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The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquerede Rome

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Title: The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone and of Ferumbras His Sone Who Conquerede Rome

Editor: Emil Hausknecht


        
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE WHO CONQUEREDE ROME ***

 The Sowdone of Babylone.

 Early English Text Society.
 Extra Series. No. XXXVIII.
 1881.


 BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.
 NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.
 PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.




 THE
 ENGLISH CHARLEMAGNE ROMANCES.

 PART V.

 The Romaunce of
 The Sowdone of Babylone
 and of
 Ferumbras his Sone who conquerede Rome.

 RE-EDITED
 FROM THE UNIQUE MS. OF THE LATE SIR THOMAS PHILLIPPS,
 with Introduction, Notes, and Glossary,
 BY
 EMIL HAUSKNECHT, PH. D.

 LONDON:
 PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY
 BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co.,
 PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING-CROSS ROAD, W.C.
 MDCCCLXXXI.
 [«Reprinted 1891, 1898.»]




 Extra Series,
 XXXVIII.

 RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON & BUNGAY.




CONTENTS.


 INTRODUCTION … v

   Popularity of the Carlovingian Romances … v

   Popularity of the Ferumbras Poem … vi

   The Provençal Ferabras … ix

   The Fierabras Poem an Enlarged and Recast Portion of the Old Balan
   Romance … xi

   The Poem of the Destruction de Rome … xiii

   MSS. of the French Fierabras … xv

   The English Sir Ferumbras, its Source, etc. … xvi

   The Poem of the Sowdan of Babylon, its Sources, its Differences
   from the Original Balan Romance and from the Ashmolean Ferumbras …
   xxii

   Dialect of the Sowdan … xxxiv

   Metre and Rhymes of the Sowdan … xl

   Date and Author of the Sowdan … xlv

   MS. of the Sowdan … xlvii

   Roxburghe Club Edition of the Sowdan … xlviii

 ADDITIONS … xlix

   The Hanover MS. of the French Fierabras Compared With the Sowdan …
   xlix

   The Hanover Version Compared With Sir Ferumbras … lii

 SKETCH OF THE STORY … liv

 THE ROMAUNCE OF THE SOWDONE OF BABYLONE AND OF FERUMBRAS HIS SONE
 WHO CONQUEREDE ROME … 1

 NOTES … 95

 GLOSSARIAL INDEX … 133

 INDEX OF NAMES … 141

[p-v]




INTRODUCTION.


The exploits of Charles the Great, who by his achievements as conqueror
and legislator, as reformer of learning and missionary, so deeply
changed the face of Western Europe, who during a reign of nearly half
a century maintained, by his armies, the authority of his powerful
sceptre, from the southern countries of Spain and Italy to the more
northern regions of Denmark, Poland, and Hungary, must have made a
profound and unalterable impression in the minds of his contemporaries,
so that for centuries afterwards they continued to live in the memory
of the people. Evidence of this high pitch of popularity is given
by the numerous «chansons de geste» or romances, which celebrate
the deeds, or are connected with the name, of the great and valiant
champion of Christendom.

It is true that the sublime figure of Charlemagne, who with his
imaginary twelve peers perpetually warred against all heathenish
or Saracen people, in the romances of a later period, has been
considerably divested of that nimbus of majestic grandeur, which the
composers of the earlier poems take pains to diffuse around him.
Whereas, in the latter, the person of the Emperor appears adorned with
high corporeal, intellectual, and warlike gifts, and possessed of all
royal qualities; the former show us the splendour of Royalty tarnished
and debased, and the power of the feodal vassals enlarged to the
prejudice of the royal authority. Roland, in speaking of Charlemagne,
says, in the «Chanson de Roland», l. 376:—

 “Jamais n’iert hum qui encuntre lui vaillet,”

and again the same Roland says of the Emperor, in «Guy de Bourgoyne»,
l. 1061:—

 “Laissomes ce viellart qui tous est assotez.”

[p-vi]

This glorification of the great Christian hero took its rise in France,
but soon spread into the neighbouring countries, and before long
Charlemagne was celebrated in song by almost all European nations.
Indeed, there are translations, reproductions, compilations of French
Charlemagne romances to be met with in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as
well as in Scandinavia and Iceland. Even in Hungary and Russia these
«chansons» of the Charlemagne cycle seem to have been known.[1]

A full account of almost all Charlemagne romances will be found
in Gaston Paris’s exhaustive work of the «Histoire poétique de
Charlemagne» (Paris, 1865), and in Léon Gautier’s «Epopées françaises»
(Paris, 1867).

Of all the Charlemagne romances, that of Fierabras or Ferumbras has
certainly obtained the highest degree of popularity, as is shown by
the numerous versions and reproductions of this romance, from the 13th
century down to the present day.

When the art of printing first became general, the first romance that
was printed was a prose version of «Fierabras»; and when the study of
mediæval metrical romances was revived in this century, the «Fierabras»
poem was the first to be re-edited.[2]

The balm of Fierabras especially seems to have been celebrated for
its immediately curing any wound; we find it referred to and minutely
described in Florian’s «Don Quichotte», I. chap. 10. The scene of
Fierabras challenging to a combat the twelve peers of France, and of
his vaunting offer to fight at once with six (or twelve) of them,[3]
must also have been pretty familiar to French readers, as the name of
Fierabras is met with in the sense of a simple common noun, signifying
“a bragging bully or swaggering hector.”[4]

Rabelais[5] also alludes to Fierabras, thinking him renowned enough as
to figure in the pedigree of Pantagruel.

In 1833, on a tour made through the Pyrenees, M. Jomard witnessed
[p-vii] a kind of historical drama, represented by villagers, in which
Fierabras and Balan were the principal characters.[6]

That in our own days, the tradition of Fierabras continues to live,
is evident from the fact, that copies of the Fierabras story, in the
edition of the «Bibliothèque Bleue», still circulate amongst the
country people of France.[7] There is even an illustrated edition,
published in 1861, the pictures of which have been executed by no less
an artist than Gustave Doré. And like Oberon, that other mediæval hero
of popular celebrity,[8] Fierabras has become the subject of a musical
composition. There is an Opera «Fierabras» composed by Franz Schubert
(words by Joseph Kupelwieser) in 1823, the overture of which has been
arranged for the piano in 1827, by Carl Czerny.[9]

The different versions and the popularity of the present romance
in France, Italy, Spain, and Germany, having been treated in the
Introduction to «Sir Ferumbras», we need not repeat it again here.[10]
As to the popularity of the «Fierabras» romance in the Netherlands, the
following passage from Hoffmann, «Horæ Belgicæ» (Vratislaviæ, 1830), I.
50, may be quoted here[11]:—

 “Quam notæ Belgis, sec. xiii. et xiv., variæ variarum nationum
 fabulæ fuerint, quæ ex Gallia septemtrionali, ubi originem ceperunt,
 translatæ sunt, pauca hæc testimonia demonstrabunt:— . . . . in
 exordio Sidraci:—[12]

   ‘Dickent hebbic de gone ghescouden,
 die hem an boeken houden
 daer si clene oerbare in leren,
 also sijn jeesten van heeren,
 van Paerthenopeuse, van Amidase,
 van Troijen ende van «Fierabrase»,
 ende van menighen boeken, die men mint
 ende daer men litel oerbaren in vint, [p-viii]
 ende dat als leghene es ende mere,
 ende anders en hebben ghene lere,
 danne vechten ende vrowen minnen
 ende lant ende steden winnen . . . . . .’—

 “Nec rarius tanguntur fabulæ de Carolo Magno, «Speculum Historiale»,
 IV. 1. xxix (cf. Bilderdijk, «Verscheidenh», I. D. bl. 161–2):—

   ‘Carel es menichwaerf beloghen
 in groten boerden ende in hoghen,
 alse boerders doen ende oec dwase,
 diene beloghen van «Fierabrase»,
 dat nie ghesciede noch en was . . . .
 die scone walsce valsce poeten,
 die mer rimen dan si weten,
 belieghen groten Caerle vele
 in sconen worden ende bispele
 van «Fierabrase van Alisandre»,
 van «Pont Mautrible» ende andre,
 dat algader niet en was . .   . .’”


That the «Fierabras» romance must have been well known and highly
popular in England and Scotland, may be gathered from the numerous
references to this poem in various Middle English works.

Thus the whole subject of the «Fierabras» romance is found in the
following passage, taken from «Barbour’s Bruce», ed. Skeat, 3, 435 ss.,
where the King is described as relating to his followers:—

 “Romanys off worthi Ferambrace,
  That worthily our-commyn was
  Throw the rycht douchty Olywer;
  And how the duz Peris wer
  Assegyt intill Egrymor,
  Quhar King Lawyne lay thaim befor
  With may thowsandis then I can say,
  And bot elewyn within war thai,
  And a woman; and wa sa stad,
  That thai na mete thar within had,
  Bot as thai fra thair fayis wan.
  Y heyte, sua contenyt thai thaim than;
  That thai the tour held manlily,
  Till that Rychard off Normandy,
  Magre his fayis, warnyt the king,
  That wes joyfull off this tithing:
  For he wend, thai had all bene slayne,
  Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne,
  And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot;
  And syne Lawyne and all his flot
  Dispitusly discumfyt he:
  And deliueryt his men all fre,
  And wan the «naylis», and the «sper»,
  And the croune that Ihesu couth ber; [p-ix]
  And off the «croice» a gret party
  He wan throw his chewalry.”[13]

In his poem of «Ware the Hawk», Skelton (ed. Dyce, I. 162) cites
«Syr Pherumbras» as a great tyrant. He also refers to him in one of
his poems against Garnesche, whom he addresses with the following
apostrophe:—

 “Ye fowle, fers and felle, as Syr Ferumbras the ffreke.”

The story of the combat between Oliver and Ferumbras is alluded to by
Lyndsay, in his «Historie of ane Nobil and Wailȝeand Squyer, William
Meldrum», ed. Hall, ll. 1313–16:—

 “Roland with Brandwell, his bricht brand,
  Faucht never better, hand for hand,
  Nor Gawin aganis Golibras,
  Nor «Olyver» with «Pharambras».”

The tale of the fortified bridge of Mauntrible seems also to have
been very well known in England and Scotland. In the «Complaint of
Scotland», ed. Murray, p. 63, we find the «Tail of the Brig of the
Mantrible» mentioned among other famous romances. In his lampoon on
Garnesche, Skelton describes his adversary as being more deformed and
uglier than

 “Of Mantryble the bryge Malchus[14] the murryon.”

As has already been mentioned, amongst all the Charlemagne romances the
(originally French) romance of «Fierabras» is remarkable as being one
of the first that was rescued from the dust of libraries; and it is
worthy of note, in connection with it, that the first printed version
was not a French, but a Provençal one, which was published not in
France, the birth-place of the romance, but in Germany.

The manuscript of this Provençal version having been
discovered by Lachmann in the Library of Prince Ludwig von
Oettingen-Wallerstein,[15] [p-x] somewhere about the year 1820, the
poem was published in 1829 by Immanuel Bekker.[16]

Raynouard, who drew attention to this edition of the poem in the
«Journal des Savants», March 1831, supposed this Provençal version to
be the original.

Soon after Fauriel discovered at Paris two MSS. of the romance in
French, and a third French MS. was found in London,[17] by Fr. Michel,
in 1838.

In 1852 Fauriel gave an account of the poem in the «Histoire Littéraire
de la France, par les religieux bénédictins de congregation de
Saint-Maur . . . . . continuée par des membres de l’Institut», vol.
xxii. p. 196 «et seq.», where he also investigated the question of the
originality of the two versions, without arriving at a final solution;
as from the comparison of the French and the Provençal version, no
conclusion as to the original could be drawn in favour of either of the
two poems.[18]

As early as 1829 Uhland and Diez had expressed their opinion, that
in all probability the Provençal poem was to be looked upon as a
reproduction of some French source;[19] and in 1839 Edelestand du
Méril, in France, had pointed out the French poem as the original of
the Provençal version;[20] Guessard in his lectures at the Ecole des
Chartes, at Paris, had also defended the same opinion; when in 1860,
the editors of the French «Fierabras»[21] finally and irrefutably
proved the impossibility of considering the Provençal poem as anything
but a translation of a French original. [p-xi]

In 1865, Gaston Paris, in his «Poetical History of Charlemagne»,
pointed out that what we have now of the Fierabras romance must
be looked upon as a very different version from the old original
«Fierabras» (or «Balan») romance, the former being indeed only a
portion, considerably amplified and in its arrangement modified, of the
old poem, the first portion of which has been lost altogether. Gaston
Paris had been led to this supposition by the rather abrupt opening
of the «Fierabras», which at once introduces the reader «in medias
res», and by the numerous passages of the «Fierabras», which contain
allusions and references to preceding events; several of which, being
obscure and inexplicable from the context of the «Fierabras» itself,
can only be explained by assuming the existence of an earlier poem.

The main subject of the old «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance may be
given as follows:—“The Saracens having invaded Rome and killed the
Pope, Charlemagne sends, from France, Guy of Burgundy and Richard of
Normandy to the rescue of the city, and follows himself with his main
army. After a fierce combat between Oliver and Ferumbras, the city is
delivered from the Saracens, and a new Pope established.”[22] [p-xii]

Of all the events related in the old «Balan» romance, there is but one
which is contained in the «Fierabras» poem, viz. the combat between
Oliver and Ferumbras, and even this has been greatly modified in
consequence of the composer’s transferring the scene of action from
Italy to Spain. All the other events related in the «Fierabras», the
love of Floripas and Guy, the capture of the twelve peers, their
being besieged in the castle of Agremor, and their deliverance
by Charlemagne, and the ultimate wedding of Floripas and Guy are
altogether wanting in the original «Fierabras» [Balan] romance.

Therefore Gaston Paris was right in saying that the «Fierabras» poem
contained only the second part of the earlier poem, the first part of
which had not come down to us.

Now it seemed as though this view, which had been clearly [p-xiii]
demonstrated and generally adopted, would have to undergo a thorough
modification on the discovery of a new Fierabras Manuscript in Hanover.
Professor Grœber, having been informed of the existence of that MS.
by Professor Tobler, published from it, in 1873, the poem of the
«Destruction de Rome»,[23] which in that MS. precedes the «Fierabras»
romance.[24] In his Address to the Assembly of German Philologists
at Leipzig,[25] the same scholar attempted to show that this poem
represented the first part of the earlier «Balan» romance.

This supposition, however, can only be accepted with reserve, and
needs a great modification, as by no means all the references to
previous events contained in the «Fierabras» receive explanation in
the «Destruction», although all such previous events must have been
narrated in the original «Balan». Moreover, one of these allusions
in the «Fierabras» is in direct contradiction to the contents of the
«Destruction».

Thus ll. 2237 «et seq.» of the «Fierabras»:[26]—

 “.i. chevalier de France ai lontans enamé:
  Guis a nom de Borgoigne, moult i a bel armé;
  Parens est Karlemaine et Rollant l’aduré.
  Dès que je fui à Romme, m’a tout mon cuer emblé,
  Quant l’amirans mes peres fist gaster la cité,
  «Lucafer de Baudas abati ens ou pré,»
  «Et lui et le ceval, d’un fort espiel quarré»,”

where Floripas declares that she has seen Guy before Rome when
defeating Lukafer, widely differ from the account given in ll. 1355 «et
seq.» of the «Destruction», where Guy does not arrive at Rome until
«after» the departure of Laban’s army to Spain.

In the «Destruction» no clue is given which would enable us to explain
why Charles should be constantly applying to Richard in the «Fierabras»
(ll. 112 «et seq.») for information about Fierabras, or why Richard, in
particular, should know more about Fierabras than any one else. There
is no mention in the «Destruction» of Richard chasing [p-xiv] the
Emir before him in the plain of Rome, to which event ll. 3708–9 of the
«Fierabras»[27] clearly refer.

 “Richars de Normendie au courage aduré,
  Qui cacha l’amirant devant Romme ens el pré.”

The allusion contained in l. 2614,[28]

                   . . . . “Richart de Normendie,
 Cil qui m’ocist Corsuble et mon oncle Mautrie,”

where Richard is said to have slain Corsuble and Mautrie, the uncle
of Floripas, is not cleared up by the «Destruction», as in the three
passages, where Richard is mentioned there (ll. 246, 288, 541), he does
not play an active part at all, whereas from Mousket’s analysis of the
original «Fierabras» [«Balan»] romance, we know how important a part
Guy and Richard played in the old poem.[29] There Richard and Guy being
sent off by Charlemagne as a first succour to the oppressed Romans,
succeeded in delivering Château-Miroir, which had been seized by the
Saracens. The story of the combat around Château-Miroir, as related in
the «Destruction», ll. 593 ss., is thoroughly different,[30] as besides
other variations, there is neither Richard nor Guy concerned in it.

Therefore, as the contents of the «Destruction» are not identical with
Mousket’s analysis of the old «Balan» romance, and as several passages
alluding to events previously described are left unexplained in the
«Destruction»; and as there is even an instance of the «Destruction»
being in contradiction to the «Fierabras», the poem of the «Destruction
de Rome» cannot be said to be identical with the first part of the
«Balan» romance.[31] [p-xv]

The Provençal version and the «Destruction» are each printed from
unique MSS., the latter from the Hanover MS., the former from the
Wallerstein MS. Of the French «Fierabras» there are seven MSS. known to
exist.

«a» = the MS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, Supplém. franç.,
No. 180, which has been followed throughout by the editors of the
French «Fierabras», who in cases of evident errors or lacunæ of this
MS., consulted the three following MSS.:

«b» = the MS. of the Biblioth. Nationale, Lancelot, 7566^{3.3}.

«c» = the MS. of the British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.[32]

«d» = the MS. of the Vatican Library, Regina 1616.

«D» = the MS. in possession of M. Ambroise-Firmin Didot, a small
fragment of which has been printed by Gautier, «Epopées» fr. ii. 307.

«E» = the Escorial MS., a description of which, together with the
variations, has been given by Knust, in the «Jahrbuch für romanische
und englische Sprache und Literatur», vol. ix. p. 43 et seq.

«H» = the Hanover MS., which also contains the «Destruction de Rome».
It has been described by Professor Grœber in the «Jahrbuch», xiii. p.
111. [p-xvi]

As to the English «Fierabras» romances, there are two versions known
to exist:[33] the poem of «Sir Ferumbras» contained in the Ashmole MS.
33[34] and the present poem.

In the following we shall attempt to point out the differences of these
two versions, and to examine whether there is any relationship between
the English and the French poems, and if possible to identify the
original of the former.

A superficial comparison of the English poem of «Sir Ferumbras» with
the French romance «Fierabras» (edd. Krœber and Servois) will suffice
at once to show the great resemblance between the two versions. In my
«Dissertation» on the sources and language of the «Sowdan of Babylone»
(Berlin, 1879) I have proved (pp. 30–40) that the Ashmolean «Ferumbras»
must be considered as a running poetical translation of a French
original. Since Mr. Herrtage, in the Introduction to his edition of
the Ashmole MS. 33, has also pointed out the closeness with which the
translator generally followed the original, which he believes to belong
to the same type as the «Fierabras», edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.
“The author has followed his original closely, so far as relates to the
course of events; but at the same time he has translated it freely,
introducing several slight incidents and modifications, which help to
enliven and improve the poem. That he has not translated his original
literally, is shown by the fact that the French version consists of
only 6219 lines, or allowing for the missing portion of the Ashmole
MS., not much more than one-half the number of lines in the latter,
and that too, although he has cut down the account of the duel between
Oliver and Ferumbras from 1500 to 800 lines, by leaving out Oliver’s
attempts at converting the Saracen, Charlemagne’s prayers, &c.”

Now, in my opinion, we ought not to lay too much stress on the
fact that the number of lines in the two versions differs, as all
translators of poetical works, who wish to follow their original as
closely as possible, will easily be able to render it ‘literally’ as
long as they write in prose. But adopting a poetical form for their
translation, and still pursuing their intention of a close rendering
of their original, [p-xvii] they must needs be more diffuse, and
the consideration of rhythm and rhyme will compel them sometimes to
abandon a quite literal translation, and to be content with a free
reproduction. This is also the case with the author of «Syr Ferumbras»,
who, notwithstanding the many passages where the French text is not
given ‘literally,’ must be considered as a close rhymed translation
of the French poem. The only liberty which we see the English author
take sometimes, consists in contracting or amalgamating together those
«couplets similaires»,[35] or strophes which contain repetitions.

But not always did the author thus give up his plan of rendering his
original closely: occasionally he has such repetitionary lines in the
same place as the French poem, as, for instance, in ll. 130 «et seq.»
corresponding to «Fierabras», ll. 125 «et seq.»

The closeness and literalness of his translation is well exemplified by
his introduction in an English dress of a great many French words which
are unknown, or at least of a most rare occurrence, in English, and
which in his translation are found in the same place and context, where
the French text has them. This will be best illustrated by juxtaposing
the corresponding phrases of the two versions.

      Ashmole «Ferumbras».                French «Fierabras».

 312 Hit ys «rewarded» ous two       301 ‘Nous jujon Olivier, si
 betwyne þat Olyuer schal wende      l’avons «esgardé» Qu’il fera la
 and take þe batail                  bataille au paien deffaé.’

 330 «Mercy», quaþ he to kyng        333 ‘As piés le roy se jete,
 Charles                             «merchi» li a priié.’

 369 þat «paynede» crist             377 ‘—dont vos Diex fu «penès».’

 388 Er y «remuvie» me of þis        392 ‘Ains que je m’en «remue» ...’
 place

 399 y «chalenge» wiþ þe to fiȝt     402 ‘—je te voel «calengier»’

 457 «Parfay», ansuerde erld O.      449 ‘«Par foi», dist Oliviers ...’

 533 þat he ne . . maden ȝelde his   548 ‘se Roland s’i combat, ne faice
 body to him «creaunt»               «recréant»’

 537 wiþ my swerd «trenchaunt»       553 ‘ . . . à m’espée «trencant»’

 538 «Sarsyns», said erld O.         554 «Sarrazins», dist li quans ...

 551 long man in «fourchure»         579 Il ot «l’enfourcéure» grant

 558 a ful «gret pite», etc.         586 j’ai de toi «grand pité», etc.

 [p-xviii]

 751 haue «mercy» of me, «iantail»   1494–5 — «merci» li a crié:
 knyȝt                               «Gentix» hom . .

 781 to «remurie» þe of þis place    1515 ja par moi n’i seriés . .
                                     «remués»

 817 he was «encombred» with F.      1552 Mais de F. est . . .
                                     «encombrés»

 922 þey went forth on a «pendant»   1696 Cil s’entornent fuiant le
                                     «pendant» d’un laris

 947 wan hure spere gunne to         1712 Quant les lances lor «falent»
 «faile»

 984 At «avalyng» of an hulle        1734 À «l’avaler» d’un tertre

 1008. 1012 to «rescourre» þe        1757 . . les barons «rescous» . .
 barons

 1016 wel longe hadde þis «chas»     1764 Moult fu grans cele «chace»
 ylest

 1058 and oþre reliques riche ynow   1806 Et les dignes reliques dont il
 wherof y have «plentee»             i ad «plenté»

 1227 for to wyte wat þay «be» and   2067 Lor «couvine» et lor «estre»
 hure «covyne» yknowe                enquerre et demander.

 1316 By an old forsake ȝeate of     2144 Par une gaste porte de «viel»
 þe «olde antiquyte»                 «antequité»

 1773 sittynge on a grene «erber»    2562 . . siét sous cel «arbre»
                                     ramé.

 1974 Florippe his doȝtre þe         2712 Floripas la «courtoise» a
 «cortoyse» in «chambre» þar         le «nois» escoute Puis issi de
 she was In þe «paleys» yhurde       la «cambre», . . . Entresi c’au
 «noise» and þyder þan she gas       «palais» . .

 2007 þow ert «asotid»               2733 . . vous voi «assoté».

 2538 a gret «repref» it were        3136 . . il nous est «reprouvé»

 3665 brydel and «paytrel» and al    4117 Li estrier furent d’or,
 þe gere wiþ fyn gold yharneyssed    rices fu li «poitrés»
 were

 3672 and þe king him gan «ascrie»   4126 . . . si s’est haut «escriés».

