British and Foreign Arms & Armour
by Charles Henry Ashdown · English · Gutenberg #48573 · 549,151 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: British and Foreign Arms & Armour
Author: Charles Henry Ashdown
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITISH AND FOREIGN ARMS & ARMOUR ***
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Despite it being referred to, there is no illustration ‘Plate XLI’ in
this book.
_COMPANION VOLUME_
A COMPLETE GUIDE
TO HERALDRY
BY
A. C. FOX-DAVIES
Of LINCOLN’S INN, BARRISTER-AT-LAW
EDITOR OF “ARMORIAL FAMILIES”; AUTHOR OF “THE
ART OF HERALDRY,” ETC.
ILLUSTRATED BY 9 PLATES IN COLOUR AND NEARLY 800
OTHER DESIGNS, MAINLY FROM DRAWINGS BY
GRAHAM JOHNSTON
HERALD PAINTER TO THE LYON COURT
In One Volume. Containing over 600 pages.
Large square 8vo, Cloth Gilt,
10s. 6d. net
[Illustration: Sir Richard Vernon, 1452. Tong Church, Shropshire
_Frontispiece_]
BRITISH AND FOREIGN
ARMS & ARMOUR
BY
CHARLES HENRY ASHDOWN
HON. SEC. ST. ALBANS AND HERTS ARCHITECTURAL AND ARCHÆOLOGICAL
SOCIETY; HON. CURATOR OF NUMISMATICS, HERTS COUNTY MUSEUM;
AUTHOR OF “ST. ALBANS: HISTORICAL AND PICTURESQUE,” ETC.
ILLUSTRATED WITH 450 ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT AND 42 PLATES FROM
ACTUAL EXAMPLES, MISSALS, ILLUMINATED MSS., BRASSES, EFFIGIES,
Etc., AND FROM ORIGINAL RESEARCH IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, THE
TOWER OF LONDON, WALLACE COLLECTION, ROTUNDA AT WOOLWICH, MANY
PRIVATE COLLECTIONS, Etc.
[Illustration]
LONDON
T. C. & E. C. JACK
16 HENRIETTA STREET, W.C.
AND EDINBURGH
1909
[Illustration]
TO
_THE PRESIDENT_
THE VERY REV. THE DEAN OF ST. ALBANS, D.D.
AND TO
THE MEMBERS
OF THE
ST. ALBANS AND HERTS ARCHITECTURAL AND
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SOCIETY,
THESE PAGES ARE RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY
THE AUTHOR.
[Illustration]
PREFACE
[Illustration]
The study of Arms and Armour is one of absorbing interest to a large
and ever increasing number of the community, inasmuch as it appeals
in a marked degree to the student of history, the antiquarian, and
to those who work in the realms of art. To the first it appeals
as a concrete reminder of the struggles of nations for liberty,
independence, power, or conquest; to the second it breathes of
the age in which it saw the light with all the feeling and tone
which characterised it; to the third it is a source of delight by
the consummate beauty of its form or the exquisite details of its
adornment. Unfortunately there are few books extant which serve as
a guide to the student, although there are many which deal with the
subject. The great works of Meyrick, with Skelton his illustrator,
are standard only in a sense that it is necessary to be thoroughly
acquainted with the subject in order to guard against the many errors
embodied in them. Grose is hopelessly antiquated, while Fosbroke,
Stothard, Strutt, Shaw, Planché, Cotman, and others who flourished
before or about the sixties, only deal pictorially or casually with
the subject. The Rev. Charles Boutell by his translation of Lacombe
did much to foster the study, but it was from a French point of view,
and his epitome of English armour and arms, though excellent in its
way, is only superficial, and a digest of his great works on Monumental
Brasses. In the latter he probably did more to further the study than
any preceding author; he was the first to rationally systematise
the arrangement of armour in periods in consonance with the salient
features it possessed, thus breaking through the previous methods of
classifying it by reigns, which was obviously absurd, or by centuries,
which was equally ridiculous. I have followed his method with but
little variation in the pages of this book, inasmuch as no better
arrangement is extant. It is a matter for great pride to myself that
such standard works should have emanated from a former Hon. Secretary
of the St. Albans and Herts Architectural and Archæological Society,
and if the present volume should in any degree further the good work
of my predecessor it will have achieved the height of my ambition.
Hewitt is delightful reading, but his arrangement is unsystematic and
involved; to the advanced student, however, he is invaluable. The later
works of Demmin, Clephan, Gardner, &c., are masterly monographs upon
the subject, but hopelessly out of place in the hands of a beginner.
It is with a view to rectifying this obvious requirement that the
following pages have been compiled, and it is confidently anticipated
that a careful reading and digest of each separate period of armour,
supplemented with the study of local brasses, effigies, museums,
private collections, &c., will enable the average student to attack the
more advanced works upon the subject with equal profit and pleasure.
It is perhaps necessary to caution the student of brasses against many
existing cases where the armour shown is not essentially that of the
period when the person died, inasmuch as many warriors in their old age
requested that the armour delineated upon their monumental slabs should
be that in which they achieved renown in youth or manhood. In other
examples the brass was not executed until some time after the person
represented had deceased, and details had undergone change in the
interim; while cases are not unknown where the brass of one person has
been taken to record the demise of another, perhaps many years later. A
flagrant example of this may be cited in the brass of Peter Rede, _d._
1577, in St. Peter’s, Mancroft, Norwich, who is represented in complete
plate of the years 1460 or 1470, with visored salade, &c. Occasionally
we find the artist exercising his powers of recollection with startling
results, as in the case of the Wodehouse brass in Kimberley Church,
Norfolk, 1465, but probably executed sixty years later. The knight
delineated has a skirt of mail of 1490 with three fluted tuilles, very
high pike-guards, a camail of 1405 or earlier, sabbatons of 1500, and
a breastplate with placcate of 1470. Fortunately such vagaries are so
apparent that the observer is placed upon his guard at once.
The average Englishman is probably more unacquainted with arms and
armour than any other technical subject. Beyond a general idea that
the Crusaders fought in mail, and the Wars of the Roses were waged
by warriors clad in plate, his knowledge does not extend, and he
consequently witnesses many startling incongruities upon the stage
of a theatre, or the arena of a pageant, with the most profound
indifference. He will perceive Richard III. in a camail and Ivanhoe in
a salade with the utmost complacency. The pity of it is that those who
are responsible for the historical inaccuracies should be so ignorant,
for no effort ought to be spared in endeavouring to educate the nation,
and especially the youth of it, in the fundamental principles of rigid
historical truthfulness. In our theatres recently we have witnessed
Bolingbroke in a fifteenth century tabard, a waist-belt, and round-toed
sabbatons, with the Duke of Norfolk in an almost equally grotesque
parody of the Camail and Jupon Period; Pistol with a basket-hilted
rapier; Henry V. in a camail, late fifteenth century gauntlets,
twentieth century boots, and vambraces covering parts of his coudières.
Upon the arena knights of Richard II.’s period have appeared in full
plate armour of 1470; at Queen Eleanor’s funeral without ailettes;
while bear’s-paw sabbatons have figured conspicuously in many scenes
previous to 1480. These are elementary details which even a cursory
knowledge of military equipment could avoid, but in the illustrations
of historical scenes in books and magazines equal ignorance prevails,
and a knight in pure mail and a surcoat, making love to a maiden in a
reticulated head-dress seated under a two-centred Tudor archway, is
only an example of the incongruities which almost every day insult
the intelligence and offend the eyesight of the educated reader.
Unfortunately many illustrators go to the works of Sir Walter Scott for
details of mediæval military equipment, and are thereby led hopelessly
astray.
It will be noticed in the following pages that continual reference
is made, respecting early armour and weapons, to the MSS. which
are preserved in our inimitable national collection at the British
Museum, and I cannot too earnestly advise the student to utilise
to the utmost extent possible the treasure-house of military detail
preserved therein. The feeling which prompted early illuminators to
represent Biblical and other personages in contemporary equipment,
whereby Goliath was shown habited in Norman hauberk and helm, Moses
appeared on horseback with couched lance in the mixed mail and plate
of the thirteenth century, and Julius Cæsar crossed the Rubicon in
a salade and complete Yorkist plate, is simply invaluable to the
student, inasmuch as every detail, though at times almost microscopic,
is faithfully delineated, and every new fashion recorded at once upon
its adoption. I have drawn upon many manuscripts for illustrations,
but there are scores still untouched which only need the student’s
attention to deliver up many valuable examples of details probably
quite unknown at the present time.
There are collateral subjects connected with the study of Armour
and Arms which the exigencies of space have compelled me to wholly
or partially omit, such as heraldry, mantling and the changes it
underwent, caparisoning and barding, the later development of weapons
of precision, history and varieties of the sword, &c., some of which
would require special monographs to deal with, and do full justice to,
the subject.
One of the main ideas has been the simplification of those points upon
which the majority of the books extant are either silent or deal with
in a casual and unsatisfying manner. One period especially, which
gave me infinite trouble as a student, is that between 1320 and 1360,
while another feature, generally omitted or hurriedly glossed over,
is the equipment of the common soldier. In conclusion I must express
my deep sense of obligation to the authorities connected with the
Tower of London, the Wallace Collection, the British Museum Manuscript
Department, the South Kensington Museum, the Rotunda at Woolwich, the
Edinburgh Castle Museum, the United Service Institution, the Armourers’
Hall, &c., for the kind facilities they have willingly and promptly
afforded for sketching, photographing, and examining the various
exhibits preserved in those institutions.
CHARLES HENRY ASHDOWN.
MONASTERY CLOSE,
ST. ALBANS, HERTS.
The Author gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to Viscount Dillon;
the Marquis of Salisbury; the late Sir John Evans, K.C.B.; The Very
Rev. the Dean of Ely, D.D.; Sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey, Bart.; H. J.
Toulmin, Esq., J.P.; A. F. Calvert, Esq.; W. Page, Esq., F.S.A.; E. J.
Hunt, Esq., B.A.; H. R. Wilton-Hall, Esq.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. WEAPONS OF PREHISTORIC MAN 1
II. THE ASSYRIANS 20
III. THE ROMANS 36
IV. SAXONS AND DANES 47
V. THE NORMAN PERIOD TO 1180 65
VI. THE CHAIN MAIL PERIOD, 1180-1250 81
VII. CHAIN MAIL REINFORCED, 1250-1325 97
VIII. THE CYCLAS PERIOD, 1325-1335 139
IX. THE STUDDED AND SPLINTED ARMOUR PERIOD,
1335-1360 146
X. THE CAMAIL AND JUPON PERIOD, 1360-1410 166
XI. THE SURCOATLESS PERIOD, 1410-1430 194
XII. THE TABARD PERIOD, 1430-1500 213
XIII. THE TRANSITION PERIOD, 1500-1525 265
XIV. MAXIMILIAN ARMOUR, 1525-1600 275
XV. THE HALF-ARMOUR PERIOD AFTER 1600 313
XVI. WEAPONS OF THE EARLY AND MIDDLE AGES 320
XVII. PROJECTILE-THROWING ENGINES 340
XVIII. GERMAN, ITALIAN, AND OTHER INFLUENCES UPON
EUROPEAN ARMOUR 349
XIX. THE INTRODUCTION OF GUNPOWDER AND ITS INFLUENCE
UPON ARMOUR 360
BRITISH AND FOREIGN ARMS AND ARMOUR
CHAPTER I
WEAPONS OF PREHISTORIC MAN
THE STONE AGE
The prehistoric man of the Stone Age had undoubtedly one of the most
difficult materials to deal with that can possibly be conceived,
inasmuch as it was intensely hard, very brittle, and, so far as flint
is concerned, occurred naturally only in comparatively small masses.
Yet with this crude matter, and with implements of the same material,
he succeeded in producing implements for husbandry and domestic use,
weapons of war and for the chase, which excite our warmest admiration,
both for the beauty of their proportions and the exquisite skill
required in their manufacture. To the worker in flint the number of
objects capable of being produced in that exceedingly refractory
medium was limited, but these as the age progressed were eventually of
a very high order of excellence, probably deemed unattainable by the
earlier man. We will take the different weapons in the order of their
importance, premising that in this chapter we shall have no armour to
deal with, though doubtless the man of the very earliest age had some
protection in the way of skins, plaited osier, or bark with which to
ward off hostile blows, in addition to the shield, which is common to
every race without exception when in the savage state.
[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Stone celt with cutting edge.]
_Celts._--The word “celt,” said to be derived from a doubtful Latin
word signifying a chisel, is the name by which a particularly large
and widely distributed class of weapons or implements is known. The
word has no connection with the Celtic people, and should be pronounced
“selt” and not “kelt,” as one frequently hears. The form of the celt is
well known, inasmuch as many hundreds exist in our museums and private
collections. They are found widely distributed in all parts of Europe,
and generally throughout the known world, being regarded in many places
in mediæval and even in modern times with superstitious reverence as
thunderbolts with inherent mystical qualities.
[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Stone celt with cutting edge.]
The primitive celts occurring in England are simply flints roughly
chipped into form with unsharpened edges, and are chiefly found in
those counties where flint abounds. They are not, however, confined
to them, but occur in other parts where flint is not abundant, being
fabricated in a different material such as agate, quartz, granite,
obsidian, clay-slate, greenstone, serpentine, and other rocks. These
crude celts, being merely chipped out and very roughly formed, are
at times difficult of recognition; they belong to the Palæolithic or
earlier period of the Stone Age. The second development of the celt
appears in the grinding of one edge so as to produce a cutting portion
(Figs. 1, 2), the ruder ones simply having a serrated edge produced by
being chipped. This grinding was doubtless executed by means of sand
and water, and in scores of examples a remarkably even result has been
obtained (Fig. 3). The third form in which the celt is polished all
over is the highest development and the most recent (Fig. 4), and is
classed in the Neolithic period. Some of these have ornamentation upon
them in the form of ribs running longitudinally upon the sides, and
some are bored with a circular or oblong hole. For use these celts were
fixed transversely at the end of a haft of wood either by binding or by
the wood being cleft for their insertion; in peace they performed all
the offices which are associated with a hatchet, and in war those of a
battle-axe.
[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Celt with ground edge.]
[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Stone celt with polished surface.]
_Spear-heads._--The greater part of these belong to the later period,
and are remarkable for the care and attention which has been bestowed
upon their construction. They invariably present a lance-like outline
of symmetrical proportions with the edge in one plane, and are chipped
so as to be very thin (Fig. 5); at times notches occur upon either
side to facilitate their fixing into the end of the spear shaft and
being bound firmly in it. Others have been found with the cutting edge
carefully ground and polished, but with the tang only chipped and the
edges serrated to afford a firm grip for the sinews used to affix it to
the shaft. They vary in length from three to ten or more inches.
_Arrow-heads and Javelin-heads._--The earliest forms of these are
simply elongated splinters of flint or other stone, and undoubtedly
were simply tied upon or inserted in the end of the arrow shaft by a
ligament. They show but little work, simply as much as was necessary
to give a satisfactory point, and to provide a tang for fixing. These
may be termed lozenge-shaped (Fig. 6), and side by side with them
are those of a leaf-shape--these two being the designs presenting
the least amount of work and skill in fabrication. Subsequently a
barbed and tanged variety was evolved, showing the maximum amount of
technical skill in the making, and having the most deadly properties
by reason of the difficulty of extraction when once inserted under the
skin (Figs. 7, 8). They are as a rule of symmetrical proportions, the
barbs carefully chipped to offer the least amount of resistance to the
penetrative force of the arrow, and even at times a certain amount of
polishing and grinding was added to insure keenness to the point and
edge.
[Illustration: FIG. 5.--Flint spear-head.]
[Illustration: FIG. 6.--Lozenge-shaped arrow-head.]
[Illustration: FIG. 7.--Barbed arrow-head.]
[Illustration: FIG. 8.--Barbed arrow-head.]
The British Museum is in possession of a number of these arrow-heads,
which may be considered almost as works of art, together with some of
larger proportions which undoubtedly formed the heads of javelins (Fig.
9). Being fabricated of such imperishable material they have naturally
been preserved in very large numbers, and hardly a museum exists
without at least a few specimens being contained in it. In the mediæval
period many quaint superstitions were associated with them, and their
preservation as amulets, charms, and general attributes of curative
powers, &c., has led to the handing down to the present generation of
scores which would probably have been broken up in the ordinary course
of events.
[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Javelin-head.]
[Illustration: FIG. 10.--Dagger from British Museum.]
[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Dagger from British Museum.]
[Illustration: FIG. 12.--Dagger with notched edge.]
_Daggers._--The dagger is one of the commonest forms of weapon relating
to the Stone Age, as might be supposed from its simple form and easy
construction when compared with others. In its crudest and earliest
condition it merely consisted of a flint rudely chipped to a point at
one end; but subsequently it assumed a more definite form, and almost
equal attention was paid to the handle and to the blade. The latter
was invariably leaf-shaped, and broader towards the point than at the
butt, where it is usually rounded or cut off square. The beautiful
example, Fig. 10, is of white flint and may be seen in the British
Museum, while Fig. 11 from the same collection is of black flint and
about eight inches in length. As this is thickened at the butt it
may have been used without any handle, but undoubtedly most of these
blades were so mounted, and in Fig. 12 we have an example of the
notched variety, where two indentations are perceived on either side
for the passage of the tendons fixing the blade to the handle. In a
few cases a shaped handle having a pommel and a grip, and with the
blade formed out of the same piece of flint, has been discovered; the
weapons in these instances have been ten or twelve inches in length,
and modelled precisely the same as the bronze dagger which succeeded
them. The highest type of flint weapons of the dagger class are those
which have been discovered in Egypt; they are provided with long thin
blades, beautifully ground or chipped on one side to form an edge, and
elaborately serrated upon the thicker side forming the back, with cross
ripple markings for ornamentation, the whole forming a specimen of
clever handicraft and skilful workmanship which can only be adequately
appreciated by actual inspection.
Among the weapons of the Stone Age may be mentioned the sling-stones,
which are found in considerable numbers in countries where flints
abound; they are of a lens-like shape and from two to three inches
in diameter, being probably formed in this manner for insertion in a
cleft stick which was used for throwing them. Balls of stone are also
occasionally found with grooves in them, which suggest the presence at
one time of string; these may have been used as weapons for throwing
with the string attached, or wielded in the hand as a flail.
_Battle-axes._--Although the celt may be regarded as fulfilling the
functions of a battle-axe among its other manifold duties, yet a
true battle-axe was evolved by the Stone man towards the latter part
of his existence. It was invariably perforated by a circular hole,
effected by grinding, and as a rule assumed approximately the shape
shown in Fig. 13. Examples of these battle-axes have been found with
cutting projections upon each side of the shaft; this was probably the
prototype of the bipennis subsequently made in bronze and finally in
iron. An example is shown in Fig. 14.
[Illustration: FIG. 13.--Stone battle-axe.]
[Illustration: FIG. 14.--Battle-axe.]
THE BRONZE AGE
The term “Bronze Age,” so generally used for the period immediately
preceding the introduction of iron, conveys to most readers very scanty
ideas as to the duration of time over which it extended. Indeed,
to those thoroughly conversant with the subject, the chronological
arrangements of the various periods of the age, and the grouping
together of these into one comprehensive whole, is practically a case
for individual calculation, and these tally but seldom. However, it
may be taken that, speaking broadly, the bronze period commenced in
Britain about 1500 B.C., and at a much earlier age upon the Continent,
one authority placing it as early as 3000 B.C. Iron was in general
use about three or four centuries before Christ on the Continent, and
Cæsar makes no mention of bronze in his description of the weapons and
accoutrements of the Britons.
_Celts._--Of all the varying forms of bronze implements the celt is
probably the most widely distributed and the best known, and there
is every reason to believe it was the first of the articles to be
manufactured. It is generally admitted to be both an implement for
everyday use and also a weapon of war. Its general utility was that
of a chisel, a wedge, or a wood-splitting hatchet; in war it was the
prototype of the battle-axe. It is of very wide distribution, being
found all over the Continent of Europe, and has many varieties. In
order of development the flat celt is undoubtedly the earliest, and
was derived from the celt of the Stone Age, the example shown in
Fig. 15 differing but little from the flint prototype. This pattern
gradually developed until one similar to Fig. 16 was evolved. From
this crude form the flanged variety was produced, giving an extra
grip for the handle; then a transverse ridge was added, thus forming
two receptacles to receive the split end of the handle (Fig. 17). The
latest development of the celt is that in which a socket is made for
the insertion of the handle (Fig. 18).
The relative form of the handle with the celt affixed has been much
discussed, but the consensus of opinion leads one to believe that the
handle was somewhat in the shape of a hockey-stick, the bent part
being inserted in the socket of the celt. Before the evolution of the
socketed celt the latter was inserted in a cleft stick and projected
from one side at right angles, being firmly bound in that position by
cross-lacing. This projection doubtless suggested the bent stick of a
later period.
[Illustration: FIG. 15.--Earliest bronze celt.]
