fyndinge them to agree,
and hearinge him soe stowtlie to justifie the same to be a loyall
booke. They retourned after a competent tyme, and beinge called by
name and the prysoner beinge called to the barre, they were asked
first of Allfeild, whether he were gyltye of the offence that was
conteyned in the indictment. The fforeman sayed gyltie, &c.
And after beinge asked what he could saye whye judgment of deathe
should not be geven against him, he aunswered that the offence
was pardoned, the pardone was redd, and yt was told him that his
offence was excepted out of the pardone. And then did the Recorder
call him fourthe, and recyted the effecte of the indictment and
howe that he was fownd gyltie; and told him that he wondered that
his ffather in Kinge Henrie's daies, beinge an usher of Eaton,
and of a good religion, and had brought upp many learned devynes,
and other that served the Quene in temporall causes, whereof
hundrethes, the Recorder himselffe was one of the meanest, and
that the same prisoner passed thorough the same Colledge, and
so to the Kinges Colledge, beinge both of the Quene's highnes
foundacion: and nowe had he so unnaturallie and beastlie behaved
himselffe that he was become the first that ever was arraigned
of ffelonye of any that ever passed those Colledges by the space
of these fiftie yeres and moore. And then saied the Recorder, ye
knowe that Christ paied trybute to Cesor, and commaunded that
Cesor should be obeyed, and that eche man should yeld to Cesor his
dewties. And that St. Paule in the end of the Actes was accused for
Religion by the Jewes, and it was told him that he should be sent
to Jerusalem to be tryed before the Preist there. And he aunswered
that he stoode before the Tribunall or Judgement seat of Cesor,
and there he owght to be tryed. And soe he appeled to Cesor, where
his cause was hard, and he dismissed. Here, quoth the Recorder, ye
see that Christe commaunded that Cesor should be obeyed, he saied
not deposed. And St. Paule did appeell to Cesor and not to Peter,
because he tooke Cesor to be his lawfull kinge. And all men knowe
that Cesor was not of the faith of Christ, nor yet did he beleve as
St. Paule did; and after a fewe wordes moore he gave judgement, and
commaunded the Sheriffes to doe execucion. This Allfeild appered to
have noe skill at all eyther in the old or newe Testament; there
appeared noe manner of learninge in him; he was bolde, stowte, and
arrogant,--he behaved himselffe more arrogantlie then any that ever
the Commissioners had hard or seene in theire tymes; his wordes
were such against her Majestie, that all the people fell into a
murmer; he never used one worde of reverence towardes her highnes.
And att his passage to execucion the people offered to praye with
him and he refused theire offer, and saied that if there were any
Catholickes there he would be glad to have theire assistaunce.
18.
The discoverie of witchcraft, wherein the lewde dealing of
witches and witchmongers is notablie detected; the knaverie of
conjurors, the impietie of inchantors, the follie of soothsaiers,
the impudent falshood of cousenors, the infidelitie of atheists,
the pestilent practises of Pythonists, the curiositie of figure
casters, the vanitie of dreamers, the beggerlie art of Alcumystrie,
the abhomination of idolatrie, the horrible art of poisoning, the
vertue and power of naturall magike, and all the conveiances of
Legierdemaine and iuggling, are deciphered, and many other things
opened which have long lien hidden, howbeit verie necessarie to be
knowne. Heereunto is added a treatise upon the nature and substance
of spirits and divels, &c.; all latelie written by Reginald Scot,
Esquire. 1584.
Many copies of this book were burnt by order of King James I.
19.
A Lamentable Complaint of the Commonalty, by way of Supplication to
the High Court of Parliament for a learned ministry, 1585.
For printing this tract Robert Waldegrave was kept prisoner in the
White Lion for twenty weeks, as asserted by Martin Marprelate in
"Hay any worke for a cooper."
20.
Martin Marprelate Tracts.
1.--The Epitome, 1588. 2.--Hay any worke for Cooper; penned and
compiled by Martin the Metropolitane; no date. 3.--Martyn Senior.
4.--Martyn Junior.
For printing and publishing these books, Sir Richard Knightly, Mr.
Hales, and Sir ---- Wickstone and his wife, were cited into the
Court of Star Chamber on Friday, the 13th February, 31 Elizabeth,
1588. Knightley was many times member of Parliament for the County
of Northampton in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He was a great
favourer of the Puritan party, and at the expence of printing these
libels, as was reported, being influenced by Snape and some other
leading ministers of this County. These libels were printed by one
Walgrave, who had a travelling press for this purpose, which was
once brought down to Fawesley, and from thence by several stages
removed to Manchester, where both the press and the workmen were
seized by the Earl of Derby.
Sir Richard and his confederates were cited into the Star Chamber,
and received the following sentences: himself for allowing _The
Epitome_ to be printed in his house, fined £2000; Mr. Hales for
allowing _The Supplication to Parliament_ and _Hay any worke for
Cooper_ to be printed in his house, 1000 marks; Sir ---- Wickstone,
for obeying his wife and not discovering it, 500 marks; Lady
Wickstone for allowing _Martyn Senior_ and _Martyn Junior_ to be
printed in their house, £1000; and all of them imprisonment at her
Majesty's pleasure. Upon the intercession however of Whitgift,
Archbishop of Canterbury, whom they had most insulted, they were
set at liberty, and had their fines remitted.
21.
A Dialogue wherein is plainly laide open the tyrannicall dealing of
L. Bishops against God's children; with certaine points of doctrine,
wherein they approove themselves (according to D. Bridges his
judgement) to be truely Bishops of the Divell. 1589.
This book was burnt by order of the Bishops, and is alluded to in
Udall's Demonstration. It is in the form of a dialogue between four
speakers,--"a Puritan, a Papist, a Jacke of both sides, and an
Idoll Minister." It was reprinted in the year 1640.
22.
A demonstration of the trueth of that discipline which Christ hath
prescribed in his worde for the government of his church, in all
times and places, untill the end of the world. No publisher or date.
For writing and publishing this book John Udall, a Puritan
minister, was brought before Lord Cobham and others on Tuesday, the
13th January, 1589/90, and examined as to the authorship; but on
his refusing to be sworn he was committed to the Gatehouse close
prisoner. On the 24th July, 1590, he was arraigned at the assizes
at Croydon and found guilty, and the next day was brought up for
judgment, but after long arguing with the judges he was respited
on condition of writing a humble submission or supplication to her
Majesty for his offence. In February, 1590/1, he was again brought
up at the assizes in Southwark, when he received sentence; soon
afterwards her Majesty was moved to grant him a pardon, but it was
never obtained. On March 3rd, 1593, he wrote a letter from the
White Lion prison, Southwark, to Lord Burghley, beseeching release,
having been in durance for three years. The Earl of Essex, he said,
had the draft of a pardon ready for her Majesty to sign it, and he
besought his lordship to solicit her to do so; but the appeal was
of no avail, and he soon after died in prison quite heart-broken.
There is a copy of this book in the King's Library, Brit. Mus., and
on one of the fly leaves the following note is written in an early
hand. "Mr. Udall.--For this booke he was questioned, arraygned, and
condemned, at which time he sayd, 'The blood of Udall (as Abell's
against Cayne) shall cry out against you;' but he was saved by
means of Sir Walter Rawleigh's mediation to Queen Elizabeth, but
imprisoned all his time. The chiefest things they tooke advantage
at was that passage towards the end of the epistle to the Bishops.
_If it come in by that means that it will make all your hearts ake,
blame yourselves._"
23.
Certain discourses written by Sir John Smythe, Knight, concerning
the formes and effects of divers sorts of weapons, and other verie
important matters militarie, greatlie mistaken by divers of our men
of warre in these daies; and chiefly of the mosquet, the caliver,
and the long bow; as also of the great sufficiencie, excellencie,
and wonderful effects of archers: with many notable examples and
other particularities, by him presented to the nobilitie of this
Realme, and published for the benefite of this his native Countrie of
England. London, 1590.
This work, according to Strype's Annals, 4, 46, was forbidden to be
sold. In the Lansdowne M.S.S., Brit. Mus., (No. 64, art. 43) there
is a letter from Sir T. Heneage to Lord Burghley, dated May 24th,
1590, concerning the suppression by the Queen's command, of this
book.
24.
A Conference about the next succession to the Crowne of Ingland,
divided into two partes. Whereof the first conteyneth the discourse
of a civill lawyer, how and in what manner propinquity of blood is
to be preferred. And the second, the speech of a temporall lawyer,
about the particuler titles of all such as do or may pretende within
Ingland or without, to be the next successior. Whereunto is also
added a new and perfect arbor or genealogie of the discents of all
the kinges and princes of Ingland, from the Conquest unto this day,
whereby each man's pretence is made more plaine. Directed to the
Right Honourable the earl of Essex, of her Majesties privy councell,
and of the noble order of the Garter. Published by R. Doleman.
Imprinted at N. with licence, MDXCIIII.
The intention of this book was to support the title of the Infanta
against that of King James, after the death of Queen Elizabeth. The
real authors were Robert Parsons the Jesuit, Cardinal Allen, and
Sir Francis Englefield; and the printer is said to have been hung,
drawn, and quartered.
It was rigorously suppressed, and by the Parliament of 35 Elizabeth
it was enacted that "whosoever should be found to have it in his
house should be guilty of high treason." It was also condemned by
the University of Oxford on account of its dangerous positions,
particularly that which says "Birthright and proximity of blood do
give no title to rule or government;" and was burnt in the School
Quadrangle there in July, 1683.
According to Camden, in his Life and Reign of Queen Elizabeth, (p.
576) the purport of this book, which quite laid aside the business
of birthright, was: _That the ancient laws of the land relating
to hereditary succession ought to be altered. That new laws ought
to be made about the choice of a King, and that none but a Roma
Catholick, how near akin soever to the Crown, ought to succeed to
it._ Most of the Kings of England they traduced as mere usurpers,
and all of the blood-royal in England as illegitimate, and so
uncapable of succession. The King of Scots' title to the crown,
though most certain and indisputable, they attempted to invalidate;
and by sham tricks and devices endeavoured to set up the Infanta
Isabella, the King of Spain's daughter, purely for being a Roman
Catholic; a thing I am ashamed to mention, because _the Priest's
lips ought to preserve knowledge, and they should stand having
their loins girt about with truth_. Their first plea was, because,
as this book pretends, she fetches her pedigree from Constance, the
daughter of William the Conqueror, King of England, and wife to
Alan Fergant, Earl of Bretagne; whereas notwithstanding Gulielmus
Gemeticensis, who lived about that time, declares in his last book,
that she died without issue, and he is followed by the consent of
all the writers of the affairs of Bretagne. The next pretence was,
because she had her descent from Eleanor, the eldest daughter of
King Henry II, who was married to Alphonsus IX, King of Castile,
whereas Pope Innocent III makes it out in Matthew Paris, (p. 381),
that Maud, the wife of Henry Leo, Duke of Saxony, and mother of the
Emperor Otho IV was his eldest daughter; and Robert, abbot of St.
Michael's Mount, who christened her affirms that she was born 1162.
A third argument was, because she was a descendant from Blanch, the
eldest daughter of the said Eleanor, which was proved to be false
both by Roderigo, Archbishop of Toledo, in his ninth book, and Pope
Innocent, a writer of better credit, and both of them living in the
same age. Another reason alleged was because she came originally
from Beatrice, the daughter of Henry III, King of England, though
'twas forgot, in the mean time, that she had two brethren, Edward
I, King of England, and Edward, Earl of Lancaster, from whom a
great part of the nobility of England were lineally descended,
besides the Royal Family. Again they asserted the Infanta's claim
by the House of Portugal, and maintained on the same bottom the
title of the Dukes of Parma and Braganza, from Philippa, the
daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, whom they make to be
his eldest daughter by his wife Blanch; whereas Frosard, who was
a courtier at that time, proves (fol. 169 of the second part of
his history) that his eldest daughter was Elizabeth, wife to John
Holland, afterwards Duke of Exeter, from whose loins proceeded a
large race of nobility, all the kingdom over.
Among the Domestic State Papers of the reign of Queen Elizabeth
there is extant a copy of a letter from Robert Parsons to an
unknown recipient, dated June 15th, 1599, concerning the book now
under description. It is as follows:--
Doctour Gifforde hath
a lettere to prove this
discourse is of Parsons'
doinge.
"The opinion and judgmente of
C. A. before his death, concerninge
the late printed booke of the Successyon,
and certayne pointes
therunto appertayninge.
"For that you are desirous my lovinge Frennd to understande of
certayntie whether C. A. before his death had reade the late
publyshed booke aboute the Successyon, and what his opinyon,
judgment, and censure was of the same, and of all that affaires;
and for that you shewe in your lettere, that greate difference
and varyetie in judgmentes, discourses, reasons, and affectyons
doe beginne to discover themselves ther, where you are about
this matter, I shall answere your whole demaunde as truly and
perticulerly as the compasse of a lettere will give me leave;
havinge had (as you knowe) noe small meanes (by reason of my
intrinsicall familliarrytie with C. A. and in his most secrette
affaires) to knowe his meaninge fully in the cause. First, when
I did assure you that C. A. reade over the booke more then once,
and that with much attention, and liked the same excedinge well
for the whole subjecte and argumente therof, esteminge yt very
necessary for all sortes of English people that such a booke
should be written, to give them lighte in a matter importinge them
soe highlye as doth the successyon of the Crowne, wherof _all
dependeth, that is to say, (as he was wonte to saye), both life,
honor, goodes, and a greate peace of the soule_; and he woulde
often affirme _that noe lawe in the worlde_ could be more unjuste
or more contrary to all reason or conscience then to forbide men
to speake or treate of that which above all thinges concerneth
them moste. Secondly, I can tell you also that C. A. had studyed
much this matter of successyon before his death, and had gathered
divers notes and observatyons together with intention as yt seemeth
_to have written a discourse_ therof himselfe, if he had not bynne
prevente by this other booke, which did soe much contente and
satisfye him, as presently he lefte of that cogitation, and sente
all his papers, or the most parte therof, unto Mr. Fra. Peter,
with whome he had conferred largly not longe before his deathe,
by letteres of this affayre, doubtinge somwhat whether the time
for some circumstances were fitte or noe to let the booke goe
abroade, thoughe on the other side he were full of opinion that if
it founde free passage it coulde not chose but doe infinite good.
And as for the firste parte therof, which treateth of matter more
in generall, and _sheweth that propinquity and ancetry_ of bloude
alone, althoughe it weare certaynely knowne, is not suffycyente
to challenge admissyon to a crowne, excepte other conditions and
circumstances requisite be founde alsoe in the person that doth
pretende; as namely, _witte_, _reason_, and above all other thinges
true religion; and that many nexte in bloude Royall have bynne
justly barred and putt backe, and some alsoe deprived which were
in posessyon, for these and lesser defectes, in all Christyan
countryes throughout the worlde, and that this was allowed and
ratifyed by God himselfe, and that all Christyan commonwealthes
_had authoritye, yea obligation_, to doe and followe the same when
just occasyon shoulde be offred.
"All these pointes, I say, which are largly handled in the firste
parte of this booke, C. A. did greately like and allowe of, and
sayde that they were pointes both true and evidente in themselves,
and substancyally proved by the auther of the booke; and for the
sayde author not to exasperate any parte, houldeth himselfe in
these generall tearmes and propositions onely, without descendinge
to perticulers. C. A. was wonte to aply them to perticuler state
and case of Englishe Catholiques in these our dayes, affirminge not
onely they mighte use this libertye of admittinge or rejectinge
the next pretender, whatsoever his tytle were by meanes of bloud,
in respecte of his false religion. But moreover, that they _were
bounde in conscynce_ soe to doe, and that none mighte without
committynge grevous synne, favour, further, ayde, or give consente
to the admissyon of any Prince when the place should be voyde,
that was knowne or justly suspected to be enimye to the Catholique
Romayne faythe, or undoubtedly affected towards the same; and
whosoever for worldly or humayne respectes, as countryshippes,
kindred, freindshippe, proper intereste, or the like, should beare
a contrary minde to this, did greatly offende God therin, and
oughte not to be accompted a true and zealous Catholique; moreover,
that all such as in our dayes or former tymes have followed the
contrary courses in chosinge or admittinge ther princes, not
respectinge God and his cause in the firste place, accordinge to
goode conscyence, but followinge those humayne respectes above
mentioned, have alwayes _lightly receaved theire distructyon by
those selfe same Princes_ whome soe corruptly they preferred;
wherof C. A. would recounte often tymes more perticuler examples,
and notable storyes both of our Country and of others round aboute
us, and alwayes woulde conclude that whatsoever Englishman after
soe longe a storme of heresye woulde not sticke onely and wholy
to a knowne Catholique Prince for the next successyon, woulde
adventure to followe other blinde, and broken hopes and respectes
agayne was not worthy to have the name of opinion of a sounde
Catholique, but either of a fonde or mallityous polliticke, and
thus much for the firste parte of the booke.