 3791 a gret «dul» þay made þere     4236 . . demainent grant «dolour»

 4541 with an hard «crestid»         4832 vestu ot la pel d’un dur
 «serpentis» fel                     «serpent» «cresté»

 5753 on þan ston a «cracchede»      5910 en «despit» de Ihesu ens es
 and in a spatte in «dispit» of      fous «ecraca».
 god, etc.

Besides these undoubted examples of translation, we must bear in mind
that there occur some variations of readings, where, indeed, the author
of «Syr Ferumbras» seems to have introduced slight incidents and
modifications. But examining them more closely, we shall soon become
aware that many of them also point to a French original, which we may
sometimes identify by comparing these variations with the readings of
those French MSS. that are already printed. Thus, the words “þarto
ys stede þan tyeþ he,” l. 91, render exactly a line of the Escorial
MS.[36]—“son cheval aresna à l’abricel rose”—which is omitted in l. 93
of «F» («i. e.» the French «Fierabras», as edited by MM. Krœber and
Servois).[37] [p-xix]

The following is another example of A (= the Ashmolean «Ferumbras»)
differing from «F», but agreeing with «E»:

                A.                                   E.

  175 Ne «lyre» he noȝt þys day til   175 ke il puisse tant «vivre» que
 evene                               cis jours soit passés

 2131 Adoun þay gunne falle,         2833 Issi «agenoillierent» par
 «knellyng» on þe erthe stille       bones volentez
 ... & «kussedem» «everechone»,      ... «Ils baissent» les reliques ...
 etc.

Notwithstanding these resemblances of «A» to «E», in passages where «A»
differs from «F», «E» cannot have been the source of «A», as there are
many instances where «E» and «F» show the same reading, whereas «A»
differs from both versions.

Thus, «A», l. 340 «et seq.», it is Duke Reyner who blesses his son, and
not Charles, as «E» and «F» (l. 357) have it.

The names of Arrenor, Gwychard, Gayot, and Angwyree, given in l. 814,
differ from those which are mentioned in the corresponding passage of
«E» and «F» (ll. 1548–49).

There is no mention of Kargys being slain by Oliver («A» 880) to be
found in «E» or «F» (l. 1670–76).

In «A» 1178, «Lamasour» advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners;
in «E» and «F» (l. 1948) the same advice is given by «Brulans».

The names of «Lambrock» and «Colbrant» («A» 1616, 1618) are not found
in «E» and «F», 2424.

«A», ll. 1347–48, are wanting in «E» and «F» (2174). [p-xx]

Instead of a giant («A» 1700) we find a giantess mentioned in «E» and
«F» (l. 2483).

Instead of Roland («A» 1793) it is Naymes who speaks first in «E» and
«F», 2570.

These few instances, the number of which might easily be increased,
will certainly suffice to show the impossibility of regarding «E» as
the original of «A».

Only a short passage of the Didot MS. has been hitherto printed;[38]
therefore the arguments drawn from a comparison of «A» with that
printed passage cannot be considered as altogether irrefutable and
final. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same family of MSS. as «E»,
we may at once presume, that as «E» cannot be taken for the original
of «A», the possibility of the Didot MS. being the source of «A», is
not very strong. Besides it may be stated, that no trace of the two
additional lines (ll. 19 and 20[39]) which the Didot MS. inserts after
l. 63 of «a» (or «F») is found in «A», although this version gives, in
ll. 52 ss., a pretty close translation of the corresponding passage in
«F» (ll. 50 «et seq.»). This may lead us to conclude that the Didot MS.
was not the source of «A».

Comparing now «A» with what is known of the Hanover MS. of
«Fierabras»,[40] we find «A» resembling to «H» in the following names:
«Lucafer» (only once «Lukefer» in «A» 2204), «Maragounde» (once
«Marigounde, A» 1364), «Maubyn A» = «Maupyn H.»—«A» 1700 and 2831,
which differ from «F», equally agree with «H». In the last case «A»
agrees also with «E» (although differing from «F»). Now as we know that
«H» together with «D» and «E» are derived from the same group «z»,[41]
we may perhaps be justified in regarding a MS. of the latter group as
the original of «A». But a more detailed comparison of «A» with «H»
being impossible at present, this argumentation wants confirmation.

The impossibility of regarding the Provençal version as the source
[p-xxi] of the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», is proved by the fact that
the long additional account, the ‘episode’ as Professor Grœber calls
it,[42] is wanting in «A». Another proof is given by «A», ll. 5763 «et
seq.», where «A» agrees with «F», but widely differs from «P».[43]

It seems superfluous to point out the inadmissibility of regarding the
French prose version as the original of «A», the first edition of the
prose version being of a much later date than the Ashmole «Ferumbras».
But also that version from which the prose romance has been copied
or compiled, cannot have been the original of «A». For although the
phrase of «A», 3888—“A skuntede as a bore”—seems to contain some
resemblance of expression with the reading of the prose «Fierabras»—“il
commença à escumer come s’il fust ung senglier eschaufé,” which Caxton
translates—“he began to scumme at the mouthe lyke a bore enchaffed”—the
reading of «A», ll. 1307 ss., which greatly varies from Caxton’s
version (a translation of the French prose «Fierabras»), renders
inadmissible the supposition that the original of the French prose
version is the source of «A».[44]

Having thus compared the Ashmolean «Ferumbras», as far as can be done
at present, with all existing versions of this romance, we arrive at
the following conclusions.

The Ashmole «Ferumbras» is a pretty close translation of some French
version, which we are at present unable to identify. Its original
was neither of the same family («w») as the «Fierabras», edited by
MM. Krœber and Servois, nor yet of that of the Escorial version.
Nevertheless, the original of «Sir Ferumbras» cannot have differed
much from the common original, from which these two groups of MSS. are
derived. To this original, called «y» by Grœber, the MS., from which
«A» has been copied, appears to have been more closely related than to
the Provençal version, from which it certainly is not derived. As the
liberties which the author of «Sir Ferumbras» took in translating his
original, consist only in very slight modifications, we may conclude
[p-xxii] from his closeness of translation in general, that in those
passages of «A» which exhibit significant deviations from the known
French versions, these variations are not due to the composer of the
Ashmolean poem, but were already to be found in its original. Therefore
the Ashmole «Ferumbras» may be considered as representing by itself the
translation of an independent French MS., which perhaps belonged, or at
least was nearly related, to the type «y».

I now come to the consideration of the «Sowdan of Babylone», which
the simple analysis given by Ellis,[45] shows to be an essentially
different work from the Ashmolean «Ferumbras». Indeed, whilst the
«Syr Ferumbras» represents only a portion (viz. the second part) of
the original «Fierabras» [or «Balan», as Gaston Paris has styled
it],[46] the «Sowdan» approaches the original more nearly in that it
contains the long ‘introductory account’.[47] For this first part of
the «Sowdan» (as far as l. 970), although it cannot be considered as
identical with the first portion of the old «Balan» romance, contains
several facts, which, however abridged and modified, show a great
resemblance with those which must have been the subject of the lost
portion of the old original. Whereas the Ashmolean «Ferumbras» is, on
the whole, a mere translation of a French original, the «Sowdan» must
be looked upon as a free reproduction of the English redactor, who,
though following his original as far as regards the course of events,
modelled the matter given there according to his own genius, and thus
came to compose an independent work of his own.

This point being fully treated in my «Dissertation»,[48] I need not
again enter into discussion of it here. I only mention that the
composer of the «Sowdan» has much shortened his original, omitting all
episodes and secondary circumstances not necessarily connected with the
principal action, so that this poem does not contain half the number
of lines which his original had,[49] and that the proportion of the
diffuse Ashmolean «Ferumbras» and the «Sowdan» is over five to one.[50]
[p-xxiii]

The subject of the ‘introductory account,’ or the first part of the
«Sowdan», is nearly the same as that of the «Destruction de Rome»,
differing from this poem only in the omission of a few insignificant
incidents or minor episodes, and in greater conciseness, which latter
circumstances, however, enters into the general plan of the author.

Indeed, the author of the «Sowdan» seems to have known the
«Destruction», as we see from a comparison of the two poems. Thus the
following instances show a great resemblance of expression of the two
versions:

           «Sowdan.»                                 «Destruction.»

  37 ‘With kinges xii and             420 ‘Ensemble ou li issirent xv
    admyralles xiv’                      roi corone Et xiv amaceours’
                                     1154 ‘Bien i a xxx roi et xiv
                                         admiré’
                                      689 ‘xxx roi sont ou li et xiv
                                         amaceours’
                                      163 ‘Et xiv amaceours’
  77 ‘The Romaynes robbed us          115–16 ‘De cels de Romenie que
    anone’                               m’ont fait desrobber. Tiel
                                         avoir m’ont robbé’
  75 ‘to presente you’                119 ‘vous quidai presenter’
  76 ‘a drift of wedir us droffe to   120 ‘Uns vens nous fist à Rome
    Rome’                                parmi le far sigler’
 110 ‘An hundred thousande’           217 ‘Par C fois M payen’
 128 ‘To manace with the Cristene     228 ‘pour François menacier’
    lore’                             332 ‘Et menace François pour faire
                                         les loye’
 175–76 ‘Oure sheldes be not broke    546–47 ‘Quant encor nen est lance
    nothinge, Hawberkes, spere, ner      quassée ne brusie, Ne halbers
    poleyne, ner pole’                   derompus, ne fors targe percie’
 224–27 ‘Lukafere, Kinge of Baldas,   613–19 ‘Lucafer de Baldas
    The countrey hade serchid and        discent al mestre tre, Devant
    sought, Ten thousande maidyns        l’amirail vint, forment
    fayre of face Unto the Sowdan        l’a encline: Voyant tot
    hath he broghte’                     ses barnages l’a l’eschec
                                         presente, Moignes, prestres
                                         et lais, que sont enchenee,
                                         Hermites et enfants, a tous
                                         lor poign lié; As femmes et
                                         pucels les os furent bende,
                                         Totes vives presentent par
                                         devant l’admiré.’
 228 ss. ‘The Sowdane commaunded      614 ‘Maintenant soient tot occis
    hem anone That thai shulde al        et descoupé. Ne voil que mi
    be slayne . . . He saide “My         serjant en soient encombré.’
    peple nowe ne shalle With hem
    noughte defouled be”’
 278 ‘He clepede his engynour Sir     908 ‘Sortibrans a mande Mabon
    Mavone’                              l’engineor’
 289 ‘Mahoundis benysone thou shalt   627 ‘Mahon te benoie’
    haue’                             925 ‘Mahon te doint honor’

 [p-xxiv]

 286 ‘And fille the dikes faste       934 ‘Si emplirons les fosses’
    anoone’
 293 ‘Men myght go even to the        918 ‘K’om poet aler al mure’
    walle’                            952 ‘K’om pooit bien au mur et
                                         venir et aler’
 307 ‘The hethen withdrowe hem tho’   979 ‘Payen se sont retrait’
 317 ‘His baner knowe I ful welle’    997 ‘Jeo ai bien ses armes conu et
                                         avisee’
 331 ‘He entred to the maistre       1011 ‘Tantost le mestre porte
    toure’                               aurons moult bien ferme’
 332 ‘The firste warde thus they     1057 ‘Mais tot le premier bail ont
    wonne’                               Sarasin pople’
 346–50 ‘And Estragot with him he    1090–94 ‘Estragot le poursuit,
    mette With bores hede, blake         uns geans diffaes, Teste avoit
    and donne. For as a bore an          com senglers, si fu rois
    hede hadde And a grete mace          coronés. El main tient une
    stronge as stele. He smote           mace de fin ascier trempé, Un
    Savaryz as he were madde’            coup a Savariz desur le chef
                                         done’
 587 ‘Therfore Gy of Bourgoyne!      1179 ‘Et Guion de Bourgoyne a
    Myn owen nevewe so trewe’            a lui apelle, Fils est de
                                         sa soror et de sa parente:
                                         Cosins, vous en irrés . .’
 647 ‘He smote of the traytours      1236 ‘Le chief al portier trenche’
    hede’
 648 ‘And saide “Gode gife him       1244 ‘“Diex” fist il “te maldie et
    care, Shal he never more ete         que t’ont engendré, Kar
    brede, All traitours evel mot        traitour au darain averont mal
    thai fare”’                          dehé.”’
 663 ‘Ferumbras to Seinte Petris     1260 ‘Al moustier de saint Piere
    wente’                               est Fierenbras ales’
 727 ‘Thre hundred thousande of      1403 ‘iii C mil chevaliers’
    sowdeours’
 743 ‘Sir Gye aspied his comynge,    1409 ‘Guis parceut le baniere le
    He knewe the baner of Fraunce,       roi de saint Dine, Encontre
    He wente anoone ayen the Kinge,      lui chevalche, la novele ont
    And tolde him of that                conté Come la fort cité li
      myschaunce,                        payen ont gasté; La corone
    Howe that the cursed sowdone,        et les clous d’iloec en
    Hath brent Rome and bore the         sont robbé Et les altres
      relequis awaye’                    reliques . .’
 771 ‘Wynde him blewe ful fayre and  1425 ‘Li vens en fiert es voilles
    gode’                                que les a bien guies’
 778 ‘To londe thai wente iwis’      1427 ‘il sont en terre entré’
 783 ‘Tithinggis were tolde to       1436 ‘Les noveles en vindrent al
    Lavan’                               soldan diffaié’
 787 ‘With three hundred thousand    1443 ‘iii C mile François’
    of bacheleris’

Other instances of resemblance may be found in the following passages:

«S» 49–50 = «D» 94–99;[51] «S» 103 = «D» 202, 209; «S» 119 = «D» 385;
«S» 146 = «D» 445–46; «S» 150 = «D» 503–4; «S» 157 = «D» 509; «S» 300 =
«D» 967; [p-xxv] «S» 303 = «D» 915; «S» 396 = «D» 977; «S» 312 = «D»
989; «S» 340 = «D» 1063; «S» 360 = «D» 1101; «S» 376 = «D» 1119, 1121;
«S» 377 = «D» 1133; «S» 380 = «D» 1136; «S» 699 = «D» 1379; «S» 723 =
«D» 1384, &c., &c.

Besides, there are some names which occurring in none of the French
versions, but in the «Destruction», point to this poem as to the
original of the «Sowdan». Thus «Savaris»[52] («S» 171) seems to be
taken from «D» 540.

«Astragot» or «Estragot», «S» 346, 2944, 3022, the name of the giant by
whom Savaris is slain, and who is said to be the husband of Barrock,
occurs in «D» 1090.

The «Ascopartes», a people subjected to the Soudan, are mentioned in
«D» 98, 426, but not in «F» or «P».

King «Lowes», in the context where it occurs («S» 24) is clearly taken
from «D» 9.

«Iffrez», «S» 165, is perhaps the same as «Geffroi» in «D» 1139, 1367,
1122.

[«Mounpelers», «S» 3228, occurs only in «D» 250, 286.]

«Persagyn», «S» 1259, seems to be identical with «Persagon», «D» 162.

The form «Laban» is only met with in the «Destruction», the French and
the Provençal versions, and the Ashmole «Ferumbras» reading «Balan».[53]

The name of the Soudan’s son, «Ferumbras», is explained by the form
«Fierenbras», which occurs in «D» 57, 66, 71, 91, 343, 1210, 1237,
besides the spelling «Fierabras», which is the only one used in the
French, the Provençal and Caxton’s versions.

Also the phrase ‘sowdan’ seems to have been derived from the
«Destruction» (l. 1436, ‘soldan’), as it does not occur in any other
version.

The great number of these resemblances seem evidently to point out the
«Destruction» as the original of the first portion of the «Sowdan»; the
few points in which the two versions differ not being such as to offer
convincing arguments against this supposition. [p-xxvi]

Indeed if, for instance, we find a lot of nations, the names of which
are not in «D», mentioned by the author of the poem as belonging to
the Soudan’s empire, this point can be considered as irrelevant, as
from many other instances we know how fond many composers of mediæval
romances were of citing geographical names, by the great number of
which they believed to show their knowledge in that science.[54] Also
the three names of Saints («Qwyntyn», «Symon», «Fremond»[55]), and the
names of five Saracen gods and of a Saracen bishop,[56] many of which,
moreover, seem to be inserted only for the sake of rhyme, cannot be
regarded as being of great consequence in establishing the source of
the «Sowdan». Others also, as «Oliborn», «Focard», «Hubert», «Gyndard»,
«Tamper» (the last occurring twice as a rhyme-word), being the names
of insignificant characters, may be looked upon as mere expletives.
Another variation is «Isrez» (ll. 625, 641) for «Tabour» («D» 1202).

Besides these variations in the names contained in the two poems,
we find in the «Sowdan» some slight modifications as to the matter
related; none of which, however, is of so significant a character, as
necessarily to point to some other original than the «Destruction»,
which the very striking points of resemblance above cited show almost
decisively to have been the original of the «Sowdan». The differences
in the subject-matter may be explained by the tendency of the poet to
follow his original only as far as the principal events are concerned,
but to have his own way in the arrangement of the subject-matter, and
especially to deal freely with secondary incidents.

Thus he may have thought the combat round Château-Miroir—which,
moreover, is related in the «Destruction» in a rather obscure and
confused style—to be a rather episodical incident, which he had better
leave out in his poem, as not advancing the principal course of events.

A similar explanation may be given of the fact, that the account of
Lukafer’s desiring the hand of Floripas is given on another occasion in
the «Sowdan» than in the «Destruction». In the «Destruction», l. 241,
Lucafer claims that maiden immediately on arriving in the [p-xxvii]
Soudan’s camp, as a reward for his having travelled such a long way
in Laban’s service. The poet of the «Sowdan» thinking, perhaps, that
this was not a sufficient reason to justify such a claim, mentions this
incident at another time, which he may have considered as more properly
chosen for demanding a reward. It is on returning from a victorious
expedition undertaken by Lukafer that the latter in the «Sowdan», ll.
224–242, asks for the hand of Floripas.

As to the following or second part of the «Sowdan», on the whole the
same subject is treated of as in the Ashmole «Ferumbras». But there are
many differences between the two poems.

In the «Sowdan», l. 1411 «et seq.», Roland is captured by the Saracens
at the same time as Oliver, and both on being conducted before Laban at
once avow their names. In the Ashmole MS., ll. 909, &c., Oliver is led
away to the Soudan together with Gwylmer, Berard, Geoffrey, and Aubray,
whereas Roland is among the French peers whom Charlemagne sends on a
mission to Laban to demand the surrender of Oliver.[57]

The names of the twelve peers do not agree in both poems. In the
«Sowdan» we find the following list (cf. ll. 1653 «et seq.», and
ll. 1730, 880):—Roland, Oliver, Duk Neymes of Bavere, Oger Danoys,
Tery Lardeneys, Folk Baliante, Aleroyse of Loreyne, Miron of Braban,
Bishop Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Bryer of Mountez,[58] Guy of
Bourgoyne.[59]—Richard of Normandye, although a most important
personage, is not included amongst the «Douzeperes». Nor is Guenelyn
mentioned as a peer of France. Four of these names, Folk Baliant,
Turpyn, Bernard of Spruwse, Aleroyse of Loreyne, do not occur at all in
the Ashmolean «Ferumbras».[60]

The new game which Lucafer wants to teach Neymes, is differently
described in the two poems, there being no mention made in the Ashmol.
MS. (ll. 2231 «et seq.») of the thread, needle, and coal, as spoken of
in ll. 1998–2000 of the «Sowdan». [p-xxviii]

In the «Sowdan», l. 2507, Laban, being engaged with his gods, seizes
the image of Mahound and smashes it. This incident is omitted in «Syr
Ferumbras» (ll. 3345).

In the Ashmole MS., ll. 5760 «et seq.», Ferumbras tries to persuade
his father to become a Christian, whilst Floripas urges Charles not
to delay in putting him to death. In the «Sowdan», l. 3156 «et seq.»,
there is no mention of either of them interfering either for or against
their father.

Ashm. MS., ll. 130 «et seq.», differs greatly from the corresponding
passage in the «Sowdan» (ll. 1647 «et seq.»). In the latter poem the
knights are pulled up from their dungeon with a rope, whilst in the
former they have their fetters taken off by means of a sledge-hammer,
anvil, and tongs, &c.

In the «Sowdan», l. 3044, Richard of Normandy is left back as a
governor of Mantrible; in the Ashmole version, l. 4881 «et seq.», Raoul
and Howel are ordered to keep that place, whereas Richard accompanies
Charlemagne (cf. l. 5499).

In the Ashm. MS., l. 5209, Neymes sees first Charles coming with his
host; in the «Sowdan», l. 3083, it is Floripas who first discovers the
banner of France.

The prayer which Charlemagne, seeing Oliver in distress, addressed to
Christ, in the «Sowdan», l. 1304 «et seq.», is not mentioned in the
Ashm. version.

The account of the duel between Oliver and Ferumbras differs
considerably in the two versions. In the Ashmolean MS., l. 580, the
incident of Oliver assisting Ferumbras to arm (cf. «Sowdan», 1158) is
omitted, and it is not Oliver (as in the «Sowdan», l. 1270) who is
disarmed, but Ferumbras, whom his adversary offers to accept his own
sword back (Ashm. MS., l. 680).

In the Ashmolean version, l. 102, Ferumbras offers to fight at once
with twelve of Charles’s knights; in the corresponding passage of the
«Sowdan», l. 1067, he challenges only six.

In the «Sowdan», l. 1512 «et seq.», Floripas advises her father not to
slay the captive peers, but to detain them as hostages that might be
exchanged for Ferumbras. In the Ashm. MS., l. 1178, it is not Floripas,
but Lamasour, who gives that advice to the amirant. [p-xxix]

As in many of the variations, mentioned just before, there are many
omissions in the Ashmole MS., which are related in the «Sowdan»,
it becomes evident that the Ashmolean version cannot have been the
original from which the «Sowdan» was copied, which is also proved
by several names occurring in the «Sowdan», but which are not to be
found in «Syr Ferumbras». Thus, for instance, the names of «Espiard»,
«Belmore», «Fortibrance», «Tamper»,[61] do not occur at all in the
Ashmolean version, whereas other names have quite a different form
in the latter poem. For «Generyse», «S» 1135, 1239, we find «Garin»,
«A» 216, 443; «Barrock», «S» 2939, 2943, 3022 = «Amyote», «A» 4663;
«Alagolofur», «S» 2135, 2881 = «Agolafre», «A» 3831, 4327; and «Laban»
is always spelt «Balan» in the Ashmolean poem, &c.

Now as there are some passages where the «Sowdan», while it differs
from the Ashm. MS., corresponds with the French «Fierabras», we might
be inclined to think that poem to be the original of the «Sowdan». Thus
Charlemagne’s prayer and the name of Bishop Turpin, which are omitted
in the Ashm. MS., occur in the French «Fierabras». But there are
several differences between the «Sowdan» and the French poem.

In the «Fierabras», l. 1933, the French prisoners, on being brought
before the Soudan, do not avow their true names as they do in the
«Sowdan», l. 1498.

In the French poem, l. 704, Oliver tells his adversary his name before
the fight begins; in the «Sowdan», l. 1249, he does not confess his
true name until they had fought for a considerable time.

In the «Fierabras», l. 1043, Oliver drinks of the bottles of balm,
which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190.

Again, «Fierabras», ll. 1329 ss., where Ferumbras having disarmed
Oliver, tells him to take his sword back again, does not agree with ll.
1279–82 of the «Sowdan».

Instead of Floripas («S» 1515), «Brulans» advises the Soudan not to
slay the prisoners in «F» 1949.

The French knight slain at the sally of the captives is called «Bryer»
in «S» 2604, but «Basin» in «F» 3313. [p-xxx]

Concerning the sacred relics there is no mention made of the «cross»
(«S» 3236) in the French poem, and the «signe», «i. e.» ‘the shroud or
winding-sheet of the Lord’[62] («F» 6094), is omitted in the «Sowdan».

Besides these variations of the two versions there is an incident
of Marsedag being killed by Guy, and buried by the Saracens («S»
2247–2274), which being omitted in the «Fierabras» proves that the
author of the «Sowdan» cannot have followed the French poem, or at
least not that version which is edited by MM. Krœber and Servois.