[Illustration: FIG. 16.--Later celt.]
[Illustration: FIG. 17.--Celt, flanged and ridged.]
[Illustration: FIG. 18.--Latest development of celt.]
_Daggers._--Of contemporary date with the celt, and perhaps of even
more remote antiquity, is the bronze dagger, which in its original
simple form may have been used as a knife for domestic purposes and
a dagger for war, though subsequently the two became quite distinct.
The general form of the blade may be gleaned from Figs. 19 and 20,
where the ribs towards the point may be readily seen. This ribbing and
grooving of the blade are a distinctive feature, and are sometimes
beautifully developed into a pattern more or less intricate. The
handles were made of ivory, bone, or wood, and are very seldom found
entire. The method of adjusting the haft will be gleaned from the
position of the rivets; the handle was evidently either split into
two pieces and then placed on either side, or a cut was made for the
insertion of the tang or lower part of the blade. In some cases the
pommel of bronze has been found accompanying the dagger, and also
traces of what may have been the sheath. That variety of dagger having
a tang to fit into the shaft seems to be peculiar to our islands, as
those found on the Continent invariably possess a socket into which
the handle could be fitted. Some very small and thin daggers have
been found side by side with flint weapons, which appears to point to
a time when the metal was very scarce, in the earliest part of the
Bronze Age; subsequently the stouter form of weapon shows analogies
with continental forms, and so points to intercommunication between the
mainland and this island at that early date.
[Illustration: FIG. 19.--Bronze dagger.]
[Illustration: FIG. 20.--Ribbed bronze dagger.]
_Swords._--The sword does not appear to have been contemporaneous with
the early thin dagger, but was no doubt a subsequent evolution based
upon the dagger. Of all the forms which have been handed down to us
from the most remote antiquity, the bronze sword is the most beautiful,
and it is very questionable if any of the hundreds of shapes of lethal
weapons of that description which have subsequently seen the light can
vie with it in symmetry of form and general gracefulness. Only one
other class of weapon of this period attempts to rival in beauty the
leaf-shaped sword, and that is the spear, which is often of the most
graceful lines. The beautiful workmanship exhibited by these weapons
raised doubt at times as to their real origin, many asserting that
they were of Roman fabrication, but it has been definitely settled
that they antedated the Italian historical period. Iron and steel were
substituted for bronze at a very early period in the Roman army, the
shape, however, being unaltered. The fact that the majority of finds
of bronze swords occurs in countries where the Romans never penetrated
militates against the supposition of their Roman origin. The length of
the blade averages about two feet, though some are as short as one
and a half feet, and some as long as two and a half. The hilt plate
alters much in form, and there are many varieties: the handle was of
wood, bone, or horn, split into two plates and riveted on either side
(Figs. 21, 22). The blade was apparently cast in a mould so carefully
made that there was no necessity for file-work or hammering afterwards,
the edges being formed by the uniform reduction all round of the
thickness of the metal (Fig. 23). Blade and tang were cast in one
piece, although one variety which appears to be common to the British
Isles has a handle affixed to the blade by rivets, after the manner of
the dagger (Fig. 24). The rivet heads occasionally show signs of having
depressions in them, as though they were splayed by a punch, while
some have been closed by a hollow punch so as to leave a small stud.
Occasionally swords are found having the hilt and finished blade cast
in one piece, while others occur bearing signs of the hilt being cast
upon the blade. A few swords have been found with gold ornamentation
upon the hilts, and many in which the blade is decorated with a pattern
produced in the casting. Although of bronze, and therefore not subject
in any great degree to aerial oxidation, the sword appears to have
been universally protected by enclosure in a scabbard. These in some
instances were of bronze, but more often of leather or wood, with
fittings of bronze, and in all cases the scabbard was of greater length
than the blade it contained. Some scabbards even appear of fantastic
forms, as though the man of the Bronze Age, like his successor of
the Iron Period, was not averse to the occasional outshining of his
fellow-man.
[Illustration: FIG. 21.--Bronze sword.]
[Illustration: FIG. 22.--Bronze sword showing rivet-holes.]
[Illustration: FIG. 23.--Bronze sword with cast edge.]
[Illustration: FIG. 24.--British sword with riveted handle.]
[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Bronze spear-head, leaf-shaped.]
[Illustration: FIG. 26.--Spear-head with apertures for thongs.]
_The Spear._--The spear is undoubtedly of the most remote antiquity,
and dates far back into the Stone Period; its inception seems to be
inherent in all savage tribes, and is a natural evolution of the idea
of inflicting injury upon a foe at a distance, and again of preventing
his approach to do personal harm. The primitive man probably pointed
a long stick by attrition on a rock, and subsequently hardened it by
fire: a splint of bone, being harder than the wood, occurred next,
and probably the flint succeeded, to be followed in due time by the
bronze head. The difficulty of affixing the head, however, seems to
have hindered progress at first in this direction, for the bronze
dagger undoubtedly antedated the spear-head, which continued to be of
flint for a long period after the dagger was introduced. It is highly
probable that the first spear-head was not constructed until the
Bronze man discovered the secret of making the socketed celt by means
of a core placed within the mould; with the advent of this invention
spear-heads became possible. Of course it may be open to question
whether any of the blades with tangs were really spear-heads and not
daggers, or incipient sword-blades. Some spear-heads have been found
which are undoubtedly of the tanged description, but they are not of
British, and possibly not even of European origin. The general form of
the head tends towards the leaf-shape, though this is not so pronounced
as it is in the sword (Fig. 25). The advent of the spear-head occurred
when man had developed considerable skill in the casting of bronze
and its manipulation under the hammer, and the really extraordinary
deftness shown in making the core, so that the minimum of metal was
used with the maximum of effect and strength, calls forth the warmest
admiration. Some of these cores are prolonged through the centre of
the blade, so that the metal is really attenuated, but at the same
time of uniform thickness, the inserted staff providing the necessary
rigidity. Respecting the sizes of those found there can be no question
but that the larger heads (and some have been found nearly a yard in
length) were intended for use only in the hand as spears, while some
of the smaller are the heads of javelins, or possibly of arrows. The
blades are at times of remarkable beauty of design and of excellent
workmanship. The sage-leaf form is of very common occurrence, the
central core reaching to the point, and ornamented with subordinate
ribs which also strengthen the blade. In these forms a hole is punched
in the socket for the insertion of a rivet to fix it to the lance
shaft. Others show two small loops cast upon the socket for a thong
to pass through, which was afterwards brought down to the shaft
and securely fastened (Fig. 26). This variety shows no rivet-hole.
Ornamentation is by no means rare upon these spear-heads; it generally
takes the form of open work, such as circles and ovals perforating
the blade, and of filed or cast patterns upon the sockets, some even
showing traces of gold inlaying. Barbed spear-heads are extremely rare,
and were probably only used in the chase.
[Illustration: PLATE I*
Shield of Italian Workmanship, Sixteenth Century
_A. F. Calvert_]
_Arrow-heads._--Arrow-heads in bronze practically do not exist in this
country, although they occur on the Continent and in Egypt, where they
are generally of the types shown in Figs. 27 and 28. It is highly
probable that the flint arrow-head was in use through the whole,
or nearly the whole, of the Bronze Age, being retained because of its
efficiency and cheapness. Bronze must have been a comparatively rare
and dear alloy, and the weapons exhibit as a rule the minimum of metal
in their construction compatible with efficiency; arrows from their
very nature are continually being lost, and this fact alone would
render their use expensive.
[Illustration: FIG. 27.--Bronze arrow-head.]
[Illustration: FIG. 28.--Bronze arrow-head.]
_Shields._--Among primitive races the shield was invariably of
wicker-work or of wood, and as the examples in bronze which have been
unearthed are of a high order of skill in workmanship and design we
may naturally infer that they were of comparatively late introduction,
and only appeared when the expert artizan of the age was capable of
producing plates of considerable area and of uniform thickness. In
the British Museum are several very fine examples of shields, one of
which we illustrate to show the general form and shape (Fig. 29). It
was dug up not far from the river Isis, in the vicinity of the Dyke
Hills, near Dorchester in Oxfordshire. It is circular in form, about 13
inches in diameter, and ornamented with two concentric rings of bosses
which encircle an umbo. All these bosses have been repousséd in the
metal except four, which are used in two instances as rivet heads to
fix the handle in position, and in two others to fasten buttons to the
interior of the outer rim. It is probable that a guige was fastened to
these buttons. So thin is the metal that it can hardly have served as a
shield without some auxiliary strengthening, and this was conjecturally
afforded by a lining of leather moulded into the depressions of the
shield when wet. There is no reason for supposing that the metal
now seen was the size of the original shield; in fact there is a
probability that it was larger, and that the metal merely formed the
centre. A bronze buckler found near Aberystwith was formerly in the
Meyrick Collection and preserved at Goodrich Court, whence it was
transferred to the British Museum. It is about 26 inches in diameter,
with no less than twenty concentric circles of knobs and ribs, with
the usual buttons for fixing the guige. The general type of shield is
that having a series of concentric rings raised in the metal with studs
between the ribs. The ornamentation is in all cases raised by hand with
hammer and punch, and doubtless the metal was much thicker and the
diameter much less in the early stages of making.
[Illustration: FIG. 29.--Bronze shield. (British Museum.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Bronze mace-head.]
A considerable number of bronze weapon-like forms have been from
time to time discovered, the uses of which are only conjectural. Thus
long blades of a triangular bayonet-like section occur, which may
either have been a sword or rather rapier for thrusting only, or have
been attached to a shaft and served as a spear. Others, again, have
a socketed head from the side of which projects a cutting blade of
various sizes and forms which might be the halberd in an incipient
stage. There also exist short, thick, scythe-like blades of great
strength, with strong rivets for attachment to some shaft, which may
have been constructed to fit upon the wheels of chariots. Knobs of
bronze occur having a socketed centre and projecting spikes upon the
sides which undoubtedly when fitted to suitable handles formed the
maces of the Bronze Age (Fig. 30), or possibly were portions of early
“morning stars” or military flails.
CHAPTER II
THE ASSYRIANS
The bas-reliefs of Assyria afford us ample materials for becoming
acquainted with the arms and armour of that great and warlike empire,
and our own national collection probably contains the richest store of
detail.
_The Tunic._--This appears to have been of thick quilted linen or
of leather, as sometimes long hair is shown upon it. It reached to
the knees and had half-sleeves: at times a pectoral is shown of
large proportions. Another, and much more military style, consisted
of rope fastened side by side, and so bound round the body that it
had the appearance of a tight-fitting cuirass. This would be much
more efficacious against the sword and the arrow than the tunic. It
generally terminated at the waist. In the earlier sculptures there
are no indications of the metal cuirass or of greaves, but the latter
subsequently came into vogue; they were of metal and reached to the
knees.
In the invasion of Greece by Xerxes the Assyrians are described as
having defensive tunics of flax, which were stuck together surface to
surface by a soft mucilage to the number of over a dozen, and formed an
excellent defence against a sword-cut. All the varieties of armour are
faithfully shown upon the sculptures, some exhibiting the scale-like
nature of a few cuirasses, from which we may infer that mascled armour
was known to them as to most Oriental nations.
_The Helmet._--This was generally the hemispherical skull cap so much
affected by Asiatic races then and now; it was made either in iron or
leather, furnished with a chin-strap, and decorated at times with a
horse-hair crest. A design is sometimes seen which strongly approaches
the Phrygian in shape, having a portion of the crest curving over
towards the front, while another variety is that of a truncated cone
curved backwards. Defences for the neck and sides of the neck are
common.
At Marathon the helmets worn were “interlaced or interwoven,” from
which we may infer that chain mail was not unknown to the Assyrians; it
may, however, refer to bands of metal plaited together.
_The Shield._--This was circular and concave and, if we may credit
Herodotus, made of cane. The representations of this defence bear
out the assertion, however, for the front is generally marked out in
concentric circles, and wherever the back is exhibited the same circles
invariably appear. The light and tough nature of the material would
strongly commend itself for this purpose. Occasionally shields are
shown covered with leather, or one plate of metal, while others have
a surface covered with lozenges, which doubtless represents a kind of
pourpoint or quilted material stretched over the framework.
_The Sword._--The Assyrian sword as delineated upon the sculptures was
slung at the left side, and passed through two notches in the belt so
as to make it assume a horizontal position.
The sculptures in the British Museum show the general character of the
sword (or rather of the scabbard, for they are all sheathed) with great
minuteness. The pommel is very elegant in form and generally carved;
the grip is of peculiar formation, and there is no guard; from actual
examples which have been found we know that the broad blade has two
edges and terminates in a point. The scabbard is extremely artistic in
form, and the whole weapon partakes more of the nature of the dagger or
anelace than of the sword.
_The Bow_ was a favourite weapon and of the usual Oriental pattern,
being composed of horn, wood, and the large sinews of certain animals
firmly glued together. It was carried partly unstrung over the shoulder
when not in use; the total unstringing was not advisable because of the
time occupied in getting it ready, most Asiatic bows bending backwards
into an oval shape when unstrung, and requiring much physical exertion
and time to replace the string. The quiver was also suspended in the
same position, containing arrows of some length made of cane.
_The Lance_ was of short proportions, with oblong and leaf-shaped
heads, often unbarbed; it could be thrown, if desired, like a javelin.
The mace is also shown upon the sculptures, but rarely.
THE EGYPTIANS
_The Tunic._--This was invariably of a quilted material, thickly
padded, and generally composed of linen several times folded; it could
resist a cutting weapon but not the point of a sword or lance. Over
it was placed the pectoral, which covered the shoulders as well as the
chest, and was very similar to the mediæval camail.
_The Helmet_ was of the semi-globular form as a basis with various
additions, none, however, of a distinctive national character. The
material used was quilted linen of many thicknesses glued together.
_The Shield_ was used only by the spearmen, and was about a yard in
height; it was of peculiar shape, being rectangular in the lower part
and semi-circular in the upper, where a round opening was pierced,
through which the approach of the enemy could be viewed with safety.
The outer parts were covered with leather strengthened with rings and
studs.
_The Bow._--The main strength of the Egyptian armies lay in their
bowmen, who fought from chariots or on foot. English pattern than the
Oriental, as also did the arrow, which was at times over 30 inches in
length. The latter was made of cane or reed, feathered and barbed, the
heads being of bronze.
_The Spearmen_ or heavily-armed troops were accoutred in cuirasses of
bronze scales overlapping, and supported on the shoulders by straps;
or else in short tunics of heavily-quilted material with bronze plates
sewn on in a pattern. Their helmets were quilted like the tunics.
Various weapons appear to have been used by the Egyptians, but they
were all secondary to the bow and spear. The sword was straight,
double-edged, tapering from the hilt to the point, and constructed
of bronze. Scimitars, daggers, battle-axes of various shapes, and
slings were in use, while a speciality seems to have been made of the
javelin, which was hurled by means of a stick.
THE GREEKS
For the better understanding of the arms of the Greeks it is desirable
to consider those of the two distinct ages into which their history
naturally falls, viz. the Heroic and the Historic.
THE HEROIC AGE
This period is approximately 1000 years B.C., of the time of Homer,
from whom we obtain all, or nearly all, of the particulars respecting
arms and armour.
_The Cuirass._--This was made of bronze, as was the whole of the
defensive armour at that time. It was worn over a linen tunic, and
apparently consisted of a breastplate guarded round the arms and neck
with lames. That of Agamemnon is stated to have had ten bands of
bronze, twelve of gold, twenty of tin, and six of bronze round the
neck. We have mention of the defensive equipment of Menelaus which was
pierced by the arrow of Pandarus. It first passed through the golden
clasps of the waist-belt, then the breastplate, and finally through
a coat of mail which was worn underneath. The cuirass was often very
highly ornamented by repoussé work and also inlaid with gold.
_The Helmet._--The most elaborate helms were those fitting lightly to
the head and adorned with a crest which projected before and behind,
and was also furnished with plumes. The simpler forms were of leather
or bronze, fitting closely to the head, and without peak or plume.
[Illustration: PLATE II of Philip II.
_A. F. Calvert_]
[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Greek greaves (front and back view).]
_The Greaves_ covered the legs from the knee to the instep, and
from their form must have been constructed of bronze or some alloy
possessing a large amount of pliability, inasmuch as they were in one
piece, and yet nearly met behind the legs, where they were fastened
with clasps. Homer frequently alludes to the excellent way in which
these defences were made, whereby they in no way hindered the wearer
(Fig. 31). It is conjectured that the bronze used in the construction
of the greaves resembled in some respects the hardened brass or
“latten” of the mediæval ages, and that they were carefully moulded to
the limbs of the wearer.
_The Shield_, by far the most important part of the defence, was either
round or oval in form and made of bronze, protected at the back with
hide, and at times covered with it. Strengthening discs of metal,
bosses, and rings of metal were also added (Figs. 32, 33). It appears
to have been of very great weight, even Ajax on one occasion being
embarrassed by the weight of his own shield, which we are told was of
bronze backed by seven tough bulls’ hides. They reached from the neck
to the ankle, and were often elaborately decorated. A guige appears to
have been fitted at times, which passed over the right shoulder.
[Illustration: FIG. 32.--Greek shield.]
[Illustration: FIG. 33.--Greek shield (front and back).]
[Illustration: FIG. 34.--Greek sword in scabbard.]
_The Sword._--Homer applies the terms “long, large, sharp, trenchant,
and two-edged” to the sword, and it is evident that it was of the same
description as that characteristic of the Bronze Age (Fig. 34). It
was ornamented with studs of gold or silver, and the sword-belt was
apparently worn over the shoulder.
[Illustration: FIG. 35.--Greek bow.]
_The Lance or Javelin._--This was by far the most important weapon in
the Grecian armoury, and plays the chief part in all Homeric combats,
which commence by the spear being poised in the hand and hurled as a
javelin. It decided the contest as a rule, and it was only upon its
failing to do so that the combatants had recourse to the sword. The
lance was made of ash--long, tough, and ponderous; the head was of
bronze and unbarbed.
_The Bow._--Only one description of a bow is given to us--that of
Pandarus, which is said to be of ibex horn, strung with sinews (Fig.
35). The arrow-head is of iron; the only mention of that metal in the
warrior’s equipment, and the arrows were kept in a quiver fitted with
a lid. The sling appears to have been relegated to the lowest order of
combatants, who occupied the rear of the army, and sent their missiles
over the heads of those in front. The great chiefs and the spearmen
did not disdain to use the stone upon occasion, and we have graphic
descriptions of the huge rocky pieces the combatants hurled at one
another.
THE HISTORIC AGE
The equipment described by Homer had not particularly altered in the
Iron Age except in certain details and modifications necessitated by
the changed order of combat. The heavily-armed soldier, having already
a tunic as a _just-au-corps_, put on greaves, cuirass, sword (hung upon
the left side by a belt passing over the right shoulder); the large
round shield, supported in the same manner, helmet, and spear, or two
spears, as occasion required. Men thus equipped were termed Hoplites,
the term “hopla” more especially denoting the defensive armour, the
shield and breastplate, or cuirass. The mode of combat by the Greek
phalanx necessitated the adoption of a long and heavy spear; the ranks
were sixteen deep, and each rank consisted of the men standing close
together with shield touching shield, while the spears or pikes, each
24 feet in length, reached 18 feet in front of the nearest rank when
couched. As a space of about 2 feet was allowed between each rank,
the spears of the five files behind him projected in advance of each
front-rank man.
The sword continued to be of the leaf-like form which prevailed in
the Bronze Age, and was longer than the Roman sword of the following
era. At the same time a sword was in use which was the prototype of
the subsequent weapon: it had a long, straight blade slightly tapering
from the hilt to the point, where it was cut to an acute angle for
thrusting. A central ridge traversed both sides of the blade, and it
was double-edged. Upon these swords and their scabbards a wealth of
decoration was lavished by the Greeks. The great shield of the Heroic
Age gave place to a round or oblong shield reaching only to the knee;
it was concave to the body, and appears to have been decorated as a
general rule: one invariable ornament was a flat band or border round
the circumference. This shield was the true battle-shield of the
heavily-armed hoplites. A much smaller and lighter one was used by the
cavalry and the light infantry, being made of hide with the hair on. A
cross-piece was affixed at the back for a handle, and a cord was looped
round the inside of the shield, which afforded a grasp for the hand.
[Illustration: FIG. 36.--Greek helmet with cheek-guards.]
[Illustration: FIG. 37.--Greek helmet.]
[Illustration: FIG. 38.--Greek helmets of the Bœotian shape.]
[Illustration: FIG. 39.--Helm, breastplate, and backplate from Cumæ.
(Tower of London.)]
The helms all appear with characteristic neck-guards and pendent guards
for the face, which were free to move upon simple attachments at the
side; the front is shown to be protected by a more or less ornamental
visor or nasal. The crest, of which three distinct varieties are
shown, assumed many modifications of those varieties, but the general
arrangement was to lengthen it so as to extend from the front portion
of the helmet to the neck-guard, and the upper portion spreading
like a fan. The body of the helm in nearly every instance was made
the ground for elaborate decoration. To the crest was added at times
one or two plumes, the whole producing a striking military effect
(Figs. 36 and 37). The true Greek war-helm, however, had very little
exterior ornamentation, but was in every respect a most serviceable
and business-like headpiece. It was known as the Bœotian helm (Fig.
