Recollections with the Third Iowa Regiment
by Seymour D. Thompson · English · Gutenberg #47795 · 631,544 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Recollections with the Third Iowa Regiment
Author: Seymour D. Thompson
Release date: December 27, 2014 [eBook #47795]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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RECOLLECTIONS WITH THE THIRD IOWA REGIMENT:
by
LIEUT. S. D. THOMPSON.
Cincinnati:
Published for the Author.
1864.
Entered according to Act of Congress,
in the year eighteen hundred and sixty-four, by
Lieut. S. D. Thompson
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the U. S.
for the Southern District of Ohio.
PREFACE.
At the solicitation of some of my comrades, the pages of this book
were for the most part compiled from a diary which I kept during most
of the two years I served with them, and which was written amid the
scenes it attempts to describe. To furnish them a faithful account of
the principal scenes through which they passed during this period,
including sketches of the operations in which they were engaged,
and of which our Regiment formed a part; a record of what they saw,
and did, and suffered, such as I thought they would like to read
in future days, has been my object in presenting it in this shape.
As it was written for my comrades, to them I dedicate it; and in
giving it to the public, I have only to say that if it suits them, it
suits me. With regard to facts which have since become history, to
which I have had occasion to refer, I may have committed some errors
and inaccuracies; my book was not written in the library of the
historian, but in the tent of the soldier, and with few exceptions
without other information than such as observation and report could
supply. In speaking of prominent officers under whom we served, I
have not forgotten that some of them are still my superior officers,
and that it in nowise comports with my duties as a soldier to assume
to be their historian or critic. But the time has come when the
conduct of those who have passed into civil life may be criticized
by those who were their inferiors in the military service. Of such
I have endeavored to speak honestly but _plainly_, remembering that
they dealt plainly with us.
I am under obligations to Col. Scott, 32d Iowa, Lieut. Chas. P.
Brown, A. A. Q. M., Fort Pickering, W. B. Lakin, Esq., College Hill,
Ohio, for valuable favors and assistance. I trust that time will
afford me opportunities of paying them in a better manner than by
this public acknowledgment.
And now I give these pages to the public, with the single regret that
the deeds of men who have so many titles to honor and gratitude could
not have been better recorded and by a more worthy hand.
S. D. THOMPSON,
FORT PICKERING, Memphis, Tenn., March, 1864.
CONTENTS.
Page.
Preface 3
CHAPTER I.
The "uprising" in Iowa--Patriotism of the people--The
Third Regiment--Its character and composition--Spirit and
ideas of its members--Our colonel--Our visit to Camp Ellsworth
and the First Iowa--The Second and First Iowa advance into
Missouri--Our quarters--Our ideas of our treatment--Poor
fare, and what some of us "did about it"--Our duties--Complaints
about pay--Our arms--We go into camp--Our first
camp experience--We chafe exceedingly under the yoke of
discipline--Marching orders 13
CHAPTER II.
We break up camp at Keokuk--The parting occasion--The
last lingering look--A pleasant steamboat ride--Two nights
and a day at Hannibal--We advance by rail into the interior
of Missouri--Dangers attending the movement--We halt at
Chillicothe, Grand River bridge and Utica--Leaving the cars
and camping for the night--Condition of the country--Our
first night alarm--How we celebrated the Fourth of July--Our
uniform--Our rations--Our discipline--Colonel Williams
arrives and assumes command--Colonel Smith visits
and consults with him--Another false alarm 29
CHAPTER III.
Operations of the rebel general Harris--Three companies
of our regiment detailed to join an expedition against him--We
are allowed ten minutes for preparation--We join a portion
of the Sixteenth Illinois at Palmyra, and with them
return to Monroe--The movement delayed by a storm--Consultation
of officers--The column moves--Skirmish of Hager's
Woods--We delay and finally camp for the night--And in the
morning begin to retreat--Our train burned and the enemy
in our rear--A threatened skirmish--He cuts off our communications
and surrounds in large force--Cool conduct of Colonel
Smith--We begin to fortify--A night of expectation--Details
of our situation--The enemy opens with artillery--And
begins to draw in his lines--We lie in our trenches and
reserve our fire--Aid in the right time--The enemy quits the
field in panic--An accident--Col. Williams arrives with a
portion of the Third Iowa 43
CHAPTER IV.
We prepare to march from Monroe--Arrival of Governor
Wood with cavalry and artillery; and of the Fourteenth
Illinois--How Mr. Dugan speaks of this in his book--A change
of counsels--The Third Iowa moves west on a train--Circumstances
of the ride--Failure of an attempt to burn the Chariton
River bridge--A few details--How young soldiers originate
false alarms--Our camp at Chillicothe--General Hurlbut
assumes command of the troops on the Hannibal and St. Joseph
Railroad--We draw our accoutrements at last--We leave
Chillicothe and go into camp at Brookfield 61
CHAPTER V.
Activity of the rebels--Colonel Martin Green--We are
ordered against him--Details and incidents of the march
from Mason City to Kirksville--Character of the Home
Guards--Condition of the country--Our situation at
Kirksville--Details of our occupation of that place--Arrival
of reinforcements under Gen. Hurlbut--Our complaints and
expectations 73
CHAPTER VI.
Lieut. Call reconnoiters and reports the enemy's position--Colonel
Scott desires to attack him with the Third Iowa, the Home Guarda
and the artillery--Gen. Hurlbut declines his consent--Dangers
of such a movement--Disappointment of the men--The General
reviews the troops--And issues a proclamation--He
sends it by a flag of truce to Green's camp--Green
don't see the point, but takes the hint and gets ready
to leave--The General issues an order against plundering--Further
details of our condition--A detachment goes to Lancaster
after supplies--Escape and pursuit of Green--Details
of the march--Suffering, straggling and plundering--Night
at Wilsonsville--night at Bear Creek--Scouts from Moore--Junction
with Moore at Bethel--Appearance of the place--Character
and hospitality of the inhabitants--Change of plans--Moore
and Smith pursue the enemy--Hurlbut and Scott move directly
toward the railroad--Noon at Shelbyville--Another
proclamation--A man straggles ahead of the column and is
shot by the bushwhackers--Night at Shelbina--The
situation--We proceed to Brookfield 89
CHAPTER VII.