Similarly there is no mention made in the French «Fierabras» of Bryer
being charged to take care of the relics and of Charles’s treasure («S»
3204).

The game of blowing burning coals is related in «Sowdan», l. 1996 ss.,
with several details which are wanting in the French poem, l. 2907.

The names also do not always agree in both versions. Thus we find
«Generyse», «S» 1139, for «Garin», «F» 438; «Mapyn», «S» 2325, for
«Maubrun», «F» 3046; «Alagolofur», «S» 2135, for «Agolafre», «F» 4290
or «Golafre», «F» 4267, 4383; «Bryer», «S» 2604, for «Basin», «F» 3313;
«Maragounde», «S» 1563, for «Marabunde», «F» 2196; «Boloyne», «S»
3238, for «St. Denis», «F» 6199; «Barokke», «S» 2939, and «Espiard»,
«S» 2145, are not mentioned at all in the French «Fierabras», nor
does« Belmore», «S» 3122, occur in the «Fierabras», either in the
corresponding passage, «F» 5867, or elsewhere.

On the fact that the names of the twelve peers (see above, p. xxvii)
differ in the «Sowdan» from those mentioned in the «Fierabras», too
much stress need not, I think, be laid, as it might be explained by the
simple inadvertence of the composer. The poet in freely reproducing his
source, which he generally followed pretty closely as far as relates
the course of events, well remembered the names of the principal French
knights; but having forgotten those of less important characters, some
of whom do not appear again in the poem, and being obliged to fill up
their number of twelve, might have placed any names which he remembered
having met with somewhere [p-xxxi] as included in the list of the
douzeperes. By an oversight he omitted to mention Richard, whom however
we see appear afterwards.[63]

Similarly the names of «Laban» and «Ferumbras» for «Balan» and
«Fierabras» afford no convincing proof of the impossibility of
the French «Fierabras» being the original of the second part of
the «Sowdan», as the poet, having found those spellings in the
«Destruction», the source of the first portion of his romance, might
simply have retained them for the whole poem.

But reviewing all the facts of the case, and taking into account those
passages which relate incidents omitted in the «Fierabras», and which
the author of the «Sowdan» therefore cannot have taken from that
poem—and further taking into account the several differences between
the two versions, which, it may be admitted, generally speaking, are
only slight ones—the French «Fierabras», «i. e.» the version edited by
MM. Krœber and Servois, which represents the group «w» (see before, p.
xix, footnote), cannot have been the original of the second part of the
«Sowdan».

Proceeding now to a comparison of the «Sowdan» with the Escorial
MS.,[64] we have not found any passage where «S» differing from «F»
agrees with «E», as «E» and «F» generally have in those places the same
reading. Therefore the Escorial MS. cannot be regarded as the original
of the «Sowdan».

Unfortunately the fragment printed from the Hanover MS. is too short
to allow of an exact comparison with that version. We only know[65]
that some names, the spelling of which in the «Sowdan» differs from
that in the other versions, have the same form in the Hanover MS. as
in the «Sowdan». Thus we find the following names agreeing in both
versions: «Lucafer», «Maragonde», «Maupyn». Only instead of «Laban»
which is used in the «Sowdan», we read «Balan». In the fragment printed
by Grœber,[66] we find the name of the Soudan’s son [p-xxxii] with the
same spelling as in the «Destruction», «Fier»en«bras», which is nearer
to «Fer»um«bras» than «Fier»a«bras».[67]

This resemblance of the names contained in the two versions might lead
us to believe the Hanover MS. of «Fierabras» to be the original of
the second part of the «Sowdan», just as the «Destruction», found in
the same MS., is the original of the first part. But as, according to
Gaston Paris, the Hanoverian version “is the same as the printed text,
differing only in slight variations of readings,”[68] we may suppose it
likely that in all passages where the «Sowdan» differs from the printed
«Fierabras», it also differs from the Hanover MS. Nevertheless, as the
differences between the «Sowdan» and the printed «Fierabras» are, on
the whole, not very significant; for the several instances of omission
in the «Sowdan», being easily accounted for by the general plan of the
poet, cannot be regarded as real variations; and as some names, the
spelling of which differs in «S» and «F», are found to be identical in
«S» and «H», we might, perhaps, be entitled to think the second part of
the «Sowdan» to be founded on a MS. similar to the Hanover one.

It still remains for us to compare the «Sowdan» with the Provençal
version.

In most cases where «S» differs from «F», it also differs from «P»,
therefore «S» cannot have taken those variations of readings from the
Provençal poem.

The account of the knights sent on a mission to Laban, in «S»
1663–1738, considerably differs from the corresponding passage in «P»
2211 ss.

In «P» the scene of the whole poem is placed in Spain, there is no
mention of the combat before Rome,[69] as in the first part of the
«Sowdan».

The game of blowing a coal, «S» 1996 ss., is not mentioned in the
Provençal version.

From these variations, taken at random out of a greater number,
[p-xxxiii] it becomes evident that the Provençal poem has not been the
original of the «Sowdan».

If now we compare the «Sowdan» with Caxton’s version, which we know to
be simply a translation of the French prose romance of «Fierabras»;[70]
the few following instances of differences between «C» and «S» will
show at once, that also that version from which the prose romance was
copied or compiled[71] cannot have been the original of the «Sowdan».

There are several variations in the names contained in the two
versions. Thus we find «Ballant» in «C» for «Laban» in «S»;
«Fyer»a«bras» in «C» for «Fe»rum«bras» in «S»; «Garin», «C» 55/3 =
«Generyse», «S» 1135; «Amyotte», «C» 176/26 = «Barrokk», «S» 1135, &c.
The game of blowing a coal is told with more details in «S» 1998, and
somewhat differently from «C» 118/24; the incident of Laban’s seizing
the image of Mahound and smashing it, which is related in «S» 2507, is
omitted in «C», &c.

Looking back now to our investigation concerning the original of the
«Sowdan», we sum up what results from it, in the following «resumé»:

Most probably the «Destruction de Rome» is the original of the first
part of the «Sowdan». As to the second part, we are unable to identify
it with any of the extant versions. The French «Fierabras», as edited
by MM. Krœber and Servois, is not the original, but the differences
between the two poems are not significant; apparently a version similar
to the Hanover MS. may be thought to be the original.

The «Sowdan» is no translation, but a free reproduction of its
originals; the author of the «Sowdan» following his sources only as
far as concerns the course of the principal events, but going his own
independent way in arranging the subject-matter as well as in many
minor points.

The «Sowdan» differs from the poem of «Syr Ferumbras» in two principal
points:

(1) In being an original work, not in the conception, but in the
treatment of the subject-matter, whereas the Ashmole «Ferumbras» is
little more than a mere translation. [p-xxxiv]

(2) In representing, in its first portion, the first part of the old
«Balan» romance, whereas «Syr Ferumbras» contains only the second.
But as that second part of the old «Balan» romance appears to be
considerably modified and greatly amplified in the Ashmole «Ferumbras»,
so the first part of the «Sowdan» contains a likewise modified, but
much shortened, narration of the first part of the old «Balan» poem, so
that the «Sowdan» has arrived to become quite a different work from the
original «Balan» or «Fierabras» romance, and that a reconstruction of
the contents of that old poem would be impossible from the «Sowdan».


LANGUAGE AND SUMMARY OF GRAMMATICAL FORMS.

As regards the language of the «Sowdan», the first point is the
dialect. Looking at the plurals of the present indicative in «-en»
or «-n», we at once detect the Midland peculiarities of the poem.
Thus we find, l. 1331, «gone» rhyming with «one», l. 1010, «goon» :
«camalyon», l. 506, «gone» : «than», l. 1762, «lyven» : «gyfen», l.
1816, «byleven» : «even».

The verbal forms of the singular present indicative and of the second
person sing. preterite of weak verbs lead us to assign this poem to an
East-Midland writer. The 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative
end in «-est», «-eth»; and the 2nd person sing. preterite of weak verbs
exhibits the inflection «-est»: l. 1202, «goist» : «moost»; 1314, 1715,
«knowest»; 1344, «trowest»; 1154, «blowest»; 1153, «saiest»; 2292,
«forgetist»; 560, «doist»; 1193, «doistowe»;—1093, «goth» : «wroth»,
1609 : «loth», 1620 : «doth»; 1728, «sleith» : «deth»; 561, «sholdest»;
1244, «shuldist»; 603, «madist»; 563, «hadist»; 2219, «askapedist»,
&c.—Twice we find the 2nd person preterite without «-est» («made»,
«wroght»); but see the note to l. 2.

If, now, we examine the phonological and inflectional peculiarities
of the «Sowdan», we find them thoroughly agreeing with those of other
East-Midland works,[72] which still further confirms the supposition of
the East-Midland origin of the poem. [p-xxxv]

«I» or «y», the descendants of original «u» (which in Old English
[Anglo-Saxon] had already become «y» or «i» in consequence of «i-»
mutation or «umlaut»)—are found rhyming with original «i»:—ll. 449,
881, «kyn» : «him», 2060 : «wynne»; 1657, «fille» : «stille»; 1973,
«fire» : «desire», &c. It must, however, be noted that the rhyme
«king» : «inne» (l. 372) or «king» : «thing» (ll. 173, 236) cannot be
regarded as an East-Midland peculiarity, because «king», «drihten»,
«chikken», the «i» of which is a modification of original «u», are
to be met with in all Middle-English dialects, as has been shown by
Professor Zupitza in the «Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum», vol. vi. p.
6.

Old English short «a», which is liable to change into «o», appears in
this poem—

(1) always as «o», before «n-» combinations («nd», «nt», «ng»):—531,
«stronge» : «istonge»; 3166, «bronte» : «fonte»; 214, «amonge» :
«longe», &c.

(2) as «a», before the single consonants «m» and «n»:—1120, «name» :
«shame», 935 : «same», 1739 : «grame»; 785, 1773, «man» : «Lavan»;
3125, «came» : «Lavan» (cf. 2579, «Lavan» : «tane»); 2160, «came» :
«dame», &c.—The fact that «com» (ll. 547, 1395, 3095, &c.) is used as
well as «cam» as sing. preterite indic. need occasion no difficulty if
we remember that the original short «a» (or «o») of «cam» (or «com»)
had already been lengthened into «ô» in the O.E. period.[73] «Came» and
«come» as pret. sing. are employed indifferently in «Chaucer» as well
as in the «Celestin» (ed. Horstmann, «Anglia», i. 56), which is known
to have been composed in the East-Midland dialect.

«O» long, from O.E. «â», in our poem has that broad sound which is
peculiar to the East-Midland dialect. We find it rhyming with—

(1) original «ô»:—1025, «wrothe» : «sothe»; 801, «goo» : «doo»; 60,
«inowe» : «blowe»; 325, «so» : «ido», &c.

(2) unchangeable «a»:—257, «Aufricanes» : «stoones»; 506, «gon» :
«than»; 2049, «agoon» : «Lavan», &c.

As many East-Midland works[74] the «Sowdan» has three forms for O.E.
þâr:—«thare», «thore», «there», all of which are established by the
rhyme:—1805, «thore» : «Egremoure» (cf. 2895, «Egremoure» : «tresoure»,
1003, «Agremore» : «more»); 126, «thore» : «lore»; 430, «thare» :
«sware»; [p-xxxvi] 2245, «there» : «chere», 2404 : «bere»; 2604,
«there» : «were» (w[^æ]ron), 208 : «were» (werian), &c.

We likewise find «sore» and «sare»[75] (O.E. sâre):—1196, «sore» :
«more»; 166, «sare» : «care»; 1377, «sore» : «thore».

The O.E. diphthongs «ea» and «eo» and the O.E. «ŷ» (mutated from
«êa» or «êo») appear as «e» in this poem:—1595, «me» : «see», 632 :
«fee», 1339 : «free», 405 : «be»; 1535, «depe» : «slepe»; 1011, 1523,
«dere» : «here»; 963, «yere» : «vere», 1257 : «Olyvere»; 996, «nere» :
«were»; 596, 1528, «nede» : «spede»; 1702, «eke» : «speke»; 1726,
«leke» : «speke»; 184, 215, 1208, «shelde» : «felde»; 2530, «hevene» :
«elevene», &c.

A brief summary of the grammatical inflexions employed in the poem will
also give evidence of a great similarity with the forms used by other
East-Midland writers, and will serve to show that the language of the
«Sowdan» agrees closely with that of «Chaucer».

In the declension of substantives the only remnant of case-formation by
means of inflexions is the ending used to form the Genitive Singular
and the Plural.

The genitive singular of nouns ends in «es» (sometimes written «-is» or
«ys») for all genders:—356, «develes»; 1209, «stedes»; 849, «worldis»;
1804, «worldes»; 3035, «dammes»; 1641, «nedes»; 1770, «shippes»; 1072,
«faderis».

Substantives ending in «-s» in the nominative case, remain unchanged
in the genitive case:—1214, 1287, «Ferumbras»; 2006, «Naymes»; 3207,
«Charles»; 1639, 1350, «Floripas».—«Florip», l. 614, is the genitive
case of «Floripe» or «Florip», l. 2027, 1571.

The nominative plural of all genders is formed by «-es» («-is», «-ys»)
or «-s»:—919, «knightes», 1947, 2276, «knightis»; 1384, «horses», 1401,
«horsys»; 429, 2054, «gatis»; 192, «wordes»; 837, «swerdes»; 174,
«hedes»; 2289, «ladies»; 3271, «soules»; 26, «bokes»; 606, «peres»;
297, «tours», &c. Examples of a plural case without «s» are seen in
«thinge», l. 2, 1709:—O.E. «þing»; «honde», 987, O.E. «handa», as
well as «hondes», 1412, 2568; «frende», 3212, O.E. «frŷnd», as well
as «frendes», 1011, O.E. «frêondas». Other plurals which are equally
easily explained by their O.E. forms are:—«eyen», 825, O.E. «êagan»;
«shoone», 1381, O.E. «scêon»; «fete», 1403, O.E. «fêt», «fote», 1427,
O.E. «fôtum», 2673, O.E. «fôta». [p-xxxvii]

To mark the difference between the definite and indefinite forms of
adjectives is a difficult task; as the final «-e» had in most cases
already become silent in the poet’s dialect, it seems probable that he
no longer observed the distinction.

The pronouns are the same as in «Chaucer» and in other East-Midland
poems:—«I», «me», «thou», «the»; «he», «hym»; «sche», «her» and «hir»;
«it» and «hit» (cf. note to l. 41); «we», «us»; «ye», «you». The plural
of the personal pronoun of the 3rd person is «thai» and «he» (cf.
note to l. 2698) for the nominative case; «hem», and in some doubtful
passages (see note to l. 88) «thaym» for the accusative case.

As in «Chaucer», the pronoun of the 2nd person is often joined to the
verb:—«hastow» 1680, «maistow» 1826, «shaltow» 1669, «woltow» 1727,
«wiltow» 1151, «artow» 1967, «kanstow» 2335, &c.

Possessive pronouns:—«myn» and «thyn» are used before vowels and before
«h»; «my», «thy» before consonants. Only once, l. 90, «my» is placed
before a vowel. «His», «hire» and «here»; «our», «your»; «here» and
(twice, 623, 1244) «thair».

The demonstrative pronouns are «this», «these» or «thes»; «that».

The definite article «the» or «þe», is used for all cases singular
and plural. But we find besides, the following examples of
inflexion:—«tho», 2063, O.E. «þâ», and the accusative sing. «þon»,
108. In l. 2052, «tho» means ‘them, those’ = Lat. eos. «Tha», l. 2639,
seems to be a mistake of the scribe, it is perhaps miswritten for «þat»
(day), cf. l. 619.

«Men», 115, 1351, and «me», 287, are used as indefinite pronouns.
«Everyche», «every», «everychone» occur frequently. Note also «ichoon»
2774, «ilka» 2016; «thilke» 2644, «eche» 1865.

«That» or «þat», «who», «whome» are used as relative pronouns. The
interrogative pronouns are «who» and «what».

«Verbs.» The plural imperative ends in «-eth» or «-th», which, however,
we find frequently omitted, as in l. 194, «prove you», 2078 «proveth»;
2131 «sende», 167 «sendith»; «telle» 1977, «tellyth» 1625, &c.

The «-n» of the infinitive mood is often dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—274,
1588, «sene» : «bene»; 1124, «see» : «tre»; 658 : «cite»; 600, «be» :
«cite»; 1225 : «contre»; 1411, «flee» : «cite»; 3065, «fleen» : «men»;
1282, «sloo» : «mo»; 792, «sloone» : «one», &c.

The final -(«e»)«n» of past participles of strong verbs is in most
cases [p-xxxviii] dropped, as in «Chaucer»:—3176 «forlorne»: «borne»,
32 «born», 3011 «wonne», 21 «wonnen», 2756 «comen» : «nomen», 155
«come», 2476 «holpe», 1362 «bygote», 1026 «blowe», &c.

Weak verbs form their past participles in «-ed», «-d», «-et», «-t»,
much as in «Chaucer»:—«lerned» 3042, «eyde» 1648, «toolde» 670, «bogt»
111, «delte» 526, «displaied» 133.

The prefix «i-» or «y-» occurs sometimes, «icome» 784, «come» 155,
«istonge» 533, «itake» 49, «taken» 1430, &c.

The present participles end in «-inge» and «ande», as is often the case
in East-Midland works:—2831 «prikande» : «comande», 435 «cryande», 924
«makande», 3225 «mornynge» : «kynge», 2399 «slepynge» : «honde», where
evidently «slepande» is the true reading.

As in «Chaucer» the 2nd person preterite of strong verbs is sometimes
formed by «-est» or «-ist», «letist» 2167; but we find also regular
forms, as in «slough» 1259, where, however, the O.E. «e» («slôge») is
already dropped.

The «-en» or «-n» of the preterite plural and of past participles is
commonly dropped, «ronnen» 3007, «ronne» 2959, «took» 477, «tokene»
2621, «slough» 78, «sloughen» 401, «ido» 327: «so», &c.

The «-d» in the past participles and in the preterite of weak verbs is
sometimes omitted, as often happens in East-Midland works. Thus we find
«comforte» 2242 and «comforted» 312, «commaunde» 57 and «commaunded»
228, «graunte» 607, «liste» 1132, «list» 1966, «discumfite» 1464, &c.
On the same analogy we find «light» 1125, 1189, and «lighted» 3109,
«worth» 1203, and «worthed» 1163.

As regards the final «-e»’s, it may be remarked that the scribe has
added many final «-e»’s, where the rules would not lead us to suspect
them, and has often given a final «-e» to words which in other passages
of the poem, although similarly used, have no «e»:—«note» 245, 274,
«not» 255, 313; «howe» 19, «how» 275; «undere» 61, «under» 713; «bute»
247, «but» 8; «cooste» 202, «coost» 3062; «crafte» 424, «craft» 2335;
«ashamede» 1295, «ashamed» 558, &c.

This is due either to carelessness on the part of the scribe, or
perhaps to the fact that in the speech of the copyist the final «e»’s
had already become altogether silent, so that finding many words
ending in «-e» and not knowing its meaning, he considered it as a mere
[p-xxxix] “ornament in writing” (Ellis, «Pronunciation», i. 338), and
sometimes added, sometimes omitted it.

With respect to the composer of the «Sowdan» himself, there may be some
doubt left whether in his speech the final «e» had become altogether
silent, or was still pronounced occasionally. From the following
instances it may be concluded with certainty that the poet very
frequently did not sound the final «e»:—757 «boghtẹ» : «noght», 3154
«hat» : «fat», 961 «wrongẹ» : «distruccion», 556 «onlacẹ» : «was»; cf.
also 1383, 1611, 2163; 2795 «spékẹ we of Ríchard», 2999 «fought», 2093,
859 «bringẹ», 9, 2547 «keptẹ», 834 «wentẹ», 142 «comẹ», 713 «wodẹ».

In other cases there is no certainty whether the final «e» is quite
silent or must be slightly pronounced or slurred over, so as to form
trisyllabic measures. It must be noted, however, that in supposing
trisyllable measures in all these doubtful cases, the number of this
kind of measure will increase to a great amount in the «Sowdan».
Therefore I rather incline to think the final «e» silent also in the
following instances:—2090 «défendẹ this place», 1201 «brékẹ both báke»,
861 «cómẹ from ál», 2119 «askẹ consaile», 1597 «wólẹ these traítours»,
1783 «whéns comẹ yé», 2317 «pássẹ that brígge», 1100 «rónnẹ bytwéne»,
2997 «fóught so lónge», 175 «brokẹ nothinge», 1658 «béddẹ with ríght»,
713 «grénẹ wodẹ síde», 571 «hómẹ to Rómẹ that nýght», 1610 «the fáls
jailoúr feddẹ yoúr prisonére», 2152 «fáls traitóurs of Fránce», 921
«chárged the yónge with ál», 380 «aboútẹ midnýghte», 726 «sóne to hím»,
160 «únneth not óne» [Chaucer still pronounces «unnethë»].

Nevertheless there seems to be some instances where the final «e» is
to be sounded, as in ll. 298, 2790, 1332, 1619, 2740, 592, 2166, 2463,
1405, 2386, 895, 332, 91.

Final «en» also seems sometimes not to constitute a separate
syllable:—1365 «waítẹṇ uppon mé», 459 «brékẹṇ our wállis», 45 «slépẹṇ
with ópyne ýȝe», 485 «cómẹṇ by the cóst», 2313 «dídẹṇ it aboút», &c.

In all these cases «n» had very probably already fallen off in the
speech of the poet, as the following examples lead us to suppose:—178
«wynne»: «him», 1582 «dye»: «biwry», 2309 «shewe» : «trewe», 2107
«slépe to lónge», 861 «cóme from ál», &c.

As regards the final «es» of nouns, the poet seems to have observed
the same rules as those followed by Chaucer; viz. «es» is sounded when
[p-xl] joined to monosyllabic stems; it does not increase the number
of syllables (and therefore is often spelt-«s» instead of-«es»), when
the stem has two or more syllables:—197, 277 «goddës», 665 «nailës»,
445 «tentës», 2068 «tentïs», 174, 1799 «hedës», 2032, 2868 «swerdës»,
2327 «wallës», 1209 «stedës», 1770 «shippës», 2702 «somers», 2687, 2591
«felowes», 2660 «felows», 2412 «maydyns», 647, 1597 «traytours», 2036
«orders», 45 «lovers», 2612, 3098 «develes», 1072 «faderis», 203, 862
«sowdons», 881 «sarsyns».

The final «es» of adverbs seems no longer to constitute a separate
syllable:—2213 «hónged’ els bý», 2786 «éls had’ hé», 2109 «éllis I may
sínge», 1525 «élles wol’ hé», 2061 «théns», 1783 «whens».


METRE AND VERSIFICATION.

The poem is composed in four-line stanzas. The arrangement of the rhyme
is such that the 1st and 3rd lines rhyme together, and the 2nd and
4th together, which gives the following rhyme-formula: «a b a b». The
rhyme-endings employed in one stanza do not occur again in the next
following.

But it must be noticed that there seem to occur some instances of
eight-line stanzas, one of which, beginning at l. 1587, is built on the
model employed by «Chaucer». Others are arranged differently. Those
beginning at ll. 1059 and 1219 show the rhyme-formula «a b a b a c a
c», in that of l. 1411 the 2nd and 4th lines are rhymed together, and
the 5th and 7th, whilst the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th, all end with the same
rhyme. The formula for the stanzas beginning at ll. 807, 879, 1611
is «a b a b c b c b». In the stanza of l. 939 all the pair lines are
rhymed together, and the odd ones also, which is the only instance in
the poem of eight consecutive lines having only two rhyme-endings, as
generally eight lines show four different rhyme-endings, and three only
in the passages cited above. But the whole stanza of l. 939 seems not
to be due to the author; he has very probably borrowed it from some
other poem.[76]

Turning now our attention to the fact that the lines occurring between
the Initials or Capital Letters, which are met with in some passages in
the MS., are often divisible by eight, we might feel [p-xli] inclined
to regard this as an additional reason for considering the stanza
employed in the «Sowdan» as an eight-line one. Indeed, the portion from
the Initial of l. 1679 to the next one of l. 1689 might be taken for
one single stanza. The 24 lines from l. 575 (beginning with an Initial)
to the next Initial in l. 598 might equally be considered as three
stanzas, whilst there are 5 times 8 lines = 5 eight-line stanzas from
the Initial of l. 2755 to the next Initial in l. 2795.