"Touchinge the seconde parte, wherin the severall and perticuller
titles of five royall houses or lyneages are discussed,--to
witte, of the house of Scotland, Suffolke, Clarence, Britaigne,
and Portugall; and they by the pretencions of all such perticuler
persons as in our dayes doe or may pretende to the nexte successyon
of Englande, by reason of the sayde houses; as namely the Kinge
of Scottes, the lady Arbella in the house of Scotland, the Earle
of Hertford's children, and the Earle of Darby in the house of
Suffolke, and the Earle of Huntingdon and the Pooles in the house
of Clarence, the lady Isabella, the Infanta of Spaine in the house
of Bretaigne, and the Kinge of Spaine with the Dd of Parma and
Braganza in the house of Portugall; of all these pointes, after
dilligente readinge over and wayinge the booke, C. A., his opinyon
was as followeth.--First, that ther was soe much sayde in this
booke for and agaynst everye one of these five houses and the
different pretenders that are in eache one therof, as in a very
wise and learned man's judgment and conscyence was sufficyente to
brede greate doubte which house hath the best tytle by neerenes
and lawfulnes of bloud onely, all and every parte havinge probable
reasons for itselfe and againste his adversarye, wherof he did
inferre, that if the adversitye of religion where not in all these
competitors such and soe greate as it is, yet might a good man for
other lesser respectes and considerations of the whole publicke,
make choise of any one of these house, or at the leastewise of the
principalleste, with sufficyente reason to secure his conscyence
for not doinge againste the right of successyon, the sayde righte
beinge soe doubtfull and ambiguous as this auther doth prove it
to be. Secondly, his judgmente was, that in respecte of restoringe
or establishinge of the Catholique religion in our countrye, with
other pointes therunto belonginge, much lesse doubte or scruple
may there be, to choose, admitte, or refuse any one of these
competitors which may be presumed _woulde best performe the sayde
establishmente of religion_, and with lesse danger, trouble, warre,
bloudshed, or dangers of our Countrye and common wealthe, wherunto
princypally and onely, he would alwayes say, that good and wise
oughte to have theire eye more then to other lesser respectes of
fleshe and bloude. And whether the partie was borne at home or
abroade, weare of kindred or the like, for that the former points
of religion, equitye, wisdome, couradge, and vertue in a Christian
prince, maketh his people and common wealthe happye, and not
whether he was borne amongst them or noe, and consequently are more
to be respected in admissyon or conclusyon of any competytors. And
as for the severall tytles of these five houses, C. A. was wonte
to saye that he would have wished with all his harte the like I
have heard Mr. J. P. say alsoe, that seinge K. H. 7th was once
placed in the Crowne, and had shewed himselffe a good Catholicke
kinge, his yssue might have enjoyed the same for ever without any
change or further examination of theire righte; but now forasmuch
as through the haynous synnes as may be supposed of K. H. the 8,
his ofspringe are fallen from the sayde Catholique religion, yt
semeth God's most just judgmentes that ther tytles are called in
questyon; and forasmuch as the tytle of Kinge H. 7th, of whome
descended the twoe houses of Scotland and Suffolke, cometh but
from John, Duke of Somersette, bastard sonne to John of Gaunte,
Duke of Lancaster, by his thirde wife; and then the tytle of the
house of Portugall cometh from Ladye Phillippe, eldest and lawfull
daughter of the sayde John of Gaunte. And that moreover C. A. had
perticuler intelligence which the author of the booke seemeth
not to have knowne when he wrotte yt, that yt apeareth to this
daye by the recordes of England that when the aforesayde John,
Duke of Somersett, (of whome Kinge Henry the Seventh and his line
descendeth) was legittymate by parliamente, expresse exceptyon
was made that noe pretention therby should be given to him or his
posterytie for the Crowne of England; for these reasons and many
others which the author aleadgeth in his booke, it semeth to C. A.
that if the cause of Portugall should be put before equall judges,
it woulde be very doubtfull which party woulde gette the better.
And for the house of Clarence C. A. never made any accompte of
the tytle in comparison of the yssue of Kinge Henry the Seventh,
seinge that they of Clarence onely doe pretende by the daughter of
George, Duke of Clarence, of the house of Yorke, yonger brother to
King Edward the Fourth, and the house of Scotlande and other yssue
of King Henry the Seventh, descended of Elyzabeth, eldest daughter
of the same Kinge Edward the Fourth, whoe was eldeste brother
to Duke George; soe as in the very house of Yorke the lynes of
Scotland and Suffolke doe goe evydently before that of Clarence;
and thus for the tytles of those foure houses. Touchinge the fifte
house of Britagnye and Fraunce, whose heire is the lady Infanta of
Spaine, C. A., his opinyon was that much was sayde and pithely in
the booke, and that the quallitie and circumstance of the personne
pretendente doe greatly comend the pretence, for that all thinges
considered, he did see noe other person in the worlde soe fitte to
ende all controversies, to breake all difficultyes, and to avoyde
all dangers on every syde, as if this lady should be agreed on of
all handes to have her title established. This C. A. would prove
by manie arguments, utillityes, and commodyties which he sayde
woulde ensue by this meanes more then by any other, as alsoe by
the difficultyes and damages of all other wayes, whatsoever should
be devised. For firste, he was wonte to saye, that if the house of
Portugall should be preferred, many difficultyes would be aboute
the admittinge of the Kinge of Spaine, both for that the English,
of what stocke soever, would not willingly yelde to have ther
Crowne subjected to any other, nor would other Christyan princes
rounde aboute like of that increase of soe greate a monarchye,
and consequently there woulde followe much warre and bloudshed;
for the Dukes of Parma and Braganza, which alsoe are of this
house of Portugall, though they be worthie Princes, yet greate
difficultyes doe seeme woulde followe, both for that they wante
forces sufficyently to gette and defende soe greate a Crowne;
as alsoe for that theire tytles to the successyon of Englande
may seeme in parte to be decyded against them alreadye in the
controversye that is paste of the Crowne of Portugall, though some
men will saye that there is a difference in the state of these
twoe successyons. In the house of Suffolke, that conteyneth the
Earles of Hertforde and Darbye there are partely alsoe the same,
and partly farre greater difficultyes; the same for that the powers
are not like to be sufficyente for soe difficulte an enterprise,
and farre greater, for that the tytles doe seeme evidently behinde
that of Scotlande, which cometh of the eldeste daughter of King
Henry the Seventh, and ther is onely of the yonger syde the
impedimente of the religion, wherof I shall speake presentlye.
There remayneth then onely the house of Scotland, and namely the
Kinge's tytle, for of Arbellae's pretention C. A. never made any
accompte at all, she beinge as is knowne of a seconde marryadge,
and that intangled with many difficultyes and doubtes as the booke
declareth; about which tytle of the Kinge of Scottes, C. A. was
wonte to saye that albeyt for the causes above mentyoned of the
quiet posessyon of Henry the Seventh, he was longe desirous that
noe mutation should be made in this yssue, espetyally as longe as
the Queene of Scottes lived, which was a knowne Catholique, and soe
longe after her death as there was any hope of the reduction and
conformitye of her sonne (nowe Kinge) to the Catholique faithe;
upon which hope both C. A. and Mr. Fr. P. and other the freindes
labored earnestly for his prefermente divers yeares together, yet
afterwardes seinge the perseverance of the Kinge in his professyon
of herysie, and consyderinge that havinge bin broughte up and
nourished in the same from his tender yeares, though otherwise as
it is thoughte of noe evill nature, it would be hard to expecte any
sure or firme reduction in a prince of his yeares and libertye,
and that of this one pointe notwithstandinge depended the whole
good or distruction of our whole country and realme, C. A. beganne
seriously to thinke better of the matter, and findinge by searche
that the small obligation that he or other of the English nation
have to this Kinge in respecte of his neernes of bloud above the
reste as abondantly is shewed in this booke; and that on the
other syde, conscyence did forbyd him to faver a pretendor of his
religyon, what tytle or nerenes in bloud soever he had. For these
causes and considerations C. A. changed his whole opinion in that
behalfe; espetyally after divers learned and grave men of the
Kinge's owne natyon which for many yeares had labored to doe him
good every way, gave testymonye upon theire conscyences, they had
noe hope or probabillitye lefte of his conversyon. And matters
standinge thus, and beinge once brought within differency into this
ballance of due consideration, ther offred themselves alsoe above
and beyonde this, divers other pointes alsoe not unworthye to be
wayed,--as for example, the hard and bricke combination or joyninge
together of English and Scottes natures, customes, enclinations,
and wills, under one Kinge, the dislike and repugnance that all
other princes rounde aboute us would have that these kingdomes
should be joyned in one, from which twoe fountaynes onely (if noe
other difficultye were there) woulde never wante in matter both
of endlesse strife from the firste of the twoe, neither helpe
to encourage, continue, and maintayne the same from the second
fountayne, which twoe ga.. inconveniences beinge joyned with the
former, which is the greateste and chefeste of all others, that
may be to witte, the King beinge soe hartely affected to heresye
and drowned in the same, and soe allyed and entrapped every waye
with heritiques that if he should for a shewe or for any temporall
respecte, upon the perswasyons of some pollitique or Athiste,
make countenance to be a Catholicke, ther could never be any true
assurance had therof, nor hope of any sincere reformation by his
meanes. All these considerations layde together in the brest of C.
A., (that desired nothinge but the true honor and service of God,
assurance of religion, and good of his Countrye), made him very
pensive before his deathe, and to write many longe letteres of his
owne hand to Mr. F. P. whoe then lay sicke, and finally after much
musinge, and espetyally after he had much vewed and waighed well
the reasons and discourses of this booke, he wholy thoughte to have
changed his minde and to thinke of another surer course for the
remedy of Englande. And it seemed that this cogitation was that if
all other pretenders mighte be broughte to yelde to the tytle of
the lady and Infanta of Spaine, noe waye nor meanes in the worlde
coulde bee thoughte of, more sweete, agreable, and convenyente
for all partyes and for all effects, for these reasons following.
First, that she beinge the daughter and sister of whome she is, and
of soe rare worthynes in her owne person as all the worlde talketh
of, she could not be but indifferente and amyable unto all, neither
coulde she wante sufficyente forces for her establishment and
defence afterwardes, and beinge maryed with some noble Catholique
prince such as the Kinge her father should like before of, and
England not mislike, albeit in theire owne personnes they woulde be
strangers unto us for a tyme, yet would that quickly passe awaye,
and then children would be Inglishe borne, and themselves entringe
not by force, but by love and composition, would hould peace with
all, and be in feare and jelosie of none, which in other pretendors
cannot be soe effected; they would attende alsoe principally to
the assurance of Catholique religion as the grounde of theire
estate, wheras others must needes doe the contrarye for houldinge
ther freindes and partyes contented, and finally by this meanes
all subjectyon to forrayne countryes or natyons should be avoyded,
and England should gayne the power, ritches, and freindship of
Spaine to asiste it in all needes, without perill of subjectyon to
the same. And if any would objecte that the lady Infanta or her
ofspringe may come to live to inherite the kingdome of Spaine if
the prince should have noe yssue, and consequently bringe England
under that crowne, as alsoe the princypall, C. A. would saye that
provisoe might be made alsoe thus,--to witte, that in such case
the seconde childe or nexte of bloud might remayne with the Crowne
of England, and soe avoyde that conjunctyon or subordination;
moreover he sayde that noe composition could be soe profitable or
sure as this, for our domesticall competitors, who otherwise of all
liklyhood must needs extirpate and destroy the one the other, and
all would joyne together to vex and weary the Scotts if they should
come in, to which ende and effecte they should never want partyes,
neither at home nor from abroade, as by reason is evidente, and
soe our country therby would become a continuall feilde of warre
and bloudshedde. And wheras of all other pretenders the Kinge of
Spaine is knowne to be most powerable, and hath noe small title
by the house of Lancaster as by this booke apeareth, noe way can
be thought of, soe fytte and forceable to apease and ende that
tytle, as if nowe by way of composytion he should be perswaded (as
perhaps he might) to passe the same over to his daughter the lady
Infanta, as by all likelyhood he might be induced to doe with good
likinge alsoe of the Prince his sonne, for the affectyon that both
of these must nedes beare to this lady, and for endinge of strife
amonge our nation, and benefitinge our countrye, yf his Majestie by
conveniente meanes were delte with herin, as C. A. greatly wisheth
he mighte.
"These were the prudente and godly cogitations of C. A. in
his latter dayes, wherof much he conferred with divers of his
confidente freindes, and namely with Mr. F. P. by letteres as
before I have sayde, and was privie to the same, and doubt not but
many of those letteres and discourses are forthcominge when tyme
shall serve, and for that he understoode that some of our nation
that live out of Ingland did take other courses and made a devision
from the reste, either upon passyon or other perticuler respectes
or humaine infirmityes, not entringe soe deply and sincearly
into the true consideration what is beste for God's service, and
assurance of Catholique religion, and for the perfecte reductyon
of our countrye to peace, justice, and pietye, he was much greved
therwith, and toke it for a dangerous and evidente deceipte of the
divell to bring all therby to devisyon and dissolation, as alreadye
we prove by the divisyon that was broughte in Queen Marie's tyme
to certayne pernityous heades amonge the principall concerninge
the successyon which some good people desired and labored to have
established then. But yet his hope was that upon the sighte of this
booke, such of our nation as are wise and truly Catholique, seinge
by the libertye and disunion all wilbe destroyed, would joyne
together and with him and his freindes, if he had layde in some
good meanes for savinge themselves and ther countrye, which was his
owne; but a finall ende with often and most earnest protestations
to such as dealte with him in these affayres that he was led by
noe jotte at all of affectyon or disaffectyon towardes any prince
or pretender livinge, about this matter of the Crowne, but that
absolutely and onely he desired that pretender to be preferred
without all respectes of country, kindred, bloud, freindshippe, or
other such circumstances, whoe mighte be presumed to be most fitte
forr us, and by whome most assurance, hope, and probabillitye may
be had of the former desired effectes of religion, justice, peace,
good govermente, avoydinge of warre and bloudshed, sufficyente
forces to defende us, union, love towards the people of our nation,
meanes to help them, contentmente of princes rounde about us, and
the like.
"And this is all in effecte that I can write to you, ... mente and
censure aboute the booke of successyon, and ... pious and prudente
desires concerninge all that affayre. Our sinne permitted not to
have such a man continue amongste us, for puttinge soe importante
designments in execution. And soe I cannot tell whether ever
any of them were broken by him to the Pope, Kinge of Spaine, or
other Prince to whome they mighte apertayne. And with this I make
an ende, biddinge you most hartely farewell, and besechinge our
Saviour to preserve you, and directe all this greate affayre of
our next successyon to his greatest glorye, and most good of our
afflicted countrye.
"Yours to commaunde,
"R. P."[5]
25.
A New Discourse of a stale subject, called the Metamorphosis of Ajax.
Written by _Misacmos_ to his friend and cosin, _Philostilpnos_.
Printed 1596.
This curious book was written by Sir John Harington, and for
so doing he was forbidden the court by Queen Elizabeth, and a
license was refused for printing the work. Watt, Lowndes, and all
Bibliographers bear testimony to its great rarity. Dr. Johnson
in his Lives of the Poets, devotes a page to a consideration
and description of this curious work. He says, These tracts are
perhaps the first specimens of the Rabelaisian satire our language
has to boast. They are replete with that kind of humour which
distinguishes the writings of the French Lucian, and partake of
their grossness. The extreme rarity of these once popular trifles
renders it doubtful whether Swift or Sterne were acquainted with
them; yet there are passages in the works of both these eccentric
writers so strongly resembling some of Harington's as almost to
induce a suspicion that they had seen them; this resemblance
however, may have arisen from the circumstance of their being, like
our author, imitations of Rabelais and the other French writers of
facetiæ.
Of the Metamorphosis of Ajax, the avowed purport is the description
of a species of watercloset which Sir John Harington had invented
and erected at Kelston, his seat near Bath; but he has contrived
to make it the vehicle of much diverting matter, evincing his
extensive reading; he has also interspersed numerous satiric
touches and allusions to contemporary persons and events, many of
which are now necessarily obscure, and which were no doubt one of
the causes of its great popularity at the time of publication.
Elizabeth, however she might be diverted with the humour of this
whimsical performance, is said to have conceived much disquiet on
being told the author had aimed a shaft at Leicester. Its satiric
tendency procured the writer many enemies; and it is supposed that
he owed his good fortune in escaping a Star Chamber suit to the
favour of the Queen, who yet affected to be much displeased, and
forbade him the Court in consequence.
It was reprinted at the Chiswick press in 1814, from which edition
some of the previous remarks are derived.
26.
Virgidemiarum, Sixe Bookes. First three Bookes, of Toothlesse Satyrs.
1.--Poeticall. 2.--Academicall. 3.--Morall. London, printed by Thomas
Creede for Robert Dexter, 1597. (By Bishop Hall.)
Virgidemiarum. The three last bookes, of byting Satyres. Imprinted at
London by Richard Braddocke for Robert Dexter, at the signe of the
Brasen Serpent in Paule's Church Yard, 1598.
These are among the earliest Satires written in the English
language, and were much admired, but the publication was ordered
to be stayed at the press by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop of London, and such copies as could be found were to "bee
presentlye broughte to the Bishop of London to be burnte." They
were reprinted in 1824, with the illustrations of Rev. Thomas
Warton and additional notes by Samuel Weller Singer.
27.
A pithie exhortation to her Majestie for establishing her successor
to the Crowne. Whereunto is added a discourse containing the author's
opinion of the true and lawfull successor to her Majestie. Both
compiled by Peter Wentworth.
Dolman's (i.e., Father Parsons) objections to the succession of
James I were ably refuted in this volume, and the claims of the
Scottish King set forth with sound argument; yet for daring to
advise his sovereign the author was committed to the Tower, where
he shortly after died, and his book was ordered to be burnt by the
hangman.
28.
All Ovid's Elegies: 3 Bookes. By C(hristopher) M(arlow). Epigrams by
J(ohn) D(avis). At Middlebourgh. (1598.)
This volume was condemned and burnt at Stationer's Hall by an order
of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, dated
June 1st, 1599.
29.
The Metamorphosis of Pigmalion's Image. And certaine Satyres. At
London. Printed for Edmond Matts, and are to be sold at the signe of
the Hand and Plough in Fleet street. 1598.