The expedition to Paris--The forces engaged in it--Details
of the movement to that place--Conduct of Colonel Williams
and Lieut. Col. Blair while there--They return speedily to
Shelbina--Green pursues and confronts them with a large
force--Details of the affair at Shelbina--Colonel Williams
retreats to Hudson where he meets General Hurlbut with
reinforcements--The propriety of the retreat discussed--The
account of the Rebellion Record 104
CHAPTER VIII.
We break up camp at Brookfield and proceed toward
Shelbina--Junction with Smith and Moore--Gen. Pope assumes
command--Hurlbut and Williams proceed to St. Louis in
arrest--Pope leads a night march against Green at Florida--Feelings
of the troops--Circumstances of that affair--Report
of General Fremont concerning it--We return to the railroad
and proceed to Macon--Arrival of Generals Pope and Sturgis
at that point--Prospect of active movements 112
CHAPTER IX.
Col. Smith with his own regiment and five companies of
the Thirty-ninth Ohio, proceed to Platte River bridge and
commence repairing it--Col. Scott is ordered to co-operate
with him against the rebels in that vicinity--We proceed to
Cameron by railroad, impress transportation and march
toward Liberty--The first night--Second day's march--Second
night at Centerville--Cannonading in the distance--Our
feelings--Lieut. Call reconnoiters as far as Liberty--We
move at 3 A. M.--At sunrise drive back the enemy's pickets
and camp at Liberty--No tidings from Smith--Cannonading
in the direction of Independence and probabilities of an
engagement across the river--Col. Scott resolves to
attack--BATTLE OF BLUE MILLS LANDING 120
CHAPTER X.
Arrival of Smith--His march from the railroad--Why he
arrived too late--Our feelings on his arrival--The situation
the morning after the battle--What should have been done--Smith
starts for St. Joseph--Burying the dead and caring for the
wounded--Scott's official report--Comments on the same--Gallantry
of Scott and Lakin--Official report of the enemy--Estimate
of his force--Account in the Missouri Republican--Account
in Pollard's "First Year of the War"--The necessity
and merits of the battle 135
CHAPTER XI.
We start for the railroad--Arrival at Centerville--Arrival
of a courier from Sturgis--March to Plattsburg--Orders from
Sturgis--Turn toward Kansas City--Night at Smithville--March
resumed toward Liberty--Sturgis retreats three days
from an enemy who does not pursue--We think his pursuers
turn against us, and turn to the west to elude them--Strike
the Missouri at Parkville and prepare to cross on a flatboat--A
steamboat arrives and conveys us to Leavenworth--We
return next day to Wyandotte--Our stay at Wyandotte--Move
to Kansas City--Arrival of Lane's Brigade--Comparison
between Lane and Sturgis--They quarrel about precedence
in rank--Lane moves out of town--Hospitality of the
citizens 152
CHAPTER XII.
The troops leave Kansas City--We are not in a condition
to march South--Rumored removal of the regiment to
Quincy--Proceed by steamboat and railroad to Quincy--Our
arrival and situation there--We are paid and prepare to
leave--The citizens give a ball in our honor--Incidents
of that night--We proceed to Benton Barracks--Col. Williams,
his release, conduct, and re-arrest--Changes--Our sanitary
condition--We are ordered to the North Missouri
Railroad--Disgraceful conduct of certain captains 165
CHAPTER XIII.
Preparations--We move North by railroad--Details of the
ride--March from the railroad--Night on the frozen ground--Feelings
and conduct of the soldiers toward the citizens--Night
at Martinsburg--March to Mexico--Character of the
citizens--Bad conduct of certain of the men--What the
Major did about it--His speech--Its effect--An excess of
quinine and lack of bread--Return march to Martinsburg--The
New Year--March to Wellsville--Sickness--Conduct and
character of Surgeon Edwards--Foraging and plundering--Movement
of troops to the front--Anxiety to go with them--Fort
Donelson--Discontent at being left in the rear--Trial
and release of Col. Williams--He assumes command and
begins reforms--Marching orders 175
CHAPTER XIV.
Leave Mexico for St Louis--Conduct of some of the men
and officers--Journey from St. Louis to Savannah, Tenn.--Scenes
on the passage--Captain Albert Hobbs--Loyalty of the
people on the Tennessee river--Move to Pittsburg Landing--The
situation--Criticism, &c. 189
CHAPTER XV.
The enemy's reconnoissance April 4th--The alarm 5th
April--THE BATTLE OF SHILOH--The soldier's impression of a
battle--Stragglers and their shameful conduct--The different
movements and positions of our division and brigade in the
battle--Appearance of General Grant--Gallant charge and
repulse of a rebel brigade 206
CHAPTER XVI.
The enemy massing against the left--Our successful stand--Retreat
and our successive positions therein--We form the
left of Prentiss--His gallant conduct and capture--Capture
of Major Stone--He and Prentiss vindicated--Scene on the
bluff--Night and Buell--The cannonade--The night 221
CHAPTER XVII.
The battle on Monday--Defeat of the enemy's right wing--Firmness
of the left--Gallant conduct of Gen. Hurlbut--Col. Johnson in
command of a part of our divided brigade--Victory--Flight
of the enemy and failure to pursue 233
CHAPTER XVIII.