In all these instances the supposition of eight-line stanzas would
suit the context, as is the case also with other passages. Thus in the
following cases it might seem as though eight lines taken together were
more closely connected and made better sense than four lines, «e. g.»
ll. 583–598, 1703–1710, 1679–1686, 939–962, 1043–1050, 244 ss., 455
ss., 631 ss., 1059 ss.

But, on the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there are also
a great many cases where, as regards the sense, four lines can be
considered as an independent whole, when, «e. g.», the speech spoken
by a person is contained in four lines, and the words of another
person replying to the first follow in the next four lines. Very often
also these next four lines contain only a part of the second person’s
reply, so that the remainder of his reply falls into the following
stanza. This ‘enjambement’ or continuation of the sense, and sometimes
of the syntactical construction from one stanza to another, need not,
of course, prevent us from admitting the supposition of eight-line
stanzas; as, upon the whole, it is met with in all poems composed in
stanzas, and as it is frequently used in «Le Morte Arthur» (Harleian
MS. 2252, ed. Furnivall), which is written in eight-line stanzas;
but as there is no instance known of an eight-line stanza containing
four different rhyme-endings, which at this supposition it would
be the case with the «Sowdan», the eight-line stanzas containing
either three rhyme-endings, as in «Chaucer», or two, as in «Le Morte
Arthur», and as in some passages of the «Sowdan» (ll. 1691, 1695,
1699, 1711, 1715), we find Initials placed after four lines, I believe
a stanza of four alternately rhyming lines to be the one intended
by the composer—a metre which, according to Guest, «History of Eng.
Rhythms», ii. 317—‘must have been well known and familiar during the
fifteenth century.’ The few eight-line stanzas quoted above, may
[p-xlii] then be owing either to the inadvertence of the poet, who
somewhat carelessly employed one of the two rhyme-endings of one stanza
a third and fourth time in the following one, or, perhaps also, he
intentionally retained that rhyme-ending, and he inserted eight-line
stanzas amongst those of four verses as a mere matter of variation. It
is perhaps not impossible that the retention of this rhyme-ending was
not greatly felt.

As regards the rhymes themselves, they are both monosyllabic or
masculine rhymes, and dissyllabic or feminine ones. Frequently they are
used alternating with each other, as in the stanzas beginning with l.
2755.

Sometimes we find four feminine rhymes occurring in an unbroken
succession, as in ll. 1263–66. But it must be noticed that the number
of masculine rhymes is predominant. Thus the stanzas beginning with ll.
3047, 3063, 3123, 1123, 791, 1035, 1271, 1275, 2019, 1311, 1351, 1463,
&c., contain only masculine rhyme-endings.

The rhymes are not always full and true; there occur many imperfect
ones.

(1) A word in the singular number is often rhymed with a word in the
plural number, which therefore has an additional «s» (or «es»):—797,
«thinge» : «tidyngys»; 2647, «fyght» : «knyghtes»; 2087, «light» :
«knightes»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»; 2272, «laye» : «dayes»; 2395,
885, «Ogere» : «peres»; 2456, «alle» : «walles»; 2682, «nede» :
«stedes»; 944, «mone» : «stoones»; cf. also 2376, «wile» : «beguiled».
In l. 68, «poundis» : «dromonde»; the rhyme becomes perfect in reading
«pounde», as in l. 2336, instead of «poundis».

(2) Single «n» is found rhyming with «n-» combinations.

α. «n» : «nd»—cf. 814, «ychoon» : «Mahounde»; 912, «pavilone» :
«Mahounde»; 1201, «crowne» : «Mahounde». The rhyme, 162, «Rome» :
«houne», may be explained in the same manner, for «houne» stands for
«hounde», as it is spelt in ll. 237, 2377, 935, 1756.[77]

β. «n» : «ng»—cf. 2349, «Mapyne» : «endinge»; 86, «Apolyne» :
«tithinge»; 370, «inne» : «kinge»; 1455, «cosynes» : «kinge»;
3249, «Genelyne» : «kinge»; 3171, «serpentyne» : «endinge»; 959,
«distruccion» : «wronge». [p-xliii]

In 614, «love» : «vowe», the second rhyme «vowe» does not contain the
consonant «v».

(3) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the consonants.

«m» : «n»—cf. 76, «Rome» : «one»; 1672, 364 : «done»; 2443, 366,
«come» : «done»; 747, «some» : «soudone»; 1323, «came» : «than»; 1488,
«came» : «ranne»; 2128, «tyme» : «pyne»; 177, «him» : «wynne»; 2375,
«him» : «tene»; 447, 859, «him» : «kyn»; 2004, «hyme» : «skyne»; 2353,
«him» : «inne».

«f» : «v»—cf. 341, «twelve» : «selve»; 415, «wife» : «alive»; 1762,
«gyfene» : «lyvene»; 1912, «gife» : «lyve». But in all these cases the
rhymes are really perfect, they seem only imperfect in consequence
of the copyist writing indiscriminately «f» and «v». Thus the rhyme
of l. 341 reappears in l. 1867, «self» : «twelf». In l. 2336 we find
«ge»f«e», which is written «ge»v«e» in l. 198; «lefe», l. 764; «safe»,
l. 864, are spelt with «v» in ll. 1340, 1529, 2808.

«l» : «n»—cf. l. 363, «consaile» : «slayne». Quite similar is l. 1251,
«felde» : «sende».

«p» : «k»—l. 820, «stoupe» : «stroke». A similar rhyme occurs in «Guy»,
l. 10903, «scapid» : «nakid».

«d» : «t»—l. 2868, «gyrde» : «sterte»; 1151, «plete» : «dede».

«d» : «p»—l. 283, «tyde» : «depe». But this rhyme is very probably
owing to the scribe. For «depe» we ought to read «wide».

A single consonant rhymes with a double consonant. The only certain
instance occurs in l. 311, «tyde» : «chidde». For in ll. 312, 317,
«dele» : «welle», we might read «wele», as this word is frequently
spelt in the poem; cf. ll. 385, 2618, 1173, 1651, &c. For «dedde» in
l. 2980 («rede» : «dedde») we may substitute «dede», which occurs in
l. 2510. The rhyme «glad» : «hadde», 2687, becomes perfect if we read
«gladde», which is the usual spelling of the word in the poem; cf.
ll. 439, 570, 918, &c. Besides, I believe «hadde» to be monosyllabic.
«Ferre» : «nere» l. 1575; in l. 117 we find «fere».

The rhyme, l. 2654, «sloughe» : «drowe» can easily be restored in
reading «slowe», which occurs frequently, as in ll. 2401, 2683, 304,
2208, &c. The rhyme «ane» : «shafe», 555, seems to be due to some
clerical error.

(4) Rhymes imperfect as concerns the vowels.

«a» : «e»—2803, «gate» : «lete»; perhaps we are justified in reading
«late», [p-xliv] cf. «Havelock», 328; l. 2752, «made» : «dede». The
rhymes «thare» : «were», 1383; «bare» : «there», 671; «Agremare» :
«there», 33, are really perfect ones, as we know the poet to have used
«thare», «there», and «thore» indiscriminately; cf. ll. 208, 2604, 430,
1805, 1003; l. 1436, «ladde» : «nede»; 2365, «ladde» : «bedde», the
author probably pronounced «ledde». For «lefte», l. 2335 : «craft»,
we may read «lafte», as is shown by l. 424, «lafte» : «crafte». In
ll. 1781, 544, «tene» : «than», the rhyme will be improved by reading
«then».

«a» : «o» (cf. p. xxxv)—504, «thane» : «gone»; 1143, 1079, «Rolande» :
«honde»; 133, «sowdone» : «Lavan» (where we might read «sowdan», as in
l. 1491); 627, «sowdane» : «towne»; 2527, 1684, «Roulande» : «londe».

«i»(«y») : «e». This rhyme also occurs in «Chaucer»; cf. Ellis,
«Pron.» i. 272; see also «Guy», p. xiv.—l. 21419, «him» : «hem»; 1299,
«dynte» : «lente»; 523, «strike» : «breke»; 1643, «mylde» : «shelde»;
1263, «togedere» : «thidere»; 1277, «wepenless» : «iwis»; 344,
«shitte» : «mette»; 2538, «hende» : «wynde» (read «wende»), &c.; l. 82,
«vilane» : «remedye» (read «vilanye», as in ll. 179, 2577); but 1015,
«vilane» : «me», cf. «Guy», xi, ν—813, «sle» : «curtesye»; 895, «we» :
«lye»; cf. Ellis, «Pron.», i. 271.

The monophthong «y» is rhymed with a diphthong, the second part of
which is «y»:—l. 441, «Sarsynes» : «Romaynes»; 2761, «Apolyne» :
«agayne»; 2105 : «slayne»; 2175 : «eyne»; 2280, «dye» : «waye» (cf.
1582); 589, «fyne» : «Bourgoyne».

«o»: «ou» («ow»).—l. 1023, «wrothe» : «southe» (which is written
«sothe» in ll. 2014, 2024, 2246, 2719); 779, «fonde» : «grounde»;
260, «clarione» : «soune»; 879, «lione» : «crowne»; 2780, «malison» :
«towne», &c. Cf. also 1264, «endured» : «covered».

«o»: «e».—463, «oost» : «best». The rhyme is restored in reading «rest»
instead of «oost».

«o»: «i».—l. 966, «sonne» : «begynne».

«ue»: «ewe».—l. 2312, «vertue» : «fewe». But this rhyme cannot be
objected to, as “final French «u» (as in «due») was diphthongized into
«eu» in Chaucerian English.”[78]

Other irregularities are:—l. 112, «douȝte» : «rowte»; 1987, «use» :
«house»; 1131, «thou» : «lough»; 1200, «moost» : «goist»; 1730,
«dethe» : «sleith»; [p-xlv] 2136, «pas» : «grace»; 1611, «was» :
«mace» (in which cases «e» is silent); 931, 1144, «peris» : «fiers».

A line or verse generally contains four accented syllables, separated
from each other by one or by two unaccented syllables, so that there
are some instances of trisyllabic feet, as in ll. 817, 834, 2035, 2301,
2791, 3020, 3073, 2313, &c. In ll. 692, 695, two accented syllables are
put close together without being separated by an unaccented one, which
is altogether wanting. In some passages we find lines of three accented
syllables alternating with those of four accents, as in ll. 575–582,
763–770, 839–846, 871–878, 2287–2290, &c. But in most cases lines with
four accents follow each other in an unbroken succession, as in ll.
1–372, 995–1010, 1026–1029, 1067–1107, 1147–1154, 1731–1734, &c.

A few instances of verses with more than four accented syllables are
also to be met with in the «Sowdan». They are either due to the author
and therefore intended, as in l. 37, where the poet almost literally
imitates his original,[79] or they may be considered as due to some
clerical error, in which case the metre generally can be restored by a
slight emendation.

A verse has generally an iambic effect, that is to say, the first foot
begins with an unaccented syllable, which is followed by an accented
one. Frequently, however, the first accented syllable is preceded
by two unaccented ones, as in ll. 41, 75, 127, 151, 367, 849, 1060,
1815, 1819, 2289, 2758, &c. There are some instances of the first foot
consisting of a single (accented) syllable only, the unaccented one
being altogether wanting, as in ll. 2120, 2288, 2374, 2394, &c.


DATE OF THE POEM AND NAME OF THE AUTHOR.

George Ellis attributes the present poem to the end of the fourteenth
or beginning of the fifteenth century. “I think,” he says in his
«Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p.
380, “it would not be difficult to prove from internal evidence, that
the present translation[80] cannot be earlier than the end of the
fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century.” [p-xlvi]

Having seen from the summary of grammatical peculiarities that there
is a great similarity between the language of Chaucer and that of the
composer of this romance, we might be inclined to consider the latter
as a contemporary of Chaucer. From some passages of the «Sowdan», which
seem to contain allusions to Chaucerian poetry, we may conclude that
the poet must have known the «Canterbury Tales». Thus ll. 42–46:—

 “Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,
  Whan ffrith and felde wexen gaye,
  And every wight desirith his like,
  Whan lovers slepen with opyn yȝe,
  As Nightingales on grene tre” . . .

appear to be imitated from the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales», ll.
10–12:—

 “And smale fowles maken melodie,
  That slepen al the night with open eye,
  So priketh hem nature in her corages.”

Further on we remark in ll. 939–40:—

 “O thow, rede Marȝ Armypotente,
  That in the trende baye hase made þy trone.”

some traces of resemblance with the «Knight’s Tale», ll. 1123–26:—

 “And downward on a hill under a bent,
  There stood the tempul of Marȝ armypotent,
  Wrought al of burned steel, of which thentre
  Was long and streyt, and gastly for to see,”

which may still be compared with the first lines of the «Prologue of
Queen Anelida and False Arcite»:—

 “Thou ferse God of armes, Mars the rede,
  That in thy frosty contre called Trace,
  Within thy grisly temples ful of drede,
  Honoured art as patroun of that place.”[81]

Now the «Prologue of the Canterbury Tales» and the «Knight’s Tale»,
being written in couplets, or lines arranged in pairs, were certainly
composed after 1385,[82] or rather after 1389.[83] From the treatment
of [p-xlvii] the final «e»’s, which, contrary to Chaucer’s usage, seem
to have been silent in a great number of cases in the poet’s speech, we
may further conclude that the «Sowdan» must be somewhat later than the
«Canterbury Tales». Therefore the poet of the «Sowdan» cannot have been
merely a later contemporary of Chaucer; I rather think it to be more
probable that he must have lived some time after him. This would bring
us to the beginning of the fifteenth century as the date of the romance.

As to the name and profession of the poet nothing is known, and we have
no clue whatever from the poem.

MS. OF THE SOWDAN.

The present edition of the «Sowdan» is printed from the unique MS. of
the late Sir Thomas Phillips, at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, which
is now in the possession of the Rev. John E. A. Fenwick, Thurlestane
House, Cheltenham. Sir Thomas Phillips purchased the MS. at Mr. Heber’s
sale.[84] The oldest possessor’s name which we find noted, is on the
reverse of the last leaf of the Manuscript, where is written, “This is
John Eteyes (or Ebeye’s) boke, witnes by John Staff”—in a hand «circa
temp.» Eliz. or Jac. I. By some notes made by former possessors on the
first fly-leaf of the MS., and by the autograph names which we find
there, we learn that Geo. Steevens bought the MS. “at Dr. Farmer’s
Sale, Friday June 15, 1798, for 1: 10. 0.” On May 20th, 1800, it was
“bought at the Sale of Geo. Stevens, for 3. 4. 6.” by “O. Grah^m
Gilchrist.”

A transcript of the MS. made by Geo. Stevens had been presented by
him to Mr. Douce. This copy was re-transcribed by Geo. Ellis, who, in
1811, published some extracts with an analysis of the romance in the
«Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances».[85] The same copy has
been followed by Halliwell, who in his «Dictionary of Arch. and Prov.
W.», has several quotations[86] from the present romance, which he
styles as “«MS. Douce», 175.” [p-xlviii]

The poem of the «Sowdan» was first printed by the Roxburghe Club in
1854.[87] The text of the present edition differs from that of the
«editio princeps» in so far as punctuation is introduced, which is
altogether disregarded by the MS. and the Roxburghe Club edition. In
some passages words which have been written as one in the MS. are
separated in the text; thus «a laye», l. 2694; «a ras», l. 645, are
printed instead of «alaye», «aras». Sometimes also words written
separately in the MS. are united by a hyphen, as «be-falle», 14;
«i-wiss», 71; «i-sought», 725; «with-oute», 841; «a-bide», 818;
«a-ferde», 1337, &c. These slight deviations from the MS., which are
always indicated in the footnotes, seemed advisable on account of the
great help they afford the reader in understanding the text. More
important emendations and corrections of evident scribal blunders and
other mistakes are given in the foot-notes, and will be found explained
in the Notes.

The Index of Names will be useful to those who wish to compare the
«Sowdan» with any other version of the romance.

The Glossarial Index contains besides the obsolete terms all those
words the spelling or the signification of which essentially differs
from that now accepted. Words which show only slight orthographical
variations from their modern form have not been included, as the reader
will have no difficulty in identifying them.

       *       *       *       *       *

In conclusion I have the pleasant duty of acknowledging the invaluable
assistance which Professor Zupitza at all times readily and freely gave
me. My best thanks are also due to Mr. Furnivall and to Mr. Napier for
their kind advice and suggestions, and to Mr. Herrtage for collating a
transcript of the poem with the MS.

 EMIL HAUSKNECHT.

 «Berlin», «January», 1881.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] «Histoire Poét.», p. 133–4.

[2] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. 308.

[3] Cf. the French «Fierabras», l. 84; «Sir Ferumbras», l. 102;
«Sowdone», l. 1067.

[4] Thus in «Scarron», Gigant, iii.

[5] Pantagruel, ii. chap. 1.

[6] See the most interesting account of this piece and its curious
manner of representation in «Histoire Littéraire de la France», xvii.
720–21.

[7] Gautier, «Epopées», ii. p. 308; and «Histoire Poétique», p. 99.

[8] See «Huon de Bourdeaux», edd. Guessard and Grandmaison, p. xxxviii.

[9] See G. Nottebohm, «Thematisches Verzeichniss der im Druck
erschienenen Werke von Franz Schubert». Wien, 1874.—Op. 76.

[10] Cf. besides, «Histoire Poétique», pp. 97, 143, 155, 214, 251;
«Epopées françaises», ii. pp. 307–9; and the «Préface» of the French
edition of «Fierabras».

[11] See also Mone, «Uebersicht der niederländischen Volksliteratur
älterer Zeit». Tübingen, 1836. p. 56.

[12] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», 1824, vol. i. pp. 147–8.

[13] It is worthy of notice that the account of the Fierabras romance
as given by Barbour, may be considered, on the whole, as identical with
the subject of the French «Fierabras» or the English «Syr Ferumbras»,
but not with the «Sowdan», as there is no mention made of the combat
before Rome, nor any trace of what makes up the first part of the
«Sowdan». But the spelling «Lawyn» for «Balan» agrees with the spelling
of the same name in the «Sowdan». As to the relics mentioned in the
passage above, they differ from all other versions.

[14] In the Sowdan the Bridgeward is called «Alagolofre»; cf. Index of
Names.

[15] This MS. consisting of 71 parchment leaves in 4to, with coloured
initials at the beginning of each rhyme-strophe, had formerly been in
the possession “Majoris Monasterii congregationis Sancti Mauri,” at
Paris. Having passed through many hands during the French Revolution,
it finally came to the Library of Wallerstein.

[16] Der Roman von Ferabras, provenzalisch. Berlin, 1829.

[17] British Museum, MS. Reg. 15. E. vi.

[18] Cf. also the «Préface» of the French «Fierabras», p. iv.

[19] See «Leben und Werke der Troubadours», by Friedrich Diez, Zwickau,
1829, p. 613 note, and Berliner «Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche
Kritik», 1831.

[20] In a footnote to his «Histoire de la Poésie scandinave», p. 183,
where he says:—“Le roman de Ferabras, publié à Berlin par M. Bekker,
est . . . évidemment traduit du français, et en a conservé trop de
formes et d’expressions pour avoir la moindre valeur grammaticale.”

[21] «Fierabras chanson de geste», edd. Krœber and Servois, in the
collection of the «Anciens Poètes de la France».

[22] For a more detailed analysis, see «Histoire Poét.», p. 251, and
cf. the account given of the old «Fierabras» or «Balan» romance by
Philippe Mousket, ed. Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, vol. I. v. ll. 4664–4716,
which runs as follows:—

 4664  Puis fu Roume par force prise
       et la gent destruite et ocise
       et li apostoile ocis
       Castiaus-Mireors ars et pris
 4668  et toute la cité bruie.
       li dus Garins et sa mesnie
       entrerent en Castiel-Croisant,
       quar Sarrasin, Turc et Persant
 4672  amenerent trop grant compagne
       et devers Surie et d’Espagne;
       si furent crestien dolant,
       et manderent tot maintenant
 4676  soucours al bon roi Charlemainne
       ki sa fieste en France demainne,
       et li rois en cele besogne
       lor tramist Guion de Bourgogne,
 4680  ki nouviaus chevaliers estoit
       et des jovenes enfans avoit
       devant çou la couronne prise.
       et soucoururent sans faintise
 4684  lor bon roi en la tiere estrange
       u il n’orent ni lin ni lange.
       en France estoient revenu
       et soujourné et bien péu,
 4688  mais à cel soucours le tramist
       li rois, ki moult s’entremist,—
       et si tramist de Normendie
       Ricart à la ciere hardie,
 4692  si reprirent li Mireour:
       et dus Garins vint à l’estour,
       ki tint Pavie en quité
       s’ot bien Castil-Croisant gardé,
 4696  et Karles ot sa gent mandée,
       si vinrent de mainte contrée,
       quar il lor faisoit tant de biens,
       qu ’à ses amis ne faloit riens.
 4700  si trest vers Rome li bons rois
       et fist as paiens moult d’anois.
       dont se combati Oliviers
       a Fierabras ki tant fu fiers;
 4704  d’armes l’outra, si reconquist
       les .ii. barius qu’à Rome prist,
       si les gieta enmi le Toivre
       por çou que plus n’en péust boivre;
 4708  quar c’est bausmes ki fu remés
       dont Ihesu Cris fu embausmés.
       puis furent mort tot li paien
       et mis en Roume crestiien,
 4712  si ot autre apostoile fait
       et Karles s’en revint à hait,
       si gratia Dieu et St. Piere,
       que recouvrée ot sa kaiere,
 4716  soujourner vint dont à Parise . . .

[23] «Romania», ii. 1873, pp. 1–48.

[24] Cf. «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur»,
edd. Lemcke, vol. xiii. p. 111.

[25] Printed in «Verhandlungen der 28sten Versammlung deutscher
Philologen und Schulmänner in Leipzig». Leipzig, 1873, p. 209 «et seq.»

[26] Corresponding to ll. 1410 «et seq.» of the Ashmole «Ferumbras».

[27] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 8192–3.

[28] Cf. also l. 2784 and «Sir Ferumbras», ll. 1860 and 2059.

[29] See above, p. xi, footnote, and «Histoire Poétique», p. 251.

[30] Cf. Grœber, «Verhandlungen», pp. 217–18.

[31] The following differences between the «Destruction» and the
narration of Philippe Mousket are worthy of note:—

(i) the combat around Château-Miroir is described in a different manner
in the two poems.

(ii) the scene of action, which at the end of the «Destruction» is
transferred to Spain, remains, according to Philippe Mousket, in the
neighbourhood of Rome for the whole time.

(iii) Guy of Burgundy and Richard of Normandy play a most important
active part before Rome, according to Ph. Mousket, whereas in the
«Destruction» this is not the case.

Now, as to the last two items, they must have been in the original such
as they are related by Ph. Mousket. For only thus some obscure passages
of «Fierabras», of which even the «Destruction» affords no explanation,
are cleared up. Thus, «Fierabras», l. 1049,

 “Près fu du far de Rome, ses a dedens jetés”—

which is in contradiction to the «Destruction», is explained by ll.
4705–6 of Mousket’s account (see above). Only Mousket relates that
Floripas has seen Guy before Rome («Fierabras», l. 2240; Ashmole
«Ferumbras», l. 1413), and that Richard took part at the combat there.
Therefore the account as given by Ph. Mousket, agreeing with what must
have been the contents of the old original, is based on a version older
than the «Destruction», which exhibits significant differences.

These differences between Mousket and the «Destruction», as well as
the fact that several references to preceding events contained in
«Fierabras» remain unexplained by the «Destruction», were some of the
reasons which led me in my «Dissertation», pp. 41–49, to consider the
«Destruction» as a poem written by another author than that of the
«Fierabras». In order to clear up the allusions to preceding events
contained in the «Fierabras», the very beginning of which necessarily
requires some explanatory account—a circumstance which also gave
rise to the ‘episode’ of the Provençal version—the «Destruction» was
composed as a kind of Introduction to the «Fierabras», whereby it
happened that some allusions remained unexplained.

