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The Works of the Emperor Julian, Vol. 1

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Title: The Works of the Emperor Julian, Vol. 1

Author: Emperor of Rome Julian

Translator: Wilmer Cave Wright


        
Release date: April 7, 2015 [eBook #48664]
                Most recently updated: June 15, 2020

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48664


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WORKS OF THE EMPEROR JULIAN, VOL. 1 ***





                     The Works of the Emperor Julian

                                 Volume 1

                      With an English Translation by

                            Wilmer Cave Wright

                         Harvard University Press

                         Cambridge, Massachusetts

                                   1913





CONTENTS


Introduction
Bibliography
Oration I
Oration II
Oration III
   Introduction To Oration III
Oration IV
   Introduction To Oration IV
Oration V
   Introduction To Oration V
Index
Footnotes






                               [Cover Art]

[Transcriber’s Note: The above cover image was produced by the submitter
at Distributed Proofreaders, and is being placed into the public domain.]





INTRODUCTION


FLAVIUS CLAUDIUS JULIANUS,(1) son of Julius Constantius and nephew of the
Emperor Constantine, was born at Constantinople in 331 A.D. His father,
eldest brother, and cousins were slain in the massacre by which
Constantius, Constantine II., and Constans secured the empire for
themselves on the death of their father Constantine in 337. Julian and his
elder brother Gallus spent a precarious childhood and youth, of which six
years were passed in close confinement in the remote castle of Macellum in
Cappadocia, and their position was hardly more secure when, in 350, Gallus
was elevated to the Caesarship by Constantius, who, after the violent
deaths of his two brothers, was now sole ruler of the empire. But Julian
was allowed to pursue his favourite studies in Greek literature and
philosophy, partly at Nicomedia and Athens, partly in the cities of Asia
Minor, and he was deeply influenced by Maximus of Ephesus, the occult
philosopher, Libanius of Nicomedia, the fashionable sophist, and
Themistius the Aristotelian commentator, the only genuine philosopher
among the sophists of the fourth century A.D.

When the excesses of the revolutionary Gallus ended in his death at the
hands of Constantius, Julian, an awkward and retiring student, was
summoned to the court at Milan, where he was protected by the Empress
Eusebia from the suspicions of Constantius and the intrigues of hostile
courtiers. Constantius had no heir to continue the dynasty of the
Constantii. He therefore raised Julian to the Caesarship in 355, gave him
his sister Helena in marriage, and dispatched him to Gaul to pacify the
Gallic provinces. To the surprise of all, Julian in four successive
campaigns against the Franks and the Alemanis proved himself a good
soldier and a popular general. His _Commentaries_ on these campaigns are
praised by Eunapius(2) and Libanius,(3) but are not now extant. In 357‐358
Constantius, who was occupied by wars against the Quadi and the
Sarmatians, and threatened with a renewal of hostilities by the Persian
king Sapor, ordered Julian, who was then at Paris, to send to his aid the
best of the Gallic legions. Julian would have obeyed, but his troops,
unwilling to take service in the East, mutinied and proclaimed him Emperor
(359 A.D.). Julian issued manifestoes justifying his conduct to the
Senates of Rome and Athens and to the Spartans and Corinthians, a
characteristic anachronism, since their opinion no longer had any weight.
It was not till 361 that he began his march eastward to encounter the army
of Constantius. His troops, though seasoned and devoted, were in numbers
no match for the legions of his cousin. But the latter, while marching
through Cilicia to oppose his advance, died suddenly of a fever near
Tarsus, and Julian, now in his thirtieth year, succeeded peacefully to the
throne and made a triumphal entry into Constantinople in December, 361.

The eunuchs and courtiers who had surrounded Constantius were replaced by
sophists and philosophers, and in the next six months Julian set on foot
numerous economic and administrative reforms. He had long been secretly
devoted to the Pagan religion, and he at once proclaimed the restoration
of the Pagan gods and the temple worship. Christianity he tolerated, and
in his brief reign of sixteen months the Christians were not actively
persecuted. His treatise _Against the Christians_, which survives only in
fragments, was an explanation of his apostasy. The epithet “Apostate” was
bestowed on him by the Christian Fathers. Meanwhile he was preparing—first
at Constantinople then at Antioch, where he wrote the _Misopogon_, a
satire on the luxury and frivolity of the inhabitants—for a campaign
against Sapor, a task which he had inherited from Constantius. In March,
362 he left Antioch and crossed the Euphrates, visited Carrhae, memorable
for the defeat of Crassus, then crossed the Tigris, and, after burning his
fleet, retired northwards towards Armenia. On the march he fought an
indecisive battle with the Persians at Maranga, and in a skirmish with the
retreating enemy he was mortally wounded by a javelin (January 26th, 363).
His body was carried to Tarsus by his successor the Emperor Jovian, and
was probably removed later to Constantinople. The legend that as he died
he exclaimed: Γαλιλαῖε νενίκηκας, “Thou hast conquered, O Galilæan!”
appears first in the Christian historian Theodoret in the fifth century.
Julian was the last male descendant of the famous dynasty founded by
Constantius Chlorus.

In spite of his military achievements, he was, first of all, a student.
Even on his campaigns he took his books with him, and several of his
extant works were composed in camp. He had been trained, according to the
fashion of his times, in rhetorical studies by professional sophists such
as Libanius, and he has all the mannerisms of a fourth century sophist. It
was the sophistic etiquette to avoid the direct use of names, and Julian
never names the usurpers Magnentius, Silvanus, and Vetranio, whose
suppression by Constantius he describes in his two first _Orations_,
regularly refers to Sapor as “the barbarian,” and rather than name
Mardonius, his tutor, calls him “a certain Scythian who had the same name
as the man who persuaded Xerxes to invade Hellas.”(4) He wrote the
literary Greek of the fourth century A.D. which imitates the classical
style, though barbarisms and late constructions are never entirely
avoided. His pages are crowded with echoes of Homer, Demosthenes, Plato,
and Isocrates, and his style is interwoven with half verses, phrases, and
whole sentences taken without acknowledgment from the Greek masterpieces.
It is certain that, like other sophists, he wished his readers to
recognise these echoes, and therefore his source is always classical, so
that where he seems to imitate Dio Chrysostom or Themistius, both go back
to a common source, which Julian had in mind. Another sophistic element in
his style is the use of commonplaces, literary allusions that had passed
into the sophistic language and can be found in all the writers of
reminiscence Greek in his day. He himself derides this practice(5) but he
cannot resist dragging in the well‐worn references to Cyrus, Darius, and
Alexander, to the nepenthe poured out by Helen in the _Odyssey_, to the
defiance of nature by Xerxes, or the refusal of Socrates to admit the
happiness of the Great King. Julian wished to make Neo‐Platonism the
philosophy of his revived Hellenism, but he belonged to the younger or
Syrian branch of the school, of which Iamblichus was the real founder, and
he only once mentions Plotinus. Iamblichus he ranked with Plato and paid
him a fanatical devotion. His philosophical writing, especially in the two
prose _Hymns_, is obscure, partly because his theories are only vaguely
realised, partly because he reproduces the obscurity of his model,
Iamblichus. In satire and narrative he can be clear and straightforward.





BIBLIOGRAPHY




Manuscripts


The _Vossianus_ (V), Leyden, 13th or 14th cent. (contains also the
_Letters_ of Libanius), is the only reliable MS. of Julian, and was once
complete except for a few _Letters_. Where pages are lost from V a group
of inferior MSS. are used, _Marcianus_ 366 (M), 251 (Mb), both 15th cent.,
five _Monacenses_ (at Munich), and several _Parisini_ (at Paris). Cobet’s
contributions to the text are in _Mnemosyne_ 8, 9, 10 (old series
1859‐1861) and 10, 11 (new series 1882‐1883). A. Papadoulos Kerameus
published in _Rheinisches Museum_, 1887, six new _Letters_ discovered on
the island of Chalcis.




Editions


_Misopogon_ and _Letters_ (with Latin version) Martin, Paris, 1566. Martin
and Cantoclarus, Paris, 1583. Petau (Petavius) Paris, 1630. Spanheim,
Leipzig, 1696. _Oration I_, Schaefer, Leipzig, 1802 (with Latin version
and Wyttenbach’s _Critical Epistle to Ruhnken_). Hertlein, Leipzig
(Teubner), 1875‐1876.(6) _Against the Christians_, Neumann, Leipzig, 1880.
_Letters:_ Heyler, Mainz, 1828. Westermann, Leipzig, 1854.




Literature


_La Vie de l’Empereur Julien_, Abbé de la Bleterie, Paris, 1735. Strauss,
_Der Romantiker auf dem Throne der Caesaren_, Mannheim, 1847. Mücke
_Julian’s Leben und Schriften_, Gotha, 1868. Naville, _Julien l’Apostat_,
Neufchâtel, 1877. Schwartz, _De vita et scriptis Juliani_, Bonn, 1888.
Gildersleeve _Julian_ in _Essays and Studies_, Baltimore, 1890. Gardner,
_Julian_, New York, 1895. France (W. C. Wright), _Julian’s Relation to
Neo‐Platonism __ and the New Sophistic_, London, 1896. Negri,
_L’Imperatore Giuliano_, Milan, 1902 (translated by Letta‐Visconti‐Arese,
London, 1906). Bidez and Cumont, _Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite
des lettres de Julien_, Brussels, 1898. Asmus, _Julian und Dio
Chrysostomus_, Tauberbischofsheim, 1895. Brambs, _Studien_, Eichstätt,
1897. Allard, _Julien l’Apostat_, Paris, 1903. Cumont, _Sur l’authenticité
de quelques lettres de Julien_, Gaud, 1889.




Translations


Latin: _Misopogon_ and _Letters_, Martin in edition. _Oration I_, Schaefer
in edition. _Letters_, Heyler in edition. French: Tourlet, Paris, 3 vols.
1821. _Traduction de quelques Ouvrages de l’Empereur Julien_, Abbé de la
Bleterie, Paris, 1748. _Caesars_, Spanheim, Paris, 1683. German: _Against
the Christians_, Neumann, Leipzig, 1880. English: _Select Works_ by
Duncombe, London, 1784 (contains also some translations of Libanius).




Bibliographical Addendum (1980)


J. Bidez: _La tradition manuscrite et les éditions des discours de Julien_
(1929). J. Bidez: _La vie de l’empereur Julien_ (1930). G. W. Bowersock:
_Julian the Apostate_, Cambridge, Mass. (1978). R. Browning: _The Emperor
Julian_ (1975). G. Gigli: _Giuliano l’Apostata_ (1960). W. E. Kaegi:
“Research on Julian, 1945‐1964,” _CW_ 58 (1965) 229ff. G. Ricciotti:
_Julian the Apostate_, trans. M. J. Costelloe (1960).





ORATION I


[Transcriber’s Note: The original book had pages with Greek on the left
page and the corresponding English translation on the facing right page.
In this e‐book, each Greek paragraph will be immediately followed by the
English translation paragraph, surrounded in parentheses. The Greek text
contains markings such as [3] and [B]; they are section and sub‐section
markings that in the original book were in the right margin. These are
different from numbers within parentheses such as (10), which are used as
footnote references in some e‐book formats.]

ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΟΣ ΕΓΚΩΜΙΟΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΟΝ

(PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS)

Πάλαι με προθυμούμενον, ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ, τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ πράξεις
ὑμνῆσαι καὶ τοὺς πολέμους ἀπαριθμήσασθαι, καὶ τὰς τυραννίδας ὅπως
ἀνῄιρηκας, τῆς μὲν λόγῳ καὶ πειθοῖ τοὺς δορυφόρους ἀποστήσας, τῆς δὲ τοῖς
ὅπλοις κρατήσας, τὸ μέγεθος εἶργε τῶν πράξεων, οὐ τὸ βραχὺ λειφθῆναι τῷ
λόγῳ τῶν ἔργων δεινὸν κρίνοντα, ἀλλὰ τὸ παντελῶς τῆς ὑποθέσεως διαμαρτεῖν
δόξαι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ περὶ τοὺς πολιτικοῦς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὴν ποίησιν
διατρίβουσιν οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν εἰ ῥᾳδίως ἔξεστιν ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς ἐπαίνοις τῶν
σοι πραχθέντων· [2] περίεστι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς τοῦ λέγειν μελέτης καὶ τῆς
πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις συνηθείας τὸ θαρσεῖν ἐν δίκῃ. ὅσοι δὸ τοῦ μὲν τοιούτου
μέρους κατωλιγώρησαν, ὥρμησαν δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἕτερον παιδείας εἶδος καὶ λόγων
ξυγγραφὴν οὐ δήμῳ κεχαρισμένην οὐδ᾽ ἐς θέατρα παντοδαπὰ τολμῶσαν
ἀποδύεσθαι, πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις ἔχοιεν ἂν εἰκότως εὐλαβεστέρως. ἔστι γὰρ
οὐκ ἄδηλον τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι [B] τοῦς μὲν ποιηταῖς Μοῦσαι καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν ἐκεῖθεν
ἐπιπνεομένους τὴν ποίησιν γράφειν ἄφθονον παρέχει τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ
πλάσματος· τοῖς ῥήτορσι δὲ ἡ τέχνη τὴν ἴσην παρέσχεν ἄδειαν, τὸ μὲν
πλάττειν ἀφελομένη, τὸ δὲ κολακεύειν οὐδαμῶς ἀπαγορεύσασα, οὐδὲ αἰσχύνην
ὁμολογουμένην τῷ λέγοντι τὸ ψευδῶς(7) ἐπαινεῖν τοὺς οὐκ ἀξίους ἐπαίνου
κρίνασα. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐπειδὰν καινόν τινα μῦθον καὶ μηδέπω τοῖς πρόσθεν
ἐπινοηθέντα φέρωσιν αὐτοὶ ξυνθέντες, [C] τῷ ξένῳ τοὺς ἀκούοντας
ψυχαγωγήσαντες πλέον θαυμάζονται· οἱ δὲ τῆς τέχνης ἀπολαῦσαί φασιν ἐν τῷ
δύνασθαι περὶ τῶν μικρῶν μειζόνως διελθεῖν, καὶ τὸ μέγεθος ἀφελεῖν τῶν
ἔργων τῷ λόγῳ, καὶ ὄλως ἀντιτάττειν τῇ τῶν πραγμάτων φύσει τὴν δύναμιν(8)
τῶν λόγων.

(I have long desired, most mighty Emperor, to sing the praises of your
valour and achievements, to recount your campaigns, and to tell how you
suppressed the tyrannies; how your persuasive eloquence drew away one
usurper’s(9) bodyguard; how you overcame another(10) by force of arms. But
the vast scale of your exploits deterred me, because what I had to dread
was not that my words would fall somewhat short of your achievements, but
that I should prove wholly unequal to my theme. That men versed in
political debate, or poets, should find it easy to compose a panegyric on
your career is not at all surprising. Their practice in speaking, their
habit of declaiming in public supplies them abundantly with a well‐
warranted confidence. But those who have neglected this field and chosen
another branch of literary study which devotes itself to a form of
composition little adapted to win popular favour and that has not the
hardihood to exhibit itself in its nakedness in every theatre, no matter
what, would naturally hesitate to make speeches of the epideictic sort. As
for the poets, their Muse, and the general belief that it is she who
inspires their verse, obviously gives them unlimited license to invent. To
rhetoricians the art of rhetoric allows just as much freedom; fiction is
denied them, but flattery is by no means forbidden, nor is it counted a
disgrace to the orator that the object of his panegyric should not deserve
it. Poets who compose and publish some legend that no one had thought of
before increase their reputation, because an audience is entertained by
the mere fact of novelty. Orators, again, assert(11) that the advantage of
their art is that it can treat a slight theme in the grand manner, and
again, by the use of mere words, strip the greatness from deeds, and, in
short, marshall the power of words against that of facts.)

Ἐγὼ δὲ εἰ μὲν ἑώρων ταύτης ἐμαυτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐν χρείᾳ τῆς τέχνης,
ἦγον ἂν τὴν προσήκουσαν ἡσυχίαν τοῖς ἀμελετήτως ἔχουσι τῶν τοιούτων λόγων,
[D] παραχωρῶν τῶν σῶν ἐγκωμίων ἐκείνοις, ὧν μικρῷ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην. ἐπεὶ
δὲ ἅπαν τοὐναντίον ὁ παρὼν ἀπαιτεῖ λόγος τῶν πραγμάτων ἁπλῆν διήγησιν
οὐδενὸς ἐπεισάκτου κόσμου δεομένην, ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ προσήκειν, τοῦ(12) ἀξίως
διηγήσασθαι τῶν ἔργων ἀνεφίκτου καὶ τοῖς προλαβοῦσιν(13) ἤδη φανέντος.
ἅπαντες γὰρ σχεδὸν οἱ [3] περὶ παιδείαν διατρίβοντες σε(14) ἐν μέτρῳ καὶ
καταλογάδην ὑμνοῦσιν, οἱ μὲν ἅπαντα περιλαβεῖν ἐν βραχεῖ τολμῶντες, οἱ δὲ
μέρεσιν αὑτοὺς ἐπιδόντες τῶν πράξεων ἀρκεῖν ᾠήθησαν, εἰ τούτων τῆς ἀξίας
μὴ διαμάρτοιεν. ἄξιον δὲ ἄγασθαι τὴν προθυμίαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἁπάντων, ὅσοι
τῶν σῶν ἐπαίνων ἥψαντο. οἱ μὲν γάρ, ὅπως μηδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου τῶν σοι
πραχθέντων ἀμαυρωθείη, τὸν μέγιστον ὑποδῦναι πόνον ἐτόλμησαν, οἱ δέ, ὅτι
τοῦ παντὸς διαμαρτήσειν ἤλπιζον, τὴν αὑτῶν γνώμην ἐν μέρει προύφηναν, [B]
ἄμεινον τοῦ τῆς σιωπῆς ἀκινδύνου γέρως κρίναντες κατὰ δύναμίν σοι τῶν
οἰκείων πόνων ἀπάρξασθαι.

(If, however, I had seen that on this occasion I should need their art, I
should have maintained the silence that befits those who have had no
practice in such forms of composition, and should leave your praises to be
told by those whom I just now mentioned. Since, on the contrary, the
speech I am to make calls for a plain narrative of the facts and needs no
adventitious ornament, I thought that even I was not unfit, seeing that my
predecessors had already shown that it was beyond them to produce a record
worthy of your achievements. For almost all who devote themselves to
literature attempt to sing your praises in verse or prose; some of them
venture to cover your whole career in a brief narrative, while others
devote themselves to a part only, and think that if they succeed in doing
justice to that part they have proved themselves equal to the task.)

Εἰ μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς εἷς ὢν ἐτύγχανον τῶν τοὺς ἐπιδεικτικοὺς ἀγαπώντων
λόγους, ἐχρῆν ἐντεῦθεν ἄρχεσθαι τῆς ὑποθέσεως, τὴν ἴσην εὔνοιαν
ἀπαιτήσαντα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἤδη σοι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ δεηθέντα τῶν λόγων
ἀκροατὴν εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι, οὐχὶ δὲ ἀκριβῆ καὶ ἀπαραίτητον κριτὴν
καταστῆναι. [C] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐν ἄλλοις μαθήμασι τραφέντες καὶ παιδευθέντες,
καθάπερ ἐπιτηδεύμασι καὶ νόμοις, ἀλλοτρίων κατατολμᾶν ἔργων δοκοῦμεν οὐκ
ὀρθῶς, μικρά μοι δοκεῖ χρῆναι καὶ περὶ τούτων δηλῶσαι, οἰκειοτέραν ἀρχὴν
προθέντα τοῦ λόγου.

(Yet one can but admire the zeal of all who have made you the theme of a
panegyric. Some did not shrink from the tremendous effort to secure every
one of your achievements from the withering touch of time; others, because
they foresaw that they could not compass the whole, expressed themselves
only in part, and chose to consecrate to you their individual work so far
as they were able. Better this, they thought, than “the reward of silence
that runs no risk.”(15) Now if I were one of those whose favourite pursuit
is epideictic oratory, I should have to begin my speech by asking from you
no less goodwill than I now feel towards yourself, and should beg you
graciously to incline your ear to my words and not play the part of a
severe and inexorable critic. But since, bred as I have been and educated
in other studies, other pursuits, other conventions, I am criticised for
venturing rashly into fields that belong to others, I feel that I ought to
explain myself briefly on this head and begin my speech more after my own
fashion.)

Νόμος ἐστὶ παλαιὸς παρὰ τοῦ πρώτου φιλοσοφίαν ἀνθρώποις φήναντος οὑτωσὶ
κείμενος· ἅπαντας [D] πρὸς τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ πρὸς τὸ καλὸν βλέποντας
ἐπιτηδεύειν ἐν λόγοις, ἐν ἔργοις, ἐν ξυνουσίαις, ἐν πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς τοῖς κατὰ
τὸν βίον μικροῖς καὶ μείζοσι τοῦ καλοῦ πάντως ἐφίεσθαι. πάντων δὲ ὅτι
κάλλιστον ἀρετή, τίς ἂν ἡμῖν τῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων ἀμφισβητήσειε; ταύτης τοίνυν
ἀντέχεσθαι διακελεύεται τοὺς μὴ μάτην τουτὶ περιοίσοντας τοὔνομα, προσῆκον
οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς σφετερισαμένους. ταῦτα δὲ διαγορεύων ὁ νόμος οὐδεμίαν ἰδέαν
ἐπιτάττει λόγων, οὐδ᾽ ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος τραγικῆς μηχανῆς, φησὶ, χρῆναι
προαγορεύει τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσ [4] σπεύδειν μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀποφεύγειν
δὲ τὴν πονηρίαν, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς ὁδοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦτο δίδωσι χρῆσθαι τῷ βουληθέντι
μιμεῖσθαι τὴν ἐκείνου φύσιν. καὶ γὰρ παραίνεσιν ἀγαθὴν καὶ λόγων
προτρεπτικῶν χρῆσιν καὶ τὸ μετ᾽ εὐνοίας ἐπιπλήττειν τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν
ἐπαινεῖν τε αὖ τὰ καλῶς πραχθέντα καὶ ψέγειν, ὅταν ᾖ καιρός, τὰ μὴ [B]
τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων. ἐφίησι δὲ καὶ(16) ταῖς ἄλλαις ἰδεαις, εἴ τις ἐθέλοι,
πρὸς τὸ βέλτιστον τῶν λόγων χρῆσθαι, ἐπὶ παντὶ δὲ οἶμαι καὶ λόγῳ καὶ
πράξει μεμνῆσθαι προστάττων, ὅπῃ τούτων ὑφέξουσιν εὐθύνας, ὧν ἂν τύχωσιν
εἰπόντες, λέγειν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅ τι μὴ πρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἀνοίσουσι. τὰ
μὲν οὖν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα ἕτερα.

(There is an ancient maxim taught by him who first introduced philosophy
to mankind, and it is as follows. All who aspire to virtue and the
beautiful must study in their words, deeds, conversation, in short, in all
the affairs of life, great and small, to aim in every way at beauty. Now
what sensible man would deny that virtue is of all things the most
beautiful? Wherefore those are bidden to lay firm hold on her who do not
seek to blazon abroad her name in vain, appropriating that which in no way
belongs to them. Now in giving this counsel, the maxim does not prescribe
any single type of discourse, nor does it proclaim to its readers, like a
god from the machine in tragedy, “Ye must aspire to virtue and eschew
evil.” Many are the paths that it allows a man to follow to this goal, if
he desire to imitate the nature of the beautiful. For example, he may give
good advice, or use hortatory discourse, or he may rebuke error without
malice, or applaud what is well done, or condemn, on occasion, what is ill
done. It permits men also to use other types of oratory, if they please,
so as to attain the best end of speech, but it enjoins on them to take
thought in every word and act how they shall give account of all they
utter, and to speak no word that cannot be referred to the standard of
virtue and philosophy. That and more to the same effect is the tenour of
that precept.)

Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἄρα τί ποτε δράσομεν, εἰργόμενοι μὲν τῷ δοκεῖν ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς
χάριν τὴν εὐφημίαν, [C] τοῦ γένους δὲ ἤδη τῶν ἐπαίνων διὰ τούς οὐκ ὀρθῶς
μετιόντας ὑπόπτου καθεστῶτος δεινῶς, καὶ κολακείας ἀγεννοῦς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ
μαρτυρίας ἀληθοῦς τῶν ἀρίστων ἔργων εἶναι νομισθέντος; ἢ δῆλον ὅτι τῇ περὶ
τὸν ἐπαινούμενον ἀρετῇ πεπιστευκότες ἐπιδώσομεν ἑαυτοὺς θαρροῦντες τοῖς
ἐγκωμίοις; τίς ἂν οὖν ἡμῖν ἀρχὴ καὶ τάξις τοῦ λόγου γένοιτο καλλίστη; [D]
ἢ δῆλον ὡς ἡ τῶν προγόνων ἀρετή, δι᾽ ἣν ὑπῆρξέ σοι καὶ τὸ τοιούτῳ
γενέσθαι; τροφῆς δὲ οἶμαι καὶ παιδείας ἑξῆς προσήκει μνησθῆναι, ἥπερ σοι
τὸ πλεῖστον εἰς τῆν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀρετὴν συνεισηνέγκατο, ἐφ᾽ ἅπασι δὲ τούτοις
ὥσπερ γνωρίσματα τῶν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀρετῶν τὰς πράξεις διελθεῖν, καὶ τέλος
ἐπιτιθέντα τῷ λόγῳ τὰς ἕξεις δηλῶσαι, ὅθεν ὁρμώμενος τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν ἔργων
ἔδρασας καὶ ἐβουλεύσω. [5] τούτῳ γὰρ οἶμαι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων διοίσειν
τὸν λόγον. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων ἵστανται, ἀποχρῆν οἰόμενοι πρὸς τὴν
τελείαν εὐφημίαν τὸ τούτων μνησθῆναι, ἐγὼ δὲ οἶμαι δεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀρετῶν
τὸν πλεῖστον λόγον ποιήσασθαι, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ὁρμώμενος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τῶν
κατορθωμάτων ἦλθες. τὰ μὲν γὰρ πλεῖστα τῶν ἔργων, σχεδὸν δὲ πάντα, τύχη
καὶ δορυφόροι καὶ στρατιωτῶν φάλαγγες καὶ τάξεις ἱππέων(17) συγκατορθοῦσι,
[B] τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα μόνου τέ ἐστι τοῦ δράσαντος, καὶ ὁ ἐκ τούτων
ἔπαινος ἀληθής καθεστὼς ἴδιος ἐστι τοῦ κεκτημένου. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ ταῦθ᾽
ἡμῖν σαφῶς διώρισται, τῶν λόγων ἄρξομαι.

(And now, what am I to do? What embarrasses me is the fact that, if I
praise you, I shall be thought simply to curry favour, and in fact, the
department of panegyric has come to incur a grave suspicion due to its
misuse, and is now held to be base flattery rather than trustworthy
testimony to heroic deeds. Is it not obvious that I must put my faith in
the merit of him whom I undertake to praise, and with full confidence
devote my energies to this panegyric? What then shall be the prelude of my
speech and the most suitable arrangement? Assuredly I must begin with the
virtues of your ancestors through which it was possible for you to come to
be what you are. Next I think it will be proper to describe your
upbringing and education, since these contributed very much to the noble
qualities that you possess, and when I have dealt with all these, I must
recount your achievements, the signs and tokens, as it were, of the
nobility of your soul, and finally, as the crown and consummation of my
discourse, I shall set forth those personal qualities from which was
evolved all that was noble in your projects and their execution. It is in
this respect that I think my speech will surpass those of all the others.
For some limit themselves to your exploits, with the idea that a
description of these suffices for a perfect panegyric, but for my part I
think one ought to devote the greater part of one’s speech to the virtues
that were the stepping‐stones by which you reached the height of your
achievements. Military exploits in most cases, nay in almost all, are
achieved with the help of fortune, the body‐guard, heavy infantry and
cavalry regiments. But virtuous actions belong to the doer alone, and the
praise that they inspire, if it be sincere, belongs only to the possessor
of such virtue. Now, having made this distinction clear, I will begin my
speech.)

Ὁ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐπαίνων νόμος οὐδὲν ἔλαττον τῆς πατρίδος ἢ τῶν προγόνων
ἀξιοῖ μεμνῆσθαι. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ οἶδα, τίνα χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπολαβεῖν πατρίδα σήν·
ἔθνη γὰρ μυρία περὶ ταύτης ἀμφισβητεῖ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον. [C] καὶ ἡ μὲν
βασιλεύουσα τῶν ἁπάντων πόλις, μήτηρ οὖσα σὴ καὶ τροφὸς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν
σοι μετὰ τῆς ἀγαθῆς τύχης παρασχοῦσα, ἐξαίρετον αὑτῆς φησιν εἶναι τὸ
γέρας, οὐ τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐφ᾽ ἁπάντων τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων δικαίοις χρωμένη· λέγω
δὲ ὅτι, κἂν ἀλλαχόθεν τυγχάνωσι, τῷ μετέχειν ἅπαντας ἤδη τοῦ πολιτεύματος
καὶ τοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἡμῖν καταδειχθεῖσιν ἔθεσι καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι πολῖται
γεγόνασιν· οὔκουν οὕτως, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς(18) τεκοῦσα τὴν σὴν μητέρα [D] καὶ
θρεψαμένη βασιλικῶς καὶ τῶν ἐσομένων ἐκγόνων(19) ἀξίως. ἡ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ
Βοσπόρῳ πόλις, ὅλου τοῦ γένους τοῦ Κωνσταντίων ἐπώνυμος, πατρὶς μὲν οὐκ
εἶναι φησι, γεγονέναι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ σοῦ πατρὸς ὁμολογεῖ, καὶ δεινὰ πάσχειν
οἰήσεται, εἰ ταύτης γοῦν τις αὐτὴν τῷ λόγῳ τῆς συγγενείας ἀφαιροῖτο.
Ἰλλυριοὶ δέ, ὅτι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γέγονας, οὐκ ἀνέξονται τοῦ καλλίστου τῶν
εὐτυχημάτων στερόμενοι, [6] εἴ τις ἄλλην σοι πατρίδα προσνέμοι. ἀκούω δὲ
ἔγωγε καὶ τῶν ἑῴων ἤδη τινὰς λέγειν, ὅτι μὴ δίκαια δρῶμεν ἀφαιρούμενοι
σφᾶς τὸν ἐπὶ σοὶ λόγον· αὐτοὶ γάρ φασι τὴν τήθην ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ μητροπάτορος
τοῦ σοῦ προπέμψαι γάμον. καὶ σχεδὸν ἅπαντες οἱ λοιποὶ προφάσεις
ἐπινοοῦντες μικρὰς ἢ μείζονας αὑτοῖς σε(20) εἰσποιεῖν ἐκ παντὸς ἐγνώκασιν.
ἐχέτω μὲν οὖν τὸ γέρας ἣν αὐτὸς ἐθέλεις, [B] καὶ ἣν ἀρετῶν μητέρα καὶ
διδάσκαλον πολλάκις ἐπαινῶν εἴρηκας, τυγχανόντων δὲ ἑκάστη κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν
αἱ λοιπαὶ τοῦ προσήκοντος. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπαινεῖν μὲν ἁπάσας ἐθέλοιμ᾽(21) ἂν
ἀξίας οὔσας δόξης(22) καὶ τιμῆς, ὀκνῶ δὲ μὴ διὰ τὸ μῆκος, εἰ καὶ δοκεῖ
λίαν οἰκεῖα τοῦ παρόντος λόγου, διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἀλλότρια φανῇ. τῶν μὲν οὖν
ἄλλων τοὺς ἐπαίνους διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀφήσειν μοι δοκῶ, τῆς Ῥώμης δὲ τὸ κεφάλαιον
τῶν ἐπαίνων αὐτός, [C] ὦ βασιλεῦ, συλλαβὼν ἐν βραχεῖ καὶ διδάσκαλον ἀρετῆς
προσειπών, τῷ δοῦναι τὸ κάλλιστον τῶν ἐγκωμίων, τοὺς παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων λόγους
ἀφῄρησαι. τί γὰρ λέξομεν ἡμεῖς περὶ αὐτῆς τοιοῦτον ἕτερον; τί δὲ ἄλλος τις
εἰπεῖν ἔχει; ὥστε μοι δοκῶ σεβόμενος εἰκότως τὴν πόλιν τούτῳ τιμᾶν αὐτὴν
πλέον, τῷ παραχωρεῖν σοι τῶν εἰς αὐτὴν λόγων.