This book was written by John Marston. It is dedicated "To the
World's mightie Monarch Good Opinion;" and the principal purpose
of the author was to ridicule and to show the immorality and
evil tendency of a class of poems then fashionable, and to which
Shakespeare's "Venus and Adonis" belongs.
The main production consists of thirty nine six-line stanzas. The
"certain Satires," four in number, and all written in couplets,
follow, but the versification is sometimes harsh, and the rhyme
frequently careless and defective.
Preceding the Satires is a Poem headed _Reactio_, wholly occupied
by a vindication of the writers whom Hall had previously attacked
in his "Virgidemiarum;" addressing that author, Marston exclaims:
"Vaine envious detractor from the good,
"What cynicke spirit stirreth in thy blood?
"Cannot a poore mistaken title scape,
"But thou must that unto thy Tumbrell scrape?"
and he subsequently adds four of the smoothest lines in his volume:
"So have I seene the March wind strive to fade
"The fairest hewe that art or nature made:
"So envy still doth barke at cleareste shine,
"And strives to staine heroyick acts devine."
The dedication to Good Opinion is subscribed W. K., the initials
of William Kinsayder, the name under which Marston published his
earlier productions.[6]
From the licentious character of this book the prelates Whitgift
and Bancroft ordered its suppression and destruction soon after its
appearance.
30.
The first part of the Life and Raigne of King Henry the IIII.
Extending to the end of the first yeare of his raigne. Written by J.
H. Imprinted at London by John Wolfe, and are to be solde at his shop
in Pope's Head Alley, neere to the Exchange. 1599.
This book was written by Sir John Haywarde, L.L.D. It was dedicated
in very encomiastic terms to the Earl of Essex, but it so highly
irritated Queen Elizabeth, that proceedings were taken against the
author as appears from the following documents.
Among the Domestic State Papers of the year 1600 are
interrogatories by Lord Chief Justice Popham, to be administered to
Dr. Hayward in these terms;
"To examyn hym who made the preface to the Reader.
"Wherein he conceaveth or ment that booke might be not onely
patterns for pryvat dyreccion and for matters of state, to instruct
young men more shortly and old men more fully?
"Where he hadd any warrant to sett down that Kyng H. the 2. never
taxed the subject, or left 900000 li. in his coffers?
"In what poynt were the othes unlawful taken by R. the 2. of his
subjects?
"When were any skattering forces sent in hys tyme into Ireland, and
under whom, and what warrant hadd he to wryte so?
"What moved hym to sett down that any were in dysgrace for their
servys there?
"What moved hym to sett down that the nobylyte were then hadd in
contempt, or that they were but base that were culted about that
Kyng?
"What moved hym to sett down that the subjects were bound for their
servys to the state, and not to the person of the Kyng?
"What moved hym to maynteyn with arguments never mencyoned in the
history, that yt myght be laweful for the subjects to depose the
Kyng for any cause?
"What moved hym to add unto yt so many presidentes off that kynd in
alowans thereof?
"What moved hym to alowe that ys well for comen weal that the Kyng
is dead?
"What was the true caws of settyng forth this symple story in this
tyme, and thus fortefyed with arguments to the worst sens, omytt
every princypal poynt that made agaynst the Traytors or Rebelles?
"Myght he thynke that thys hystory, sett forth in sort as yt ys,
wold not be very dangerous to come amongst the comon sort of people?
"Whom he made prevy to hys purpos of wrytyng thys hystory, and what
alowans gave they of it, where and when?
"Who were the anymatters of you to sett forth thys story, and to
what end?
"When did you fyrst resolve to sett forth this hystory, and where
and at what tyme did you begynne yt?
"By what meanes came you to the records of these thyngs which you
have sett down to have been done in that tyme?"[7]
Then follows an Epistle to the reader, vindicating the book from
intending any attack on the present times; thus,
"Gentle Reader, thy frendly acceptance of these loose labors, the
accompt of my idle howres, from exercises of greater profit and
use, hath moved me, before I proceede any further, to overlooke
and overlicke them once againe, as the beare is said to doe her
unformed whelpes, and thereby both in portion and proportion to
amend the same. I _have purposely passed_ over many imputations,
and some secrete sences, which the deepe searchers of our time have
rather framed then found: partly upon the science of myne owne
conscience, and partly seeing no reason wherefore they should be
more applied to this booke _then to the_ originall authors out of
which it hath bene gathered, onely one offence I thought meete to
meete with, and that is, concerning the rehearsall _of certaine
oppressions both unusuall and intollerable_, and to no profitable
purpose and end; which I heare to be hardly thought of and taken,
not in regard of any moderate judgment, which may easily perceive
how full it lyeth in the plaine path of the history, but _for
feare_ of some quarrellous conceites, which may interpret it to be
meant of an other tyme (although nothing like) then that whereof
it was reported; which in one degree of melancholy further, would
imagine the very belles to sound whatsoever hammereth within
their heads. For my part _I am of opinion_, that no imposition
at any time have bene either hurtfull to a prince or hatefull to
the people, except two qualities do concurre: first, that it be
excessive,--secondly, that it be wildly and wastfully expended:
for if the one fayle, it never seemeth greevous; if the other, not
odious. But if it be both moderate and also necessary; or great,
joyned with greatnesse and importancy of neede: it standeth neither
with reason nor with religion, for any subject to repine against
it. _For the prince is a person of_ authority and trust, _to
imploy_ the goods of the people, for their common good, _either_ in
maintayning order among themselves, or in repelling the enterprises
of their enemies: neyther can they possibly be preserved by the
prince, if they withdraw theire owne endeavour and supply. And this
the ancient wise men have endeavoured by a fable to make familiare;
that all the parts of the body were once offended against the
stomacke, for that they saw themselves vexed with perpetuall
travayle and toyle, and the stomacke onely, not onely to be idle,
but to consume all that they could provide. Hereupon they conspired
together, that the hand should no more worke, nor the feete walke,
nor the eye looke about, nor the mouth receyve, prepare, and send
downe foode: so the stomacke not receyving nourishment, could
not impart the same againe to every part of the body: whereby,
first they languished and (being neere at the point to perish)
at the last perceyved, that both their labour to get, and their
liberality to geve, in appearance was for the stomacke, but in
deede for themselves. This tale hath bene verified by many truthes,
whereof I will rehearse one, and so not exceede the measure of an
Epistle. When the Turke came against the city of Constantinople,
the Emperour was not able to wage so many souldiers as might stand
single upon the walles. Whereupon he often assembled the wealthy
citizens, and sometymes went in person to their houses, leaving
nothing undone or unsayd which might be of force to stirre in them
either piety or pitty, both for the preservation of their country
and frends, and for theire owne particuler safeties: but the
miserable monymongers, being as loath to take benefit of their gold
as if it had not bene their owne, buried it under the ground, and
denyed that they were able to make contribution. So either for want
or weakenes of resistance, the Turkes soone became masters of the
city: who in their first fury set all the streetes on streame with
bloud, and afterwards, covetousnes succeeding cruelty, they left no
closet nor corner unransacked and unrifled, wherein missing their
expected pray, they ripped the bellies and searched the bowels of
their wretched captives: lastly they turned up the foundations of
many thousand buildings, and there found such infinite masses of
mony, as did strike them rather into a maze then into a merveylle,
how so rich a city could possibly be taken. I would not wish the
like mischance to our like dull and heavy conceyted repyners,
which neyther see nor seeke any other thing but only the stuffing
of their owne bags, because it cannot happen unto them without a
greater and further mischiefe: but I could wish that they might be
fitted as once were the Siracusans, upon whom when Dyonisius had
imposed a contribution, they murmured and complayned, and denyed
that they were able to beare that burthen; whereupon he encreased
the imposition and they likewise their complaints, but Dyonisius
ceased not to levy it upon them, untill he perceyved them eyther
content by being reduced to their duety, or quiete by being drawne
drye."[8]
The folowing is the confession of Dr. Hayward, made July the 11th,
1600.
11th July, 1600,
at the Courte.
The confession of Doctor Heyward
before the Lord Keper, the Lord
Admirall, Mr. Secretary, and Mr.
Chauncelor of the Eschequer.
"1. He confessed that the stories mencioned in the Archbishop's
oration, tendinge to prove that deposers of kings and princes have
had good successe, were not taken out of any other cronicle, but
inserted by himselfe, but said that after in the history the Bishop
of Carlile confuteth the same, but for the confutation the Bishop
was committed to the Marshalsea, and the whole parlement concluded
against the Bishop's opinion; and in troth in 1. H. 4. the Bishop
of Carlile was attainted of treason.
"2. He confessed he had red of a Benevolence in the tyme of Richard
3. and not before, and yet that he inserted the same in the raigne
of Richard 2.
"3. He said that as he toke it, the substaunce of the consultation
for reducing the Irishe rebell, he had out of William of Malmesbury.
"4. He affirmed that presently after the booke was printed, Woolfe
the printer thereof caried the same to the Erle of Essex, and about
a moneth after the epistle was taken out.
"Edw. Coke."[9]
On July 13th, 1600, Wolfe the stationer was examined before
Attorney General Coke respecting the printing of the book in
question. The examination is as follows:--
"The examynacion of John Wolfe, Stacionour, taken before me, Edward
Coke, Esquire, Her Majestie's Attorney Generall, this 13 of July,
1600.
"He sayth that Docter Hayward beinge a meere strainger to this
examynant, cam to hym and requested hym to printe the booke intytuled
"Henry the Fourth," which he did in Februarye, 1599. The booke
havinge no epistell dedicatorye nor to the reader, when he brought
yt firste unto hym, which this examynat desiringe to have, he this
examynate requested hym to dedicatt the booke to some man of honour
and reputacion; and uppon some conference hadd between them, this
examynat praid hym yt might be dedicated to the Earle of Essex, for
that he was a marciall man and was for to goe into Ireland, and the
booke treated of Irishe causes. And this examynat sayth that within
a day or twoe after, Docter Hayward delivered to this examynate the
Epistelles to the Earle and to the reader; and the booke beinge
fynished, Docter Hayward then beinge sicke, this examynate carryed
the booke to the Earle of Essex, then preparinge to goe into Ireland:
which the Earle receved, and givinge noe aunsweire, carryed the booke
with hym into his chamber, which he taketh to be at Whytehall; and
abought a fortnight or three weekes after, the wardens of the company
receved order from my Lord of Caunterbury that the Epistell dedicated
to the Earle should be cutt out.
"And further sayth that fyve or sixe hundred of them weire sould
before any suche comaundment was gyven; for he sayth that never any
booke was better sould or more desired that ever he printed then this
book was; and sayth that out of the residew, (beinge five or six
hundred) this examynat cut out the said Epistell and sould them also
within verry short tyme after. And abought Easter tearme followinge,
the people callinge exsedinglie for yt, this examynate obtayned a new
edition of the said Docter Hayward wherein many thinges weire altered
from the former, and yet the vollume incresed.
"And sayth further that Docter Hayward understandinge that many
hade spoken agaynst this former edition hadd made an epistell
apologeticall to sett to the second edition, as this examynate
thinketh; and 15 hundred of these bookes beinge allmost fynished
in the Whisson hollidayes, 1599, weire taken by the wardens of
the Stacionours and delivered to the Lord Busshopp of London. And
this examynate sayth that he dothe not remember the particuler
allteracions which weire in the latter edition from the former, nor
hathe not any of the said bookes, nor never finished nor sould any of
the said bookes, nor cannot come by any of them. And this examynate
sayth that the said appologie, as he thincketh, did tend to no other
end then to satisfie the people of the author's meaninge in wrytinge
the booke, and that the author said he ment not as some interprit
yt. And this examynate sayth that the said Mr. Docter Hayward when
he was tould by this examynate that some did fynde faulte with the
former edition, he desired this examynate to intreat them that he
might speak with them to knowe what they did mislike, to the intent
that he might express his meaninge therein. And this examynate sayth
that the people havinge dyvers tymes sythence called uppon hym for to
procure the continewation of the same history by the same author, he
hathe likewise intreated the same author to goe forward in wrytinge
the said history, which he thincketh he hath don some parte of.
"This examynate sayth further that after the deliverye of the book
to the Earle as aforesaid, he went three or four tymes within one
fortnight after, by the Docter's consent, to the Earle, being at
courte at Richmont, to lerne what the Earle would say to yt, but
allwayes this examynat was putt of by some of the Earle's men with
aunsweire the Earle was much busied aboute his voyage to Ireland.
And so this examynate never spake with the Earle after the first
deliverye of the bookes, and further sayth that all of the laste
eddition weire burnt in my Lord of London's house; and sayth that
the coppie nowe delivered uppon his examynacion is a trew coppie of
the epistell appolegetticall, the orygenall whereof this examynat
delivered to my Lord of London under Docter Haywarde's owne hand. And
sayth that the orygenall of the first edition beinge interlyned and
altered accordinge to the second edition, for so much as was don this
examynate delivered to Mr. Barker, Register of the Highe Commyssion.
And sayth that sithence the last edition was supprest, a great number
have beene with this examynate to have bought the same. And sayth
that he hadd no recompence or composition at alle for the printinge
of the said first and last edition, but of his owne free will he gave
some halfe dosen of the said bookes, whereof one was to the Earle and
the other to the author. And this examynate sayth further that he was
commytted fourteen dayes for the printinge of the last edition, and
lost all the books of that edition.
"Examinatur per
"Edw. Coke. John Wolf."[10]
On July 20th, 1600, Samuel Harsnett, examiner of the press,
afterwards Bishop of Chichester, sent the following letter and
petition to the Attorney General to excuse himself for having
approved Hayward's book, thus:--
"Right worshipfull, I have not yet received eny bookes from my Lord
of London, and so am not able to performe my taske in comparing
them according to my promise. This for griefe of hart and confusion
of face I am skarce able to write, that I shold be behinde hand to
your most graciouse divine kindnesse towards me. I have sent myne
aunswer enclosed, the onlie part of my dutye that I cold performe,
moste humblie beseeching your goodnes to accept it in good part,
and to be a father unto me as you have begunne. The God of Heven
sees and knowes I am innocent; at casus leso numine crimen habet, my
poore estate, my credit, my selfe, and more then my selfe doe hang
uppon your graisouse countenance, for I muste crave pardon to tell
an unmannerlie secrett: I have a poore weake gentlewoman my wife
in childbed, who since your messanger his being at myne house did
neither eat, nor drinke, nor sleape for fear, and yet I have twentie
tymes reade over your most graciouse lettars unto her. The Lord of
Heven requite you, for I and my poore frends shall never be able,
and so with teares I humblie take my leave. From my poore house at
Chigwell, this XXti of July, 1600.
"Your worship his bought
"and bounden servaunt,
"Sa. Harsnett."
"In moste humble wise complaininge sheweth unto your Worship your
dailie Orator, Samuel Harsnett, that whereas the Author of a Pamphlet
published in print in anno 1599, intituled the 'Raigne of King Henry
the Fourth,' hath endevored to excuse his publishinge the sayd
pamphlett, as being allowed and approved by your sayd Orator, it may
please your worship in your grave wisdome to consider that this his
allegation can be no colour of excuse unto him, in regard of these
reasons ensuynge.
"Firste, for that it hath been custome and use for eny man that
entended in good meaning to put a booke in print, the Author himselfe
to present the booke unto the Examiner, and to acquaynt him with his
scope and purpose in the same: the Author of this pamphlet concealed
himselfe, and nether spake nor conferred with your Orator concerning
this pamphlett, (notwithstanding we were both students togither in
Pembroochall in Cambridge, and both of a tyme and standing in the
colledge), but the Author delivered his pamphlet unto a gentleman in
my Lord of London his house, who begged your Orator his approbation
unto the same in the name of a cautel of our English chronicles
phrased and flourished over onlie to shewe the Author his pretie witt.
"Secondlie, that whereas your Orator his approbation of eny booke
whatsoever is but a leading and inducement to my Lord of London, my
master, to passe his Lordship his further approbation to the same,
without which his Lordship his further approbation your Orator his
allowance is no sufficient warrant for the Author to prynt his booke:
the Author of this pamphlett published his pamphlett without my Lord
and master his approbation at all, contrarie to warrant in that
behalfe.
"Thirdlie, the Author hath wronged your said Orator muche, and hath
abused your Worship with false enformation, in alledging for himselfe
that your Orator allowed his pamphlett as it was and is published
in print; for that the Author knoweth in his conscience this is
true, that when his pamphlett had mine approbation it was heddlesse,
without epistle, preface, or dedication at all, which moved me to
thinke it was a meer rhetorical exornation of a part of our Englishe
historie to shewe the foyle of the Author his witt: and after myne
approbation gotten thereunto, the Author foysted in an Epistle
dedicatorie to the Earle of Essex, which I neither allowed nor sawe,
and which if I had seen, I protest I shold never have allowed the
rest of the pamphlett.
"Fourthlie, it may please your grave wisdome graciouslie to consider
your Orator his mean condition and capacitie; that your sayd Orator
is a poore Divine, unacquainted with bookes and arguments of state,
and with consequenceis of that nature; that your Orator for ten or
twelve yeares past neither spake with nor saluted the Author of this
pamphlett, and so is cleer from privitye with his entendementes and
overtures in the same; that your Orator sett to his hand sodeinlie as
mooved by his freind, never reading (uppon his salvation) more then
one page of the hedlesse pamphlet; for which his unadvised negligence
he humblie beggeth your moste graciouse milder censure, that it may
be no imputation of bad meaninge unto him, who doth dailie in his
poore calinge, moste hartelie and zealouslie pray for the happinesse
of Her sacred Majestie and the state, and for the longe continuance
of Her Highnes most graciouse, blessed, divine government over us,
and doth from the bottom of his hart wishe shame and dreadfull
confusion upon all calumniators and underminers of the same.