[32] For a description of this magnificent MS., see «Sir Ferumbras», p.
vi, footnote.

[33] Cf. Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii. 197–8.

[34] Edited for the E. E. T. S. in 1879, by S. J. Herrtage, B.A.

[35] Cf. Gautier, «Epopées Françaises», i. 221.—“Rien n’est plus
fréquent, dans la Chanson de Roland et dans nos poèmes les plus
anciens, que la répétition double, triple et même quelquefois
quadruple, de certains couplets. Cette répétition n’a pas lieu dans les
mêmes termes, ni surtout avec les mêmes rimes. Tout au contraire, la
même idée est reproduite en vers différents, munis d’assonances ou de
rimes différentes.”

[36] The variations of this MS. are printed in the «Jahrbuch der roman.
and engl. Sprachen», vol. ix. pp. 43 ss.

[37] This edition, although printed from the MS. «a», may be said to
represent a group («w») of four MSS., called «a» «b» «c» «d» (see
above xv). Another group («z») is formed by the MSS. «E» and «D». Both
groups belong to the same type «y». Cf. Grœber, «Die handschriftlichen
Gestaltungen der chanson de geste Fierabras», Leipzig, 1869, p. 27,
where we find the following stemma:

         «y»
         ╱╲
        ╱  ╲
       ╱    ╲
      ╱      ╲
    «z»       ╲
    ╱╲         ╲
   ╱  ╲         ╲
  ╱    ╲         ╲
 «E»   «D»       «w»
                 ╱╱╲╲
                ╱╱  ╲╲
               ╱╱    ╲╲
            «d»«a»  «b»«c»

[38] «Epopées Françaises», ii. 307, and «Cat. rais. des livr. de la
bibl. d’Ambr. F. Didot», I, 361.

[39] Grœber, «Handschriftl. Gestaltungen», p. 6.

[40] «Jahrbuch», xiii. p. 111, and «Zeitschrift für romanische
Philologie», iv. p. 164.

[41] “Die Vergleichung weniger aus allen Hss. bekannten Versen macht
gewiss, dass «H» mit «D» und «E» aus der nämlichen Quelle «z» geflossen
ist.” «Jahrbuch», xiii. 113.

[42] «Handschriftl. Gestalt.», p. 10.

[43] See the note to l. 5763 of «Sir Ferumbras», and cf. «Fierabras»,
5955.

[44] The number of instances where «A» varies from «C’s» version might
easily be increased. Thus we find «A» 340 differing from «C» 52/111 and
from «F» 357; «A» 814 differing from «C» 79/3 and from «F» 1548; «A»
1616 differing from «C» 102/10 and from «F» 2424; «A» 1238 differing
from «C» 92/5 and from «F» 2083; «A» 4652 differing from «C» 171/26 and
from «F» 4900, &c.

[45] «Specimens of Early English Metrical Romances», ed. Halliwell, p.
379 «et seq.»

[46] «Histoire Poétique», p. 251; cf. also «Revue critique d’Histoire
et de Littérature», ii. 1869, p. 121 «et seq.»

[47] Cf. Mr. Shelley’s Paper in Warton, «Hist. of Eng. Poetry», ii.
197–8.

[48] pp. 17 «et seq.»

[49] «Dissertation», p. 18.

[50] «Introduction to Sir Ferumbras», p. xiv.

[51] The French text will be found in the «Notes», which see.

[52] For these names, the «Index of Names» may be referred to.

[53] In some passages the «Destruction» shows also the spelling
«Balan», but «Laban» is more common.

[54] See note to l. 1000.

[55] See note to l. 2842.

[56] «Dissertation», p. 20.

[57] See note to l. 1663.

[58] Cf. note to l. 1723.

[59] Mr. Herrtage, in his note to the Ashmol. MS., l. 259,
reproduces—from the Roxburghe Club edition, «Introd.» p. vi.—the list
of the twelve peers in the French version of the Grenville copy, 10531,
which he erroneously takes for that of the «Sowdan».

[60] But there is one “Alorys þe erld of Brye,” mentioned in the Ashm.
MS., ll. 935, 2842, 4076, &c.

[61] There is one «Templer» mentioned in the Ashm. MS., l. 2673. But he
is not identical with «Tamper» of the «Sowdan», ll. 2641, 2667.

[62] Greek σινδων. Cf. «Dissertation», pp. 45–46.

[63] See note to l. 2535.

[64] There being only a small fragment printed of the Didot MS.
(«Epopées Fr.» ii. 307), a comparison of the «Sowdan» with this version
is impossible at present. But as the Didot MS. belongs to the same
group as «E», what results from a comparison of «S» with «E» may be
assumed for the Didot MS.

[65] See «Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie», iv. pp. 164, 170.

[66] «Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Sprache und Literatur»,
xiii. p. 111.

[67] This example is not very striking, as the spelling «Ferumbras» may
simply have been retained from the first part of the poem; see above,
p. xxxi.

[68] «Syr Ferumbras», «Introduction», p. xiv, footnote.

[69] See «Handschriftliche Gestaltungen», p. 14, and «Dissert.», p. 29.

[70] «Histoire Poétique», p. 157.

[71] And to which only a few very insignificant additions were made by
the author; see «Hist. Poét.», p. 99, bottom.

[72] See Morris’s Preface to «Genesis and Exodus», Skeat’s Introduction
to «Havelock the Dane», and Mall’s edition of «Harrowing of Hell»
(Breslau, 1871).

[73] See Sweet, «Anglia», iii. 152.

[74] Cf. Mall, «Harrowing of Hell», p. 18.

[75] Cf. Schipper, «Alexiuslegenden», 98/121.

[76] See note to l. 939.

[77] “This elision of a final «d» in such words as «hond», «lond»,
«sheld», «held», &c., is by no means uncommon in ancient poetry,
and arises simply from pronunciation.”—Morris, «Specimens of Early
English», 320/261.

[78] Cf. Mr. Nicol’s «Paper in the Academy» of June 23, 1877, vol. xi.
p. 564, col. 1, and «Seventh Annual Address of the President to the
Philol. Soc.», p. 2.

[79] See the note.

[80] Although l. 25 says that the story of the «Sowdan» “is written
in Romance,” this cannot induce us to consider our poem as a mere
translation. It is, on the contrary, a free reproduction of a French
original.

[81] Cf. also Lindsay’s «History of Squyer Meldrum», l. 390:

 “Like Mars the God Armypotent.”

[82] Cf. «Prioress’s Tale», ed. Skeat (Clarendon Press Series), p. xx;
and Furnivall’s «Trial Forewords», p. 111.

[83] Cf. «Chaucer», ed. Morris, i. 205, footnote.

[84] «Bibliotheca Heberiana», Part xi. p. 162. MSS. Lot 1533.

[85] Ed. Halliwell, p. 379 «et seq.»

[86] For instances, see the following words:—«Atame», «alayned»,
«ameved», «assorte», «avente», «forcer», &c.

[87] London. Printed by William Nicol, Shakspere Press, MDCCCLIV.

[p-xlix]




ADDITIONS.


Since the «Introduction» was written, I have had an opportunity of
seeing the Hanover MS. of the French «Fierabras». The kind offices of
Professor Koner exerted on my behalf secured me the consent of the
Administration of the Royal Hanoverian Library to have the MS. sent to
Berlin, and their most generous permission to consult it freely in the
Reading Room of the University Library.

Having now compared the «Sowdan» more closely with the Hanover MS.,
I must state that the final result arrived at in my investigation
concerning the original of the «Sowdan» (cf. p. xxxii) is in no way
altered.

As already stated above (p. xxxii), and as the subsequent examination
and the passages of «H» quoted below will serve to confirm, the Hanover
version is, generally speaking, the same as the printed version of the
«Fierabras», differing only in slight variations of readings.

The names in which «S» differs from «F», but agrees with «H», are
already spoken of on p. xxxi. But there are several others in the
spelling of which «H» agrees with «F», but differs from «S». Thus we
find «Balans» or «Balant» in «H» for «Laban» in «S»; «Guarin», «H»,
leaf 80, back, «F» 438 = «Generyse», «S» 1135; «Agolafres», «H», leaf
81 = «Alagolofer», «S» 2135; «Amiotte», «H» leaf 83, back = «Barrokk»,
«S» 2939, etc.

As to the subject-matter, there are no instances where «S», differing
from «F», agrees with «H». In all points in which «S» differs from «F»
we find it also differing from «H».

Thus the game of blowing a burning coal, in the description of [p-l]
which «S» slightly differs from «F», is related in «H» with nearly the
same words as in «F». As, besides the small fragment printed by Grœber
in the «Jahrbuch», xiii, and some few remarks in the «Zeitschrift
für rom. Phil.», nothing is known of the Hanover MS., the following
passages printed here may serve to show how little «H» differs from
«F». The game of the coal («S» 1996–2016, «F» 2907–2934) is thus
described in «H», leaf 58:—

 “Veillard, dist Lucafer, vo«us» ni savez juer,
  Vo«us» ne savez en F«ra»nce le g«ra»nt charboun soffler.
  Certes, ceo dist li dus, mais n’en oie soffler.
  Et respont li payen: Mais te feray mostrer.
  Ly payen vait le duc au g«ra»nt fowel mener.
  Q«ua»nt Rollant l’ad veu, a Berard l’ad mostre
  Ore p«or»res boue jeu ver «et» esgarder.
  Dahait qui ne laira ly «et» Naimes juer.
  Lucafer se beysa pur un tison combrer,
  Trestote le plus ardant quil i poet trover,
  Par tiel air soffla le fu qil li fist voler.
  Puis ad dist a Names ‘Ore vo«us» cove«nt» soffler.’
  Names prist le tison qui bien se sout aider,
  Vers le payen s’en va pur le tison sofler,
  Pur ceo le fist ly dus qa ly se volt meller,
  Si suffla le tison qe le fist allumer,
  Le barbe «et» le menton fist au payen bruler,
  Tres p«ar»my le visaie en fist la flame virer,
  Qe par un sule petite qe nel fist souuiler.
  Q«ua»nt le voit ly payen, le sanc quida deueher.
  Il jette a .ij. ses maines, qi le quide frapper,
  Mais ly dus le ferry tres p«ar»my le costes,
  Qe les oilz de la teste ly fist en fu voler.
  Puys l’ad pris par le flank, s’il voit en le fu ruer.
  Lichiers, dist dus Names, Dex te poet mal doner,
  Tu me quidoies ore come fole cy trover.”

The distribution of the relics, in which «S» (cf. note to l. 3238)
differs from «F» 6195 «et seq.» is related as follows in «H», leaf 100:—

 “Au baron seint Dynis fu mult g«ra»nt l’assemble«e»
  Au perron au londy fu la messe chante«e»,
  Illok fu la corone p«ar»tie «et» dessevere«e»,
  L’un moite fu a saint Dynis done«e»
  Et un clow ansiem«ent», cest v«er»ite prove«e»,
  De la Corone fu un p«ar»tie a Ais porte«e»,
  A Compaign«e» est l’ensigne en l’eglise honore«e»,
  Et les altres .ij. clowes a Orliens fu enveie«e»,
  Maint p«re»sant fist Charls de France la loi«e»
  Des saintisme reliqes, Jh«es»u de maiestes.
  En l’onur de Deu est mainte eglise fonde«e»,
  La feste de lendit fu pur iceo estore«e».
  Jaiaz videront cens ne taille donee. [p-li]
  Ne tardoit q«ue» .iiij. ans k’Espaign«e» fu gaste«e».
  La fu la treison de Rollant p«or»pense«e»,
  Qe Ganes le vendist a la gent diffaee,
  Puys fu as chiuals sa chars destreine«e»,
  Pinables en fu mortz de suz Lyons en la pre«e»,
  La le vengea Terris au trenchant del espee,
  Puys fu pendu armes par gule«e» pare«e»,
  Toutz iours vegnent traitors a mal destine«e»
  Ou aloignee ou apres ia ni aueront duree.
  Charles voit a Orliens, la chancheon est fine«e»
  Au deu vo«us» commande, tote j’ai ma chancon fine.
  De cels romance est bone la fine «et» l’entre«e»,
  Et en mileue «et» p«ar»tote qi b«ie»n l’ad escoute«e»
  La beneiceon aez de Deu «et» del v«ir»gine honore. Amen.”

The miracle («F» 6101–6123)[88] of the glove, in which Charles had
placed fragments of the thorns, remaining suspended in the air for
over an hour, the description of which is omitted in the «Sowdan» (cf.
«Dissert.», p. 29), is related as follows in «H», leaf 99:—

 “L’emp«er»ers de France fist forem«ent» a loier
  Il a fait un table sur .ij. trestes lever.
  Et par de sur un paille q«ui» fu fait outre mer.
  Illok fist Charlm̄ la corone aporter,
  Puis ad fait l’arcevesqe p«ar»tir «et» deviser,
  Si ad fait les reliqes m«u»lt b«ie»n envoluper,
  Dedens son mestre coffres les a fait deffermer,
  Et les altres reliqes qe il voudra aporter.
  Les petites espignons qil vist esgruner,
  De la saint corone qil fist demenbrer,
  Trestote les acoillye n«os»tre emp«er»er ber,
  Et les mist en son gant qanqil pout trover.
  Un chivaler le tent qil vist lez ly ester,
  Mais al ne l’ap«er»ceut my qe nele oit parler.
  Charlemayn retiret sa mayne, si lesse le gant aler.
  Et dex a fait le gant enmy l’air arester
  Tant q«ue» d .j. leue en pout home b«ie»n aler;
  Kar la presse fu grant, ne l’en puis remenbrer.
  Charlemayn comande l’ewe apporter.
  De son gant ly sovengre si «quant» il dust laver,
  Mais ne seet a ky le comanda abailier,
  Par desur la gent le vist en l’air esteer,
  L’arcevesqe la monstre «et» tuit l’altre barne.
  Ceo fu mult g«ra»nt m«er»veille, ho«m»e en doit b«ie»n p«ar»ler,
  Charls a pris son gant, s’est assis au soper.”

«H», leaf 37, agrees with «F», l. 1043, in making Oliver drink of the
bottles of balm, which is not mentioned in the «Sowdan», l. 1190 (cf.
p. xxix). [p-lii]

Similarly we find «S» 2604 differing from «H», leaf 62, where we read
«Basyns» (= «Basin», «F» 3313) instead of «Bryer».

Again «H», l. 40, agreeing exactly with «F», l. 1329 «et seq.», differs
from «S» 1279–82 (cf. p. xxix).

Instead of Floripas, «S» 1515, it is Brulans, «H», l. 49, and «F» 1949,
who advises the Soudan not to slay the prisoners.

The names of the twelve peers are the same in «H» as in «F» (cf. p.
xxvii); and the whole scene of the peers being sent one after the
other on a mission to Laban (cf. note to l. 1665 of the «Sowdan») is
described exactly alike in «F» 2263–2282 and in «H», leaf 51, back,
with the only difference that the names of the peers are given in a
different order in both versions, Richard of Normandy, who is sent off
as the sixth in «F», being the second in «H».

These variations of «S» from «H» clearly exemplify the impossibility of
regarding the Hanover MS. as the original of the «Sowdan». But as on
the whole these differences are not of a very significant nature, and
as, moreover, part of these variations may perhaps be attributed to the
favourite habit of the author of going his own way in the arrangement
of the subject-matter and in some minor points, whereas in the
essential course of the events he strictly adhered to his source (see
above p. xxxviii, and cf. note to l. 2535); and as besides there are
several names, the spelling of which differs in «F», agreeing in «S»
and «H», I think there can be no doubt that the original of the second
part of the «Sowdan» was a version similar to the Hanover MS.

If now we compare the Hanover version with the Ashmole «Ferumbras» more
closely than has been possible on page xx, there are some instances
where «A», whilst differing from «F», agrees with «H».

                 H.                                   A.

 lf. 27. Ha «Glout», dist            163. A «glotoun», saide þe Emperer
           Karlemaines,
 lf. 27. Que puis «vivre» que cest   175. Ke «lyve» he noȝt þys day to
           jours fu passes                  be evene
 lf. 25, bk. Ses chiuals ad reine     91. Þarto ys stede þan tyeþe he
           à un arbre rasmee
         Et garda les leges tote
           contreval li pree

Nevertheless, the following passage in which «A» agrees with «F», but
differs from «H», will at once show the impossibility of regarding «H»
as the original of «A». [p-liii]

                 A.                                    H.

 302. Þanne þer come bifore          lf. 28, bk. Atant se sunt drecie
     Charloun, Gweneloun and                 Guinelons et «Alores»
     «Hardree»

In other instances «A» is found differing from «H» as well as from «F».
Thus the name of «Enfachoun», «A» 4652, which is «Effraons» in «F»
4900, does not occur at all in «H», which in the passage corresponding
to «F» 4900, as well as in that corresponding to «F» 4913, reads
«Affricons li Geans».

Again, in the story of Myloun, in which «A», l. 2008 «et seq.», differs
from «F», we find «H» disagreeing from «F», 2734 «et seq.», and from
«A»:—

 “Volez vo«us» queor de feme essaier «et» esprover
  Del riche duc Milon vo«us» deverez remenbrer,
  Qe tant nori Galans qe ly fist adouber,
  Puys ly tolly sa feile Gabaen au vis cler,
  L’enfes Marsilion en fist desherriter.—
  Qu«an»t l’entent Floripas, du sens quida deueer.”—(«H», leaf 56.)

But in most cases in which «F» differs from «A», «H» agrees with «F».

Thus we find Ferumbras challenging only «six» French knights in «H»,
lf. 26, as in «F», 84, 105, instead of «twelve» in «A», l. 102.

In «A», l. 5204, Floripas, swooning away, is upheld by Oliver, whereas
in «F», 5373, and in «H», lf. 90, it is Guy who keeps her from falling.

For «Howel of saint Miloun», «A» 5574, we read «Huon de saint Lis» in
«F» 5792, and «Hugon de saint Lis» in «H», lf. 95, bk.

As in «F» 2912 it is to Berard that Roland speaks in «H», lf 57, bk.,
and not to Olyver, as in «A» 2234.

That Maubyn scales the walls by means of a ladder of leather («A» 2406)
is not mentioned in «F» 3061, nor in «H», lf. 59, bk.

In «A» 1386 Floripas gives Oliver, who is wounded, a warm draught,
which heals every wound; in «F» 2209, as well as in «H», lf. 51, it is
by a bit of the mandrake plant that he is healed.

The maid-attendant mentioned in «A» 1238 («chamberere») is a
man-attendant in «F» 2083 («chamberlenc») and in «H», lf. 49, bk.
(«chamberlayn»).

There is no trace of the additional lines of «A», ll. 4867–4875, to be
found in «H», lf. 86 bk., nor in «F», 5094.

Among the relics spoken of in «A», there is nowhere a mention made
of the «signe». In «H» we find the «signe» always mentioned [p-liv]
together with the crown and the nails, just as in «F». In the passage
quoted above from «H», lf. 100, and in the line which corresponds to
«F» 6094, we find «ensigne» instead of «signe»; but «ensigne» certainly
must be looked upon as a clerical blunder. In the other passages in
which we find “the winding sheet, or shroud, of the Lord” mentioned in
«H» it is also called «signe»:—

 “Et rendrai la corone et le «signe» honore.”
     «H», lf. 42 = «F», 1498; and «H», lf. 45, bk. = «F», 1805.
 “Et les saintismes clowes et le «signe» honores.”—«H»,
     lf. 57 = «F», 2829.

That the «signe» cannot be the “inscription of the cross” (cf.
«Introduction», p. xxx) is proved by an additional line of the Hanover
MS., in which the Archbishop is said to have covered the heads of the
French with the «signe»:—

 “Puys a trait l’ensigne qui bien estoit ovres
  Engenolant l’ad ly Rois tote oue lermes baises,
  Plus flairoit ducement que basine enbasines.
  Quant Franceis l’ont veu, ele vous effraes,
  De pite et de ioy fu chescous enplores.
  L’ercevesqe le prist, mult fu bien purpenses,
  «Et nos Franceis en a les chefs envolupes»,
  Puis le mist sur le paille qest a or ornes,
  Od les altres relikes dont illi out asses.”
                     «H», lf. 98, corresponding to «F», 6094 «et seq.»

Abstaining now from citing any more passages where «H» agrees with «F»,
but differs from «A», I think the few quotations above will suffice to
show the impossibility of regarding the Hanover MS. as the original
of the Ashmole «Ferumbras», notwithstanding that there are some
resemblances of «A» to «H» (cf. p. xx). Therefore the result arrived
at on p. xxi as to the original of the Ashmolean version is in no way
altered by the detailed comparison of «A» with «H».


FOOTNOTES:

[88] Cf. «Sir Ferumbras», 185/5988.




SKETCH OF THE STORY.