(The rules of panegyric require that I should mention your native land no
less than your ancestors. But I am at a loss what country I ought to
consider peculiarly yours. For countless nations have long asserted their
claim to be your country. The city(23) that rules over them all was your
mother and nurse, and in an auspicious hour delivered to you the imperial
sceptre, and therefore asserts her sole title to the honour, and that not
merely by resorting to the plea that has prevailed under all the emperors.
I mean that, even if men are born elsewhere, they all adopt her
constitution and use the laws and customs that she has promulgated, and by
that fact become Roman citizens. But her claim is different, namely that
she gave your mother birth, rearing her royally and as befitted the
offspring who were to be born to her. Then again, the city on the Bosporus
which is named after the family of the Constantii, though she does not
assert that she is your native place, but acknowledges that she became
your adopted land by your father’s act, will think she is cheated of her
rights if any orator should try to deprive her of at least this claim to
kinship. Thirdly, the Illyrians, on whose soil you were born, will not
tolerate it if anyone assign you a different fatherland and rob them of
the fairest gift of fortune. And now I hear some even of the Eastern
provinces protest that it is unjust of me to rob them of the lustre they
derive from you. For they say that they sent forth your grandmother to be
the consort of your grandfather on the mother’s side. Almost all the rest
have hit on some pretension of more or less weight, and are determined, on
one ground or another, to adopt you for their own. Therefore let that
country(24) have the prize which you yourself prefer and have so often
praised as the mother and teacher of the virtues; as for the rest, let
each one according to her deserts obtain her due. I should be glad to
praise them all, worthy as they are of glory and honour, but I am afraid
that my compliments, however germane they may seem to my subject, might,
on account of their length, be thought inappropriate to the present
occasion. For this reason, then, I think it better to omit a eulogy of the
others, but as for Rome, your imperial Majesty summed up her praises in
two words when you called her the teacher of virtue, and, by bestowing on
her the fairest of all encomiums, you have forestalled all that others
might say. What praise of mine would come up to that? What indeed is left
for anyone to say? So I feel that I, who naturally hold that city in
reverence, shall pay her a higher honour if I leave her praise in your
hands.)

Ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐγενείας τῆς σῆς ἴσως ἄξιον ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐν βραχεῖ
διελθεῖν. ἀπορεῖν δὲ ἔοικα κάνταῦθα, [D] πόθεν ἄρχεσθαι χρή. πρόγονοί τε
γάρ εἰσί σοι καὶ πάπποι καὶ γονεῖς ἀδελφοί τε καῖ ἀνεψιοὶ καὶ ξυγγενεῖς
βασιλεῖς ἅπαντες, αὐτοὶ κτησάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐννόμως ἢ παρὰ τῶν κρατούντων
εἰσποιηθέντες. καὶ τὰ μὲν παλαιὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν, Κλαυδίου μνησθέντα, καὶ
τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς ἐκείνου ἐναργῆ παρέχειν καὶ γνώριμα πᾶσι τεκμήρια, τῶν
ἀγώνων τῶν(25) πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἴστρον οἰκοῦντας βαρβάρους
ἀναμιμνήσκοντα, καὶ ὅπως τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁσίως ἅμα καὶ δικαίως ἑκτήσατο, [7] καὶ
τὴν ἐν βασιλείᾳ τῆς διαίτης λιτότητα, καὶ τὴν ἀφέλειαν τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἐπὶ τῶν
εἰκόνων ὁρωμένην ἔτι; τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν πάππων τῶν σῶν ἐστι μὲν τούτων
νεώτερα, λαμπρὰ δὲ οὐ μεῖον ἐκείνων. ἔτυχον μὲν γὰρ ἄμφω τῆς ἀρχῆς δι᾽
ἀρετὴν ἀξίω κριθέντε, γενομένω δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων οὕτω πρός τε ἀλλήλους
εὐνοïκῶς ἔσχον καὶ πρὸς τὸν μεταδόντα τῆς βασιλείας εὐσεβῶς, ὥσθ᾽ ὁ μὲν
ὡμολόγει μηδὲν τούτου πώποτε κρεῖττον βεβουλεῦσθαι, [B] πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα
σωτήρια τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐξευρών, οἱ δὲ τὴν μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων κοινωνίαν μᾶλλον ἢ
τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἀρχήν, εἴπερ οἷόν τε ἦν, ἑκάστῳ περιγενομένην ἠγάπων. οὕτω δὲ
διακείμενοι τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν ἔργων ἔδρων τὰ κάλλιστα, σεβόμενοι μὲν μετὰ τὴν
κρείττονα φύσιν τὸν τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς παρασχόντα, τοῖς ὑπηκόοις δὲ
πρᾴως(26) καὶ φιλανθρώπως χρώμενοι, καὶ τοὺς [C] βαρβάρους οὐκ ἐλαύνοντες
μόνον πάλαι κατοικοῦντας καὶ νεμομένους καθάπερ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀδεῶς τὰ
ἡμέτερα, φρούρια δὲ ἐπιτειχίζοντες αὐτοῖς τοσαύτην πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰρήνην
τοῖς ὑπηκόοις κατέστησαν, ὅσην οὐδὲ εὔξασθαι τότε ῥᾴδιον ἐδόκει. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ
μὲν τούτων οὐκ ἄξιον ἐν παρέργῳ λέγειν. τῆς δὲ ὁμονοίας αὐτῶν τῆς πρὸς
ἀλλήλους τὸ μέγιστον σημεῖον παραλιπεῖν οὐδαμῶς εὔλογον, καὶ ἄλλως
προσῆκον τῷ λόγῳ. [D] κοινωνίαν γὰρ τὴν καλλίστην τοῖς αὑτῶν παισὶν
ἐπινοήσαντες τῶν σῶν πατέρων τοὺς γάμους ἥρμοσαν. προσήκει δὲ οἶμαι καὶ
περὶ τούτων ἐν βραχεῖ διελθεῖν, ὅπως μῆ τῆς ἀρχῆς φανῇς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ
τῆς ἀρετῆς κληρονόμος. τὴν μὲν οὖν βασιλείαν ὅπως μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς
κατέσχε τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ τε ἐκείνου τῇ κρίσει καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἁπάντων τῇ
ψήφῳ πατὴρ ὁ σός, τί χρὴ νῦν περιεργάζεσθαι; τὴν δὲ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ῥώμην
ἐκ τῶν ἔργων μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τῶν λόγων ἄν τις γνωρίσειε. τυραννίδας γάρ, [8]
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ βασιλείας ἐννόμους καθαιρῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐπῆλθεν ἅπασαν.
τοσαύτην δὲ εὔνοιαν αὑτοῦ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις παρέστησεν, ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν
στρατευόμενοι τῆς περὶ τὰς δωρεὰς καὶ τὰς χάριτας μεγαλοψυχίας ἔτι
μεμνημένοι καθάπερ θεὸν διατελοῦσι σεβόμενοι· τὸ δὲ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ ἐπὶ
τῶν ἀγρῶν πλῆθος, οὐχ οὕτω τῆς τῶν τυράννων ἀπαλλαγῆναι βαρύτητος
εὐχόμενοι, ὡς παρὰ τοῦ σοῦ πατρὸς ἀρχθῆναι, [B] τὴν κατ᾽ ἐκείνων αὐτῷ
νίκην ἐπηύχοντο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἁπάντων κύριος κατέστη, ὥσπερ ἐξ αὐχμοῦ τῆς
ἀπληστίας τοῦ δυναστεύσαντος πολλῆς ἀπορίας χρημάτων οὔσης καὶ τοῦ πλούτου
τῶν βασιλείων ἐν μυχοῖς συνεληλαμένου, τὸ κλεῖθρον ἀφελὼν ἐπέκλυσεν ἀθρόως
τῷ πλούτῳ πάντα, πόλιν τε ἐπώνυμον αὑτοῦ κατέστησεν ἐν οὐδὲ ὅλοις ἔτεσι
δέκα, τοσούτῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπασῶν μείζονα, [C] ὅσῳ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐλαττοῦσθαι
δοκεῖ, ἧς τὸ δευτέραν τετάχθαι μακρῷ βέλτιον ἔμοιγε φαίνεται ἢ τὸ τῶν
ἄλλων ἁπασῶν πρώτην νομίζεσθαι. καλὸν ἴσως ἐνταῦθα καὶ τῶν ἀοιδίμων Ἀθηνῶν
μνησθῆναι, ἂς ἐκεῖνος ἔργοις καὶ λόγοις τιμῶν τὸν πάντα χρόνον διετέλει.
βασιλεὺς γὰρ ὢν καὶ κύριος πάντων, στρατηγὸς ἐκείνων ἠξίου καλεῖσθαι, καὶ
τοιαύτης εἰκόνος τυγχάνων μετ᾽ ἐπιγράμματος ἐγάνυτο πλέον ἢ τῶν μεγίστων
τιμῶν ἀξιωθείς. [D] ἀμειβόμενος δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τὴν πόλιν, πυρῶν μεδίμνους
δίδωσι πολλάκις μυρίους καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος δωρεὰν καρποῦσθαι, ἐξ ὧν ὑπῆρχε
τῇ πόλει μὲν ἐν ἀφθόνοις εἶναι, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἔπαινοι καὶ τιμαὶ παρὰ τῶν
βελτίστων.

(Now perhaps I ought at this point to say a few words about your noble
ancestors. Only that here too I am at a loss where to begin. For all your
ancestors, grandfathers, parents, brothers, cousins and kinsfolk were
emperors, who had either acquired their power by lawful means or were
adopted by the reigning house. Why should I recall ancient history or hark
back to Claudius and produce proofs of his merit, which are manifest and
known to all? To what end recount his campaigns against the barbarians
across the Danube or how righteously and justly he won the empire? How
plainly he lived while on the throne! How simple was his dress, as may be
seen to this day in his statues! What I might say about your
grandparents(27) is comparatively recent, but equally remarkable. Both of
them acquired the imperial sceptre as the reward of conspicuous merit, and
having assumed the command, they were on such good terms with each other
and displayed such filial piety to him(28) who had granted them a share in
the empire, that he used to say that of all the safeguards designed by him
for the realm, and they were many, this was his master‐stroke. They,
meanwhile, valued their mutual understanding more than undivided empire,
supposing that it could have been bestowed on either of them separately.
This was the temper of their souls, and nobly they played their part in
action, while next to the Supreme Being they reverenced him who had placed
authority in their hands. With their subjects they dealt righteously and
humanely, and expelled the barbarians who had for years settled in our
territory and had occupied it with impunity as though it were their own,
and they built forts to hinder encroachment, which procured for those
subjects such peaceful relations with the barbarians as, at that period,
seemed to be beyond their dreams. This, however, is a subject that
deserves more than a passing mention. Yet it would be wrong to omit the
strongest proof of their unanimity, especially as it is related to my
subject. Since they desired the most perfect harmony for their children,
they arranged the marriage of your father and mother.(29) On this point
also I think I must say a few words to show that virtue was bequeathed to
you as well as a throne. But why waste time in telling how your father, on
his father’s death, became emperor both by the choice of the deceased
monarch and by the vote of all the armies? His military genius was made
evident by his achievements and needs no words of mine. He traversed the
whole civilised world suppressing tyrants, but never those who ruled by
right. His subjects he inspired with such affection that his veterans
still remember how generous he was with largess and other rewards, and to
this day worship him as though he were a god. As for the mass of the
people, in town and country alike, they prayed that your father might be
victorious over the tyrants, not so much because they would be delivered
from that oppression as because they would then be governed by him. But
when he had made his power supreme, he found that the tyrant’s(30) greed
had worked like a drought, with the result that money was very scarce,
while there were great hoards of treasure in the recesses of the palace;
so he unlocked its doors and on the instant flooded the whole country with
wealth, and then, in less than ten years, he founded and gave his name to
a city(31) that as far surpasses all others as it is itself inferior to
Rome; and to come second to Rome seems to me a much greater honour than to
be counted first and foremost of all cities beside. Here it may be proper
to mention Athens “the illustrious,”(32) seeing that during his whole life
he honoured her in word and deed. He who was emperor and lord of all did
not disdain the title of General of the Athenians, and when they gave him
a statue with an inscription to that effect he felt more pride than if he
had been awarded the highest honours. To repay Athens for this compliment
he bestowed on her annually a gift of many tens of thousands of bushels of
wheat, so that while she enjoyed plenty, he won applause and reverence
from the best of men.)

Πολλῶν δὲ καὲ καλῶν ἔργων τῷ πατρὶ τῷ σῷ πραχθέντων, ὧν τε ἐπεμνήσθην καὶ
ὅσα διὰ τὸ μῆκος παραλιπεῖν δοκῶ, πάντων ἄριστον ἔγογε φαίην ἄν, [9] οἶμαι
δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας ὁμολογήσειν, τὴν σὴν γένεσιν καὶ τροφὴν καὶ
παιδείαν· ἐξ ἧς ὑπάρχει τοῖς λοιποῖς οὐ τὸ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀπολαῦσαι τῆς
ἀρίστης ἀρχῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς οἷον τέ ἐστιν εἰς πλείονα χρόνον. δοκεῖ γοῦν ἄρχειν
ἐκεῖνος εἰσέτι. καὶ Κύρῳ μὲν οὐχ ὑπῆρχε τοῦτο. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ ὁ παῖς
ὤφθη μακρῷ φαυλότερος, ὥστε ὁ μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο πατήρ, ὁ δὲ ἐπωνομάσθη
δεσπότης. [B] σὲ δὲ πρᾳότερον μὲν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς
κρείττονα σαφῶς τε(33) οἶδα, καὶ δηλώσω τοῦ καιροῦ φανέντος ἐν τῷ λόγῳ.
ἐκείνῳ δὲ προσήκειν καὶ τούτου νομίζω μεταδόντι σοι τῆς ἀρίστης τροφῆς,
ὑπὲρ ἧς ἤδη λέγειν πειράσομαι, μητρὸς καὶ ἀδελφῶν τῶν σῶν ἐπιμνησθείς.

(Your father’s achievements were many and brilliant. Some I have just
mentioned, and others I must omit for the sake of brevity. But the most
notable of all, as I make bold to say and I think all will agree, was that
he begat, reared and educated you. This secured to the rest of the world
the advantages of good government, and that not for a limited time but for
a period beyond his own lifetime, as far as this is possible. At any rate
your father seems still to be on the throne. This is more than Cyrus
himself could achieve. When he died his son proved far inferior, so that
while men called Cyrus “father,” his successor was called “master.”(34)
But you are even less stern than your father, and surpass him in many
respects, as I well know and will demonstrate in my speech as occasion
shall arise. Yet, in my opinion, he should have the credit of this as
well, since it was he who gave you that admirable training concerning
which I shall presently speak, but not till I have described your mother
and brothers.(35))

Τῇ μὲν γὰρ εὐγενείας τοσοῦτον περιῆν καὶ κάλλους σώματος καὶ τρόπων
ἀρετῆς, ὄσον οὐκ ἄλλῃ γυναικὶ ῥᾳδίως ἄν τις ἐξεύροι. ἐπεὶ καὶ Περσῶν ἀκούω
τὸν ὑπὲρ Παρυσάτιδος λόγον, [C] ὅτι μόνη γέγονεν ἀδελφὴ καὶ μήτηρ καὶ
γαμετὴ καὶ παῖς βασιλέως. ἀλλ᾽ ἦν γε αὕτη τοῦ γήμαντος ἀδελφὴ τῇ φύσει,
νόμος δὲ ἐδίδου γαμεῖν ἀδελφὴν τῷ Πέρσῃ. τὴν σὴν δὲ μητέρα κατὰ τοὺς παρ᾽
ἡμῖν νόμους ἀχράντους καὶ καθαρὰς τὰς οἰκειότητας ταύτας φυλάττουσαν
συνέβαινε(36) τοῦ μὲν εἶναι παῖδα, γαμετὴν δὲ ἑτέρου, καὶ ἀδελφὴν ἄλλου,
καὶ πολλῶν αὐτοκρατόρων, οἰχὶ δὲ ἑνὸς μητέρα. [D] ὧν ὁ μέν τις τῷ πατρὶ
συγκατειργάσατο τὸν πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους πόλεμον, ὁ δὲ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Γέτας
ἡμῖν εἰρήνην τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατήσας ἀσφαλῆ παρεσκεύασεν, ὁ δὲ ἐτήρησεν
ἄβατον τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν χώραν, αὐτὸς ἐπιστρατεύων ἐκείνοις πολλάκις, ἕως
ἐπέτρεπον οἱ μικρὸν ὕστερον τῶν εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀδικημάτων δίκην ὑποσχόντες.
πολλῶν δὲ ὑπαρχόντων ἐκείνοις περιφανῶν ἔργων, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἄν τις αὐτοὺς
δικαίως ἐπαινεῖν ἔχοι, καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀγαθῶν περιουσίας οὔσης,(37)
[10] οὐδέν ἐστι τοιοῦτον τῶν ἄλλων, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μακαρίζων ἄν(38) τις αὐτοὺς
εἰκότως σεμνύνοι, ὡς ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν δὲ ἔκγονοι(39)
γεγόνασιν.(40) ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ μακρότερα περὶ αὐτῶν λέγων τὸν ὀφειλόμενον τοῖς
ἐπαίνοις τοῖς σοῖς καιρὸν ἀναλώσω τοῦ λόγου, πειράσομαι λοιπὸν ὡς ἡμῖν
ἄξιον, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ δεῖ μηδὲν ὑποστειλάμενον εἰπεῖν, μακρῷ τῶν προγόνων
ἐπιδείξω σε(41) σεμνότερον.

(Your mother’s ancestry was so distinguished, her personal beauty and
nobility of character were such that it would be hard to find her match
among women. I have heard that saying of the Persians about Parysatis,
that no other woman had been the sister, mother, wife, and daughter of
kings. Parysatis, however, was own sister of her husband, since their law
does not forbid a Persian to marry his sister. But your mother, while in
accordance with our laws she kept pure and unsullied those ties of
kinship, was actually the daughter of one emperor,(42) the wife of
another, the sister of a third, and the mother not of one emperor but of
several. Of these one aided your father in his war against the tyrants;
another conquered the Getae and secured for us a lasting peace with them;
the third(43) kept our frontiers safe from the enemy’s incursions, and
often led his forces against them in person, so long at least as he was
permitted by those who were so soon punished for their crimes against him.
Though by the number and brilliance of their achievements they have indeed
earned our homage, and though all the blessings of fortune were theirs in
abundance, yet in the whole tale of their felicity one could pay them no
greater compliment than merely to name their sires and grandsires. But I
must not make my account of them too long, lest I should spend time that I
ought to devote to your own panegyric. So in what follows I will, as
indeed I ought, endeavour—or rather, since affectation is out of place,
let me say I will demonstrate—that you are far more august than your
ancestors.)

[B] Φήμας μὲν δὴ καὶ μαντείας καὶ ὄψεις τὰς ἐν τοῖς ὕπνοις, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα
θρυλεῖν εἰώθασιν ἐπὶ τῶν οὕτω λαμπρὰ καὶ περιφανῊ πραξάντων, Κύρου καὶ τοῦ
τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκιστοῦ πόλεως καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φιλίππου, καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος
τοιοῦτος γέγονεν, ἑκὼν ἀφίημι· δοκεῖ γὰρ οὐ πόρρω ταῦτα τῆς ποιητικῆς
ἐξουσίας εἶναι. καὶ τὰ παρὰ τὴν πρώτην ὑπάρξαντά σοι γένεσιν ὡς λαμπρὰ καὶ
βασιλικὰ καὶ(44) τὸ λέγειν εὔηθες. [C] ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τῆς ἐν τοῖς παισὶν
ἀγωγῆς ὁ καιρὸς ὑπομέμνηκεν, ἔδει σοι τῆς βασιλικῆς τροφῆς δήπουθεν, ἣ τὸ
μὲν σῶμα πρὸς ἰσχὺν καὶ ῥώμην καὶ εὐεξίαν καὶ κάλλος ἀσκήσει, τὴν ψυχὴν δὲ
πρὸς ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην καὶ σωφροσύνην καὶ φρόνησιν ἐμμελῶς
παρασκευάσει. ταῦτα δὲ οὐ ῥᾴδιον διὰ τῆς ἀνειμένης ὑπάρχειν διαίτης,
θρυπτούσης μέν, ὡς εἰκός, τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα, ἀσθενεστέρας δὲ [D]
ἐργαζομένης πρός τε τοὺς κινδύνους τὰς γνώμας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους τὰ
σώματα. οὐκοῦν τῷ μὲν ἔδει γυμναστικῆς, τῷ σώματι, τὴν ψυχὴν δὲ τῇ τῶν
λόγων ἐκόσμεις μελέτῃ. ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἄξιον διελθεῖν· ἀρχὴ
γάρ τις αὕτη τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεων γέγονε. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἐπιμελείας τῆς
περὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν οὐ τὸ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις ἁρμόζον ἤσκησας, ἥκιστα βασιλεῖ
πρέπειν ὑπολαβὼν τῶν τὰς παλαίστρας κατειληφότων τὴν θρυλουμένην εὐεξίαν,
[11] μέλλοντι τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἀγώνων μεθέξειν, ὕπνου τε ἐλαχίστου δεομένῳ καὶ
τροφῆς οὐ πολλῆς, καὶ ταύτης οὔτε κατὰ πλῆθος οὔτε κατὰ ποιότητα πάντως
ὡρισμένης οὔτε κατὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὃν χρὴ προσφέρεσθαι, τῆς ἐπιτυχούσης δέ,
ἐπειδὰν αἱ πράξεις τὸν καιρὸν ἐνδῶσιν. ὅθεν ᾤου δεῖν καὶ τὰ γυμνάσια πρὸς
ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι,(45) πολλὰ καὶ στρατιωτικά, χορείαν τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις,
[B] δρόμον τὸν ἐν τούτοις, τὴν ἱππικὴν τέχνην, οἷς ἅπασι διατετέλεκας ἐξ
ἀρχῆς ἐν καιρῷ χρώμενος· καὶ κατώρθωται παρὰ σοὶ τούτων ἕκαστον ὡς παρ᾽
οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὁπλιτῶν. οὐκοῦν ὁ μέν τις ἐκείνων, πεζὸς ὢν ἀγαθός, τὴν
ἱππικὴν τέχνην ἠγνόησεν, ὁ δέ, ἐπιστάμενος χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἱππικοῖς, ὀκνεῖ
πεζὸς εἰς μάχην ἰέναι. μόνῳ δὲ ὑπάρχει σοὶ τῶν μὲν ἱππέων ἀρίστῳ φαίνεσθαι
παραπλησίως ἐκείνοις σταλέντι, [C] μετασκευασαμένῳ δὲ ἐς τοὺς ὁπλίτας
κρατεῖν ἁπάντων ῥώμῃ καὶ τάχει καὶ τῇ τῶν ποδῶν κουφότητι. ὅπως δὲ μὴ τὰς
ἀνέσεις ῥᾳιθύμους εἶναι μηδ᾽ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων ποιεῖσθαι συμβαίνῃ, ἐπίσκοπα
τοξεύειν ἤσκησας. καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα διὰ τῶν ἑκουσίων πόνων πρὸς τοὺς
ἀκουσίους εὖ ἔχειν παρεσκεύασας, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ ἡγεῖτο μὲν ἡ τῶν λόγων μελέτη
καὶ τὰ προσήκοντα τοῖς τηλικούτοις μαθήματα. [D] ὅπως δὲ μὴ παντάπασιν
ἀγύμναστος ᾖ μηδὲ καθάπερ ᾄσματα καὶ μύθους τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρετῶν ἐπακούῃ
λόγους, ἔργων δὲ ἀγαθῶν καὶ πράξεων ἄπειρος οὖσα τὸν τοσοῦτον διαμείνῃ
χρόνον, καθάπερ ὁ γενναῖος ἠξίωσε Πλάτων οἱονεὶ πτερὰ τοῖς παισὶ
χαριζόμενον καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀναβιβάζοντα(46) ἄγειν εἰς τὰς μάχας,
θεατὰς ἐσομένους ὧν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀγωνιστὰς ἐχρῆν καταστῆναι, πατέρα τὸν
σὸν [12] διανοηθέντα φαίην ἂν εἰκότως τοῖς Κελτῶν ἔθνεσιν ἐπιστῆσαι σε
φύλακα καὶ βασιλέα, μειράκιον ἔτι, μᾶλλον δὲ παῖδα κομιδῇ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐπεὶ
τῇ γε συνέσει καὶ ῥώμῃ τοῖς καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐνάμιλλον ἤδη. τοῦ
μὲν ἀκίνδυνον γενέσθαι σοι τὴν πολεμικὴν ἐμπειρίαν ὁ πατὴρ προυνόησε
καλῶς, εἰρήνην ἐπιτάξας πρὸς τοὸς ὑπηκόους ἄγειν τοῖς βαρβάροις· [B]
μάχεσθαι δὲ ἀναπείθων καὶ στασιάζειν πρὸς ἀλλήλουσ, ἐν ταῖς ἐκείνων
συμφοραῖς καὶ τοῖς σώμασι στρατηγικὴν ἐδίδασκε τέχνην, ἀσφαλέστερον
βουλευόμενος τοῦ σοφοῦ Πλάτωνος. τῷ μὲν γὰρ, εἰ πεζὸς ἐπέλθοι πολεμίων
στρατός, οἱ παῖδες θεαταὶ καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἤν που δεηθῶσι, τοῖς
πατράσι γένοιντ᾽ ἄν· κρατούντων δὲ ἱππεῦσι τῶν πολεμίων, ὥρα μηχανᾶσθαι
τοῖς μειρακίοις σωτηρίας τρόπον δυσεπινόητον. [C] τὸ δὲ ἐν ἀλλοτρίοις
κινδύνοις τοὺς παῖδας ἐθίζειν πολεμίων ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν
ἀρκούντως καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν δοκεῖ βεβουλεῦσθαι.

(Now as for heavenly voices and prophecies and visions in dreams and all
such portents(47) as are common gossip when men like yourself have
achieved brilliant and conspicuous success, Cyrus, for instance, and the
founder(48) of our capital, and Alexander, Philip’s son, and the like, I
purposely ignore them. Indeed I feel that poetic license accounts for them
all. And it is foolish even to state that at the hour of your birth all
the circumstances were brilliant and suited to a prince. And now the time
has come for me to speak of your education as a boy. You were of course
bound to have the princely nurture that should train your body to be
strong, muscular, healthy, and handsome, and at the same time duly equip
your soul with courage, justice, temperance, and wisdom. But this cannot
result from that loose indulgence which naturally pampers body and soul,
weakening men’s wills for facing danger and their bodies for work.
Therefore your body required training by suitable gymnastics, while you
adorned your mind by literary studies. But I must speak at greater length
about both branches of your education, since it laid the foundation of
your later career. In your physical training you did not pursue those
exercises that fit one merely for public display. What professional
athletes love to call the pink of condition you thought unsuitable for a
king who must enter for contests that are not make‐believe. Such a one
must put up with very little sleep and scanty food, and that of no precise
quantity or quality or served at regular hours, but such as can be had
when the stress of work allows. And so you thought you ought to train
yourself in athletics with a view to this, and that your exercises must be
military and of many kinds, dancing and running in heavy armour, and
riding. All these you have continued from early youth to practise at the
right time, and in every exercise you have attained to greater perfection
than any other hoplite. Usually a hoplite who is a good infantryman cannot
ride, or, if he is an expert horseman, he shirks marching on foot to
battle. But of you alone it can be said that you can put on the cavalry
uniform and be a match for the best of them, and when changed into a
hoplite show yourself stronger, swifter, and lighter on your feet than all
the rest. Then you practised shooting at a mark, that even your hours of
leisure might not be hours of ease or be found without the exercise of
arms. So by work that was voluntary you trained your body to stand the
exertions that you would be compelled to undertake. Your mind, meanwhile,
was trained by practice in public speaking and other studies suitable to
your years. But it was not to be wholly without the discipline of
experience, nor was it for you to listen merely to lectures on the virtues
as though they were ballads or saga stories, and so wait all that time
without actual acquaintance with brave works and undertakings. Plato, that
noble philosopher, advised(49) that boys should be furnished as it were
with wings for flight by being mounted on horseback, and should then be
taken into battle so that they may be spectators of the warfare in which
they must soon be combatants. This, I make bold to say, was in your
father’s mind when he made you governor and king of the Celtic tribes
while you were still a youth, or rather a mere boy in point of years,
though in intelligence and endurance you could already hold your own with
men of parts. Your father wisely provided that your experience of war
should be free from risks, having arranged that the barbarians should
maintain peace with his subjects. But he instigated them to internal feuds
and civil war, and so taught you strategy at the expense of their lives
and fortunes. This was a safer policy than the wise Plato’s. For, by his
scheme, if the invading army were composed of infantry, the boys could
indeed be spectators of their fathers’ prowess, or, if need arose, could
even take part. But supposing that the enemy won in a cavalry engagement,
then, on the instant, one would have to devise some means to save the
boys, which would be difficult indeed. But to inure the boys to face the
enemy, while the hazard belongs to others, is to take counsel that both
suffices for their need and also secures their safety.)

Ἐν μὲν δὴ τούτοις σοι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ὑπῆρχε μελέτη. φρονήσεως δὲ ἡ μὲν
φύσις, ἣν εἴληχας, αὐταρκὴς ἡγεμών· παρῆσαν δὲ οἶμαι καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν οἱ
κράτιστοι τὰ πολιτικὰ διδάσκοντες. καὶ [D] παρεῖχον ἠθῶν καὶ νόμων καὶ
ξένων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἐμπειρίαν αἱ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν τῇδε βαρβάρων
ἐντεύξεις. καίτοι τὸν Ὀδυσσέα συνετὸν Ὅμηρος ἐκ παντὸς ἀποφῆναι
προαιρούμενος πολύτροπον εἶναὶ φησι καὶ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων τὸν νοῦν
καταγνῶναι καὶ ἐπελθεῖν τὰς πόλεισ,(50) ἵν᾽ ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐπιλεξάμενος ἔχοι
τὰ κράτιστα καὶ πρὸς παντοδαποὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁμιλεὶν δύναιτο. ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν
ὃς(51) οὐκ ἐβασίλευσε ποικίλων ἠθῶν ἐμπειρίας χρεία· [13] τὸν δὲ πρὸς
τοσαύτην ἡγεμονίαν τρεφόμενον οὐκ ἐν οἰκίσκῳ που χρῆν διδάσκεσθαι οὐδὲ τὴν
βασιλείαν, καθάπερ ὁ Κῦρος, παίζοντα μιμεῚσθαι οὐδὲ χρηματίζειν τοῖς
ἥλιξι, καθάπερ ἐκεῖνον λέγουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔθνεσιν ὁμιλεῖν καὶ δήμοις, καὶ
στρατιωτῶν τάγμασιν ἐπιτάττειν ἁπλῶς τὸ πρακτέον· ὅλως δὲ οὐδενὸς
ἀπολείπεσθαι τούτων, ὧν ἐχρῆν ἄνδρα γενόμενον ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας πράττειν.

(It was in this way then that you were first trained in manliness. But as
regards wisdom, that nature with which you were endowed was your self‐
sufficing guide. But also, I think, the wisest citizens were at your
disposal and gave you lessons in statecraft. Moreover, your intercourse
with the barbarian leaders in that region gave you an acquaintance at
first hand with the manners, laws, and usages of foreigners. Indeed, when
Homer set out to prove the consummate wisdom of Odysseus, he called him
“much‐travelled,” and said that he had come to know the minds of many
peoples and visited their cities, so that he might choose what was best in
every one and be able to mix with all sorts and conditions of men. Yes,
even Odysseus, who never ruled an empire, needed experience of the many
and divers minds of men. How much more necessary that one who was being
brought up to guide an empire like this should not fit himself for the
task in some modest dwelling apart; neither should he, like young Cyrus in
his games, play at being emperor, nor give audiences to his playmates, as
they say(52) Cyrus did. Rather he ought to mix with nations and peoples,
and give orders to his troops definitely indicating what is to be done,
and generally he should be found wanting in none of those things which,
when he comes to manhood, he must perform without fear.)