A survey of the field--Plundering the dead--Civilians and
relic-seekers--Congratulatory orders--Camp on a field of
graves 243
CHAPTER XIX.
Preparations to advance on Corinth--Morale of army and
sanitary condition--Advance to Shiloh Springs--Inspection by
General J----Advance to Pea Ridge--Gov. Yates--Picket
skirmishing--Battle of Russellville House--Arrival of Col.
Scott--A night on picket in face of the enemy--THE EVACUATION
AND OCCUPATION OF CORINTH 257
CHAPTER XX.
Resume of the movements of our regiment--Sherman's
movements towards Memphis--Camp on the Heights of
Hatchie--Camp on Spring Creek and Wolf River--Colonel
Williams again--Incidents of the march from LaGrange,
Tenn., to Holly Springs, Mississippi--Return--Resignation
of Lieut. Col. Scott--Arrival in Memphis--Gen. Sherman as
a military man--Marching orders 278
CHAPTER XXI.
Lieut. Col. Trumbull--Leave Memphis--Night on Wolf
River--House burning--Reach and bridge the Hatchie--Hardships
and murmurs--March toward Bolivar--Arrival at Bolivar--A
reconnoissance towards Grand Junction--Attempt of the enemy
to get in our rear--Return to Bolivar--Reinforcements 291
CHAPTER XXII.
A day's march toward Corinth--Arrival of Gen. Ord--Situation
and movements of the enemy--BATTLE OF MATAMORA--Carrying
the bridge of the Hatchie--Disastrous situation--Reserves
ordered into action--Hurlbut saves the day--Carrying
the Heights--Retreat of the enemy--Bivouac on the
field--Reconnoissance, details, etc.--Return to Bolivar--Fruits
of the victory--Losses 303
CHAPTER XXIII.
Col. Trumbull's official report--General Hurlbut's parting
review--His parting orders--How they were received--Congratulatory
orders of Gen. Grant--Telegram from the President 317
CHAPTER XXIV.
Reorganization and changes--Reconnoissance by General
Ross--Disposition of the Hatchie prisoners--The State election
in our regiment--Effects of the news of the northern
elections upon the troops--Wild reports of the enemy's
advance--Fortifying--Preparations for a general advance--Arrival
of Gen. Grant--Grand review--Arrival of new regiments--General
marching orders--First day's march--Condition of the
troops--Our camp at LaGrange--Position of the enemy--Arrival
of Col. Williams--Resignation of Lieut. Col. Trumbull--The
Somerville march--Reviews and marching orders 329
CHAPTER XXV.
The army in motion to the South--Character and scenes of
the first days march--Bivouac at Holly Springs--An earthquake--The
cavalry division and the enemy's rear guard--Cannonading--Camp
Lumkin's Mills--A storm--Movement of Sherman, retreat of the
enemy and advance of troops--Our division left behind--We
advance--Rebel works on the Tallahatchie--Scenes and scenery
of the march--Oxford--Join the army at Yockona Creek--The
Thirty-third Wisconsin--The situation and movements--Raid
of Van Dorn--Movements to open the communications 345
CHAPTER XXVI.
Retreat of the army--Commendable spirit of the troops--March
to the Tallahatchie--Ridiculous rumors--Christmas--We
We go into camp--Return of Dickey's raid--Our condition as
to supplies--The New Year--March to Holly Springs--We go
into camp--March of Denver's division--Our situation--Burning
of Holly Springs--March again to the north--Bivouac
at Cold Water--Reviewing and speculating over the
campaign--Arrival at Moscow 358
CHAPTER XXVII.
Reorganization of Grant's army--How our division was
posted--Descent of guerrillas upon our forage train--We
march to Memphis and go into camp--A glance at the officers
of our regiment--Gen. Lauman's regimental drills--Review of
the Fourth division--Col. Bryant's movement against Chalmers--Our
division ordered to Vicksburg--Parting with my
comrades--Their journey down the river and affair with the
guerrillas near Greenville--Arrival at Young's Point--Their
view of Porter and Steele engaging the enemy--Proceed up
the Yazoo and occupy Haines' Bluff--The captures--Blowing
up the magazines--The 22d of May--They move to take position
in the investing lines--Their position and operations south
of the city--Their subsequent position and operations 373
CHAPTER XXVIII.
SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG--Our division moves with Sherman
against Johnson--March to Jackson--The place besieged--DISASTROUS
CHARGE OF COLONEL PUGH'S BRIGADE--The blame imputed to Gen.
Lauman--He is relieved of command--His parting orders--The
feeling in regard to him--Our losses--Subsequent movements
of the Third Iowa--CONCLUSION 386
RECOLLECTIONS.
CHAPTER I.
THE "UPRISING" IN IOWA--PATRIOTISM OF THE PEOPLE--THE
THIRD REGIMENT, ITS CHARACTER AND COMPOSITION--SPIRIT
AND IDEAS OF ITS MEMBERS--OUR COLONEL--OUR VISIT TO
CAMP ELLSWORTH, AND THE FIRST IOWA--THE SECOND AND
FIRST IOWA ADVANCE INTO MISSOURI--OUR QUARTERS--OUR
IDEAS OF OUR TREATMENT--POOR FARE, AND WHAT SOME OF US
"DID ABOUT IT"--OUR DUTIES--COMPLAINTS ABOUT PAY--OUR
ARMS--WE GO INTO CAMP--OUR FIRST EXPERIENCE--WE CHAFE
EXCEEDINGLY UNDER THE YOKE OF DISCIPLINE--MARCHING
ORDERS.
When at the commencement of the war the loyal States vied with
each other in offers of men and money to the Government, Iowa, in
proportion to her population and resources, was not behind any of
her sisters. The First Regiment of Infantry, the quota of the State
under the call for three months men, was promptly formed, and sent
to the designated rendezvous. But the people wanted to do more than
this. Companies were formed in all parts of the State. Thousands of
names were enrolled. It was not the question who should be permitted
to stay at home, but who should have the privilege of going. The
eagerness with which the claims to acceptance of so many different
companies were pressed upon the Governor, must have been a source of
great embarrassment to him.