38), and the general shape may be gathered from an examination of the
Italian “barbuta” of the fourteenth century, its lineal descendant.
A fine helmet of this character is preserved in Case 24 at the Tower
of London; it is of bronze, and was excavated at Cumæ, an ancient
Greek colony near Naples. It is shown in Fig. 39. Fitting closely
to the head and neck, the lower part reached to the shoulders; in
front two openings for the eyes, with a drooping nasal between and a
narrow vertical opening opposite the chin and neck, gave a general
protection which was most effectual, and only exposed the absolute
minimum to chance of injury. Its efficacy was soon recognised, and it
was eagerly assumed by the hoplites and the leading Greek warriors. The
greaves now appear without straps behind, and were retained in their
place solely by the elasticity of the metal; they are represented as
adhering closely to the limb, and were probably moulded from casts
taken direct from the wearer. About 400 B.C. the heavy bronze cuirass
of the Greek soldier, which had been transmitted from the Heroic
Period, gave way to a lighter but equally efficacious defence, made
of linen crossed many times in folds and glued together, such as we
have seen used by the Egyptians, and, in fact, by nearly all Asiatic
races. The mounted soldiers wore a shorter cuirass than the hoplites;
it was moulded to the figure, and from the lower edge pendent straps
of leather were affixed for the protection of the lower part of the
body and the thighs. These “lambrequins,” as they were termed, were
very numerous, and at times ornamented with metal plaques; they were
longer than the Roman lambrequins of a subsequent period by reason
of the Greek cuirass terminating at the waist (Figs. 40 and 41). The
javelin or throwing-spear of the light-armed troops was furnished with
a strap to aid in propelling it. A pair of Greek greaves are preserved
in Case 24, Tower of London, which are probably of the Heroic Age, as
they are furnished with rings for the attachment of fastening straps.
From the same case we have examples of the bronze cuirass, backplate,
and breastplate, with a bronze attachment at one shoulder for fastening
the two together. An outline of the chief muscles and prominences upon
the human form are crudely imitated in repoussé work, and indications
exist upon the backplate of the fastenings by which it was attached to
the front (Fig. 39). The bronze belt or zone which was worn by many
warriors below the cuirass is also exemplified and shown in Fig. 42.
The fastenings in front show a considerable amount of artistic skill.
To this zone were attached the lower defences for body and limbs.
[Illustration: FIGS. 40 and 41.--Greek cuirasses.]
[Illustration: FIG. 42.--Spear-head, dagger and sheath, and bronze belt
from Cumæ. (Tower of London.)]
[Illustration: PLATE III*
German Shield, Sixteenth Century, by Desiderius Colman
_A. F. Calvert_]
The shape of the spear-head is similar to that shown in Fig. 42. It has
a central ridge strengthening the blade, and is furnished with a hollow
socket for receiving the head of the shaft.
[Illustration: FIG. 43.--Greek parazonium.]
[Illustration: FIG. 44.--Greek quiver bow-case.]
[Illustration: FIG. 45.--Greek quiver.]
[Illustration: FIG. 46.--Greek bow in case.]
The Greek dagger was termed the “parazonium,” and was common to all the
troops (Fig. 43): it was broad in the blade and came to an acute point,
the general shape of the blade being of a leaf-like outline similar to
the sword. This shape was subsequently adopted by the Romans. A dagger
and sheath from Cumæ differs in form from the foregoing (Fig. 42), and
partakes more of the character of the anelace of the mediæval period.
The holes are shown for rivets by which the wooden or bone handle was
fastened, and the sheath, which is very plain, terminates in a small
knob. The dagger had a small shoulder-strap of its own, by which it
was suspended at the right side in a sloping position much higher than
the waist.
The bow was of the short form, and made of the same materials as those
used in the Heroic Age. A quiver was in general use by the Greek
archers, which contained both bow and arrows, as in Fig. 44, which is
shown with its accompanying strap. This, however, was not always the
case, as quivers are shown for arrows alone, as in Fig. 45, and also
bow-cases which are not adapted for arrows as well (Fig. 46).
THE ETRUSCANS
[Illustration: FIG. 47.--Etruscan helmet.]
With regard to the arms and armour of the Etruscans we find but little
difference existing from those of the Greeks, but certain developments
occurred which distinguished them from those of the parent country and
were subsequently adopted by the Romans, thus laying the foundation
for a separate and distinct style of equipment. The helmet in general
followed the Greek lines but had a tendency towards the formation of
a deep bowl-shape for the head; also wings were adopted, at times,
which projected to a considerable extent and gave a distinctly Asiatic
character to the headpiece (Fig. 47). For the ordinary soldier a
skull-cap was in use with a truncated point upon the summit, and
ornamented bosses round the rim (Fig. 48).
[Illustration: FIG. 48.--Etruscan soldier’s helmet.]
The cuirass with its dependent lambrequins was formed, like that of
the Greeks, by joining a back- and breast-plate, but the overlapping
shoulder-guards, with a tendency to meet in front, so often observed
upon Etruscan pottery, are quite distinct from the Greek model (Fig.
49). Cuirasses are also shown made of overlapping plates of metal (Fig.
50); of discs or lames of plate sewn on a padded base (Fig. 51); and
one quilted throughout apparently without any metallic defence (Fig.
52). It has the thorax attached to it, and being viewed from behind
exhibits that protection, as is also the case in Fig. 51. As a rule
greaves were not worn, the limbs being entirely unprotected. The
archers had a cap similar to Fig. 48, together with a tunic of leather.
The bow in use was of a very simple form, as shown in Fig. 53. The
shield was circular, and similar in outline to that of the Greek, but
differed in its great convexity; the one shown in Fig. 54 exhibits the
interior, with the method of affixing the handle.
[Illustration: FIG. 49.--Etruscan cuirass.]
[Illustration: FIG. 50.--Scaled Etruscan cuirass.]
[Illustration: FIG. 51.--Etruscan cuirass with thorax.]
[Illustration: FIG. 52.--Etruscan cuirass with thorax.]
[Illustration: FIG. 53.--Etruscan bow.]
[Illustration: FIG. 54.--Etruscan shield. (Inside.)]
CHAPTER III
THE ROMANS
The defensive armour of the Romans differed essentially in the early
form from the later, or, broadly speaking, between the Republican
Period and the Imperial Period; though it overlapped considerably it
may be as well to accept these periods for differentiation.
REPUBLICAN ARMOUR
[Illustration: FIG. 55.--Lorica of Roman General (Republican).]
_Cuirass or Lorica._--This was formed upon the Greek style of
armour based upon the Etruscan model, and consisted of a back- and
breast-plate, strapped together at the sides and fastened by broad
epaulette-like belts upon the shoulders (Fig. 55). These belts fastened
in front to a ring attached to the breastplate, and were permanently
fixed, low down over the shoulder-blades behind. The lorica was of
bronze, and modelled to the shape of the figure; short straps of
leather were fixed at the arm-openings, which fell over the shoulders;
at the lower part of the cuirass there were two bands of leather, one
showing underneath the other, and both generally dagged at the edges;
below this again depended the lambrequins, often covered with metal
studs or plates, and sometimes curled and plaited. They were of the
same shape as the shoulder-pieces, but much broader, and always of
leather. The tunic worn under the cuirass had half sleeves, and its
lower border reached nearly as low as the lambrequins.
[Illustration: FIG. 56.--Roman helmet (Imperial Period).]
The military cloak or paludamentum was draped over the cuirass in
picturesque folds, varying according to the taste of the individual
wearer.
_The Helmet_ was very similar to the Greek model, and had a crest and
cheek-pieces (Fig. 56).
The Roman leaders often affected the laminated cuirass, or else that
composed of overlapping scales of bronze (Fig. 57). The shield was made
upon the Greek model, and the weapons consisted of the lance, javelin,
and sword.
THE IMPERIAL PERIOD
[Illustration: FIG. 57.--Officers lorica (Republican Period).]
With the advent of the emperors our knowledge becomes of a more
definite character. The admission of foreigners into the Roman army,
although it had proved disastrous to the republic, was continued by
the emperors, and not only were the natives of the conquered countries
enlisted but also mercenaries were employed.
Consequently a great variety of armour and arms existed in the Roman
armies, but the essential ones stand out prominently in sculptures,
painting, and upon coins, &c., and with these only will we deal.
[Illustration: FIG. 58.--Roman laminated cuirass.]
_The Cuirass._--The heavily-armed troops bore the laminated cuirass
(Fig. 58), which consisted of about seven lames of steel encircling
the trunk, each lame being divided into two portions, which joined in
the middle of the back and in front. Affixed to the top lame, back
and front, were four or more bowed lames passing over the shoulders
and working freely upon the pivots which secured them. In front, and
fixed to the lower part of the second lame from the bottom, were three
or four short lames pendent and hanging vertically so as to protect
the middle of the body below the waist. The lames encircling the body
were sewn down to a tightly-fitting leather garment, the true cuirass,
which was continued upwards before and behind in order to protect
the chest and throat and passed over the shoulders under the curved
lames. The whole cuirass opened down the front, the iron bands being
hinged behind, fastening with a clasp in front. To the lowest lame was
generally affixed two rows of leather, dagged at their edges, and the
lambrequins descended beneath them, one row of the straps being shorter
than those beneath, which fell lower than those used in the earlier age.
The officer of the Imperial Period affected the lorica modelled to
the figure as worn by the soldiers in the Republican Period, but
considerably shortened and seldom reaching below the waist, but the
scaled cuirass was also a favourite.
[Illustration: FIG. 59.--Roman helmet.]
[Illustration: FIG. 60.--Roman helmet.]
_The Helmet_ of the soldier was simply a skull-cap with a peak and
pendent cheek-guards (Fig. 59), but subsequently was furnished with a
descending hollowed neck-guard, a bar across the forehead acting as a
visor, and two cheek-pieces, hinged, which could be fastened together
beneath the chin (Fig. 60). During the later days of the empire the
helmet became deeper. A common form of ornament for the crest was
simply a round knob.
_The Shield._--This was of two distinct kinds, a long, rectangular,
and very concave shield borne only by the legionaries, and an oval,
flattened form carried by the horsemen. The rectangular shield was
about two feet six inches long, and composed of two plates of metal
overlapping, with bands of metal strengthening it at the top and also
at the lower edge, where it often rested on the ground. With this
shield the well-known testudo was formed. The cognisance of the legion
appeared upon the outer face, and on the column of Trajan, where
members of the “thundering legion” are depicted, the device is that of
a conventional thunderbolt of the usual zigzag description. The oval
shield carried by the cavalry (the equites) and the light-armed troops
(the velites) was a much-flattened variety of the old shield, and in
the later years of the empire was adopted by the legionaries when
the rectangular shield was discarded; it was, however, considerably
enlarged in its later form.
[Illustration: FIG. 61.--Roman swords.]
_The Sword._--The early sword, like that of most nations, was of
bronze of the well-known leaf shape, and, compared with those of other
nations, comparatively short. In the first century B.C. it had become
modified into a weapon about two feet in length, having a two-edged
blade with parallel sides, and the point at an obtuse angle (Fig.
61). A short cross-guard, thin grip, and swelling pommel completed
this remarkable weapon, which when used against adversaries armed
with lance, javelin, or a long sword must have necessitated the Roman
legionary getting within the guard of his adversary before being able
to use his weapon, thus implying a high degree of personal bravery. It
was worn upon the right side, suspended from a shoulder-belt. Upon the
Trajan column, dating from 114 A.D., the sword appears much longer than
in earlier representations, and shortly afterwards a long single-edged
sword called the “spatha” was in use side by side with the short sword.
[Illustration: PLATE IV*
Shield of Augsburg make, Sixteenth Century
_A. F. Calvert_]
_The Spear._--“The spear that conquered the world,” as a French author
defines it, was the redoubtable _pilum_, concerning which much has been
written and much disputation has arisen. It is most remarkable that
a weapon which is constantly alluded to as the essential arm of the
Roman warrior, and which has been fully described by a writer, should
be of such extreme rarity that its very form has provided matter for
discussion and dispute. The description of the pilum by Polybius,
who flourished in the second century before Christ, is comprehensive
and distinct, but owing to the lack of representations and of actual
models, much misconception has arisen concerning the exact meaning of
his words. He describes it as a weapon having a very large iron head,
which was furnished with a socket to receive the wooden shafts. The
socket was about a third of the length of the weapon, and the barbed
head of the same length. In the Museum at Wiesbaden there is a reputed
pilum, but the marvel is that there do not exist hundreds of examples
of a weapon with which combats without number have been fought over an
area equal to the half of Europe.
The large iron head mentioned by Polybius is an obtusely pointed
pike-head with three or four barbs projecting backwards to a short
distance from the head; behind the head is the neck, which, though
long and slender, is capable of resisting a considerable amount of
violent usage. This neck is about twenty inches in length, and at its
base swells into a socket for the shaft, and encases the latter for a
good portion of its length, being fitted with extreme care. The whole
weapon was about six feet nine inches to seven feet in length, and
may be described as one-third visible shaft, one-third shaft in iron
socket, and the remainder a slender iron rod bearing a large head. It
will readily be seen that, owing to the uncased shaft at the base, the
centre of gravity would lie between the middle portion of the weapon
and the head, thus adapting it for throwing purposes.
The particular purpose of the pilum was to deprive an adversary of his
shield. The method adopted was to approach within throwing distance
and hurl the massive weapon at an opponent, who would naturally
interpose his shield in defence; if the head crashed through the
shield the object was accomplished, for owing to its form withdrawal
was impossible, while the heavy shaft prevented any advance, and at
the same time hindered retreat. To prevent the probability of either,
however, the legionary with sword and shield promptly fell upon his
embarrassed adversary, and there could be but one ending to such
an unequal combat. For use at close quarters it was also equally
efficacious, for, wielded with both hands like a mediæval pike, it
could resist with ease the sword-cuts of the enemy; indeed Polybius
tells us that the legionary received the sword-cuts of the enemy with
calm confidence on his pilum, which resisted them with ease, while the
adversary’s weapon was cut and hacked into the mere semblance of a
strigil, or skin-scraper. This weapon was essentially Roman, and the
troops wielding it were known as _pilani_. The cavalry carried a long
and slender lance furnished with the _amentum_, a leather thong fitted
nearly two-thirds of the length of the spear from the butt, being
the centre of gravity of the shaft. This thong was of great use in
propelling the spear when used as a javelin. The Roman dart was about
three feet in length, and fitted with an extremely thin point about six
inches long; upon striking any obstacle the point became so bent and
distorted that it was of no use for hurling back again at the enemy.
The light-armed troops also possessed a spear which was about four and
a half feet in length.
THE FRANKS
were a nation of Germanic origin, and originally occupied the land
lying upon the north bank of the Rhine, stretching from Mayence almost
to the sea. They successfully resisted the advance of the Romans in
the second and third centuries, and eventually began an aggressive
migration southwards, which finally resulted in the subjugation of the
modern countries of Holland, Belgium, France, and partly of Germany and
Italy. Long before this consummation, however, we find that the Franks
freely enlisted in the Roman armies, and eventually formed the bulwark
between the western dominions of the Romans and the fierce barbarian
hordes who poured down from the north in almost overwhelming numbers.
History teems with examples of their prowess as a military nation;
their large stature, bold and wild aspect, and utter fearlessness,
rendering them at first most formidable opponents of the comparatively
little men of the native Roman armies, and equally valuable allies
afterwards. As a Teutonic race we naturally expect to find them armed
with the weapons characteristic of the northern tribes.
_The Francisca._--Under the Merovingian dynasty, from the fifth to the
eighth century A.D., the Franks used a weapon in their warfare which
has become associated with their name. The _francisca_, or battle-axe,
was a heavy missile weapon which has been described by Procopius as
having a very broad blade and a short handle, but so many varieties
have been found that we must infer that his description was simply a
broad and general one. Thus some are long and narrow in the blade and
only slightly curved, and some have a cutting projection of various
shapes upon the back portion of the axe-head. In use it was thrown with
tremendous force and unerring aim at an enemy, the Frank being able
to accomplish this because of the freedom from embarrassing armour
or clinging garments which he enjoyed, and also, owing to constant
practice, the distance to which it was hurled was a very remarkable
feature. So heavy and strong was this formidable missile that a shield
was invariably crushed in or cut through, if interposed, whilst a blow
received upon the person inevitably ended in death. If used in the
hand the weapon was of the same terrible character. It is questionable
whether the bipennis, or double-headed axe, ever found great favour
with the Franks, although it has been attributed to them.
_The Lance_, sometimes termed the _framea_, appears to have been a
weapon chiefly associated with the cavalry, and not differing in any
essential points from that generally carried by horsemen at the time.
The head was of many forms, and the socket always an integral part
of it; the latter extended to a distance of eighteen inches or more
from the head, and was hollowed to receive the shaft, being fixed in
position by a rivet which passed through the wood and also through two
holes in opposite sides of the socket.
_The Angon._--The angon was both in form and in use similar to the
pilum of the Romans. It had a barbed head and a long, slender neck of
iron, one found in Germany being over a yard in length. A socket fitted
over a heavy shaft, and the whole weapon had a length of about six
feet. In use the angon was hurled at the enemy in order to pierce his
body or his shield; if the latter occurred the soldier was practically
deprived of his defence, as he could neither advance nor retreat with
such an incubus fixed in it. The Frankish warrior, however, quickly
seized the advantage thus gained, and rushing forward deliberately
trod upon his weapon, thus dragging the shield out of the hands of his
opponent who, being left comparatively defenceless, was easily overcome
with axe or sword.
_The Sword._--The Frankish sword was about thirty inches in length; the
blade was broad, straight, and double-edged, with parallel sides ending
abruptly in a somewhat obtuse point. It had a very short cross-bar as
a guard, a straight grip, and a small, slightly swelling pommel. The
scabbard, constructed of either wood or iron, was decorated with plates
of inlaid work, generally in copper. This sword does not appear to have
been universal in the army, but to have been appropriated by those
having an official position. What may be termed a large knife, or a
long and heavy dagger, also formed a characteristic Frankish weapon.
With regard to the defensive equipment of the Franks we are in some
degree of doubt, inasmuch as no national armour was evolved. In the
earlier part of their history they appeared to have disdained any
defence but the shield, but in the time of Charlemagne a simple hauberk
of pourpoint was worn, covered more or less with metal plates, and a
leathern cap upon the head. The shield was of metal and circular, with
a central projecting boss or umbo similar to that of the Saxons. The
soldiers forming the élite of the army were provided with an equipment
which was a modified form of that worn by the Roman legionaries. The
earlier Franks appear to have been a nation of infantry, but in the
Carlovingian period they developed qualities of horsemanship which
eventually led to their army being exceptionally rich in cavalry,
almost one half of their force subsequently being classed under this
heading.
CHAPTER IV
SAXONS AND DANES
The military equipment of our Saxon and Danish forefathers is of much
interest to us as a nation, inasmuch as we are curious to ascertain
with what weapons and with what personal defences our ancestors were
able, apart from personal courage, to overcome the fierce opposition
of the Romanised Britons. That this resistance was of a formidable
character we may judge from the extended time occupied in the conquest
of England, running into hundreds of years and necessitating waves
of invasion. They won the country bit by bit, and the conquered were
effectually displaced by the invaders; so thorough was this that
practically the Britons disappeared before the warlike Teutons, whereby
all their traces of occupation were wiped out and only the great works
of engineering or building skill of those “who built for eternity,
and not for time,” resisted their devastating march. It is probable
that during the many centuries of Roman occupation many of the Britons
had learned the method of warfare and the use of the weapons of their
conquerors; and we know that British recruits for the Roman armies
were in considerable demand. Consequently we may fairly assume that
the Saxons were opposed by Roman swords, spears, and javelins, and
that a certain amount of Roman armour protected the defenders. To this
equipment we may ascribe the fierce and prolonged resistance offered to
the invaders, who were only able to found their first petty kingdom,
that of Kent, after a struggle of nearly forty years’ duration.
[Illustration: PLATE V*
Italian Rondache, Sixteenth Century
_A. F. Calvert_]
_The Saxon Spear._--The chief weapon of offence among the Saxons was
undoubtedly the spear, which was of two kinds--the longer, used by
the cavalry, or in certain cases to be employed against them, and the
shorter, which partook of the dual nature of a spear and of a javelin.
The chief authorities for Saxon arms and armour are (_a_) the
illuminated manuscripts preserved in the British Museum, the Bodleian
Library, &c., some of which date back to the eighth century or even
earlier; (_b_) the written description of the equipment of certain
warriors of a still more remote period; and (_c_) the sagas, most
of them of a warlike nature, which not only laud the heroic deeds
of warriors but constantly refer to the weapons and armour borne by
them. But these details, necessarily crude and by themselves to a
certain extent unreliable, are fortunately supplemented by actual
examples which have been found in Saxon barrows all over the country
and preserved in many museums, from which we are enabled to verify the
illuminations and descriptions.