"Your worship's moste humblie
"bounden Orator,
"Sa. Harsnett."[11]
On January 22nd, 1600/1, Hayward was, while in confinement in the
Tower, further examined before Sir John Peyton and the Attorney
General, thus:--
"The examination of John Heyward,
Doctor at lawe, taken at the tower,
this 22 of Jan., 1600.
"He confesseth that the preface to the reader was of his oune
indightinge, and saith that he intitled the same under the letteres
of A. P., as divers other wrighters had done in such like cases.
"He saith that he spake in his preface generally of histories; and
being demaunded whether he intended not to applie the preface of his
boke to his present historie, saith as before, he wrote his preface
generally of all histories and intended no particular by itselfe.
"He saith that he read in Foxe's booke of Actes and monuments that
King H. 2 never demaunded subsidie of his subjects, which he sett
forth towards the end of the raigne of that Kinge, and there he found
also that H. 2 after his death left in treasure nine hundred thousand
poundes besides his jewels and plate, and being demaunded wherfore he
inserted the same into the historie of H. 4, saith he taketh that to
be lawfull for any historiographer to insert any historie of former
tyme ynto that historie he wright, albeit no other historian of that
matter have mencioned the same, and that libertie is allowed by
Dionisius Hallicarnasseus.
"He sayth that the othe under hands and seales required and taken by
R. 2, was to knowe what every particuler man was worthe, to thentent
that they might be taxed thereafter; and no other othe was intended
by this examinante.
"He sayth he found in Walsingham (as he remembreth) that the forces
that were sent into Ireland by R. 2 were scattering and droppinge,
&c., though not in those termes, yet to the like sence; and that
those that did good service there were not rewarded with countenance,
&c.,: and sure he is that he had it there eyther in wordes or by
actions; and also that he gathered out of the actions of that Kinge
recorded by Walsingham, that matters of peace were managed by menne
of weakest sufficiency, by whose councell eyther ignorant or corrupt,
&c.
"He sayth the complaynt of Hereford to Mowbrey, reported in other
cronicles, do imply in sence that the kinge's councell accounted
auncient nobilitie a vaine jest,--wealth and vertue the ready meanes
to bring to destruction: which complaint is extant in Hall and
Polidore Virgill and many other wrighters. He sayth that he read in
Bodine and other authors that the subject was rather bounde to the
state then to the person of the kinge, which he inserted as a matter
spoken by the Earle of Derby and Duke Hereford to serve his owne
tourne, which is a libertie used by all good wrighters of historie,
and to invent reasons and speaches according to the matter; and
saith that Bodin's distinction is that where the government is
democraticall or aristocraticall, there the subject is bound to the
state rather then to the person that beare the title of a prince,
but where it is monarchicall, as in England, there the allegiance
is to the person of the prince; and being demaunded wherfore he
invented that the erle should speake so for that this government was
monarchicall, sayth that he found but remembreth not where he spake
to that purpose. And further saith that in the Bishops of Carlile's
speache he hath sett down that distinction and confuted the error,
and that he did of himselfe according to the example of the best
historians; and being reprehended for mencioning of that matter at
all, speciallie because the Erle that held the error prevailed, and
the Bishop that confuted it was punished, sayth that he did it after
the example of the best historians, that applie spechis according
to the matter. He sayth he sett forth the oration of the B. of
Caunterburie according to the matter he found in other authorities,
but remember them not, and cannot affirme that he found those eight
stories in any oration the archbishop made in any other cronicle, but
saith as before that it is lawfull for an historian so to doe, and
besides he confuteth the same, page 107 in the Bishop of Carlisle's
speach, the last line of that page.
"He confesseth that he bringeth in as his own speach that it was not
amisse in regard of the comonwelth that he (meaning King R. 2) was
deade, yet they who caused his death, &c., which he sayed of himselfe
for preventing of civil warres in respect of 2 concurrents or
competitors. Being demanded what was the reason why he sett forth the
orations of the B. of Caunterbury and the erle of Derby, seing that
they tend to greate ill and to thinges most unlawfull, sayth that
there can be nothing done, be it never so ill or unlawfull, but must
have a shadowe, and every councell must be according to the action.
He sayth that he selected out this single historie for that Hall
beginneth there, and Ascham his scoolemaster commende that historie
if it were well penned, before any other; and being demanded wherfore
then he followed not Hall in his historie, sayth that he followed him
but suplied it out of other histories, and had an intention as he
saith to have continued the historie.
"And for the words spoken by King R. 2, that princes must not rule
without limitation, &c., he affirmeth that to be a true opinion so
it be rightlie understood, and that he intended that the same was
not to be taken generally, but that princes were to be limitted by
the lawe divine and the lawe of nature onlie; and being demaunded
where he had the same, saith that it is about 3 yeres since the booke
was written, and cannot remembere out of what author he toke it, but
saith he fynd it in Bod. ... and in the body of the civill lawes, &c.
"And being asked where he had this sentence, that othes are comonlie
spurned aside when they ly in the way to honur or reveng, saith that
the speach is of his own, as thinges done de facto et non de jure.
Being demaunded wherfore he added that King Richard II borowed money
by privy seales, sayth that he thinketh he had it out of Walsingham.
"For benevolences he found the matter but doth not defende the woord.
"Being asked where he found the description of the erle to be not
negligent to uncover the heode, to bowe the body, to stretch forth
the necke and arme, &c., he saith that he found in Hall and others
that he was of popular behavior, but for the particulars he tooke the
libertie of the best wrighters of histories of that kynd.
"Also the descriptions of the erle in divers places of his historie
he gathered out of his actions, and found the matter, not the
verie forme of woordes, in any other, as farre as he can call to
remembrance.[12]
"Being demanded, seing he wrote of matters of state and historie,
what menne of state or others he acquainted with his historie before
he published it, aunswereth that he wrote of an historie about 300
yeres past, and therfore he acquainted no person therwith before he
brought it to the printer.
"He sayth he began to wright this historie about a yere before it was
published, as he remembreth, but had the intent above a dussen yeres
before, but acquainted no man therewith. He sayth that he had the
articles and causes of deposition, the instrument of resignation, the
deposition, and other wordes out Hall and Walsingham; and sayth that
he had nothing of the printer for printing of the booke.[13]
"John Hayward.[14]
"John Peyton. Edw. Coke."
31.
The Letting Humor's Blood in the Head-vaine; with a new Morissco
daunced by Seven Satyres upon the bottome of Diogenes' Tubbe. (1600.)
The Knave of Clubbs. 'Tis merry when Knaves meete. (1600.)
The author of these tracts was Samuel Rowlands, a prolific writer
of the end of the sixteenth and early part of the succeeding
century. He appears to have commenced his literary career in the
year 1598 by the publication of a collection of sacred poems
entitled "The Betraying of Christ, Judas in Despaire, the Seven
Words of our Saviour on the Crosse, &c.," but soon found that
humorous pieces were more saleable, and these being perhaps more
suited to the bent of his mind, he changed his style accordingly.
The Knave of Clubbs upon its appearance in the year 1600 gave
such offence, on account of the severity of its satire and the
obviousness of its allusions, that an order was made that it should
be burnt, first publicly, and afterwards in the Hall Kitchen of
the Stationers' Company. The order is dated October 26, 1600, and
is worded as follows: "Yt is ordered that the next court-day two
bookes lately printed, th'one called _The Letting of Humor's Blood
in the Head Vayne_, th'other _A Mery Metinge, or 'tis mery when
Knaves mete_, shal be publiquely burnt, for that they conteyne
matters unfytt to be published; then to be burnd in the Hall
Kytchen, with other Popish bookes and thinges that were lately
taken."
The first tract mentioned in the order as containing matters
unfit to be published was one of the most popular of Rowlands'
productions. It was originally printed under the title given
above, but upon its condemnation by the Stationers' Company, the
bookseller changed its title to "Humour's Ordinarie, where a man
may be verie merrie and exceeding well used for his sixe-pence,"
and published an edition of it without date; but after the feeling
had subsided in 1611, it again appeared with its original title,
although the printer thought it prudent not to put his name on the
title page. The Knave of Clubbs was reprinted and edited for the
Percy Society in 1843 by Dr. Rimbault, and I am indebted to that
gentleman's introduction for the preceding account of this curious
book.
The Letting of Humor's Blood was reprinted in 1815 with an
introduction and notes by Sir Walter Scott, who says of Rowland,
"It has been remarked, that his muse is seldom found in the best
company; and to have become so well acquainted with the bullies,
drunkards, gamesters, and cheats, whom he describes, he must have
frequented the haunts of dissipation in which such characters are
to be found. But the humorous descriptions of low life exhibited in
his satires are more precious to antiquaries than more grave works,
and those who make the manners of Shakespeare's age the subject of
their study may better spare a better author than Samuel Rowlands."
32.
A discourse plainely proving the evident utilitie and urgent
necessitie of the desired happie union of the two famous kingdomes of
England and Scotland: by way of answer to certaine objections against
the same. (By John Thornborough, Bishop of Bristol.) London, 1604.
The joiefull and blessed reuniting the two mighty and famous
kingdomes, England and Scotland into their ancient name of Great
Brittaine. By John Bristoll. Printed at Oxford. N. d.
On May 26th, 1604, the attention of the House of Commons was
called to these books as tending to the derogation and scandal of
the proceedings of that House in the matter of the Union, and a
Committee was appointed to consider the heads of a message to be
sent to the Lords touching the same, and on June 1st the Committee
was named.
Shortly after this an inhibition from the Convocation House issued,
and on June 21st, 1604, it was resolved "to pray conference
touching the instrument read by the bishops at the late conference,
taxing the intermeddling of this house in matters of religion."
Also "to desire the submission of the Bishop in writing, to be
delivered unto them publicly in the House, before the Lords; and
that the books might be prohibited and suppressed."[15]
These books were both reprinted in one volume in the year 1641.
33.
Eastward Hoe. As it was playd in the Black-friers by the children
of her Maiestie's Revels. Made by Geo. Chapman, Ben. Jonson, Joh.
Marston. London, 1605.
It is said that for writing this comedy, wherein the authors were
accused of reflecting on the Scots, they were committed to prison,
and were in danger of losing their ears and noses. They however
received pardons, and Jonson, on his release from prison, gave an
entertainment to his friends, amongst whom were Camden and Selden.
In the midst of the entertainment his mother drank to him, and
showed him a paper of poison, which she intended to have given him
in his liquor, having first taken a portion of it herself, if the
sentence for his punishment had been executed.
34.
A relation of the state of religion, and with what hopes and policies
it hath beene framed and is maintained in the severall states of
these westerne parts of the world. (By Sir Edwin Sandys.) London,
1605.
This book was printed without any author's name, and generally
passed as the production of Sir Edwin Sandys; but it appears from
a subsequent edition published at the Hague in 1629, that the
first impression of 1605 (at least so it is alleged) "was but a
spurious stolne copy, in part epitomized, in part amplified, and
throughout most shamefully falsified and false printed from the
author's original, in so much, that the same knight was infinitely
wronged thereby, and as soon as it came to his knowledge that such
a thing was printed and passed under his name, he caused it (though
somewhat late, when it seemes two impressions were for the most
part vented) to be prohibited by authority, and as many as could
be recovered to be deservedly burnt, with power also to punish the
printers." This is referred to in a letter from Chamberlain to
Carleton, of November 7th, 1605, preserved among the Domestic State
Papers, where the writer says, "Sir Edwin Sandys' books burnt."
There were subsequent editions in 1632, 1638, and 1687.
35.
The Interpreter, or Booke containing the signification of words:
wherein is set foorth the true meaning of all, or the most part of
such words and termes, as are mentioned in the lawe writers, or
statutes of this victorious and renowned kingdome, requiring any
exposition or interpretation. Collected by John Cowell, Doctor, and
the King's Majestie's Professour of Civill Law in the Universitie of
Cambridge. Cambridge, (1607.)
On February 24th, 1609, this book was referred to in the House of
Commons by Sir Edwin Sandys, as "very unadvised and undiscreet;
tending to the disreputation of the House, and power of the common
laws;" and on the 27th of the same month a Committee was formed
to consider the book and to report thereon to the Lords.[16] On
March 25th, 1610, a proclamation was issued prohibiting the buying,
uttering, or reading of this book, in these terms:--
"This latter age and tymes of the world wherein wee are fallen, is
soe much given to verball profession, as well of religion as of
all comendable morall virtues, but wanting the actions and deedes
agreable to soe specious a profession, as it hath bredd such an
unsaciable curiosity in manye men's speritts, and such an itching
in the tonges and penns of most men, as nothing is left unsearched
to the bottome, both in talking and writing. For, from the verie
highest misteries in the Godhead, and the most inscrutable
councells in the Trinitye, to the verie lowest pitt of hell, and
the confused actions of the divills there, there is nothing nowe
unsearched into by the curiositie of men's braynes; men not being
contented with the knowledg of soe much of the will of God as it
hath pleased him to reveale, but they will needes sitt with him in
his most privie closett, and become privye of his most inscrutable
councells, and therefore it is noe wonder that men in theis our
dayes doe not spare to wade in all the depest misteries that belong
to the persons or state of kinges or princes that are Gods upon
earth, since wee see (as wee have alreadye saide) that they spare
not God himself; and this license that everie talker or writer nowe
assumeth to himself is come to this abuse, that manye Phormios
will give councell to Hanniball, and manye men that never went
out of the compasse of cloysters or colleges will freelie wade by
their writings in the depest misteries of monarchie and politique
government. Whereuppon it cannot otherwise fale out but that when
men goe out of their element and meddle with thinges above their
capacitie, themselves shall not onlie goe astray and stumble in
darknes, but will misleade alsoe divers others with themselves into
manye mistakings and errors, the proofe whereof we have lately had
by a booke written by Doctor Cowell, called the Interpreter. For
he being onlie a civillian by profession, and uppon that large
ground of a kynd of dictionarie as it were, following the alphabet,
haveing all kynd of purposes belonging to goverment and monarchie
in his waye, by meddleing in matters above his reach he hath fallen
in manye thinges to mistake and deceave himself; in some thinges
disputing soe nicely uppon the misteries of this our monarchie that
it may receave dubtfull interpretations, yea in some poynts verie
derogatorie to the supreame power of this crowne; in other cases
mistakeing the true state of the parliament of this kingdome and
the fundamentall constitutions and priviledges thereof, and in some
other poynts speaking unreverently of the comon lawe of England
and of the workes of some of the most famous and antient judges
therein; yt being a thinge utterlie unlawfull to anye subject to
speake or write against that lawe under which he liveth, and which
wee are sworne and are resolved to mayntayne. Wherefore uppon just
considerations moveing us hereunto for preventing of the said
errors and inconveniences in all tymes to come, wee doe hereby
not onlie prohibitt the buying, uttering, or reading of the said
bookes, but doe alsoe will and straightlie comaund all and singuler
persons whatsoever whoe have or shall have anye of them in their
handes or custodie, that uppon payne of our high displeasure and
the consequence thereof, they doe deliver the same presentlie uppon
this publication to the Lord Maior of London, yf they or anye of
them be dwelling in or neere the said cittie, or otherwise to the
Sheriff of the county where they or anye of them shall reside, and
in the twoe universities to the Chauncellor our Vicechauncellor
there, to the intent that further order maye be given for the utter
suppressing thereof. And because there shalbe better oversight
of bookes of all sortes before they come to the presse, wee have
resolved to make choice of commissioners that shall looke more
narrowlie into the nature of all those thinges that shalbe putt to
the presse either concerning our authoritie royall, or concerning
our goverment or the lawes of our kingdome, from whom a more strict
accompt shalbe yelded unto us then hath beene used heretofore.
Witnes our selfe at Westminster, the fyve and twentith daye of
March.
"Per ipsum regem.[17]"
36.
The Lord Coke his speech and charge. With a discoverie of the abuses
and corruption of officers. London, 1607.
This charge was given by Lord Coke at the Assizes held in Norwich
on the fourth of August, 1606, and it was printed in the next year
with an epistle dedicatory to the Earl of Exeter by R. P[ricket].
It was suppressed the day after publication, as appears from a
letter of John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, dated Feb. 13,
1607.[18]
37.
The Argument of Master Nicholas Fuller, in the case of Thomas Lad
and Richard Maunsell his clients. Wherein it is plainely proved that
the Ecclesiasticall Commissioners have no power, by vertue of their
commission, to imprison, to put to the oath ex officio, or to fine
any of his Majestie's subjects. Imprinted 1607.
For writing this book, Nicholas Fuller, a barrister of Gray's Inn,
was imprisoned by Archbishop Bancroft, and several notices of him
appear in the Domestic State Papers.
In a letter from Carleton to Chamberlain of September 16th,
1607, the writer says, "The king went to Lambeth to encourage the
Archbishop to proceed against Nicholas Fuller." Chamberlain writing
to Carleton on December 30th, 1607, says that "Mr. Fuller has paid
his fine, but submissions are expected which he cannot digest;" and
again in a letter of January 5th, 1608, he says that "Fuller the
puritan is freed."[19] This scarcely tallies with another account
of Fuller, which says that on his imprisonment by Archbishop
Bancroft, he remained in durance, and so died on February 23rd,
1619, aged 76 years.
38.
Conrad Vorst, The Works of.
Vorst was a celebrated Arminian divine. He was born at Cologne in
1569, and became Professor of Theology at Leyden in 1610; of which
he was deprived in 1619 in consequence of a decision of the Synod
of Dort. He died in 1622. In 1611 his books were publicly burnt
in St. Paul's Churchyard and both the Universities by the King's
order.[20]
39.
Francis Suarez, The Works of.
Suarez was a Spanish Jesuit. On Sunday, November 21st, 1613, some
books of this author derogatory to princes were publicly burnt at
Paul's Cross.[21]
40.