The interval between the first and second call for troops was to
many who had tendered their services, unsuccessfully, a period
of unpleasant and unprofitable suspense; for it was a matter of
uncertainty to all, whether the services of any more troops would be
required. And who could tell? The rebellion was so entirely without
a precedent in our history, that the most far-seeing could not say
whether it was a short-lived insurrection that could be frightened
to death by military preparation, or a movement strong in its
organization and formidable in its proportions.
But this period was, nevertheless, one of preparation. Men were
settling their affairs, and preparing for the contingency which
might call them from their homes. At length, a call was made for an
additional number of troops to serve for three years, unless sooner
discharged. This altered the plans of many who thought to enlist
merely for honor and a little adventure. The prospect was now that
they would have decidedly too much of both. Nevertheless, the supply
of men greatly exceeded the demand. None who had enlisted with worthy
motives were disposed to shrink from the prospect.
Under this call the Second Regiment was organized; and the
unsuccessful candidates still waited in hope and doubt. Finally, in
the last days of May, the companies which were to compose the Third
Regiment received orders, to their great joy, to repair to the
designated rendezvous, and by the close of the first week in June,
they were assembled in Keokuk.
Though comrades now, its members were, for the most part, strangers
to each other. It belonged to no section, but rather to the State at
large. The northern, central and southern portions were represented.
In point of material it was a mixture of such elements as a border
State would be likely to furnish. There were among us men of almost
every State in the Union, and of almost every civilized country.
Nearly all, however, were Western men either by birth or long
residence, and were (is it boasting to say it?) tempered with that
hardy, resolute spirit which is characteristic of Western men,
especially of those who dwell on the frontier. The greater portion
were from the rural districts, and trained to active, out-door
pursuits. Those who were from the towns were for the most part
river men. If there were among us any of "the drooping city's pale
abortions," they soon learned to imitate the rough virtues of their
comrades.
In point of ideas, there was as great a difference as of birth or
nationality. It is claiming nothing to say that money had not entered
into the calculations of those who first tendered their services to
their country. The one great thought was the preservation of the
Union. But such was the constitution of our ideas, that we saw in
the accomplishment of this object ulterior results widely different.
Each loved the Union for what it was to him. To the Irishman, it was
an asylum where he could enjoy that civil liberty, and exemption
from the oppression of an established church, which had been denied
him at home. He proposed to fight now for the preservation of that
liberty. He saw in the destruction of the Union an invitation to the
ambitious monarchs of Europe to fetter us with such chains as bound
his own unhappy country. This was why he had enlisted.
To the Englishman in our ranks, America was now his country. It was
to be the dwelling-place of his children. It promised more than any
other to promote the peace and happiness of its people, and the
progress of civilization. It was a branch of that great Saxon tree,
which, continually spreading, already overshadowed the earth. Should
it fall into the whirlpool of Gallic anarchy? Should it degenerate
into a contemptible Mexican civilization? God forbid. He was ready to
defend it with his blood.
We had among us the poetical, Heaven-ascending German. He proposed
to fight for an ideal. That ideal was liberty. It was to him the
symbol of progress, the talisman which was to lift man from earth to
Heaven. He saw in the rebellion a reactionary movement, a tendency
from democracy to aristocracy--from the power of the people to the
one man power; a repudiation of the doctrine on which the Republic
was founded;--nay, more, an attempt to found a Government on a maxim
of absolute injustice, the assumption that one man has the right to
own another. Could such a movement succeed? Was progress baffled? Had
the age begun to retreat? He proposed to fight, not for the unity of
the nation alone, not alone because it was now his country, but for
that principle of liberty which he saw, more fully than anywhere
else embodied in her institutions,--that democratic principle which
is destined one day to be the foundation of all human government.
But the great majority were native Americans, coming, immediately
or remotely, from every section of the Union, with various ties and
various ideas. They combined all these motives and ideas, and more.
To vindicate the national honor; to avenge the insults done the
flag; to overthrow all traitors and bring them to swift punishment;
to save the nation from disintegration and ruin;--this was why they
proposed to fight. Their country was too dear an inheritance to be
easily given up. Had the Fathers fought in vain? Had Washington,
Madison and Jefferson lived to organize anarchy and confound the
world? Had it taken the wisdom and blood of a generation to found
and build a temple which treason could tear down in an hour? Was the
reason of the ages to be contradicted? Was justice to be overthrown?
Was Progress to stop here? Must the Lamp of Liberty which had been
lighted to guide the footsteps of the nations go out in the gloom
which was gathering around us? Such were the questions we asked
ourselves. As far as we could do, our deeds have answered them.
Thus of whatever section, of whatever country, with whatever ideas,
we had now joined hands and were comrades,--all moving toward one
grand, patriotic holy object, the preservation of our country and of
liberty.
And now looking around us, we saw everywhere matter for
encouragement. Every omen seemed propitious. Every circumstance
argued success. The North was united. There was no party now. At
worst, we could but suppose the South likewise united against us.
In that case we were twenty millions; they eight millions. We had a
navy; they had none. We could blockade their ports, and cut off their
supplies from foreign nations. We possessed manufactures, and means
of keeping up our material. In this respect they were almost entirely
deficient. We possessed a variety of resources which rendered our
government self-sustaining in the most adverse events. They depended
solely upon cotton, which now they would not be able to sell. And
then their servile population, we supposed, instead of being a help,
would be a great embarrassment. Besides, were we not engaged in a
just cause? and would not, then, this great disparity in our favor
enable us speedily to overcome them? With such strength, fortified
in right, it seemed impossible that a single reverse could come upon
us. Our enthusiasm, as yet untempered by disappointment or disaster,
was unbounded. The future seemed full of glorious events, and we
longed to be hurried into it. We had but one desire--to be uniformed,
equipped and led on.