A spear is found as a rule in all Saxon interments, or more strictly
speaking the iron head, the wooden portion having generally decayed.
From numberless references to the latter we find that it was invariably
made of ash, and the warrior is often poetically referred to as the
“ash-bearer.” The shorter kind is found in barrows, doubtless because
of limitation of space, and so commonly do they occur, that probably
every Saxon, from freeman upwards, was interred with one. They are
sometimes found reversed, with the iron head near the feet, and the
hollow shoe or button which protected the end of the shaft near the
skull. From many measurements taken from the head of the spear to the
shoe, the total length of the shorter kind has been found to be about
six feet.
In some places portions of the wood have been found still preserved;
these have been tested and proved to be of ash wood, but in no case
have these remains demonstrated that the shaft was excessively thin as
is represented in illuminations, where as a rule only a narrow ruled
line is drawn for the shaft. Judging from the numerous illustrations of
mounted horsemen with which the MSS. abound, the length of the longer
variety was about nine or ten feet. The accompanying illustration (Fig.
62) represents various forms of spear-heads copied from Saxon MSS. in
the British Museum, from which it will be seen that no stereotyped
pattern was in vogue, but that almost every variety of possible form
was brought into use. That which at once attracts the attention is
the form of guard invariably used below the spear-head, and which was
doubtless intended to ward off sword-cuts which might possibly sever
the shaft. They were of iron, and sometimes as many as three were in
use. In two of these examples the barbed form of head is shown, which
is the most uncommon, both in illustrations and also in actual finds
in barrows. Probably this form was generally in use for javelins, the
other variety being easily withdrawn after inflicting a wound. In
Fig. 63, which presents examples of actual spear-heads found in Great
Britain, we notice that the shaft is fixed in a socket which is always
furnished with a longitudinal slit. Nails or rivets were used to fasten
it to the shaft. The absence of the cross guards should be noticed;
probably they were inserted in the shaft and formed no integral part
of the spear-head. In the Tower Collection, however, is a spear-head,
with a cross-piece similar to the guards shown in illustrations, which
was discovered some time since near Nottingham. The short spear was
not carried singly but generally in pairs, and at times three are
represented; for instance, in a British Museum MS. the destroying angel
is shown with three javelins, one in flight, one poised for throwing in
the right hand, and one grasped in the left.
[Illustration: FIG. 62.--Anglo-Saxon spears, &c. (Add. MS. 11695; Tib.
c. vi. &c.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 63.--Saxon spear-heads.]
_The Sword._--Swords were essentially cavalry weapons among the
Anglo-Saxons, and were not carried by any person beneath the rank of
thane. The earliest of those found in England have no quillons or
cross-pieces, but merely pommel, grip, and blade. The latter was long,
straight, rounded at the point, and double-edged, 30 inches long and
2 inches wide at the hilt; the grip was of wood and with but little
swell. The total length is generally about three feet. Irish swords
of the same period are about six inches shorter; both kinds were
provided with wooden scabbards. Undoubtedly this sword was fashioned
from classical models. During the later Saxon occupation a cross-piece
was added to the weapon; it became more acutely pointed, and the
pommel occasionally showed signs of ornamentation. No. 2 of Fig. 64
is a sword found in Cambridgeshire, and shows the quillons in an
incipient form, while the addition of a knob to the pommel relieves the
monotony seen in No. 1. No. 3, from the same find, has the cross-piece
enlarged, while the other swords show various stages of development.
The two swords, Nos. 5 and 6, are from MSS. of the eighth century. A
rare example of the sword of this period is preserved in the Wallace
Collection, and is shown in Fig. 65. It has a flat, crown-shaped
pommel, with five small lobes and short, straight quillons rounded at
the ends, the grip being missing. The blade is grooved, measures 30¼
inches in length, and shows traces of an inscription or ornament.
The sword preserved in the British Museum, which was obtained from
the bed of the River Witham, is very similar to this and is probably
contemporary, while another weapon has recently been found in the
Thames with the hilt upwards which is almost identical with that found
in the Witham. The blades of all three examples are about thirty
inches in length. The grip of the swords appears to have been made
of pine-wood, judging from a few remains which have been found. It
is more than probable that the wood was covered with leather, bone,
or horn. That the sword-hilts were at times of a costly character
and richly ornamented we may infer from the Wallace sword, which has
traces of silver work upon the quillons; the British Museum sword,
which has the pommel and quillons inlaid with gold and copper in a
lozenge pattern; and from numerous references in the MSS. to weapons
with hilts of gold or silver, inlaid work, setting of precious stones,
&c., the illuminations invariably showing the hilts and mountings of
a yellow colour, thus implying gold, or gold plating. The sheaths
were invariably of wood covered with leather, with ornamental designs
painted or stamped upon them, and mountings of bronze or more costly
metal. The sword is less often found in Saxon graves than the spear,
as might be expected, seeing that its use was confined to the upper
classes.
[Illustration: FIG. 64.--Saxon swords of various dates.]
[Illustration: FIG. 65.--Sword, 9th century, traces of ornamentation
very rare. (Wall. Coll.)]
_The Axe._--The axe was a distinctive and characteristic weapon of
the northern nations, and its use by the Anglo-Saxons is proved by
references and illustrations in a few late MSS. It is therefore
possible that the Danes introduced its extensive use.
Its occurrence in interments in this country is extremely rare, and but
very few examples have come to light. There appears to have been three
varieties in use, the taper, the broad, and the double. Examples of
the taper axe, found in Kent, are engraved in Fig. 66, Nos. 1 and 4;
the broad axe is shown in Nos. 2 and 3, while a few other varieties
are drawn. The double axe, or bipennis, very rarely occurs in
illuminations, and has not been found in any Anglo-Saxon grave. Its
form is shown in Fig. 62. The pole-axe is a variety, and appears in the
hands of the Saxons at the battle of Hastings.
[Illustration: FIG. 66.
1. Taper axe.
2. Broad axe.
3. Broad axe.
4. Taper axe.
5. Irish axe.
6. German axe.]
[Illustration: FIG. 67.--Saxon knives.]
_The Dagger_ or knife was a weapon in common use, and has been found in
many Saxon graves. They are of various sizes, but probably only those
of large dimensions were weapons, the smaller being used for domestic
purposes. A fine example from Kent is No. 1 in Fig. 67. It is 16 inches
in length, and provided with a small cross-piece. No. 2 is also from a
Kentish find; Nos. 3 and 4, Irish. No. 4 is remarkable by reason of
the preservation of the wooden handle, which shows traces of carving.
The use of the dagger is shown in a very spirited little sketch taken
from an Anglo-Saxon Psalter of the Duc de Berri (Fig. 68), where the
spearman has been assailed by a dagger of the form shown in Fig. 67,
No. 3. The head of the javelin is barbed in contradistinction to that
of the spear, as previously mentioned. Both of the combatants appear to
be emerging from the encounter second best. The long-bow was used by
the Anglo-Saxons, but not extensively, and but few illustrations are
found in MSS., while examples of arrow-heads in graves are uncommon;
those illustrated in Fig. 69 are from MSS. chiefly, and but few from
finds in graves. The sling was not extensively used, although it is
occasionally shown in MSS. The accompanying cut (Fig. 70) is from the
Anglo-Saxon and Latin Psalter of Boulogne. Other examples occur in
Cott. MS., Claudius B. IV., and on the Bayeux Tapestry. Fairly numerous
weapons may be cited as being occasionally in use, such as the bill,
the mace, the pike, the “morning star,” &c., but they were in their
incipient stage, and individual not universal favourites.
[Illustration: FIG. 68.--From an Anglo-Saxon Psalter.]
Respecting the defensive equipment of the Anglo-Saxons we are forced
to the conclusion that the helmet and the shield were the principal
portions, and that in numberless cases these only were adopted, others
being considered subsidiary or superfluous. Indeed in the earlier
periods of the Saxon occupation they are invariably represented with
these defences only, the byrnie, &c., being essentially reserved
for the leaders; but as the nation increased in prosperity so the
additional defences were slowly added.
[Illustration: FIG. 69.--Saxon arrow-heads.]
[Illustration: FIG. 70.--Saxon slinger.]
[Illustration: PLATE VI*
Italian Rondache, Sixteenth Century
_A. F. Calvert_]
_The Saxon Helmet_ was commonly of the Phrygian shape, but examples
are plentiful of the hemispherical, the conical, and the combed
hemispherical, side by side with the Phrygian. The foundation of the
helmet was a framework of bronze or iron bands riveted together, of
which the principal was the piece passing round the head, and that
reaching from the forehead over the head to its junction with the
plate at the back. These two were of thicker material than the
rest. Occasionally the latter band was produced so as to form a nasal
which became universal at the end of the tenth century. Upon this
sub-structure a leather cap of varying forms was fixed, sometimes with
ornamental additions in leather crowning it. The commonest form is seen
in Fig. 75, while other varieties are perceived in Figs. 71, 76, and 77.
[Illustration: FIG. 71.--Saxon helmets.]
[Illustration: FIG. 72.--Saxon helmet with comb. (Add. MS., 18043.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 73.-Saxon umbos.]
_The Shield._--The shield was of wood covered with leather, invariably
round in shape, but at times oval and convex. The lime was the
favourite wood used in its construction, the “yellow linden” being
often mentioned by Saxon poets. The distinguishing characteristic
of this defence was the central boss or umbo, of which such a large
number have been found in Saxon interments (Fig. 73). It was a hollow
boss of varying form and dimensions, but generally about six inches in
diameter, and projecting three or four inches from the outer surface
of the shield; the wood was cut away to allow of its being fixed, and
across the hollow at the back a piece of metal was carried, riveted at
both ends to the boss. This formed a grasp for the left hand by which
the shield was carried, the umbo protecting the hand from injury. As it
was often spiked there is reason to suppose that at times the shield
was used as an offensive weapon (Fig. 75). To strengthen it, radiating
strips of iron or bronze were occasionally carried from the umbo to the
edges of the shield, the simplest being a prolongation of the grip. It
was not a heavy shield, in no way comparable to those of some other
nations. The mode of carrying the shield when not in use is seen in
Fig. 76.
[Illustration: FIG. 74.--Saxon umbos, from the Herts County Museum, St.
Albans.]
[Illustration: FIG. 75.--Saxon king and shield bearer. (MS., end of
10th century.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 76.--Anglo-Saxon horseman. (Cott. MS., Cleop. C.
8.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 77.--Saxon byrnie of leather. (Cott. MS., Cleop. C.
8.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 78.--Leather armour, 10th century.]
_The Byrnie or Battle-Sark_ was at times made of leather. In the figure
reproduced from a British Museum MS. (Fig. 77) the coat appears to be
of hide with much of the hair apparently left upon it; its lower edges
are dagged, and it defends the body and a part of the legs, whereas
in Fig. 78 the defensive covering appears only upon the upper part of
the body. The byrnie was also made of padded stuff judging from the
illustrations, but the earlier examples are so excessively crude and
inartistic that it is rash to make authoritative statements. When a
forest is indicated by four leaves and a twig, a mountain pass by
a bulbous mole-hill, and elaborate Saxon embroidery by half-a-dozen
scattered dots, it will readily be perceived that such a technical
detail as body armour cannot be definitely settled by these rude
drawings. Hence a controversy has arisen, which can by no means be
considered as definitely decided, upon the question as to whether the
Anglo-Saxons possessed byrnies of true interlinked chain mail. Hewitt
in his “Ancient Armour” maintains the affirmative, and contends that
the references in the poem of “Beowulf” to the “twisted breast-net,”
the “hard battle-net,” the “locked battle-shirt,” the “byrnie twisted
with hands,” the “war byrnie, hard and hand-locked,” can only mean
chain-mail. He further refers to the Bayeux Tapestry where a body is
being stripped, and the links show inside the hauberk as they are
represented on the outside. These arguments certainly carry weight,
but until a _bonâ-fide_ example of Anglo-Saxon manufacture is brought
to light the question must apparently be left in abeyance. One of the
modes of defence concerning which there is no doubt was the sewing on
of separate flat rings of iron to a tunic of woven material or leather,
and also the covering of the same with metal or leather plates,
either cut into the form of scales and overlapping, or square or oblong.
[Illustration: PLATE VII*
Milanese Salade, Fifteenth Century
_A. F. Calvert_]
A very interesting little group is shown in Fig. 79 from a Saxon MS.,
Cleopatra B. 4, in the British Museum. The book is Ælfric’s Paraphrase
of the Pentateuch and Joshua, and the subject of the drawing is the
battle of the three kings against the cities of the plain. One king
is habited in a ringed byrnie which extends to the knees and half way
down the arms; he wields a sword with a trilobed pommel and short
quillons, and defends himself with a shield having a spiked umbo. His
armour-bearer carries another shield, but is quite unarmed, his duty
merely being to defend his master. The Phrygian cap and simple tunic
he wears are probably those of everyday life. The second king has no
defensive armour and no armour-bearer, unless the figure seen behind
him in a grotesque attitude fulfils that office. The bifid beards and
the characteristic Saxon wrinkling of the sleeves should be noticed, as
also that the legs of the group appear to be bare.
[Illustration: FIG. 79.--Group from Cott. MS., Cleop. B. 4. _c._ 1000.]
[Illustration: FIG. 80.--From Anglo-Saxon MS., Prudentius, 11th
century.]
The leg-bands seen upon the Saxon soldiery were similar to those worn
by all civilians, and adjusted in the same manner; if, however, they
were of leather instead of the usual textile fabric a certain amount of
defence could be obtained (Figs. 77 and 80). It is curious to observe
that a number of soldiers are habited precisely as the civilians,
with no other defences than the helmet and the shield, from which we
conclude that the Anglo-Saxon of an early period simply dropped his
implements of husbandry at the call to arms and took up the shield,
helmet, and the spear.
Towards the latter end of the Saxon period the arms and armour
became almost identical with that in use on the Continent owing to
the constant intercourse which occurred in the reign of Edward the
Confessor, so that in 1066 the difference in accoutrement was simply
small matters of detail.
THE DANES
[Illustration: FIG. 81.--Danish helmet, shield, and sword.]
The military equipment of the Danes was very similar to that of other
northern Teutonic nations, and no single piece of their arms and armour
has been immortalised as of special significance with the single
exception of the Danish axe. Upon their first appearance in England
the only armour worn was a defence for the chest, consisting of a
broad collar encircling the neck, with depending pieces upon which
were sewn flat rings, plates of metal, horn, &c. In addition to this
pectoral, if it may be so termed, greaves were used, consisting of
stout pieces of leather affixed after the form of shin-pieces, and,
judging by representations in illuminated MSS., carefully moulded to
the limb, inasmuch as the prominent muscles are shown upon them. This
was probably effected by boiling the leather and subsequently pressing
it into shape. After their settlement in England they gradually adopted
other defences in imitation of the Saxons, but more especially of
the Normans, until their equipment in the first half of the eleventh
century became in every respect a replica of that of the latter nation.
The Danish helmet in its early form was a close-fitting skull-cap
fitting well down into the back of the neck; upon this as a foundation
the chiefs wore protruding horns, and at times wings of metal,
imparting a highly-ornamental aspect to the headpiece. Later a conical
helmet having a knob upon the top and being made of metal or leather,
or a mixture of both, was adopted; this in its fully-developed state
was fitted with a nasal (Fig. 81).
[Illustration: FIG. 82.--Danish weapons.]
The shield is reputed to have been of the shape shown in Fig. 81, which
is taken from the prayer-book of King Canute, MSS., Cal. A. 7, in the
British Museum. Presuming that the illuminator has not allowed his
imagination to run riot we must admire the highly ornamental form there
delineated, evidently founded upon the universal circular shield of the
Teutonic nations.
The Danish sword was similar to that of the Anglo-Saxons, and differed
only in the scabbard, upon which more labour was spent in ornamentation.
The spear illustrated (Fig. 82, No. 2) is that of Canute as shown upon
his coins, while the companion weapon is that of the ordinary soldiery.
The Danish axe (Fig. 82, No. 3) was the famed bipennis, consisting
of two axe-blades of similar form on either side of the shaft, which
latter in a few cases was furnished with a spike. The axe could be
used as a pole-axe for close combat, or, if furnished with a shorter
handle, be hurled in a similar way to the francisca. A variation of the
bipennis is seen in the companion axe, which is furnished upon one side
with a diamond-pointed cutting blade of steel in substitution for the
axe-blade.
[Illustration: PLATE VIII
The Bayard Armour in the Rotunda, Woolwich]
CHAPTER V
THE NORMAN PERIOD TO 1180
With the advent of the Normans in 1066 the subject of arms and armour
in England becomes more definite and exact. This is chiefly owing to
the Bayeux Tapestry, to the multiplication of MSS., carvings in ivory
and metal, and the records preserved upon seals. The date of the famous
tapestry has long been a matter of dispute, but it is universally
agreed that if it was not woven by Matilda and her handmaidens it was
certainly begun and completed within fifty years of the Conquest. Hence
its reliability is undoubted upon contemporaneous arms and armour.
[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Norman pennons (Bayeux Tapestry).]
_The Lance._--The head of the lance was commonly of the leaf form, and
sometimes approached that of the lozenge; it was very seldom barbed,
although this variety, together with the others, appears upon the
Bayeux Tapestry. The horizontal bar-guards, so characteristic of the
Anglo-Saxon spear, are very rarely pictured; they were not, however,
relinquished by the conquered nation, but are seen at times in MSS.
written subsequently to the Conquest. Nearly all the Norman spears
were embellished with pennons of from two to five points (Fig. 83).
The length of the spear appears to have differed little from that of
the Anglo-Saxon, and like that weapon they were of uniform thickness
throughout (Figs. 88, 91, 92, 93, &c.).
[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Figure from “Massacre of the Innocents.”
(Cott. MS., Nero, C. 4, _c._ 1125.)]
_The Sword._--Remembering that the Normans were essentially a
Scandinavian nation, we might fairly expect to discover traces of their
origin in the sword of the period, and this we find to be the case. It
was still straight, long, and double-edged, slightly tapering towards
the acute-angled point. The quillons were straight at the time of the
Conquest, but became bent in a small degree towards the close of the
period; the grip was without swell, and a spherical knob formed the
pommel. The scabbard was suspended upon the left side by a small cord
round the waist, but occasionally was supported by the hauberk by being
passed through a hole in the garment, which thus concealed a portion
of it. See Fig. 84, which dates from _c._ 1125, and exhibits this
peculiarity.
_The Bow._--At the battle of Hastings the Normans appear to have been
extremely well provided with bowmen, in contradistinction to the
Saxons. The Conqueror is said to have reproached the latter for this
omission, but archers appear in the ranks of the Saxons on the Bayeux
Tapestry, grouped in small numbers among the axemen, and arrow-heads
of iron are occasionally found in Saxon graves. It would appear that
all the Norman foot soldiers carried bows, and we know that the rain of
arrows from the sky had a marked effect upon the fortunes of the day at
Hastings. The bow was of very simple construction at that time, and the
quivers were without covers, and at times slung upon the back, so that
the arrows are seen over the right shoulder.
_The Mace._--At Hastings the Saxons appear to have used the stone
hammer and the Normans a mace having the head heart-shaped; they had
recourse to this after the lance had been splintered. The axe is not
seen in the hands of the Normans, though it subsequently came into high
favour with them, but many of the Saxons wield the weapon which, from
its handle being four or five feet in length, may justly be termed the
pole-axe.
[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Details of armour (Bayeux Tapestry).]
[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Figure showing coif worn under mail.]
The body armour of this period is of great interest by reason of its
complexity and variety. Upon the Bayeux Tapestry there are delineated
seven different kinds, which are reproduced in Fig. 85. No. 1 is
undoubtedly the ringed byrnie which we have noted during the Saxon
period, and No. 2 is either intended to represent interlinked chain
mail or, what is more probable, scale armour, as it is invariably
represented with the points of the scales downwards. These scales were
of various materials, such as iron, bronze, leather, cuir-bouilli, and
horn. Cuir-bouilli was leather softened by boiling (generally in oil),
and stamped or moulded into a definite form when in that condition;
upon drying it became intensely hard and tough. It was a favourite
agent for defence for centuries, and did not eventually disappear in
England as such until the close of the fourteenth century. Nos. 3 and
4 may possibly be composed of iron rings or discs of metal lying upon
leather or padded material, with strips of leather sewn on between
the rings. Some authorities profess to discover jazeraint work in
this representation, which was a method of defence much used in later
centuries for archers’ jacques and various other garments, but we have
no right to assume that the Normans at that period carried such a heavy
weight of armour as this would necessitate, or were acquainted with
such a technical and complicated manufacture as jazeraint work implies.