A book without title or date, but plainly of Catholic tendency.
Written by John Cotton, 1613.
I have not been able to meet with a copy of this book, but the
following extract from a letter from Rev. Thomas Lorkin to Sir
Thomas Puckering, dated June 24th, 1613[22] furnishes a brief
notice of the author, and the proceedings against him for this
publication.
"There hath lately come forth a proclamation against one Cotton,
a west country gentleman and a great recusant, charging him with
high treason against the King and state for having published a very
scandalous and railing book against his Majesty; and promising a
very large reward to whosoever could apprehend him and bring him
in. At the very self same time, this Cotton being to cross the
Thames and enquiring of the watermen what news, they not knowing
the man told him what was newly happened concerning himself.
Whereupon being landed, he muffled himself in his cloak, thinking
thereby to pass unknown to any of his acquaintance that he might
haply meet. But he had not passed thence many paces when one
Maine, a follower sometimes of the late Lord of Devonshire, and
a sure friend of his, meeting him in the street and discovering
well what he was, warned him likewise of danger, with protestation
nevertheless not to make any benefit of the discovery of his
friend, but wishing him to provide for his own safety. Thereupon
Cotton demanding his opinion what he thought fittest to be done, he
advised him to submit himself to the king's mercy: whose counsel he
followed, and presently went and surrendered himself into my Lord
of Southampton's hands, and so rests at his Majesty's mercy."
And in another letter from Lorkin to Sir Thomas Puckering, of June
30th, 1613,[23] the writer says "My last letters advertized you of
what had lately happened concerning Cotton, who yielding himself to
the king's clemency, doth nevertheless utterly disavow the book,
and constantly denieth to be the author of it, Hereupon his study
hath been searched, and there divers papers found, containing many
several pieces of the said book, and (which renders the man more
odious) certain relics of the late saints of the gunpowder treason,
as one of Digby's fingers, Percy's toe, some other part either of
Catesby or Rookwood (whether I well remember not) with the addition
of a piece of one of Peter Lambert's ribs, to make up the full mess
of them. If the proofs which are against him will not extend to the
touching of his life, at least they will serve to work him either
misery and affliction enough."
The following is a copy of the proclamation for the apprehension of
Cotton:--
"By the King.
"A proclamation for the search and apprehension of John Cotton,
Esquire.
"Whereas John Cotton of Warblington, otherwise of Subberton, in
the Countie of Southhampton, Esquire, is by sundry strong and
vehement presumptions, discovered to have committed matter full
of very strange and execrable high treasons, against our person
and state; and the same John Cotton (as it should appeare by all
circumstances) hath, upon a guiltie conscience, and some privie
intelligence of search intended for him, fled from his house and
dwelling, and lurketh or wandreth in unknowen places; although
it standeth not with the course of justice to condemne any man
unheard, yet for that the presumptions and proofes appeare to be so
forcible against him, as if after this publique notice, he shall
not forthwith come in, and render himselfe, we shall have iust
cause to conclude him guiltie; we have thought fit, (besides our
more secret directions) to have recourse to the industrie and love
of our people, which never failed us, in any case that concerned
our safetie or honour, for his bringing forth or apprehension.
"Wherefore wee doe charge and command all our Justices, Mayors,
Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Headboroughs, and Constables, and also all
officers of our ports, to doe their best and utmost endeavours,
to search for, and apprehend the said John Cotton; (of whom, for
the better informing of those that know not his person, wee have
caused a description to be hereunto annexed.) And doe neverthelesse
require all our loving subiects, not only to be aiding and
assisting to our said officers therein, but likewise to use their
owne particular diligence, care, and industrie, aswell for the
finding out and apprehending of the said John Cotton, as for the
giving intelligence and advertisement unto any of our justices or
officers, where hee hath beene at any time lately seene or met, or
otherwise where there is any likelyhood that he should harbour,
repaire, or be received.
"And for the better encouragement of our loving subiects to doe
their duety in this case (which wee take so much to heart) wee
doe hereby declare, signifie and promise, that whosoever shall
apprehend and bring into the hands of any our officers of justice,
the person of the said John Cotton living, shall have for his
reward the summe of one thousand crownes.
"And on the other side, if any of our subjects shall voluntarily
receive, harbour, convey, favour, or conceale the said John Cotton,
wee doe signifie unto them all, that we shall account them as
partakers, and abettors of the said treasons: and if any of our
officers, or others shall neglect or let passe any opportunitie,
occasion, or meanes for the performance, or executing of their
duety in this behalfe, we shall proceede against such persons to
their condigne punishment with all severitie according to our lawes.
"Given at our Palace of Westminster the eleventh day of June, in
the eleventh yeere of our reigne of Great Britaine, France, and
Ireland.
"God save the King.
"John Cotton is of the age of fourtie eight yeeres, or thereabouts,
of a reasonable tall stature, slender of body, the haire of
his head and beard flaxen, but now inclining to white, well
complexioned, with somewhat a long and leane visage.
"¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most
excellent Maiestie.
"M.DC.XIII."[24]
41.
Abuses stript and whipt, or Satirical Essayes. By George Wyther.
London, 1613.
For this publication Wyther was committed to the Marshalsea, where
he remained several months.
42.
A book without title or date, written by Edmund Peacham, containing a
libel on the Bishop of Bath and Wells, and other libels. Circa 1614.
For writing this book Edmund Peacham, Rector of Hinton St. George,
in the county of Somerset, was deprived of his living by the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners on December 19th, 1614.[25] On the
18th January, 1615, Mr. Secretary Winwood, the Master of the
Rolls, the Lieutenant of the Tower, and others, were directed by
the Council to examine Peacham, then imprisoned in the Tower,
respecting his authorship of a treasonable book, and if he should
be obstinate in refusing to give needful information, to use the
manacles. In a letter from Chamberlain to Carleton of February
9th, 1615, Peacham was said to have been racked, but nothing could
be got from him; and the king was much incensed against him. Most
of the judges concurred in finding his case treason. He was tried
and condemned for high treason in the course of the year 1615,
and sentenced to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, but he died in
Taunton gaol in the early part of the year 1616, as appears in a
letter from Chamberlain to Carleton of March 27, 1616.[26]
43.
History of the World. By Sir Walter Raleigh, 1614.
This book was called in "for too free censuring of princes."[27]
44.
De Politia Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ. By Richard Mockett, D.D. London, 1616.
This publication fell under censure because it favoured the
Calvinists. Dr. Mockett's intention was to give foreign churches
a fair notion of the doctrines of the English church; and for
that purpose he had translated the Prayer Book into Latin, adding
Jewel's Apology and Nowell's Catechism. But in his translation of
the Articles he had omitted the latter part, which sets forth the
power of the church in rites and ceremonies and in controversies of
faith. Besides this, instead of printing the Homilies at length,
he had given an abbreviation of them, not fairly representing the
opinions of this church; and moreover, in a treatise of his own,
he had not given the see of Winchester precedence over all others
next to London, but only over those whose bishops were not privy
councillors. Dr. Montagu, Bishop of Winchester, was at that time
on bad terms with Archbishop Abbot, whose chaplain Dr. Mockett
was; the king was appealed to; and the result was a public edict by
which the book was ordered to be burnt.[28]
45.
A Bride Bush, or a Wedding Sermon, compendiously describing the
duties of married persons. By the Rev. William Whately. London, 1617.
This sermon occasioned much controversy, and caused the preacher
to be summoned before the Court of High Commission, but he finally
submitted to the authority of the Court, and on May 4th, 1621,
signed a formal recantation of the assertions in his book "that
either adultery or long desertion dissolves marriage." This
submission is preserved among the Domestic State Papers of the
period, and is endorsed by Archbishop Laud.[29]
46.
A Book without title or date. By John Wraynham. Circa, 1618.
This book, of which I have not been able to meet with a copy,
appears to contain an attack on the Lord Chancellor, accusing him
of injustice in a chancery suit, and also slanderous words towards
the king. For its publication Mr. Wraynham was cited into the Star
Chamber, and received a severe sentence, which was however, through
the instrumentality of the Chancellor himself, reversed, as appears
from the following pardon preserved among the State Papers, and
dated July 16th, 1619. "Grant to John Wraynham, at intercession of
the Lord Chancellor, of pardon of the sentence of imprisonment for
life, fine of £1000, standing in the pillory, loss of his ears,
&c., to which he was condemned by the Star Chamber, for presenting
a slanderous petition to the King against the Lord Chancellor,
who decided a cause against him; also of pardon for putting his
case and proofs into a book, with an epistle to the King, and an
epilogue, in which were slanders and insolencies both against His
Majesty and the Chancellor."
47.
Balaam's Ass. Circa 1619.
Speculum Regale. Circa 1619.
These two books were written by John Williams, Esquire, of Essex,
barrister of the Middle Temple, who had been expelled the House of
Commons on account of his being a Roman Catholic, and in them he
affirmed that the king would die in the year 1621, grounded upon
the prophecy of Daniel. These books Williams at his trial told the
court were enclosed in a box sealed up, and thus secretly conveyed
to the king; and were never printed or published. On May 3rd, 1619,
he was arraigned at the King's Bench, Westminster, for this libel,
and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, which sentence
was carried out two days afterwards over against the Mews at
Charing Cross.
Two manuscript copies of _Balaam's Ass_ are extant, one in the
University Library of Cambridge (Dd. III, 84, art. 2), and another
in the Lansdowne M.S., No. 213, p. 59. It is entitled "Balaam's
Asse, or a Free Discourse touching the Murmurs and Feared
Discontents of the Time, and directed to his then Majestie King
James, by way of Humble Advertisement."
Among the manuscripts in the Cambridge University Library is
a duodecimo (class mark Ii, vi. 51), written in a hand of the
seventeenth century, containing "Notes of cases in the Star
Chamber, 17-20 James I." On the last leaf is written the following,
in the same hand:--
"A parcel of a pamphlett cast in the courte by Williams, bearinge
the title of Balaam's Ass, for which he were after executed.
"4 letters doe the persoun shewe,
"The place, the tymes, the tymes of woe.
H. E. E. I.
"H. sheweth the churche's first deflection,
"E. brought the churche to large protection,
"E. gave a woman churche subjection,
"I. shewes sinn ripe and at perfectione.
"Now putt together, 3, they crie,
"Alas, 'twas hee,--the 4th, 'twas I.
"Thus these 4 letters shewe the fall
"Of them and of their generall.
"Advesperascit vita mea:
"Domine, suscipe vitam meam:
"Post has tenebas spero lucem."
These four letters evidently designate Henry, Edward, Elizabeth,
and James.
The copy of Balaam's Ass in the Cambridge University Library
consists of forty eight pages of small folio, neatly written in a
hand of the seventeenth century.[30]
The following account of Williams's execution is taken from the
State Papers of the period.[31]
"Immediatly upon his comming to the gybbett, hee ascended up the
ladder, where, turning his face to the people, hee first began
with a hearty prayre for the longe lyfe and prosperous raigne
of the King, and then hee proceeded to the acknowledgment of
his fault, saying that hee had bin too buisy and sawcy with his
majesty, and that hee was heartily sory for that hee had so much
offended and distasted the King in wryteing that booke, which hee
was ledd to doe out of an inconsiderate love to his contry; then
hee told Mr. Dean and Mr. Fanshaw who told him that confession
was not answerable to his offence that hee wold gladly speak and
express him self in any thing they doubted of, wherupon Mr. Fanshaw
demaunded of him if there were noe more of them bookes abroad; to
which hee protested that there was not an other booke nor a peece
of itt in the world besydes that. Hee questioned him further why
hee wrote an Epistle to his Contrymen; he said, because it might
come the sooner to his majestie's veiwe: and why he wrote a Propesy
in his booke of the desolation of Whytehall, wherin he tooke upon
him to tell so precyzely the year, the month, and the day, when
the sayd howse shold be ruyened; to which hee aunswered, that hee
hoped they wold not thinke him so fond as to conceave himself to
be illuminated with any divine or propheticall spiritt, but that
which hee wrote was Ironiee. Then he fell to clear himself of an
imputation ... upon him yesterday that hee was an Atheist, by
reason of a passage in his booke, but hee professed himself to
bee a right Romayne Catholicke, and that his fayth was, that he
hoped to be saved cheifly and more effectually by the blood of
our Saviour shed for his sins; to which Mr. Dean answered that
hee ought absolutely to relye upon the death and passion of our
Saviour, and alleadged a place in Saint John that noe man cold come
to the Father but by the Son only, wherupon hee demanded that if
they wold have him make repetition of his fayth againe ... was the
same as before hee wold. Mr. Dean told him that they wold willingly
joyne with him in his prayres to God, hee said hee had done his
devotions ere he came to that place, and so gave the executioner a
handkerchef, which hee tyed about his head, and whylst hee was so
doeing hee prayed in Latin, and pulling the handkercheif over his
eyes hee said, 'Post tenebras spero lucem,' and so dyed."
48.
David Paræus, D.D., The Works of.
In June, 1622, the works of this writer were burnt at Paul's Cross
by order of the Privy Council. They were also burnt at Oxford by
order of the University, as seditious; and at a Senate of the
University of Cambridge they were "condemned to eternal infamy,"
and forbidden to be read.[32] Paræus was a celebrated Calvinistic
divine of the Reformed Church. He was born in Silesia in 1548, and
died in 1622, having been Professor in the University of Heidelberg.
49.
Mercurius Gallo Belgicus. 1623.
A set of this publication is in the Library of the British Museum,
but the volume containing the year 1623 is unfortunately missing.
One of the numbers published in October, 1623, seems to have
contained objectionable matter concerning the King, for on the 18th
of that month the Lord Keeper addressed the following letter to Mr.
Secretary Conway:
"Mr. Secretarie,
"Reading since supper this Mercurius Gallo Bellgicus which heere
with all I send unto you, I finde a passage about the 35th page
thereof soe full of falsehoodes and indignities towardes his
Majestie, that (although I knowe what a despicable esteeme this
author hath borne for manie yeares together), yet doe I hold yt,
in my poore discretion, verie unfitt that this discourse should
be borne in the handes and tost in the mouthes of his Majestie's
subjectes.
"I have therefore this night staied the further publishinge of this
booke by my expresse warrant untill I shall receive your doome from
thence, whether yt be to be contemned and past over or finallie
to be suppressed; I shall desire you to write unto me two wordes
heerein. And soe I bidd you hartelie farewell, and rest
"Westminster Colledge,
"18 October, 1623.
"Your verie assured
"Lovinge frend and servant,
"Jo. Lincoln C(ustos) S(igilli)."[33]
On the 25th October, Secretary Conway wrote in answer to the Lord
Keeper to instruct him to restrain this publication. (See Domestic
State Papers of the period.)
50.
A demonstration of the unlawful succession of the new Emperor,
Ferdinand. 1623.
This was a tract sheet printed by William Stansby for Nathaniel
Butter, bookseller, for which the Stationers' Company, by warrant
from the Council, nailed up Stansby's printing house, and broke
down his presses. He petitioned Secretary Calvert for pardon and
restoration to his business, but the result does not appear.[34]
51.
Vox Cœli, or Newes from Heaven, of a Consultation there held by the
High and Mighty Princes, King Henry 8, King Edward 6, Prince Henry,
Queene Mary, Queene Elizabeth, and Queene Anne; wherein Spaine's
ambition and treacheries to most kingdomes and free estates of Europe
are unmask'd and truly repesented, but more particularly towards
England, and now more especially under the pretended match of Prince
Charles with the Infanta Dona Maria. Whereunto is annexed two letters
written by Queene Mary from Heaven, the one to Count Gondomar, the
ambassadour of Spaine, the other to all the Roman Catholiques of
England. Written by S. R. N. I. Printed in Elisium. 1624.
Votivæ Angliæ, or the desires and wishes of England. Contayned in a
patheticall discourse, presented to the King on New Yeares Day last.
Wherein are unfolded and represented manie strong reasons, and true
and solide motives, to perswade his Majestie to drawe his royall
sword, for the restoring of the Pallatynat and Electorat to his sonne
in lawe Prince Fredericke, to his onlie daughter the Ladie Elizabeth,
and theyr Princelie Issue, against the treacherous usurpation and
formidable ambition and power of the Emperour, the King of Spayne,
and the Duke of Bavaria, whoe unjustlie possesse and detayne the
same. Together with some aphorismes returned (with a large interest)
to the Pope, in answer of his. Written by S. R. N. I. Printed at
Utrecht, MDCXXIIII.
These books were written by Mr. Reynolds, Viscount Fielding's
tutor, and for so doing he was imprisoned. They displeased the king
much.[35]
In a letter from John Locke to Carleton, dated July 11th, 1624, the
writer says "A poor man is in trouble for printing a book called
Votiva Angliæ; the Commission Court were about to liberate him,
when the king ordered him to be remanded and to pay £1000 fine, as
he was said to have gained £1000 by the book."
In or about the year 1626, Reynolds, who was then a prisoner in
the Fleet, addressed a petition to the Council in which he stated
that he was forced from France by order of the late king, and on
his arrival in England was committed to prison for being the
author of the "Votiva Angliæ," in which he deplored the loss of the
Palatinate, and desired its restitution, which "every true hearted
Englishman ought to wish and pray for;" and that he had been
imprisoned full two years, during which time he incurred a debt of
£300 for his maintenance; also that he owed sixty and odd pounds
for which he was surety, and was threatened to be arrested for the
same as soon as he was at liberty; and he concludes by praying for
protection against arrest for one year.[36]
52.
A game at Chaess, as it was acted nine days together at the Globe on
the Banks side. (By Thomas Middleton.) 1624.