[B] Οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ τὰ παρὰ τούτοις ἐδιδάχθης καλῶς, ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον
μετιὼν τοῖς Παρθυαίων καὶ Μήδων ἔθνεσιν ἀντετάχθης μόνος. ὑποτυφομένου δὲ
ἤδη τοῦ πολέμου καὶ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν μέλλοντος ἀναρριπίζεσθαι, ταχέως καὶ
τούτου κατέγνως τὸν τρόπον, καὶ τὴν τῶν ὅπλων ἰσχὺν ἐμιμήσω, καὶ πρὸς τὴν
ὥραν τοῦ θέρους εἴθισας καρτερεῖν τὸ σῶμα. πυνθάνομαι δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδην μόνον
ἐξ ἁπάντων Ἑλλήνων οὕτως εὐφυῶς μεταβολὰς ἐνεγκεῖν, [C] ὡς καὶ μιμήσασθαι
πρῶτον(53) μὲν τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐγκράτειαν, ἐπειδὴ Σπαρτιάταις αὑτὸν
ἐδεδώκει, εἶτα Θηβαίους, καὶ Θρᾴκας ὕστερον, καὶ ἐπὶ τέλει τὴν τῶν Περσῶν
τρυφήν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος μὲν τοῖς χωρίοις συμμεταβάλλων καὶ τὸν τρόπον
ἀνεπίμπλατο πολλῆς δυσχερείας καὶ τὸ πάτριον ἐκινδύνευε παντελῶς
ἀποβαλεῖν, σὺ δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐγκρατοῦς διαίτης ᾤου δεῖν ἔχεσθαι πανταχοῦ, [D]
ἐθίζων δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς πόνοις πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς ῥᾷον ἤνεγκας(54) τὴν ἐκ
Γαλατῶν εἰς Παρθυαίους ἄνοδον ἢ(55) τῶν πλουσίων οἱ ταῖς ὥραις τὴν οἴκησιν
συμμεταβάλλοντες, εἰ παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν βιασθεῖεν. καί μοι δοκεῖ θεὸς εὐμενὴς
πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἡγεμονίαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν παρασκευάζειν ἐθέλων,
κύκλῳ σε περιαγαγεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης ὅρους καὶ πέρατα καὶ
φύσιν χωρίων [14] καὶ μέγεθος χώρας καὶ δύναμιν ἐθνῶν καὶ πλῆθος πόλεων
καὶ φύσιν δήμων καὶ τὶ κράτιστον αὐτῶν ἐκείνων τὴν περιουσίαν(56) ὧν
οὐδενὸς ἀπολελεῖφθαι χρὴ τὸν πρὸς τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν τρεφόμενον. τὸ μέγιστον
δὲ μικροῦ με διέφυγεν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι τούτων ἁπάντων ἄρχειν ἐκ παίδων
διδασκόμενος, ἄρχεσθαι κρεῖττον ἔμαθες, ἀρχῇ τῇ πασῶν ἀρίστῃ καὶ
δικαιοτάτῃ, φύσει τε καὶ νόμῳ, σαυτὸν ὑποτιθείς· πατρὶ γὰρ ὑπήκουες ἅμα
καὶ βασιλεῖ· ὧν εἰ καὶ θάτερον ὑπῆρχεν ἐκείνῳ μόνον, ἄρχειν αὐτῷ πάντως
προσῆκον ἦν. [B] καίτοι τίνα ποτ᾽ ἄν τις ἐξεύροι βασιλικὴν τροφὴν καὶ
παιδείαν ἀμείνω ταύτης πάλαι γενομένην; οὔτε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῶν
Ἑλλήνων, οἵπερ δὴ δοκοῦσιν ἀρίστης ἀρχῆς τῆς τῶν βασιλέων μεταλαβεῖν, οὕτω
τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐπαίδευον, οὔτε τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, βασιλευόμενοι
διαφερόντως, τῆς ἀρίστης ἐπιμελείας τὸν ἄρξοντα(57) σφῶν ἠξίουν· ἀλλὰ
πᾶσιν ἦν κοινὰ τὰ παρὰ τῶν νόμων τῆς ἀρετῆς γυμνάσια καὶ τὶ παιδεύματα,
[C] καθάπερ ἀδελφοῖς τοῖς πολίταις ἄρξειν τε καὶ ἀρχθήσεσθαι μέλλουσι, καὶ
οὐδὲν διάφορον προσῆν εἰς παιδείας λόγον τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῶν ἄλλων. καίτοι
πῶς οὐκ εὔηθες ἀπαιτεῖν μὲν ἀρετῆς μέγεθος ἀνυπέρβλητον παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων,
προνοεῖν δὲ μηδέν, ὅπως ἔσονται τῶν πολλῶν διαφέροντες; καὶ τοῖς μὲν
βαρβάροις, ἅπασιν ἐν κοινῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ταύτης προκειμένης, τὸ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν
τῶν ἠθῶν ὁμοίαν γίγνεσθαι παράσχοι συγγνώμην· τὸν Λυκοῦργον [D] δὲ τοῖς
ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους ἀστυφέλικτον τὴν βασιλείαν διαφυλάττοντα(58) μηδεμίαν
ὑπεροχὴν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιμελείαις τῶν νέων εὑρόντα σφόδρα ἄν τις εἰκότως
μέμψαιτο. οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰ πάντας Λακεδαιμονίους ἀθλητὰς ἀρετῆς καὶ τροφίμους
ᾤετο δεῖν εἶναι, τῆς ἴσης ἀξιοῦν ἐχρῆν τροφῆς καὶ παιδείας τοὺς ἰδιώτας
τοῖς ἄρξουσιν.(59) [15] ἡ γὰρ τοιαύτη κατὰ μικρὸν παραδυομένη(60) συνήθεια
ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐνέτεκεν(61) ὑπεροψίαν τῶν κρειττόνων· ὅλως γὰρ οὐδὲ
κρείττονας νομιστέον τοὺς οὐ δι᾽ ἀρετὴν πρωτεύειν λαχόντας. τοῦτο δὲ οἶμαι
καὶ Σπαρτιάτας χαλεπωτέρους ἀρχθῆναι τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παρεῖχε πολλάκις.
χρήσαιτο δ᾽ ἄν τις σαφεῖ τεκμηρίῳ τῶν [B] ῥηθέντων τῇ Λυσάνδρου πρὸς
Ἀγησίλαον φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν, ἐπιὼν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς
ἀνδράσιν.

(Accordingly, when you had gained a thorough knowledge of the Celts, you
crossed to the other continent and were given sole command against the
Parthians and Medes. There were already signs that a war was smouldering
and would soon burst into flame. You therefore quickly learned how to deal
with it, and, as though you took as model the hardness of your weapons,
steeled yourself to bear the heat of the summer season. I have heard say
that Alcibiades alone, among all the Greeks, was naturally so versatile
that when he cast in his lot with the Spartans he copied the self‐
restraint of the Lacedaemonians, then in turn Theban and Thracian manners,
and finally adopted Persian luxury. But Alcibiades, when he changed his
country changed his character(62) too, and became so tainted with
perversity and so ill‐conditioned that he was likely to lose utterly all
that he was born to. You, however, thought it your duty to maintain your
severity of life wherever you might be, and by hard work inuring your
constitution to change, you easily bore the march inland from Galatia to
Parthia, more easily in fact than a rich man who lives now here, now
there, according to the season, would bear it if he were forced to
encounter unseasonable weather. I think Heaven smiled on you and willed
that you should govern the whole world, and so from the first trained you
in virtue, and was your guide when you journeyed to all points, and showed
you the bounds and limits of the whole empire, the character of each
region, the vastness of your territory, the power of every race, the
number of the cities, the characteristics of the masses, and above all the
vast number of things that one who is bred to so great a kingship cannot
afford to neglect. But I nearly forgot to mention the most important thing
of all. From a boy you were taught to govern this great empire, but a
better thing you learned, to be governed, submitting yourself to the
authority that is the best in the world and the most just, that is to say
nature and law. I mean that both as son and subject you obeyed your
father. Indeed, had he been only your father or only your king, obedience
was his due. Now what rearing and education for a king could one find in
history better than this? Consider the Greeks. Not thus did the Spartans
train the Heracleidae, though they are thought to have enjoyed the best
form of government, that of their kings. As for the barbarians, not even
the Carthaginians, though they were particularly well‐governed by their
kings, chose the best method of training their future rulers. The moral
discipline and the studies prescribed by their laws were pursued by all
alike, as though the citizens were brothers, all destined both to govern
and be governed, and in the matter of education they made no difference
between their princes and the rest of the citizens. Yet surely it is
foolish to demand superlative excellence from one’s rulers when one takes
no pains to make them better than other men. Among the barbarians, indeed,
no man is debarred from winning the throne, so one can excuse them for
giving the same moral training to all. But that Lycurgus, who tried to
make the dynasty of the Heracleidae proof against all shocks,(63) should
not have arranged for them a special education better than that of other
Spartan youths is an omission for which he may well be criticised. He may
have thought that all the Lacedaemonians ought to enter the race for
virtue, and foster it, but for all that it was wrong to provide the same
nurture and education for private citizens as for those who were to
govern. The inevitable familiarity little by little steals into men’s
souls and breeds contempt for their betters. Though, for that matter, they
are not in any sense one’s betters unless it was their own merit that
earned them the right to rule. This, in my opinion, is the reason why the
Spartan kings often found their subjects hard to govern. In proof of what
I say one might quote the rivalry of Lysander and Agesilaus, and many
other instances, if one should review the history of the Spartan kings.)

Ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἡ πολιτεία τὰ(64) πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἀρκούντως παρασκευάζουσα, εἰ
καὶ μηδὲν διαφέρον ἐπιτηδεύειν ἐδίδου τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸ καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς
ὑπάρχειν παρεῖχεν ἀνδράσι· Καρχηδονίων δὲ οὐδὲ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων
ἐπαινεῖν ἄξιον. ἐξελαύνοντες γὰρ τῶν οἰκιῶν οἱ γονεῖς τοὺς παῖδας
ἐπέταττον εὐπορεῖν διὰ τῶν πόνων τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἀναγκαίων, [C] τὸ
δρᾶν τι τῶν δοκούντων αἰσχρῶν ἀπαγορεύοντες. τὸ δὲ ἦν, οὐ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν
ἐξελεῖν τῶν νέων, ἀλλὰ λαθεῖν(65) πειρᾶσθαι τι δρῶντα(66) προστάττειν.
πέφυκε γὰρ οὐ τρυφὴ μόνον ἦθος διαφθείρειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀναγκαίων
ἐνδεὴς δίαιτα, ἐφ᾽ ὧν οὔπω τὸ κρίνειν ὁ λόγος προσλαβὼν ἕπεται ταῖς
χρείαις ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἀναπειθόμενος, [D] ἄλλως τε εἰ καὶ τούτου μὴ
κρατοίη τοῦ πάθους, πρὸς χρηματισμὸν ἐκ παίδων συνεθιζόμενος καί τινας
ἀμοιβὰς ἐμποριῶν καὶ καπηλείας τὰς μὲν αὐτὸς εὑρὼν τὰς δὲ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων
μαθών, ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ λέγειν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ἄξιον ἐλευθέρῳ παιδί,
πλείστας ἂν κηλῚδας ἐναπόθοιτο τῇ ψυχῇ, ὧν πασῶν καθαρὸν εἶναι χρὴ καὶ τὸν
ἐπιεικῆ πολίτην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ στρατηγὸν μόνον.

(The Spartan polity, however, by securing a satisfactory development of
the moral qualities in their kings, even if it gave them a training in no
way different from that of the crowd, at least endowed them with the
attributes of well‐bred men. But as for the Carthaginians, there was
nothing to admire even in the discipline that they all shared. The parents
turned their sons out of doors and bade them win the necessaries of life
by their own efforts, with the injunction to do nothing that is considered
disgraceful. The effect of this was not to uproot the evil inclinations of
the young, but to require them to take pains not to be caught in wrong‐
doing. For it is not self‐indulgence only that ruins character, but the
lack of mere necessaries may produce the same result. This is true at any
rate in the case of those whose reason has not yet assumed the power to
decide, being swayed by physical needs and persuaded by desire. It is
especially true when one fails to control the passion for money‐getting,
if from boyhood one is accustomed to it and to the trading and bartering
of the market‐places. This business, unfit for a youth of gentle birth to
mention, or so much as hear spoken of, whether the youth finds it out for
himself or learns it from those of greater experience, leaves many scars
on the soul; and even a respectable citizen ought to be free from all
this, not a king or general alone.)

ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐκ ἐπιτιμᾶν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐκείνοις προσήκει· [16] δείξω δὲ
μόνον τῆς τροφῆς(67) τὸ διαφέρον, ᾗ χρησάμενος κάλλει καὶ ῥώμῃ καὶ
δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ διήνενκας, διὰ μὲν τῶν πόνων τὴν εὐεξίαν
περιβαλόμενος, δὰα δὲ τῶν νόμων τὴν σωφροσύνην κατακτησόμενος,(68) καὶ τῷ
μὲν σώματι ῥωμαλεωτέρῳ διὰ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν τῆς ψυχῆς, τῇ ψυχῇ δ᾽ αὖ διὰ τὴν
τοῦ σώματος καρτερίαν δικαιοτέρᾳ χρώμενος, τὰ μὲν ἐκ φύσεως ἀγαθὰ συναύξων
ἐκ παντός, τὰ δὲ ταῖς ἐπιμελείαις ἔξωθεν ἀεὶ προσλαμβάνων· [B] καὶ
δεόμενος(69) μὲν οὐδενός, ἐπαρκῶν δ᾽ ἄλλοις καὶ χαριζόμενος μεγάλας δωρεὰς
καὶ ὅσαι τοὺς λαβόντας ἤρκουν ἀποφῆναι τῷ Λυδῶν δυνάστῃ παραπλησίους,
ἐνδεέστερον μὲν ἀπολαύων αὐτὸς τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἀγαθῶν ἢ Σπαρτιατῶν ὁ
σωφρονέστατος, τοῦ τρυφᾶν δὲ παρέχων ἄλλοις χορηγίαν, καὶ τοῖς βουλομένοις
σωφρονεῖν παρέχων σαυτὸν μιμεῖσθαι, ἄρχων μὲν πρᾴως καὶ φιλανθρώπως τῶν
ἄλλων, [C] ἀρχόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σωφρόνως καὶ ὡς εἷς τῶν πολλῶν τόν
ἅπαντα διετέλεις χρόνον. παιδὶ μὲν ὄντι σοι καὶ μειρακίῳ ταῦτά τε ὑπῆρχε
καὶ ἄλλα πλείονα, περὶ ὧν νῦν λέγειν μακρότερον ἂν εἴη τοῦ καιροῦ.

(But it is not for me to criticise the Carthaginians in this place. I will
only point out how different was your education, and how you profited by
it and have come to excel in looks, strength, justice, and temperance. By
your active life you achieved perfect health; your temperance was the
result of obedience to the laws; you enjoy a body of unusual strength by
reason of your self‐control, and a soul of unusual rectitude because of
your physical powers of endurance. You left nothing undone to improve your
natural talents, but ever acquired new talents by new studies. You needed
nothing yourself but gave assistance to others, and lavished such generous
gifts that the recipients seemed as rich as the monarch of the
Lydians.(70) Though you indulged yourself less in the good things that
were yours than the most austere of the Spartans, you gave others the
means of luxury in abundance, while those who preferred temperance could
imitate your example. As a ruler you were mild and humane; as your
father’s subject you were ever as modest as any one of his people. All
this was true of you in boyhood and youth, and much more about which there
is now no time to speak at length.)

Γενόμενος δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡλικίας, καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τὴν εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν τοῦ
δαίμονος μάλα ὀλβίαν παρασχόντος, οὐ μόνον τῷ πλήθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν
ἐπενεχθέντων τὸν τάφον ἐκόσμεις, γενέσεως καὶ τροφῆς ἀποτίνων τὰ
χαριστήρια, [D] πολὺ δὲ πλέον τῷ μόνος ἐκ πάντων τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων ζῶντος
μὲν ἔτι καὶ πιεζομένου τῇ νόσῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι, τελευτήσαντος δὲ τὰς
μεγίστας τιμὰς καταστῆσαι, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐξαρκεῖ καὶ τὸ μνησθῆναι. καλοῦσι γὰρ
ἡμᾶς ἐφ᾽ αὑτὰς αἱ πράξεις ὑπομιμνήσκουσαι τῆς ῥώμης, τῆς εὐψυχίας,
εὐβουλίας τε ἅμα καὶ δικαιότητος, οἷς ἄμαχος ὤφθης καὶ ἀνυπέρβλητος, τὰ
μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς πολίτας καὶ [17] τοὺς πατρῴους σοι φίλους
καὶ τὰ στρατεύματα δικαίως καὶ σωφρόνως καταστησάμενος· πλὴν εἴ που
βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν ἄκων ἑτέρους ἐξαμαρτεῖν οὐ διεκώλυσας· τὰ δὲ πρὸς
τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνδρείως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ τῆς προüπαρχούσης ἀξίως τοῪ
γένους δόξης καταστρησάμενος. τοῖς μὲν δι᾽ ὁμονοίας τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον
συγγέγονας, ἀστασίαστον μὲν τὴν πόλιν [B] διαφυλάττων καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς
συνάρχοντας θεραπεύων ἀεί, τοῖς φίλοις δὲ τῆς ἰσηγορίας(71) μεταδιδοὺς καὶ
τῆς παρρησίας μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν ἀφθόνως, κοινωνῶν μὲν ἅπασι τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων, μεταδιδοὺς δὲ ὧν ἕκαστος ἐνδεὴς δόξειε. καὶ τούτων μάρτυσι μὲν
αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις εἰκότως ἄν τις χρήσαιτο, καὶ τὰ πράγματα δὲ τοῖς
ἀπολειφθεῖσι τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους συνουσίας ἱκανὰ δηλῶσαι τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ
βίου παντός.

(When you had come to man’s estate, and after fate had decreed the ending
of your father’s life(72) and Heaven had granted that his last hours
should be peculiarly blest, you adorned his tomb not only by lavishing on
it splendid decorations(73) and so paying the debt of gratitude for your
birth and education, but still more by the fact that you alone of his sons
hastened to him when he was still alive and stricken by illness, and paid
him the highest possible honours after his death. But all this I need only
mention in passing. For now it is your exploits that cry aloud for notice
and remind me of your energy, courage, good judgment, and justice. In
these qualities you are unsurpassed, unrivalled. In your dealings with
your brothers,(74) your subjects, your father’s friends, and your armies
you displayed justice and moderation; except that, in some cases, forced
as you were by the critical state of affairs, you could not, in spite of
your own wishes, prevent others from going astray. Towards the enemy your
demeanour was brave, generous, and worthy of the previous reputation of
your house. While you maintained the friendly relations that already
existed, kept the capital free from civil discord, and continued to
cherish your brothers who were your partners in empire, you granted to
your friends, among other benefits, the privilege of addressing you as an
equal and full freedom of speech without stint, and perfect frankness. Not
only did you share with them all whatever you possessed, but you gave to
each what he seemed most to need. Anyone who wants testimony to all this
might reasonably call your friends to witness, but if he does not know
your friends, the facts themselves are sufficient to demonstrate the
policy of your whole life.)

[C] Ῥητέον δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἤδη τῶν πράξεων ἀναβαλλομένοις τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἕξεων
λόγον. Πέρσαι τῆς Ἀσίας ἁπάσης πάλαι κρατήσαντες καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὰ πολλὰ
καταστρεψάμενοι, μικροῦ δέω φάναι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην περιβαλόμενοι κύκλῳ
ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων ἀφῄρηντο, τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου
στρατηγίας ἔργον γενόμενοι, μᾶλλον δὲ παίγνιον, χαλεπῶς φέροντες(75) τὸ
δουλεύειν, ὡς ἐκεῖνον ᾔσθοντο τετελευτηκότα, τῶν διαδόχων ἀποστάντες [D]
Μακεδόσι τε εἰς τὴν ἀντίπαλον δύναμιν αὖθις κατέστησαν καὶ ἡμῚν τὸ
λειπόμενον τῆς Μακεδόνων ἀρχῆς. κατακτησαμένοις ἀξιόμαχοι διὰ τέλους
ἔδοξαν εἶναι πολέμιοι. καὶ τῶν μὲν παλαιῶν τί χρὴ νῦν ὑπομιμνήσκειν,
Ἀντωνίου καὶ Κράσσου, στρατηγῶν αὐτοκρατόρων, καὶ ὡς ἐκεῖνα διὰ μακρῶν
ἀπωσάμεθα κινδύνων τὰ αἴσχη, πολλῶν καὶ σωφρόνων αὐτοκρατόρων
ἀναμαχεσαμένων τὰ πταίσματα; τί δὲ χρὴ τῶν δευτέρων ἀτυχημάτων μεμνῆσθαι
καὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῦ Κάρου πράξεων, [18] ὅσπερ μετὰ τὰς συμφορὰς ᾑρέθη
στρατηγός;(76) ἀλλ᾽ οἱ τὴν θαυμαστὴν καὶ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀγαπωμένην εἰρήνην
ἐπιτάξαντες ἐκείνοις ἄγειν, οἱ πρὸ τοῦ σοῦ πατρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν
κατασχόντες, οὐχ ὁ μὲν καῖσαρ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν συμβαλὼν αἰσχρῶς ἀπήλλαξεν;
ἐπιστραφέντος δὲ τοῦ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἁπάσης ἄρχοντος καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις τῆς
ἡγεμονίας [B] ἁπάσης ἐκεῖσε τρέψαντος καὶ προκαταλαβέντος τὰς εἰσβολὰς
στρατεύμασι καὶ καταλόγοις ὁπλιτῶν παλαιῶν καὶ νεολέκτων καὶ παντοδαπαῖς
παρασκευαῖς, δεδιότες μόλις τὴν εἰρήνην ἠγάπησαν. ἣν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως
περιόντος τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ σοῦ συγχέαντες καὶ συνταράξαντες, τῆς μὲν παρ᾽
ἐκείνου τιμωρίας διήμαρτον, ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευαῖς τὸν βίον
μεταλλάξαντος· σοὶ δὲ ὑπέσχον τὴν δίκην ὕστερον τῶν τετολμημένων. μέλλων
δὲ ἔτι δὴ τῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀγώνων γενομένων σοι πολλάκις ἅπτεσθαι τοσοῦτον
ἁξιῶ σκοπεῖν τοὺς ἀκροωμένους, [C] ὅτι τοῦ τρίτου μορίου τῆς ἀρχῆς
καθεστὼς κύριος οὐδαμῶς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐρρῶσθαι δοκοῦντος, οὐχ ὅπλοις,
οὐκ ἀνδράσι τοῖς στρατευομένοις, οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσα πρὸς τηλικοῦτον
πόλεμον ἐχρῆν ἐπιρρεῖν ἄφθονα, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν ἀδελφῶν σοι δι᾽
ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας τὸν πόλεμον ἐλαφρυνόντων· καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεὶς οὕτως
ἀναίσχυντος οὐδὲ βάσκανος συκοφάντης, [D] ὃς οὐκ αἰτιώτατον γενέσθαι σὲ
τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ὁμονοίας φήσει· ὄντος δὲ οἶμαι τοῦ πολέμου καθ᾽ αὑτὸν
δυσχεροῦς, τὰ τὼν στρατοπέδων πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν διεταράττετο, τὸν μὲν
παλαιὸν σφῶν ἡγεμόνα ποθεῖν ἐκβοῶντες, ὑμῶν δὲ ἄρχειν ἐθέλοντες· καὶ ἄλλα
μυρία ἄτοπα καὶ δυσχερῆ πανταχόθεν ἀναφυόμενα χαλεπωτέρας τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ
πολέμου παρεῖχεν ἐλπίδας· Ἀρμένιοι παλαιοὶ [19] σύμμαχοι στασιάζοντες καὶ
μοῖρα σφῶν οὐ φαύλη Πέρσαις προσθέμενοι, τὴν ὅμορον σφίσι λῃσταῖς
κατατρέχοντες· καὶ ὅπερ ἐν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐφαίνετο μόνον σωτήριον, τὸ σὲ
τῶν πραγμάτων ἔχεσθαι καὶ βουλεύεσθαι, τέως οὐχ ὑπῆρχε διὰ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς
ἀδελφοὺς ἐν Παιονίᾳ συνθήκας, ἃς αὐτὸς παρὼν οὕτω διῴκησας, ὡς μηδεμίαν
ἀφορμὴν ἑκείνοις παρασχεῖν μέμψεως. μικροῦ με ἔλαθεν ἡ(77) τῶν πράξεων
ἀρχὴ διαφυγοῦσα καλλίων ἁπασῶν ἢ ταῖς καλλίσταις ἐξ ἴσης θαυμαστή. [B] τὸ
γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοσούτων πραγμάτων βουλευόμενον μηδὲν ἐλαττοῦσθαι δοκεῖν, εἰ τοῖς
ἀδελφοῖς τὸ πλέον ἔχειν ἑκὼν συγχωροίης, σωφροσύνης καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας
μέγιστον ἂν εἴη σημεῖον. νῦν δὲ εἰ μέν τις τὴν πατρῴαν οὐσίαν πρὸς τοὺς
ἀδελφοὺς νεμόμενος ἑκατὸν ταλάντων, κείσθω δέ, εἰ βούλει, τοσούτων ἄλλων,
εἶτα ἔχων πεντήκοντα(78) μναῖς ἔλαττον ἠγάπησε δή, καὶ μικροῦ παντελῶς
ἀργυρίου τὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους ὁμόνοιαν ἀνταλλαξάμενος, [C] ἐπαίνων ἂν ἐδόκει
καὶ τιμῆς ἄξιος ὡς χρημάτων κρείττων, ὡς εὔβουλος φύσει, ξυνελόντι δὲ
εἰπεῖν, ὡς καλὸς κἀγαθός. ὁ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἀρχῆς οὅτω μεγαλοψύχως
καὶ σωφρόνως δοκῶν βεβουλεῦσθαι, ὡς τὸν μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἐπιμελείας αὑτῷ μείζονα
μὴ προσθεῖναι πόνον, τῶν δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς προσόδων ἑκὼν ὑφίεσθαι ὑπὲρ
ὁμονοίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους Ῥωμαίων ἁπάντων εἰρήνης, [D] πόσων ἐπαίνων
ἄξιον κρινεῖ τις; οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνο λέγειν ἔνεστιν ἐνταῦθα, ὡς καλῶς μέν,
ἀλυσιτελῶς δέ· λυσιτελὲς(79) μὲν γὰρ οὐδέν, ὅ, τι μὲ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ καλόν,
ἔμοιγε φαίνεται. ὅλως δὲ εἴ τινι καθ᾽ αὑτὸ τὸ συμφέρον ἐξετάζειν δοκεῖ,
κρινέτω μὴ πρὸς ἀργύριον σκοπῶν μηδὲ προσόδους χωρίων ἀπαριθμοόμενος,
καθάπερ οἱ φιλάργυροι γέροντες ὑπὸ τῶν κωμῳδῶν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἑλκόμενοι,
ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν. [20] φιλονεικῶν μὲν γὰρ
ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁρίων καὶ δυσμενῶς ἔχων ἐκείνων ἂν ἦρξε μόνων ὧν ἔλαχεν, εἰ καὶ
πλέον ἔχων ἀπῄει· ὑπερορῶν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν καὶ καταφρονήσας ἦρχε μὲν ἁπάσης
μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης, ἐπεμελεῖτο δὲ τοῦ λαχόντος μέρους,
ἀπολαύων μὲν τελείας τῆς τιμῆς, μετέχων δὲ ἔλαττον τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ πόνων.

(But I must postpone the description of your personal qualities and go on
to speak of your achievements. The Persians in the past conquered the
whole of Asia, subjugated a great part of Europe, and had embraced in
their hopes I may almost say the whole inhabited world, when the
Macedonians deprived them of their supremacy, and they provided
Alexander’s generalship with a task, or rather with a toy. But they could
not endure the yoke of slavery, and no sooner was Alexander dead, than
they revolted from his successors and once more opposed their power to the
Macedonians, and so successfully that, when we took over what was left of
the Macedonian empire, we counted them to the end as foes with whom we
must reckon. I need not now remind you of ancient history, of Antony and
Crassus,(80) who were generals with the fullest powers, or tell how after
long‐continued dangers we succeeded in wiping out the disgrace they
incurred, and how many a prudent general retrieved their blunders. Nor
need I recall the second chapter of our misfortunes and the exploits of
Carus(81) that followed, when after those failures he was appointed
general. Among those who sat on the throne before your father’s time and
imposed on the Persians conditions of peace admired and welcomed by all,
did not the Caesar(82) incur a disgraceful defeat when he attacked them on
his own account? It was not till the ruler of the whole world(83) turned
his attention to them, directing thither all the forces of the empire,
occupying all the passes with his troops and levies of hoplites, both
veterans and new recruits, and employing every sort of military
equipments, that fear drove them to accept terms of peace. That peace they
somehow contrived to disturb and break during your father’s lifetime, but
they escaped punishment at his hands because he died in the midst of
preparations for a campaign. It was left for you later on to punish them
for their audacity. I shall often have to speak of your campaigns against
them, but this one thing I ask my hearers to observe. You became master of
a third of the empire,(84) that part in fact which seemed by no means
strong enough to carry on a war, since it had neither arms nor troops in
the field, nor any of those military resources which ought to flow in
abundantly in preparation for so important a war. Then, too, your
brothers, for whatever reason, did nothing to make the war easier for you.
And yet there is no sycophant so shameless and so envious as not to admit
that the harmony existing between you was mainly due to you. The war in
itself presented peculiar difficulties, in my opinion, and the troops were
disaffected owing to the change of government; they raised the cry that
they missed their old leader and they wished to control your actions. Nay,
more; a thousand strange and perplexing circumstances arose on every hand
to render your hopes regarding the war more difficult to realise. The
Armenians, our ancient allies, revolted, and no small part of them went
over to the Persians and overran and raided the country on their borders.
In this crisis there seemed to be but one hope of safety, that you should
take charge of affairs and plan the campaign, but at the moment this was
impossible, because you were in Paeonia(85) making treaties with your
brothers. Thither you went in person, and so managed that you gave them no
opening for criticism. Indeed, I almost forgot to mention the very first
of your achievements, the noblest of all, or at any rate equal to the
noblest. For there is no greater proof of your prudence and magnanimity
than the fact that, in planning for interests of such importance, you
thought it no disadvantage if you should, of your own free will, concede
the lion’s share to your brothers. Imagine, for instance, a man dividing
among his brothers their father’s estate of a hundred talents, or, if you
prefer, twice as much. Then suppose him to have been content with fifty
minae less than the others, and to raise no objection, because he secured
their goodwill in exchange for that trifling sum. You would think he
deserved all praise and respect as one who had a soul above money, as far‐
sighted, in short as a man of honour. But here is one whose policy with
regard to the empire of the world seems to have been so high minded, so
prudent, that, without increasing the burdens of administration, he
willingly gave up some of the imperial revenues in order to secure harmony
and peace among all Roman citizens. What praise such a one deserves! And
certainly one cannot, in this connection, quote the saying, “Well done,
but a bad bargain.” Nothing, in my opinion, can be called a good bargain
if it be not honourable as well. In general, if anyone wish to apply the
test of expediency alone, he ought not to make money his criterion or
reckon up his revenues from estates, like those old misers whom writers of
comedy bring on to the stage, but he should take into account the vastness
of the empire and the point of honour involved. If the Emperor had
disputed about the boundaries and taken a hostile attitude, he might have
obtained more than he did, but he would have governed only his allotted
share. But he scorned and despised such trifles, and the result was that
he really governed the whole world in partnership with his brothers, but
had the care of his own portion only, and, while he kept his dignity
unimpaired, he had less than his share of the toil and trouble that go
with such a position.)

Ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων καὶ αὖθις ἐξέσται διὰ μακροτέρων δηλῶσαι. ὅπως δὲ τῶν
πραγμάτων ἐπεμελήθης, [B] τοσούτων κύκλῳ περιστάντων μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς
τελευτὴν κινδύνων καὶ παντοδαπῶν πραγμάτων, θορύβου,(86) πολέμου
ἀναγκαίου,(87) πολλῆς καταδρομῆς συμμάχων ἀποστάσεως, στρατοπέδων ἀταξίας,
ὅσα ἄλλα τότε δυσχερῆ κατελάμβανεν, ἴσως ἤδη διελθεῖν ἄξιον. ἐπειδὴ γάρ
σοι τὰ τῶν συνθηκῶν μετὰ τῆς ἀρίστης ὁμονοίας διῴκητο, παρῆν δὲ ὁ καιρὸς
τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιτάττων βοηθεῖν κινδυνεύουσι, [C] πορείαις ταχείαις(88)
χρησάμενος ὅπως μὲν ἐκ(89) Παιόνων ἐν Σύροις ὤφθης, οὐδὲ τῷ λόγῳ δεῖξαι
ῥᾴδιον· ἀρκεῖ δὲ τοῖς ἐγνωκόσιν ἡ πεῖρα. ὅπως δὲ πρὸς τὴν παρουσίαν τὴν
σὴν ἀθρόως ἅπαντα μεταβαλόντα καὶ μεταστάντα πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον οὐ μόνον τῶν
ἐπικρεμασθέντων ἡμᾶς ἀπήλλαξε φόβων, ἀμείνους δὲ μακρῷ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν
μελλόντων παρέσχεν ἐλπίδας, [D] τίς ἂν ἀρκέσειε τῶν ἁπάντων εἰπεῖν; τὰ μὲν
τῶν στρατοπέδων, πλησίον γενομένου μόνον, ἐπέπαυτο τῆς ἀταξίας καὶ
μεθειστήκει πρὸς κόσμον, Ἀρμενίων δὲ οἱ προσθέμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐθὺς
μετάστησαν, σοῦ τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους τῆς φυγῆς τῷ τῆς χώρας ἐκείνης ἄρχοντι
παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐξαγαγόντος, τοῖς φεύγουσι δὲ τὴν ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν κάθοδον ἀδεᾶ
παρασκευάσαντος. οὕτω δὲ φιλανθρώπως τοῖς τε παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀφικομένοις ἄρτι
[21] χρησαμένου καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς μετὰ τοῦ σφῶν ἄρχοντος κατεληλυθόσι
πρᾴως ὁμιλοῦντος, οἱ μέν, ὅτι καὶ πρότερον ἀπέστησαν, αὑτοὺς ἀπωλοφύραντο,
οἱ δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν τύχην τῆς πρόσθεν ἠγάπων μᾶλλον δυναστείας. καὶ οἱ μὲν
φεύγοντες ἔμπροσθεν ἔργῳ σωφρονεῖν ἔφασαν ἐκμαθεῖν, οἱ δὲ τοῦ μὴ
μεταστῆναι τῆς ἀμοιβῆς ἀξίας τυγχάνειν. τοσαύτῃ δὲ ἐχρήσω περὶ τοὺς
κατελθόντας ὑπερβολῇ δωρεῶν καὶ τιμῆς, ὥστε μηδὲ [B] τοῖς ἐχθίστοις σφῶν
εὖ πράττουσι καὶ τὰ εἰκότα τιμωμένοις ἄχθεσθαι μηδὲ βασκαίνειν. ταῦτα δὲ
ἐν βραχεῖ καταστησάμενος καὶ τοὺς ἐξ Ἀραβίας λῃστὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους
ταῖς πρεσβείαις τρέψας, ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευὰς ἦλθες, ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ
χεῖρον ἐν βραχεῖ προειπεῖν.

(On that subject, however, I shall have a chance later to speak in more
detail. This is perhaps the right moment to describe how you controlled
the situation, encompassed as you were, after your father’s death, by so
many perils and difficulties of all sorts—confusion, an unavoidable war,
numerous hostile raids, allies in revolt, lack of discipline in the
garrisons, and all the other harassing conditions of the hour. You
concluded in perfect harmony the negotiations with your brothers, and when
the time had arrived that demanded your aid for the dangerous crisis of
affairs, you made forced marches, and immediately after leaving Paeonia
appeared in Syria. But to relate how you did this would tax my powers of
description, and indeed for those who know the facts their own experience
is enough. But who in the world could describe adequately how, at the
prospect of your arrival, everything was changed and improved all at once,
so that we were set free from the fears that hung over us and could
entertain brighter hopes than ever for the future? Even before you were
actually on the spot the mutiny among the garrisons ceased and order was
restored. The Armenians who had gone over to the enemy at once changed
sides again, for you ejected from the country and sent to Rome those who
were responsible for the governor’s(90) exile, and you secured for the
exiles a safe return to their own country. You were so merciful to those
who now came to Rome as exiles, and so kind in your dealings with those
who returned from exile with the governor, that the former did, indeed,
bewail their misfortune in having revolted, but still were better pleased
with their present condition than with their previous usurpation; while
the latter, who were formerly in exile, declared that the experience had
been a lesson in prudence, but that now they were receiving a worthy
reward for their loyalty. On the returned exiles you lavished such
magnificent presents and rewards that they could not even resent the good
fortune of their bitterest enemies, nor begrudge their being duly
honoured. All these difficulties you quickly settled, and then by means of
embassies you turned the marauding Arabs against our enemies. Then you
began preparations for the war, about which I may as well say a few
words.)

Τῆς γὰρ εἰρήνης τῆς πρόσθεν τοῖς μὲν στρατευομένοις ἀνείσης τοὺς πόνους,
τοῖς λειτουργοῦσι δὲ κουφοτέρας τὰς λειτουργίας(91) παρασχούσης, τοῦ
πολέμου δὲ χρημάτων καὶ σιτηρεσίου καὶ χορηγίας λαμπρᾶς δεομένου, [C] πολὺ
δὲ πλέον ἰσχύος καὶ ῥώμης καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐμπειρίας τῶν
στρατευομένων, ὑπάρχοντος δὲ οὐδενὸς σχεδὸν τῶν τοιούτων, αὐτὸς ἐξηῦρες
καὶ κατέστησας, τοῖς μὲν ἐν(92) ἡλικίᾳ στρατεύεσθαι λαχοῦσιν ἀποδείξας τῶν
πόνων μελέτην, παπαπλησίαν δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἱππικὴν καταστησάμενος
δύναμιν, τῷ πεζῷ δὲ ἐπιτάξας τῶν πόνων ἔχεσθαι· καὶ ταῦτα οὐ ῥήμασι μόνον
οὐδὲ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, μελετῶν δὲ [D] αὐτὸς καὶ συνασκούμενος καὶ δεικνύων
ἔργῳ τὸ πρακτέον, πολέμων ἐργάτας ἄφνω κατέστησας. χρημάτων δὲ ἐπενόεις
πόρους, οὐκ αὔξων τοὺς φόρους οὐδὲ τὰς συντάξεις, καθάπερ Ἀθηναῖοι
πρόσθεν, εἰς τὸ διπλάσιον ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον καταστήσας, ἐμμένων δὲ οἶμαι
τοῖς ἀρχαίοις πλὴν εἴ που πρὸς βραχὺ καὶ πρὸς καιρὸν(93) ἐχρῆν αἰσθέσθαι
δαπανηροτέρων τῶν λειτουργημάτων. ἐν τοσαύτηι δὲ(94) τοὺς στρατευομένους
ἦγες ἀφθονίᾳ, [22] ὡς μὴτε ὑβρίζειν τῷ κόρῳ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας
πλημμελεῖν ἀναγκασθῆναι. ὅπλων δὲ καὶ ἵππων παρασκευὴν καὶ νεῶν τῶν
ποταμίων καὶ μηχανημάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων τὸ πλῆθος σιωπῇ κατέχω.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς τέλος εἶχε καὶ ἔδει χρῆσθαι τοῖς προρρηθεῖσιν
εἰς δέον, ἐζεύγνυτο μὲν ὁ Τίγρης σχεδίᾳ πολλάκις, ἤρθη δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
φρούρια, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν ἀμῦναι τῇ χώρᾳ πορθουμένῃ, [B]
πάντα δὲ παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἤγετο τἀκείνων ἀγαθά, τῶν μὲν οὐδὲ εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι
τολμώντων, τῶν θρασυνομένων δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὴν τιμωρίαν ὑποσχόντων. τὸ μὲν
δὴ κεφάλαιον τῶν εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν εἰσβολῶν τοιοῦτον. καθ᾽ ἕκαστον γὰρ
ἐπεξιέναι τίς ἂν ἀξίως ἐν βραχεῖ λόγῳ δυνηθείη, τῶν μὲν τὰς συμφορὰς τῶν
δὲ τὰς ἀριστείας ἀπαριθμούμενος; τοσοῦτον δὲ ἴσως εἰπεῖν οὐ χαλεπόν, [C]
ὅτι πολλάκις τὸν ποταμὸν ἐκεῖνον περαιωθεὶς ξὺν τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ πολὺν
ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ διατρίψας(95) χρόνον, λαμπρὸς ἐπανῄεις τοῖς τροπαίοις, τὰς
διὰ σὲ πόλεις ἐλευθέρας ἐπιὼν καὶ χαριζόμενος εἰρήνην καὶ πλοῦτον, πάντα
ἀθρόως τὰ ἀγαθά, καὶ τῶν πάλαι ποθουμένων διδοὺς ἀπολαύειν, νίκης κατὰ τῶν
βαρβάρων, τροπαίων ἐγειρομένων κατὰ τῆς Παρθυαίων ἀπιστίας καὶ
ἀνανδρίας,(96) ὧν τὸ μὲν ἐπεδείξαντο [D] τὰς σπονδὰς λύσαντες καὶ τὴν
εἰρήνην συγχέαντες, τὸ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντες ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν φιλτάτων
ἀμύνεσθαι.

(The previous period of peace had relaxed the labours of the troops, and
lightened the burdens of those who had to perform public services. But the
war called for money, provisions, and supplies on a vast scale, and even
more it demanded endurance, energy, and military experience on the part of
the troops. In the almost entire absence of all these, you personally
provided and organised everything, drilled those who had reached the age
for military service, got together a force of cavalry to match the
enemy’s, and issued orders for the infantry to persevere in their
training. Nor did you confine yourself to speeches and giving orders, but
yourself trained and drilled with the troops, showed them their duty by
actual example, and straightway made them experts in the art of war. Then
you discovered ways and means, not by increasing the tribute or the
extraordinary contributions, as the Athenians did in their day, when they
raised these to double or even more. You were content, I understand, with
the original revenues, except in cases where, for a short time, and to
meet an emergency, it was necessary that the people should find their
services to the state more expensive. The troops under your leadership
were abundantly supplied, yet not so as to cause the satiety that leads to
insolence, nor, on the other hand, were they driven to insubordination
from lack of necessaries. I shall say nothing about your great array of
arms, horses, and river‐boats, engines of war and the like. But when all
was ready and the time had come to make appropriate use of all that I have
mentioned, the Tigris was bridged by rafts at many points and forts were
built to guard the river. Meanwhile the enemy never once ventured to
defend their country from plunder, and every useful thing that they
possessed was brought in to us. This was partly because they were afraid
to offer battle, partly because those who were rash enough to do so were
punished on the spot. This is a mere summary of your invasions of the
enemy’s country. Who, indeed, in a short speech could do justice to every
event, or reckon up the enemy’s disasters and our successes? But this at
least I have space to tell. You often crossed the Tigris with your army
and spent a long time in the enemy’s country, but you always returned
crowned with the laurels of victory. Then you visited the cities you had
freed, and bestowed on them peace and plenty, all possible blessings and
all at once. Thus at your hands they received what they had so long
desired, the defeat of the barbarians and the erection of trophies of
victory over the treachery and cowardice of the Parthians. Treachery they
had displayed when they violated the treaties and broke the peace,
cowardice when they lacked the courage to fight for their country and all
that they held dear.)

Ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως μή τις ὑπολάβῃ με τούτων μὲν ἡδέως μεμνῆσθαι τῶν ἔργων, ὀκνεῖν
δὲ ἐκεῖνα, περὶ ἃ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις πλεονεκτῆσαι παρέσχεν ἡ τύχη, μᾶλλον
δὲ ἡ χώρα τὴν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ προσλαβοῦσα ῥοπήν, ὡς αἰσχύνην ἡμῖν, οὐχὶ δὲ
ἔπαινον καὶ τιμὴν φέροντα, καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων πειράσομαι δηλῶσαι διὰ βραχέων,
οὐ πρὸς τὸ [23] λυσιτελέστατον ἐμαυτῷ τοὺς λόγους πλάττων, τὴν ἀλήθειαν δὲ
ἀγαπῶν ἐν πᾶσιν. ἧς εἴ τις ἑκὼν ἁμαρτάνοι, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κολακεύειν αἰσχύνην
οὐδαμῶς ἐκφεύγει, προστίθησι δὲ τοῖς ἐπαινουμένοις τὸ δοκεῖν μηδ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν
ἄλλων εὖ ἀκούειν κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν· ὃ παθεῖν εὐλαβησόμεθα. δείξει δὲ ὁ λόγος
αὐτός, εἰ μηδαμοῦ τὸ ψεῦδος πρὸ τῆς ἀληθείας τετίμηκεν. οὐκοῦν εὖ οἶδα,
ὅτι πάντες ἂν μέγιστον φήσειαν πλεονέκτημα τῶν βαρβάρων τὸν πρὸ τῶν
Σιγγάρων πόλεμον. [B] ἐγὼ δὲ ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην ἴσα μὲν ἐνεγκεῖν τοῖς
στρατοπέδοις τὰ δυστυχήματα, δεῖξαι δὲ τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν περιγενομένην τῆς
ἐκείνων τύχης φαίην ἂν εἰκότως, καὶ ταῦτα στρατοπέδῳ χρησαμένου(97) θρασεῖ
καὶ τολμηρῷ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὥραν καὶ τὴν τοῦ πνίγους ῥώμην οὐχ ὁμοίως
ἐκείνοις συνήθει. ὅπως δὲ ἕκαστον ἐπράχθη, διηγήσομαι. θέρος μὲν γὰρ ἦν
ἀκμάζον ἔτι, συνῄει δὲ ἐς ταὐτὸν τὰ στρατόπεδα πολὺ πρὸ τῆς μεσημβρίας.
[C] ἐκπληττόμενοι δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι τὴν εὐταξίαν καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν
ἡσυχίαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ πλήθει θαυμαστοὶ φανέντες, ἤρχετο μὲν οὐδεὶς τῆς μάχης,
τῶν μὲν εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι πρὸς οὕτω παρεσκευασμένην δύναμιν ὀκνούντων, τῶν
δὲ περιμενόντων ἐκείνους ἄρχειν, ὅπως ἀμυνόμενοι μᾶλλον ἐν πᾶσιν, οὐχὶ δὲ
αὐτοὶ πολέμου μετὰ τὴν εἰρήνην ἄρχοντες φανεῖεν. τέλος δὲ ὁ τῆς βαρβαρικῆς
ἐκείνης δυνάμεως ἡγεμών, [D] μετέωρος ἀρθεὶς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀσπίδων καὶ
καταμαθὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἐν τάξει, οἷος ἐξ οἵου γέγονε καὶ ποίας ἀφίει φωνάς;
προδεδόσθαι βοῶν καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολέμου πείσαντας αἰτιώμενος, φεύγειν
ᾤετο χρῆναι διὰ τάχους καὶ τοῦτο μόνον οἱ πρὸς σωτηρίαν ἀρκέσειν, εἰ
φθήσεται τὸν ποταμὸν διαβῆναι, ὅσπερ ἐστὶ τῆς χώρας ἐκείνης πρὸς τὴν
ἡμετέραν ὅρος ἀρχαῖος. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ἐκεῖνος πρῶτον ἐπὶ πόδα σημαίνει
τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, καὶ κατ᾽ [24] ὀλίγον προστιθεὶς τῷ τάχει τέλος ἤδη
καρτερῶς ἔφευγεν, ἔχων ὀλίγους ἱππάας ἀμφ᾽ αὑτόν, τὴν δύναμιν ἅπασαν τῷ
παιδὶ καὶ τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν φίλων ἐπιτρέψας ἄγειν. ταῦτα ὁρῶντες τὸ
στράτευμα καὶ χαλεπαίνοντες, ὅτι μηδεμίαν ὑπέσχον τῶν τετολμημένων δίκην,
ἐβόων ἄγειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, καὶ κελεύοντος σοῦ(98) μένειν ἀχθόμενοι μετὰ τῶν
ὅπλων ἕθεον ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχε ῥώμης τε καὶ τάχους, ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες αὐτοὶ
τέως τῆς σῆς στρατηγίας, [B] εἰς δὲ τὴν ἡλικίαν ὁρῶντες ἄμεινον αὑτῶν τὸ
συμφέρον κρίνειν ἧττον ἐπίστευον· καὶ τῷ πολλὰς(99) συγκατειργάσθαι τῷ
πατρὶ τῷ σῷ μάχας καὶ κρατῆσαι παντχοῦ τὸ(100) δοκεῖν ἀηττήτους εἶναι
συνηγωνίζετο. τούτων δὲ οὐδενὸς ἔλαττον τὸ παρεστὼς Παρθυαίων δέος ἐπῆρεν
ὡς οὐκ ἀγωνισαμένους(101) πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν χώραν
αὐτήν, καὶ εἴ τι μεῖζον ἔξωθεν προσπίπτοι, καὶ τούτου πάντως κρατήσοντας.
ταχέως οὖν ἑκατὸν μεταξὺ στάδια [C] διαδραμόντες(102) ἐφειστήκεσαν ἤδη
Παρθυαίοις εἰς τὸ τεῖχος καταπεφευγόσιν, ὃ πρότερον ἤδη πεποίητο σφίσιν
ὥσπερ στρατόπεδον. ἑσπέρα δὲ ἦν λοιπὸν καὶ ὁ πόλεμος αὐτόθεν ξυνερρήγνυτο.
καὶ τὸ μὲν τεῖχος αἱροῦσιν εὐθέως τοὺς ὑπὲρ(103) αὐτοῦ κτείναντες·
γενόμενοι δὲ εἴσω τῶν ἐρυμάτων πολὺν μὲν ἠρίστευον χρόνον, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ
δίψους ἀπειρηκότες ἤδη καὶ λάκκοις ὕδατος ἐντυχόντες ἔνδον, τὴν καλλίστην
νίκην διέφθειραν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις παρέσχον ἀναμαχέσασθαι τὸ πταῖσμα. [D]
τοῦτο τέλος τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης γέγονε, τρεῖς μὲν ἢ τέτταρας ἀφελομένης τῶν
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν, Παρθυαίων δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τρεφόμενον, ἁλόντα πρότερον,
καὶ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν παμπληθεῖς ξυνδιαφθειράσης· τούτοις δὲ ἅπασι δρωμένοις
ὁ μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεμὼν οὐδὲ ὄναρ παρῆν· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπέσχε τὴν φυγὴν πρὶν
ἢ κατὰ νώτου τὸν ποταμὸν ἐποιέσατο· [25] αὐτὸς δὲ διέμενες ἐν τοῖς ὄπλοις
δι᾽ ὄλης ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς ἁπάσης, συμμετέχων μὲν τοῖς κρατοῦσι τῶν
ἀγωνισμάτων, τοῖς πονοῦσι δὲ ἐπαρκῶν διὰ ταχέων. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς ἀνδρείας καὶ
τῆς εὐψυχίας εἰς τοσοῦτον τὸν ἀγῶνα μετέστησας, ὥστε αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν
αὑτῶν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιλαβούσης ἀσμένως ἀποσώζεσθαι, ἀναχωρεῖν δὲ ἐκ τῆς
μάχης, ἑπομένου σου, καὶ τοὺς τραυματίας; οὕτω τὸ δέος πᾶσιν ἀνῆκας τῆς
φυγῆς. [B] ποῖον οὖν ἥλω φρούριον; τίς δὲ ἐπολιορκήθη πόλις; τίνος δὲ
ἀποσκευῆς οἱ πολέμιοι κρατήσαντες ἔσχον ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ σεμνύνωνται μετὰ τὸν
πόλεμον;

(But lest anyone should suppose that, while I delight in recalling
exploits like these, I avoid mentioning occasions when luck gave the enemy
the advantage—or rather it was the nature of the ground combined with
opportunity that turned the scale—and that I do so because they brought us
no honour or glory but only disgrace, I will try to give a brief account
of those incidents also, not adapting my narrative with an eye to my own
interests, but preferring the truth in every case. For when a man
deliberately sins against the truth he cannot escape the reproach of
flattery, and moreover he inflicts on the object of his panegyric the
appearance of not deserving the praise that he receives on other accounts.
This is a mistake of which I shall beware. Indeed my speech will make it
clear that in no case has fiction been preferred to the truth. Now I am
well aware that all would say that the battle we fought before
Singara(104) was a most important victory for the barbarians. But I should
answer and with justice that this battle inflicted equal loss on both
armies, but proved also that your valour could accomplish more than their
luck; and that although the legions under you were violent and reckless
men, and were not accustomed, like the enemy, to the climate and the
stifling heat. I will relate exactly what took place. It was still the
height of summer, and the legions mustered long before noon. Since the
enemy were awestruck by the discipline, accoutrements and calm bearing of
our troops, while to us they seemed amazing in numbers, neither side began
the battle; for they shrank from coming to close quarters with forces so
well equipped, while we waited for them to begin, so that in all respects
we might seem to be acting rather in self‐defence, and not to be
responsible for beginning hostilities after the peace. But at last the
leader(105) of the barbarian army, raised high on their shields, perceived
the magnitude of our forces drawn up in line. What a change came over him!
What exclamations he uttered! He cried out that he had been betrayed, that
it was the fault of those who had persuaded him to go to war, and decided
that the only thing to be done was to flee with all speed, and that one
course alone would secure his safety, namely to cross, before we could
reach it, the river, which is the ancient boundary‐line between that
country and ours. With this purpose he first gave the signal for a retreat
in good order, then gradually increasing his pace he finally took to
headlong flight, with only a small following of cavalry, and left his
whole army to the leadership of his son and the friend in whom he had most
confidence. When our men saw this they were enraged that the barbarians
should escape all punishment for their audacious conduct, and clamoured to
be led in pursuit, chafed at your order to halt, and ran after the enemy
in full armour with their utmost energy and speed. For of your generalship
they had had no experience so far, and they could not believe that you
were a better judge than they of what was expedient. Moreover, under your
father they had fought many battles and had always been victorious, a fact
that tended to make them think themselves invincible. But they were most
of all elated by the terror that the Parthians now shewed, when they
thought how they had fought, not only against the enemy, but against the
very nature of the ground, and if any greater obstacle met them from some
fresh quarter, they felt that they would overcome it as well. Accordingly
they ran at full speed for about one hundred stades, and only halted when
they came up with the Parthians, who had fled for shelter into a fort that
they had lately built to serve as a camp. It was, by this time, evening,
and they engaged battle forthwith. Our men at once took the fort and slew
its defenders. Once inside the fortifications they displayed great bravery
for a long time, but they were by this time fainting with thirst, and when
they found cisterns of water inside, they spoiled a glorious victory and
gave the enemy a chance to retrieve their defeat. This then was the issue
of that battle, which caused us the loss of only three or four of our men,
whilst the Parthians lost the heir to the throne(106) who had previously
been taken prisoner, together with all his escort. While all this was
going on, of the leader of the barbarians not even the ghost was to be
seen, nor did he stay his flight till he had put the river behind him.
You, on the other hand, did not take off your armour for a whole day and
all the night, now sharing the struggles of those who were getting the
upper hand, now giving prompt and efficient aid to those who were hard‐
pressed. And by your bravery and fortitude you so changed the face of the
battle that at break of day the enemy were glad to beat a safe retreat to
their own territory, and even the wounded, escorted by you, could retire
from the battle. Thus did you relieve them all from the risks of flight.
Now what fort was taken by the enemy? What city did they besiege? What
military supplies did they capture that should give them something to
boast about after the war?)

Ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως, φήσει τισ, τὸ μηδέποτε τῶν πολεμίων ἧττον ἔχοντα ἀπελθεῖν
εὐτυχὲς καὶ εὔδαιμον ἡγητέον,(107) τὸ δὲ ἀντιστῆναι τῇ τύχῃ ῥωμαλεώτερον
καὶ(108) μείζονος ἀρετῆς ὑπάρχει σημεῖον.

(But perhaps some one will say that never to come off worse than the enemy
must indeed be considered good fortune and felicity, but to make a stand
against fortune calls for greater vigour and is a proof of greater
valour.)

Τίς μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὸς κυβερνήτης ἐν εὐδίᾳ τὴν ναῦν κατευθύνων, [C] γαλήνης
ἀκριβοῦς κατεχούσης τὸ πέλαγος; τίς δὲ ἡνίοχος ἅρματος δεξιὸς ἐν ὁμαλῷ καὶ
λείῳ χωρίῳ εὐπειθεῖς καὶ πρᾴους καὶ ταχεῖς ἵππους ζευξάμενος, εἶτα ἐν
τούτοις ἐπιδεικνύμενος τὴν τέχνην; πόσῳ δὲ ἀμείνων νεὼς μὲν ἰθυντὴρ ὁ καὶ
τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα προμαθὼν καὶ προαισθόμενος καὶ πειραθείς γε τοῦτον
ἐκκλῖναι, εἶτα δι᾽ ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας ἐμπεσὼν καὶ διασώσας ἀπαθῆ τὴν ναῦν
αὐτῷ φόρτῳ; [D] ἄρματος δ᾽ ἐπιστάτης ὁ καὶ πρὸς χωρίων ἀγωνιζόμενος
τραχύτητα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους μετατιθεὶς ἅμα καὶ βιαζόμενος, ἤν τι
πλημμελῶσιν; ὅλως δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἄξιον τέχνην μετὰ τῆς τύχης ἐξετάζειν, ἀλλ᾽
αὐτὴν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῆς σκοπεῖν. οὐδὲ στρατηγὸς ἀμείνων ὁ Κλέων Νικίου, ἐπειδὴ τὰ
περὶ τὴν Πύλον ηὐτύχησεν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν τύχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ
κρατούντων. ἐγὼ δὲ εἰ μὴ καὶ τὴν τύχην τὴν σὴν ἀμείνω καὶ δικαιοτέραν τῆς
τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων κρατίστην φήσαιμι, [26]
ἀδικεῖν ἂν εἰκότως δοκοίην, τὴν μὴ παρασχοῦσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις αἰσθέσθαι τὸ
πλεονέκτημα. χρὴ γὰρ οἶμαι τὸν δικαίως ὑπὲρ τῶν ῥηθέντων κρινοῦντα(109) τὸ
μὲν ἐλάττωμα τῇ τοῦ πνίγους ἀνανταγωνίστῳ ῥώμῃ λογίζεσθαι, τὸ δὲ εἰς ἴσον
καταστῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους ταῖς συμφοραῖς τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργον ὑπολαβεῖν,
τὸ δὲ τῶν μὲν οἰκείων αἰσθέσθαι συμφορῶν, ἀγνοῆσαι δὲ τὰ κατορθώματα τῆς
ἀγαθῆς τύχης ἔργον λογέζεσθαι.

(Is a man a skilful pilot because he can steer his ship in fair weather
when the sea is absolutely calm? Would you call a charioteer an expert
driver who on smooth and level ground has in harness horses that are
gentle, quiet and swift, and under such conditions gives a display of his
art? How much more skilful is the pilot who marks and perceives beforehand
the coming storm and tries to avoid its path, and then, if for any reason
he must face it, brings off his ship safe and sound, cargo and all? Just
so, the skilful charioteer is he who can contend against the unevenness of
the ground, and guide his horses and control them at the same time, if
they grow restive. In short, it is not fair to judge of skill of any sort
when it is aided by fortune, but one must examine it independently. Cleon
was not a better general than Nicias because he was fortunate in the
affair of Pylos, and the same may be said of all whose success is due to
luck rather than to good judgment. But if I did not claim that your
fortune was both better and better deserved than that of your opponents,
or rather of all men, I should with reason be thought to do it an
injustice, since it prevented the enemy from even perceiving their
advantage. For, in my opinion, an impartial judge of my narrative ought to
ascribe our reverse to the extreme and insupportable heat, and the fact
that you inflicted loss on the enemy equal to ours he would regard as
achieved by your valour, but that, though they were aware of their losses,
they took no account of their success, he would regard as brought about by
your good fortune.)

[B] Ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως μὴ μακρότερα περὶ τούτων λέγων τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν μειζόνων καιρὸν
ἀναλώσω, πειράσομαι λοιπὸν τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο περιστὰν ἡμᾶς τῶν πραγμάτων
πλῆθος διεξιέναι(110) καὶ τῶν κινδύνων τὸ μέγεθος, καὶ ὅπως ἅπασιν
ἀντισχὼν τυράννων μὲν πλῆθος, βαρβάρων δὲ ἐτρέψω δυνάμεις. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ὁ
χειμὼν ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδοις ἤδη, ἕκτον που μάλιστα μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἔτος, οὗ μικρῷ
πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην, [C] ἧκε δὲ ἀγγέλλων τισ, ὡς Γαλατία μὲν συναφεστῶσα τῷ
τυράννῳ ἀδελφῷ τῷ σῷ ἐβοὐλευσέ τε καὶ ἐπετέλεσε τὸν φόνον, εἶτα ὡς Ἰταλία
καὶ Σικελία κατείληπται, τὰ δὲ ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς στρατόπεδα ταραχωδῶς ἔχει καὶ
Βασιλέα σφῶν ἀπέδειξε τὸν τέως στρατηγὸν ἀντισχεῖν ἐθέλοντα πρὸς τὴν
ἄμαχον δοκοῦσαν τῶν τυράννων φοράν. ἱκέτευε δὲ αὐτὸς οὗτος χρήματα πέμπειν
καὶ δύναμιν τὴν βοηθήσουσαν, σφόδρα ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ δεδιὼς καὶ τρέμων, μὴ πρὸς
τῶν τυράννων κρατηθείη. [D] καὶ τέως μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο τὰ προσήκοντα
δράσειν, οὐδαμῶς αὑτὸν ἀξιῶν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐπίτροπον δὲ οἶμαι πιστὸν καὶ
φύλακα παρέξειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος· ἔμελλε δὲ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἄπιστος φανεῖσθαι
καὶ δίκην ὑφέξειν καίτοι(111) φιλάνθρωπον. ταῦτα πυθόμενος οὐκ ᾤου δεῖν ἐν
ῥᾳστώνῃ πολλῇ τὸν χρόνον ἀναλίσκειν μάτην. ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ Συρίᾳ
πόλεις μηχανημάτων καὶ φρουρᾶς καὶ σίτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευῆς(112)
ἐμπλήσας, καὶ ἀπὼν ἀρκέσειν τοῖς τῇδε προσεδόκησας, [27] αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς
τυράννους ὁρμᾶν ἐβουλεύου.

(That I may not, however, by saying more on this subject, spend time that
belongs to more important affairs, I will try to describe next the
multitude of difficulties that beset us, the magnitude of our perils, and
how you faced them all, and not only routed the numerous following of the
usurpers, but the barbarian forces as well. About six years had passed
since the war I have just described, and the winter was nearly over, when
a messenger arrived with the news(113) that Galatia(114) had gone over to
the usurper, that a plot had been made to assassinate your brother and had
been carried out, also that Italy and Sicily had been occupied, lastly
that the Illyrian garrisons were in revolt and had proclaimed their
general(115) emperor, though for a time he had been inclined to resist
what seemed to be the irresistible onset of the usurpers.(116) Indeed, he
himself kept imploring you to send money and men to his aid, as though he
were terribly afraid on his own account of being overpowered by them. And
for a while he kept protesting that he would do his duty, that for his
part he had no pretensions to the throne, but would faithfully guard and
protect it for you. Such were his assertions, but it was not long before
his treachery came to light and he received his punishment, tempered
though it was with mercy. On learning these facts you thought you ought
not to waste your time in idleness to no purpose. The cities of Syria you
stocked with engines of war, garrisons, food supplies, and equipment of
other kinds, considering that, by these measures, you would, though
absent, sufficiently protect the inhabitants, while you were planning to
set out in person against the usurpers.)