The circles, moreover, are too large to represent studs. Nos. 5 and 6
are the ordinary markings used for the Gambeson (or Wambeys), the plain
quilted defence which is perhaps the most ancient of all armours and
was known to the early Egyptians. It was padded with a soft material
such as wool, or tow, or cloth reduced to shreds, which was enclosed
between two layers of material and then sewn together. Although
offering but little opposition to a lance-thrust it was highly
efficacious in warding off a sword-cut, or stopping arrows when not
delivered at short range. Against the mace, or a stone from a sling, it
was of little use in preventing bones from being broken. This defence,
with various styles of quilting and varieties of stuffing materials,
was in use for many centuries in England as an under garment, to
prevent the chafing of chain mail and plate, besides affording
additional protection, while among the rank and file of our English
armies it was often the only defence worn. In MSS. it is shown in
different tints, invariably self-colours, but occasionally in stripes,
chequers, &c., and this serves to prove, if proof were needed, that the
surface exposed to view was not metal but material. No. 7 is a crude
representation of the ordinary conical helmet, furnished with a nasal,
to which is attached a coif or camail of quilted material, defending
the back and sides of the head and falling upon the shoulders. As a
rule, this quilting was continued over the head, and protected the
wearer from the chafing of the helmet, while at the same time it
distributed its weight. At times, however, this method was not in use,
but a separate covering of soft or padded material was adopted; in Fig.
86 it is represented cut into the shape of a coif and tied under the
chin. No. 8 is an example of different markings upon the same dress
which is very common in MSS.; it is invariably introduced in those
places where additional defence was required or desirable, and probably
consisted of metal reinforcing the under garment.
[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Methods of representing different kinds of
defences, other than plate.]
It may not be out of place to deal at this point with various armours,
quite apart from plate, which will be referred to or illustrated
in this work. Hewitt has dealt with this subject perhaps more fully
and lucidly than any other author, and the woodcut on opposite page
(Fig. 87) is taken from his work. No. 1 is perhaps the commonest
of all, and will be referred to as “banded mail.” Its construction
is fully dealt with in Chapter VII. Occasionally the lines between
the alternate crescents are shown double, but probably that is only
a modification of this style of defence. During the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries it was in constant use, and did not altogether
die out for some considerable time afterwards. It is interesting to
compare the variations in this style either of the actual defence or of
the modes of delineation by the artists; the brasses of Bacon, Creke,
d’Aubernoun, Northwode, Raven, Cheyne, &c., may be cited as examples
worthy of interest in this respect, though many more may be found upon
careful inspection. No. 2 is very common in illuminated MSS., and is
occasionally found chiselled upon effigies; the Trumpington brass
is an example of its incision in metal. No. 3 is generally found
exemplified in brasses and effigies of the thirteenth to the fifteenth
centuries, and is by far the finest method for representing interlinked
chain armour. It has a richness and reality which is unsurpassed by
any other method. On the brass of Sir Thomas Burton it is shown in
perpendicular chains; horizontal on that of Sir William Bagot; large
rings are engraved in the case of Sir John Hanley, and there are many
examples of small rings. On the brass of Sir Robert Russell there is a
remarkable width between the parallel rows of chains, from which it
may be inferred that although the chain-mail proper linked laterally,
and also above and below, occasionally parallel chains linked at the
sides only were in vogue. It is probable that the mail shown on the
d’Aubernoun brass is of the latter pattern. No. 4: early examples of
this are to be found on the Septvans and Buslingthorpe brasses. No. 5
is taken from one of the Temple Church effigies; a modification of this
method, in which the lines are straight, may be seen upon an incised
figure of a knight at Avenbury, Herefordshire, _c._ 1260. No. 6 occurs
upon foreign effigies. No. 7 is an example of the mail shown upon the
monumental statue of Sir William Arden, in Aston Church, Warwickshire.
No. 8 is from early woodcuts. Nos. 9 and 10 are probably intended to
represent banded mail, and No. 11 appears upon an ivory chessman of the
thirteenth century. No. 12: this has been mentioned as occurring in the
Bayeux Tapestry, and there are many other instances of its use. No. 13
occurs upon the Great Seal of King Stephen and other examples of early
seals. No. 14, a variety of No. 12. No. 15, from a steel statuette;
the indentations appear to have been made with a punch. No. 16 is from
an effigy in Bristol Cathedral. No. 17, from Roy. MS. 14, E. IV., a
manuscript written and illuminated for King Edward IV. No. 18 is much
used upon seals--one of King Stephen, for example. Nos. 19 and 20, from
Add. MSS. 15295 and 15297. No. 21, from two MSS. of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries (Egerton MS. 809; Add. MS. 15268). No. 22, from
Harl. MS. 2803.
[Illustration: PLATE IX
The “Rhodes” Suit at the Rotunda, Woolwich]
[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Armour, _c._ 1190.]
Under the gambeson or the hauberk or both was worn a tunic reaching
nearly to the knees, and as a rule a little longer than the defensive
garments. It is well shown in the accompanying figure (Fig. 88, from
Harleian Roll, Y 6, “The Life of St. Guthlac,” a work of the close of
the twelfth century).
[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Norman hauberk, 1066.]
_The Hauberk._--The hauberk was to the Norman what the byrnie was to
the Saxon, the chief method of bodily defence. The coif for the head
was generally a part of it, with only a small opening for the face, but
at times it is shown made in two pieces, the lower extending upwards
to the neck and the coif falling over it. This was doubtless to afford
better means of adjustment for the gorget, plastron-de-fer, or other
reinforcement which was undoubtedly worn under it upon the breast. The
lower part of the garment was generally made to open up the front in
order to afford convenience in riding, but occasionally examples are
met with where openings are made upon both sides. For foot soldiers no
opening was, as a rule, necessary. In some cases the reinforcement for
the breast appears upon the outside of the hauberk in the shape of
a square or oblong pectoral; when worn thus it was possibly of metal
plates or studs attached to leather (Fig. 89).
[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Tegulated armour, _c._ 1090.]
[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Scale armour. (Harl. MS., 603.)]
Towards the end of the eleventh century the different distinct styles
of armour became more numerous, and do not present such uniformity as
at the time of the Conquest. Hefner gives an illustration of tegulated
armour (Fig. 90) from a painting on vellum dating from _c._ 1090,
when this system appears to have been introduced. In the original the
plates are silvered, and some bosses on pendant scales of a figure
shown upon the right are gilded. The square or oblong scales are shown
as overlapping like slates upon a roof, and being probably sewn upon
leather would afford a good protection to the wearer. Two soldiers also
in the same group have chausses of mail of the same description, and
the coif is continuous with the body portions of the hauberk.
[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Armour, 1148. (Add MS., 14789.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Goliath. (Harl. MS., 2803.)]
_Chausses_ of mail of various patterns apparently came into general
use about the commencement of the twelfth century. They are mentioned
above, and apparently in the figure referred to (No. 90) are continuous
scale work round the limbs; in other examples they partake of the
character of half-leggings protecting only the knees and shins of the
wearer (Fig. 86). An excellent example of this (Fig. 92) is afforded by
a small representation in an illuminated manuscript Bible of the date
1148, where, in a capital letter F, the figures of David and Goliath
are introduced, the giant lying prone upon the central projection of
the letter with a stone in his forehead and the neck of the hauberk
partly cut through. This is beautifully illustrated in Shaw’s “Dresses
and Decorations.” The hauberk is shown continuous with the coif; the
legs are protected by chausses of some pliable material, thickly
covered with protective studs. These evidently fasten down the back,
and are drawn over the feet by bands or straps meeting underneath.
Later still, in a MS. written about 1170 (Fig. 93), we have an example
of Goliath wearing chausses consisting of a thin material which creases
near the calf, and only a single row of the protective studs down the
shin. The short boot is analogous with those worn in Fig. 88, though
here defended, or ornamented, with a few studs.
[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Great Seal of Alexander I., King of Scotland.]
_The Norman Shield._--The shield generally adopted by the Norman
cavalry was kite-shaped and probably of Sicilian origin; it was
either flat, or round so as to encircle the body to some extent. The
protection afforded by such a shield is obvious, inasmuch as it guarded
the upper part of the body where it was the broadest, and by tapering
downwards defended the left leg. It was invariably made of wood and
covered on both sides with leather, in addition to which extra defences
of metal were added. Shields of this description are referred to which
intimate that the whole of the exterior was of polished metal, though
they seem to be exceptional. On the great seal of Alexander I., King
of Scotland (Fig. 94), the rivet heads are shown upon the reverse of
the shield, which fastened the plates in position. It was held in the
left hand by a bar or strap near the inside upper portion as shown
in the figure. The length varied, but may be taken as approximately
four feet in height with a maximum width of two feet. The shield for
foot soldiers was somewhat small, as may be seen in Fig. 88. At the
time of the Conquest flat shields were frequently used, but all were
eventually bowed. The umbo occasionally appears in illuminated MSS.,
but its use was exceptional. In nearly every case a guige, which
is very plainly shown in many of the engravings, is provided for
suspending the shield round the neck. The round shield (Fig. 95) is
of much rarer occurrence. It is shown in Harl. MS. 603 and other MSS.
of the close of the eleventh century, and was very probably confined
entirely to foot soldiers.
[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Circular shield, _c._ 1090. (Harl. MS., 603.)]
_The Helmet._--The characteristic defence for the head at this period
is the conical helmet fitted with a nasal, thus distinguishing it from
the Saxon type, which did not possess this extra defence for the face
until a few years previous to the Conquest, when Norman influence
began to prevail in England. In the Bayeux Tapestry the nasal is
shown upon practically all the Norman helmets, which are invariably
conical and not very high; they were secured to the head by straps
under the chin, and at times by laces to the body armour. The nasal
continued in use until about 1140, when it was generally discarded, but
isolated examples may be found in every succeeding century down to the
seventeenth. It was fixed or movable, and that worn by the Conqueror at
Hastings was of the latter description, as he removed it to reassure
his force by a sight of his features when a report spread that he had
been slain.
A neck defence was at times fitted to the helmet, which reached to the
ears on either side and depended to the shoulders: it is shown in Fig.
85, No. 7. Cheek-guards also were in use.
It must not be supposed that the Phrygian-shaped helmet affected by
the Saxons became obsolete in the Norman period; on the contrary it is
frequently represented in MSS. (_cf._ Harl. MS. 603, eleventh century;
Harl. MS. 2800, twelfth century, &c.).
During the period under discussion (1066-1180) various additional
weapons were introduced which the exigencies of warfare appeared
to necessitate. Foremost among these was the military pick called
variously the Bisacuta, Oucin, and Besague, designed to perforate the
joints between the metal plates of the hauberk. It is shown in Fig.
109, furnished with one point only, though it commonly had two, as
might be inferred from the name Bisacuta. It was a modification of the
martel-de-fer. A dagger for the use of foot soldiers was also in use,
adapted for rushing upon and disabling knights who had been unhorsed
in a cavalry charge; it was termed the Cultellus, and appears to have
attained occasionally the dimensions of a short sword. One of the most
ancient of weapons is the Guisarme, which, in its earliest forms, is
conjectured to have been a combination of the scythe and the prong.
The advantage of having a weapon with a cutting edge and also adapted
for thrusting, while at the same time serving to ward off a blow by
entangling another weapon in the angle formed by the junction of
the two, would appeal very strongly to the foot soldier, by whom it
was chiefly used. The term “bisarme,” by which it was occasionally
known, would indicate the dual nature of the weapon, which consisted
essentially, in all its multitudinous variations, of a cutting glaive
with a rising spike at the back. It was always fixed to a staff six or
more feet in length, and at times the knife edge partook more of the
nature of an ornamental axe than of the glaive. Frequent mention of
“grinding of the guisarmes” occurs in ancient writers, from which we
infer that the cutting edge was one of its valuable characteristics,
while references to the “deadly” or “destructive” guisarme are
very common. Some appear to have had small bells attached to their
extremities to frighten the horses of the cavalry. So common was the
weapon that in Scotland it became one of the recognised means of
offence with which the foot soldier was required to be provided.
The bipennis, or double axe, was still in use, but only by the Saxon
element; the complete fusion of the conquerors and the conquered led to
its gradual extinction as a national weapon.
[Illustration: PLATE X*
Armour of Charles V. (Work of Negroli)
_A. F. Calvert_]
CHAPTER VI
THE CHAIN MAIL PERIOD, 1180-1250
[Illustration: FIG. 96.]
The essential differences between this period and the last are: (1)
the substitution of chain mail for the jazeraint, mascled, and scale
armour which had formerly been used; (2) the adoption of the pot-helm
or heaume as a secondary defence for the head in place of the conical
helmet, the coif-de-mailles, or the pot-de-fer under the mail; (3) the
introduction of the sleeveless surcoat and the crest.
[Illustration: FIG. 97.--Painted “Pot Helmet,” _c._ 1241.]
_The Heaume._--The term “heaume” may perhaps by some be deemed to be
hardly applicable to the head-defence when first introduced, inasmuch
as it was small in size, fitted closely to the head, and was in most
respects a helmet. But inasmuch as a second defence was worn underneath
it from its very inception, the word “heaume” is an appropriate
designation, as it infers a reinforcement to an existing protection
in the next few centuries during which it is constantly in evidence.
It may readily be divided into two distinct classes, namely, those in
which the plates composing it are riveted together so as to form one
piece, and secondly, those in which a movable ventail can be affixed.
Further subdivisions may be made if desired, such as flat-topped,
round-topped, and sugar-loaf. The word “heaume” or helm among the
northern nations simply meant a covering of any kind for the head, and
we have an example in the Anglo-Saxon wærhelm, of which examples have
been given in this work. Of the first heaumes the flat-topped, or
those with slightly curved crowns, were probably the earliest, of which
the woodcut No. 96 furnishes an example.
A helm which is preserved in the Musée d’Artillerie in Paris probably
exemplifies the transition between the Norman helmet and the barrel
heaume. The conical Norman crown is preserved, but instead of the
pendent neck and cheek guards and nasal, the head and face are entirely
covered by a cylinder of iron, which is complete but for a vertical
slit covered by a projecting nasal and two transverse occularia, one
on either side. In England very early examples may be seen upon the
monumental effigy of Hugh Fitz Eudo, in Kirkstead Chapel, Lincolnshire,
and in a slightly modified form in the carvings of the Presbytery
arcade of Worcester Cathedral, also in the groups of the Painted
Chamber, Westminster. Holes for breathing purposes are entirely absent,
the sole openings being a pair of horizontal occularia separated
by a perpendicular band. In this class may be included the painted
pot-heaume on a parchment MS. dating approximately from the year 1241,
which is shown coloured in green and white diagonal stripes, and is
now in the town library of Leipzic (Fig. 97). This flat-topped variety
appears to have been viewed with much favour, for we have many examples
of it in this period and in that immediately following. For instance,
the seal of Roger de Bigod, Earl of Norfolk (1231 to 1240) (Fig. 98),
exhibits a heaume which is flat-topped, furnished with two occularia,
and nine small square breathing holes on either side, strengthened with
cross pieces of iron. The seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester
and Hertford, who died in 1262 (Fig. 99), shows a flat topped helmet
of cylindrical fashion, in which the occularium is formed by one
ornamental wavy slit of which the lower edge is slightly cusped. The
helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne, 1202 (Fig. 100), is of
the round-topped variety, and is remarkable for the narrow occularium
and the complete absence of any breathing holes. It is taken from the
Cott. MS., Julius, C. VII.
[Illustration: FIG. 98.--From the seal (1231-1240) of Roger le Bigod,
Earl of Norfolk.]
[Illustration: FIG. 99.--From the seal of Richard de Clare, Earl of
Gloucester and Hertford (_d._ 1262).]
It is difficult to see the protection against a lance or sword-thrust
afforded by the heaume of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford, _d._ 1263 (Fig.
101), unless an interior plate was in use to reinforce the numerous
openings in the fore part. The peculiarity of the surcoat covering the
neck should be noticed, as it is uncommon at this period. From the
examples given it will be apparent that from the year 1180 to 1250, the
era under discussion, no heaume is represented with a movable visor,
and this may be taken as a distinguishing feature, inasmuch as they
appear shortly afterwards.
[Illustration: FIG. 100.--Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne
(_d._ 1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 101.--From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford
(_d._ 1263).]
[Illustration: FIG. 102.--Interlinked chain mail showing method of
construction.]
[Illustration: FIG. 103.--Sir John de Bitton, Bitton Church,
Somersetshire, 1227.]
Whatever doubts may exist respecting the presence of true chain mail in
the early Norman period in conjunction with mascled, scale, leather,
horn, and jazeraint work generally, no misconception can arise with
respect to the epoch under consideration, where, together with the
heaume and the plastron-de-fer, it formed the sole defence of the
knight. Chain mail has existed from very remote antiquity, but owing
to its nature is of such a perishable quality, exposing the maximum of
surface to atmospheric oxidation, that practically no examples have
come down to us of all the vast quantity fabricated in remote ages.
There are in the British Museum some aggregations of iron rust brought
from the excavations at Nineveh, which experts assert have once been
hauberks of chain mail of the true pattern (so far as interlocking is
concerned), and hence are credited with being the earliest examples in
existence. That the Romans used rings, together with discs and plates,
as defensive covering, backed by a substratum of a tough textile
fabric, is well known; but whether these rings were so interlinked
as to form a true chain mail has been much questioned. Discoveries
have, however, been made from time to time which tend to prove that
they were not unacquainted with it, and taking into consideration the
extent of territory they possessed, and the number of nations owning
their sway, it would be a matter for wonder if they were ignorant of
its existence. Sculptures may be referred to which appear to indicate
true chain mail, but so many conventional styles and methods were used
by artists to indicate defensive equipment, that it is difficult to
arrive at a definite settlement of the question. That this means of
protection originated in the East is undoubted, where its coolness
would be a great advantage; that it spread in some mysterious way to
the Teutonic nations of the West is also certain, and we must look
for its introduction there to an age long prior to the time of the
Crusades. It was imitated, however, by the unskilful western artificers
in such a manner that immense weight occurred and became an inseparable
condition, and in this manner during the early Crusades it came
into contact with the light chain mail, characteristic of Oriental
workmanship, covering the nomadic cavalry of the East. These horsemen
were enabled in consequence to move with a swiftness and freedom quite
impossible to the crusading knights, thus being forcibly reminiscent
of the ponderous Spanish galleons of the Armada, and the small but
handy English vessels. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
cost of true chain mail was prohibitory to all but the very wealthy,
in spite of great quantities which fell to the lot of the victors in
Palestine. The manufacture varies under the conditions of time, place,
and requirements. Wire, or what answered for wire, was made in the
earlier periods of a very rough character, in the manufacture of which
the hammer evidently played an important part; but later on, when the
art of wire-drawing became known, the cross section of a link exhibits
as perfect a circle as it would if of modern construction. This wire
was wound tightly round an iron core of convenient size, cut off in
rings, and each ring separately treated by flattening the overlapping
ends, piercing them with a steel punch, and inserting a small rivet.
This rivet was either hammered to flatten it, or it was finished off
in a vice. The general method in almost every coat of mail was for one
ring to interlink with four others; a few variations occur, however,
such as rows of rings occasionally interlinking with other rows above
and below, the use of alternate double rings, &c. From the foregoing
it will readily be seen that the cost of production of chain mail
in labour alone must have been excessive. The strengthening of the
mail by insertion of leather straps was occasionally done, the straps
being carried through the links in horizontal rows, while vertical
rows of strapping in addition to the foregoing are not unknown. In
the metalwork, also, the resistance of mail could be considerably
augmented by enlarging the rivet joinings. Considering the intricate
nature of mail, it is no matter for wonderment that neither in the
centuries under consideration nor in those immediately following do
we find the common soldier clad in true chain mail, as every portion,
large or small, would be carefully retained by the knightly wearer. The
incised slab of Sir John de Bitton, in Bitton Church, Somersetshire,
1227 (Fig. 103), may be taken as an excellent example of this early
period preserved in a monumental effigy: the large shield covering the
greater part of the body has no guige, and is necessarily quite flat,
though doubtless convex in reality. The coif-demailles is separate
from the hauberk, and has a lappet overlying the upper part of the
gorget to protect the junction there. The length of the hauberk can
only be surmised, inasmuch as the lower border is not shown, but from
other examples we glean that it reached nearly to the knees. The mail
gloves are also distinct from the hauberk, and bands, laces, or straps
are used to protect the junctions with the sleeves: separate fingers
are not shown, but the gloves are precisely similar to the mitten
gauntlets of the end of the century. The chausses are of chain mail,
and continuous with the covering for the feet. The heaume is not shown;
it is probable that the flattish configuration of the upper part of the
head indicates that a pot-de-fer of some kind was worn under the coif,
as in Fig. 104. The sword is long and broad, the hilt having short,
straight quillons and a cylindrical grip, terminating in a circular
pommel. The spurs are of the short pryck form. It should be noticed
that the artist has drawn the figure too large for the slab, and has
consequently been compelled to encroach upon the bevelled edges.