The title is engraved, and contains figures of a fat bishop (the
Bishop of Spalatro), a black knight (Count Gondomar), and a white
knight (the Duke of Buckingham). For writing this play the author
was committed to prison. In a letter written by Sir Francis
Nethersole on August 14th, 1624, he refers to this play thus: "A
new play, the plot of which is a game of chess, in which the whole
Spanish business is taken up, and Gondomar brought on to the stage,
is so popular that the players gain £100 a night."[37]
This play gave great offence to the king, for the players were very
speedily called before the Council and forbidden to play until they
had appeared before his majesty;[38] and on August 21st the Council
sent the following letter to Secretary Conway.
"After our verie heartie comendacions according to his majesty's
pleasure signified to this Board by your letter of the 12th of
August, touching the suppressing of a scandalous comedie acted
by the king's players, wee have called before us some of the
principall Actors and demaunded of them by what lycence and
authoritie they have presumed to act the same, in answer whereunto
they produced a booke being an orriginall and perfect coppie
thereof (as they affirmed) seene and allowed by Sir Henry Herbert,
Knight, Master of the Revells, under his owne hand and subscribed
in the last page of the said booke. We demaunding further whether
there were no other partes or passages represented on the stage,
then those expressely contained in the booke, they confidentlie
protested they added or varied from the same nothing at all. The
Poett they tell us is one Midleton, who shifting out of the way
and not attending the Board with the rest as was expected, wee
have given warrant to a messinger for the apprehending of him. To
those that were before us, we gave a round and sharpe reprooffe,
making them sensible of his Majesty's high displeasure herein,
giving them strict charge and commaund that they presume not to
act the said commedie any more, nor that they suffer any other
play or enterlude whatsoever to be acted by them or any of their
company untill his Majesty's pleasure be further knowne. Wee have
caused them likewise to enter into bond for their attendance upon
the Board whensoever they shalbe called; as for our certifieing to
his Majestie (as was intimated by your letter) what passages in the
said comedie we should finde to be offensive and scandalous, wee
have thought it our duties for his Majesty's clearer informacion to
send herewithall the booke it self, subscribed as aforesaid by the
Master of the Revells, that so either your self or some other whom
his Majestie shall appoint to peruse the same, may see the passages
themselves out of the orriginall, and call Sir Henry Herbert before
you to know a reason of his lycenceing thereof, who (as we are
given to understand) is now attending at court. So having done as
much as we conceived agreable with our duties in conformitie to
his Majestie's royall commaundementes and that which we hope shall
give him full satisfaction, we shall continue our humble praiers
to Almightie God for his health and safetie, and bid yow verie
heartilie farewell. From Whitehall the 21st of August, 1624.
Your assured verie loving freindes,
G. Cant.
Th. Grandisone.
Arundell and Surrey.
Arthure Chichester.
Geo. Calvert."[39]
53.
Appello Cæsarem. A just Appeale from two unjust Informers. By Richard
Mountagu. London. 1625.
For writing this book, Mr. Richard Mountagu, Canon of Windsor,
Fellow of Eton, Rector of Stamford Rivers, and Chaplain in ordinary
to his Majesty was brought to the bar of the House of Commons
on July 7th, 1625, and articles were exhibited against him, but
proceedings were dropped.[40] On January 17th, 1628, the book was
called in and suppressed by a proclamation of which the following
is a copy:--
A proclamation for the suppressing of a booke intituled _Appello
Cæsarem_, or _An Appeale to Cæsar_.
"Whereas Wee out of our care to conserve and maintaine the church
committed to our charge in the unity of true religion and the bond
of peace, and not to suffer unnecessary disputes, which may trouble
the quiet both of Church and State, have lately caused the Articles
of Religion to bee reprinted, as a rule for avoyding of diversities
of opinion, and for the establishing of consent in true religion; we,
continuing our desire to compasse this wished effect, and considering
that the booke written by Richard Montague, now Bishop of Chichester,
then but Batchelor of Divinitie, intituled (Appello Cæsarem or An
Appeale to Cæsar) and published in the yeere (1625), was the first
cause of those disputes and differences which have sithence much
troubled the quiet of the church, have thought it fitting to take
away the occasion by calling in the said booke; and therfore we
doe hereby will and straightly command all and singular persons
whatsoever, who have or shall have any of them in their hands or
custodie, that upon paine of our high displeasure and the consequence
thereof, they doe deliver the same presently upon this publication to
the Lord Bishop of the diocesse, or his chancellor, if it bee out of
the Universities, or if it be in either of the two Universities, to
the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor there, whom wee straightly command
to suppresse the same; hoping thereby, that men will no more trouble
themselves with these unnecessary questions, the first occasion being
taken away. But if wee shall bee deceived in this our expectation,
and that by reading, preaching, or making bookes, either pro or
contra, concerning these differences, men begin anew to dispute, wee
shall take such order with them and those bookes, that they shall
wish they had never thought upon these needlesse controversies.
Given at our Court at White-Hall, the seventeenth day of January,
in the fourth yeere of our reigne, of Great Britaine, France, and
Ireland.
God save the King.
Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and John Bill, printers to the
King's most Excellent Majestie. MDCXXVIII."
PART II.] [TO BE CONTINUED.
INDEX
EXPURGATORIUS
ANGLICANUS:
OR
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE PRINCIPAL BOOKS
PRINTED OR PUBLISHED IN ENGLAND,
WHICH HAVE BEEN SUPPRESSED,
OR BURNT BY THE COMMON HANGMAN,
OR CENSURED,
OR FOR WHICH THE AUTHORS, PRINTERS, OR PUBLISHERS
HAVE BEEN PROSECUTED.
BY W. H. HART, F.S.A.
PRICE TWO SHILLINGS.
LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.
1873.
HART, PRINTER,] [SAFFRON WALDEN.
54.
A short view of the long life and raigne of Henry the Third, King
of England. Presented to King James. Printed 1627. 4to. Published
anonymously. (By Sir Robert Cotton.)
This tract was reprinted in the first number of Morgan's Phœnix
Britannicus, 1641, and also in the fourth volume of the Somers
Collection of Tracts, 1651.
The printers were threatened with proceedings in the Court of High
Commission for printing the same without licence, and Sir Robert
Cotton, who admitted the authorship, also ran some risk, as appears
from the following letter of the Bishop of London (dated February
15th, 1627) to Secretary Conway, and also the examinations of the
stationers and printers.
My very honorable good Lord,
May it please your Lordship, I have found a booke intituled A view
of ye long life and raigne of Henry ye third, King of England,
which I send your Lordship with the examinations of all that I find
guilty of ye setting of it forth under ye hand of ye Register by
whom before me there examinacions were taken. The parties ar in
custody and I meane to proceede against them by ye High Comission
for printing ye booke without licence, leaving the matter of state
to your Lordship's wisdome. Sir Robert Cotton acknowledgeth he
writt the booke some 15 yeares agone, but denies that he hath
any knowledg of or hand in ye now printing of it. Good my Lord,
give me leave uppon such occasions as this to repayre to your
Lordship, whose wisdome will mutch strenthen my poore endeavors
to his Majestie's service in this kind, or any other that lies in
my ability and power; and so with my most humble acknowledgment
of all your noble favours, I pray to God hartily to bless your
Lordship, and remayne
Your Lordship's humble servant,
Geo. London.
From my House, February 15th, 1626.
Februarii 15to,
1626.
A briefe of the severall examinations taken before the Lord Bishop
of London thes weeke, touching the booke entituled A veiwe of the
long life and raigne of Henry the third, King of England.
Benjamin Fisher, a stationer of the City of London, acknowledgeth
that he caused five hundred of those bookes to be printed, and no
more; five sheets whereof were printed by one Okes a printer, and
one other sheete whereof was printed by Breward Alsope and Thomas
Fawcett, two other printers.
Of these books Fisher saith they have vented four hundred and twenty
or thereabouts, and names some of the parties unto whom they have
vented them: viz.--one hundred of them to one Peter Horson, the rest
to severall stationers in the country, and that he bought the copy
thereof of one Alsope a printer, and saith it was printed without
licence.
This Alsope being examined where he had the copy saith he bought
it of one Ferdinando Ely, a broker in bookes, and that the said
Fisher sent Alsope to buy it of Ely, that he the said Alsope payd
unto Ely xijd. for it, and having bought it delivered it presently
unto Fisher, who caused it to be printed. Alsope he saith that he
printed of that sheet delivered unto him as many as should make upp a
thousand books of that sort, besides some waste sheets.
Ferdinando Ely being examined, denieth upon his oath that he ever
had the copy of the said book, or that he sold it to Alsope, but
afterwards uppon better remembrance saith that about two yeares since
he sold a copy of a small book to the said Alsope, but what was
the contents of it, or for how much money he sold it, he doth not
remember.
Peter Horson being examined, confesseth that together with a letter
he received an hundred of those books wanting two from the said
Fisher, which letter importeth that they were printed at Dort, and
that the author of them was Sir Robert Cotton, and saith it is a book
well penned; he hath dispersed divers of them and nameth some of the
parties unto whom.
Okes the printer saith his sonn printed part of that book whilest he
Okes the father was prisoner in the Compter, and saith that as his
sonn told him he printed five hundred of them and no more, and saith
they were printed for Benjamin Fisher aforesaid.[41]
Ita Testor { Thomas } deputatus Registrarii
{ Mottinshed } Regis.
55.
Religion and Allegiance. Two Sermons. By Roger Manwaring. 1627.
These two sermons were preached by Roger Manwaring, D.D., before
his Majesty on the 4th July and 29th July, 1627, and were
afterwards published under the before mentioned title, for which
Manwaring was brought to the bar of the House of Lords. On the 14th
June, 1628, that House gave judgment thus:--
1.--That Dr. Manwaring shall be imprisoned during the pleasure of
the House. 2.--That he be fined £1000 to the King. 3.--That he
shall make such submission and acknowledgment of his offences as
shall be set down by a Committee in writing both at the bar and in
the House of Commons. 4.--That he shall be suspended three years
from the exercise of his ministry. 5.--That he shall hereafter be
disabled from any ecclesiastical dignity. 6.--That he shall be for
ever disabled to preach at the Court hereafter, and 7.--That his
Majesty be moved to grant a proclamation for the calling in of his
books, that they may be burnt in London and both Universities.
The following is the proclamation:--
A Proclamation for the calling in and suppressing of two Sermons,
preached and printed by Roger Manwaring, Doctor in Divinity,
intituled Religion and Allegiance.
Whereas Roger Manwaring, Doctor in Divinity, hath lately preached
two Sermons, the one upon the fourth, the other on the nine and
twentieth of July last, and after caused them to bee printed,
and bound up into one volume, and intituled by him Religion and
Allegiance; in which sermons, although the grounds thereof were
rightly laid to perswade obedience from the subjects to their
sovereigne, and that for conscience sake; yet in divers passages,
inferences, and applications thereof trenching upon the lawes of this
land and proceedings of parliaments, whereof hee was ignorant, hee
so farre erred, that hee hath drawen upon himselfe the just censure
and sentence of the High Court of Parliament, by whose judgement
also that booke stands condemned. Wee, taking this into our serious
consideration, and beeing desirous to take away all occasions of
scandall or offence, have thought fit that those sermons, in respect
of those inferences and applications which hee made thereon, bee
totally suppressed.
And to that purpose, wee doe hereby straitly charge and command all
and every person and persons whatsoever, in whose hands any of those
bookes now are, or hereafter shall be, that they foorthwith deliver,
or cause the same to be delivered, to the Bishop or other ordinary
of that diocese or place where hee or they at any time are, if it
be not within either of our Universities; and if it bee in either
of the Universities, that then he or they deliver the same to the
Vicechancellour of that Universitie, to whom wee doe heereby give
speciall charge and command to cause them to be utterly suppressed.
And wee doe further charge and command, that no man hereafter presume
to print the sayd sermons or either of them againe, upon paine of
our high displeasure, and of such further punishment, as for their
presumption in that behalfe, may any way bee inflicted upon them.
Given at our Court at Whitehall, the foure and twentieth day of June,
in the fourth yeere of our reigne of Great Britaine, France, and
Ireland.
God save the King.
Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and John Bill, Printers to the
King's most excellent Majestie. MDCXXVIII.
On the 21st of June, Manwaring made a humble submission to the House
of Lords, and after the session was over, the fine was remitted, the
Doctor himself released from prison, two livings given him, and in
1636 he became Bishop of St. Davids.
56.
An Appeal to the Parliament; or Sion's Plea against the Prelacie.
Printed the year and moneth wherein Rochell was lost. (1628.)
This book was written by Alexander Leighton, a Scotch doctor of
physic and divinity, father of the Archbishop. In this book the
author calls bishops men of blood, ravens, and magpies; he declares
the institution of episcopacy to be anti-christian and satanical;
the Queen is a daughter of Heth, and the King is corrupted by
bishops to the undoing of himself and people; and he approves of
the murder of Buckingham. Language such as this could hardly have
been passed over unnoticed. But it was not till June 4th, 1630,
that the author was brought before the Star Chamber. There was no
difficulty in pronouncing him guilty of seditious and scandalous
writings; and he was sentenced to a terrible and barbarous
punishment. Besides a fine of £10,000, and degradation from the
ministry, he was publicly whipped in Palace Yard, made to stand
two hours in the pillory, one ear was cut off, a nostril slit
open, and one of his cheeks branded with the letters S.S. (Sower
of Sedition.) After this he was sent off to the Fleet Prison.
At the end of a week, "being not yet cured," he was brought out
again, underwent a second whipping and repetition of the former
atrocities, and was then consigned to prison to life, where he
actually spent eleven years. In April, 1641, his sentence was
reversed by the House of Commons, and he received such consolation
as it could afford him, when it was decided that his former
mutilation and imprisonment had been entirely illegal.
57.
A true relation of the unjust, cruel, and barbarous proceeding
against the English at Amboyna in the East Indies, by the
Neatherlandish Governour and Councel there. 1624.
This book was ordered to be suppressed by a warrant from the
Council, dated September 7th, 1631; but the prohibition was
revoked, and all restraint upon the sale of the book removed in the
following month.[42]
58.
An examination of those things wherein the Author of the late Appeale
holdeth the doctrines of the Pelagians and Arminians to be the
doctrines of the Church of England. By George Carleton, Doctor of
Divinitie and Bishop of Chichester. London, 1626.
This book was suppressed as appears from a letter from Sir Francis
Nethersole to Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, dated February 14th,
1629, wherein the writer says, "The printers have preferred a
petition, alleging that of late books written against Arminians
have been suppressed, especially one written by Bishop Carleton,
but others written in their favour have been licensed."[43]
59.
The Reconciler.
Babel no Bethel, that is, the Church of Rome no true visible Church
of Christ. By H(enry) B(urton), Rector of St. Matthew's, Friday
Street. 1629.
Maschil unmasked, in a treatise defending this sentence of our
Church, viz., the present Romish Church hath not the nature of the
true Church. By Thomas Spencer. London. N. d.
The Church of England's old antithesis to new Arminianisme. By
William Prynne. London, 1629.
On April 20th, 1629, articles were exhibited by the Ecclesiastical
Commissioners against the printers and publishers of these books,
among whom was Michael Sparkes, stationer, who had been committed
to the Fleet "for printing and publishing offensive books without
license or warrant." In his answer to the articles objected
against him by the Commissioners, Sparkes denies the present
binding authority of the decree in the Star Chamber for regulating
printing, as directly intrenching on the hereditary liberty of the
subjects' persons and goods, and being contrary to Magna Charta,
the Petition of Right, and other statutes. He presumed that Court
would no way infringe the liberties of his Majesty's subjects,
which his Majesty professed in his late declaration that he would
constantly maintain. He admits that he printed "Babel no Bethel,"
but conceives that there was nothing contrary to the established
doctrine of the Church of England therein, and that he had endured
a hard imprisonment already for the same, which he hopes will
excuse his further answer. He says that some part of Mr. Prynne's
book was printed by Augustine Matthewes, and other part elsewhere.
He conceives the book itself to be a just and necessary defence of
the Church of England against the Arminians. He refuses to confess
the printer that printed part of the book, and thinks the Court
will not desire it, in regard that he (the printer) has done all to
the glory of God, the honour of the King, the good of the Church,
and the welfare of the doctrine of the Church of England and the
religion established.[44]
60.
Rome's Ruin. 1631.
Articles were exhibited by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners against
Michael Sparke, James Bouler, Nicholas Bourne, and Henry Overton,
servant of Mrs. Shefford, of London, stationers, charging them with
having caused to be printed without license this "scandalous book,"
wherein are passages taxing not only the whole state, but also some
particular bishops and persons of eminent place in the church.[45]
61.
De regno Hiberniæ Sanctorum Insula Commentarius, Authore Illustriss,
ac Reverendiss. Domino D. _Petro Lombardo_ Hiberno, Archiepiscopo
Ardmachano, totius ejusdem Regni Primate, olim in Alma Universitate
Lovaniensi S. Theol. Doctore, & quondam Præposito Ecclesiæ
Cathedralis Camaracensis, &c. Lovanii, 1632.
This book was ordered to be suppressed and prosecuted by Lord
Deputy Strafford, at the direction of the King.
62.
Histrio Mastix. The Player's Scourge, or Actor's Tragedie. By William
Prynne. London, 1633.
In this remarkable book the author speaks in such unmeasured terms
of "women actors" that it was considered to be a special attack
on the Queen, who had herself taken part in the performance of a
pastoral at Somerset House. Therefore on February 7th, 1632/3,
Mr. William Prynne, utter barrister of Lincoln's Inn, was brought
to the Court of Star Chamber on the information of the Attorney
General for writing this book, and at the same time were brought
up Michael Sparkes and William Buckner, the one for printing and
the other for licensing the same book. The book was condemned to be
burnt, and Mr. Prynne was adjudged to be put from the bar and to
be for ever incapable of his profession, to be expelled from the
Society of Lincoln's Inn, to stand in the pillory in Westminster
and Cheapside, to lose both his ears, one in each place, and with
a paper on his head denoting his offence; to pay a fine of £5000
to the King, and be perpetually imprisoned. Buckner was sentenced
to imprisonment according to the course of the Court, and to pay
a fine of £50 to the King. Sparkes was sentenced to pay a fine of
£500 to the King, and to stand in the pillory in Cheapside without
touching his ears, with a paper on his head to declare his offence.