For a leader we wanted a man, who, while possessing some knowledge
of military affairs, should have none of the exclusive spirit we
understood to exist among the officers of the regular army. To
suit our tastes, he must be at once commander and comrade. Such a
colonel we were prepared to respect--to idolize. Who was he to
be? It was understood that Captain Herron and Congressman Vandever
were candidates. We disliked the Captain, because he had been to a
military school, and the Congressman, because he had never been to
one; it was evident, we would be hard to suit. But it soon became
apparent that, want whom we would, our wishes would not govern the
appointment. Governor Kirkwood desired to consult only the wishes of
the officers in the matter. There was a man, Nelson G. Williams, of
Delaware county, whose claims to the colonelcy of one of the first
regiments his friends, through the press and otherwise, had urged
with great pertinacity. It was said that he was a military man, and
yet a private citizen, and not a politician. Many had spoken in favor
of him; no one against him. He was the man. It was determined to call
this Cincinnatus from his obscurity. In a caucus of the commissioned
officers he received nineteen votes, and, on the strength of this
nomination, was appointed.
We were mustered into the service of the United States by Lieut.
Alexander Chambers, of the regular army, since colonel of the 16th
Iowa. Before this ceremony took place, the Articles of War were read
to us, and from them we inferred that it was no easy matter to be a
good soldier, and not at all safe to be a poor one. Those who did not
wish to be sworn in after hearing them read, were allowed to decline.
A few did so; and the farewell salutations these "deserters," as we
chose to call them, received from their late comrades were not at all
calculated to make them feel joyful or proud. As our field officers
were not yet announced, Captain Herron, as senior officer, assumed
command of the regiment. He was in every respect a gentleman; but his
discipline, though wholesome and correct, was such as our democratic
ideas enabled us poorly to appreciate.
On the 10th of June, we, for the first time, saw ourselves as
a regiment. The regiment was formed in the proper order of the
companies, and marched in column of sections, through the principal
streets of the city. We had no arms; and every company had its own
style of uniform. Nevertheless, as we marched along, we caught, from
the admiring glances of the citizens, an idea of our importance, and
that such a sight as we presented was not to be seen every day, and
that we were destined to play no unimportant part in the war for the
Union.
On the 11th of June the people of Keokuk celebrated the obsequies
of Senator Douglas. Of course the "military" had to take part in
it. The three regiments were assembled, and following each other in
their appropriate order, marched in column of platoons, to slow time,
through the principal streets, and then through clouds of dust, and
under a melting sun, away up the Mississippi to a point somewhere
between Keokuk and Fort Madison. Here for the first time we got sight
of a hearse, magnificently trimmed in black, into which a number of
verdants were seen to peek, doubtless in expectation of getting a
sight of Douglas. We were allowed to break ranks which was a great
relief to us, as we expected to be compelled to stand in our places
and undergo the infliction of an oration. The whole being over, the
battalions were again formed and marched back to their quarters to
quick time. The citizens, who rode in carriages, or walked on the
green sward, pronounced this military display a grand affair; but the
soldiers who had been compelled to keep the dusty road, going and
coming, pronounced it an intolerable bore. Some went so far as to
express the profane wish that the great senator had never been born.
At this time, the First Iowa was in camp near the city. The name of
their camp was Ellsworth. Their mode of life was a great novelty to
us, and the fact that such was soon to be ours, gave it an additional
interest. Those sentinels, marching to and fro, so stern, so mute,
lent to their little city an inhospitable air, which we were not at
all pleased to see. All within ten feet of their beat was forbidden
ground. Why could we not trespass upon it? At least we thought there
could be no harm in allowing their own men to pass out and in when
they pleased. The sentinel could not explain this. He wanted to see
the boys have all the privileges they wished, but he must obey his
orders. Then, with a shake of the head, he would hint that it was
contrary to orders for a sentinel to talk on his beat, and pass on.
What did all this signify? Their officers were "putting on style," we
said, and the men were learning to be soldiers pretty easily. Well,
we could not blame the boys. It was their duty to obey their orders,
at all events.
Then there was the gate where stood Sentinel No. 1. Through this,
all who went in or out were compelled to pass. And there stood the
officer of the guard. How magnificently attired! If men's merits were
to be judged by their appearance, we would have supposed him a hero
of twenty battles. That Zouave cap, with the gold lace and bugle on
it; that scarlet sash; those monstrous epaulettes;--how they dazzled!
And then the neat fitting coat and pants. And what a full chest he
had! "He must be a long-winded fellow," said we. And that we thought
would help him if he should have any running to do, which was among
the possibilities of war. And couldn't he swim though. Well, if such
a bellows would not float a man, what would? A regiment of such
fellows would float a bridge across the Mississippi. Perhaps the coat
had something to do with it--who knew?
But we forgot to salute him. What daggers he looked at us! We
asked him to let us pass in. "Where do you belong?" "To the Third
Regiment." "What do you want here?" "To see some friends." "Sentinel,
pass them in, Sir!"
It was indeed a novelty to most of us. The men and officers lived
in square, white tents, slept on hay, and cooked their rations on
fires built in holes dug in the ground. Most of the men were very
communicative. A few would hold up their heads as if to say, "We
have seen service; you are greenies." Of course some of us must have
appeared very verdant to them. We plied all manner of questions,
in reply to which they told us prodigious stories of what they had
already seen, and suffered, for their country's sake. If we were to
believe them, they were suffering greatly now. They had been in the
service a month and a half, and the Government had furnished them no
clothing and not a cent of pay! Besides, they were half-starved, and
the rations provided them were not fit for a dog! And their officers
treated them shamefully, too. We began to think so; for yonder was a
captain drilling his men. They obeyed promptly; and, yet, at every
command, he called them "devils-of-hell."