Πέρσαι δὲ ἐξ ἐκείνου τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον παραφυλάξαντες, ὡς ἐξ ἐφόδου τὴν
Συρίαν ληψόμενοι, πᾶσαν ἐξαναστήσαντες ἡλικίαν καὶ φύσιν καὶ τύχην ἐφ᾽
ἡμᾶς ὥρμηντο, ἄνδρες, μειράκια, πρεσβῦται καὶ γυναικῶν πλῆθος καὶ
θεραπόντων, οὐ μόνον τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὑπουργιῶν χάριν, ἐκ περιουσίας
δὲ πλεῖστον ἑπόμενον. διενοοῦντο γὰρ ὡς καὶ τὰς πόλεις [B] καθάξοντες καὶ
τῆς χώρας ἤδη κρατήσαντες κληρούχους ἡμῖν ἐπάγειν.(117) κενὰς δὲ ἀπέφηνεν
αὐτοῖς τὰς προσδοκίας τῆς παρασκευῆς τῆς σῆς τὸ μέγεθος. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐς
πολιορκίαν κατέστησαν, ἐπετειχίζετο μὲν ἡ πόλις κύκλῳ τοῖς χώμασιν,
ἐπέρρει δὲ ὁ Μυγδόνιος πελαγίζων τὸ περὶ τῷ τείχει χωρίον, καθάπερ ὁ
Νεῖλος, φασὶ, τὴν Αἴγυπτον. προσήγετο δὲ ἐπὶ νεῶν ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι τὰ
μηχανήματα, καὶ ἐπιπλεῖν ἄλλοι διενοοῦντο τοῖς τείχεσιν, [C] ἄλλοι δὲ
ἔβαλλον ἀπὸ τῶν χωμάτων τοὺς ἀμυνομένους ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως. οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῶν
τειχῶν ἤμυνον καρτερῶς τῇ πίλει. μεστὰ δὲ ἦν ἅπαντα σωμάτων καὶ ναυαγίων
καὶ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν, τῶν μὲν ἄρτι καταδυομένων, τῶν δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον
ὑπὸ τῆς βίας κατενεχθέντα κατέδυ, κουφιζομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ κύματος. ἀσπίδες
μὲν ἐπενήχοντο βαρβάρων παμπληθεῖς καὶ νεῶν σέλματα(118) συντριβομένων ἐπ᾽
αὐταῖς τῶν μηχανημάτων. [D] βελῶν πλῆθος ἐπινηχόμενον μικροῦ δεῖν ἐπεῖχεν
ἅπαν τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τείχους καὶ τῶν χωμάτων. ἐτέτραπτο δὲ ἡ λίμνη πρὸς
λύθρον, καὶ κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἐπήχουν οἰμωγαὶ βαρβάρων ὀλλύντων μὲν οὐδαμῶς,
ὀλλυμένων(119) δὲ πολυτρόπως καὶ τιτρωσκομένων ποικίλοις τραύμασι.

(But the Persians ever since the last campaign had been watching for just
such an opportunity, and had planned to conquer Syria, by a single
invasion. So they mustered all forces, every age, sex, and condition, and
marched against us, men and mere boys, old men and crowds of women and
slaves, who followed not merely to assist in the war, but in vast numbers
beyond what was needed. For it was their intention to reduce the cities,
and once masters of the country, to bring in colonists in spite of us. But
the magnitude of your preparations made it manifest that their
expectations were but vanity. They began the siege and completely
surrounded the city(120) with dykes, and then the river Mygdonius flowed
in and flooded the ground about the walls, as they say the Nile floods
Egypt. The siege‐engines were brought up against the ramparts on boats,
and their plan was that one force should sail to attack the walls while
the other kept shooting on the city’s defenders from the mounds. But the
garrison made a stout defence of the city from the walls. The whole place
was filled with corpses, wreckage, armour, and missiles, of which some
were just sinking, while others, after sinking from the violence of the
first shock, floated on the waters. A vast number of barbarian shields and
also ship’s benches, as a result of the collisions of the siege‐engines on
the ships, drifted on the surface. The mass of floating weapons almost
covered the whole surface between the wall and the mounds. The lake was
turned to gore, and all about the walls echoed the groans of the
barbarians, slaying not, but being slain(121) in manifold ways and by all
manner of wounds.)

Τίς ἂν ἀξίως τῶν δρωμένων διηγοῖτο; πῦρ μὲν ἐνίετο ταῖς ἀσπίσιν, ἐξέπιπτον
δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἡμίκαυτοι πολλοί, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀποδιδράσκοντες τὴν φλόγα τὸν ἐκ
τῶν βελῶν οὐκ ἀπέφευγον κίνδυνον· [28] ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἔτι νηχόμενοι τὰ νῶτα
τρωθέντες ἐς βυθὸν κατεδύοντο, οἱ δὲ ἐξαλλόμενοι τῶν μηχανημάτων πρὶν
ὕδατος ἅψασθαι βληθέντες οὐ σωτηρίαν, κουφότερον δὲ εὗρον τὸν(122)
θάνατον. τοὺς δὲ οὐδὲ νεῖν εἰδότας ἀκλεέστερον τῶν πρόσθεν ἀπολλυμένους
τίς ἂν ἀξιώσειεν ἁριθμοῦ καὶ μνήμης; ἐπιλείψει με, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον εἰ πᾶσιν
ἐπεξελθεῖν βουλοίμην, ὁ χρόνος· τὸ κεφάλαιον δὲ ἀκούειν ἀπόχρη. [B] ταύτην
ἥλιος ἐπεῖδε τὴν μάχην ἄγνωστον ἀνθρώποις τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον· ταῦτα τὴν
παλαιὰν ἀλαζονείαν ἤλενξε τῶν Μήδων τῦφον ὄντα κενόν· ταῦτα τῆς Ξέρξου
παρασκευῆς ἀπιστουμένης τέως τὸ μέγεθος, εἰ τοσαύτη γενομένη τέλος ἔσχεν
αἰσχρὸν καὶ ἐπονείδιστον, ἐναργέστερον τῶν δοκούντων εἶναι γνωρίμων ἡμῖν
κατέστησεν. ὁ μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο πλεῖν καὶ πεζεύειν ἀπεναντίον τῇ φύσει
μαχόμενος καὶ, [C] ὥσπερ οὖν ᾤετο, κρατῶν ἠπείρου φύσεως καὶ θαλάττης
ἀνδρὸς Ἕλληνος ἡττᾶτο σοφίας καὶ ῥώμης στρατιωτῶν οὐ τρυφᾶν μεμελετηκότων
οὐδὲ δουλεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευθέρως ἄρχεσθαι καὶ πονεῖν εἰδότων. ὁ δὲ ταῖς
παρασκευαῖς ἐκείνου καταδεέστερος, ἔμπληκτος δὲ μᾶλλον καὶ τῇ μανίᾳ τοὺς
Ἀλωάδας ὑπερβαλλόμενος μόνον οὐχὶ τὸ πλησίον ὄρος ἐγνωκὼς ἀμφικαλύψαι τῇ
πόλει, ἐπαφιεὶς δὲ [D] ποταμῶν ῥεύματα καὶ τὰ τείχη διαλύσας οὐδὲ
ἀτειχίστου τῆς πόλεως περιγενόμενος ἔσχεν ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ σεμνύνηται, καθάπερ ὁ
Ξέρξης ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐμβαλὼν τὴν φλόγα. ἐπανῄει δὲ τεττάρων μηνῶν ἀναλώσας
χρόνον μυριάσι πολλαῖς ἧττον ἀπάγων τὸ στάατευμα, καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἠγάπησεν
ὁ πρόσθεν ἀφόρητος δοκῶν, τὴν σὴν ἀσχολίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν πραγμάτων
παραχὴν ὥσπερ ἔρυμα τῆς αὑτοῦ προβαλλόμενος σωτηρίας.

(Who could find suitable words to describe all that was done there? They
hurled fire down on to the shields, and many of the hoplites fell half‐
burned, while others who fled from the flames could not escape the danger
from the missiles. But some while still swimming were wounded in the back
and sank to the bottom, while others who jumped from the siege‐engines
were hit before they touched the water, and so found not safety indeed but
an easier death. As for those who knew not how to swim, and perished more
obscurely than those just mentioned, who would attempt to name or number
them? Time would fail me did I desire to recount all this in detail. It is
enough that you should hear the sum of the matter. On that day the sun
beheld a battle the like of which no man had ever known before. These
events exposed the historic boastings of the Medes as only empty conceit.
Till then men had hardly believed that Xerxes could have had so huge an
armament, seeing that for all its size its fate was so shameful and
ignominious; but these events made the fact clearer to us than things long
familiar and obvious. Xerxes tried to sail and to march by fighting
against the laws of nature, and, as he thought, overcame the nature of the
sea and of the dry land, but he proved to be no match for the wisdom and
endurance of a Greek whose soldiers had not been bred in the school of
luxury, nor learned to be slaves, but knew how to obey and to use their
energies like free‐born men. That man,(123) however, though he had no such
vast armament as Xerxes, was even more insensate, and outdid the Aloadae
in his infatuation, as if almost he had conceived the idea of overwhelming
the city with the mountain(124) that was hard by. Then he turned the
currents of rivers against its walls and undermined them, but even when
the city had lost its walls he could not succeed in taking it, so that he
had not even that triumph to boast of, as Xerxes had when he set fire to
Athens. So, after spending four months, he retreated with an army that had
lost many thousands, and he who had always seemed to be irresistible was
glad to keep the peace, and to use as a bulwark for his own safety the
fact that you had no time to spare and that our own affairs were in
confusion.)

Ταῦτα καταλιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας τρόπαια καὶ νίκας, [29] ἐπὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην
ἀκμῆτας ἦγες τὸ στράτευμα, τὴν οἰκουμένην ἅπασαν ἐμπλῆσαι τροπαίων
ἐγνωκώς. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρκεῖ(125) τὰ πρόσθεν ῥηθέντα, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι περὶ σοῦ
λέγειν εἶχον σεμνότερον, πρὸς τὸ πάντων ἀποφῆναι σε τῶν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς
αὐτῆς σοι μετασχόντων τύχης συνέσει καὶ ῥώμῃ κρατοῦντα. τὸ γὰρ ἀπαθῶς
ὤσασθαι μεὲ τὴν Περσῶν δύναμιν, οὐ πόλιν οὐδὲ φρούριον, ἀλλ᾽ [B] οὐδὲ
στρατιώτην τῶν ἐκ καταλόγου προέμενον, πολιορκίᾳ δὲ τέλος ἐπιθεῖναι
λαμπρὸν καὶ οἷον οὔπω πρόσθεν ἠκούσαμεν, τίνι χρὴ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν παραβαλεῖν
ἔργων; περιβόητος γέγονεν ἡ Καρχηδονίων ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς τόλμα, ἀλλ᾽
ἐτελεύτησεν εἰς συμφοράς· λαμπρὰ τὰ περὶ τὴν Πλαταιέων πολιορκίαν
γενόμενα, ἐχρήσαντο δὲ οἱ δείλαιοι γνωριμώτερον τοῖς δυστυχήμασι. τί χρὴ
Μεσσήνης καὶ Πύλου μεμνῆσθαι, οὔτε ἀγωνισαμένων καρτερῶς οὔτε ἁλόντων ξὺν
βίᾳ; [C] Συρακούσιοι δὲ τὸν σοφὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀντιτάξαντες ταῖς παρασκευαῖς
τῆς ἡμετέρας πόλεως καὶ τῷ καλῷ κἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ τί πλέον ὤναντο; οὐχ
ἑάλωσαν μὲν τῶν ἄλλων αἴσχιον, ἐσώζοντο δὲ καλὸν ὑπόμνημα τῆς τῶν ἑλόντων
πρᾳότητος; Ἀλλ᾽ εἰ πάσας ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι τὰς πόλεις βουλοίμην, αἳ πρὸς τὰς
ὑποδεεστέρας οὐ κατήρκεσαν παρασκευάς, πόσας οἴει μοι βίβλους ἀρκέσειν;
τῆς Ῥώμης δὲ ἴσως ἄξιον μνησθῆναι πάλαι ποτὲ χρησαμένης τύχῃ τοιαύτῃ, [D]
Γαλατῶν οἶμαι καὶ Κελτῶν ἐς ταύτὸ πνευσάντων καὶ φερομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν
καθάπερ χειμάρρους ἐξαίφνης. κατέλαβον μὲν γὰρ τὸν λόφον ἐκεῖνον, οὗ τὸ
τοῦ Διὸς ἀφίδρυται βρέτας; γέρροις δὲ καί τισι τοιούτοις οἱονεὶ τείχει
φραξάμενοι, πολυπραγμονούντων οὐδὲν προσιέναι τῶν πολεμίων βίᾳ τολμώντων,
ἐκράτησαν.

(Such were the trophies and victories that you left behind you in Asia,
and you led your troops to Europe in perfect condition, determined to fill
the whole world with the monuments of your victories. Even if I had
nothing more wonderful to relate about you, what I have said is enough to
demonstrate that in good sense and energy you surpass all those in the
past whose fortune was the same as yours. Indeed to have repulsed the
whole strength of Persia and remain unscathed, not to have lost so much as
a soldier from the ranks, much less a town or fort, and finally to have
brought the siege to so brilliant and unprecedented a conclusion,—what
achievement I ask in the past could one compare with this? The
Carthaginians were famous for their daring in the face of danger, but they
ended in disaster. The siege of Plataea shed lustre on its citizens, but
all that their valour could do for those unhappy men was to make their
misfortunes more widely known. What need to quote Messene or Pylos, since
there the defeated did not make a brave defence nor was a vigorous assault
necessary to subdue them? As for the Syracusans, they had their famous man
of science(126) to aid them against the armaments of Rome and our
illustrious general,(127) but what did he avail them in the end? Did they
not fall more ignominiously than the rest, and were only spared to be a
glorious monument of their conqueror’s clemency? But if I wished to reckon
up all the states that could not withstand armaments inferior to their
own, how many volumes do you think would suffice? Rome, however, I ought
perhaps to mention, because long ago she had just such a fortune, I mean
when the Galatians and Celts(128) conspired together, and without warning
poured down on the city like a winter torrent.(129) The citizens occupied
the famous hill(130) on which stands the statue of Jupiter. There they
intrenched themselves with wicker barricades and such like defences, as
though with a wall, while the enemy offered no hindrance nor ventured to
approach to attack at close quarters, and so they won the day.)

[30] Ταύτῃ παραβαλεῖν ἄξιον τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τὴν ἔναγχος τῷ τέλει τῆς τύχης,
ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε ἔργοις οὐδεμιᾷ τῶν ὅσαι πάλαι γεγόνασι. τίς γὰρ ἔγνω
κυκλουμένην μὲν ὕδασι πόλιν,(131) λόφοις δὲ ἔξωθεν καθάπερ δικτύοις
περιβληθεῖσαν, καὶ ποταμὸν ἐπαφιέμενον οἱονεὶ μηχάνημα, συνεχῶς ῥέοντα καὶ
προσρηγνύμενον τοῖς τείχεσι, τάς τε ὑπὲρ τῶν ὑδάτων μάχας καὶ ὅσαι περὶ τῷ
τείχει κατενεχθέντι γεγόνασιν;(132) ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν, ὅπερ ἔφην, ἀπόχρη καὶ
ταῦτα· τὰ λειπόμενα δέ ἐστι μακρῷ σεμνότερα. [B] καὶ τυχὸν οὐδαμῶς εὔλογον
ἅπαξ ἑλόμενον ἁπάντων ἐς δύναμιν μνησθῆναι τῶν σοι πραχθέντων, ἀκμαζουσῶν
ἔτι τῶν πράξεων, ἁφεῖναι τὴν διήγησιν. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἔτι τοῖς ἔργοις
προσκαθήμενος, ὧν μικρῷ πρόσθεν ἐμνήσθην, περὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην διῴκησας,
πρεσβείας πέμπων καὶ ἀναλίσκων χρήματα καὶ στρατόπεδα τὰ προσκαθήμενα τοῖς
Σκύθαις ἐν Παιονίᾳ ἐκπέμπων, τοῦ μὴ κρατηθῆναι τὸν πρεσβύτην ὑπὸ τοῦ
τυράννου προνοῶν, πῶς ἄν τις ἐν βραχεῖ λόγῳ [C] παραστῆσαι δύναιτο καὶ
πάνυ σπουδάζων;

(It is with this siege that the recent one may well be compared, at least
in the issue of its fortunes; for the actual occurrences could not be
paralleled in all history. For who ever heard of surrounding a city with
water, and from without throwing hills about it like nets, then hurling at
it, like a siege‐engine, a river that flowed in a steady stream and broke
against its walls, or of fighting like that which took place in the water
and about the wall where it had fallen in? For my purpose, this is, as I
said, evidence enough. But what remains to tell is far more awe‐inspiring.
And perhaps, since I have undertaken to record, as far as possible, all
that you accomplished, it is not fair to break off my narrative at the
point where you were at the very height of your activity. For even while
you were occupied by the interests I have just described, you arranged
your affairs in Europe, despatching embassies, spending money, and sending
out the legions that were garrisoning Paeonia against the Scythians, all
of which was with the intention of preventing that feeble old man(133)
from being overpowered by the usurper.(134) But how could one, with the
best will in the world, present all this in a short speech?)

Ἐπει δέ, ἤδη σου πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὡρμημένου, οὐκ οἶδα παρ᾽ ὅτου δαιμόνων
ἐξαιρεθεὶς τὸν νοῦν καὶ τὰς φρένας ὁ τέως πιστὸς μενεῖν φύλαξ
ἐπαγγελλόμενος καὶ χρήμασι καὶ στρατοπέδοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ὑπὸ σοῦ
περισωζόμενος εἰρήνην ὡμολόγησε τῷ πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀνοσιωτάτῳ καὶ πολεμίῳ
κοινῇ μὲν ἁπάντων, ὁπόσοις εἰρήνης μέλει καὶ τὴν ὁμόνοιαν ἐκ παντὸς
στέργουσιν, [D] ἰδίᾳ δὲ σοὶ καὶ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων· οὔτε ἔδεισας τῆς
παρασκευῆς τὸ μέγεθος οὔτε ἀπίστων ἀνδρῶν ξυμμαχίαν πλέον ἔχειν(135)
ὑπέλαβες τῆς ἔμφρονος γνώμης. ἐγκαλῶν δέ, ὡς εἰκός, τῷ μὲν ἀπιστίαν, τῷ δὲ
πρὸς ταύτῃ πράξεων ἀναγῶν καὶ παρανόμων τολμήματα, τὸν μὲν εἰς δίκην καὶ
κρίσιν ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων προυκάλεις, τοῦ δὲ κριτὴν ὑπελάμβανες εἶναι τὸν
πόλεμον. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ὁ καλὸς καὶ συνετὸς ἀπήντα πρεσβύτης, [31]
εὐχερέστερον παιδαρίου τινὸς μετατιθέμενος τὰ δόξαντα καὶ ὧν εὖ πάθοι
δεόμενος μετὰ τὴν χρείαν ἐπιλήσμων· παρῆν δὲ ἄγων ὁπλιτῶν φάλαγγας καὶ
τάξεις ἱππέων, ὡς, εἰ μὴ πείθοι, βιασόμενος σε(136) ὀπίσω πάλιν ἀπιέναι
τὴν αὐτὴν ἄπρακτον· οὐδὲν ἐκπλαγείς, ὅτι τὸν σύμμαχον καὶ στρατηγὸν μενεῖν
ἐπαγγελλόμενον πολέμιον εἶδες ἐξ ἴσης ἄρχειν ἐθέλοντα, καίτοι τῷ πλήθει
τῶν στρατευμάτων ἐλαττούμενος, ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες εἵποντο, [B] πρὸς πλήθει
κρατοῦντα διαγωνίζεσθαι τολμηρὸν μὲν ἴσως, σφαλερὸν δὲ πάντως(137)
ὑπολαβὼν καὶ κρατήσαντι τῇ μάχῃ διὰ τὸν ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς καιροῖς καὶ τοῖς
πράγμασιν ἄγριον τύραννον, ἐβουλεύσω καλῶς μόνον εἶναι σὸν ἐθέλων τὸ
κατόρθωμα, καὶ παρῄεις ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα μετὰ τοῦ τέως συνάρχοντος· συνῄει δὲ
ὁπλίτης δῆμος στίλβων τοῖς ὅπλοις, τὰ ξίφη γυμνὰ καὶ τὰ δόρατα
προτείνοντες, [C] δειλῷ μὲν φρικῶδες καὶ δεινὸν θέαμα, εὐψύχῳ δὲ καὶ
θαρραλέῳ καὶ οἷος αὐτὸς γέγονας ὄφελος γενναῖον. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἤρξω
τῶν λόγων, σιγὴ μὲν ἐπέσχε, πρὸς τὴν ἀκοὴν ὡρμημένων πάντων, τὸ στράτευμα·
δάκρυα δὲ προυχεῖτο πολλοῖς, καὶ ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖρας ὤρεγον, σιγῇ
καὶ ταῦτα δρῶντες, ὡς μήτις αἴσθηται. τὴν εὔνοιαν δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐνεδείκνυντο
καὶ(138) διὰ τῆς ὄψεως, πάντες δὲ τῷ σφόδρα ὡρμῆσθαι τῶν λόγων ἀκούειν.
[D] ἀκμαζούσης δὲ τῆς δημηγορίας συνενθουσιῶντες τῷ λόγῳ πάντες
ἐπεκρότουν, εἶτα αὖθις ἀκούειν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἡσύχαζον. τέλος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν
λόγων ἀναπειθόμενοι σὲ(139) μόνον ἐκάλουν βασιλέα, μόνον ἄρχειν ἠξίουν
ἁπάντων, ἡγεῖσθαι σφῶν ἐκέλευον ἐπὶ τὸν πολέμιον, ἀκολουθήσειν ὡμολόγουν,
ἀπολαμβάνειν ἠξίουν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ γνωρίσματα. σὺ δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν χεῖρα
προσάγειν ᾤου δεῖν οὐδὲ ἀφελέσθαι ξὺν βίᾳ· ὁ δὲ ἄκων μὲν καὶ μόλις, εἴξας
δὲ ὅμως ὀψέ ποτε, φασί, τῇ Θετταλικῇ πειθανάνκῃ, [32] προσῆγέ σοι
περιελόμενος τὴν ἁλουργίδα. οἷός τις ἐνταῦθα γέγονας τοσούτων μὲν ἐθνῶν
καὶ στρατοπέδων καὶ χρημάτων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ γεγονὼς κύριος, τὸν πολέμιον δέ,
εἰ καὶ μὴ τοῖς ἔργοις, ἀλλα τῇ γνώμῃ φανέντα, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφελόμενος καὶ τοῦ
σώματος κρατήσας;

(No sooner had you set out for the seat of war, than this very man, who
had all along protested that he would loyally continue to guard your
interests, though you had reinforced him with money, troops, and
everything of the sort, was driven to folly and madness by I know not what
evil spirit, and came to terms with the most execrable of mankind, the
common enemy of all who care for peace and cherish harmony above all
things, and more particularly your enemy for personal reasons. But you
were undismayed by the magnitude of his preparations, nor would you admit
that a conspiracy of traitors could overreach your own wise purpose.
One(140) of the pair you justly accused of treason, the other(141) of
infamous crimes besides, and deeds of lawless violence, and you summoned
the former to trial and judgment before the legions, the latter you
decided to leave to the arbitrament of war. Then he met you face to face,
that honourable and prudent old man, who used to change his opinions more
easily than any child, and, though he had begged for them, forgot all your
favours as soon as the need had passed. He arrived with his phalanxes of
hoplites and squadrons of cavalry, intending to compel, if he could not
persuade you, to take no action and return the way you came. When, then,
you saw this man, who had protested that he would continue to be your ally
and general, playing an enemy’s part and claiming an equal share of your
empire, you were not at all dismayed, though his troops outnumbered yours.
For you had not brought your whole force with you since you decided that
to fight it out with such odds against you might be courageous but was in
every way hazardous, even if you won the battle, because of that other
savage usurper(142) who was lying in wait for a favourable
opportunity(143) when you should be in difficulties. You therefore made a
wise resolve in preferring to achieve success single‐handed, and you
mounted the platform with him who for the moment was your colleague in
empire. He was escorted by a whole host of hoplites with glittering
weapons,(144) presenting drawn swords and spears, a sight to make a coward
shake with fear, though it inspired and supported one so brave and gallant
as yourself. Now when first you began to speak, silence fell on the whole
army and every man strained his ears to hear. Many shed tears and raised
their hands to heaven, though even this they did in silence, so as to be
unobserved. Some again showed their affection in their faces, but all
showed it by their intense eagerness to hear your words. When your speech
reached its climax, they were carried away by enthusiasm and burst into
applause, then eager to miss no word they became quiet again. Finally, won
by your arguments, they hailed you as their only Emperor, demanded that
you alone should rule the whole empire, and bade you lead them against
your adversary, promising to follow you and begging you to take back the
imperial insignia. You, however, thought it beneath you to stretch out
your hand for them or to take them by force. Then against his will and
with reluctance, but yielding at last to what is called Thessalian
persuasion,(145) he took off the purple robe and offered it to you. What a
heroic figure yours was then, when, in a single day, you became master of
all those races, those legions, all that wealth, when you stripped of his
power and took prisoner one who, if not in fact yet in intention, had
shown that he was your enemy!)

Ἆρ᾽ οὐ τούτῳ μὲν ἄμεινον καὶ δικαιότερον προσηνέχθης ἢ Κῦρος τῷ πάππῳ,
τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν δὲ τὰς τιμὰς διεφύλαξας οὐδὲν οὐδενὸς ἀφελόμενος, προσθεὶς
δὲ οἶμαι δωρεὰς πολλοῖς; [B] τίς δέ σ᾽(146) εἶδεν ἢ πρὸ τοῦ κρατῆσαι
σκυθρωπὸν λίαν ἢ μετὰ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπερηδόμενον; καίτοι πῶς(147) ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν
ἐστί σε δημηγόρον ἅμα καὶ στρατηγὸν ἢ βασιλέα χρηστὸν καὶ γενναῖον ὁπλίτην
προσαγορεύοντας; ὃς πάλαι μὲν ἀπορραγὲν τὸ στρατηγεῖον(148) ἀπὸ τοῦ
βήματος ἐς ταὐτὸν πάλιν ἐπαναγαγεῖν ἠξίωσας σχῆμα, μιμούμενος οἶμαι
Ὀδυσσέα καὶ Νέστορα καὶ τοὺς ἐξελόντας Καρχηδόνα Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὺς, [C]
οἳ φοβερωτέρους αὑτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν ἢ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπὶ
τῆς παρατάξεως ἀεὶ κατέστησαν. Δημοσθένους δὲ καὶ ὅστις τοῦτον ἐζήλωκε τὴν
ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἰσχὺν αἰδούμενος, τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς δημηγορίας οὔποτ᾽ ἂν
ἀξιώσαιμι τῷ(149) σῷ παραβαλεῖν τἀκείνων θέατρα. οὐ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὁπλίταις
ἐδημηγόρουν οὐδὲ ὑπέρ τοσούτων κινδυνεόοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ χρημάτων ἢ τιμῆς ἢ
δόξης, ἢ φίλοις συνερεῖν ἐπαγγειλάμενοι, ἀπῄεσαν οἶμαι πολλάκις ἀπὸ τοῦ
βήματος, [D] τοῦ δήμου θορυβήσαντος, ὠχροὶ καὶ τρέμοντες, ὥσπερ οἱ δειλοὶ
τῶν πολεμίων ἐν ὄψει στρατηγοὶ παραταττόμενοι. καὶ οὐδεὶς ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι
τοσοῦτον ἔργον ἑτέρῳ πραχθὲν πώποτε καὶ τοσούτων ἐθνῶν κτῆσιν ἐκ
δικαστηρίου, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα τῆς δίκης οὔσης οὐχ, ὡς οἱ πολλοί
φασιν, [33] εὐκαταφρόνητον, ἁλλὰ πολλαῖς μὲν στρατείαις γνώριμον,
πρεσβύτην δὲ ἤδη καὶ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ἐκ τοῦ χρόνου δοκοῦντα προσειληφέναι
καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐκείνων ἄρχειν λαχόντα πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον. τίς οὖν ἡ
ῥώμη γέγονε τῶν λόγων; τίς δὲ ἡ πειθὼ τοῖς χείλεσιν ἐπικαθημένη, ἡ(150)
παντοδαπῶν ἀνθρώπων συνειλεγμένων τὸ κέντρον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν(151) ἰσχύσασα
ταῖς ψυχαῖς, καὶ νίκην παρασχεῖν τῷ [B] μεγέθει μὲν ἐνάμιλλον ταῖς ἐκ τῶν
ὅπλων περιγινομέαις, εὐαγῆ δὲ καὶ καθαράν, ὥσπερ ἱερέως ἐς θεοῦ ποιτῶντος,
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ βασιλέως ἐς πόλεμον, ἔργον γενομένην; καίτοι γε μὴν ταὺτης εἰκόνα
τῆς πράξεως μακρῷ λειπομένην καὶ Πέρσαι θρυλοῦσι, τοὺς Δαρείου παῖδας τοῦ
πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος ὑπὲρ τῆς άρχῆς διαφερομένους δίκῃ τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς καὶ
οὐ τῇ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπιτρέψαι κρίσει. σοὶ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς οὔτε ἐν
τοῖς λόγοις οὄτε ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ἀγὼν γέγονεν οὐδὲ εἷς· [C] ἕχαιρες δὲ
οἶμαι τῷ κοινὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους εἶναί σοι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ μόνος
ἁπάντων γενέσθαι κύριος· πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀσεβὲς μὲν ἢ παράνομον οὐδὲν
εἰργασμένον, ἄπιστον δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ φανέντα ἐν(152) ἐλέγχοις, οἳ τὴν ἀπιστίαν
ἐκείνου δείξουσι.

(Did you not behave more nobly and more generously to him than Cyrus did
to his own grandfather? For you deprived your enemy’s followers of
nothing, but protected their privileges and, I understand, gave many of
them presents besides. Who saw you despondent before your triumph or
unduly elated after it? Orator, general, virtuous emperor, distinguished
soldier, though men give you all these titles, how can any praise of ours
be adequate? Long had the orator’s platform been wholly disconnected from
the general’s functions(153); and it was reserved for you to combine them
once more in your person, in this surely following the example of Odysseus
and Nestor and the Roman generals who sacked Carthage; for these men were
always even more formidable to wrong‐doers whom they attacked from the
platform than to the enemy in the field of battle. Indeed I pay all the
homage due to the forcible eloquence of Demosthenes and his imitators, but
when I consider the conditions of your harangue I can never admit that
there is any comparison between your theatre and theirs. For they never
had to address an audience of hoplites nor had they such great interests
at stake, but only money, or honour, or reputation, or friends whom they
had undertaken to assist, yet when the citizens clamoured in dissent, they
often, I believe, left the platform pale and trembling, like generals who
prove to be cowards when they have to face the enemy in battle‐line.
Indeed from all history it would be impossible to cite an achievement as
great as yours when you acquired control of all those races by judicial
pleading alone; and moreover you had to make out your case against a man
not by any means to be despised, as many people think, but one who had won
distinction in many campaigns, who was full of years, who had the
reputation of experience gained in a long career, and had for a
considerable period been in command of the legions there present. What
overwhelming eloquence that must have been! How truly did “persuasion sit
on your lips”(154) and had the power to “leave a sting” in the souls of
that motley crowd of men, and to win you a victory that in importance
rivals any that were ever achieved by force of arms, only that yours was
stainless and unalloyed, and was more like the act of a priest going to
the temple of his god than of an emperor going to war. It is true indeed
that the Persians have a similar instance to quote, but it falls far short
of what you did, I mean that on their father’s death the sons of Darius
quarrelled about the succession to the throne and appealed to justice
rather than to arms to arbitrate their case. But between you and your
brothers there never arose any dispute, either in word or deed, nay not
one, for it was in fact more agreeable to you to share the responsibility
with them than to be the sole ruler of the world. But your quarrel was
with one who, though his actions had not so far been impious or criminal,
was shown to have a treasonable purpose, and you brought proofs to make
that treason manifest.)