The sentence against Prynne was executed the 7th and 10th days of
May following.
63.
A Defence of the most ancient and sacred Ordinance of God, the
Sabbath Day. Second edition, corrected and amended. By Theophilus
Brabourne, Clerk. 1634, circa.
I have not been able to meet with a copy of this book, but there
is at the British Museum a volume by the same author, which may
be the first edition of the one now under consideration. It is
entitled "A discourse upon the Sabbath Day, wherein are handled
these particulars ensuinge. 1.--That the Lord's Day is not Sabbath
Day by divine institution. 2.--An exposition of the 4 commandement
so farr forth as may give light unto the ensueinge discourse; and
particularly here it is showne, at what time the Sabbath Day should
begine and end, for the satisfaction of those who are doubtfull in
this point. 3.--That the seaventh day Sabbath is not abolished.
4.--That the seaventh day Sabbath is now still in force. 5.--The
author's exhortation and reasones, that nevertheless there be no
rente from our church as touchinge practise. Written by Theophilus
Brabourne. Printed the 23rd of Decemb., Anno Dom., 1628."
In 1634 Brabourne was cited before the Court of High Commission for
writing this book, and in his answer he confessed to have composed
and caused to be printed beyond sea five hundred copies of the
same, in which he was alleged to have broached "erroneous heretical
and judaical opinions." Being admonished to renounce his opinions,
he acknowledged himself to be a Sabbatharian, and as much bound to
keep the Saturday's Sabbath as the Jews were before the coming of
Christ. The Court pronounced him a Jew, a heretic and schismatic,
and adjudged him worthy to be severely punished. He was ordered to
be deprived of all his ecclesiastical livings and dignities, and to
be deposed and degraded from his holy orders and function in the
university, pronounced excommunicate, fined £1000, condemned in
expenses, ordered to make a public submission _conceptis verbis_
at such times and places as the Court should appoint, and remanded
back to prison until the Court advise on some other course for
delivering him over to the secular power if he persisted in his
opinions.
64.
Flagellum Pontificis et Episcoporum Latialium. Auctore Johanne
Bastwick. 1635.
This book, "though professing to be directed against the Church of
Rome, 'tis more than manifest," Laud says, "that it was purposely
written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England."
For this Bastwick was cited before the High Commission Court, when
thirty seven articles were charged against him. He was acquitted of
all the charges except one, and that was his maintaining bishops
and priests to be the same order of ministers, or, as he expressed
it himself, "Impingitur horrendum crimen quod infulis et apicibus
jus divinum negaverim, quod Episcopi et Presbyteri paritatem
asseruerim." For this he was condemned to pay a fine of £1000,
to be excommunicated, to be debarred from the practise of his
profession, his book to be burnt, and he himself to pay the costs
and remain in prison till he recanted; and "that is," he says,
"till domesday in the afternoone."
65.
A divine tragedie lately acted: or a collection of sundry memorable
examples of God's judgments upon Sabbath breakers. By William Prynne.
London. 1636.
News from Ipswich, discovering certaine late detestable practises of
some domineering lordly prelates. By the same. Ipswich. 1636.
The first mentioned book was directed against Noye, the Attorney
General, who, it was made out, was visited with a judgment from
heaven whilst laughing at Prynne as he stood in the pillory.
For writing and publishing these books, the latter of which was
styled "a pernicious damnable scurrilous invective and libel," an
information was exhibited in the Star Chamber against the author,
and on the 14th June, 1637, he was sentenced to lose his ears in
the Palace Yard at Westminster, to be fined £5000 to the King, and
to perpetual imprisonment. He was also condemned to be stigmatized
in the cheeks with two letters, S. and L., for a seditious
libeller; and on the 30th June, the sentence was carried out with
barbarous cruelty, but at the beginning of the Long Parliament
Prynne was liberated.
66.
The Lord's Day, the Sabbath Day, or a Brief Answer to some passages
in a late Treatise of the (Lord's) Day: digested dialogue-wise
betweene two Divines, A. and B. 1636.
In March, 1637, articles were objected by the Commissioners for
Causes Ecclesiastical against James Hannum, of St. Clement Danes,
London, wax chandler, for selling this book, as well as Bastwick's
Apologeticus. He was required, by virtue of his oath, to set down
how many of the said books he had uttered, vented, or sold, and of
whom he had them and to whom he sold them. He was also charged
with knowing that these books were never licensed to be printed or
sold, but were printed by stealth by some friend of his. Also that
one or more of the said books was lately taken in his house.[46]
67.
ΠΡΑΞΕΙΣ ΤΩΝ ΕΠΙΣΚΟΠΩΝ, sive Apologeticus ad Præsules Anglicanos
criminum Ecclesiasticorum in Curia Celsæ Commissionis. Autore Johanne
Bastwick, M.D. 1636.
This was written by Bastwick, while he was in confinement in
the Gate House Prison, in answer to a book by Thomas Chowney, a
Sussex gentleman, who maintained that the Church of Rome was a
true church, and had not erred in fundamentals. For writing and
publishing this book, as well as the Litany (presently described),
an information was exhibited in the Star Chamber against Bastwick,
and on June 14th, 1637, he was sentenced to lose his ears in the
Palace Yard at Westminster, to be fined £5000 to his Majesty and to
perpetual imprisonment. He was confined in the castle or fort of
the Isles of Scilly, but was liberated by the Long Parliament.
68.
An Apology of an Appeale. Also an Epistle to the true-hearted
Nobility. By Henry Burton, Pastor of St. Matthewe's, Friday Street.
1636.
For God and the King. The summe of two Sermons preached on the fifth
of November last in St. Matthewe's, Friday Streete, 1636. By Henry
Burton, Minister of God's word there and then.
Burton was born at Birsall in Yorkshire in 1579. He was educated at
St. John's College, Cambridge, and became Rector of St. Matthew's,
Friday Street about 1626. He had been Clerk of the Closet to Prince
Henry, and afterwards to Prince Charles; a position in which
he was not continued when Charles became King. In this bitter
disappointment he produced the books now under consideration, for
which he was prosecuted in the Star Chamber, and sentenced to lose
his ears in the Palace Yard at Westminster, to be fined £5000 to
the King, and to perpetual imprisonment. He was confined in the
Isle of Guernsey, but was liberated at the beginning of the Long
Parliament.
69.
The Letany of John Bastwick, Doctor of Phisicke, being now full of
devotion, as well in respect of the common calamities of plague
and pestilence, as also of his owne particular miserie, lying at
this instant in _Limbo Patrum_. Printed by the speciall procurement
and for the especiall use of our English Prelats, in the yeare of
remembrance, Anno 1637.
The answer of John Bastwick, _Doctor of Phisicke_, to the exceptions
made against his Letany by a learned Gentleman, which is annexed to
the Litany itselfe, as Articles superadditionall against the Prelats.
This is to follow the Letany as a second part thereof. Printed in the
yeare of remembrance, Anno 1637.
The Answer of John Bastwick, _Doctor of Phisicke_, to the information
of Sir John Bancks, Knight, Atturney universall. Printed in the yeare
1637.
XVI New Quæres proposed to our Lord Prælates. Printed in the yeare
M.DC.XXXVII.
The first mentioned book, the "Letany" was at first only shown to
a few friends in manuscript, but afterwards it came to be printed
in this way. John Lilburne, afterwards a Lieutenant Colonel in the
Parliamentary army, and who behaved with such gallantry at Marston
Moor, was introduced to Dr. Bastwick in 1637, and was so much
pleased at hearing the Letany, that having a little ready money at
command, he undertook to get it printed in Holland. Bastwick was at
first averse to this, as he distrusted a friend of Lilburne's who
would have to assist in disposing of the impression. His scruples
however were overcome, and the Letany, together with the "Answer
to the Information of Sir John Bancks, Kt., Atturney Universalle,"
committed to the press. The first edition realized a handsome
profit; but Archbishop Laud got scent of the publication, laid
hold upon the disperser, and made him confess who was the chief
actor in the affair. Accordingly when Lilburne landed with another
impression, he was seized along with his cargo, and the books burnt
by the hands of the common hangman. Lilburne, and Wharton, (who
dispersed the books) were further cited to the Star Chamber, and
on February 13th, 1638, sentenced to be remanded to the Fleet,
there to remain till they conformed themselves to the order of the
Court, and to pay £500 apiece to his Majesty's use; and before
their enlargements out of the Fleet, to become bound with good
sureties for their good behaviour. Lilburne was to be whipped
through the streets from the Fleet to the Pillory at Westminster,
and together with Wharton to be set in the said Pillory, and from
thence returned to the Fleet, there to remain. This sentence was
carried into execution on April 18th, 1638, and the same day the
Court passed the following further sentence upon Lilburne "for
uttering sundry scandalous speeches, and scattering divers copies
of seditious books among the people," while he was in the pillory,
that he should be laid alone with irons on his hands and legs
in the wards of the Fleet where the basest and meanest sort of
prisoners were used to be put, and that the Warden of the Fleet
take special care to hinder the resort of any persons whatsoever to
him; and particularly that he be not supplied with money from any
friend, and that all letters, writings, and books brought to him be
seized and delivered to their Lordships; and all persons visiting
him to be reported to the Board. However, in November, 1640, on
petitioning Parliament he was liberated.
70.
Britannia Triumphans: a Masque presented at Whitehall by the King's
Majestie and his Lords on the Sunday after Twelfth Night, 1637. By
Inigo Jones, Surveyor of His Majestie's Workes, and William Davenant,
Her Majestie's Servant. London, 1637.
This masque is said to have been suppressed from the statement on
the title page of it being acted on a Sunday, and the clamour it
excited.
71.
Sunday no Sabbath. A Sermon preached before the Lord Bishop of
Lincolne at his Lordship's visitation at Ampthill in the County of
Bedford, August 17th, 1635. By John Pocklington, Doctor of Divinitie,
late Fellow and President both of Pembroke Hall and Sidney College in
Cambridge, and Chaplaine to the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord
Bishop of Lincolne. London, 1636.
Altare Christianum, or the Dead Vicar's Plea. Wherein the Vicar of
Gr. being dead yet speaketh and pleadeth out of antiquity against him
that hath broken downe his altar. Presented and humbly submitted to
the consideration of his superiours, the governours of our Church. By
John Pocklington, D.D. London, 1637.
For writing these books Pocklington was deprived of all his
livings, dignities, and preferments, and prohibited the King's
Court. These proceedings were instituted against him at the
instigation of Archbishop Williams. On February 10th, 1641, the
House of Lords ordered that these two books should be publicly
burnt in the City of London and the two Universities by the
common hangman; and on March 10th, the House ordered the Sheriffs
of London and the Vice-Chancellors of both the Universities
forthwith to take care and see the order of the house carried into
execution.[47]
72.
An Introduction to a Devout Life, 1637.
This is a translation of the "Praxis Spiritualis, sive Introductio
ad vitam devotam," by the celebrated Catholic divine, St. Francis
de Sales. Archbishop Laud in writing to his Vice-Chancellor in
1637, speaks thus of the book, "There was an English translation
of a book of devotion, written by Sales, Bishop of Geneva, and
intitled Praxis Spiritualis, &c., licensed by Dr. Haywood, then
my chaplain, about the latter end of November last; but before
it passed his hands, he first struck out divers things wherein
it varied from the doctrine of our Church, and so passed it.
But by the practice of one Burrowes (who is now found to be a
Roman Catholic) those passages struck out by Dr. Haywood were
interlined afterwards, and were printed according to Burrowes's
falsifications. The book being thus printed, gave great and just
offence, especially to myself, who upon the first hearing of it,
gave present order to seize upon all the copies, and to burn them
publicly in Smithfield. Eleven or twelve hundred copies were seized
and burnt accordingly."[48]
The following is the proclamation for suppressing the book:--
"By the King.
"A proclamation for calling in a book entituled An Introduction to
a Devout Life; and that the same be publikely burnt.
"Whereas a book entituled An Introduction to a Devout Life, was
lately printed by Nicholas Oakes of London, and many of them
published and dispersed throughout the realme, the copy of which
book being brought to the Chaplaine of the Lord Archbishop of
Canterbury for licence and allowance, was by him, upon diligent
perusall, in sundry places expunged and purged of divers passages
therein tending to Popery. Neverthelesse, the same book, after
it was so amended and allowed to be printed, was corrupted and
falsified by the translator and stationer, who between them
inserted again the same Popish and unsound passages; and the
stationer is now apprehended, and the translator sought for, to
be proceeded against according to justice. His Majesty, out of
his pious and constant care to uphold and maintain the religion
professed in the Church of England in its purity, without error
or corruption, doth therefore hereby declare his royall will and
pleasure to be, and doth straitly charge and command all persons,
of what degree, quality, or condition soever, to whose hands any of
the said bookes are or shall come, that without delay they deliver
or send them to the Bishop or Chancellor of the Diocesse, whom
his Majestie requireth to cause the same to be publikely burnt,
as such of them as have beene already seized on have been by His
Majestie's expresse command; and to this His Majestie's royall
pleasure, he requireth all his loving subjects to yeeld all due
conformity and obedience, as they will avoid the censure of high
contempt.
"Given at our Court at Whitehall, the fourteenth day of May in the
thirteenth yeare of our reigne.
"God save the King.
"Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most
excellent Majestie; and by the Assignes of John Bill. 1637."
73.
The Jubilee of Jesuits. Circa, 1640.
In this book it was contained that the Papists should fish in
troubled waters while the King was at war with the Scots, with
prayers in it for the holy martyrs that suffered in the Fleet sent
against the heretics in England, 1639. It is undoubtedly the same
work as is entitled "Jubileum sive speculum Jesuiticum opera et
studio I.L.W.O.P.," of which there is a reprint in the British
Museum dated 1643. On the 14th November, 1640, Thomas Chude and
John Clay were called in before the House of Commons to testify
touching this book, when Chude declared he had one in his custody;
he had it from a woman at Redriffe, wife to H. Goodwell, a cobbler,
whose wife was a Papist; he delivered the book the same day he had
it to the Sheriff of London, Sheriff Warner.[49]
74.
Information from the Estaits of the Kingdome of Scotland to the
Kingdome of England. 1640.
By a proclamation of March 30th, 1640, "against libellous and
seditious pamphlets and discourses sent from Scotland," this
tract was prohibited on account of its containing "many most
notorious falsehoods and scandals to the dishonour of His Majesty's
proceedings with his subjects in Scotland."
75.
Mr. Maynard's Speech before both Houses in Parliament, upon
Wednesday, the 24th of March, in reply upon the Earle of Strafford's
Answer to his Articles at the Barre. 1641.
On April 6th, 1641, it was ordered by the House of Commons that
enquiry should be made after the printer and venter of this speech,
and that all diligence was to be used in suppressing the same.[50]
A copy exists in the British Museum Library.
76.
The Anatomy of Et cætera. Or the unfolding of that dangerous Oath
in the close of the Sixth Canon, As it was contrived by the Bishops
and some of the Clergie in their late Oath Ex Officio, cunningly
obliging the Consciences of His Majestie's Subjects to observe and
obey whatsoever errours they would impose. Condemned and dissected
in a passionate Conference betwixt the two zealous Brothers Roger
and Ralph, penned at the first injunction of the new Canons, and
now publisht since their abolishment. By an Oxfordshire gentleman.
London, 1641.
On August 24th, 1641, it was resolved by the House of Commons that
Richard Heren should be sent for as a delinquent by the Sergeant at
Arms for printing this pamphlet; and also that Thomas Bray, an Oxon
scholar, who turned the pamphlet out of poetry into prose should
also be sent for as a delinquent.[51]
A copy is preserved in the British Museum Library. It commences
thus:--
"Two of the zealous Tribe being inspired, as they tearmed it, and
having a greater parcell of the spirit than at other times, after a
great deal of chat, now concerning this thing, and now concerning
that thing, at last drew themselves as far as the _New Canons_,
where they read, but yet you must not thinke that it was without
rubbes and jarres, but comming to the _Sixth Canon_ that ended
with _Et cætera_, at the very sight of which he swelled as much as
_Goliah_ with his weaver's beam, and thus began to break forth in
these or the like tearmes.
"_Roger._ I that have behaved my selfe so well, that now I am in
sincerity elected a Zealous Brother, I that having my worth seen
am for it rewarded with twenty Nobles _per annum_, besides what
I collect every year from our Female Charity, considering with
myselfe what a vile and indiscreet thing these new Oathes and
Canons are, I am even wrapt besides my selfe, and with this very
word, or letter, or syllable, or whatsoever it is, I must and will
dissect it.
"_Ralph._ Why brother _Roger_? Art thou of so shallow capacity as
thou makest thyselfe to be? Have patience pray, and rather finde
fault with the Printer than with the thing printed, or rather with
him which set the Printer on worke than with the Printer himselfe,
these times are corrupted, for why? corrupt men have ruled us here
in this Land.
"Here could _Roger_ hold no longer, but like to a Beardog, he
yawnes, and barkes, and bawles, saying,
"_Roger._ In sincerity brother _Ralph_, thou doest not know what an
urging this is to me, see what a vile mishapen monster it is, this
_Et cætera_, God blesse us! is a Limbe of the Devill;" &c., &c.