Their officers all dressed wondrous fine. If all officers wore such
epaulettes, such bugles and such lace, we did not wonder that there
was an advance in American gold. And when we saw that they were all
exceedingly full-chested, like the stern lieutenant at the gate, we
concluded that the coat did have something to do with it.
And when we went away, it was under the impression that those
soldiers would fight, and that they could tell a few things which we
did not know. We concluded, too, that their officers put on a good
deal of style; and indeed, we said, ours were beginning to pattern
after them. A soldier did not have many rights that a white man was
bound to respect, any way. We were very willing, very patriotic then,
but we had not learned to be contented with what we could neither
prevent nor improve.
About two o'clock on the morning of June 12th, we heard a great
tumult in the streets. It was the Second Regiment preparing to
leave. They had received orders to advance into Missouri and take
possession of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad which the rebels
were attempting to destroy. All seemed to be greatly elated at the
prospect before them. But amid the hurry of preparation, there was no
time to talk.
The following afternoon the First Regiment left for the same
destination. Their boys, like those of the Second, were jubilant in
spirit. They went about the boat which was to take them away, singing
a parody on "Dixie;" and the boat moved out amid enthusiastic cheers
of a large throng of citizens. It would be our turn to leave next. We
hoped it would be soon.
And now the Third Iowa were the only military occupants of Keokuk.
Our quarters were in commodious and comfortable buildings. We were
provided with blankets, warm enough, but of a very inferior quality,
and plenty of clean hay to sleep on. For subsistence, we were turned
over to the tender mercies of contractors whom Government paid for
boarding men at the rate of two dollars and ten cents per week. It
may be surmised that it was the chief ambition of some of these men
to board us as cheaply as possible. At least we thought so.
We began to see a great and unpleasant difference between the state
of things now and a month ago. Then the time passed like a holiday.
We were preparing to leave for the war, and the people seemed to
think they could not do too much to encourage and assist us. They
idolized us as patriots, almost as heroes. We had hazarded all we
possessed, they said, for our country's sake. We hence belonged to
them. The stripling of seventeen by enlisting gave himself to the
public. Everybody talked of him; admired, encouraged, praised. He
was a noble lad; he had the brave heart of a man. More likely than
not, half a dozen fair misses were ready to quarrel with each other
on his account. Indeed, the ladies seemed to be unanimous in the
opinion that "none but the brave deserve the fair." A young man who
had not joined some company, without he had a very plain excuse,
was nowhere among them. The soldier was "all in all;" the proud
recipient of every favor, whether of money, advice, flattery, smiles
or sighs. It would be surprising if these attentions did not lead us
to form a very exalted opinion of our deserts. So it was. The people
had humored us until when they handed us over to the Government, we
were like spoiled children. We wanted to be humored still. At least,
we looked upon ourselves as gentlemen, and thought the contractors
should treat us as such. This they certainly did not do. It was bad
enough, we thought, to compel us to eat on greasy tin plates and to
drink our coffee out of cups of the same material; but to serve hair
and brick-dust up to us in our soup, seemed decidedly out of place.
At first we contented ourselves with dropping hints to the waiters
that a reform in this matter would be agreeable; but seeing our hints
unheeded we threw out admonitions, which were likewise a waste of
words. Finally, two companies, D and F, indicated their displeasure,
at their boarding houses, by turning up the tables, and pelting the
waiters with beef bones. It seemed to some of our young ideas a
glorious manifestation of the old Saxon spirit of liberty. At least,
its results were salutary. In both cases it secured us a _magna
charta_ in the shape of a new boarding place with earthen dishes and
palatable food.
It is doubtless true that under the impression that we were suffering
useless hardships, our complaints were at times very unreasonable.
Young soldiers, like young children, sometimes act very foolishly.
And as a person in manhood generally sees the folly of his early
days, so we subsequently had many a hearty laugh at these complaints
about what we had learned to consider luxuries, especially during the
fasts of Kirksville and the Tallahatchie.
Our duties at this time differed in some respects from those of later
days. Of course we had to retire and rise at the tap of the drum; but
we had less fatigue and guard duty and more drill. We were required
to drill six hours a day, a very irksome duty, as some had sore feet,
and the weather was quite warm.
It is now a matter of ludicrous astonishment to us that before we
had been in the United States service a week, we began to grumble
about our pay. The State owed us for the three weeks we had passed
in its service. Why did it not pay us? It was not such treatment as
we had expected to receive; but now they had got us in their power,
they would do with us as they pleased. But why did we not think of
that before? And who did we mean by that indefinite _they_? It is a
monster that has inflicted upon us untold wrongs, but could any one
give his locality?
At length, on the 24th of June, we received pay for the time we had
spent in the State service. It was a small sum, less than seven
dollars to each man; but many of us had been out of money for some
time, and it may be imagined it was highly appreciated. Indeed,
before night, some of us grew quite rich over it.
The same day we received our arms. Instead of the Springfield
or Enfield rifle of which we had had so many dreams, we were
disappointed in finding them a plain, bright musket, marked,
"Springfield, 1848." But we did not know as much about these muskets
then as we do now. There are some graves on a cotton field near
Pittsburg Landing that have a tale to tell about them to any ordnance
officer that will pass that way.
The following day we went into camp on the site of the late Camp
Ellsworth. We received commodious quarters in the shape of fourteen
wall tents to the company. The business of getting into camp consumed
the entire day. We were beginners then. A strong line of sentinels
was established around us. We did not like it. No, nor have we ever
learned to like to be thus imprisoned.