[Illustration: FIG. 104.--Rich. Wellesburn de Montfort, _c._ 1270.
Hitchenden Church, Bucks.]
_The Surcoat_ is of the sleeveless variety, one of the distinguishing
features of this period, and reaches nearly to the heels, being, as
usual, split up in front and probably also behind, for convenience in
riding. It was introduced in order to guard the mail from rain, and
indirectly as some protection against the heat of the sun’s rays; but
the chief reason for its adoption was that it afforded a means for
recognising the wearer, whose features were now completely hidden by
the heaume, thus rendering it impossible in the hurly-burly of battle
to know friend from foe. Previous to this the nasal helmet, although
covering but part of the features, had at times led to confusion, even
as early as the battle of Hastings as previously stated. Thus heraldry,
which up to this time had only been in an incipient condition, suddenly
found itself of the highest importance, and developed in the course
of succeeding centuries into a science, the study of which was deemed
absolutely necessary for all pretending to the possession of gentle
blood. The surcoat had its inception in the long, flowing tunic
which during the last period dealt with had been worn underneath the
hauberk, as shown upon the two great seals of King Richard I., and the
suggestion would be natural to transfer the latter to the outermost
position, leaving to the padded gambeson alone the duty of supporting
the weight of the hauberk. The first English monarch to appear in this
military attire as an outer garment was King John, and he is shown
thus habited upon his great seal: while his rival, the Dauphin Louis,
who proved such an unwelcome visitor in the latter part of his reign,
is similarly represented upon the French seal, as may be seen in the
Harl. MS. 43, B. VII., date 1216, to which it is appended. To the
Cott. MS., XIX. 2, the seal of Alexander II. of Scotland, 1214-1249,
is attached, and this also shows the surcoat. It was of white material
or self-coloured, sometimes diapered, and generally bore heraldic
charges. The length varied, and both long and short surcoats are seen
of approximately the same date; the former reaching at times to the
heels and the latter to the hem of the hauberk. The material varied
with the means and taste of the wearer; the better descriptions were
of silk, richly embroidered with gold and sometimes decorated with
precious stones, cloth of gold of the richest quality being also used.
[Illustration: FIG. 105.--Taken from the tomb of Geoffrey Plantagenet,
Count of Anjou.]
_The Crest._--Although much uncertainty exists among exponents of
the art of heraldry upon the origin of the crest, yet a little
investigation leads to the conclusion that it need not be a matter
of speculation or conjecture. The first example of the nature of a
crest appears upon the cap of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, died 1150;
his monumental slab in the museum at Le Mans, which stood formerly in
the cathedral there, exhibits the figure of a lion (Fig. 105). The
helmet of Philip d’Alsace, Count of Flanders (_c._ 1181), shows a lion
painted upon the side of the same character as another appearing upon
his shield; but what is generally acknowledged to be the earliest
authenticated example of a crest fulfilling all the desired conditions
is that of Richard the Lion Heart, who upon his great seal shows a
fan-shaped ornament surmounting the heaume, and upon the base is
painted a lion passant (Fig. 106). One of the earliest instances of
the use of a crest on the Continent is that afforded by a MS. in the
Royal Library at Berlin, and belonging to the end of the twelfth
century (Fig. 107). In this case an actual figure, that of a red lion,
appears, and not paintings, as in the two examples previously cited.
It is possible that the adoption of a crest upon the helmet may have
been partly of a defensive character, for the effect of a sword-cut
would be very materially modified after passing through a stiff
erection of steel plate or of tough cuir-bouilli, while against the
mace and the pole-axe it would also afford some slight protection. In
support of this conjecture it may be noticed that crests at first were
ridged and serrated, somewhat after the style which distinguished the
pike-guards of the fifteenth century in their embryonic stage, as if
purposely designed to arrest the edge of a weapon. The many examples
which occur in an undecorated form preclude the thought that they were
invented in order to bear heraldic cognisances, although they were
quickly seized upon to fulfil the duty hitherto borne by the shield and
surcoat, namely, to afford means of identifying the wearer. Of course
the fan-shaped ornament under consideration may have simply been the
outcome of that instinct for personal adornment and decoration which
appears to be inherent in the human race, and which manifested itself
in the mediæval period much more than now; but when it is considered
that many of these fans are carried forward well over the face and at
the same time far backwards, the conclusion is almost compelled that
they originated in an endeavour to secure more protection for the top
of the head than the crown of the heaume afforded. The great crests of
a subsequent period were never used in actual combat, but were reserved
exclusively for tournament purposes.
[Illustration: FIG. 106.--Heaume, Cœur de Lion.]
[Illustration: FIG. 107.--“Pot Helmet,” from the _Eneit_ of Heinrich
von Veldeke.]
_The Shield_ during this period was cut off as a rule in a straight
line at the top, and was convex, so as to partially enclose the figure
(see Fig. 108). It gradually decreased in size, until towards the close
it became the small, well-known “heater-shaped” shield which remained
in vogue for such a lengthy period. It was invariably decorated with
the armorial bearings of the wearer, which in the early part of
the chain mail period were mostly fanciful or devotional and of a
transitory character, but became hereditary as it progressed. The only
weapon of importance introduced was the arbalest, which will be dealt
with in the next period.
[Illustration: FIG. 108.--From the seal (1315) of John de Bretagne,
Earl of Richmond.]
The equipment of the ordinary rank and file of the chain mail period
did not vary in any essential features from that which preceded it.
In Fig. 88 we have two foot soldiers from Harl. MS. Y6, one of whom
wears the Norman helmet, now truncated, with a nasal, which apparently
is very long and wide. A similar helmet, but minus the nasal, defends
his companion. The usual hauberk of chain mail or a cheaper substitute
covers the body, and the legs are undefended. The mode of wearing
the stockings and the cross bar below the leaf-shaped head of one
spear tends to the belief that the illuminator was of Saxon blood
or depicting others of that descent. The shields are suspended by
guiges in both cases, and the fanciful decorations illustrate the
assertions previously made in this chapter. In woodcut No. 109 a very
characteristic group of soldiery of about the year 1220 is shown,
taken from Harl. MS. 4751. The heavily-armed arbalestier in pot-helm
and mail is one of a force defending a castle, and has discharged a
quarrel which transfixes an archer of the attacking party. Before
him, and apparently without any defensive equipment other than a
chapelle-de-fer, is a foot soldier with a military pick in his right
hand and a sword of short dimensions in the left. An arbalestier is
probably shown in the third position from the front, and an archer
fourth, while the fifth is unmistakably a slinger. As was generally
the rule, no protective covering was allowed the slingers--the one
in question has not even a hat--who from the nature of their weapon
were perforce compelled to be always in open order when in action and
at a distance from the enemy, and presumably suffered less than the
closely-packed bodies of men-at-arms, billmen, and even archers. His
sling appears to be in no way different to the Saxon weapon shown in
Fig. 70. The last man is clad in a coif and hauberk of mail, and is
armed with an axe. At this period a weapon appears in the illuminated
MSS. which is apparently of recent introduction, namely the Staff Sling
or Fustibal. It is generally shown in besieging operations pitted
against the defenders on the walls, or in naval warfare as in Fig.
110. The action of the sling is readily seen, the loop at the end
allowing the bag to disengage itself automatically at the psychological
moment, and to discharge the stone. In this case it seems to be charged
with some combustible material to be hurled on board an opposing ship.
The slinger is as usual bareheaded and devoid of bodily defences. With
him is an archer also discharging combustibles affixed to the end of an
arrow. He is habited in a sleeveless leather hauberk strengthened with
round plates, presumably of metal; a coif of mail or leather covers his
head. The third figure carries a sword, spear, and pole-axe, possibly
his own, and also the close-quarter weapons of the projectile throwers.
[Illustration: FIG. 109.--Soldiers, _c._ 1220. (Harl. MS., 4751.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 110.--Staff-sling, &c. (MS. by Matthew Paris.)]
The equipment of a man-at-arms at the close of this period is well
shown in Fig. 111, from Auct. D. 4, 17, in the Bodleian Library. It
dates from about 1250, and illustrates the defensive properties of
leather in combination with iron. The steel chapelle-de-fer covers
a chain mail coif which may be part of a continuous hauberk, as the
arms and hands are covered with mail of the same description. Bands
of leather round the throat afford the protection of a gorget: they
are affixed to a hauberk composed of leather scales of large size and
leaf-like shape showing the midrib, while a belt round the waist and
pendent leaves on the skirt complete a most effective means of bodily
defence. The legs are enclosed in soft leather chausses protected by
metal studs, upon which is a cross-gartering of leather thongs. The
only weapon shown is an axe of formidable proportions. A spearman of
_c._ 1280 is shown in Add. MS., 11639, representing Goliath of Gath, in
which a chapelle-de-fer is a feature (Fig. 112).
[Illustration: FIG. 111.--Armour of cuir-bouilli, _c._ 1250.]
[Illustration: FIG. 112.--Chapelle-de-fer, _c._ 1280. Figure of Goliath
from Add. MS., 11639.]
CHAPTER VII
CHAIN MAIL REINFORCED, 1250-1325
The special points which distinguish this period are:--
1. The introduction of Banded Mail.
2. The use of Ailettes.
3. The invention of the Conical Heaume borne by the shoulders.
4. The reinforcement of the Chain Mail by Plate.
5. The development of the Crest.
[Illustration: FIG. 113.--Sir John d’Aubernoun, 1277. Stoke d’Aubernoun
Church, Guildford, Surrey.]
One of the most remarkable brasses in existence is that of Sir John
d’Aubernoun, in Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, near Guildford, Surrey (Fig.
113). It is the earliest known example of this form of monumental
effigy either in the British Isles or on the Continent, and dates
from about the year 1277, the fifth of Edward I. It is to be noted
that it is unique among the brasses of this reign by reason of the
knight being represented with straight lower limbs, the remainder all
having the cross-legged position. Although the figure is somewhat
disproportionate, and the partial covering up of the lower parts
of the legs by the surcoat is unfortunate, yet as a work of art,
and especially as an example of technique and patience on the part
of the engraver, it is unrivalled. Every separate link of the mail
is faithfully represented. The reinforcement of the chain mail by
secondary defences is here exemplified in its primitive stage, a
pair of genouillières only appearing, which from their ornamental
appearance are presumably of cuir-bouilli, or of plate covered with
cuir-bouilli. The reason for the introduction of this defence was not
alone the protection afforded: the intolerable drag of chain mail
upon the knee or elbow when flexed prevented freedom of action in
either joint; but by the termination of the mail at the upper part
of the genouillière to which it was affixed, and the continuation of
it below, an advantage was gained which was fully appreciated. The
coif-de-mailles upon the head descends to the shoulders on either side
and covers part of the surcoat, while the hauberk has sleeves which
are prolonged to cover the hand with mail gauntlets, not divided for
the fingers. The mail chausses are continued like the sleeves of the
hauberk, in order to protect the feet as well as the legs. Over the
mail appears a loose surcoat reaching to below the knees and confined
at the waist by a cord, from below which it opens in front and
falls on either side in many folds, being also divided at the back
to facilitate riding. It does not bear any ornament or design, but
apparently is of rich material, and has a fringed border. The sword is
long and straight, with short quillons drooping towards the blade; the
grip is slightly swelling, and the circular pommel is enriched with a
design. The method of suspending the sword is peculiar to the period:
it grips the scabbard in two places, between which a small strap runs
as a guide; the weapon thus hangs diagonally across the left front
of the figure. The guige bearing the shield is enriched with roses
alternating with the mystical cross (signifying good fortune and long
life) termed the Fylfot, Gammadion, or Svastika, in which each arm of
a Greek cross is continued at right angles; it passes over the right
shoulder, and supports a small, flat, heater-shaped shield, upon which
the arms appear (_azure_, a chevron, _or_). The spurs are the usual
short ones of the pryck variety affixed by ornamental straps. The lance
passes under the right arm, and displays a small fringed pennon charged
with the same armorial insignia as the shield; it is shortened to
permit of its introduction, and shows no grip for the hand. This is the
only example of a brass in which the lance is introduced.
[Illustration: FIG. 114.--Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289. Trumpington
Church, Cambridge.]
Another celebrated brass exemplifying in a remarkable degree the
military equipment of the period is that of Sir Roger de Trumpington,
1289, in Trumpington Church, near Cambridge (Fig. 114). This well-known
monumental effigy is one of five brasses which portray knights in the
cross-legged attitude, concerning which so much has been said and so
much written. The popular idea is, that the cross-legged position
denotes a pilgrimage, or else a participation in a Crusade, on the
part of the deceased, but this supposition is entirely negatived by
the existence of monuments to _bonâ-fide_ Crusaders, and to persons
known to have visited the Holy Land, who are represented with the lower
limbs not crossed. It is to be noted that this position is entirely
confined to England with the exception of one at Dublin, and the
generally accepted ideas are that these persons so represented were
benefactors to the Church and died in the odour of sanctity. But it
is perfectly admissible to suppose that, after all, this position was
entirely an idea of the artist or the engraver, preventing as it did
the ungainly stiffness in the d’Aubernoun brass. There are two examples
of carved stone effigies both cross-armed and cross-legged--Sir Roger
de Kerdeston, 1337, at Reepham, and Sir Oliver d’Ingham, 1343, at
Ingham, Norfolk; but neither of these were Crusaders, while both were
benefactors to their respective churches.
[Illustration: FIG. 115.--Heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312.]
The armour shown in the Trumpington brass is similar in general outline
to the d’Aubernoun example, but is peculiar in manifesting nothing
of an ornamental character. Two or three additions to the equipment,
however, are shown which are important. The head rests upon the great
heaume, which is of large proportions and conical, adapted for resting
upon and being supported by the shoulders. At the apex is shown a
staple for affixing either the contoise or the heraldic crest (to be
alluded to later), and this feature is also shown upon the heaume of
Sir William de Staunton, 1312, at Staunton, Notts (Fig. 115). From the
lower part of the back of the heaume a chain depends which fastens to
a narrow cord tied tightly round the waist; by this arrangement the
knight was enabled to regain this most important part of his equipment
in the event of his being unhelmed. Later on this chain was affixed to
a staple riveted or welded to the plastron-de-fer, openings being made
in the hauberk and surcoat to permit of this.
[Illustration: FIG. 116.--From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of
Buchan, 1322.]
[Illustration: FIG. 117.--Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey
(_d._ 1344). (From his seal, 1329.)]
_Ailettes._--This period might almost be termed the “ailette period,”
but for the fact that this extraordinary adjunct only prevailed during
a portion of the time. They were small shields or defences fastened
at right angles across the shoulders, designed to lessen the effect
of a sweeping cut from a sword or battle-axe, and were prototypes of
the passe-gardes of the late fifteenth century, and of the epaulettes
of the present day. The fact that a brass has necessarily a plane
surface prevents these being seen in their proper place; a perspective
representation would afford a vertical line only upon each shoulder,
and in order to display the surfaces and avoid any foreshortening,
the artist has turned them at right angles to their real positions.
The usual mode of their adjustment may be plainly perceived from a
representation of the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan,
1322 (Fig. 116), where the stiff lower portion is bent upwards and
downwards to prevent a lateral fall; at the same time it is shaped
to the shoulder, and probably fixed tightly to the hauberk, or the
coif-de-mailles, by rings or rivets. Another example from a seal is
that of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329 (Fig. 117). Here the
ailettes are apparently fastened only by one of the points and the half
of one of the sides, but undoubtedly the whole of it was concave to the
helmet; if so delineated by the artist the remote point would have been
invisible, and not proper for heraldic representation as required upon
a seal. Ailettes are rarely shown upon brasses and effigies; possibly
the Buslingthorpe, Chartham, Gorleston, and Clehongre examples are
the only ones in addition to the Trumpington. Upon seals they occur
fairly often, but not with any frequency until the commencement of the
fourteenth century. An early notice of ailettes occurs in the Roll
of Purchases for the great tournament held at Windsor in 1278, where
they are stated to have been made of leather covered with a kind of
cloth. Silk laces were supplied to fasten them, and it is remarkable,
to say the least, that the brass of Sir Roger de Trumpington, who
was one of the thirty-eight knights taking part in the tournament,
should furnish one of the earliest and best examples which has come
down to modern times. In the curious painted window at Tewkesbury
representing Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who perished upon
the field of Bannockburn in 1314, we have the best illustration of
ailettes contributed by stained glass. Probably the windows were made
not long after the event, judging from the armour, which would be
designed of contemporary pattern. Hewitt engraves a figure of a knight
in Ash-by-Sandwich Church in which the ailettes appear as square
projections behind the shoulders. In illuminated MSS. of this period
the ailettes are very frequently shown, and are figured with combatants
in all positions, so that the nature of the defence can be very clearly
seen. They are also shown of all shapes and sizes. A lozenge-shaped
ailette is seen on the accompanying figure (No. 118) from Roy. MS. 14,
E. III., in which the same device appears as upon the shield, thus
proving that it is not a square one worn awry. At times one ailette
only seems to have been used, and that upon the left side; it appears
as a reinforcement to the shield in an illuminated MS. of Sir Launcelot
(Add. MS. 10,293), date 1316 (Fig. 119). Sometimes the ailettes are so
high and wide that they almost enclose the great heaume by forming a
circle round it, being fixed behind where they meet, and only allowing
a small opening in front for vision. The proper position is, as has
been stated, upon the shoulders and at right angles to them, but when
enlarged or of an inconvenient shape they were fixed upon the upper
part of the arm or behind the shoulder. For example, in Fig. 120, which
is taken from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the ailettes are shown
of a circular form, which obviously would be awkward to fix upon the
shoulder, hence we see them upon the upper part of the arm.
[Illustration: FIG. 118.--Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E.
III.), _c._ 1280.]
[Illustration: FIG. 119.--Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6),
14th century.]
[Illustration: FIG. 120.--Soldier with circular ailettes.]
[Illustration: FIG. 121.--Knight (Roy. M.S. 2, A. 22), _c._ 1290.]
The use of ailettes is somewhat perplexing, and antiquarians have held
various theories respecting them. That they were not merely armorial is
proved by many showing no designs upon them whatever; that they were
not for the purpose of distinguishing leaders in a fray is negatived by
the fact that a knight’s cognisance was much better recognised from his
shield, surcoat, and crest; also, the ailettes appear in tournaments
where there would be no necessity for recognition. The only supposition
which appears to be defensible is that they were shields for the
neck and shoulders, but more especially for the latter, as the great
heaume protected the neck. In Germany they were called “tartschen,”
or shields. The defence afforded by a thick piece of leather, quilted
material, or steel in that position will be at once appreciated; so low
did they reach at times that they covered the junction of the arm with
the body at the back, and this is well exemplified in the Clehongre
effigy, dating from 1320, in which they are attached to the shoulders
by arming points, and are concave to the body. Occasionally for
tournaments and pageant purposes ailettes appear to have been made most
elaborately; thus we find in the inventory of Piers Gaveston in 1313 a
mention of a pair garnished and fretted with pearls.
[Illustration: FIG. 122.--Figures from martyrdom of Thomas à Beckett
(Harl. MS. 5102, Fo. 32), _c._ 1220.]
There is a singular figure of a knight in an attitude of devotion
illustrated in Roy. MS. 2, A. XXII., dating from about 1290, which has
been ably reproduced in Shaw’s “Dresses and Decorations of the Middle
Ages” (Fig. 121). Many little details of thirteenth-century armour are
delineated, affording a valuable acquisition to our knowledge. The mode
in which the coif-de-mailles is fastened up to the side of the head by
an arming point is well shown; the same method has been illustrated
in Fig. 122 on p. 107, where two continuous hauberks are seen looped
up in the same way. The palms of the hands are free from rings, in
order to afford a better grasp of a weapon; this was the usual mode
for constructing the mail gauntlet, and is also shown in Fig. 123. It
also permitted the gauntlet being slipped off the hand when required.
The gauntlets are continuous with the sleeves of the hauberk. Upon the
shoulders are singularly small ailettes, consisting merely of a cross
similar in design to those emblazoned upon the surcoat. The thighs
are defended by chaussons or haut-de-chausses of mail, apparently
with rings only upon the parts exposed. The chausses are of Bezanté
armour, formed of small discs, each with a stud in the centre; these
are sewn or riveted on to a pliable material, probably leather, which
is fastened together by a series of points down the back of the leg.
The chausses are prolonged to cover the feet, upon which are strapped
the usual short pryck spur. The heaume is very much ornamented, and
its general contour points to an earlier date than _c._ 1290, as does
also the absence of genouillières. The lance and its pennon are shown.
A leg protection of leather and highly ornamented was in use upon the
Continent at this period; its form and dimensions may be gleaned from
Fig. 125.
[Illustration: FIG. 123.--From “Lives of the Two Offas,” by M. Paris
(Cott. MS., Nero, D. 1).]
[Illustration: FIG. 124.--Circular ailettes. (MS. 211, Bod. Lib.)]