And it concludes thus:--
"Well, these two Zealous Brothers had dranke so long together that
they played the beasts, like a couple of drunken rogues, &c., and
then they must needs quarrell, and make themselves and Religion
in them to be scoffed egregiously, and indeed it is an ancient
proverbe, _When theeves fall out, true men come by their goods_.
"It chanced that Roger gave Ralph some words in his drinke, which
did not very well please him, which made Ralph break out beyond the
bounds of modesty, and told him that he was a dissembling knave,
and that he could prove him so, for said Ralph, _Is it not the
part of a knave to carry another man's wife so far as Banbury in
Oxfordshire, and there to live with her, and keep her as your owne
wife? fie, fie, for shame_.
"_Nay_, said Roger, _hic-up, if you go to that, hic-up, you are as
arrant a knave as my selfe, hic-up, for do you remember, you Slave
you, how you wisht your wife in the Low Countries, to say, that
you were her brother, because she was fair, and that it might be
said that you imitated Abraham, when he was a good man, whereas
thou art a stinking Rogue._
"Thus they brawled, and scolded, and scolded, and brawled, till
they fell asleep, in which pickle I left them."
77.
The order and course of passing Bills in Parliament. 1641.
On June 3rd, 1641, the House of Commons referred to the Committee
concerning printing, the consideration of the printing of this
book, and they were to report to the House what they thought fit
to be done therein; and to send for the printer thereof, and the
parties who conceived themselves to be prejudiced by that false
copy.[52]
A copy is preserved in the British Museum Library.
78.
The true relation of the French Ambassage. 1641.
On July 12th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that the printing
of this pamphlet be referred to the Committee for printing,
where Sir Edward Dering had the chair; and on the 18th November
following, it was further ordered that Alsop the printer should be
summoned to attend and answer such matters as should be objected
against him concerning the printing of this pamphlet, and that some
course was to be considered for preventing inordinate printing for
the future.[53]
79.
The Copy of a Letter sent from the Earle of Holland to an Honourable
Lord at the Parliament. 1641.
On August 20th, 1641, the House of Commons referred to the
Committee concerning printing to enquire who printed this letter,
and to take some course and propound it to the House for preventing
the inordinate licence of printing. On enquiry it was found that
Thomas Symonds was the printer, and it was resolved that he should
be sent for as a delinquent for printing this letter without any
order of Parliament, after that he was acquainted with the order
of the House inhibiting the printing of anything concerning the
proceedings of that House.[54]
A copy is preserved in the British Museum Library.
80.
Sir Kenelme Digbye's Honour Maintained by a most couragious Combat
which he fought with the Lord _Mount le Ros_, who by base and
slanderous words reviled our King. Also the true relation how he went
to the King of France, who kindly intreated him, and sent two hundred
men to guard him so far as Flanders. And now he is returned from
Banishment, and to his eternall honour lives in England. Printed at
London for T. B., 1641.
A pamphlet of five pages, of which there is a copy in the British
Museum Library. On the title page is a rough woodcut representing
two men fighting a duel.
On November 24th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that the
Committee for printing should enquire after the printing of this
book.[55]
81.
A terrible outcry against the loytering exalted prelates. By H.
Walker. 1641.
On December 20th, 1641, the House of Commons resolved that Walker
should be sent for as a delinquent by the Sergeant at Arms for
being author of this pamphlet; and the printing of this and
other books by the same author was referred to the Committee for
printing.[56]
82.
Noli me tangere is a thinge to be thought on. Or Vox carnis sacræ
clamantis ab Altari ad Aquilam sacrilegam. Noli me tangere ne te
perdam. 1642.
On January 31st, 1641/2, the House of Commons referred this book
to the Committee for printing, to enquire out the author and the
printer thereof.[57] It has an engraved frontispiece wherein is
represented an "_Altare_," upon which an offering is consuming in
fire, "_Ignis sacer_;" above the offering is "_Sancto nomini caro
sacra_." An eagle grasps at part of the offering, "_offam rapit
Aquila carbone adhærente_;" another eagle hovers above, with a
second portion, "_Portat ad pullos in nido_," and flying towards
a nest, "_Aquilæ nidus_," which is in the branches of a tree. On
the trunk of the tree is "_Ardet carbone nidus quo perit soboles
impiæ genitricis_." An Eye is visible in clouds, inscribed "_Vidit
offensus Oculus supremi_;" also a clenched fist, above which is
"_Percutit extensa manus supremi_." Rays proceed from the eye
downwards over the altar and its adjuncts, and are respectively
inscribed "_Advertit peccatorem in progrediendo_," "_Aspicit
peccatorem in peccando_," "_Acceptat sacrificia peccatorem
condonando_," and "_Accipit peccatorem sacrificia comburendo_."
A ray is directed to the nest, and inscribed "_Animadvertit in
peccatorem posteros plectendo_." The old British Museum Catalogue
ascribes the authorship of this tract to Mr. Ephraim Udall.
83.
The Lord Digbies Speech in the House of Commons to the Bill of
Attainder of the Earle of Strafford, the 21 of April, 1641. Printed
in the yeare 1641.
On July 13th, 1641, the House of Commons resolved that this speech
contained untrue and scandalous matters concerning the proceedings
of the Committees of the Lords and Commons, and that the publishing
and printing of that speech by Lord Digby, after a vote passed in
that House, was scandalous to the proceedings of that House, and a
crime; and it was also ordered that all the books so printed should
be publicly burnt on the following Friday, in various parts of
London by the Common Hangman.[58]
A copy exists in the British Museum Library.
84.
Master Glyn's Reply to the Earle of Strafford's defence of the
severall Articles objected against him by the House of Commons.
London. Printed for Lawrence Chapman, 1641.
On May 11th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that this speech,
which was printed and went under Mr. Glynne's name, should be
suppressed and the printer punished: and the Master and Wardens of
the Stationers' Company were to attend the House to employ their
best endeavours accordingly.[59]
A copy exists in the British Museum Library. It is in quarto, and
contains 56 pages.
85.
Verses lately written by Thomas, Earle of Strafford. 1641. A folio
broadside, containing nine seven-line stanzas.
On May 14th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that the
consideration of printing these verses be referred to the Committee
for printing of books.[60]
A copy is preserved in the British Museum Library. The verses are
as follows:--
(I.)
"Go, Empty Joyes,
With all your noyse,
And leave me here alone,
In sweet sad silence to bemoane
Your vaine and fleet delight,
Whose danger none can see aright,
Whilest your false splendor dimmes his sight.
(II.)
Goe and insnare
With your false ware,
Some other easie Wight,
And cheat him with your flattering Light;
Raine on his head a shower
Of Honours, favor, wealth, and power;
Then snatch it from him in an houre.
(III.)
Fill his big minde
With gallant winde
Of Insolent applause;
Let him not fear all-curbing Lawes,
Nor King nor People's frowne,
But dreame of something like a Crowne,
And climing towards it, tumble downe.
(IV.)
Let him appeare
In his bright Sphere
Like _Scynthia_ in her pride,
With star-like troups on every side;
Such for their number and their light,
As may at last orewhelme him quite,
And blend us both in one dead night.
(V.)
Welcome, sad Night,
Griefe's sole delight,
Your mourning best agrees
With Honour's funerall Obsequies.
In _Thetis'_ lap he lies,
Mantled with soft securities,
Whose too much Sunshine blinds his eyes.
(VI.)
Was he too bold,
That needs would hold
With curbing raines, the day,
And make _Sol's_ fiery Steeds obay?
Then sure as rash was I,
Who with ambitious wings did fly
In _Charles_ his Waine too loftily.
(VII.)
I fall, I fall;
Whom shall I call?
Alas, can he be heard,
Who now is neither lov'd nor fear'd.
You, who were wont to kisse the ground,
Where e're my honor'd steps were found,
Come catch me at my last rebound.
(VIII.)
How each admires
Heav'n's twinkling fires,
When from their glorious seat
Their influence gives life and heat.
But O! how few there ar',
(Though danger from that act be far)
Will stoop and catch a falling star.
(IX.)
Now 'tis too late
To imitate
Those Lights, whose pallidnesse
Argues no inward guiltinesse:
Their course one way is bent.
The reason is, there's no dissent
In Heaven's high Court of Parliament.
London, printed 1641.
86.
The Saint's Beliefe. By John Turner. 1641. A folio broadside.
On May 18th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that this
publication be referred to the Committee for printing as concerning
the printer; and that the Stationers' Company be strictly required
to use all their endeavours to suppress those copies; and that John
Turner, who names himself the author, be sent for as a delinquent
for his boldness in causing a new belief to be printed without
authority, during the sitting of parliament.[61]
The accompanying folding page contains an exact reprint, line
for line, of this eccentric paper, of which a copy exists in the
British Museum Library.
THE
SAINTS
BELIEFE.
[Sidenote: a Gen. 1, 1. Prov. 16, 4. b 1 Joh. 5, 7. c Joh. 10, 30. 1
Joh. 5, 7. d Gen. 1, 2. Joh. 1, 1, 2, 3. e Ro. 3, 24. Ephe. 1, 7. f
Psal. 97, 10. Phil. 4, 7. g Tit. 2, 11. Jo. 11, 25. h Col. 2, 9. Mat.
1, 23. i 1 Tim. 2, 5. Act. 2, 22. Heb. 7, 24. k 1 Joh. 4, 9. Joh. 3,
17. l Isay. 7, 14. Luk. 2, 7. m John 11, 48. John 19, 12, 15, 16. n
Mat. 27, 35. o Joh. 19, 33. p Luk. 23, 43, 46. q Joh. 19, 41, 42. r 1
Cor. 15, 4. s Act. 1, 9, 10, 11. Joh. 20, 17. t Heb. 1, 3. u Act. 3,
21. w 1 Joh. 2, 12. Joh. 1, 29. x 1 Thes. 4, 16, 17. y Mat. 25, 32. z
Mat. 1, 2, 36.]
_I Beleeve in one Almighty_ God, [a] _Creator and maker of all
things, [b] distinguished in three, Father, Sonne, and Holy Ghost:
[c] but not divided, [d] all working together in the Creation, [e]
Redemption, [f] preservation, [g] and salvation of Man_. _The Son
our_ Lord Jesus Christ, [h] God [i] _and Man_; [k] _begotten and
sent by the Father; [l] conceived and born of the Virgin Mary,
[m] suffered under the Roman power_, Pilate _being Judge; [n]
crucified [o] dead, [p] and his soule immediately received by_ God
_his Father; [q] and his body buried; [r] rose againe the third
day according to the Scriptures; [s] and ascended into heaven;
[t] sits at the right hand of_ God; [u] _whom the heavens must
contain for a time; [w] in whom all our sins are forgiven; [x] and
from thence he shall come to judge the living and the dead; [y]
before whom every one shall appeare, [z] to give an account [a] of
every evill thought, [b] idle word, [c] vaine oath, and [d] wicked
action_. _And I beleeve in the Holy Ghost, [e] sent by the Father
and the Sonne to teach and leade [f] his Elect in all truth, [g]
instituting by his Apostles particular Churches here on earth,
and no other; [h] every ordinance of _God_ belonging to every one
of them; [i] all of equall authority, no one being greater or
lesser then other, either in power or priviledges; [k] who must
serve him as he hath commanded in his holy Scriptures; [l] both
in ordinances, [m] and order, [n] in their own Faith; [o] with a
pure conscience; [p] all Beleevers being bound in duty to have and
hold communion in some one of them; [q] and that every Church hath
power from GOD to elect and ordaine their own Officers, [r] receive
in Beleevers, [s] and Excommunicate any one of them that lives in
transgression, without the helpe or assistance of any; [t] no one
member being more free then another. [u]_
_And I beleeve I am bound in conscience to GOD to honour and obey
my Father, Mother, King, Master, and every Officer under him,
whether they be Christians, irreligious, Idolaters, or Heathens.
The Commandement requires obedience to every one of them of what
Religion soever they be equall, and alike. [w] And I beleeve the
bodies of the just shall rise to life everlasting, [x] and the
wicked to everlasting perdition, &c._
a Gen. 6, 5. 1 Cor. 3, 20. b Mat. 12, 36. c Exo. 20, 7. Mat. 5, 34,
35, 36, 37. Jam. 1, 26. d Rev. 22, 12. Mat. 25, 41, 45, 46. e Joh.
14, 26. Joh. 15, 26. Joh. 16, 13. f Col. 3, 12. 1 Pet. 1, 2. Rom.
9, 11. g Mat. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. Rev. 1, 11. Gal 1, 2. h 1 Cor.
3, 21, 22, 23. Psal. 149, 7, 8, 9. i 2 Cor. 12, 13. 1 Cor. 5, 12,
13. k Joh. 15, 10, 14. Joh. 5, 39. l Rev. 22, 18. Deut. 5, 32. Mat.
28, 20. m Col. 2, 5. 1 Cor. 14, 40. 1 Cor. 15, 2. Levi. 10, 1, 2. 1
Chro. 13, 9, 11. 1 Chro. 15, 13. Num. 15, 16. n 2 Tim. 1, 13, 14.
Mat. 9, 22. Mark 16, 16. Heb. 11, 6. o 1 Tim. 19, 1. Joh. 3, 20. p
Heb. 10, 25. Mat. 18, 17, 18, 19, 20. q Acts 6, 2, 3, 5. Act. 14,
23. Act. 1, 15, 23, 26. Ezek. 33, 2. Numb. 8, 10. r 2 Cor. 2, 7, 8.
Joh. 3, 10. s Mat. 18, 17, 18, 19, 20. 1 Cor. 5, 12, 13. Acts 11,
2, 3, 4. t Ro. 2, 11. Deut. 1, 17. Jam. 2, 9. Acts 11, 2, 3, 4. u
Ro. 13, 2, 3, 4, 5. Exo. 20, 12. Ephes. 6, 5, 10. 1 Cor. 15. Mat.
25, 34. x Isay. 30, 33. Mat. 25, 41, 46.
_Pro._ 22, 6. Teach a Child in the trade of his way, and when he is
old he shall not depart from it.
1 _Thes._ 5. Try all things, keep that which is good.
_Acts_ 17, 11. These were also more noble men then they which were
of Thessalonica, which received the Word with all readinesse, and
searched the Scriptures dayly, whether these things were so.
1 _Sam._ 15, 22. To obey is better then sacrifice, and to hearken
then the fat of rammes.
By me JOHN TURNER, Prisoner of our _Lord Jesus Christ_ (committed
by the Bishops) neare 14 yeares; for affirming CHRIST JESUS _hath
left in his written word sufficient direction to order his Church
and Children in his worship: So that nothing may be done, over
nor above, nor besides, what is commanded therein, by a Precept,
an Example, or a true gathered consequence_; which I dare not but
affirme, though I die for the same. And now delivered (as abusively
Imprisoned all this time) by the most Honourable
Lords in Parliament, 1641.
1 _Cor._ 15, 57. Thanks be unto God which hath given us victory
through our Lord Jesus Christ.
87.
The declaration of Colonel Goring to the House of Commons upon his
examination concerning the late conspiracie against the state and
kingdome. With the report of that worthy gentleman, Mr. Fynes, to the
House of Commons from the Committee upon the examination of severall
gentlemen concerning the same, 19th June, 1641.
On June 28th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that this book be
referred to the Committee for printing, and they were to use their
best diligence in enquiring as to the printer.[62]
88.
The Protestation protested, or a short remonstrance showing what is
principally required of all those that have or doe take the last
Parliamentary Protestation. 1641.
On July 10th, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that the Committee
for printing should take this book into consideration, and examine
the printer thereof, and discover the author; and on August 24th
following, it was further ordered that Gregory Dexter, printer,
who printed this pamphlet and was therefore committed prisoner to
the Gatehouse, should be bailed.[63] A copy of this book is at the
British Museum, and a manuscript note on the title page ascribes
its authorship to H. Burton, of whom mention has been previously
made.
89.
The Brownists' Conventicle: or an assemble of Brownists, Separatists,
and Non-Conformists, as they met together at a private house to
heare a Sermon of a brother of theirs neere Algate, being a learned
Felt-maker. 1641.
On the title page of this curious tract (of which there is a copy
in the British Museum Library) there is a woodcut which represents
four men seated at a table after a meal, and listening to one
who appears half an idiot, and is named "_simple Robin_"; on the
right is a man kissing a woman, and saying, "_A little in zeale
good sister Ruth._" The tract refers to the numerous "Hereticks,
Schismaticks, Novellists, Separatists," and other sects of
this time, including Thraskites or Sabbatarians, Banisterians,
Brownists, Anabaptists, Familists, Adamists, "who have their
private meetings when they will not heare the Word preached nor
have the Sacrament administered unto them but naked, not so much as
fig-leave breeches upon them, thinking thereby to imitate our first
parents in their innocency."
On July 12th, 1641, this tract was referred by the House of Commons
to the Committee for printing.[64]
90.
The order and form for Church Government by Bishops and the Clergy of
this kingdom. N. d.
On July 23rd, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that this pamphlet
be referred to the Committee for printing; and that the author and
printer be enquired after.[65]
91.
The Heads of severall Petitions and complaints made against, 1.--Sir
John Connyers, Lieutenant Generall of the Horse in the Northerne
expedition. 2.--Dr. Heywood, of St. Gyles in the Fields. 3.--The
Parishioners of St. Mary Woolchurch. 4.--Dr. Fuller of St. Giles,
Cripplegate. 5.--Mr. Booth, of St. Botolph's, Aldersgate, Touching
the Rayles about the Communion Table, the Pictures in Glasse
windowes, and weekely Lectures; and read before the Committee,
October 16, 1641. London, Printed for John Thomas, 1641.
On October 23rd, 1641, the House of Commons ordered that the
Stationers' Company should enquire and i
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