Laban, the Soudan of Babylon, who was residing at Agremore in Spain,
went to the chase in a wood near the sea (p. 2). Being tired of hunting
he sat down under a tree, and, perceiving a ship drawing near unto
the shore, he sent one of his men to hail the vessel and to inquire
for news. The interpreter of the vessel informs the soudan that the
ship, freighted with a rich cargo at Babylon designed as a [p-lv]
present to Laban, had been driven by violent storms to the shore near
Rome, where the ship had been robbed, and many of its people had been
slain by the Romans. He solicits the Soudan to revenge this insult.
Laban promises to make them pay dearly for it (p. 3). He convokes a
war-council, and assembles a hundred thousand men and seven hundred
sail. Himself goes, with Ferumbras his son and Floripas his daughter,
in a dromond richly adorned (p. 4). They disembark in the haven of
Rome, slay all Christians, and burn towns, abbeys, and churches. The
pope of Rome assembles his council (p. 5). Duke Savaris is to meet the
Saracens. With ten thousand men he draws near the Soudan’s pavilion
on the shore (p. 6); they slay ten thousand Saracens. The Romans,
though masters of the field, cautiously retire within the walls of
the city. Lukafer of Baldas, having scoured the country, brings ten
thousand Christian maidens to the Soudan, who orders them to be put
to death (p. 7). Lukafer demands Floripas for his wife, in return for
which he promises her father to bring Charlemagne and his twelve peers
to the foot of his throne. Floripas agrees to accept him when he has
fulfilled his promise. The next morning Lukafer assaults the city,
but the ditches being too deep (p. 8), the Saracens are obliged to
retire. On the following day the assault is renewed, the ditches are,
on Mavon’s advice, filled with faggots. After a sharp conflict, where
there were ten thousand Saracens slain by the stones of the Romans,
the heathens are obliged to withdraw (p. 9). This second repulse makes
the Soudan almost mad with vexation; he chides his gods. But Lukafer
told him that he had learned from a spy that Savaris would, on the
following day, come out again to fight with them. He now intended, when
Savaris was engaged in the battle, to unfold a banner made exactly like
that of the Romans, and to attempt, by this stratagem, to be admitted
within the gates. And so it turned out: the Romans mistaking him for
Savaris returning from his sally, he entered the main tower, and slew
all therein. Savaris, noticing the artifice of the enemy, and seeing
his troop reduced to seventy-two men, turned back, but found the gate
shut (p. 10). Estragot, a black giant of Ethiopia, slays him with his
steel-mace. The Pope having summoned his council, a senator suggested
the necessity of [p-lvi] sending messengers to Charlemagne to ask his
aid. They all assented, and three messengers (p. 11) left the city by a
postern at midnight; they passed the enemy’s camp without being noticed
by any wight. On the next morning Laban attempted a third assault; he
commanded every man to throw pikes and bills over the walls to kill
the Romans, and ordered the ships to go up the water with their boats
bound to the mast, that they might fight in close combat. Near the
tower there stood a bulwark, or “bastile,” which was a strong defence
to the wall. It was thrown down by stones hurled from an engine. Laban,
growing proud from this event, summoned the Romans to surrender.
Instead of an answer a Roman hurled a dart at his breast-plate, but
his hauberk shielded him. The Soudan, more than mad, charged Ferumbras
to destroy them all (p. 12), and enjoined Fortibrance and Mavon to
direct their engines against the walls. The great glutton Estragot,
with his heavy mace, smote on the gates and brake them in pieces. But
as he was entering one of the gates, they let the portcullis fall,
which crushed him to the ground, where he lay crying like a devil of
hell. The Romans rejoiced, but the Saracens grieved. They withdrew to
their tents, leaving behind the corpse of Estragot, whose soul went up
to Mahound (p. 13). The Pope called all his people to St. Peter’s and
proposed to them to attempt a sally with twenty thousand men, to attack
the enemy before day-break within their camp, and to leave ten thousand
for the defence of the city. In the morning the Pope displayed the
banner of Rome, and after a prayer for the preservation of the city,
they marched out. But Ferumbras, going his rounds (p. 14), noticed
their coming, sounded the alarm, and drew up his troops. Then began a
fierce struggle. Ferumbras slew Sir Bryer of Apulia (p. 15) and the
worthy Hubert. Nine thousand heathens were killed and eight thousand
Romans. Lukafer destroyed eighteen Romans; he also slew Gyndard, a
senator of Rome, who had killed ten Saracens. Then came the Pope with
a great escort and his banner before him. Ferumbras, supposing him to
be the sovereign (p. 16), burst open the thick crowd and threw him
down to the ground. But having opened his ventail, he saw his tonsure,
and recognized the Pope. “Fie, priest,” he said, “what doest thou
here in the battle-field? [p-lvii] It would be a shame for me to slay
thee. Go home and think of thy choir-service.” The Pope, being glad
to get off so easily, retired to Rome with five thousand men, fifteen
thousand being killed. Charlemagne, having learned from the messenger
the great disaster which had befallen the Romans, said he would not
desist until he had chased the Soudan and Ferumbras out of Christendom
(p. 17). He gave ten thousand pounds of francs to his nephew, Guy of
Burgundy, and sent him off with orders to advance against the Soudan
by forced marches. Himself would follow as soon as possible. In the
mean time Laban reminded Lukafer of his vaunting promise to bring him
Charlemagne and his twelve peers in return for his daughter Floripas.
Lukafer said he would do all he had promised. With ten thousand men he
attacked the city on one side, the other being assaulted by Ferumbras.
The combat continued as long as daylight lasted. At night they retired
to their tents (p. 18). Then treason was planned by Isres, who by
inheritance possessed the guard of the chief gate of the town. He went
to the Soudan and offered to betray the city on condition that his
life and property should be spared. The Soudan promised it. Ferumbras
with twenty thousand men went with Isres, but on entering the gate he
caused the traitor’s head to be struck off by the portcullis and to be
carried on the point of a spear through the city. “Treason,” cried the
people (p. 19), when Ferumbras advanced into Rome. All the streets were
soon covered with dead men. Ferumbras went to St. Peter’s, seized the
relics, the cross, the crown, and the nails, burned the whole city,
and carried away all the treasures and the gold to Agremore in Spain,
where the Soudan went back to stay. Three months and three days they
spent there in great festivities, making offerings to their gods, and
burning frankincense in their honour. They drank the blood of beasts
and milk, and ate honey, and snakes fried with oil (p. 20). When Sir
Guy, approaching, drew near Rome, he found the whole city in flames. He
grieved much that he had arrived too late, and resolved to wait there
for Charlemagne, and then to tell him how Laban had burnt the city,
and had sent the relics to Agremore, his principal town in Spain. Soon
king Charles advanced to rescue Rome with his twelve peers and three
hundred thousand soldiers (p. 21). Roland [p-lviii] led the vanguard,
Oliver the rear, and the king was with the main body. The provisions
were conveyed by sea. Guy, seeing the army come, went to meet the king,
and told him the mischief done by the Soudan, who, moreover, had made
a vow to seek Charles in France in order to afflict him with grief.
“He will find me near,” said Charles, “and shall pay dearly for it.
Unless he consents to be baptized (p. 22), he shall never see Babylon
again.” They all took ship without delay. Propitious winds drove them
into the river Gase, where they landed, thirty miles from Agremore,
and laid waste the country. Laban, hearing this news, was astonished
at Charles’s presumption (p. 23). He assembled all his barons, and
charged them to bring him alive that glutton that called himself king
of France, and to slay the rest of his army. Ferumbras went forth
with many Saracens. He meets with Roland. They deal each other heavy
strokes. Oliver cuts off a quarter of Lukafer’s shield. The combat
lasted the whole day. Well fought the twelve peers (p. 24). Ferumbras
charges Oliver. King Charles, seeing this, rides at Ferumbras, and
strikes his helm with a heavy mace. Ferumbras cannot approach him on
account of the crowd. Charlemagne slew thirty Saracens with his sword
Mounjoy. Lukafer of Baldas encountering Charles told him that he had
promised the Soudan to bring him Charles and the twelve peers. Charles
strikes him on his helmet (p. 25), but Lukafer is rescued by a great
throng. Roland, drawing Durnedale, cleared a space around him, and
hammered the heads of the Saracens. So did the other peers, and thirty
thousand Saracens were slain. At night the pagans quit the field.
Ferumbras vows never to desist until he has conquered Roland and Oliver
(p. 26) and been crowned king at Paris. Charles went to his pavilion
and thanked God and St. Mary of France. He praised the elder knights
for having won the victory, and exhorted the young ones to take example
by them. They all make merry and go to supper. The Saracens address
a prayer to the red Mars Armipotent (p. 27), to grant the Mahometans
the victory over the Christians (p. 28). In order to recruit the late
losses in his army, the Soudan sent for his vassals, and assembled more
than three hundred thousand Saracens at Agremore. He addressed them
(p. 29) in order to increase their [p-lix] ardour, ordered a solemn
sacrifice to his gods, and charged Ferumbras to march with thirty
thousand of his people against the Christian king (whom he wished to
teach courtesy), and to slay all his men except Roland and Oliver (p.
30), if they would renounce their gods. Ferumbras led out his troops;
until arriving near Charles’s camp, he ordered them to halt in a wood,
and advanced with only ten of his men to the camp of Charlemagne, and
offered to fight at once against six of his peers. If he should conquer
them, he would lead them away to his father’s hall; but if he should
be conquered, he would be Charles’s man. The king sent for Roland and
ordered him to undertake the combat. Roland refuses (p. 31), because
Charles had praised the old knights: they might show their prowess
now. Charles, vexed, smites Roland on the mouth, so that the blood
springs from his nose, and he calls him a traitor. Roland draws his
sword, but the other barons separate them and try to conciliate them.
Meanwhile Oliver, who being sorely wounded kept his bed, on hearing of
this dispute, had armed himself and went to Charles. He reminds the
king of his long services, in reward for which he demands the battle.
Charles remonstrates with him. But Oliver insists (p. 32). He rides to
the forest, and finds Ferumbras alighted under a tree, to a branch of
which his steed was tied. “Arise,” he said, “I am come to fight with
thee.” Ferumbras, without moving, demands his name. “I am Generyse, a
young knight lately dubbed.” Ferumbras observes: “Charles is a fool
to send thee; go and tell him to send me Roland and Oliver and such
four other douzeperes. For little honour were it to me to fight with
thee.” “Spare thy words,” replies Oliver, “and take thy arms” (p. 33).
Ferumbras is wrath and seizes his helmet, which Oliver assists him
to lace. Ferumbras thanks him, courteously bowing to him. They mount
their steeds, and rushing together like fire of thunder, they have
their lances broken. They draw their swords. Ferumbras smites Oliver
on his helmet so that the fire flies. Oliver strikes at the head of
Ferumbras, breaks away the circle of his helmet, and the sword glancing
off down his back, he cuts off two bottles of balm (p. 34), which he
throws into the river. Ferumbras tells him that they were invaluable to
a wounded man, and that he should atone for their loss with his life.
He [p-lx] strikes at Oliver, who wards off the blow with his shield,
but his steed is killed under him. Oliver quickly starts up and tries
to kill his adversary’s horse, but Ferumbras rides off and ties it to
a hazel. “Yield thyself to me,” says Ferumbras, “believe on Mahound,
and I will make thee a duke in my country, and give thee my sister”
(p. 35). “Ere I yield to thee,” answered Oliver, “thou shalt feel my
strokes.” They fight for a considerable time; the blood runs from both
their bodies. By mutual consent they stop to take breath. Ferumbras
again asks Oliver his name and kin. “Thou must be one of the twelve
peers, as thou fightest so well.” “I am Oliver, cousin to Charlemagne.”
“Thou art welcome here,” says Ferumbras; “thou slewest my uncle (p.
36); now thou shalt pay the penalty.” The fight continued the whole
day. At last Oliver, smiting Ferumbras upon the helmet, had his sword
broken. He ran to the steed at the tree and seized a sword that was
hanging there, but in turning on Ferumbras, he received a blow that
made him kneel down (p. 37). But he returns Ferumbras a fearful stroke.
Charles, seeing Oliver on his knees, prayed to Christ that he might
grant the victory over the pagan. An angel announced to him that his
prayer was heard. Charles thanks God (p. 38). The fight begins again.
Ferumbras breaks his sword on Oliver’s helmet. He runs for another and
asks Oliver to surrender. But Oliver aims at him a blow which cuts
his hauberk, so that his bowels are laid bare. Ferumbras implores his
mercy, and consents to be christened, his gods having proved false. He
requested him to take his hauberk (p. 39), to fetch his horse, and to
carry him to his own tent. But the Saracens who lay concealed in the
wood rush out. Oliver, being surrounded, sets down Ferumbras under an
olive-tree, and defends himself with his sword, dealing the Saracens
many a hard blow. Then Roland rushed into the throng of the enemy
and slew many (p. 40). His horse being killed by arrows and darts,
he fights on foot, but his sword breaking, he is taken and led away.
Oliver rides to rescue him, but his horse being also killed, he is
overpowered and bound. Both were conducted to Lukafer of Baldas (p.
41). Charles sees them, and calls for a rescue. Many enemies were slain
by the French barons, but the Saracens had fled with their prisoners,
and [p-lxi] Charles is obliged to turn back. Under a holm tree they
find Ferumbras, whom the king is going to put to death. But on his
requesting to be baptized Charles took pity on him (p. 42), led him to
his tent, and ordered a surgeon to attend him. He soon recovered, and
bishop Turpin baptized him by the name of Floreyn. But he continued to
be called Ferumbras all his life. Afterwards he was known as Floreyn
of Rome on account of his holiness. Roland and Oliver being brought to
the Soudan, Laban enquires their names. They confess their names (p.
43). The Soudan swears they shall both be executed the next morning
before his dinner. But Floripas advises him to detain them as hostages,
and to remember his son Ferumbras, for whom they might be exchanged.
The Soudan, finding her counsel good, orders his gaoler Bretomayn to
imprison them, but to leave them without food (p. 44). At high tide the
sea filled their deep cells, so that they suffered much from the salt
water, from their wounds, and from hunger. On the sixth day Floripas,
who was gathering flowers in her garden, heard them lament. Moved to
compassion, she asks her governess Maragound to help her in getting
food for the prisoners. Maragound refuses, and reminds Floripas of
her father’s command. Floripas, thinking of a trick, called to her
governess to come to a window (p. 45) and see the porpoises sporting
beneath. As Maragound is looking out, Floripas pushes her into the
flood. She then asks Bretomayn to let her see the prisoners. The gaoler
threatened to complain to her father, but Floripas, having seized his
key-clog, dashed out his brains. She then went to tell her father she
had surprised the gaoler feeding the prisoners (p. 46) and promising
to deliver them, wherefore she had slain him. The Soudan gives the
prisoners into her guard. She now proceeded to the prison, asked the
prisoners what they wanted, and promised to protect them from any
harm (p. 47). She let down a rope, and with her maidens drew up both,
and led them to her apartments. There they ate, took a bath, and went
to bed. The Soudan knew nothing of his prisoners being in Floripas’s
chamber. Meanwhile Charlemagne tells Guy that he must go to the Soudan
to demand the surrender of Roland and Oliver, and of the relics of
Rome. Naymes of Bavaria represents that a messenger to the Soudan
[p-lxii] (p. 48) would certainly be slain; and that they ought to be
anxious not to lose any more besides Roland and Oliver. Then said the
king: “By God, thou shalt go with Guy.” Ogier the Dane remonstrates,
but is ordered to go too. So are Thierry of Ardane, and Folk Baliant,
Aleroys, and Miron of Brabant. Bishop Turpin kneels down to implore the
king’s mercy, but he must go too, as well as Bernard of Spruwse (p.
49) and Brier of Mountdidier. The knights take leave and start. About
the same time the Soudan having assembled his council, Sortibrance and
Brouland (p. 50) advise him to send twelve knights, and to bid Charles
to give up Ferumbras and to withdraw from his country. The knights are
despatched; near Mantrible they meet with the Christian messengers.
Duke Naymes enquires whither they intend to go (p. 51). Having heard
their message, the delegates of Charlemagne cut off their heads, which
they take with them to present to the Soudan at Agremore. Laban was
just dining when Naymes delivers his message: “God confound Laban and
all his Saracens, and save Charles, who commands thee to send back his
two nephews and to restore the relics” (p. 52). They then produce the
heads of the Soudan’s messengers. The Soudan vowed a vow that they
should all ten be hanged as soon as he had finished his dinner. But
Floripas recommended him to put off his resolution until a general
council of his barons had determined on the best way to procure the
liberation of Ferumbras. Thereupon the Soudan gives the prisoners into
her guard. Floripas leads the knights into her tower (p. 53), where
they were glad to find Roland and Oliver. They told each other how they
had fared. After washing, they dined off venison, bread, and wine. The
following day Floripas asks Naymes his name, and enquires after Guy of
Burgundy, whom she had loved for a long time (p. 54), and for whom she
would do all she could for their benefit, and would be baptized if he
would agree to love her in return. Naymes tells Guy to take her for his
wife; but Guy refuses, as he never will take a wife unless she be given
him by Charles. But Roland and Oliver persuade him, so that he at last
consents. Floripas, holding a golden cup of wine (p. 55), kissed him,
and requested him to drink to her after the fashion of her country; she
then would drink to him in return. They all [p-lxiii] make merry, and
prepare to assail the Soudan at supper on the following day. Meanwhile
Lukafer comes to the Soudan and asks leave to see the prisoners, in
order to know how Floripas guards them. Finding the door locked (p.
56), he burst it open with a blow of his fist, and told them he was
come to speak to them, and to enquire after Charlemagne. Duke Naymes
answers. Lukafer then asks what amusements they have after dinner.
Naymes says: “Some joust, some sing, some play at chess.” “I will teach
you a new game,” says Lukafer (p. 57). With a thread he fastened a
needle on a pole and put a burning coal upon it. He blew it at Naymes’s
beard and burnt it. Naymes waxed wroth, and snatching a burning brand
from the fire he smites at Lukafer, and throws him into the fire, where
he was burnt to charcoal. Floripas applauds this, but points out their
danger, and advises them to arm. At supper time she goes to her father
(p. 58). As they were sitting at table, the twelve peers rushed in
and slew all whom they met. Laban, pursued by Oliver, jumps out of a
window on to the sea-shore and escaped without injury. They killed all
in the castle, and then drew up the bridges and shut the gates. Laban
vowed a vow that he would hang them all and burn his daughter. He sent
to Mantrible for troops (p. 59) and engines and besieged Agremore.
Floripas recommends the peers to enjoy themselves. In the morning the
Soudan attacks the castle, but is repulsed (p. 60). He accuses his gods
of sleepiness and shakes them to rouse them out of sleep. Brouland
tells him, as the castle is strong and well stored with provisions,
the peers will hold it very long; but if he would send orders to
Alagolofer, the bridge-keeper at Mantrible, not to allow any one to
pass without leave (p. 61), they would get no assistance from Charles
and die from hunger. Espiard, the Soudan’s messenger, is despatched
to Mantrible, and commands the giant not to suffer any one to pass
the bridge (p. 62). Alagolofer drew four and twenty chains across the
bridge. Meanwhile the Soudan assaults the castle again, but the twelve
peers slew three hundred Saracens (p. 63). Laban threatens to hang
them, and utters imprecations against Floripas, who returns them. He
then calls for Mavon, his engineer, and orders him to direct a mangonel
against the walls. Mavon knocked down a piece of the battlements.
[p-lxiv] Roland and Oliver lament; they are comforted by Floripas (p.
64). Guy kills Marsedage, the king of Barbary, by throwing a dart at
him. The Saracens stop the attack to bury Marsedage, and bewail him
seven nights and seven days. Then the Soudan more closely blockades
the castle (p. 65). The provisions being exhausted, Roland complains
of Charles’s forgetfulness; but Floripas cheers him up, saying she
possessed a magic girdle, which was a talisman against hunger and
thirst for those who wore it. They all successively put it on, and felt
as if they had feasted (p. 66). Laban wondered at their endurance, but
at last remembering the girdle, he induced Mapin to attempt to steal
it at night. Mapin entered the chamber of Floripas (p. 67) through a
chimney. He finds the girdle and puts it on, but Floripas perceives him
and cries out. Roland hurries to her assistance, cuts off Mapin’s head,
and throws him out through the window into the sea without noticing
the girdle. Floripas, seeing her girdle lost, is much grieved; Roland
comforts her. They agree to attempt a sally to obtain food (p. 68). In
the morning Naymes and Ogier remain in the castle, while the others
start and surprise the Saracens sleeping in their huts. They slew three
hundred, and carried off as much food as they could bear (p. 69). The
Soudan is enraged and is going to burn his gods, but, appeased by
his wise men, he sacrifices again, and is assoiled by the priests.
Laban holds council (p. 70). A new assault begins, but so many of the
assailants were slain by the showers of stones hurled down by the peers
that the ditches are filled with dead bodies. The Saracens retire. But
soon a second attack ensues. There being no stones, Floripas gave them
her father’s silver and gold to cast amongst the assailants. The Soudan
in alarm for his treasure gives up the assault (p. 71). He is enraged
with his gods, and smites Mahound so that he fell on his face; but the
priests induce him to kneel down and ask forgiveness (p. 72). Meanwhile
Roland exhorted Richard of Normandy to go on a message to Charles,
that he might come to their rescue. They all would, the following
morning before day-break, make an attack on the Saracens, and meanwhile
he should steal off in the darkness. In the morning they sally out.
Floripas and her maidens draw up the bridges after them. Richard
went off towards Mantrible (p. 73). [p-lxv] The others slay many
Saracens; but Guy, overpowered by the Babylonians, is taken prisoner.
Laban asks his name. Guy tells him. He is to be hanged. Three hundred
Saracens crowding near the gate of the castle, attempted to prevent
the other peers from entering. A fearful struggle begins (p. 74), in
which Sir Bryer is killed. At last the Saracens take to flight. The
peers retire inside the castle, taking the corpse of Bryer with them.
Floripas enquires after Guy, and on hearing of his capture, begins to
lament despairingly. Roland promises to rescue Guy (p. 75). On the
following morning Laban orders Sir Tamper to erect a gallows before the
castle, where Floripas could see it. Guy is led bound. Roland calls
his companions to arms. They rush forth (p. 76). Oliver cuts down Sir
Tamper, Roland kills a king of India, takes his sword and horse, and
gives them to Guy, having unbound him. They slay many Saracens, and
put the rest to flight. Retiring towards the castle, they see Admiral
Costroye, and the Soudan’s standard-bearer, escorting a great convoy,
destined for the sultan, across a field near the high road (p. 77).
Roland calls to them to share the provisions with them. Costroye
refuses, and is slain by Roland. Oliver kills the standard-bearer, and
the convoy is conveyed into the castle (p. 78). Floripas thanks Roland
for bringing back Sir Guy, and proposes that he shall choose himself a
mistress from amongst her maidens. But Roland refuses to take any that
is not a Christian. The Soudan, on hearing such bad news, again defies
his gods, and threatens to throw them into the flames (p. 79). But
bishop Cramadas kneels before him and appeases him. The Soudan makes
an offering of a thousand besants to his gods. When Richard arrived as
far as Mantrible, he found the bridge barred by twenty-four chains,
and Alagolofer standing before it. Determined not to leave his errand
unperformed, he knelt down and commended himself to God. A hind appears
(p. 80) and swims across the river; Richard follows her, and passing
over in safety, hurries on to Charlemagne. Meanwhile Genelyn, the
traitor, had advised Charles to retire to France, because the twelve
peers were all slain. The king believed him, and marched homeward,
lamenting for his peers. Richard overtakes him, and is recognized by
Charles, who asks him about the others. [p-lxvi] Richard tells the
king how they are besieged within the castle of Agremore, and are
waiting for his assistance. Charles, vowing vengeance on Genelyn (p.
81), turned and marched to Agremore. Richard informed him of the giant
who kept the bridge, and how he had passed the river by a miracle. He
proposed a plan that twelve knights, disguised as merchants, with their
arms hidden under their clothes, should pay the toll, and the bridge
being let down, they should blow a horn as a signal for the others to
approach. They start and arrive at Mantrible (p. 82). Alagolofer asks
whither they are going. Richard says they are merchants on their way to
the Soudan, and they are willing to pay the toll. Alagolofer refuses
to let them pass, and tells them about the ten knights, who had passed
there and done so much mischief to the Soudan; therefore he will arrest
them all. Sir Focard draws his sword and smites at him, Richard blows
his horn, and Charles advances (p. 83). Alagolofer fights them with
a great oak club. Richard seizes a bar of brass and knocks him down.
Four men get hold of him and throw him into the river. They loosened
the chains; but the Saracens assembling on the walls of the city, many
Christians were slain. Alagolofer’s wife, Barrock the giantess, comes
on with her scythe and mows down all whom she meets. Charles dashes
out her brains (p. 84), and with fifteen knights enters the outer gate
of the town, thinking his army would follow him. But the gate was
instantly closed upon him, and his men came too late. Charles was in
great danger; but Genelyn, seeing him shut in, exclaimed that the king
and the twelve peers were dead, and proposed to retire, as he wished
to be king himself. They were going to return, but Ferumbras (p. 85)
calls him a traitor; he rallies the French, and with his axe bursts
open the gate. He chased the Saracens and rescued the king. Mantrible
is taken with all its engines and treasures. Richard found two children
of seven months old (p. 86), and four feet high. They were sons of
Barrock, begotten by Astragot. Charles caused them to be baptized, and
called the one Roland and the other Oliver. But they soon died for
want of their mother’s milk. The king appoints Richard governor of
the city, and hurries on to Agremore with his army and with Ferumbras
(p. 87). Laban, being told by a spy [p-lxvii] that his city was taken
and the bridge-ward killed, swears to avenge him. He calls a council,
and charges his barons to take Charles alive that he might flay him.
Charles approaches. Floripas first recognizes the banner of France and
tells the others (p. 88). Roland and all his companions sally forth
to meet Charlemagne. Laban draws up all his people in battle-order.
The French make a great slaughter of the Saracens. Charles encounters
the Soudan; he unhorses him, and would have cut off his head, but
for Ferumbras, who requested that his father might be baptized. The
Saracens, seeing Laban a prisoner, fly; but the Christians pursue them.
Three hundred escaped to Belmarine. Charles leads Laban to Agremore.
Floripas welcomes her father (p. 89), but he is enraged at seeing her.
She then bids Charlemagne welcome, and presents the holy relics to him.
Charles kisses them, and says a prayer; he then thanks Floripas for
her assistance to his knights, and for having preserved the precious
relics. He orders Turpin to prepare a vessel wherein to baptize the
Soudan, and to wash off his sin in the water (p. 90). Turpin leads
Laban to the font, but the Soudan strikes at him, spits on the vessel,
utters invectives against all Christians, and curses Ferumbras. Charles
commands Naymes to cut off his head. He is executed; his soul goes to
hell, there to dance with devils. Floripas was baptized with all her
maidens, and was wedded to Guy. Charles divided Spain between Guy and
Ferumbras (p. 91), and charges Sir Bryer of Bretayne to take care of
the relics, and to bring all his treasure to Paris. After taking leave
of Guy and Floripas, Charles sails to Monpilier, where he thanks God
for the victory (p. 92), and for the relics. He presents the cross to
Paris, the crown to St. Denis, the three nails to Boulogne. Charles
well remembered the treachery of Genelyn, and ordered him to be drawn
and hanged at Montfaucon in Paris (p. 93).