The name of our camp was Kirkwood. It was a beautiful situation. The
ground was a gently rolling greensward, over which were scattered
trees in pleasant variety, and, near by, swept between his bold banks
the majestic "Father of Waters."
It may be presumed that for the first few days of our camp
experience, we got along poorly. But we could adapt ourselves more
readily to our new mode of life than the members of some regiments
in the field; for we had among us many whose frontier life had
taught them the mysteries of "camping out." Of course we cooked our
food badly. But the ladies who daily visited our camp gave us many
important hints on this subject. As yet we had no surgeon; and our
officers, either from want of knowledge, or not appreciating the
importance of the matter, paid very little attention to it. It was a
long time before we learned to cook our food so as not seriously to
impair health.
At this time a circumstance occurred which showed that our "Saxon
spirit of Liberty" was not unconquerable. The quartermaster had
furnished us no cups, plates, knives, forks nor spoons. We were told
that we would have to buy them with our own money. This we were
determined not to do. We declared that the Government should furnish
them. The quartermaster we believed was swindling us, and putting
the money in his own pocket. We said all manner of hard things about
him and about our officers generally. Well, after we had been two
or three days in camp, it was noticed that most of us were provided
with the articles in question. Where or how did we get them? The
quartermaster did not furnish them, nor did any one give them to us;
we must have bought them. Thus military discipline and hunger are
great eagle-tamers.
But the Third Iowa was not allowed that period of discipline and
drill with which some regiments are favored before going into active
service. Almost from the very outset, we were destined to receive
our training in the face of the enemy. On the 28th of June it was
rumored that we were to advance into Missouri. That evening crowds
of citizens visited our camp and paid us great respect and many
kindnesses. Instead of a dress parade, as usual, we underwent the
display of a review before Colonel Curtis of the Second Regiment,
who commanded the "North Missouri Expedition." Before tattoo it was
definitely announced that we would leave the following morning, and
orders were issued for reveille at three o'clock.
CHAPTER II.
WE BREAK UP CAMP AT KEOKUK--THE PARTING OCCASION--THE
LAST LINGERING LOOK--A PLEASANT STEAMBOAT RIDE--TWO
NIGHTS AND A DAY AT HANNIBAL--WE ADVANCE BY RAIL
INTO THE INTERIOR OF MISSOURI--DANGERS ATTENDING
THE MOVEMENT--WE HALT AT CHILLICOTHE, GRAND RIVER
BRIDGE, AND UTICA--LEAVING THE CARS AND CAMPING FOR
THE NIGHT--CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY--OUR FIRST NIGHT
ALARM--HOW WE CELEBRATED THE FOURTH OF JULY--OUR
UNIFORM--OUR RATIONS--OUR DISCIPLINE--COL. WILLIAMS
ARRIVES AND ASSUMES COMMAND--COL. SMITH VISITS AND
CONSULTS WITH HIM--ANOTHER FALSE ALARM.
Reveille sounded at the appointed hour. We pulled down our tents,
packed our baggage and camp equipage in boxes (for as yet we had
no knapsacks), and by daylight were ready to move. But it took
considerable time to convey the baggage to the boats, and we passed
the interval in singing patriotic songs and listening to speeches
which were delivered by a number of comrades amid the greatest
applause. Brilliant was the prospect before us. It looked like a
march of victory. Price had been defeated at Booneville, and had fled
with a few followers to the borders of Arkansas. There was nothing
before us, we thought, but to occupy a conquered country, and while
preparing for a general advance, to wipe out the irregular parties
which straggled in his wake. A vain delusion! A single fortnight
would undeceive.
At length we formed battalion, and marched through the city to the
levee, where the two steam ferry boats, "Gate City" and "Hamilton
Belle," lashed together, lay waiting to receive us. We went aboard,
amid displays of the greatest enthusiasm on the part of the citizens,
to which our hearts, overflowing with pride and patriotism, and, as
yet, unchilled by the realities we were to encounter, sent up a long
response. At length the boats moved out amid a storm of cheers from
citizens on shore and soldiers on board, as loud as a young battle,
and when, by reason of the distance, our mutual voices could no
longer be heard, we saw the vast throng waving their adieus, and as
we sped down the willing waters, we watched with a lingering look
the brick city crowning the bold hills, recede through the driving
mist till it vanished. It was like taking the last look at homes and
firesides. To many it was the last look indeed.
And now, as if to dispel the sad thoughts which filled our minds, we
instinctively turned our looks southward whither we were going.
The day was gloomy; but it could not destroy the pleasant effect
of the scenery through which we passed. The banks on either side
rising majestically under their weight of forest, or gently receding
in green fields, with many a little cottage quietly stowed away in
their shady nooks; the beautiful towns with their fine residences
and shady walks, where, as we passed, the people waved their little
flags and white handkerchiefs in applause; the islands--like visions
of paradise upon the peaceful waters--fled past us--a panorama of
enchanting beauty.
Toward evening we arrived at the beautiful city of Hannibal, and were
quartered in two large railroad freight houses, the gravel floors of
which constituted our hard beds. The work of unloading and unpacking
our baggage furnished a scene of indescribable confusion. It was
impossible for every one to find what belonged to him; and what one
lost out of his own, he generally endeavored to make up from his
neighbor's pile,--a game in which some succeeded much better than
others. In this situation we passed the following day, which was a
beautiful one, waiting for the train to arrive which was to take us
westward over the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad.
We formed the acquaintance of several members of the Sixteenth
Illinois, two companies of which were stationed here. They doted
largely on the good times they were having, and how much they enjoyed
the hospitality of the good Union people of Hannibal. Toward evening
our regiment marched through the city and had a dress parade, which
was witnessed by a large crowd of citizens.