Ταύτην ἐκδέχεται στρατεία λαμπρὰ τὴν δημηγορίαν καὶ πόλεμος ἱερός, οὐχ
ὑπὲρ ἱεροῦ χωρίου, ὁποῖον τὸν Φωκικὸν ἀκούομεν συστῆναι(155) κατὰ τοὺς
ἔμπροσθεν, [D] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ φόνου πολιτῶν
μυρίων, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἀνῃρήκει, τοὺς δὲ ἐμέλλησε, τοὺς δὲ ἐπεχείρησε
συλλαβεῖν, ὥσπερ οἶμαι δεδιὼς μή τις αὐτὸν πολίτην μοχθηρόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ
βάρβαρον ὑπολάβῃ φύσει. τὰ γὰρ εἰς τὴν σὴν οἰκίαν ἀδικήματα οὐδενὸς ὄντα
τῶν κοινῇ τολμηθέντων αὐτῷ φαυλότερα καὶ ἐλάττονος ἀξιοῦν ᾤου δεῖν
φροντίδος· οὕτω σοι τὰ κοινὰ πρὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἔδοξε καὶ δοκεῖ τίμια.

(After your harangue there followed a brilliant campaign and a war truly
sacred, though it was not on behalf of sacred territory, like the Phocian
war, which we are told was waged(156) in the days of our ancestors, but
was to avenge the laws and the constitution and the slaughter of countless
citizens, some of whom the usurper(157) had put to death, while others he
was just about to kill or was trying to arrest. It was really as though he
was afraid that otherwise he might be considered, for all his vices, a
Roman citizen instead of a genuine barbarian. As for his crimes against
your house, though they were quite as flagrant as his outrages against the
state, you thought it became you to devote less attention to them. So true
it is, that, then as now, you rated the common weal higher than your
private interests.)

[34] Πότερον οὖν χρὴ τῶν ἀδικημάτων ἁπάντων μεμνῆσθαι ὧν εἴς τε(158) τὸ
κοινὸν καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἔδρασε, κτείνας μὲν τὸν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ δεσπίτην·
ἁνδράποδον γὰρ ἦν τῶν ἐκείνου προγόνων, τῆς ἁπὸ Γερμανῶν λείας λείψανον
δυστυχὲς περισωζόμενον· ἄρχειν δὲ ἡμῶν ἐπιχειρῶν, ᾧ μηδὲ ἐλευθέρῳ προσῆκον
ἦν νομισθῆναι μὴ τοῦτο παρ᾽ ὑμῶν λαβόντι· καὶ ὡς(159) τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ
στρατοπέδου ξυνδῶν καὶ ἀποκτιννὺς καὶ δουλεύων αἰσχρῶς τῷ πλήθει καὶ
κολακεύων τὴν εὐταξίαν διέφθειρε· καὶ ὡς τοὺς καλοὺς ἐκείνους ἐτίθει
νόμους, [B] τὴν ἡμίσειαν εἰσφέρειν, θάνατον ἀπειλῶν τοῖς ἀπειθοῦσι,
μηνυτὰς δὲ εἶναι τὸν βουλόμενον τῶν οἰκετῶν· καὶ ὅπως ἠνάγκαζε τοὺς οὐδὲν
δεομένους τὰ βασιλικὰ κτήματα πρίασθαι; ἐπιλείψει με τἀκείνου διηγούμενον
ὁ χρόνος ἀδικήματα καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος τῆς καταλαβούσης τὸ μέγεθος. ἀλλὰ
τῆς παρασκευῆς τῆς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ἣν κατέβαλε μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, [C]
ἐχρήσατο δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς, τὴν ἰσχὺν τίς ἂν(160) ἀξίως παραστήσειε; Κελτοὶ καὶ
Γαλάται, ἔθνη καὶ τοῖς πάλαι φανέντα δυσανταγώνιστα, πολλάκις μὲν
ἐπιρρεύσαντα καθάπερ χειμάρρους ἀνυπόστατος Ἰταλοῖς καὶ Ἰλλυριοῖς, ἤδη δὲ
καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας ἁψάμενα τῷ κρατεῖν τοῖς ἐνόπλοις ἀγῶσιν, ἄκοντες(161) ἡμῖν
ὑπήκουσαν, ἔς τε(162) τοὺς καταλόγους τῶν στρατευμάτων ἐγγράφονται καὶ
τέλη παρέχονται λαμπρὰ παρὰ τῶν σῶν προγόνων καὶ πατρὸς κατειλεγμένα·
εἰρήνης δὲ μακρᾶς καὶ τῶν ἐκ ταύτης ἀγαθῶν ἀπολαύοντες, [D] ἐπιδούσης
αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας πρὸς πλοῦτον καὶ εὐανδρίαν, καὶ ἀδελφοῖς τοῖς σοῖς
στρατιώτας καταλέξαι πολλοὺς παρέσχοντο, τέλος δὲ τῷ τυράννῳ βίᾳ καὶ οὐ
γνώμῃ πανδημεὶ συνεστρατεύοντο. ἠκολούθουν δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς
ξύμμαχοι προθυμότατοι Φράγγοι καὶ Σάξονες, τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν Ῥῆνον καὶ
περὶ(163) τὴν ἑσπερίαν θάλατταν ἐθνῶν τὰ μαχιμώτατα. καὶ [35] πόλις πᾶσα
καὶ φρούριον πρόσοικον Ῥήνῳ τῶν ἐνοικούντων φυλάκων ἐξερημωθέντα προδέδοτο
μὲν ἀφύλακτα πάντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς δὲ ἐξεπέμπετο παρεσκευασμένον
λαμπρῶς τὸ στράτευμα· πᾶσα δὲ ἐῴκει πόλις Γαλατικὴ στρατοπέδῳ
παρασκευαζομένῳ πρὸς πόλεμον· καὶ πάντα ἦν ὅπλων καὶ παρασκευῆς ἱππέων καὶ
πεζῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν καὶ ἀκοντιστῶν πλήρη. συρρέοντων [B] δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν
ἁπανταχόθεν τῶν ἐκείνου ξυμμάχων καὶ τοῖς ἐνταῦθα πάλαι κατειλεγμένοις
στρατιώταις ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθόντων, οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἐφάνη τολμηρός, ὃς οὐκ
ἔδεισεν οὐδὲ ἐξεπλάγη τὸν ἐπιόντα χειμῶνα. σκηπτὸς ἐδόκει πᾶσιν ὁ
φερόμενος ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλπεων, σκηπτὸς ἀφόρητος ἔργῳ καὶ ἄρρητος λόγῳ. τοῦτον
ἔδεισαν Ἰλλυριοὶ καὶ Παίονες καὶ Θρᾷκες καὶ Σκύθαι, τοῦτον οἱ τὴν Ἀσίαν
οἰκοῦντες ἄνθρωποι ἐφ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὡρμῆσθαι πάντως ὑπέλαβον, τούτῳ [C]
πολεμέσειν ἤδη περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν καὶ Πέρσαι παρεσκευάζοντο. ὁ δὲ μικρὰ μὲν
ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι τὰ παρόντα καὶ πόνον οὐ πολὺν τῆς σῆς συνέσεως καὶ ῥώμης
κρατῆσαι, τοὺς Ἰνδῶν δὲ ἐσκόπει πλούτους καὶ Περσῶν τὴν πολυτέλειαν·
τοσοῦτον(164) αὐτῷ περιῆν ἀνοίας καὶ θράσους ἐκ μικροῦ παντελῶς περὶ τοὺς
κατασκόπους πλεονεκτέματος, οὓς ἀφυλάκτους ὅλῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ λοχήσας
ἔκτεινεν. οὕτω τὸ πράττειν εὖ παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἀρχὴ πολλάκις γέγονε τοῖς
ἀνοήτοις μειζόνων συμφορῶν. [D] ἀρθεὶς γὰρ ὁ δείλαιος ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας
ταύτης μετέωρος κατέλιπε μὲν τὰ προκείμενα τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐρυμνὰ χωρία, ἐς
Νωρικοὺς δὲ καὶ Παίονας ἀφυλάκτως ᾔει, δεῖν αὑτῷ τάχους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὅπλων
οὐδὲ ἀνδρείας οἰόμενος.

(I need not mention all the usurper’s offences against the community and
against individuals. He assassinated his own master. For he had actually
been the slave of the murdered emperor’s ancestors, a miserable remnant
saved from the spoils of Germany. And then he aimed at ruling over us, he
who had not even the right to call himself free, had you not granted him
the privilege. Those in command of the legions he imprisoned and put to
death, while to the common soldiers he behaved with such abject servility
and deference that he ruined their discipline. Then he enacted those fine
laws of his, a property tax of fifty per cent., and threatened the
disobedient with death, while any slave who pleased might inform against
his master. Then he compelled those who did not want it to purchase the
imperial property. But time would fail me were I to tell of all his crimes
and of the vast proportions that his tyranny had assumed. As for the
armament which he had collected to use against the barbarians but actually
employed against us, who could give you an adequate report of its
strength? There were Celts and Galatians(165) who had seemed invincible
even to our ancestors, and who had so often like a winter torrent that
sweeps all before it,(166) poured down on the Italians and Illyrians, and,
following up their repeated victories on the field of battle, had even
invaded Asia, and then became our subjects because they had no choice.
They had been enrolled in the ranks of our armies and furnished levies
that won a brilliant reputation, being enlisted by your ancestors, and,
later, by your father. Then, since they enjoyed the blessings of long‐
continued peace, and their country increased in wealth and population,
they furnished your brothers with considerable levies, and finally, by
compulsion, not choice, they all in a body took part in the usurper’s
campaign. The most enthusiastic of his followers were, in virtue of their
ties of kinship, the Franks and Saxons, the most warlike of the tribes who
live beyond the Rhine and on the shores of the western sea. And since
every city and every fortified place on the banks of the Rhine was shorn
of its garrison, that whole region was left with no defence against the
barbarians, and all that splendidly organised army was despatched against
us. Every town in Galatia(167) was like a camp preparing for war. Nothing
was to be seen but weapons of war and forces of cavalry, infantry,
archers, and javelin men. When these allies of the usurper began to pour
into Italy from all quarters and there joined the troops who had been
enrolled long before, there was no one so bold as not to feel terror and
dismay at the tempest that threatened.(168) It seemed to all as though a
thunderbolt had fallen from the Alps, a bolt that no action could avert,
no words describe. It struck terror into the Illyrians, the Paeonians, the
Thracians, the Scythians; the dwellers in Asia believed it was directed
entirely against themselves, and even the Persians began to get ready to
oppose it in their country’s defence. But the usurper thought his task was
easy, and that he would have little difficulty in baffling your wisdom and
energy, and already fixed his covetous gaze on the wealth of India and the
magnificence of Persia. To such an excess of folly and rashness had he
come, and after a success wholly insignificant, I mean the affair of the
scouts whom, while they were unprotected by the main army, he ambushed and
cut in pieces. So true it is that when fools meet with undeserved
success(169) they often find it is but the prelude to greater misfortunes.
And so, elated by this stroke of luck, he left the fortified posts that
protected the Italian frontier, and marched towards the Norici and the
Paeonians, taking no precautions, because he thought that speed would
serve him better than force of arms or courage.)

Ὃ δὴ καταμαθὼν ἐπανῆγες ἀπὸ τῶν δυσχωριῶν τὸ στράτευμα, εἵπετο δὲ ἐκεῖνος,
διώκειν, οὐχὶ δὲ καταστρατηγεῖσθαι νομίσας, ἕως εἰς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν ἄμφω
κατέστητε. τῶν πεδίων δὲ τῶν πρὸ τῆς Μύρσης ὀφθέντων, [36] ἐτάττοντο μὲν
ἐπὶ κέρως(170) ἱππεῖς ἑκατέρου πεζοί τε ἐν μέσῳ· ἔχων δὲ αὐτός, ὦ βασιλεῦ,
τὸν ποταμὸν ἐν δεξιᾷ, τῷ λαιῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἐτρέψω μὲν
εὐθέως καὶ διέλυσας τὴν φάλαγγα οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν συγκειμένην ὀρθῶς, ἅτε
ἀνδρὸς ἀπείρου πολέμων καὶ στρατηγίας αὐτὴν κοσμήσαντος. ὁ δὲ τέως διώκειν
ὑπολαμβάνων, οὐδὲ ἐς χεῖρας ἀφικόμενος, [B] ἔφευγε καρτερῶς ἐκπλαγεὶς τὸν
κτύπον τῶν ὅπλων, οὐδὲ τὸν ἐνυάλιον παιᾶνα τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐπαλαλαζόντων
ἀδεῶς ἀκούων. διαλυθείσης δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται τῆς τάξεως συνιστάμενοι κατὰ
λόχους πάλιν τὸν ἀγῶνα συνέβαλον, αἰσχυνόμενοι μὲν ὀφθῆναι φεύγοντες καὶ
τὸ τέως ἄπιστον ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ἐφ᾽ αὑτῶν δεῖξαι συμβαῖνον, στρατιώτην
Κελτόν, στρατιώτην ἐκ Γαλατίας τὰ νῶτα τοῖς πολεμίοις δείξαντα. [C] οἱ
βάρβαροι δὲ τὴν ἐπάνοδον ἀπεγνωκότες, εἰ πταίσειαν, ἢ κρατεῖν ἢ θνήσκειν
δράσαντές τι δεινὸν τοὺς πολεμίους ἠξίουν. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ξὺν τῷ τυράννῳ
τοσοῦτον περιῆν θράσους(171) πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ καὶ τοῦ χωρεῖν ὁμόσε πολλὴ
προθυμία.

(The moment that you learned this, you led your army out of the narrow and
dangerous passes, and he followed in pursuit, as he thought, unaware that
he was being outgeneralled, until you both reached open country. When the
plains before Myrsa(172) were in sight, the cavalry of both armies were
drawn up on the wings, while the infantry formed the centre. Then your
Majesty kept the river on your right, and, outflanking the enemy with your
left, you at once turned and broke his phalanx, which indeed had from the
first the wrong formation, since it had been drawn up by one who knew
nothing of war or strategy. Then he who so far had thought he was the
pursuer did not even join battle, but took to headlong flight, dismayed by
the clash of weapons; he could not even listen without trembling when the
legions shouted their battle‐song. His ranks had been thrown into
disorder, but the soldiers formed into companies and renewed the battle.
For they disdained to be seen in flight, and to give an example in their
own persons of what had hitherto been inconceivable to all men, I mean a
Celtic or Galatian(173) soldier turning his back to the enemy. The
barbarians too, who, if defeated, could not hope to make good their
retreat, were resolved either to conquer, or not to perish till they had
severely punished their opponents. Just see the extraordinary daring of
the usurper’s troops in the face of dangers and their great eagerness to
come to close quarters!)

Οἱ δὲ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσαντες, αἰδούμενοι μὲν ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸν βασιλέα,
παροξυνόμενοι δὲ ὐπὸ τῶν πάλαι κατορθωμάτων καὶ τῶν ἐν χερσὶ λαμπρῶν καὶ
τέως ἀπίστων ἔργων, τέλος [D] ἄξιον τοῖς προϋπηργμένοις ἐπιθεῖναι
φιλοτιμούμενοι πάντα ὑπέμενον ἡδέως πόνον καὶ κίνδυνον. ὥσπερ οὖν ἄρτι τῆς
παρατάξεως ἀρχομένης, συνιόντες πάλιν ἔργα τόλμης ἀπεδείκνυντο καὶ θυμοῦ
γενναῖα, οἱ μὲν ὠθούμενοι περὶ τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ἄλλοι δὲ λαμβανόμενοι τῶν
ἀσπίδων, καὶ τῶν ἱππέων ὁπόσους ἵπποι τρωθέντες ἀπεσείοντο πρὸς τοὺς
ὁπλίτας μετεσκευάζοντο. ταῦτα ἔδρων οἱ ξὺν τῷ τυράννῳ τοῖς πεζοῖς
ἐπιβρέσαντες· καὶ ἦν ὁ πόλεμος ἐξ ἴσης, ἕως οἱ θωρακοφόροι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν
τῶν ἱππέων πλῆθος, [37] οἱ μὲν ἐκ τόξων βάλλοντες, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐπελαύνοντες
τοὺς ἵππους, πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινον, ἐδίωκον δὲ ἅπαντας καρτερῶς, τινὰς μὲν
πρὸς τὸ πεδίον ὡρμηκότας φεύγειν, ὧν ἡ νὺξ ὀλίγους ἀπέσωσε μόλις, τὸ
λοιπὸν δὲ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν κατηνέχθη, καθάπερ βοῶν ἢ βοσκημάτων ἀγέλη
συνελαυνόμενοι. τοσαῦτα ἐκεῖνο τὸ στράτευμα τῆς τοῦ τυράννου δειλίας,
οὐδὲν ἐκεῖνον ὀνῆσαν ἐκ τῆς [B] ἀνδρείας τῆς αὑτοῦ, μάτην ἀπέλαυσε.

(Our men, on the other hand, had so far carried all before them and were
anxious to retain the good opinion of their comrades and of the Emperor,
and were moreover stimulated by their successes in the past and by the
almost incredible brilliance of their exploits in this very engagement,
and, ambitious as they were to end the day as gloriously as they had begun
it, cheerfully encountered toil and danger. So they charged again as
though the battle had only just begun, and gave a wonderful display of
daring and heroism. For some hurled themselves full on the enemy’s swords,
or seized the enemy’s shields, others, when their horses were wounded and
the riders thrown, at once transformed themselves into hoplites. The
usurper’s army meanwhile did the same and pressed our infantry hard.
Neither side gained the advantage, till the cuirassiers by their archery,
aided by the remaining force of cavalry, who spurred on their horses to
the charge, had begun to inflict great loss on the enemy, and by main
force to drive the whole army before them. Some directed their flight to
the plain, and of these a few were saved just in time by the approach of
night. The rest were flung into the river, crowded together like a herd of
oxen or brute beasts. Thus did the usurper’s army reap the fruits of his
cowardice, while their valour availed him nothing.)

Τρόπαιον δὲ ἀνέστησας ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τοῦ πατρῴου λαμπρότερον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς
τέως ἀμάχους δοκοῦντας ἄγων ἐκράτει γέροντος δυστυχοῦς· σὺ δὲ ἡβῶσαν καὶ
ἀκμάζουσαν οὐ τοῖς κακοῖς μόνον οἷς ἔδρα, τῇ νεότητι δὲ πλέον, τὴν
τυραννίδα παρεστήσω, τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ παρασκευασθεῖσι στρατοπέδοις
παραταξάμενος. τίς γὰρ εἰπεῖν ἔχει τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοκρατόρων ἱππικὴν
δύναμιν καὶ σκευὴν τῶν [C] ὅπλων τοιαύτην ἐπινοήσαντα καὶ μιμησάμενον; ᾗ
πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐγγυμνασάμενος διδάσκαλος ἐγένου τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅπλων χρήσεως
ἀμάχου. ὑπὲρ ἧς εἰπεῖν τολμήσαντες πολλοὶ τῆς ἀξίας διήμαρτον, ὥσθ᾽ ὅσοι
τῶν λόγων ἀκούσαντες ὕστερον ἰδεῖν ηὐτύχησαν τὰς ἀκοὰς σαφῶς ἀπιστοτέρας
ἔγνωσαν εἶναι τῶν ὀμμάτων. ἄπειρον γὰρ ἦγες(174) ἱππέων πλῆθος, καθάπερ
ἀνδριάντας ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀχουμένους, οἷς συνήρμοστο τὰ μέλη κατὰ μίμησιν
τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως· [D] ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν ἄκρων καρπῶν ἐς τοὺς ἀγκῶνας,
ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ὤμους, καὶ ὁ θώραξ ἐκ(175) τμημάτων κατὰ τὸ στέρνον
καὶ τὰ νῶτα συναρμοζόμενος, τὸ κράνος αὐτῷ προσώπῳ σιδηροῦν ἐπικείμενον
ἀνδριάντος λαμπροῦ καὶ στίλβοντος παρέχει τὴν ὄψιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ κνῆμαι καὶ
μηροὶ μηδὲ ἄκροι πόδες τῆς σκευῆς ταύτης ἔρημοι λείπονται. συναρμοζομένων
δὲ αὐτῶν τοῖς θώραξι διά τινων ἐκ κρίκου λεπτοῦ πεποιημένων οἱονεὶ
ὑφασμάτων οὐδὲν ἂν ὀφθείη τοῦ σώματος γυμνὸν μέρος, ἅτε καὶ τῶν χειρῶν
[38] τοῖς ὑφάσμασι τούτοις σκεπομένων πρὸς τὸ καὶ καμπτομένοις
ἐπακολουθεῖν τοῖς δακτύλοις. ταῦτα ὁ λόγος παραστῆσαι μὲν σαφῶς ἐπιθυμεῖ,
ἀπολειπόμενος δὲ θεατὰς τῶν ὅπλων τοὺς μαθεῖν τι πλέον ἐθέλοντας, οὐχὶ δὲ
ἀκροατὰς τῆς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν διηγήσεως ἀξιοῖ γενέσθαι.

(The trophy that you set up for that victory was far more brilliant than
your father’s. He led an army that had always proved itself invincible,
and with it conquered a miserable old man.(176) But the tyranny that you
suppressed was flourishing and had reached its height, partly through the
crimes that had been committed, but still more because so many of the
youth were on that side, and you took the field against it with legions
that had been trained by yourself. What emperor can one cite in the past
who first planned and then reproduced so admirable a type of cavalry, and
such accoutrements? First you trained yourself to wear them, and then you
taught others how to use such weapons so that none could withstand them.
This is a subject on which many have ventured to speak, but they have
failed to do it justice, so much so that those who heard their
description, and later had the good fortune to see for themselves, decided
that their eyes must accept what their ears had refused to credit. Your
cavalry was almost unlimited in numbers and they all sat their horses like
statues, while their limbs were fitted with armour that followed closely
the outline of the human form. It covers the arms from wrist to elbow and
thence to the shoulder, while a coat of mail protects the shoulders, back
and breast. The head and face are covered by a metal mask which makes its
wearer look like a glittering statue, for not even the thighs and legs and
the very ends of the feet lack this armour. It is attached to the cuirass
by fine chain‐armour like a web, so that no part of the body is visible
and uncovered, for this woven covering protects the hands as well, and is
so flexible that the wearers can bend even their fingers.(177) All this I
desire to represent in words as vividly as I can, but it is beyond my
powers, and I can only ask those who wish to know more about this armour
to see it with their own eyes, and not merely to listen to my
description.)

Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸν πρῶτον πόλεμον διεληλύθαμεν, ληγούσης ἤδη τῆς ὀπώρας,
[B] ἆρ᾽ ἐνταῦθα τὴν διήγησιν πάλιν ἀφήσομεν; ἢ πάντως τὸ τέλος ἁποδοῦναι
τῶν ἔργων τοῖς ποθοῦσιν(178) ἄξιον; ἐπέλαβε μὲν ὁ χειμὼν καὶ παρέσχε
διαφυγεῖν τῆν τιμωρίαν τὸν τύραννον. κηρύγματα δὲ ἦν λαμπρὰ καὶ βασιλικῆς
ἄξια μεγαλοψυχίας· ἄδεια δὲ πᾶσιν ἐδίδοτο τοῖς ταξαμένοις μετὰ τοῦ
τυράννου, πλὴν εἴ τις ἀνοσίων ἐκείνῳ φόνων ἐκοινώνει· ἀπελάμβανον τὰς
οἰκίας ἅπαντες καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ πατρίδας οἱ μηδὲ ὄψεσθαί τι τῶν φιλτάτων
αὐτοῖς ἐλπίζοντες. [C] ὑπεδέχου τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπανερχόμενον,
πολλοὺς ἐκεῖθεν πολίτας κατάγον φεύγοντας οἶμαι τὴν τῶν τυράννων ὠμότητα.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ καιρὸς ἐκάλει στρατεύεσθαι, πάλιν ἐφειστήκεις δεινὸς τῷ τυράννῳ.
ὁ δὲ προυβάλλετο τὰς Ἰταλῶν δυσχωρίας, καὶ τοῖς ὄρεσι τοῖς ἐκεῖ καθάπερ
θηρίον ἐναποκρύψας τὰς δυνάμεις αὐτὸς οὐδὲ ὑπαίθριος ἐτόλμα στρατεύειν.
[D] ἀναλαβὼν δὲ ἁὑτὸν εἰς τὴν πλησίον πόλιν τρυφῶσαν καὶ πολυτελῆ, ἐν
πανηγύρεσι καὶ τρυφαῖς ἔτριβε τὸν χρόνον, ἀρκέσειν μὲν αὑτῷ πρὸς σοτηρίαν
τῶν ὀρῶν τὴν δυσχωρίαν μόνον οἰόμενος. ἀκόλαστος δὲ ὢν φύσει κερδαίνειν
ᾤετο τὸ χαρίζεσθαι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἐν τοσούτοις κακοῖς, δῆλός τε ἦν λίαν
πεπιστευκὼς ἀσφαλῶς αὐτῷ τὰ παρόντα ἔχειν, ἀποτειχιζομένης ἐν κύκλῳ τῆς
Ἰταλίας τοῖς ὄρεσι, [39] πλὴν ὅσον ἐξ ἡμισείας ἡ θάλασσα τεναγώδης οὖσα
καὶ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων ἕλεσιν ἐμφερὴς ἄβατον καὶ νηίτῃ στρατῷ πολεμίων ἀνδρῶν
καθίστησιν. ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικεν οὐδὲ ἓν ᾑ φύσις πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ σωφροσύνην
τοῖς ἀκολάστοις καὶ δειλοῖς ἔρυμα μηχανήσασθαι, πάντα ὑποχωρεῖν φρονήσει
μετὰ ἀνδρείας ἐπιούσῃ παρασκευάζουσα· πάλαι τε ἡμῖν ἐξηῦρε τὰς τέχνας, [B]
δι᾽ ὧν εἰς εὐπορίαν τῶν τέως δοξάντων ἀπόρων κατέστημεν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν καθ᾽
ἕκαστον ἔργων τὸ πολλοῖς ἀδύνατον εἶναι φαινόμενον(179) ἐπιτελούμενον πρὸς
ἀνδρὸς σώφρονος. ὃ δὴ καὶ τότε τοῖς ἔργοις, ὦ βασιλεῦ, δείξας εἰκότως ἂν
ἀποδέχοιο τοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λόγους.

(Now that I have told the story of this first campaign, which was fought
at the end of the autumn, shall I here break off my narrative? Or is it
altogether unfair to withhold the end and issue of your achievements from
those who are eager to hear? Winter overtook us and gave the usurper a
chance to escape punishment. Then followed a splendid proclamation worthy
of your imperial generosity. An amnesty was granted to those who had taken
sides with the usurper, except when they had shared the guilt of those
infamous murders. Thus they who had never hoped even to see again anything
that they held dear, recovered their houses, money, and native land. Then
you welcomed the fleet which arrived from Italy bringing thence many
citizens who, no doubt, had fled from the usurper’s savage cruelty. Then
when the occasion demanded that you should take the field, you again
menaced the usurper. He however took cover in the fastnesses of Italy and
hid his army away there in the mountains, wild‐beast fashion, and never
even dared to carry on the war beneath the open heavens. But he betook
himself to the neighbouring town(180) which is devoted to pleasure and
high living, and spent his time in public shows and sensual pleasures,
believing that the impassable mountains alone would suffice for his
safety. Moreover, intemperate as he was by nature, he thought it clear
gain to be able to indulge his appetites at so dangerous a crisis, and he
evidently placed too much confidence in the safety of his position,
because the town is cut off from that part of Italy by a natural rampart
of mountains, except the half that is bounded by a shoaling sea, which
resembles the marshes of Egypt and makes that part of the country
inaccessible even to an invading fleet. It seems however as though nature
herself will not devise any safeguard for the sensual and cowardly against
the temperate and brave, for when prudence and courage advance hand in
hand she makes everything give way before them. Long since she revealed to
us those arts through which we have attained an abundance of what was once
thought to be unattainable, and in the field of individual effort we see
that what seemed impossible for many working together to achieve can be
accomplished by a prudent man. And since by your own actions you
demonstrated this fact it is only fair, O my Emperor, that you should
accept my words to that effect.)

Ἐστράτευες μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸς ὑπαίθριος, καὶ ταῦτα πλησίον παρούσης πόλεως οὐ
φαύλης, τοῖς στρατευομένοις δὲ οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος τὸ πονεῖν καὶ
κινδυνεύειν, ἐξ ὧν δὲ αὐτὸς ἔδρας παρεγγυῶν· ἄτραπον μὲν ἐξηῦρες ἄγνωστον
τοῖς πᾶσι, πέμψας [C] δὲ ἀξιόμαχον τῆς δυνάμεως ἁπάσης ὁπλιτῶν μοῖραν,
εἶτα ἐπειδὴ σαφῶς ἔγνως αὐτοὺς τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐφεστῶτας, αὐτὸς ἀναλαβὼν
ἦγες τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ κύκλῳ περιέχων πάντων ἐκράτησας. ταῦτα ἐδρᾶτο πρὸ
τῆς ἕω, ἤγγελτο δὲ πρὸ μεσημβρίας τῷ τυράννῳ ἁμίλλαις ἱππικαῖς καὶ
πανηγύρει προσκαθημένῳ καὶ τῶν παρόντων οὐδὲν ἐλπίζοντι. [D] τίς μὲν οὖν
γέγονεν ἐκ τίνος, καὶ ποταπὴν γνώμην εἶχεν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων, καὶ ὅπως
ἐκλιπὼν ἔφυγε τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πᾶσαν, τοὺς φόνους καὶ τὰς πρόσθεν
ἀδικίας ἐκκαθαιρόμενος, οὐ τοῦ παρόντος ἂν εἴη λόγου διηγεῖσθαι. ἔμελλε δὲ
βραχείας ἀνοκωχῆς τυχὼν οὐδέν τι μεῖον τῶν ἔμπροσθεν δράσειν. οὕτως οὐδὲν
πρὸς πονηρίαν ψυχῆς ἄνθρωπος ἀνόσιος(181) ἐξηῦρε καθάρσιον διὰ τοῦ
σώματος. ἀφικόμενος γὰρ εῖς Γαλατίαν ὁ χρηστὸς οὑτοσὶ καὶ νόμιμος [40]
ἄρχων τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ γέγονε χαλεπώτερος, ὡς, εἴ τις πρότερον αὐτὸν
διαφυγὼν ἐλελήθει τιμωρίας τρόπος ὠμότατος, τοῦτον ἐξευρὼν θέαμα
κεχαρισμένον αὑτῷ τὰς τῶν ἀθλίων πολιτῶν παρεῖχε συμφοράς· ἅρματος ζῶντας
ἐκδήσας καὶ μεθεὶς φέρεσθαι τοῖς ἡνιόχοις ἕλκειν ἂν ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸς
ἐφεστηκὼς καὶ θεώμενος τὰ δρώμενα· καί τισι τοιούτοις ἑτέροις αὑτὸν
ψυχαγωγῶν τὸν πάντα διετέλει χρόνον, ἕως [B] αὐτὸν καθάπερ Ὀλυμπιονίκης
περὶ τῷ τρίτῳ παλαίσματι καταβαλὼν δίκην ἐπιθεῖναι τῶν τετολμημένων ἀξίαν
κατηνάγκασας ὤσαντα διὰ τῶν στέρνων τὸ αὐτὸ ξίφος, ὃ πολλῶν πολιτῶν ἐμίανε
φόνῳ. ταύτης ἐγὼ τῆς νίκης(182) ἀμείνω καὶ δικαιοτέραν οὔποτε γενέσθαι
φημὶ οὐδὲ ἐφ᾽ ᾗ μᾶλλον τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ηὐφράνθη γένος, τοσαύτης
ὠμότητος καὶ πικρίας ἀφεθὲν ὄντως ἐλεύθερον, εὐνομίᾳ δὲ ἤδη γανύμενον, ἧς
τέως [C] ἀπολαύομεν καὶ ἀπολαύσαιμέν γε ἐπὶ πλέον, ὦ πάντα ἀγαθὴ πρόνοια.