[p001]




 The Romaunce of the Sowdone of Babylone
 and of Ferumbras his Sone who
 Conquerede Rome:

 «From the unique MS. of the late Sir Thos. Phillipps.»


 GOD in glorye of myghteste[89] moost,          1 God has ordained all
 That al thinge made in sapience                  things wisely.
 By vertue of woorde and holy goost,
 Gyvinge to man grete excellence,               4 He has subjected the
 And alle, þat is in erthe, wroght                earth to man, and man
 Subiecte to man and man̄ to the,                  to God.
 That he shoulde witħ herte and thought
 To loue and serve, and nooɳ but the:           8 The man who keeps His
 For ȝyfe man̄ kepte thy co«m»maundemente          commandments and loves
 In al thinge and loued the welle                 Him well, will feel
 And hadde synnede in his entente,                His grace. But many
 Thaɳ shulde he fully thy grace fele;          12 who offended Him have
 But for the offences to God I-doo«n»[90]         felt His vengeance. I
 Many vengeaunces haue be-falle.                  will tell you of one;
 Where-of I wole yoᶙ telle of ooɳ,                it would take too long
 It were to mocħ to telle of alle.             16 to tell of all. Listen
 While þat Rome was in excellence                 to me, and ye shall
 Of alle Realmes in dignite,                      hear how Rome, the
 And howe it felle for his offence,               former mistress of all
 Listinythe a while and ye shal see,           20 nations, came to fall
 Howe it was woneɳ and brente                     by its sins, and was
 Of a Sowdoɳ, that heatheɳ was,                   destroyed by a heathen
 And for synne howe it was shente;                Soudan. King Lewis has
 As Kinge Lowes witnessith þat cas,            24 borne witness to

[p002 LABAN, THE SOUDAN OF BABYLON, HEARS]

 As it is wryten in Romaunce                      that story, which,
 And founden in bokes of Antiquyte                written in Romance
 At Seinte Denyse Abbey in Fraunc[e],[91]         and found in very
 There as Cronycles remembrede be,             28 old chronicles at
 Howe Laban, the kinge of hie degre,              St Denys in France,
 And sy[rh] and Sowdoɳ of hie Babiloɳ,            relates how Laban, the
 Conquerede grete parte of Christiante,           king of Babylon, who
 That was born in Askaloɳ.                     32 was born at Ascalon,
 And in the Cite of Agremare[92]                  conquered a great part
 Vppon̄ the Rivere of Flagote                      of Christendom. He was
 At þat tyme he soiorned the[rh]†                 holding his court in
 Fulle roially, wel I wote,                    36 the city of Agremore,
 With kinges xij and Admyralles xiiij,            on the river Flagot,
 With many a Baron̄ & Kniȝtis ful boold,           with 12 kings and 14
 That roialle were and semly to sene;             admirals, and many
 Here worþynesse al may not be told.           40 worthy barons and
 Hit bifelle by-twyxte March and Maye,            [lf 1, bk] knights,
 Whan kynde corage begynneth to pryke,            when, in the time
 Whan̄ ffritħ and felde wexen gaye,                between March and
 And every wight desirith his like,            44 May,
 Whan̄ lovers slepen̄ withe opyn̄ yȝe,
 As Nightyngalis on grene tre,
 And sore desire þat thai cowde flye,
 That thay myghte withe here lou«er»e be:      48
 This worthy Sowdon̄ in this seson̄                 he went to the chase
 Shope him to grene woode to goon̄,
 To chase the Bore or the Veneson̄,
 The Wolfe, the Bere and the Bawson.           52
 He roode tho vppon̄ a fforeste stronde            in a wood near the
 With grete rowte and roialte,                    sea.
 The fairest, þat was in alle þat londe,
 With Alauntes, Ly«m»meris and Racches free.   56
 His huntes to chace he co«m»maunde,
 Here Bugles boldely for to blowe,
 To fere the beestis in þat launde.

[p003 OF THE CAPTURE OF A SARACEN SHIP BY THE ROMANS.]

 The Sowdon̄ woxe wery I-nowe;                  60 Being weary with
 He rested him vndere an holme tre                hunting, he sat down
 Sittynge vppon̄ a grene sete                      under a holm tree,
 Seynge a Dromonde com seilyng in þ^e see         and, seeing a dromond
 Anone he charged to bekyn̄ him w«i»t«h»           sailing on the sea, he
   honde                                       64 charged one to enquire
 To here of him tidinges newe.                    for news concerning the
 The maist«er» sende a man to londe,              ship. The interpreter
 Of diuers langages was gode and trewe,           of the vessel being
 And saide “lorde, this Dromonde[93]           68 sent ashore, informed
 Fro Babyloyne comen̄ is,                          the soudan, that this
 That was worþe thousande poundis,                dromond, freighted at
 As[94] it mete with shrewes I-wis,               Babylon, with a cargo
 Charged with perle and p«re»cious stones      72 of rich furs, spices,
 And riche pelure and spicerye,                   oil, brass and pearls,
 With oyle and bras qweynte for the nones         intended as a present
 To presente yow, my lorde worthy.                to the soudan, had been
 A drift of wedi[rh] vs droffe to Rome,        76 driven by stress of
 The Romaynes robbed vs anone;                    weather to Rome, where
 Of vs thai slowgh ful many one.                  they had been robbed by
 With sorwe and care we be bygone.                the Romans.
 Whereof, lorde, remedye                       80 [leaf 3]
 Ye ordeyne by youre Barons boolde,               Therefore he solicited
 To wreke the of this vilane;                     that the soudan would
 Or certes oure blis is coolde.”                  take revenge on those
 The Soudon hirynge this tyþinge,              84 who had done such
 With egre chere he made a vowe                   villainy to him.
 To Mahounde and to Appolyne,                     The soudan, hearing
 That thai shulde by it dere I-nowe,              these tidings, made
 Er that he wente fro theyme.[95]              88 a vow to Mahound and
 “Where be ye, my kinges boolde,                  to Apolyn, that they
 My Barons and my Admyral?                        should dearly pay for
 Thes tidinges make myn herte coolde,             it.
 But I be venged, dyen I shalle.               92 ‘Ferumbras, my son,’ he
 Sire Ferumbras, my sone so dere,                 said, ‘and my daughter
 Ye muste me comforte in this case;               Floripas, ye must

[p004 THE SOUDAN STARTS FROM AGREMORE]

 My ioye is alle in the nowe here                 be my comfort in this
 And in my Doghter Dame Florypas.              96 case.
 Sortybraunce, my Counselere,                     Order Sortibrance,
 Lete clepe him forthe to counsaile me,           my counsellor, to be
 And Oliborne, my Chauncelere                     called for, and my
 And noble Clerke of hie degre,               100 chancellor Oliborn,
 And Espiarde, my messangere,                     and Espiard my
 To goon to Assye and to Aufrike,                 messenger, that he
 To kinges, princes fer[rh] and ne[rh],           may go to Africa and
 Barons, Admyralls and Dukes frike,           104 to Asia and to all
 Comaundinge hem vppon̄ her legeaunce              the princes, who owe
 To come in al hast vnto me,                      me allegiance, and
 Wel Armed with shelde and launse,                command them hastily to
 To Egremoure þon̄ riche Cite.”                108 assemble with shield
 In shorte tyme this message was wroghte          and lance at Agremore.’
 An hundred thouusande on a rowte                 In a short time 100,000
 That robbery was righte dere boght,              men had assembled.
 Was never none derrer without«en» douȝte.    112 On the advice of
 The kinge of Baldas, sir Lukafe[rh],             Lukafer,
 Of Aufryke lorde and governoure,                 king of Baldas,
 Spake to the Sowdon̄, that me«n» myghte           the soudan also
   here,                                          brought together 700
 And saide “sir, for thyn honou[rh],          116 sail and a
 Do sende for shippes both fe[rh] and             dromond for himself,
   nere.”                                         for Ferumbras of
 Carrikes, Galeis and shippes shene,              Alexandrie, for the
 vij hundred were gadered al in fere              Asiatic king of
 And a Dromonde for the Sowden̄ kene.          120 [leaf 4] Chaunder and
 Sir Ferumbras of Alisaundre                      for Floripas. There
 In the Dromonde with him was,                    were two masters in
 Of Assy the kinge of Chaunde[rh],                that vessel, and two
 And his faire dogħter Floripas.              124 idols placed on the
 Two maistres were in the Dromounde,              main top, with round
 Two goddes on hye seten̄ thore                    maces, therewith to
 In the maister toppe, withe macis rounde,        menace the Christians.
 To manace with the Cristen̄ lore.             128 The sails of red
 The sailes were of rede Sendelle,                sendal-silk were
 Embrowdred witħ riche araye,

[p005 TO INVADE ROME WITH A GREAT ARMY.]

 With beestes and breddes every dele,             richly embroidered
 That was right curious and gaye;             132 with figures of
 The Armes displaied of Laban                     animals and birds.
 Of Asure and foure lions of goolde.              Four golden lions, the
 Of Babiloyne the riche Sowdon̄,                   arms of the soudan of
 Moost myghty man he was of moolde,           136 Babylon, were also
 He made a vowe to Termagaunte,                   displayed thereon.
 Whan Rome were distroied & hade                  Laban made a vow to
   myschau«n»ce,                                  Termagant, to destroy
 He woolde turne ayen erraunte                    Rome, and after that
 And distroye Charles the kinge of Fraunce.   140 Charlemagne.
 Fortħ thai sailed on the flode,                  Having disembarked in
 Tille thai come to the haven of Rome:            the haven of Rome,
 The wynde hem served, it was ful goode.          they slew all
 Ther londed many a grymlye gome.             144 Christians, and burned
 Thai brente and slowen, þat Cristen were,        towns, abbeys and
 Town̄, Abbey and holy chirche.                    churches.
 The hethen hade such power there,                The Pope of Rome,
 That moche woo gan thai there wircħ.         148 hearing of the heathens
 Tidinggis came to Rome anone                     laying waste the whole
 Unto the Pope, that þ^t tyme was,                country,
 That the heþen came to bren and slone.
 This was to hem a sory cas.                  152
 He lete cal his counsaile to-geder               assembled his council.
 To wete, what was beste to don̄.
 Anone as thai were come þede[rh],
 He asked of hem al ful sone:                 156
 “Lordinges, it is vnknowne[96] to you,
 That this cursed hathen Sowdon̄
 Bre«n»nyth and stroyeth oure pepul nowe,
 Alive he leveth vnneth not one.              160
 Seint Petir be oure governoure                   [leaf 5]
 And save this worthi Cite of Rome,
 And Seinte Poule be oure gydoure
 From this cursed hethen̄ houne[97]!”          164
 Ifreȝ he bispake him than̄,                       Jeffrez, a senator

[p006 SAVARIS LEADS THE CHRISTIAN TROOPS]

 Of Rome he was a Senatoure,                      of Rome, advised that
 And saide “senditħ some worthy man               worthy men should be
 To Charles kinge of hye honoure.             168 sent to Charles of
 He wolde you helpe with al his mygħte,           Douce France to implore
 That noble kinge of Dowse Fraunce.”              his assistance.
 “Certes” q«uo»d Savaris “þat weren no            But Duke Savariz,
   rigħte,                                        thinking this to be
 It were right a foule myschaunce,            172 a wretched piece of
 To sende to þat worthy kinge.                    timidity,
 We have oure hedes yet al hole,                  as they had not tried
 Oure sheldes be not broke no-thinge,             anything for
 Hawberke, spere, ner poleyne, ner pole.      176 themselves,
 Where-of shul we playn̄ to him,
 That no thinge yet have assaide?
 Mecħ uylanye we myght wynne,
 That for noght were so sone afrayed.         180
 Ten thousande men delyu«er»e me tyte             asked for 10,000 men
 Tomorue next in-to the feelde,                   to be put under his
 And I shall prove with al my myghte              command.
 To breke there bothe spere and shelde.”      184
 Vnto the Senatours it semed welle,
 His counsaile goode and honurable.
 This worthi Duke was armed in stele
 In armes goode and profitable;               188
 He bare a Chek of goulis clere,
 An Egle of goolde abrode displayed.
 With him many a bolde Bachelere
 Tho spake Savaryȝ witħ wordes on hye         192 The next morning the
 And saide “my felowes alle,                      duke addressed his men,
 This daie prove you men̄ worthy,
 And faire you al shal befalle.
 Thenke yat Criste is more myghty             196
 Than here fals goddis alle;
 And he shal geve vs the victorie,
 And foule shal hem this day bifalle.”
 Fortħ than rode þat faire Ooste              200 and directed them to
 With right goode chere and randon̄,               the soudan’s

[p007 AGAINST THE SARACENS AND CONQUERS THEM.]

 Tille than come ful nyȝe the cooste.             pavilion near the
 Of the Sowdons Pavylon̄                           shore.
 Ferumbras was of hem ware                    204 [leaf 6] Ferumbras,
 And sprange out as a sparkil of glede;           that doughty
 Of Armes bright a sheelde he bare,               warrior, becoming aware
 A Doughty man̄ he was of dede.                    of them, led
 xv thousande came oute there                 208 15,000 men against the
 With him at þat same tyde,                       Romans.
 Ayen the Romaynes for to were,
 Witħ bobaunce, booste and grete pride.
 The stoure was stronge, enduryn[g|] longe:   212
 The Romaynes hade there the feelde;
 The Sarysyns thai slougħ amonge,
 Ten thousand and mo with spere and sheelde.      10,000 and more of the
 Sauariz was wise and ware                    216 Saracens were slain,
 And drowe towards þat Citee.                     and the Romans, though
 His baner displaied witħ him he bare             victorious, were led
 To releve with his meyne.                        back to Rome by the
 The Pope with his Senatours                  220 cautious Savaris.
 Thanked god þat tyme of glorie,                  The Pope thanked God
 That gafe hem þat day grete honours,             for the victory.
 Of hethen that dai to have the victorie.         Lukafer of Baldas
 Lukafere, kinge of Baldas,                   224 having scoured the
 The countrey hade serchid and sought,            country,
 Ten thousande maidyns faire of face              brought 10,000 maidens
 Vnto the Sowdan hath he broghte.                 to the soudan, who
 The Sowdon̄ co«m»manded hem anone,            228 ordered them to be
 That thai shulde al be slayn̄.                    slain,
 Martires thai were eu«er»ychon̄,                  saying, he would
 And therof were thai al ful fayne.               not have his people
 He saide “my peple nowe ne shalle            232 polluted by them, and
 With hem noughte defouled be,                    he would destroy every
 But I wole distroie ou«er» all                   Christian seed.
 The sede over alle Cristiante.”                  Lukafer said to the
 Tho spake lukefere the kinge,                236 soudan:
 That hethen̄ hounde Baldas,

[p008 THE NEXT DAY LUKAFER ASSAULTS THE CITY,]

 And saide “Sir Sowdan̄, g«ra»unte me one          “Grant me thy daughter
   thinge,                                        and I will bring thee
 Thi doghter Dame Floripas.                       Charlemagne and all his
 The kinge of Fraunce I shal the bringe       240 twelve peers.”
 And the xij dosipers alle in fere.”              Laban assented; but
 The Sowdan saide in þat tokenyn[g|],             Floripas said, she
 “I g«ra»unte the here, that is so dere.”         would only consent to
 Tho sayde Floripe “sire, noon̄ haste,         244 be his darling,
 He hath note done as he hath saide.
 I trowe, he speketh these wordes in waste,       [leaf 7]
 He wole make bute an easy brayde.
 Whan he bryngith home Charles the kinge      248 when he had taken
 And the xij dosipers alle,                       Charles and the
 I g«ra»unte to be his derlynge                   douzepeers.
 What so evere therof by-falle.                   The next morning the
 Than on the morowe the Sowdan̄                252 soudan ordered Lukafer
 Callid to him Lukafe[rh] of Baldas,              to assault the City
 To assaile the Cite anone:                       with 30,000 men.
 “And loke thou tary not in this cas!
 Thritty thousande of my menie,               256
 Of Gallopes, Ethiopes and Aufricanes,
 Take hem to the walles witħ the.
 Betitħ down̄ wallis, towris and stones.”
 Lukafe[rh] blewe his clarion̄                 260
 To Assemble the Sarasyns þat tide,
 Where-of thai knewe right welle the soune,
 Thai made hem redy for to ride,
 But whan thai come to the yate,              264
 The Dikes were so develye depe,                  The Saracens, finding
 Thai helde hem selfe Chek-mate;                  the ditches too deep,
 Ouer cowde thai nothir goo nor crepe.            cannot pass, and are
 Lukafe[rh] in al the haste                   268
 Turned to the Sowdan agayn̄                       obliged to return.
 And saide “sir, it is alle in waste,
 We laboure nowe alle in vayne.
 To depe and brode the Dikes bene,            272
 The Towres so stronge be witħ alle,

[p009 BUT THE HEATHENS ARE OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.]

 That by Mahounde I can note seen̄,
 How that we shulde wyne ther to the
   walle.”
 Who was woode but the Sowdon̄?                276
 He reneyed his goddis alle.
 He clepede his Engyno«ur» sir mavone,            The soudan calls for
 To counsaile he did him faste calle.             his engineer Mavon,
 He tolde him the case of þat myschefe,       280
 How it stode at that ilke tyde.
 Mavon Gafe him counsel in breefe                 who advised him to fill
 To fille the Dikes þat were depe.[98]            the ditch
 Every man to woode shal goon̄,                284
 Fagotis to hewe and faste bynde,                 with fagots.
 And fille the Dikes faste anoon̄
 With alle, that we may ther fynde.
 “Gramercy, Mavon̄,” q«uo»d Laban than̄,        288 Laban thanks his wise
 “Mahoundis benysone thou shalt haue,             engineer.
 Of alle myn Ooste the wiseste man,               [leaf 8]
 With counsaile men for to saue.”
 Alle this was done the seconde daye,         292 The following day, the
 Men myght go even to the walle;                  ditch being filled with
 On every party the ooste laye,                   fagots, the city
 Thai made assaite[99] then generalle.            was assaulted from all
 The Romaynes ronnen̄ to the toures,           296 quarters. The Romans
 Thai were in ful grete dowte;                    ran to the towers, and
 Thai hade many sharpe shoures,                   a sharp conflict
 Thai were assailed sore a-bowte.                 ensued.
 Wifis and maidyns stones thai bare           300 Women and maidens
 To the walles than ful faste,                    carried stones which
 Thai were in grete drede and care;               the
 The men over the wallis did caste.               men threw over the
 Thai slowen many a Sarasyn̄,                  304 walls.
 x «thousande»[100] pepul of hem̄ and moo.         10,000 Saracens were
 The daie passed to the fyne,                     slain and
 The hethen withdrowe hem tho.                    the heathens obliged to
 Whan these tidinges came to laban,           308 withdraw.

[p010 LUKAFER ENTERS THE MAIN TOWER OF ROME.]

 His goddes he gan chide.                         Laban chides his gods
 He waxe both blake, pale and wan,                and nearly grows mad
 He was nyȝe woode þat same tyde.                 with vexation. But
 Tho Lukafer comfortede him welle             312 Lukafer told him that,
 And saide “sir, be not dismayed,                 having espied that
 For I have aspied everydele,                     Savaris would, the
 Howe thai shalle alle be betrayede.              following day, come
 Sauariz wole to morowe witħ us fighte,       316 out again to fight
 His baner knowe I ful welle;                     with them, he would
 I shal have an othere, I yoᶙ plighte,            have a banner made
 Like to this every dele.                         exactly like his, which
 Whan he is moste besy in bataile,            320 when Savaris was much
 Than wole I with banere displaiede               engaged in the battle,
 Ride in to Rome w«i»t«h»out faile,               he would unfold and
 Thus shal thai al be betrayede.”                 enter Rome.
 The Sowdan̄ was glad of this tidinge,         324
 Hopinge it shulde be so;
 And even as it was in purposynge,                And so it
 Right so was it aftir I-do.                      turned out; the Romans
 Wenynge it hade be Sauarye,                  328 mistaking him for
 Relevinge fro the hethen stou[rh],               Savaris, returning from
 Wenynge doth ofte harme w«i»t«h»oute lye,        his sally, he entered
 He entred to the maist«er» Toure.                the main tower,
 The firste warde thus thay wo«n»ne           332 [leaf 9]
 By this fals contrevede engyne.
 Thus was moche sorowe bygon̄,
 Thai slougħ all, that were ther-Inne.            and slew all therein.
 Whan̄ Sauariz saugħ this discomfitu[rh]       336 Savaris becoming aware
 Of the Romaynes in that tyme,                    of the artifice of the
 And howe harde than̄ was here aventu[rh],         enemy,
 Of sorowe þat myghte he ryme
 Of x thousande men̄ lefte no moo              340 and seeing out of
 But sexty men̄ and twelfe,                        10,000 Romans no more
 And whan he sawe this myschief tho,              than seventy-two left,
 He turned homewarde agayn him selue.             turned back, but found
 By than̄ he founde the gate shite             344 the gate shut,

[p011 THE POPE DESPATCHES MESSENGERS TO CHARLEMAGNE.]

 With Sarisyns, that hade it wone;
 And Estragot with him he mette
 With bores hede, blake and donne.
 For as a bore an hede hadde                  348
 And a grete mace stronge as stele.
 He smote Sauaryz as he were madde,               and was slain by
 That dede to grounde he felle.                   Estragot, a black giant
 This Astrogot of Ethiop,                     352 of Ethiopia.
 He was a kinge of grete strengtħ;
 Ther was none suche in Europe
 So stronge and so longe in lengtħ.
 I trowe, he were a develes sone,             356
 Of Belsabubbis lyne,
 For ever he was thereto I-wone,
 To do Cristen̄ men grete pyne.
 Whan tidinggis came to the [P]ope,           360 After the death of
 That Duke Sauaryz was dede slayn̄,                Savaris, the Pope
 Than̄ to woo turned alle his hope;
 He dide calle than̄ to counsaile                  summoned his council
 Alle the Senatouris of Rome,                 364 again.
 What þinge þat myght hem most availe,
 And what were beste to done.
 Tho by-spake a worthy man of counsaile,
 An Erille of the Senatouris:                 368 An earl of the
 “The best counsaile, þat I can                   senatours suggested
                                                  the necessity of
 Sending vnto Charles the kinge[101]              dispatching messengers
 Certifiynge him by your myssangeris              to Charlemagne,
 The myschief þat ye are Inne,                372 imploring him to come
 That he come with his Dosyperys                  to their deliverance.
 To reskue Cristiante fro this heþen.”            [leaf 10]
 All thai assentede anone therto;                 They all assented.
 The l«ett»res were made in haste.            376 Three messengers, with
 Thre messageres we ordeyn̄[102] therto,           letters written in
 That went forthe at the laste.                   haste,

[p012 THE SARACENS THROW DOWN A BASTILE OF ROME.]

 At a posterne thai wente oute                    left the city by a
 Pryvely aboute mydnygħt,                     380 postern at midnight,
 And passed through alle the route.               and passed the enemy’s
 Of hem was war no wigħt.                         camp without being
 BVT let we nowe the messangeris goon̄,            noticed by any wight.
 And speke we of Laban̄,                       384
 Howe he dide saile the Cite anoon̄,
 And co«m»maundid, þat every man                  Laban commanded every
 Shulde withe Pikeys or witħ bille                man to throw pikes and
 The Wallis over throwe,                      388 bills over the walls,
 That he myght the Romaynes kille,                to kill the Romans.
 Playnly on a rowe,
 By water he ordeynede the shippes goon̄,          He ordered the ships
 The bootis bownden to the maste,             392 to go up the water,
 That thai myght fight with hem anoon̄,            with their boats bound
 Honde of honde, þat was here caste.              to the mast, that they
 To the Toure a bastile stode,                    might fight in close
 An engyne was I-throwe—                      396 combat.
 That was to the Cite ful goode—                  Near the tower there
 And brake down̄ towres both hie and lowe.         stood a bastile which
 Tho sorowede alle the Citesyns                   formed a principal
 And were ful hevy than̄.                      400 protection to the city.
 Tho wox prowde the Sarasyns,                     It was laid low by
 And than bispake sire laban                      stones hurled from an
 And saide “yolde youe here to me,                engine.
 Ye may not longe endure,                     404 Laban, growing proud,
 Or ellis shall ye al slayn̄ be,                   summoned the Romans to
 By mahounde I you ensure.”                       surrender.
 A Romayne drife a darte him to                   Instead of an answer, a
 And smote him on the breste plate,           408 Roman hurled a dart at
 Ne hadde his hawberke lasted tho,                his breast-plate, but
 Mahounde had come to late.                       his hauberk shielded
 Tho was the Sowdon̄ more þan̄ wod,                 him.
 He cried to Ferumbras,                       412 The soudan, more than
 “For Mahoundes loue, þat is so good,             mad, charged Ferumbras
 Destroye vp bothe man and place.                 to destroy them all,

[p013 ESTRAGOT IS CRUSHED BY A PORTCULLIS.]