In a MS. in the Bodleian Library (No. 211) a knight or man-at-arms
is represented carrying a shield and wearing ailettes of a circular
pattern, which are fastened to his banded mail at the upper part of the
arm (Fig. 124). He wears a hemispherical steel cap and is clothed in
a voluminous surcoat. A similar example, but of later date, is shown
in Roy. MS. 20, D. 2, British Museum, where a figure habited in banded
mail and a conical pot-helm, with sword and shield, wears circular
ailettes in precisely the same manner as the previous example (Fig.
126).
[Illustration: FIG. 125.--Leg defence (Italian), _c._ 1289. Relief in
Annunziata Convent.]
[Illustration: FIG. 126.--Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.]
THE BANNER, PENNON, AND PENNONÇEL
The knightly Banner of the period was either square or oblong; in
the latter case the height was invariably twice the width (see
Fig. 127). It was the distinctive mark of the Knight Banneret, and
always indicated superiority of command and importance, inasmuch
as it required a retinue of at least fifty men-at-arms with their
followers to adequately support the dignity. Thus it was a position of
distinction which could only be enjoyed by the rich, and the chronicles
of the mediæval period record instances of knights who, having
specially distinguished themselves on the field of battle, declined
the proffered honour of Knight Banneret on the score of insufficient
means. If, on the other hand, it were accepted, it was usual to convert
the pennon of the knight into a banner on the spot by simply cutting
off the tail or tails. The simple knight, or Knight Bachelor as he was
termed, carried a Pennon or Pavon, which was furnished with one or
more tails, as in Fig. 121, where it is represented with three; that
of Henri de Perci, first Earl of Northumberland, with two (see Fig.
128); and in the d’Aubernoun brass, where one is depicted. He became
eligible for knighthood at twenty-one, presuming that he had sufficient
private property to support the dignity, but had to distinguish himself
in the field or otherwise before the honour was conferred. It was not
absolutely necessary to be of gentle birth, as many examples may be
cited of knighthood being conferred upon those who could not claim such
descent. The contingent he led into battle under his pennon varied in
number according to his means. The Pennonçel or Pensil was a small,
narrow streamer to which the Esquire, or aspirant to knighthood, was
entitled. It was necessary for him to serve an apprenticeship in
arms, and he generally attended the castle of a neighbouring baron,
or the court of the king. Such was, briefly, the etiquette respecting
the three different flags of knighthood, quite apart from those of
the chief commanders and the great standards. There were, of course,
variations introduced. Pennons shown in Figs. 129 and 130 from the
Painted Chamber are triangular, and the banner in Fig. 130 is nearly
three times as high as it is wide. Before quitting this subject it may
be mentioned that knighthood was quite distinct from birth and social
position, and was simply a scheme of military rank, the aspirants
having absolutely equal opportunities for acquiring the dignity.
[Illustration: FIG. 127.--Banner of Knight Banneret.]
[Illustration: FIG. 128.--Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of
Northumberland.]
[Illustration: FIG. 129.--Pavon, Painted Chamber.]
[Illustration: FIG. 130.--Early heaume and helmets with nasals. Painted
Chamber.]
_The Heaume._--During the first thirty years of this period, that
is until about 1280, the heaumes continued to be generally of the
flat-topped variety not reaching to the shoulders, but having the
addition of a movable visor. One, however, shown in Fig. 131 and dating
from _c._ 1250, differs considerably, and shows a heaume approaching
the dimensions and shape of a bascinet, while the visor is adapted
for raising or for removal. An earlier example without a visor is one
seen in a group from the Painted Chamber in conjunction with helmets
having a nasal (Fig. 130). In Fig. 132 we have an example of one of the
earliest and plainest of this variety, in which the ventaille could
be removed at pleasure from the two projecting studs on the heaume
which kept it in place. Fig. 133 is of the same type, but furnished
with a more elaborate visor, and with a crown surmounting it. Fig. 134
is from the seal of Richard Plantagenet, King of the Romans and Earl
of Cornwall, who died in 1272, and Fig. 135 from that of Robert de
Ferrars, Earl of Derby, died _c._ 1279; in both we trace the tendency
to alter the shape of the lower rim. The movable ventaille was not in
all cases directly detachable from the heaume, but swung outwards upon
a hinge on one side, similar to a wicket gate; as this hinge had a
pin running through it which could be withdrawn, the visor was wholly
removed if not required.
[Illustration: FIG. 131.--Helmet, _c._ 1250.]
[Illustration: FIG. 132.]
[Illustration: FIG. 133.]
About 1270 the round-topped variety came into fashion, of which
examples are found until the end of the century and even after it. The
seal of Patrick Dunbar, 10th Earl of March, affords a good illustration
of the heaume with a circular crown; it is furnished with a movable
visor. Other examples are shown in groups in the Painted Chamber at
Westminster, and two very late specimens are represented in Figs. 116
and 117 on p. 102.
[Illustration: FIG. 134.--From the seal of Richard Plantagenet, Earl of
Cornwall, King of the Romans (_d._ 1272).]
[Illustration: FIG. 135.--From the seal of Robert de Ferrars, Earl of
Derby (_d._ before 1279).]
[Illustration: FIG. 136.--Knight, showing mail over pot-de-fer, 1290.]
About the year 1280 the conical-topped heaume came into use, whose
general form is delineated in Fig. 137, and has already been noticed
in the Trumpington brass. It was of great weight, and either hung
at the saddle bow, or was carried by the squire, when not in use; it
rested upon the shoulders, and thus relieved the head of the greater
part of its weight. Two heaumes are here shown (Figs. 138, 139) from
Add. MS. 10,294 in the British Museum. One is of the plain and ordinary
pattern, but the second shows a movable visor which can either be
raised or removed entirely. It also illustrates a reinforcing plate
protecting the sides of the head. Inside it was thickly padded, and
representations of this feature may often be discerned upon monumental
effigies, where the heaume is used to support the head of the recumbent
knightly figure. To keep it in position laces were attached to the
lower edge at the back; these are clearly seen in Fig. 121, p. 106.
[Illustration: FIG. 137.]
[Illustration: FIG. 138.--Heaume. (Add. MS. 10,294.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 139.--Heaume. (Add. MS. 10,294.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 140.--Heaume of Henri de Perci, _c._ 1300.]
The development of the crest during this period did not make much
headway, but a few examples from seals and MSS. will show that there
was a certain amount of progress. The heaume of Baron Henri de Perci,
_c._ 1300 (Fig. 140), exhibits a highly ornamented crest with the
distinctive feature of two streamers affixed to its base, the contoise
or mantling in its incipient form. The comb is deeply serrated, and
ornamented with gadroons springing from the centre. Upon the seal of
Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln, 1301 (Fig. 141), the conical heaume is
shown, not reaching, however, to the shoulders, with a small, plain
comb upon its summit, differing in that respect from the crests of
Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel (Fig. 142), and Humphrey Bohun,
Earl of Hereford (Fig. 143), which both date from the same year. A
singularly plain heaume, considering the distinction of the wearer,
is that of Edward, Prince of Wales, 1305, as delineated upon his seal
(Fig. 144). The crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329, shown
in Fig. 117 on p. 102, displays a startling development upon the
preceding examples, and exhibits a high order of decorative design in
crests at this early period.
[Illustration: FIG. 141.--From the seal of Henry de Lacy, Earl of
Lincoln, 1301.]
[Illustration: FIG. 142.--From the seal of Richard Fitzalan, Earl of
Arundel, 1301.]
[Illustration: FIG. 143.--From the seal of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of
Hereford, 1301.]
[Illustration: FIG. 144.--From the seal of Edward of Carnarvon, Prince
of Wales, 1305.]
[Illustration: PLATE XI
Sir Robert de Bures, 1302. Acton Church, Suffolk]
At Acton in Suffolk is a monumental brass to Sir Robert de Bures,
dating from the year 1302, which holds the proud position of being the
finest early brass in existence, and which may also fairly claim to
be the finest military brass extant. The details of equipment differ
but little from the d’Aubernoun and Trumpington brasses, but the guige
of the shield, by being partially hidden under the tippet of the
coif-de-mailles, indicates that the coif was entirely separate from
the hauberk, and was not continuous, as might be imagined from the
early brasses. The genouillières are very elaborate, and probably of
cuir-bouilli; above them and beneath the skirt of the hauberk are
seen the padded and quilted trews covering the chausses from the knee
upwards. This garment, whose surface was usually of silk, baudekyn, or
other costly material, is shown in the brass to be richly embroidered
with fleur-de-lys and an ornament resembling in shape the Greek lyre,
disposed alternately in lozenges formed by the reticulations of the
silken cords, and a similar decoration appears upon the grip of the
sword (Plate XI.).
Sir Robert de Septvans, 1306, is another knight whose brass effigy
has the cross-legged position; it is in Chartham Church, Kent, and
affords an excellent illustration of the military accoutrement at the
termination of the reign of Edward I. (Fig. 146). The singular name of
Septvans (or Seven Fans) is derived from the heraldic cognisance of the
family, and is shown upon the figure as seven fans of the shape used
for winnowing wheat at that period. The coif-de-mailles is thrown back
in this effigy, and rests upon the shoulders in folds; the ailettes are
square or oblong, and the sleeves of the hauberk are thrown back off
the hands and are shown depending from the wrist. Beneath the hauberk
the quilted undergarment called the haqueton appears; the trews are of
similar material, and apparently are continued under the genouillières,
probably to avoid chafing. The latter are of plate, and a stud is shown
which fastens them to a strap behind the knee. The sword-hilt and
scabbard are enriched with a highly effective diaper design.
[Illustration: FIG. 145.--Knight in banded mail, 1310. Croft, Lincs.]
Between the years 1306 and 1320 there are no brasses in existence
exhibiting the full military equipment of the time, the example at
Croft, 1310, being only a half-brass and singularly devoid of detail
(Fig. 145). Two brasses, however, dating from 1320, afford us an
opportunity of seeing the marked development in defences which had
been adopted in the interval. The Bacon brass in Gorleston Church,
Suffolk, has been much mutilated, but sufficient is retained to make
it of interest. The coif-de-mailles, hauberk, surcoat, sword-belt,
shield, and guige show no differences, but in the plate defences a
great advance has been made. The back of the upper arms from shoulder
to elbow, and the front of the lower arms from the bend of the elbow
to the wrist, are protected by plates of steel, fastened by steel
straps round the limbs; these are respectively the Demi-Brassarts
and Demi-Vambraces. Upon the elbows are the Coudières, and upon
the knees Genouillières of plate, while the shins are defended by
Demi-Jambarts, all being fixed over the chain mail to fulfil the office
of reinforcements. At the shoulder and elbow bends, roundels of plate
appear, and over the shoulder are ailettes marked with the Cross of St.
George. The shield is small and heater-shaped, and is furnished with
a narrow guige. In the Fitzralph brass, 1320, Pebmarsh Church, Essex
(Fig. 147), the general arrangement is similar to the Gorleston brass,
but no ailettes are shown, and the shield is large and concave to the
body. Upon the feet are Sollerets consisting of five lames of plate
riveted together and kept in place by two straps passing under each
foot. The swords of both figures show straight quillons not drooping
to the blade as formerly. The pryck spur is still in vogue, and from
the roundels the small projecting spikes should be noticed. The five
cross-legged brasses thus described and illustrated are all that now
remain to us, and of these five only one, that of Trumpington, so far
as is known, represents a knight who followed the banner of the Holy
Cross to Palestine.
[Illustration: FIG. 146.--Sir Robert de Septvans, 1306. Chartham
Church, Kent.]
[Illustration: FIG. 147.--Sir -- de Fitzralph, _c._ 1320. Pebmarsh
Church, Essex.]
[Illustration: FIG. 148.--Figures from “Massacre of the Innocents”
(Add. MS. 17,687), _c._ 1290.]
The defensive equipment of the ordinary foot soldier of this period
is well delineated in Fig. 148, which is taken from Add. MS. 17,687
in the British Museum, a German illumination dating from _c._ 1290.
The subject is the Massacre of the Innocents, a favourite theme for
illustrations in those times: the central figure is holding in the air
a child (not shown except the foot) preparatory to dashing it upon the
ground, while the soldier to the right has the decapitated head of a
child, also not reproduced, in his left hand. The coif-de-mailles are
in all three examples peculiar in being continued as a pectoral; in two
cases they are constructed of banded mail, and in the third of studded
jazeraint. Two hauberks are shown, one of banded mail and the other of
jazeraint. The central figure has genouillières of leather which, like
those of his companions upon his left, are apparently continuous round
the joint: the strips of pendent leather from them have been sewn over
the shins and calves, while studded strips over chausses of the same
material cover the lower limbs of his comrade. The third figure has
simple chausses of banded mail with no reinforcement: long swords with
characteristic pommels are worn, and the whole group is a most striking
example of the lack of uniformity at the period. Also see Figs. 149 and
150.
[Illustration: FIG. 149.--Soldier (Sloan MS. 346), _c._ 1280.]
[Illustration: FIG. 150.--Swordsman of the chain mail reinforced
period.]
_Archers._--From the time of the Norman Conquest the practice of
archery assumed an importance which did not fall to its lot before
in England. The Saxons had not paid particular attention to this arm
from a military standpoint, only using it in sport, and the success
of the Normans at Hastings was due in a great measure to the skill
and superior numbers of their archers. The latter are shown on the
tapestry both in hauberks and without, and one is seen on horseback.
The bow appears to be of the simplest form of construction, and the
arrow decidedly not the cloth-yard shaft of a later age. It became a
custom from a very early date for the archer to bear a stake sharpened
at both ends which the front ranks drove firmly into the ground with
the second and uppermost point sloping from them, while the rear ranks
filled up the intermediate spaces with theirs. When protected thus
in front and on both flanks it was found that the archers of England
could defy the charge of the heaviest cavalry. Already in the twelfth
century the English began to develop that prowess in archery which
subsequently made them renowned throughout the Continent of Europe. At
the siege of Messina by Cœur de Lion we are told by Richard of Devizes
that the Sicilians were obliged to leave their walls unmanned “because
no one could look abroad but he would have an arrow in his eye before
he could shut it,” while Richard himself did not disdain the use of
the weapon, but used it personally with deadly effect when besieging
Nottingham Castle, defended by the adherents of his brother John. Among
the enactments of Henry I. of England it was provided that if any one
practising with arrows or with darts should by accident slay another it
was not to be visited against him as a crime.
[Illustration: FIG. 151.--Archer, _c._ 1250.]
[Illustration: FIG. 152.--Archer, 1330. (Roy. MS. 16, C. 6.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 153.--Archers. (Roy. MS. 20, D. 1.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 154.--Archer, &c., from Painted Chamber.]
It was during the period now under consideration, 1250 to 1325, that
the archer first stepped into prominent notice, and that the efficacy
of his weapon, the most deadly that the art of man devised until the
introduction of gunpowder, came to be fully recognised. During the
Norman period the infantry as a rule were armed with the bow, but
the other weapons they bore were considered of equal if not greater
usefulness and importance in battle, owing probably to the undeveloped
condition of the weapon. With the advent, however, of the long-bow
proper, and the invention of the arbalest, the deadly effect of the
arrow and the quarrel began to be fully recognised and accepted, and
changes consequently occurred in the art of warfare occasioned by the
adoption of these weapons. The bow was not at first considered to be of
exceptional efficiency in the open field, but to be especially valuable
in sieges, and the defence of mountain passes and strongholds. When
this idea was proved to be erroneous we find from various Statutes
of Arms that a number of the military tenants were ordered to be
provided with the long-bow and arrows. The Statute of Westminster, for
instance, especially mentions the bow. Their equipment was considerably
augmented also with respect to body armour, for in Fig. 109 on p. 94
we see the bowman of _c._ 1220 defended only by his chapelle-de-fer,
whereas in Figs. 153, 155, taken from Roy. MS. 20, D 1, dating from the
end of the century, when the conical heaume had been generally adopted,
the archers are depicted with the same headgear and the body defended
by a hauberk of banded mail. Whether arrows were ever furnished with
the small cross-pieces as shown is conjectural; they are, however,
often shown in MSS. having a foreign origin. In Fig. 154 the archer is
seen clad in a coif-de-mailles and hauberk. The arrow-head is usually
barbed as shown, but whether the three-barbed arrow of Spain, shown in
the Spanish Codex, Add. MS. 11,695, written in 1109, was ever adopted
in England is very doubtful. The fourteenth century showed the fullest
development of the bow, as we shall find, and during that period the
archer attained the height of his importance, but by his equipment at
this early period we may conclude that he was taking an important place
in the military force of the nation.
[Illustration: FIG. 155.--Mounted archer (Roy. MS. 20, D. 1.), _c._
1290.]
[Illustration: FIG. 156.--Military equipment, _c._ 1280.]
[Illustration: PLATE XII*
Foot Armour of Philip II., made by Desiderius Colman
_A. F. Calvert_]
_Arbalestiers._--The arbalest or cross-bow was known apparently as
early as the fourth century, and is mentioned in manuscripts of the
tenth; it appears, however, to have been chiefly used for sport that
time. It was not before the close of the twelfth century that it was
recognised as a military weapon, or is illustrated in manuscripts. In
the beginning of the twelfth century there appears to have been an
effort made for its introduction, but at a council held under Pope
Innocent II. in 1139, it was placed under an interdict as a barbarous
weapon and unfit for Christian warfare, and this condemnation was
subsequently confirmed by Innocent III. In the meantime, however,
Richard I. of England and Philip Augustus of France had sanctioned its
use during the Crusade in which they had taken part, Richard being the
first to advocate its use, and Philip acquiescing and subsequently
adopting his example. The cross-bow thus introduced into England at
the end of the twelfth century practically became obsolete at the
termination of the thirteenth, when the long-bow almost succeeded in
extirpating its rival. This, however, was by no means the case upon
the Continent, where it was the leading arm until the introduction
of the arquebus, and throughout the thirteenth century cross-bowmen
became integral units of every English army, sometimes being mounted.
The King’s Bodyguard, founded by Richard I., was formed partly of
arbalestiers. In the copious records left by Matthew Paris, who died
in 1259, the cross-bowman is continually mentioned. His particular
post was in the forefront of the battle and upon the wings, where the
heavy quarrels discharged from his weapon were supposed to check the
advance of the enemy’s cavalry; and scarcely a battle is recorded
in that part of the thirteenth century where the arbalestier is not
credited with performing most conspicuous service. In the battle near
Damietta in 1237 a hundred Templars and three hundred cross-bowmen
are said to have fallen, and the Emperor Frederick in 1239, writing
to Henry III. of England, mentions the very prominent part played in
a campaign by the arbalestiers. In the contest with Louis IX., Henry
III. had seven hundred cross-bowmen in his force, while the French had
a vastly greater number. In King John’s time the pay for a cross-bowman
on foot was threepence per day, while if mounted he was paid sevenpence
halfpenny or fifteenpence, according as to whether he possessed one or
two horses. Notwithstanding the conspicuous successes of these troops
they occupied an invidious position in other countries than our
own; for the knights and men-at-arms, if they perceived the day being
won by the prowess of the cross-bowmen, did not hesitate to charge
through their ranks in order to share in the glory. This occurred
many times upon the Continent, though happily no record exists of its
happening in England.
[Illustration: FIG. 157.--Arbalestier, _c._ 1250.]
[Illustration: FIG. 158.--Archer and arbalestier, 13th century.]
Like the bowman of his time the arbalestier was clad occasionally in
heavy armour. In the annexed Fig. 158 of an archer and a cross-bowman,
from Add. MS. 15,268 and dating from the close of the thirteenth
century, the armour of the latter appears to be of the tegulated
or the scale variety, though it is quite possible that it may be
intended for banded mail. Upon his head he wears a leather skull-cap
strengthened apparently by iron bands, under which appears a linen or
soft leather coif. A representation of a similar skull-cap of leather
(Fig. 159), ornamented with a strengthening device in iron which is
prolonged into a nasal, is shown upon one of the figures in the Painted
Chamber, Westminster. The pile of the cross-bow bolt is shown to be
quite distinct from the barbed head of the arrow. In Fig. 109, p. 94,
the cross-bowman is represented as heavily armed in a pot-helm and
hauberk of mail. The supersession of the cross-bow in England by the
long-bow was due to natural causes. It was found that as the long-bow
underwent improvements it outclassed the cross-bow in more ways than
one. A powerful and skilful bowman could discharge half-a-dozen or more
arrows during the time necessitated for winding up the cross-bow for
a second shot; also the distance covered by the arrow, together with
its penetrative force, were quite equal to that of the quarrel, and
is generally considered to have been superior. In consequence of this
rapidity of fire the English archer invariably beat down the attack
of Continental cross-bowmen, if equal in numbers, and, very often,
when they were in excess. Compactness of troops was a great point in
mediæval warfare, and the bowmen could stand closer together with their
bows vertical than their brethren of the cross-bow with their weapons
in the horizontal position. There is little doubt that the cross-bow
was the ideal weapon for the ordinary soldier of an ordinary race,
inasmuch as little intellect was required to direct the aim and little
strength was necessary if the usual mechanical means were used to
bend the bow. For the efficient use of the long-bow, on the contrary,
a keen judgment was an absolute necessity, and it was only a race of
considerable physical power that could put forth the strength and
maintain the exertion which the long-bow demanded. It is undoubtedly
a matter for national self-complacency to reflect upon the fact that
while the British gradually discarded the cross-bow and adopted the
long-bow almost entirely, the Continental nations proceeded in exactly
the opposite direction.