(For you conducted the campaign under the open skies, and that though
there was a city of some importance near at hand, and moreover you
encouraged your men to work hard and to take risks, not merely by giving
orders, but by your own personal example. You discovered a path hitherto
unknown to all, and you sent forward a strong detachment of hoplites
chosen from your whole army; then when you had ascertained that they had
come up with the enemy, you led forward your army in person, surrounded
them, and defeated his whole force. This happened before dawn, and before
noon the news was brought to the usurper. He was attending a horse‐race at
a festival, and was expecting nothing of what took place. How his attitude
changed, what was his decision about the crisis, how he abandoned the town
and in fact all Italy, and fled, thus beginning to expiate his murders and
all his earlier crimes, it is not for this speech to relate. Yet though
the respite he gained was so brief, he proceeded to act no less wickedly
than in the past. So true is it that by the sufferings of the body alone
it is impossible for the wicked to cleanse their souls of evil. For when
he reached Galatia,(183) this ruler who was so righteous and law‐abiding,
so far surpassed his own former cruelty that he now bethought himself of
all the ruthless and brutal modes of punishment that he had then
overlooked, and derived the most exquisite pleasure from the spectacle of
the sufferings of the wretched citizens. He would bind them alive to
chariots and, letting the teams gallop, would order the drivers to drag
them along while he stood by and gazed at their sufferings. In fact he
spent his whole time in amusements of this sort, until, like an Olympic
victor, you threw him in the third encounter(184) and forced him to pay a
fitting penalty for his infamous career, namely to thrust into his own
breast that very sword which he had stained with the slaughter of so many
citizens.(185) Never, in my opinion, was there a punishment more suitable
or more just than this, nor one that gave greater satisfaction to the
whole human race, which was now really liberated from such cruelty and
harshness, and at once began to exult in the good government that we enjoy
to this day. Long may we continue to enjoy it, O all‐merciful Providence!)

Ἐμοὶ δὲ ποθοῦντι μὲν ἐπεξελθεῖν ἅπασι τοῖς σοι πραχθεῖσιν, ἀπολειπομένῳ δὲ
συγγνώμην εἰκότως, ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ, παρέξεις, εἰ μήτε τῶν ἀποστόλων τῶν
ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα μνημονεύοιμι ἀπό τε Αἰγύπτου παρασκευασθέντων καὶ ἐξ(186)
Ἰταλίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν πλευσάντων, μήτε ὡς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν ἐκράτησας ναυσὶν
ἐκπέμψας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ στράτευμα, μήτε τῶν [D] ἔναγχός σοι πολλάκις πρὸς τοὺς
βαρβάρους πραχθέντων, μήτ᾽ εἴ τι τοιοῦτον ἕτερον τῶν πάλαι γεγονὸς λέληθε
τοὺς πολλούς. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὴν Ἀντιόχου πόλιν ἑαυτὴν σοῦ(187) ἐπώνυμον
ἐπονομάζουσαν ἀκούω πολλάκις. ἔστι μὲν γὰρ διὰ τὸν κτίσαντα, πλουτεῖ δὲ
ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ἅπασαν εὐπορίαν ἐπιδέδωκε διὰ σὲ λιμένας εὐόρμους τοῖς
καταίρουσι παρασχόντα· τέως δὲ οὐδὲ παραπλεῖν ἀσφαλὲς οὐδὲ ἀκίνδυνον
ἐδόκει· [41] οὕτως ἦν πάντα σκοπέλων τινῶν καὶ πετρῶν ὑφάλων ἀνάπλεα τῆς
θαλάσσης τῆσδε πρὸς ταῖς ᾐόσι. στοὰς δὲ καὶ κρήνας καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα παρὰ
τῶν ὑπάρχων διὰ σὲ γέγονεν οὐδὲ ὀνομάζειν ἄξιον. ὁπόσα δὲ τῇ πατρῴᾳ πόλει
προστέθεικας, τεῖχος μὲν αὐτῇ κύκλῳ περιβαλὼν ἀρξάμενον τότε, τὰ δοκοῦντα
δὲ οὐκ ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν(188) τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων εἰς ἀθάνατον ἀσφάλειαν
κατατιθεῖς, τίς ἂν ἀπαριθμήσαιτο; [B] ἐπιλείψει με τούτων ἕκαστον ὁ χρόνος
διηγούμενον.

(I would fain recite every single one of your achievements, but you will
with reason pardon me, most mighty Emperor, if I fall short of that
ambition and omit to mention the naval armament against Carthage which was
equipped in Egypt and set sail from Italy to attack her, and also your
conquest of the Pyrenees, against which you sent an army by sea, and your
successes against the barbarians, which of late have been so frequent, and
all such successes in the past as have not become a matter of common
knowledge. For example, I often hear that even Antioch now calls herself
by your name. Her existence she does indeed owe to her founder,(189) but
her present wealth and increase in every sort of abundance she owes to
you, since you provided her with harbours that offer good anchorage for
those who put in there. For till then it was considered a dangerous risk
even to sail past Antioch; so full were all the waters of that coast, up
to the very shores, of rocks and sunken reefs. I need not stop to mention
the porticoes, fountains, and other things of the kind that you caused to
be bestowed on Antioch by her governors. As to your benefactions to the
city of your ancestors,(190) you built round it a wall that was then only
begun, and all buildings that seemed to be unsound you restored and made
safe for all time. But how could one reckon up all these things? Time will
fail me if I try to tell everything separately.)

Σκοπεῖν δὲ ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἄξιον ἤδη τῶν ῥηθέντων, εἰ μετὰ ἀρετῆς καὶ τῆς
βελτίστης ἕξεως ἅπαντα γέγονε· τούτῳ γὰρ ἤδη καὶ τῶν λόγων ἀρχόμενος
μάλιστα προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν ἠξίουν. οὐκοῦν τῷ πατρὶ μὲν εὐσεβῶς καὶ
φιλανθρώπως ὅπως προσηνέχθης, ὁμονοῶν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς διετέλεσας τὸν
ἅπαντα χρόνον, ἀρχόμενος μὲν προθύμως, [C] συνάρχων δὲ ἐκείνοις σωφρόνως,
πάλαι τε εἴρηται καὶ νῦν ἀξιούσθω μνήμης. τοῦτο δὲ ὅστις μικρᾶς ἀρετῆς
ἔργον ὑπέλαβεν Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Φιλίππου καὶ Κῦρον τὸν Καμβύσου σκοπῶν
ἐπαινείτω. ὁ μὲν γὰρ μειράκιον ἔτι κομιδῇ νέον δῆλος ἦν τοῦ πατρὸς οὐκ
ἀνεξόμενος ἄρχοντος, ὁ δὲ ἀφείλετο τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν πάππον. καὶ ταῦτα οὐδείς
ἐστιν οὕτως(191) ἠλίθιος, ὅστις οὐκ οἴεταί σε,(192) μηδὲν ἐκείνων
μεγαλοψυχίᾳ καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὰ καλὰ φιλοτιμίᾳ λειπόμενον, οὕτως ἐγκρατῶς καὶ
σωφρόνως [D] τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς προσενηνέχθαι. παρασχούσης γὰρ τῆς
τύχης τὸν καιρὸν, ἐν ᾧ τῆς ἁπάντων ἡγεμονίας ἐχρῆν μεταποιηθῆναι, πρῶτος
ὡρμήθης, πολλῶν ἀπαγορευόντων καὶ πρὸς τἀναντία ξυμπείθειν ἐπιχειρούντων·
ῥᾷστα δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν τὸν ὲν χερσὶ πόλεμον διοικησάμενος ἐλευθεροῦν
ἔγνως τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ κατειλημμένα, [42] δικαιοτάτην μὲν καὶ οἵαν οὔπω
πρόσθεν ἔλαβε πρόφασιν πόλεμος τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔχθρας τιθέμενος. οὐδὲ
γὰρ ἐμφύλιον ἄξιον προσαγορεύειν τὸν πόλεμον, οὗ βάρβαρος ἦν ἡγεμὼν ἑαυτὸν
ἀναγορεύσας βασιλέα καὶ χειροτονήσας στρατηγόν. τῶν ἀδικημάτων δὲ τῶν
ἐκείνου καὶ ὧν ἔδρασεν εἰς οἰκίαν τὴν σὴν οὐχ ἡδύ μοι πολλάκις μεμνῆσθαι.
ἀνδρειοτέραν δὲ τ῀εσδε τῆς πράξεως τίς ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι; ἐφ᾽ ἧς δῆλος μὲν
[B] ἦν ἀποτυχόντι τῶν ἔργων ὁ(193) κίνδυνος· ὑπέμενες δὲ οὐδὲν κέρδους
χάριν οὐδὲ κλέος ἀείμνηστον ἀντωνούμενος, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ ἀποθνήσκειν ἄνδρες
ἀγαθοὶ πολλάκις τολμῶσιν, οἷον πρὸς ἀργύριον τὴν δόξαν τὰς ψυχὰς
ἀποδιδόμενοι, οὐδὲ μὴν δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίαν ἀρχῆς μείζονος καὶ λαμπροτέρας, ὅτι
μηδὲ νέῳ σοι τούτων ἐπιθυμῆσαι συνέβη, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ καλὸν στέργων τῆς
πράξεως πάντα ὑπομένειν ᾤου δεῖν πρὶν ἰδεῖν Ῥωμαίων βάρβαρον βασιλεύοντα
καὶ νόμων κύριον καὶ [C] πολιτείας καθεστῶτα καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν εὐχὰς
ποιούμενον τὸν τοσούτοις ἀσεβήμασιν ἔνοχον καὶ φόνοις. τῆς παρασκευῆς δὲ
αὐτῆς ἡ λαμπρότης καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων τὸ μέγεθος τίνα οὐχ ἱκανὸν ἐκπλῆξαι;
καίτον Ξέρξην μὲν ἀκούω τὸν τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐξαναστήσαντα
χρόνον ἐτῶν οὐκ ἐλάσσονα δέκα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον παρασκευάζεσθαι,
εἶτα ἐπαγαγεῖν πρὸς ταῖς χιλίαις τριήρεσι διακοσίας ἐκ τούτων αὐτῶν οἶμαι
τῶν χωρίων, [D] ἐξ ὧν αὐτὸς ἐν οὐδὲ ὅλοις μησὶ δέκα ναυπηγησάμενος ἤγειρας
τὸν στόλον, πλήθει νεῶν ἐκεῖνον ὑπερβαλλόμενος· τῇ τύχῃ δὲ οὐδὲ ἄξιον
συμβαλεῖν οὐδὲ τοῖς ἔργοις.

(The time has now come when it is proper to consider whether your career,
so far as I have described it, is at every point in harmony with virtue
and the promptings of a noble disposition. For to this, as I said at the
beginning of my speech, I think it right to pay special attention. Let me
therefore mention once more what I said some time ago, that to your father
you were dutiful and affectionate, and that you constantly maintained
friendly relations with your brothers, for your father you were ever
willing to obey, and as the colleague of your brothers in the empire you
always displayed moderation. And if anyone thinks this a trifling proof of
merit, let him consider the case of Alexander the son of Philip, and Cyrus
the son of Cambyses, and then let him applaud your conduct. For Alexander,
while still a mere boy, showed clearly that he would no longer brook his
father’s control, while Cyrus dethroned his grandfather. Yet no one is so
foolish as to suppose that, since you displayed such modesty and self‐
control towards your father and brothers, you were not fully equal to
Alexander and Cyrus in greatness of soul and ambition for glory. For when
fortune offered you the opportunity to claim as your right the empire of
the world, you were the first to make the essay, though there were many
who advised otherwise and tried to persuade you to the contrary course.
Accordingly, when you had carried through the war that you had in hand,
and that with the utmost ease and so as to ensure safety for the future,
you resolved to liberate that part of the empire which had been occupied
by the enemy, and the reason that you assigned for going to war was most
just and such as had never before arisen, namely your detestation of those
infamous men. Civil war one could not call it, for its leader was a
barbarian who had proclaimed himself emperor and elected himself general.
I dislike to speak too often of his evil deeds and the crimes that he
committed against your house. But could anything be more heroic than your
line of action? For should you fail in your undertaking the risk involved
was obvious. But you faced it, and you were not bidding for gain, nay nor
for undying renown, for whose sake brave men so often dare even to die,
selling their lives for glory as though it were gold, nor was it from
desire of wider or more brilliant empire, for not even in your youth were
you ambitious of that, but it was because you were in love with the
abstract beauty of such an achievement, and thought it your duty to endure
anything rather than see a barbarian ruling over Roman citizens, making
himself master of the laws and constitution and offering public prayers
for the common weal, guilty as he was of so many impious crimes and
murders. Who could fail to be dazzled by the splendour of your armament
and the vast scale of your expenditure? And yet I am told that Xerxes,
when he mustered all Asia against the Greeks, spent no less than ten years
in preparing for that war. Then he set out with twelve hundred triremes,
from the very spot, as I understand, where you gathered your fleet
together, having built it in rather less than ten months, and yet you had
more ships than Xerxes. But neither his fortune nor his achievements can
properly be compared with yours.)

Τὴν δὲ εἰς τὰ λοιπὰ δαπανήματα μεγαλοπρέπειαν μὴ πολὺ λίαν ἔργον ᾖ
φράζειν, οὐδὲ ὁπόσα ταῖς πόλεσι πάλαι στερομέναις ἀπεδίδους ἀπαριθμούμενος
ἐνοχλήσω τὰ νῦν. [43] πλουτοῦσι μὲν γὰρ ἅπασαι διὰ σὲ ἐπὶ τῶν(194)
ἔμπροσθεν ἐνδεεῖς οὖσαι καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἐπιδίδωσι δὲ τῶν ἰδίων ἕκαστος
οἴκων διὰ τὰς κοινὰς τῶν πόλεων εὐετηρίας. ἀλλὰ τῶν εἰς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἄξιον
δωρεῶν μεμνῆσθαι, ἐλευθέριόν σε καὶ μεγαλόδωρον βασιλέα προσαγορεύοντα, ὃς
πολλοῖς μὲν στερομένοις πάλαι τῶν αὑτῶν κτημάτων, τοῦ πατρῴου κλήρου
συμφορᾷ περιπεπτωκότος ἐν δίκῃ καὶ παρὰ δίκην, ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἐγένου
κύριος, [B] τοῖς μὲν καθάπερ δικαστὴς ἀγαθὸς τὰ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἁμαρτήματα
διορθωσάμενος κυρίους εἶναι τῆς αὑτῶν οὐσίας παρέσχες, τοῖς δὲ ἐπιεικὴς
κριτὴς γενόμενος ταῦτα μὲν ὧν ἀφῄρηντο πάλιν ἐχαρίσω, ἀρκεῖν οἰόμενος τὸ
μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου πρὸς τιμωρίαν τοῖς παθοῦσιν· ὅσα δὲ αὐτὸς οἴκοθεν
χαριζόμενος πλουσιωτέρους ἀπέθηνας πολλοὺς τῶν πάλαι δοξάντων ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν
χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ σεμνύνεσθαι, [C] τί χρὴ νῦν ὑπομιμνήσκοντα περὶ μικρὰ
διατρίβειν δοκεῖν; ἄλλως τε καὶ πᾶσιν ὄντος καταφανοῦς, ὅτι μηδεὶς πώποτε
πλὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φιλίππου τοσαῦτα βασιλεῦς τοῖς αὑτοῦ φίλοις διανέμων
ὤφθη. ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ὁ τῶν φίλων πλοῦτος τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ῥώμης ὕποπτος
ἐφάνη μᾶλλον καὶ φοβερώτερος, ἄλλοι δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀρχομένων εὐγένειαν
ὑπιδόμενοι πάντα τρόπον τοὺς εὖ γεγονότας προπηλακίζοντες [D] ἢ καὶ
ἀναιροῦντες ἄρδην τὰς οἰκίας κοινῇ μὲν ταῖς πόλεσι συμφορῶν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ
αὑτοῖς ἀνοσίων ἔργων αἰτιώτατοι κατέστησαν. οὐκ ἀπέσχοντο δὲ ἤδη τινὲς
τοῖς τοῦ σώματος ἀγαθοῖς, ὑγιείᾳ φημὶ καὶ κάλλει καὶ εὐεξίᾳ, βασκαίνοντες·
ψυχῆς τε ἀρετὴν ἔν τινι τῶν πολιτῶν γενομένην οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ὑπέμενον, ἀλλ᾽
ἦν ἀδίκημα τοῦτο, καθάπερ ἀνδροφονία καὶ κλοπὴ καὶ προδοσία, τὸ δοκεῖν
ἀρετῆς μεταποιηθῆναι. [44] καὶ ταῦτα τυχὸν ἀληθῶς οὐ βασιλέων φήσει τις,
πονηρῶν δὲ καὶ ἀνελευθέρων τυράννων ἔργα καὶ πράξεις. ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἤδη τὸ
πάθος οὐ τῶν ἀνοήτων μόνον, ἀλλά τινων ἐπιεικῶν καὶ πρᾴων ἀνδρῶν ἁψάμενον,
τὸ τοῖς φίλοις ἄχθεσθαι πλέον ἔχουσι(195) καὶ πολλάκις ἐλαττοῦν ἐθέλειν
καὶ τῶν προσηκόντων αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι, τίς ἐπὶ σοῦ λέγειν ἐτόλμησε; τοῦτο
καὶ Κῦρόν φασι τὸν Πέρσην γάμβρον ὄντα βασιλέως παρὰ τοῦ κηδεστοῦ παθεῖν
ἀχθομένου τῇ παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῇ, καὶ ἀγησίλαος δὲ [B]
δῆλος ἦν ἀχθόμενος τιμωμένῳ παρὰ τοῖς Ἴωσι Λυσάνδρῳ.

(I fear that it is beyond my powers to describe the magnificence of your
outlay for other purposes, nor will I risk being tedious by staying now to
count up the sums you bestowed on cities that had long been destitute. For
whereas, in the time of your predecessors, they lacked the necessaries of
life, they have all become rich through you, and the general prosperity of
each city increases the welfare of every private household in it. But it
is proper that I should mention your gifts to private persons, and give
you the title of a generous and open‐handed Emperor; for since there were
many who long ago had lost their property, because, in some cases justly,
in others unjustly, their ancestral estates had suffered loss, you had no
sooner come into power, than like a just judge you set right in the latter
cases the errors committed by men in the past, and restored them to the
control of their property, while in the former cases you were a kindly
arbiter, and granted that they should recover what they had lost, thinking
that to have suffered so long was punishment enough. Then you lavished
large sums from your privy purse, and increased the reputation for wealth
of many who even in the past had prided themselves on their large incomes.
But why should I remind you of all this and seem to waste time over
trifles? Especially as it must be obvious to all that no king except
Alexander the son of Philip was ever known to bestow such splendid
presents on his friends. Indeed some kings have thought that the wealth of
their friends gave more grounds for suspicion and alarm than did the
resources of their enemies, while others were jealous of the aristocrats
among their subjects, and therefore persecuted the well‐born in every
possible way, or even exterminated their houses, and thus were responsible
for the public disasters of their cities and, in private life, for the
most infamous crimes. There were some who went so far as to envy mere
physical advantages, such as health or good looks, or good condition. And
as for a virtuous character among their subjects, they could not bear even
to hear of it, but counted it a crime like murder or theft or treason to
appear to lay claim to virtue. But perhaps someone will say, and with
truth, that these were the actions and practices not of genuine kings but
of base and contemptible tyrants. Nay, but that other malady which has
been known to attack not only those who were irrational, but some even who
were just and mild, I mean the tendency to quarrel with friends who were
too prosperous and to wish to humble them and deprive them of their
rightful possessions, who I ask has ever dared so much as to mention such
conduct in your case? Yet such, they say, was the treatment that Cyrus the
Persian, the king’s son‐in‐law, received from his kinsman,(196) who could
not brook the honour in which Cyrus was held by the common people, and
Agesilaus also is well known to have resented the honours paid to Lysander
by the Ionians.)

Τούτους οὖν(197) πάντας ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἀρετῇ, τοῖς πλουτοῦσι μὲν τὸ
πλουτεῖν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ πατὴρ τοῖς αὑτοῦ παισί κατέστησας, εὐγενείας δὲ
τῆς τῶν ὑπηκόων προνοεῖς καθάπερ ἁπάσης πόλεως οἰκιστὴς καὶ νομοθέτης· καὶ
τοὶς ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀγαθοῖς πολλὰ μὲν προστιθείς, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξ
ἀρχῆς χαριζόμενος, δῆλος [C] εἶ τῷ μεγέθει μὲν τὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων
δωρεὰς ὑπερβαλλόμενος, τῇ βεβαιότητι δὲ τῶν ἅπαξ δοθέντων τὰς παρὰ τῶν
δήμων χάριτας ἁποκρυπτόμενος. τοῦτο δὲ οἶμαι καὶ μάλα εἰκότως συμβαίνει.
οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐφ᾽ οἷς συνίσασιν αὑτοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσιν ἀγαθοῖς, τοῖς
κεκτημένοις βασκαίνουσιν, ὅτῳ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἐστὶ λαμπρὰ καὶ οἷα
οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῆς προαιρέσεως τῶν ἐκ τῆς τύχης μακρῷ
σεμνότερα, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτου δεόμενος τῷ κεκτημένῳ φθονήσειεν. [D] ὃ δὴ καὶ
σαυτῷ μάλιστα πάντων ὑπάρχειν ἐγνωκὼς χαίρεις μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων
ἀγαθοῖς, εὐφραίνει δὲ σε τὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων κατορθώματα· καὶ τιμὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς
τὰς μὲν ἐχαρίσω, τὰς δὲ ἤδη μέλλεις, ὑπὲρ δὲ ἐνίων βουλεύῃ· καὶ οὐκ ἀπόχρη
σοι πόλεως μιᾶς οὐδὲ ἔθνους ἑνὸς οὐδὲ πολλῶν ὁμοῦ τοῖς φίλοις ἀρχὰς καὶ
τὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς τιμὰς διανέμειν· ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὴ καὶ βασιλείας [45] ἕλοιο
κοινωνόν, ὑπὲρ ἧς τοσοῦτον ὑπομείνας πόνον τὸ τῶν τυράννων γένος ἀνῄρηκας,
οὐδὲν ἄξιον τῶν σαυτοῦ κατορθωμάτων ἔργον ὑπέλαβες. καὶ ὅτι μὴ χρείᾳ
μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ χαίρειν πάντα δωρούμενος ἐπὶ ταύτην ὥρμησας τὴν γνώμην, ἅπασιν
οἶμαι γνώριμον γέγονε. τῶν μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἀγώνων κοινωνὸν οὐχ
εἵλου, τῆς τιμῆς δὲ τὸν οὐ μετασχόντα τῶν πόνων ἠξίωσας μεταλαβεῖν μόνον,
ὅτε μηδὲν ἔτι φοβερὸν ἐδόκει. [B] καὶ τῆς μὲν οὐδὲ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀφελὼν δῆλος
εἶ, τῶν πόνων δὲ οὐδὲ ἐπὶ σμικρὸν κοινωνεῖν ἀξιοῖς. πλὴν εἴ που δέοι πρὸς
ὀλίγον ἑπόμενον σοι στρατεύεσθαι. πότερον οὖν καὶ περὶ τούτων μαρτύρων
τινῶν καὶ τεκμηρίων τῷ λόγῳ προσδεῖ; ἢ δῆλον ἐκ τοῦ λέγοντος, ὅτι μὴ
ψευδεῖς ἐπεισάγει λόγους; ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων οὐδὲν ἔτι πλέον ἄξιον
ἐνδιατρίβειν.

(All these, then, you have surpassed in merit, for you have made their
wealth more secure for the rich than a father would for his own children,
and you take thought that your subjects shall be well‐born, as though you
were the founder and law‐giver of every single city. Those to whom fortune
has been generous you still further enrich, and in many cases men owe all
their wealth to your generosity, so that in amount your gifts clearly
surpass those of other princes, while, in security of ownership of what
has once been given, you cast into the shade any favours bestowed by
democracies.(198) And this is, I think, very natural. For when men are
conscious that they lack certain advantages, they envy those who do
possess them, but when a man is more brilliantly endowed by fortune than
any of his fellows, and by his own initiative has won even higher
dignities than fate had assigned him, he lacks nothing, and there is none
whom he need envy. And since you realise that in your case this is
especially true, you rejoice at the good fortune of others and take
pleasure in the successes of your subjects. You have already bestowed on
them certain honours, and other honours you are on the point of bestowing,
and you are making plans for the benefit of yet other persons. Nor are you
content to award to your friends the government of a single city or
nation, or even of many such, with the honours attaching thereto. But
unless you chose a colleague(199) to share that empire on whose behalf you
had spared no pains to exterminate the brood of usurpers, you thought that
no act of yours could be worthy of your former achievements. That you
reached this decision not so much because it was necessary as because you
take pleasure in giving all that you have to give, is, I suppose, well
known to all. For you chose no colleague to aid you in your contests with
the usurpers, but you thought it right that one who had not shared in the
toil should share in the honour and glory, and that only when all danger
seemed to be over. And it is well known that from that honour you subtract
not even a trifling part, though you do not demand that he should share
the danger even in some small degree, except indeed when it was necessary
for a short time that he should accompany you on your campaign. Does my
account of this call for any further witnesses or proofs? Surely it is
obvious that he who tells the tale would not be the one to introduce a
fictitious account. But on this part of my subject I must not spend any
more time.)

Σωφροσύνης δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς καὶ φρονήσεως καὶ ὅσην εὔνοιαν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις
ἐνειργάσω, [C] βραχέα διελθεῖν ἴσως οὐκ ἄτοπον. τίς γάρ σ᾽(200) ἀγνοεῖ τῶν
ἁπάντων τοσαύτην ἐκ παίδων τῆς ἀρετῆς ταύτης ἐπιμέλειαν ἐσχηκότα, ὅσην
οὐδεὶς ἄλλος τῶν ἔμπροσθεν; καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐν παισὶ σωφροσύνης μάρτυς ὁ πατὴρ
γέγονεν ἀξιόχρεως, σοὶ τὰ περὶ τὴς ἀρχὴν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς
διοικεῖν ἐπιτρέψας μόνῳ, ὄντι γε οὐδὲ πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων· τῆς
δὲ ἐν ἀνδράσιν ἅπαντες αἰσθανόμεθα, [D] καθάπερ πολίτου τοῖς νόμοις
ὑπακούοντος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ βασιλέως τῶν νόμων ἄρχοντος, ἀεί σου προσφερομένου τῷ
πλήθει καὶ τοῖς ἐν τέλει. τίς γάρ σ᾽(201) ἔγνω μεῖζον ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας
φρονήσαντα; τίς δὲ ἐπαρθέντα τοῖς κατορθώμασι τοσούτοις(202) καὶ
τηλικούτοις ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ γενομένοις; ἀλλὰ τὸν Φιλίππου φασὶν
Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐπειδὴ τὴν Περσῶν καθεῖλε δύναμιν, οὐ μόνον τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν
πρὸς ὄγκον μείζονα καὶ λίαν ἐπαχθῆ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὑπεροψίαν μεταβαλεῖν, [46]
ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ τοῦ φύσαντος ὑπερορᾶν καὶ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἁπάσης φύσεως. ἠξίου
γὰρ υἱὸς Ἄμμωνος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Φιλίππου νομίζεσθαι, καὶ τῶν συστρατευσαμένων
ὄσοι μὴ κολακεύειν μηδὲ δουλεύειν ἠπίσταντο τῶν ἑαλωκότων πικρότερον
ἐκολάζοντο. ἀλλὰ σοῦ γε τῆς εἰς τὸν πατέρα τιμῆς ἆρα ἄξιον ἐνταῦθα
μεμνῆσθαι; ὃν οὐκ ἰδίᾳ μόνον σεβόμενος, ἀεὶ δὲ ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς συλλόγοις
διετέλεις ἀνακηρύττων καθάπερ ἀγαθὸν ἥρωα. τῶν φίλων δέ, [B] ἀξιοῖς γὰρ
αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἄχρις ὀνόματος μόνον τῆς τιμῆς, πολὺ δὲ πλέον διὰ τῶν πραγμάτων
βεβαιοῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τοὔνομα· ἔστιν οὖν ἄρα τις ὁ μεμφόμενος ἀτιμίαν ἢ
ζημίαν ἢ βλάβην ἤ τινα μικρὰν ὑπεροψίαν ἢ μείζονα; ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν οὐδαμῶς
εἰπεῖν ἔχοι τοιοῦτον οὐδὲν. τούτων γὰρ οἱ μὲν γηραιοὶ σφόδρα, ταῖς ἀρχαῖς
εἰς τὴν εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου παραμείναντες, τὰς ἐπιμελείας τῶν
κοινῶν συναπέθεντο τοῖς σώμασι, [C] παισὶν ἢ φίλοις ἤ τισι πρὸς γένους
τοὺς κλήρους παραπέμποντες· ἄλλοι δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους καὶ τὰς στρατείας
ἀπαγορεύοντες, ἀφέσεως ἐντίμου τυχόντες, ζῶσιν ὄλβιοι· τινὲς δὲ καὶ
μετήλλαξαν, εὐδαίμονες παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους εἶναι κρινόμενοι. ὅλως δὲ οὐκ
ἔστιν οὐδὲ εἷς, ὃς ἐπειδὴ ταύτης ἠξιώθη τῆς τιμῆς, εἰ καὶ μοχθηρὸς ὕστερον
ἐφάνη, τιμωρίας ἔτυχε μικρᾶς ἢ μείζονος· ἤρκεσε δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπηλλάχθαι μόνον
καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν ἔτι.

(A few words about your temperance, your wisdom, and the affection that
you inspired in your subjects, will not, I think, be out of place. For who
is there among them all who does not know that from boyhood you cultivated
the virtue of temperance as no one had ever done before you? That in your
youth you possessed that virtue your father is a trustworthy witness, for
he entrusted to you alone the management of affairs of state and all that
related to your brothers, although you were not even the eldest of his
sons. And that you still display it, now that you are a man, we are all
well aware, since you ever behave towards the people and the magistrates
like a citizen who obeys the laws, not like a king who is above the laws.
For who ever saw you made arrogant by prosperity? Who ever saw you
uplifted by those successes, so numerous and so splendid, and so quickly
achieved? They say that Alexander, Philip’s son, when he had broken the
power of Persia, not only adopted a more ostentatious mode of life and an
insolence of manner obnoxious to all, but went so far as to despise the
father that begat him, and indeed the whole human race. For he claimed to
be regarded as the son of Ammon instead of the son of Philip, and when
some of those who had taken part in his campaigns could not learn to
flatter him or to be servile, he punished them more harshly than the
prisoners of war. But the honour that you paid to your father need I speak
of in this place? Not only did you revere him in private life, but
constantly, where men were gathered together in public, you sang his
praises as though he were a beneficent hero‐god. And as for your friends,
you grant them that honour not merely in name, but by your actions you
make their title sure. Can any one of them, I ask, lay to your charge the
loss of any right, or any penalty or injury suffered, or any overbearing
act either serious or trifling? Nay there is not one who could bring any
such accusation. For your friends who were far advanced in years remained
in office till the appointed end of their lives, and only laid down with
life itself their control of public business, and then they handed on
their possessions to their children or friends or some member of their
family. Others again, when their strength failed for work or military
service, received an honourable discharge, and are now spending their last
days in prosperity; yet others have departed this life, and the people
call them blessed. In short there is no man who having once been held
worthy of the honour of your friendship, ever suffered any punishment
great or small, even though later he proved to be vicious. For them all
that he had to do was to depart and give no further trouble.)