 Spare no thinge that is alyve,
 Hows, Toure ner Walle,                       416 [leaf 11]
 Beest, ner man, Childe nere Wife,
 Brenne, slo and distroye alle.”
 Tho Ferumbras ordeynede anone
 To bende the Engynes to the town̄             420
 And bete down̄ botħ Toure and stoon̄.
 He cleped fortħ Fortibraunce and Mavon̄           and enjoined
 And saide “be youre Engynes goode?               Fortibrance and Mavon
 Shewe forth here nowe your crafte            424 to direct their
 For Mahoundis love, þat gevith man foode,        engines against the
 That ther be no Toure lafte.”                    walls.
 Tho the grete gloton̄ Estagote[103]               The great glutton
 With his myghty mace sware                   428 Estragot, with his
 On the Gatis of Rome he smote                    heavy mace,
 And brake hem alle on thre thare.                smote on the gates
 In he entrid at the Gate                         and brake them in
 The Porte-Colis on him thai lete falle.      432 pieces.
 He wende, he hade come to late,                  But as he was
 It smote him through herte, lyuer and            entering one of the
   galle.                                         gates, they let the
 He lai cryande at the grounde                    portcullis fall,
 Like a develle of Helle;                     436 which crushed him to
 Through the Cite wente the sowne,                the ground,
 So lowde than gan he yelle.                      where he lay crying
 Gladde were al the Romaynes,                     like a devil.
 That he was take in the trappe,              440 The Romans were glad,
 And sorye were al the Sarsyns                    but the Saracens
 Of þat myschevos happe.                          grieved.
 Sory was the Soudon̄ than̄
 And Ferumbras and Lukafe[rh].                444 They withdrew to
 Thai drowe hem tille her tent«es» than̄,          their tents, leaving
 Thai left him ligginge there.                    behind the corpse of
 Mahounde toke his soule to him                   Estragot, whose soul
 And broght it to his blis.                   448 went up to Mahound.
 He loued him wel and al his kyn,

[p014 THE POPE ATTEMPTS A SALLY.]

 Of þat myghte he not mys.
 Anone the [P]ope dide somon̄ alle;                The Pope called all
 The peple of the Cite came,                  452 his people to St.
 To Seinte Petris he dide hem calle,              Peter’s,
 And thidere came every man.
 He saide on hie “my Children dere,               and proposed to them
 Ye wote wel, howe it is;                     456
 Ayenst the Sarisyns, þat nowe be here,
 We mowe not longe endure I-wis.
 Thay brekene oure walles, oure Toures alle       [leaf 12]
 With caste of his Engyne.                    460
 Therefore here amonge yoᶙ alle
 Ye shalle here counsaile myne.
 Thai bene withdrawe to here Oost,[104]
 And on-armede thay ben alle.                 464
 Therfore, me thenketh, is beste                  to attempt a sally
 To-morowe erly on hem to falle.                  with 20,000 men, to
 We have xxx^{ti} thousande men;                  attack the enemy
 Twenty thousande shal go witħ me,            468 before day-break
 And in this Cite leve ten                        within their camp,
 To governe the comynalte.”                       and to leave 10,000
 The Senatouris assentede sone                    for the guard of the
 And saide, bet«er» myghte no man seyne.      472 city. The senators
 On the morowe this was it done[105];             assented.
 God bringe hem wele home agayne.                 In the morning
 The Pope did display than                        the Pope displayed
 The hie baner of Rome,                       476 the banner of Rome,
 And he assoiled every man̄
 Througħ gracious god in Dome.
 He praide of helpe and socou[rh]                 and after a prayer
 Seinte Petir and Poule also                  480 for the preservation
 And oure lady, þat swete floure,                 of the city,
 To saue the Cite of Rome from woo.               they marched out.
 Forth thai riden̄ towarde the Oost.               But Ferumbras, going
 Ferumbras romede a-boute;                    484 his rounds,

[p015 FERUMBRAS DRAWS UP THE SARACEN TROOPS.]

 He saw the Romaynes comen̄ by the Cost,[106]      discovered their
 Thereof he hade grete dowte.                     coming,
 He blewe an horne, of bras it was;               sounded the alarm,
 The Sarsyns be-gon̄ to wake.                  488
 “Arise vp” he saide in aras,[107]
 “We bene elles alle I-take,
 And Armes anone, every wight,
 To horse with spere and shelde!              492
 Ye may se here a ferefu[l~l] sighte
 Of oure enemyes in the felde.
 Astopars,[108] goo ye biforne vs,                and drew up his
 For ye be men of myghte;                     496 troops.
 Ethiopes, Assayneȝ and Askalous,
 Go nexte afore my sighte.
 My Fadir and I with Babyloynes,
 Ho[109] shal kepe the rerewarde.             500
 King Lukafe[rh] with Baldeseynes,
 To venge alle, shalle have the Fowarde.”         [leaf 13]
 The Romaynes aspied, þat thai were ware
 Of here comynge than̄,                        504
 And therfore hade thay moche care.
 Natheles on he«m» thai gon̄—
 Seinte Petir be here socoure!—
 And laiden on side, bake and bon̄.            508
 There bigan a sturdy shoure                      There began a hard
 Sire [110]Ferumbras of Alisaundre oon̄,[111]      struggle.
 That bolde man was in dede,
 Vppon a steede Cassaundre gaye,              512
 He roode in riche Weede.
 Sire Bryer of Poyle a Romayne to fraye           Ferumbras slew Sir
 He bare through witħ a spere,                    Bryer of Apulia
 Dede to the grounde ther he lan̄              516
 Might he no more hem dere!

[p016 A GREAT MANY ARE SLAIN ON EITHER SIDE.]

 That sawe Huberte, a worthy man,
 Howe Briere was I-slayn̄,
 Ferumbras to qwite than̄                      520
 To him he rode ful even̄.
 With a spere vppone his shelde þan̄
 Stifly ganne he strike;
 The shelde he brake I-myddis the feelde;     524
 His Hawberke wolde not breke.
 Many goode strokes were delte.
 Ferumbras was a-greved tho,
 He smote with mayne and mygħte               528 and the worthy Hubert.
 The nekke asonder, the ventayle also,
 That dede he sate vprighte.
 There was bataile harde and stronge;
 Many a steede wente ther a-straye,           532
 And leyen at the grounde I-stonge,
 That resyn never aftyr that day,
 IX thousand of the payens pride                  9000 pagans were
 That day were slayn̄,                         536 killed,
 And viij thousande of the Romaynes side,         and 8000 Romans.
 That in the feelde dede lay«n»e.
 Lukafere, þat paynym proude,                     Lukafer destroyed
 Slough Romaynes eyȝtene,                     540 eighteen Romans,
 Of wer[rh] moche sorowe he coude,                he also slew Gyndard,
 His strokes were over alle sene.                 a senator of Rome,
 Gyndarde, a Senatoure of Rome,                   who had slain ten
 Had slayne Sarsenys ten̄,                     544 [leaf 14] Saracens.
 Tille he met with the cursed gome,
 Lukifere slough him than.
 Tho come the Pope with grete aray,               Then came the Pope
 His baner to-fore him wente.                 548 with a great guard
 Ferumbras than gan̄ to assaye,                    and his banner before
 If he myght that praye entente,                  him.
 Supposynge in this though[t]e,                   Ferumbras, supposing
 Ther was the souerayne;                      552 him to be the
 He spared him therfore rigħt nogħt,              sovereign,

[p017 FERUMBRAS ENCOUNTERS THE POPE.]

 But bare him down̄ ther in þ^e playn̄.             burst open the thick
 Anoon̄ he sterte on him all ane                   crowd and threw him
 His Ventayle for to onlace,                  556 down to the ground.
 And saugh his crown̄ newe shafe,                  But seeing his
 A-shamed thanne he was.                          tonsure, he was
 “Fye, preest, god gyfe the sorowe!               ashamed.
 What doist thou armede in the feelde,        560 “Fie, priest,”
 That sholdest saie thi matyns on morwe,          he said, “what
 What doist thoᶙ witħ spere and shelde?           doest thou in the
 I hoped, thoᶙ hadiste ben̄ an Emp«er»oure,        battle-field?
 Or a Cheftayne of this Ooste here,           564
 Or some worthy conqueroure.
 Go home and kepe thy Qwe[rh]!
 Shame it were to me certayne                     It would be a shame
 To sle the in this bataile,                  568 for me to slay thee.
 Therfore turne the home agayn̄!”                  Go home and think of
 The Pope was gladde þ«er»-of certayne,[112]      thy choir-service!”
 He wente home to Rome that nyght                 The Pope retired with
 Witħ Five thousande and no more,             572 5000 men,
 XV thousande lefte in the feelde aplight,        15,000 being killed.
 Full grete sorowe was therfore.
 NOWE telle we of the messange[rh],
 That wente to Charlemayne,                   576 Charlemagne, having
 Certyfyinge him by lettres dere,                 learned from the
 Howe the Romaynes were slayne,                   messenger the great
 And howe the Contrey brente was                  disaster which had
 Vnto the Gate of Rome,                       580 befallen the Romans,
 And howe the people song ‘alas,’
 Tille socoure from him come.
 “Who” q«uo»d Charles, that worthy kinge,         said, he would not
 “The Sowdon̄ and Ferumbras?                   584 desist until he had
 I nyl lette for no thinge,                       [leaf 15] chased the
 Till I him oute of Cristendome chace.            soudan and Ferumbras
 Therefore Gy of Burgoyn̄,                         out of Christendom.
 Mynne owen nevewe so trewe,                  588

[p018 THE SARACENS AGAIN ATTACK THE CITY.]

 Take a thausande pounde of Frankis fyne,         He gave 1000 pounds
 To wage wytħ the pepul newe.                     of francs to his
 Take this with the nowe at this tyme,            nephew Guy of
 And more I wole sende the,                   592 Burgundy,
 Loke that thou spare no hors ne shelde,          and sent him off with
 But þat he dede be;                              orders to advance
 And faste hye the thyderwarde,                   against the soudan by
 For I drede thay haue grete nede,            596 forced marches.
 And I shalle come aftirwarde                     Himself would follow
 As faste, as I may me spede.”                    as soon as possible.
 SPEKE we of Sir Laban̄
 And let Charles and Gy be,                   600
 Howe he ordeyned for hem than̄
 To Distroye Rome Citee.
 “Sir Lukafe[rh], thou madiste thi boost          Laban reminded
 To conque[rh] the Romaynes                   604 Lukafer of his
 And to bringe me the Ooste                       vaunting promise to
 Of the xij peris and Charlemayne.                bring him Charlemagne
 Vppon̄ a condicion̄ I graunte the                  and his douzepeers,
 My doghter, dere Dame Floripas.              608 in return for his
 Wherefore, I aske nowe of the                    daughter Floripas.
 To holde coven«au»nte in this cas.”
 “That I saide” q«uo»d Lucafere,                  Lukafer said, he
 “To Mahounde I make a vowe                   612 would do all he had
 To done al þat I hight the the[rh],              promised.
 Ye and more th«a»n[113] for Florip love.”
 He ordeyned assaute anone in haste               With 10,000 men he
 With x thousande men and moo;                616 attacked the city on
 And Ferumbras at that oþ«er» side faste          one side, the other
 Assailed hem with grete woo.                     being assaulted by
 The saute endured al þ«a»t daye                  Ferumbras. The combat
 From morowe, tille it was nyght,             620 continues as long as
 To throwe and shete by eu«er»y waye,             daylight lasts. At
 While that hem endured the light.                night they retired to
 Tho wente thai home to thai[rh] tentys,          their tents.

[p019 THEY ENTER ROME BY TREASON.]

 Tille it were on the morowe.                 624 Isres, who possessed
 Isres in his fals ententes                       by inheritance
 Purposed treson̄ and sorowe.                      the guard of the
 He was chief Porter of the Town̄,                 [leaf 16] principal
 By heritage and fee so he shulde be.         628 gate, planned treason.
 He wente to the Sowdan̄,                          He repaired to the
 For the riche Cite betraye woolde he,            soudan and offered to
 And saide “lorde, gife me grace                  betray the city on
 For my goodes and for me,                    632 condition that his
 And I wole del«yu»er the this place              life and property
 To haue and holde for ever in fee.               should be spared.
 The keyes of this riche Cite
 I haue in my bandon.”                        636
 “That gr«a»unte I” q«uo»d Laban “the             The soudan promised
 To be free withoute raunson̄.”                    it.
 Ferumbras made him yare,                         Ferumbras with 20,000
 With xx^{ti} thousand men̄ and moo,           640 men went with Isres.
 With this Isres for to fare,
 And to wynne the Cite soo.
 As sone as he entred was                         On entering the gate,
 The chief Gate of alle,                      644
 And alle his men in aras,[114]                   he caused the
 He lete the Portcolys falle.                     traitor’s head to be
 He smote of the traitourus hede                  struck off by the
 And saide “god gife him care!                648 portcullis, and
 Shal he never more ete brede,
 All traito«ur»s evel mot[115] thai fare!
 If he myght leve and reigne here,
 He wolde betraye me;                         652
 For go he west, soutħ or Nortħ,
 Traito«ur» shalle he never be.”                  to be carried on the
 He dide lete bere his hede on a spere            point of a spear
 Througħ-oute this faire Citee.               656 through the city.
 ‘Treson, treson̄’ thai cried there,               “Treason,” cried the
 Pite it was to here and see.                     people within,

[p020 FERUMBRAS TAKES THE RELICS TO AGREMORE.]

 The people fled by every waye,
 Thai durst no-where a-bide.                  660
 The hye wey ful of dede men laye,                and all streets were
 And eke by every lanys side.                     soon covered with
 Ferumbras to Seinte Petris wente,                dead men. Ferumbras
 And alle the Relekes he seased anoon̄,        664 went to St. Peter’s,
 The Crosse, the Crown̄, the Nailes bente;         seized the relics,
 He toke hem with him everychone.                 the cross, the crown
 He dide dispoile al the Cite                     and the nails,
 Both of tresoure and of goolde,              668
 And after that brente he                         [leaf 17] burned
 Alle þat ever myght be toolde.                   the whole city, and
 And alle the tresoure witħ hem þai bare          carried away all the
 To the Cite of Egremou[rh].                  672 treasures and the
 Laban the Sowdon̄ soiourned there[116]            gold to Agremore,
 Thre monþes and thre dayes more                  where the soudan went
 In myrtħ and Ioye and grete solas.               to stay. Three months
 And to his goddes offrynge he made,          676 and three days they
 He and his sone Sir Ferumbras                    spent there in great
 Here goddis of golde dide fade,                  festivities, making
 Thai brente Franken̄sense,                        offerings to their
 That smoked vp so stronge,                   680 gods, and burning
 The Fume in her presence,                        frankincense in their
 It lasted alle alonge.                           honour.
 Thai blewe hornes of bras,
 Thai dronke beestes bloode.                  684 They drank the blood
 Milke and hony ther was,                         of beasts and milk,
 That was roial and goode.                        and ate honey and
 Serpentes in Oyle were fryed                     snakes fried in oil.
 To serve þ^e Sowdon̄ with alle,               688
 “Antrarian Antrarian” thai lowde cryed
 That signyfied ‘Ioye generalle.’
 Thus thai lived in Ioye and blis
 Two monþes or thre.                          692
 Lete we now be alle this,

[p021 GUY AND CHARLEMAGNE APPROACH.]

 And of Gye nowe speke we.
 NOW speke we of Sir Gȳe
 That toward Rome hied witħ his Oost.         696
 Whan̄ he approched there-to so nyȝe,              When Sir Guy drew
 That he myght se the cooste,                     near Rome, finding
 Alle on a flame þat Cite was,                    the whole city in
 That thre myle al abowte,                    700 flames,
 Ther durst no man̄, þat ther was,
 Come nyȝe the Cite for grete dowte.
 That was a sory Cite than,
 Sir Gye was in grete care,                   704 he grieved much
 Ther was nowhere a soryer man̄,
 For sorowe he sighed ful sare,
 And saide “welallas”[117] the while
 “For we come ar to late,                     708 that he had arrived
 For by some treson or some gyle                  too late.
 Thai entred in at some Gate.
 There is no more but for to abyde,               He resolved there to
 Tille Charles come, the kinge,               712 wait for Charlemagne
 In this mede Vnder grene wode side,              [leaf 18]
 To telle him of this tithinge,                   and then to tell him,
 Howe Laban hath the Cite brente                  how Laban had burnt
 And bore the Religes[118] a-waye,            716 the city, and had
 And howe he hath hem to Spayne sente             sent the relics to
 With Shippes of grete aray,                      Agremore,
 To Egremou[rh] his chief Cite,                   his principal town in
 Ther to live and ende;                       720 Spain.
 And manassitħ Charles and his baronye.
 God gife hem evelle ende!”
 Kinge Charles he forgate nought                  King Charles advanced
 To come to reskowe Rome,                     724 to rescue Rome with
 Alle his Doȝypers were I-sought,                 his douzepeers
 Fulle sone to him thay come.
 Thre hundred thousande of Sowdeoures             and 300,000 soldiers.

[p022 CHARLES HEARS OF THE MISCHIEF DONE BY THE SARACENS.]

 Kinge Charles with him dide lede,            728
 They were doughty in all stourys
 And worthy men of dede.
 Sir Roulande þat worthy knighte,                 Roland led the
 He ladde the Fowarde,                        732 vanguard,
 And Sir Olyue[rh], that was so wighte,           Oliver the rear,
 Gouerned the Rerewarde.
 The Kinge himselfe and his Baronye,              the king was
 With Dukes And Erilles roialle,              736
 Gouerned alle the medil partye.                  with the main body.
 By co«m»maundemente generall
 He ordeynede grete plente                        The provisions
 Of Flessh and Fissh, brede and wyne,         740
 In shippes to saile by the see,                  were conveyed by sea.
 To serven him ful wel and fyne.
 Sir Gye aspied his comynge,                      Guy seeing them come,
 He knewe the baner of Fraunce,               744 went to
 He wente anoon̄ ayen the kinge                    meet the king, and
 And tolde him of þat myschaunce,                 told him the mischief
 Howe that the cursed Sowdan̄                      done by the soudan,
 Hath brent Rome and bore the Relekis awaye,  748
 And how he hath slayn̄ alle and some,
 That he hatħ founde of Cristen̄ faye.
 And more-over he made his a-vowe,                who moreover had made
 To seke kinge Charles in Fraunce             752 a vow to seek Charles
 And do him wo ther I-nowe.                       in France in order
 “God gif him moch myschaunce!”—                  to afflict him with
 “A” q«uo»[d+] Charles “þat neditħ noght,         grief. [leaf 19] “He
 He shal fynde me nere.                       756 will find me near,”
 By god, þat dere me bogħt,                       said Charles, “and
 He shal by it ful dere.                          shall dearly pay for
 I shalle him never leve I-wis                    it.
 Withinne walle ner witħoute,                 760
 I swere by god and seinte Denys,
 Tille I have sought him oute;                    Unless he consents to
 And but if he will Baptised be                   be baptized,

[p023 HE GOES OVER TO SPAIN.]

 And lefe his fals laye,                      764
 Babyloyne shal he never see                      he never shall see
 For alle his grete aray.”                        Babylon again.” They
 Anoon to shippe every man̄                        all took ship without
 With vitaile and with store,                 768 delay.
 Euen towarde the proud Sawdan̄
 With-outen̄ any more.
 Wynde him blewe ful fayre and goode
 Into the Ryver of Gaȝe,                      772 Propitious winds
 Even over the salte flode                        drove them into the
 And ouer the profounde rase.                     river Gase, where
 XXX legeeȝ from Egremou[rh]                      they landed, 30 miles
 By londe for south it is,                    776 from Agremore,
 And ther withoute any more
 To londe thai wente I-wis,
 And brente and sloughen̄ al þ«a»t thai
   fonde,                                         and laid waste the
 And stroyed both Toure and town̄.             780 country.
 Thai lefte no thinge on grounde,
 That thai ne bete it down̄.
 Tithinggis were tolde to Laban,                  Laban, hearing this
 Howe Charles was I-come                      784 news,
 And slough bouth childe, wyfe, man
 And brente and stroyed alle and some
 With thre hundred thousand of Bacheleris,
 That were both stoute and gaye,              788
 And with him al his Dosyperis,
 Pepul of grete araye.
 “And but ye ordeyne remedy,
 He wole you brenne and sloon̄,                792
 Youe and youre riche Baronye,
 He wole leve a-life neu«er»e oon̄.”
 Whan Laban herde these tidyngys,
 His herte woxe alle coolde                   796
 And saide “this is a wonder thinge!              [leaf 20]
 Howe durste he be so boolde?                     was astonished at
 Litill ke«n»nyth he what I may doo,              Charles’s presumption.

[p024 A GREAT BATTLE ENSUES.]

 He dredith me litil nowe.                    800
 But certes he shalle, e[rh] he goo,
 To Mahounde I make a vowe.
 Sir Lucafe[rh] and Ferumbras                     He assembled all his
 To him dide he calle                         804 barons,
 And Mavon̄ and Sortebras
 And his Barons alle.
 I charge you vppon̄ youre legeaunce,
 That ye bringe me that gloton,               808 and charged them to
 That clepeth himselfe kinge of Fraunce,          bring him alive that
 Hidere to my Pavilon̄.                            glutton that called
 Kepe him a-live, the remenaunte sle              himself king of
 The xij Peris ychoon̄!                        812 France, and to slay
 I shalle tech him curtesye,                      the remnant.
 I swere by god Mahounde.”
 Ferumbras anoon̄ than                             Ferumbras went forth
 Arrayed him for to ride                      816 with many Saracens.
 With proude Sarasyns many a man,
 That boldely durst a-bide.
 Rowlande met with Ferumbras                      He meets with Roland.
 And gafe him such a stroke                   820
 That al astonyed þerof he was,
 It made him lowe to stoupe.
 Ferombras smote him agayne                       They deal each other
 With myghte and may«n», with ire             824 heavy strokes.
 That he stenyed alle his brayne,
 Him thought, his eyen̄ were alle on fyre.
 With Lucafe[rh] Olive[rh] mette,                 Oliver cuts off a
 And hit him on the sheelde                   828 quarter of Lukafer’s
 A stroke, that was right wel sette;              shield.
 A quarter flye in the feelde.
 Thus thai hurteled to-gedere                     The combat lasted the
 Alle the lefe longe daye,                    832 whole day.
 Nowe hider and nowe theder;
 Mony an hors wente ther astraye.                 Well fought the
 The Dosyperis thay foughten wele,                twelve peers.

[p025 CHARLES ENCOUNTERS FERUMBRAS AND LUKAFER.]

 Duke Neymys and Oge[rh],                     836
 With goode swerdes of fyne stele
 And so dide Gye and Syr Brye[rh].
 Ferumbras was euer a-bowte                       [leaf 21]
 To fyghte witħ Olyvere,                      840 Ferumbras charges
 And Olyue[rh] with-oute dowte                    Oliver.
 Leyde on with goode chere.
 Kinge Charles saugh Ferumbras,                   King Charles, seeing
 To him fast he rode                          844 this, rides on to
 And it on the helme witħ his mace,               Ferumbras,
 That stroke sadlye abode.                        and strikes his helm
 Ferumbras was woode for woo,                     with his heavy ma

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