[Illustration: FIG. 159.--Nasal. Painted Chamber, Westminster.]
[Illustration: FIG. 160.--Arbalestier, 1330. (Roy. MS. 16, G 6.)]
_The Hand Cross-bow._--The cross-bow as at first introduced was of a
simple construction, and permitted of the bow being drawn by the hands
alone, without the aid of mechanical means. Such a bow is that shown in
Figs. 109, 157, 160, &c., which when required to be strung was simply
placed upon the ground, the left foot inserted in the iron loop at the
end of the stock, and the string drawn up with the right hand, until
it engaged in the notch. This is termed the hand cross-bow. The oldest
arbalest in the Wallace Collection dates from 1450, and is probably
of German construction. The stock is of wood inlaid with plaques of
polished stag-horn, which are beautifully carved in relief. The bow is
of great strength, partly enveloped in parchment and leather painted,
and the original cord remains.
_The Goat’s Foot, or Hind’s Foot, Cross-bow._--The apparatus to bend
this bow is essentially a double lever consisting of two pieces
articulated together. The smaller piece is divided into two distinct
parts, each of which terminates in a catch; one of these engages
with the bow-string and the other upon points on either side of the
stock. The longer arm of the lever was drawn back, and the catch with
the bow-string followed it until, being brought up sufficiently into
position, the string was caught by the notch and remained secure until
discharged. An arbalest is preserved in the Wallace Collection, dating
from 1520, the bow of which is built up of layers of cane, whalebone,
hide, and parchment, ornamented and painted; this bow was bent by the
goat’s-foot lever, a few examples of which are to be seen in the Museum.
_The Wheel and Ratchet Cross-bow._--This apparatus is affixed to the
bow stock behind the trigger by a stout cord which passes round the
stock and holds the mechanism firmly. It consists of a flat, circular,
iron case which contains in its outer periphery a small toothed wheel
which can be turned by a long handle. Passing through the circular
case and engaging with the small wheel is a straight ratchet with one
side cogged: this ratchet has a catch at the end remote from the case
which engages with the bow-string. By merely turning the handle and so
revolving the wheel the ratchet is wound through the case, thus drawing
back the string to its resting-place. The apparatus is then detached
and hung at the belt until wanted again.
In Plate XL., p. 366, taken at the Rotunda, Woolwich, an arbalestier
of _c._ 1450 may be discerned in the act of winding his cross-bow by
a one-handled moulinet, the head of the stock, which is very short,
resting on his knee and not on the ground. It takes a weight of 400
lbs. to bend this bow.
[Illustration: PLATE XIII*
Philip II., Armour by Wolf of Landshut, 1550
_A. F. Calvert_]
_Moulinet and Pulleys Cross-bow._--A piece of iron bent into the form
of a stirrup is affixed to the stock (adjacent to the bow in this
case), similar to that of the hand cross-bow, for the insertion of
the left foot, so as to gain the largest amount of steadiness and
purchase. At the butt end of the stock, against the archers body, a
system of fixed pulleys, having cords running over another system of
free pulleys, is firmly affixed by the insertion of the butt into a
socket. The free-pulley system has a catch attached to it which engages
with the cord of the bow: by winding up the fixed system with a small
windlass having a handle on either side, the free system approaches the
butt, bringing with it the string of the bow, which after a time is
duly caught in the notch provided for it. The tackle is then released
and hung at the belt until wanted. An excellent example of Moulinet
and Pulleys may be seen in the Wallace Collection, dating from 1490 to
1500; it is constructed of steel, and is in good preservation.
_The Cross-bow à Galet._--In this type the bow is bent by means of a
lever fixed to the stock, and was much used in the sixteenth century
for the discharge of stones, spherical balls of lead, &c. In order to
afford a good purchase for the lever, the stock between the bow and the
string-catch was very often curved downwards into a segment of a circle
and made of metal.
_The Barrelled Cross-bow_ was as a rule bent by hand, although a short
stick was occasionally used. A half-tube covered the groove through
which the quarrel travelled, thus leaving a passage for the string. It
did not carry to any remarkable distance, but in spite of this was in
much request during the seventeenth century.
[Illustration: FIG. 161.--Slinger with staff sling or fustibal, 13th
century.]
The missiles for cross-bows are termed quarrels, or bolts, and
generally terminated in a four-sided pyramidal head or pile, being
occasionally feathered with wood or brass. One kind was so feathered
as to cause the bolt to rotate upon its axis. The cross-bow did not
altogether disappear from the army. We find mention in 1572, in the
time of Queen Elizabeth, of cross-bowmen being part of a force of six
thousand men furnished by the queen to King Charles IX. The slinger of
this period is well delineated in Fig. 161. It will be perceived that
he carries no protection whatever in the shape of armour; his weapon is
the staff sling or fustibal.
_Banded Mail._--Toward the close of the thirteenth century a new
species of armour made its appearance, which is generally known by the
name of Banded Mail. It was in extensive use for about a century or
more, and appears upon the knight as well as upon the ordinary soldier.
Chain mail was apparently superseded by the banded mail, though not
entirely, as the former appears upon regal effigies and persons of the
aristocratic families, from which we may infer that the chain variety
was retained by those who could afford it and banded mail was used by
those whose means were limited.
As the structure of banded mail always presents difficulty to the
student, and many conjectures made at various times have as a rule
rendered the question more difficult still without solving it, it is
obviously not out of place in this work to deal comprehensively with
the subject and, it is hoped, to definitely decide the question. The
premises from which we may argue are as follows:--
[Illustration: FIG. 162.--Banded mail: knight of the De Sulney family
at Newton Solney, Derbyshire.]
1. From the time of the first Crusade, or approximately about that
time, chain mail proper was the flexible defensive covering for the
English knight, and various kinds of jazeraint armour, in which
leather, metal plates, padded material, &c., were indiscriminately
used, for the ordinary soldier. The chain mail was obviously too dear
for the average purse.
2. During the period mentioned above archery was in an incipient
condition, and bodily defences were adapted to withstand the weapons
in ordinary use, which, if we exclude the javelin, and, under
extraordinary circumstances, the lance, were hand and not missile
weapons.
3. The simultaneous adoption of banded mail, not only by the common
soldier, but also by a large proportion of the knightly forces, points
conclusively to the fact that chain mail was no longer considered an
adequate defence; in other words that the adoption of a new arm had
rendered it inefficient, and that another description of armour was
imperatively demanded to withstand its effects.
4. The use of leather as a means for bodily defence had been known
from the most ancient times, and in England had been freely used by
the Saxons, as we have seen. From the Conquest onwards it had steadily
advanced in favour, and culminated in importance in the first half of
the fourteenth century during the Studded and Splinted Armour Period,
not finally disappearing until the adoption of total plate defences
rendered its use obsolete. Its second rise into favour during the
seventeenth century is obviously not connected with this question,
except to emphasise the fact that leather has always been considered an
efficacious defence against sword-cuts, and also against missiles which
are not gifted with too great powers of penetration.
5. The fact that banded mail, whether seen upon the inside or the
outside, presents exactly the same appearance (see the Creke,
Northwode, and d’Aubernoun brasses) and is delineated in such manner in
illuminated manuscripts, and carved the same in monumental effigies,
precludes the supposition that rings of metal were sewn down or
otherwise affixed to a garment of leather, as had been the fashion with
Saxons and Normans. Unless, however, we suppose a total abandonment of
leather as a defence which had been growing in favour previously and
which culminated afterwards, we must conclude that leather in some form
was used in the construction of the mail.
6. The abandonment generally of chain mail and the adoption of banded
mail occurred synchronously with the extraordinary development of the
long-bow in the latter part of the thirteenth century.
7. Banded mail was of so flexible a character that folds are depicted
in garments constructed of this material; it was used for hauberks,
camails, chausses, sleeves, and, in short, for every purpose in which
its predecessor had been used.
8. It is represented in MSS. with a metallic surface. The colour is
always silver, white or grey of various shades, and gold. We have
therefore to devise a protection which shall be of greater service than
chain against arrows; which shall be comparatively cheap; in which
leather plays a more or less conspicuous part; which shall present the
same appearance when viewed upon both sides; shall be flexible; and
finally shall have a metallic surface or general appearance.
[Illustration: PLATE XIV
Suggested Construction of Banded Mail]
The accompanying diagram (Plate XIV.) is taken from a photograph
of a piece of banded mail constructed according to our idea of the
structure of the mediæval defence. The rings are iron washers, 1 in.
in diameter and 1/16 in. thick. Through the centre of the washers a
piece of leather exactly as wide as the apertures passes from end to
end. The washers are arranged like rouleaux of coin, each one just
covering the aperture through the centre of the one below. Between
each row of washers a thick piece of leather is placed, the raw edges
being visible on either side of the mail where they have been rounded
off with the knife. The section of this leather band would be similar
to that of a dumb-bell, the centres on each side of the leather being
hollowed so as to permit the edges of the rouleaux to approach each
other and almost touch, the thin centre only preventing them. To the
middle of this leather band the individual rings of the mail are sewn
of both the upper and lower rows. The best portion of this example is
that immediately to the right of the white band. The appearance of
both sides of this example of mail is precisely similar; it is very
flexible, and easily bends in any required direction. The weight,
however, would probably be prohibitory, even to a mediæval knight, and
in order to lighten it we may suggest that every alternate washer be
made of leather, or even that two washers of leather alternate with one
of metal. Against this it may be argued that banded mail is represented
with a metallic tint, but so also is chain mail, which must have
presented ordinarily a rusty-hued mass with simply an outer surface
of polished iron. The liability to rust of chain mail must have been
excessive, and the two outer and accessible surfaces were undoubtedly
the only portions usually polished. So well known is this fact that in
the pageants now prevalent brown string is knitted to represent chain
armour, the outer surface being subsequently covered with a metallic
medium. As a consequence the limners of banded mail would represent it
with a metallic surface even though it presented as brown or rusty an
aspect as chain mail. The washers used in the modern example would in
the mediæval period be flattened rings of metal, and the excessively
coarse and large banded mail would be oval rings and not circular. The
bands are at times represented by single lines, and the suggestion is
obvious that the lines simply represent the junction of the rouleaux
which have not the extra defence of the bands of leather, or else the
band is so narrow that one line is sufficient for its representation.
We will now deal with its efficiency for defence against arrows,
which appears to have been the chief reason for its being called into
existence. These missiles would strike either upon the rouleaux or upon
the bands, and would impinge either at a right angle to the plane of
the surface, or at any angle less than a right angle. An arrow striking
the rouleaux at right angles would endeavour to pass through (1) the
thickness of a metal or leather disc; (2) the leather running through
the discs; (3) the thickness of a metal or leather disc at the rear. If
it struck a metal disc, however, there would be a deflective tendency
either to right or left, according to the slant of the disc.
An arrow striking at an acute angle upon the rouleaux would glance off
if the discs slanted in its direction; if the discs sloped from it the
arrow might insert itself between two of them, penetrate the band of
leather running through the centres, and then endeavour to pass between
two discs at the back. So tightly, however, would these discs be
pressed together, by the leverage of the arrow-head itself in enlarging
the opening between them in the front, that it is questionable if
the inertia remaining in the arrow would enable it to overcome such
resistance, remembering that the discs are firmly fixed both at the top
and bottom to the leather bands. If an arrow struck upon one of the
bands it would have to penetrate at least half-an-inch of leather and
force apart the rouleaux firmly sewn, or affixed in other ways, to the
band on either side.
The specimen of banded mail constructed in accordance with the
foregoing method possesses in actual practice the resisting power
claimed for it; the apparent weak point is the penetrability between
the discs. If, however, the rings are firmly sewn to the lateral bands
the resistance to an arrow is almost if not quite equal to that of any
other part of the mail; the arrow becomes firmly fixed in the discs
without penetrating to the body. It is an unsettled question as to
whether or not complete armour of leather discs was ever introduced
into England: certain it is that the armour of William Longuespée,
first Earl of Salisbury, in Salisbury Cathedral was originally painted
brown, but that might signify, as we have said before, rusty chain mail
and not leather; whereas upon the few sculptured effigies in banded
mail preserved to us the colouring has altogether disappeared.
CHAPTER VIII
THE CYCLAS PERIOD, 1325-1335
Probably at no time in the history of defensive armour has it presented
a more picturesque appearance than during the brief ten years of the
Cyclas Period. Fitting closely to the figure, the various garments
followed the outlines of the human form, and in no parts showed any
marked peculiarities or eccentricities. The evolution of the style
was undoubtedly derived from the experience gained during the Chain
Mail Period, when that defence was proved to be ineffectual against
the terrible effects of lance and sword. Both of these weapons, even
if they did not actually pierce the mail, either bruised the body, or
broke bones, and thereby incapacitated the wearer; while the protection
afforded by the loosely hanging folds of the surcoat of previous
periods, especially against sword-cuts, has been duly noted. Hence
during the Cyclas Period we meet with the introduction of multitudinous
coverings, whereby the lance, the sword, and the arrow were opposed by
plate and mail, and by various padded garments of a textile nature.
The superposition and nature of the defensive equipment will now be
described.
[Illustration: FIG. 163.--Sir Robert Shurland, 1300; showing the
gambeson.]
1. _The Haqueton._--This consisted of a stuffed and padded garment
covering the whole body from the neck to the knees, and the upper
part of the arms; it rested immediately upon the under-shirt of wool.
The padded character of the garment may be seen from the Creke and
d’Aubernoun brasses, where the lower edge reaches the genouillières.
In the Clehongre effigy the haqueton, though doubtless worn, is not
apparent. The padding, besides being defensive, served to protect the
body from the pressure of the mail and plate defences.
[Illustration: FIG. 164.--Sir John de Creke, 1325. Westley Waterless
Church, Cambs.]
2. _The Hauberk._--During the Cyclas Period this garment appears to
have been generally made of banded mail, which consisted of rings or
discs firmly attached on two sides to bands or strips of leather, and
overlapping each other right and left in alternate rows. The protection
afforded by this defence was so good, and the flexibility so great,
that banded mail was in very common use during the greater part of the
fourteenth century for hauberks, camails, and chausses. The hauberk
either terminated in a point in front at the knees, in similar fashion
to the camail, or was rounded, or cut squarely off, according to
the individual taste of the wearer. The sleeves in nearly all cases
terminate a little below the elbow. It probably extended well up the
neck and reinforced the camail.
3. _The Breastplate, or Plastron-de-fer._--So far as we are aware no
exact description of this defence is extant; we only know that it was
of steel, that it covered the upper part of the front of the body,
that it was invariably of a globular shape, and that it was securely
attached to the hauberk, but whether it had a companion backplate so
as to form an entire cuirass is entirely conjectural. Staples were
affixed to it for chains, which at that period were so often attached
to the hilts of the swords and daggers, and sometimes also to the great
heaume, the chain seen in the Northwode brass being for the latter
purpose. The globular form it imparted to the cyclas is well seen in
monumental effigies, but not so readily discernible in brasses.
4. _The Gambeson_ was a body-covering stuffed with wool, padded as
a rule in vertical parallel lines of needlework, and worn over the
plastron-de-fer and hauberk. In the monumental effigy of Sir Robert
Shurland (who in the year 1300 was made a Knight Banneret), engraved in
Stothard, we have probably a unique representation of a knight habited
only in the gambeson, which in this particular case is furnished with
sleeves covering those of the hauberk, although as a rule it was
sleeveless. It fitted closely round the neck, and reached to within a
few inches of the knee. In Fig. 163 this garment alone is shown, all
other details of the effigy being omitted.
5. _The Cyclas._--This extraordinary garment differed from its
predecessor, the flowing surcoat, in being laced up at the sides,
reaching to the knees behind and being cut short in front, so as to
expose the lower portions of the gambeson, hauberk, and haqueton. It
was of a thin material easily falling into folds, silk being the ideal
substance, and was usually girded round the waist by a narrow cincture.
[Illustration: FIG. 165.--Vervelles, showing method of affixing camail
to the bascinet.]
[Illustration: FIG. 166.--Small figure from tomb of Aymer de Valence,
1323.]
A great diversity of bascinets were in use at this period, but all of
them fitted more or less closely to the head, the chief modifications
being in the extensions at the side of the face and at the back of
the head. In the typical brass of Sir John de Creke (Fig. 164) the
bascinet is fluted, while an ornamental apex furnishes the attachment
for a crest or the flowing contoise. To this headpiece is affixed the
camail (or cap-mail), a means of protection for the neck which was
first introduced at this period and remained in fashion for nearly one
hundred years, when it was superseded by the gorget of plate in the
time of King Henry V. The upper portion of this camail was securely
fixed to the bascinet by means of staples or vervelles (Fig. 165), a
cord or lace being threaded through which may be perceived in the Creke
brass. A narrow strip of mail with a very ornamental border is carried
round below the rim. In all cases the camail covers a part of the
cyclas. The upper portions of the arm are defended by demi-brassarts
with coudières, while roundels fashioned to represent the heads of
lions protect the joints of the limbs. The forearms are entirely cased
in vambraces of plate. The chausses are of banded ring mail protected
in front by jambarts and genouillières, while the sollerets are of
mixed mail and plate. Upon the effigy of Aymer de Valence, however,
who died in 1323 and is buried in Westminster Abbey, only roundels are
shown protecting the upper parts of the arm, and incipient coudières;
upon one of the small figures surrounding the effigy a gorget of
plate of a very crude form appears to be indicated, superposed upon
the camail and lying also upon the cyclas (see Fig. 166). Upon the
Creke brass there are no indications that a visor could be affixed if
required, but in the Add. MS. 12,228 in the British Museum a bascinet
is shown of an ornamental character which is provided with a small
defence of this nature which could probably be removed entirely if
required. The neck-guard is seen to be well developed and to be
provided with a projecting rim. Two small feathers surmount the helmet,
and were worn in place of the flowing contoise (see Fig. 167).
[Illustration: FIG. 167.--Bascinet and visor, _c._ 1320. (Add. MS.
12,228.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 168.--Bascinet and visor. (Add. MS. 10,294.)]
[Illustration: FIG. 169.--Swords and dagger, _c._ 1330.]
[Illustration: FIG. 170.--Sir John de Northwode, _c._ 1330. Minster,
Isle of Sheppey.]
[Illustration: FIG. 171.--Knight of the Cyclas Period.]
The man-at-arms of the period was provided with a bascinet which was
more of the character of a simple pot-de-fer; in Fig. No. 168 an
example is shown to which a visor is attached and capable of being
thrown up when not in use. The sword is suspended in front of the
knight by a device which is very simple when compared with that which
formerly obtained; a belt passes round the figure and the two ends are
affixed by swivels to the scabbard. The weapon has apparently a 36-inch
blade, the quillons are straight, swelling slightly at the ends and
drooping in the centre; the grip is swelling and wire bound and has
a wheel pommel. In Roy. MS. 16, G. 6, many swords of this period are
shown, and are all characterised by their plainness and simplicity of
form (Fig. 169). The brass of Sir John d’Aubernoun who died in 1327
and lies in Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, Surrey, shows a figure similar
in most respects to the Creke brass. The roundels at the elbows are
fixed by arming-points, the helmet is less elaborately decorated, the
method of fastening the sword is old-fashioned, and he wears pryck
spurs and not roundels as shown in the Creke brass. A very noteworthy
and curious brass of this period is that at Minster in the Isle of
Sheppey, in memory of Sir John de Northwode, who died _c._ 1330. The
bascinet is of a peculiar swelling form so suggestive of the globular
head-pieces fashionable on the Continent at that period, and the camail
is finished over the chest in engrailed escallops. A chain is joined to
an ornamental staple attached to the breastplate, and passes over the
left shoulder to its attachment with the tilting helm. Only escalloped
coudières and roundels protect the upper arms and scale-like plates of
steel the lower; these vambraces may possibly be of cuir-bouilli, so
prevalent at the period. The grip of the sword swells considerably and
the quillons are short. Only the upper part of this brass is shown in
Fig. 170, but it has been restored and now shows the complete figure.
The shield at this period was of the heater shape and small; it was
concave, so as to enclose the figure, and a narrow guige passing round
the neck secured it. The effigies of Prince John of Eltham, d. 1334,
in Westminster Abbey; that of Sir John d’Ifield at Ifield in Sussex;
and also that of Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Constable
of England, d. 1321, in Hereford Cathedral, and the Pembridge knight
at Clehongre Church, Herefordshire, may be studied with advantage as
exhibiting varieties in detail of this style of armour. A knight of the
Cyclas Period is figured in Cotman having the same peculiar swelling
helmet, and also the addition apparently of a plate gorget in pla
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