[D] Ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἅπασιν ὢν καὶ γεγονὼς τοιοῦτος ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἡδονῆς ἁπάσης, ᾗ
πρόσεστιν ὄνειδος καὶ μικρόν, καθαρὰν τὴν ψυχὴν διεφύλαξας. μόνον δὲ οἶμαι
σὲ τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοκρατόρων, σχεδὸν δὲ πλὴν σφόδρα ὀλίγων καὶ πάντων
ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ἀνδράσι μόνον παράδειγμα πρὸς σωφροσύνην παρασχεῖν κάλλιστον,
καὶ γυναιξὶ δὲ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας κοινωνίας. [47] ὅσα γὰρ ἐκείναις
ἀπαγορεύουσιν οἱ νόμοι τοῦ γνησίους(203) φύεσθαι τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιμελόμενοι,
ταῦτα ὁ λόγος ἀπαγορεύει ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις παρὰ σοί. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων
ἔχων ἔτι πλείονα λίγειν ἀφίημι.

(While this has been your character from first to last in all these
relations, you always kept your soul pure of every indulgence to which the
least reproach is attached. In fact I should say that you alone, of all
the emperors that ever were, nay of all mankind almost, with very few
exceptions, are the fairest example of modesty, not to men only but to
women also in their association with men. For all that is forbidden to
women by the laws that safeguard the legitimacy of offspring, your reason
ever denies to your passions. But though I could say still more on this
subject, I refrain.)

Τῆς φρονήσεως δὲ ἄξιον μὲν ἔπαινον διελθεῖν οὐδαμῶς εὐχερές, μικρὰ δὲ ὅμως
καὶ ὑπὲρ ταύτης ῥητέον. ἔστι δὲ τὰ μὲν ἔργα τῶν λόγων οἶμαι πιστότερα. οὐ
γάρ ἐστιν εἰκὸς τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν [B] καὶ δύναμιν μὴ παρὰ τῆς ἴσης
διοικουμένην καὶ κρατουμένην φρονήσεως πρὸς τοσοῦτον μέγεθος ἀφικέσθαι καὶ
κάλλος πράξεων· ἀγαπητὸν δὶ, εἰ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ μόνον δίχα φρονήσεως
ἐπιτρεπομένη(204) ἐπὶ πολὺ μένει.(205) ἀνθῆσαι μὲν γὰρ τῇ τύχῃ προσσχόντα
πρὸς βραχὺ ῥάδιον, διαφυλάξαι δὲ τὰ δοθέντα ἀγαθὰ δίχα φρονήσεως οὐ λίαν
εὔκολον, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀδύνατον ἴσως. ὄλως δὲ εἰ χρὴ καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐναργὲς
φράζειν τεκμήριον, πολλῶν καὶ γνωρίμων οὐκ ἀπορήσομεν. [C] τὴν γὰρ
εὐβουλίαν ὑπολαμβάνομεν τῶν περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀγαθῶν καὶ συμφερόντων
ἐξευρίσκειν τὰ κράτιστα. σκοπεῖν οὖν ἄξιον ἐφ᾽ ἁπάντων ἁπλῶς, εἰ μὴ τοῦθ᾽
ἕν ἐστι τῶν σοι πραχθέντων. οὐκοῦν ὅπου μὲν ἦν ὁμονοίας χρεία, ἔχαιρες
ἐλαττούμενος, ὅπου δὲ τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐχρῆν βοηθεῖν, τὸν πόλεμον ἀνείλου(206)
προθυμότατα. καὶ Περσῶν μὲν τὴν δύναμιν καταστρατηγήσας οὐδένα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν
ἀποβαλὼν διέφθειρας, τὸν πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους δὲ πόλεμον διελὼν τοῦ μὲν
ἐκράτησας ταῖς δημηγορίαις, [D] καὶ τὴν μετ᾽ ἐκείνου δύναμιν ἀκέραιον καὶ
κακῶν ἀπαθῆ προσλαβὼν κατεπολέμησας μᾶλλον διὰ τῆς συνέσεως ἢ διὰ τῆς
ῥώμης τὸν τοσούτων τοῖς κοινοῖς αἴτιον συμφορῶν. βούλομαι δὲ σαφέστερον
περὶ τούτων εἰπὼν ἅπασι δεῖξαι, τίνι μάλιστα πιστεύσας(207) τοσούτοις
σαυτὸν ἐπιδοὺς πράγμασιν οὐδενὸς ὅλως διήμαρτες. [48] εὔνοιαν οἴει δεῖν
παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ὑπάρχειν τῷ βασιλεύοντι ἐρυμάτων ἀσφαλέστατον. ταύτην δὲ
ἐπιτάττοντα μὲν καὶ κελεύοντα καθάπερ εἰσφορὰς καὶ φόρους κτήσασθαι
παντελῶς ἄλογον. λείπεται δὴ λοιπόν, καθάπερ αὐτὸς ὥρμηκας, τὸ πάντας εὖ
ποιεῖν καὶ μιμεῖσθαι τὴν θείαν ἐν ἀνθρώποις φύσιν· πρᾴως μὲν ἔχειν πρὸς
ὀργήν, [B] τῶν τιμωριῶν δὲ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὰς χαλεπότητας, πταίσασι δὲ οἶμαι
τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπιεικῶς καὶ εὐγνωμόνως προσφέρεσθαι. ταῦτα πράττων, ταῦτα
θαυμάζων, ταῦτα τοῖς ἄλλοις προστάττων μιμεῖσθαι τὴν Ῥώμην μέν, ἔτι τοῦ
τυράννου κρατοῦντος τῆς Ἰταλίας, διὰ τῆς γερουσίας εἰς Παιονίαν
μετέστησας, προθύμους δὲ εἶχες τὰς πόλεις πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας.

(Your wisdom it is by no means easy to praise as it deserves, but I must
say a few words about it. Your actions, however, are more convincing, I
think, than my words. For it is not likely that this great and mighty
empire would have attained such dimensions or achieved such splendid
results, had it not been directed and governed by an intelligence to
match. Indeed, when it is entrusted to luck alone, unaided by wisdom, we
may be thankful if it last for any length of time. It is easy by depending
on luck to flourish for a brief space, but without the aid of wisdom it is
very hard, or rather I might say impossible, to preserve the blessings
that have been bestowed. And, in short, if we need cite a convincing proof
of this, we do not lack many notable instances. For by wise counsel we
mean the ability to discover most successfully the measures that will be
good and expedient when put into practice. It is therefore proper to
consider in every case whether this wise counsel may not be counted as one
of the things you have achieved. Certainly when there was need of harmony
you gladly gave way, and when it was your duty to aid the community as a
whole you declared for war with the utmost readiness. And when you had
defeated the forces of Persia without losing a single hoplite, you made
two separate campaigns against the usurpers, and after overcoming one of
them(208) by your public harangue, you added to your army his forces,
which were fresh and had suffered no losses, and finally, by intelligence
rather than by brute force, you completely subdued the other usurper who
had inflicted so many sufferings on the community. I now desire to speak
more clearly on this subject and to demonstrate to all what it was that
you chiefly relied on and that secured you from failure in every one of
those great enterprises to which you devoted yourself. It is your
conviction that the affection of his subjects is the surest defence of an
emperor. Now it is the height of absurdity to try to win that affection by
giving orders, and levying it as though it were a tax or tribute. The only
alternative is the policy that you have yourself pursued, I mean of doing
good to all men and imitating the divine nature on earth. To show mercy
even in anger, to take away their harshness from acts of vengeance, to
display kindness and toleration to your fallen enemies, this was your
practice, this you always commended and enjoined on others to imitate, and
thus, even while the usurper still controlled Italy, you transferred Rome
to Paeonia by means of the Senate and inspired the cities with zeal for
undertaking public services.)

Τῶν στρατευμάτων δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν τίς ἂν ἀξίως διηγήσαιτο; τάξις μὲν ἱππέων
πρὸ τῆς ἐν τῇ Μύρσῃ παρατάξεως μεθειστήκει, [C] ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς Ἰταλίας
ἐκράτησας, πεζῶν κατάλογοι καὶ τέλη λαμπρά. ἀλλὰ τὸ μικρὸν μετὰ τὴν τοῦ
τυράννου δυστυχῆ τελευτὴν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ γενόμενον κοινὴν ἁπάντων ἔδειξε
στρατοπέδων τὴν εὔνοιαν, τὸν θρασυνόμενον καθάπερ ἐπ᾽ ἐρημίας καὶ τὴν
γυναικείαν ἁλουργίδα περιβαλόμενον ὥσπερ τινὰ λύκον(209) ἐξαίφνης
διασπασαμένων. ὅστις δὲ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ γέγονας τῇ πράξει, καὶ ὅπως πρᾴως ἅπασι
καὶ φιλανθρώπως τοῖς ἐκείνου γνωρίμοις προσηνέχθης, ὅσοι μηδὲν ἠλέγχοντο
ἐκείνῳ συμπράξαντες, πολλῶν ἐφεστηκότων τῇ κατηγορίᾳ συκοφαντῶν, [D] καὶ
τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον φιλίαν ὑποπτεύειν μόνον κελευόντων, ἐγὼ μὲν ἁπάσης ἀρετῆς
τίθεμαι τοῦτο(210) κεφάλαιον. καὶ γὰρ ἐπιεικῶς καὶ δικαίως φημὶ καὶ πολὺ
πλέον ἐμφρόνως πεπράχθαι. ὅστις δὲ ἄλλως ἡγεῖται καὶ τῆς περὶ τοῦ
πράγματος ἀληθοῦς ὑπολήψεως καὶ τῆς σῆς γνώμης διήμαρτε. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ
ἐλεγχθέντας δίκαιον ἦν, ὡς εἰκός, [49] σώζεσθαι, ὑπόπτους δὲ τὰς φιλίας
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φευκτὰς οὐδαμῶς ᾤου δεῖν κατασκευάζειν, ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν ὑπηκόων
εὐνοίας ἐς τοῦτο μεγέθους ἀρθεὶς καὶ πράξεων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν παῖδα τοῦ
τετολμηκότος νήπιον κομιδῇ τῆς πατρῴας οὐδὲν εἴασας μετασχεῖν ζημίας. οὕτω
σοι πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν ἡ πρᾶξις ῥέπουσα τελείας ἀρετῆς ὑπάρχει γνώρισμα. * *
*

(As for the affection of your armies, what description could do it
justice? Even before the battle at Myrsa, a division of cavalry came over
to your side,(211) and when you had conquered Italy bodies of infantry and
distinguished legions did the same. But what happened in Galatia(212)
shortly after the usurper’s miserable end demonstrated the universal
loyalty of the garrisons to you; for when, emboldened by his isolated
position, another(213) dared to assume the effeminate purple, they
suddenly set on him as though he were a wolf and tore him limb from
limb.(214) Your behaviour after that deed, your merciful and humane
treatment of all those of his friends who were not convicted of having
shared his crimes, and that in spite of all the sycophants who came
forward with accusations and warned you to show only suspicion against
friends of his, this I count as the culmination of all virtue. What is
more, I maintain that your conduct was not only humane and just, but
prudent in a still higher degree. He who thinks otherwise falls short of a
true understanding of both the circumstances and your policy. For that
those who had not been proved guilty should be protected was of course
just, and you thought you ought by no means to make friendship a reason
for suspicion and so cause it to be shunned, seeing that it was due to the
loyal affection of your own subjects that you had attained to such power
and accomplished so much. But the son of that rash usurper, who was a mere
child, you did not allow to share his father’s punishment. To such a
degree does every act of yours incline towards clemency and is stamped
with the mint‐mark of perfect virtue * * * * *.)(215)





ORATION II




Introduction To Oration II


The Second Oration is a panegyric of the Emperor Constantius, written
while Julian, after his elevation to the rank of Caesar, was campaigning
in Gaul.(216) It closely resembles and often echoes the First, and was
probably never delivered. In his detailed and forced analogies of the
achievements of Constantius with those of the Homeric heroes, always to
the advantage of the former, Julian follows a sophistic practice that he
himself condemns,(217) and though he more than once contrasts himself with
the “ingenious rhetoricians” he is careful to observe all their rules,
even in his historical descriptions of the Emperor’s campaigns. The long
Platonic digression on Virtue and the ideal ruler is a regular feature of
a panegyric of this type, though Julian neglects to make the direct
application to Constantius. In the First Oration he quoted Homer only
once, but while the Second contains the usual comparisons with the Persian
monarchs and Alexander, its main object is to prove, by direct references
to the Iliad, that Constantius surpassed Nestor in strategy, Odysseus in
eloquence, and in courage Hector, Sarpedon and Achilles.




ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΟΣ

(Julian, Caesar)

ΠΕΡΙ ΤΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ Η ΠΕΡΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ.

(The Heroic Deeds of the Emperor Constantius, Or, On Kingship)

Τὸν Ἀχιλλέα φησὶν ἡ ποίησις, ὁπότε ἐμήνισε καὶ διηνέχθη πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα,
μεθεῖναι μὲν ταῖν χεροῖν τὴν αἰχμὴν καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα, ψαλτήριον δὲ
ἁρμοσάμενον καὶ κιθάραν ᾄδειν καὶ ὑμνεῖν τῶν ἡμιθέων τὰς πράξεις, καὶ
ταύτην διαγωγὴν τῆς ἡσυχίας ποιεῖσθαι, εὖ μάλα ἐμφρόνως τοῦτο διανοηθέντα.
[D] τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀπεχθάνεσθαι καὶ παροξύνειν τὸν βασιλέα λίαν αὔθαδες καὶ
ἄγριον· τυχὸν δὲ οὐδὲ ἐκείνης ἀπολύεται τῆς μέμψεως ὁ τῆς Θέτιδος, ὅτι τῷι
καιρῷ τῶν ἔργων εἰς ᾠδὰς καταχρῆται καὶ κρούματα, ἐξὸν τότε μὲν ἔχεσθαι
τῶν ὅπλων καὶ μὴ μεθιέναι, αὖθις δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας ὑμνεῖν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ
ᾄδειν τὰ κατορθώματα. [50] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονά φησιν ὁ πατὴρ
ἐκείνων τῶν λόγων μετρίως καὶ πολιτικῶς προσενεχθῆναι τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἀλλ᾽
ἀπειλῇ τε χρῆσθαι καὶ ἔργοις ὑβρίζειν, τοῦ γέρως ἀφαιρούμενον. συνάγων δὲ
αὐτοὺς ἐς ταὐτὸν ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας μεταμελομένους, τὸν μὲν τῆς
Θέτιδος ἐκβοῶντα

(Achilles, as the poet tells us, when his wrath was kindled and he
quarrelled with the king,(218) let fall from his hands his spear and
shield; then he strung his harp and lyre and sang and chanted the deeds of
the demi‐gods, making this the pastime of his idle hours, and in this at
least he chose wisely. For to fall out with the king and affront him was
excessively rash and violent. But perhaps the son of Thetis is not free
from this criticism either, that he spent in song and music the hours that
called for deeds, though at such a time he might have retained his arms
and not laid them aside, but later, at his leisure, he could have sung the
praises of the king and chanted his victories. Though indeed the author of
that tale tells us that Agamemnon also did not behave to his general
either temperately or with tact, but first used threats and proceeded to
insolent acts, when he robbed Achilles of his prize of valour. Then Homer
brings them, penitent now, face to face in the assembly, and makes the son
of Thetis exclaim)


    Ἀτρείδη, ἦ ἄρ τι τόδ᾽ ἀμφοτέροισιν ἄρειον
    Ἔπλετο, σοὶ καὶ ἐμοί,

    (“Son of Atreus, verily it had been better on this wise for both
    thee and me!”(219))


[B] εἶτα ἐπαρώμενον τῇ προφάσει τῇ ἀπεχθείας καὶ ἀπαριθμούμενον τὰς ἐκ τῆς
μήνιδος ξυμφοράς, τὸν βασιλέα δὲ αἰτιώμενον Δία καὶ Μοῖραν(220) καὶ
Ἐρινύν, δοκεῖ μοι διδάσκειν, ὥσπερ ἐν δράματι τοῖς προκειμένοις ἀνδράσιν
οἷον εἰκόσι χρώμενος, ὅτι χρὴ τοὺς μὲν βασιλέας μηδὲν ὕβρει πράττειν μηδὲ
τῇ δυνάμει πρὸς ἅπαν χρῆσθαι μηδὲ ἐφιέναι τῷ θυμῷ, καθάπερ ἵππῳ θρασεῖ
χήτει χαλινοῦ καὶ ἡνιόχου φερομένῳ, παραινεῖν δὲ αὖ τοῖς [C] στρατηγοῖς
ὑπεροψίαν βασιλικὴν μὴ δυσχεραίνειν, φέρειν δὲ ἐγκρατῶς καὶ πρᾴως τὰς
ἐπιτιμήσεις, ἵνα μὴ μεταμελείας αὐτοῖς ὁ βίος μεστὸς ᾖ.

(Later on he makes him curse the cause of their quarrel, and recount the
disasters due to his own wrath, and we see the king blaming Zeus and Fate
and Erinys. And here, I think, he is pointing a moral, using those heroes
whom he sets before us, like types in a tragedy, and the moral is that
kings ought never to behave insolently, nor use their power without
reserve, nor be carried away by their anger like a spirited horse that
runs away for lack of the bit and the driver; and then again he is warning
generals not to resent the insolence of kings but to endure their censure
with self‐control and serenely, so that their whole life may not be filled
with remorse.(221))

Ταῦτα κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ἐννοῶν, ὦ φίλε βασιλεῦ, καὶ σὲ μὲν ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων
τὴν Ὁμηρικὴν παιδείαν ἐπιδεικνύμενον καὶ ἐθέλοντα πάντως κοινῇ μὲν(222)
ἅπαντας ἀγαθόν τι δρᾶν, ἡμῖν δὲ ἰδίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ γέρα ἄλλα ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις
παρασκευάζοντα, τοσούτῳ δὲ οἶμαι κρείττονα τοῦ τῶν Ἐλλήνων βασιλέως εἶναι
ἐθέλοντα, ὥστε ὁ μὲν ἠτίμαζε τοὺς ἀρίστους, σὺ δὲ οἶμαι καὶ τῶν φαύλων
πολλοῖς τὴν συγγνώμην νέμεις, τὸν Πιττακὸν ἐπαινῶν τοῦ λόγου, ὃς τὴν
συγγνώμην τῆς τιμωρίας προυτίθει, [D] αἰσχυνοίμην ἄν, εἰ μὴ τοῦ Πηλέως
φαινοίμην εὐγνωμονέστερος μηδὲ(223) ἐπαινοίην εἰς δύναμιν τὰ προσόντα σοί,
οὔτι φημὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἁλουργῆ χλαῖναν, οὐδὲ μὰ Δία πέπλους παμποικίλους,
γυναικῶν ἔργα Σιδωνίων, οὐδὲ ἵππων Νισαίων κάλλη καὶ χρυσοκολλήτων ἁρμάτων
ἀστράπτουσαν αἴγλην, [51] οὐδὲ τὴν Ἰνδῶν λίθον εὐανθῆ καὶ χαρίεσσαν.
καίτοι γε εἴ τις ἐθέλοι τούτοις τὸν νοῦν προσέχων ἕκαστον ἀξιοῦν λόγου,
μικροῦ πᾶσαν οἶμαι τὴν Ὁμήρου ποίησιν ἀποχετεύσας ἔτι δεήσεται λόγων, καὶ
οὐκ ἀποχρήσει σοὶ μόνῳ τὰ ξύμπασι ποιηθέντα τοῖς ἡμιθέιος ἐγκώμια.
ἀρξώμεθα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σκήπτρου πρῶτον, εἰ βούλει, καὶ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῆς·
[B] τί γὰρ δή φησιν ὁ ποιητὴς ἐπαινεῖν ἐθέλων τῆς τῶν Πελοπιδῶν οἰκίας τὴν
ἀρχαιότητα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἐνδείξασθαι;

(When I reflect on this, my beloved Emperor, and behold you displaying in
all that you do the result of your study of Homer, and see you so eager to
benefit every citizen in the community in every way, and devising for me
individually such honours and privileges one after another, then I think
that you desire to be nobler than the king of the Greeks, to such a
degree, that, whereas he insulted his bravest men, you, I believe, grant
forgiveness to many even of the undeserving, since you approve the maxim
of Pittacus which set mercy before vengeance. And so I should be ashamed
not to appear more reasonable than the son of Peleus, or to fail to
praise, as far as in me lies, what appertains to you, I do not mean gold,
or a robe of purple, nay by Zeus, nor raiment embroidered all over, the
work of Sidonian women,(224) nor beautiful Nisaean horses,(225) nor the
gleam and glitter of gold‐mounted chariots, nor the precious stone of
India, so beautiful and lovely to look upon. And yet if one should choose
to devote his attention to these and think fit to describe every one of
them, he would have to draw on almost the whole stream of Homer’s poetry
and still he would be short of words, and the panegyrics that have been
composed for all the demi‐gods would be inadequate for your sole praise.
First, then, let me begin, if you please, with your sceptre and your
sovereignty itself. For what does the poet say when he wishes to praise
the antiquity of the house of the Pelopids and to exhibit the greatness of
their sovereignty?)


                      ἀνὰ δὲ κρείων Ἀγαμέμνων
    Ἔστη σκῆπτρον ἔχων, τὸ μὲν Ἥφαιστος κάμε τεύξων,

    “(Then uprose their lord Agamemnon and in his hand was the sceptre
    that Hephaistos made and fashioned.)”(226)


καὶ ἔδωκε Διί, ὁ δὲ τῷ τῆς Μαίας καὶ ἑαυτοῦ παιδί, Ἑρμείας δὲ ἄναξ δῶκε
Πέλοπι,(227) Πέλοψ δὲ

(and gave to Zeus; then Zeus gave it to his own and Maia’s son, and Hermes
the prince gave it to Pelops, and Pelops)


                        δῶκ᾽ Ἀτρέι ποιμένι λαῶν·
    Ἀτρεὺς δὲ θνήσκων ἔλιπε πολύαρνι Θυέστῃ·
    Αὐτὰρ ὅγ᾽ αὖτε Θυέστ᾽ Ἀγαμέμνονι δῶκε φορῆναι, [C]
    Πολλῇσιν νήσοισι καὶ Ἄργεï παντὶ ἀνάσσειν·

    (“Gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host, and Atreus at his death
    left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks; and he in turn gave it into
    the hands of Agamemnon, so that he should rule over many islands
    and all Argos.”)


Αὕτη σοι τῆς Πελοπιδῶν οἰκίας ἡ γενεαλογία, εἰς τρεῖς οὐδὲ ὅλας μείνασα
γενεάς· τά γε μὴν τῆς ἡμετέρας ξυγγενείας ἤρξατο μὲν ἀπὸ Κλαυδίου, μικρὰ
δὲ ἐν μέσῳ διαλιπούσης τῆς ἡγεμονίας τὼ πάππω τὼ σὼ διαδέχεσθον. καὶ ὁ μὲν
τῆς μητρὸς πατὴρ τὴν Ῥώμην διῴκει καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, [D] καὶ τὴν Λιβύην τε
ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ, καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν, οὔτι φαυλοτέραν τῆς Ἀργείας καὶ
Μυκηναίας δυναστείαν, ὅ γε μὴν τοῦ πατρὸς γεννήτωρ Γαλατίας ἔθνη τὰ
μαχιμώτατα καὶ τοῦς Ἑσπερίους Ἴβηρας καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς Ὠκεανοῦ νήσους, αἳ
τοσούτῳ μείζους τῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ὁρωμένων εἰσίν, ὅσῳ καὶ τῆς
εἴσω θαλάττης ἡ τῶν Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ὑπερχεομένη. ταύτας δὲ ὅλας τὰς χώρας
καθαρὰς ἀπέφηναν πολεμίων, κοινῇ μὲν ἐπιστρατεύοντες, [52] εἴ ποτε τούτου
δεήσειεν, ἐπιφοιτῶντες δὲ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἕκαστος τῶν ὁμόρων
βαρβάρων ὕβριν τε καὶ ἀδικίαν ἐξέκοπτον. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν δὴ τούτοις
ἐκοσμοῦντο. ὁ πατὴρ δὲ τὴν μὲν προσήκουσαν αὐτῷ μοῖραν μάλα εὐσεβῶς καὶ
ὁσίως ἐκτήσατο, περιμείνας τὴν εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν τοῦ γεγεννηκότος, τὰ
λοιπὰ δὲ ἀπὸ βασιλείας εἰς τυραννίδας ὑπενεχθέντα δουλείας ἔπαυσε χαλεπῆς,
[B] καὶ ἦρξε συμπάντων τρεῖς ὑμᾶς τοὺς αὑτοῦ παῖδας προσελόμενος
ξυνάρχοντας. ἆρ᾽ οὖν ἄξιον μέγεθος δυνάμεως παραβαλεῖν καὶ τὸν ἐν τῇ
δυναστείᾳ χρόνον καὶ πλῆθος βασιλευσάντων;(228) ἢ τοῦτο μέν ἐστιν ἀληθῶς
ἀρχαῖον, μετιτέον δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ θαυμαστέον σου τὴν χλαμύδα ξὺν τῇ
πόρπῃ, ἃ δὴ καὶ Ὁμήρῳ διατριβὴν παρέσχεν ἡδεῖαν; λόγου τε ἀξιωτέον πολλοῦ
τὰς Τρωὸς ἵππουσ, αἳ τρισχίλιαι οὖσαι

(Here then you have the genealogy of the house of Pelops, which endured
for barely three generations. But the story of our family began with
Claudius; then its supremacy ceased for a short time, till your two
grandfathers succeeded the throne. And your mother’s father(229) governed
Rome and Italy and Libya besides, and Sardinia and Sicily, an empire not
inferior certainly to Argos and Mycenae. Your father’s father(230) ruled
the most warlike of all the tribes of Galatia,(231) the Western
Iberians(232) and the islands that lie in the Ocean,(233) which are as
much larger than those that are to be seen in our seas as the sea that
rolls beyond the pillars of Heracles is larger than the inner sea.(234)
These countries your grandfathers entirely cleared of our foes, now
joining forces for a campaign, when occasion demanded, now making separate
expeditions on their own account, and so they annihilated the insolent and
lawless barbarians on their frontiers. These, then, are the distinctions
that they won. Your father inherited his proper share of the Empire with
all piety and due observance, waiting till his father reached his
appointed end. Then he freed from intolerable slavery the remainder, which
had sunk from empire to tyranny, and so governed the whole, appointing you
and your brothers, his three sons, as his colleagues. Now can I fairly
compare your house with the Pelopids in the extent of their power, the
length of their dynasty, or the number of those who sat on the throne? Or
is that really foolish, and must I instead go on to describe your wealth,
and admire your cloak and the brooch that fastens it, the sort of thing on
which even Homer loved to linger? Or must I describe at length the mares
of Tros that numbered three thousand, and)


    ἕλος κάτα βουκολέοντο, [C]

    (“pastured in the marsh‐meadow”)(235)


καὶ τὰ φώρια τὰ ἐντεῦθεν; ἢ τοὺς Θρᾳκίους ἵππους εὐλαβησόμεθα λευκοτέρους
μὲν τῆς χιόνος, θεῖν δὲ ὠκυτέρους τῶν χειμερίων πνευμάτων, καὶ τὰ ἐν
αὐτοῖς ἅρματα; καὶ ἔχομέν σε ἐν τούτοις ἐπαινεῖν, οἰκίαν τε οἶμαι τὴν
Ἀλκίνου καὶ τὰ τοῦ Μενέλεω δώματα καταπληξάμενα καὶ τὸν τοῦ πολύφρονος
Ὀδυσσέως παῖδα καὶ τοιαῦτα ληρεῖν ἀναπείσαντα τοῖς σοῖς παραβαλεῖν
ἀξιώσομεν, [D] μὴ ποτε ἄρα ἔλασσον ἔχειν ἐν τούτοις δοκῇς, καὶ οὐκ
ἀπωσόμεθα τὴν φλυαρίαν; ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα μή τις ἡμᾶς μικρολογίας καὶ ἀμαθίας τῶν
ἀληθῶς καλῶν γραψάμενος ἕλῃ. οὐκοῦν ἀφέντας χρὴ τοῖς Ὁμηρίδαις τὰ τοιαῦτα
πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ τούτων ἐγγυτέρω πρὸς ἀρετήν, καὶ ὧν μείζονα ποιεῖ
προμήθειαν, σώματος ῥώμης καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐμπειρίας,
θαρροῦντας(236) ἰέναι.

(and the theft that followed?(237) Or shall I pay my respects to your
Thracian horses, whiter than snow and faster than the storm winds, and
your Thracian chariots? For in your case also we can extol all these, and
as for the palace of Alcinous and those halls that dazzled even the son of
prudent Odysseus and moved him to such foolish expressions of wonder,(238)
shall I think it worth while to compare them with yours, for fear that men
should one day think that you were worse off than he in these respects, or
shall I not rather reject such trifling? Nay, I must be on my guard lest
someone accuse and convict me of using frivolous speech and ignoring what
is really admirable. So I had better leave it to the Homerids to spend
their energies on such themes, and proceed boldly to what is more closely
allied to virtue, and things to which you yourself pay more attention, I
mean bodily strength and experience in the use of arms.)

Τίνι δήποτε οὖν τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς Ὁμηρικῆς ὑμνουμένων σειρῆνος εἴξομεν; [53]
ἔστι μὲν γὰρ τοξότης παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Πάνδαρος, ἀνὴρ ἄπιστος καὶ χρημάτων ἥττων,
ἀλλα καὶ ἀσθενὴς τὴν χεῖρα καὶ ὁπλίτης φαῦλος, Τεῦκρος τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ
Μηριόνης, ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς πελειάδος τῷ τόξῳ χρώμενος, ὁ δὲ ἠρίστευε μὲν ἐν
τῇ μάχῃ ἐδεῖτο δὲ ὥσπερ ἐρύματος καὶ τειχίου. ταῦτά τοι καὶ προβάλλεται
τὴν ἀσπίδα, οὔτι τὴν οἰκείαν, τἀδελφοῦ δέ, καὶ στοχάζεται καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν τῶν
πολεμίων, γελοῖος ἀναφανεὶς στρατιώτης, [B] ὅς γε ἐδεῖτο μείζονος φύλακος
καὶ οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐποιεῖτο τῆς σωτηρίας τὰς ἐλπίδας. σὲ δῆτα
ἐθεασάμην, ὦ φίλε βασιλεῦ, ἄρκτους καὶ παρδάλεις καὶ λέοντας συχνοὺς
καταβάλλοντα τοῖς ἀφιεμένοις βέλεσι, χρώμενον δὲ πρὸς θήραν καὶ παιδιὰν
τόξῳ, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς παρατάξεως ἀσπίς ἐστί σοι καὶ θώραξ καὶ κράνος· καὶ οὐκ
ἂν καταδείσαιμι τὸν ἀχιλλέα τοῖς Ἡφαιστείοις λαμπρυνόμενον καὶ
ἀποπειρώμενον αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν ὅπλον,

(And now which one of those heroes to whom Homer devotes his enchanting
strains shall I admit to be superior to you? There is the archer Pandaros
in Homer, but he is treacherous and yields to bribes(239); moreover his
arm was weak and he was an inferior hoplite: then there are besides,
Teucer and Meriones. The latter employs his bow against a pigeon(240)
while Teucer, though he distinguished himself in battle, always needed a
sort of bulwark or wall. Accordingly he keeps a shield in front of
him,(241) and that not his own but his brother’s, and aims at the enemy at
his ease, cutting an absurd figure as a soldier, seeing that he needed a
protector taller than himself and that it was not in his weapons that he
placed his hopes of safety. But I have seen you many a time, my beloved
Emperor, bringing down bears and panthers and lions with the weapons
hurled by your hand, and using your bow both for hunting and for pastime,
and on the field of battle you have your own shield and cuirass and
helmet. And I should not be afraid to match you with Achilles when he was
exulting in the armour that Hephaistos made, and testing himself and that
armour to see)


    [C] Εἴ οἱ ἐφαρμόσσειε καὶ ἐντρέχοι ἀγλαὰ γυῖα·

    (“Whether it fitted him and whether his glorious limbs ran free
    therein;”(242))


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