The following morning, July 1st, we got on board a long passenger
train with our effects, and, at ten o'clock, the whistle sounded
and we moved on. Passing out of the city, and all along the route,
the citizens greeted us with many demonstrations of enthusiasm. But
we already began to get tired of this. We began to do less cheering
and waving of hats, and more sober thinking about our situation and
the realities we were about to encounter. We were moving into the
enemy's country without a knapsack, haversack, or canteen,--without
a mule or wagon of transportation,--without a cartridge box or
a cartridge,--nothing but empty muskets with bright bayonets.
The country was on fire with treason. The people were everywhere
organizing to resist the Federal forces. The Union people received
us joyfully; but according to their own statements, they were in a
minority, hesitating, purposeless, powerless. It is true, that at
Hannibal they had organized three companies of home guards who had
one piece of artillery. Such was the condition of things when, almost
totally unequipped, we moved into the interior of Missouri. The risk
was enormous. It was alike a risk of safety and of reputation. The
railroad led directly through the country where Brigadier General
Thomas Harris was organizing his rebel forces. A hundred determined
men could have thrown our train off the track and captured all of
us. It is scarcely possible to conceive of greater stupidity than to
take troops into such a country in this condition. We were perfectly
helpless. We could not have withstood fifty armed men. The ignorance
of the enemy alone was our good fortune.
But we dismissed apprehensions, and occupied our minds with
contemplating the beautiful landscape on either side of us. There was
an indescribable charm in this railroad ride. It was moving upon the
enemy at a rate we had never dreamed of. The forests were full of
wild flowers and song birds whose notes we could not hear; the level
prairie sometimes stretching away in endless distance, sometimes
bounded by long stretches of forest that looked like infantry arrayed
for battle; the lofty hills and wide green bottoms--a dissolving
view, ever vanishing and reappearing. We were without rations; but
the train made frequent halts at the stations, during which we would
rush to the stores and buy whatever we wanted.
At dark the train arrived, when two companies under Captain Stone
were left as a garrison. Four miles beyond, at the bridge over Grand
River, Captain Sladden was left, with his company, C.
A mile further, the train discharged the remaining seven companies
at the little village of Utica. It was now nine o'clock at night.
Our baggage had to be brought from the cars, (and in those days we
carried as much baggage as a division does now), wood and water had
to be got, and no one knew where to get it; every thing was to be
done; the night was quite dark, and the roads full of ditches. It
was a scene, had it been possible to see any thing, of exquisite
confusion. No one, unless he has been with them, can appreciate the
inconvenience a regiment of young troops experience in camping for
the night for the first time under such circumstances. But we managed
to get through it all by midnight, and, then, lying down upon the wet
ground, without a picket posted or a cartridge at hand, we slept.
The following day we established our camp near the town on a
beautiful greensward, surrounded for the most part by young timber.
We found the water in its vicinity poor and unwholesome. It was here
that our quartermaster treated us for the first time to the luxury of
pilot bread, then known by the name of crackers, but since vulgarly
called "hard tack"--a luxury we have seldom wanted since. At night
we received four rounds of ammunition to the man, and were admonished
to be prepared for a sudden attack. Again we had no pickets posted.
A vigorous attack by a small party of men would have utterly
disorganized us. Let us thank the combination of accidents, which, in
spite of the carelessness of our commanding officers, saved us from
such a misfortune.
Before the arrival of Federal troops in this section, the rebels had
everything their own way. They had organized bands or companies at
different points, and by threats and acts of violence had terrified
the Union people into silence. But when the troops arrived, these
bands precipitately fled, and it became the turn of the Union people
to rule and rejoice. On our arrival at Utica two or three rebels
showed the cloven foot by endeavoring to escape by flight; but,
they were captured, and, after being confined two or three days in
our guard tent, they were released on taking the oath, to the great
astonishment and indignation of the boys, who proposed various
punishments instead, among which hanging figured conspicuously.
On the trip hither it had been announced that Captain John Scott, of
Company E, had been appointed Lieutenant Colonel, and Captain William
M. Stone, of Company B, Major. Lieut. Col. Scott accordingly assumed
command the day after our arrival at this point.
The Fourth of July, 1861, was a day which we shall long remember. It
was ushered in by a false alarm about three o'clock in the morning.
Two or three shots were fired by the sentinels, and the long roll
began to beat at a great rate. We had never heard it before; but we
knew well enough what it meant. We jumped out of bed quicker than if
a tornado had burst upon us. It took, of course, two or three seconds
to get awake. Where were we, and what was to pay? Suddenly the whole
thing flashed upon us. We were soldiers and in Missouri, and last
night our officer had told us to be ready for a surprise. Imagine a
soldier in this predicament! He springs first for his gun, then for
his shoes. Where are they? Some one has got them on. It is vain to
inquire after them. There is a universal clamor of voices, and no one
hears anything except what he says himself. A cool listener outside
might distinguish such expressions as these: "Where the devil's my
hat?" "Who's got my boots?" "They're right on us; didn't you hear the
guards fire?" "Hold up your gun there! You'll jab somebody with your
bayonet." "I don't load till I get orders." "There! I've lost my last
cartridge." "Fall in! Fall in."
At length he blunders upon a pair of shoes. They are not his; for
they do not fit him at all. But he gets one of them on, and suddenly
discovers that his pants should come on first. Off come the shoe and
on the pants. By this time his head and the tent begin to get clear.
He gets on his pants, then his shoes, seizes his gun and falls into
the ranks.
On this occasion our companies were promptly formed and dressed. Then
there was some shivering, some grumbling and a good deal of standing
still and waiting. Strange, thought we, that the rebels had not
charged upon us immediately. But perhaps there was none to charge.
At length amid hoarse grumblings and suppressed cursings, it was
announced that we had been victimized by a false alarm. Accordingly
we broke ranks and again went to bed. What was the cause of this
alarm? Some said the sentinels had got scared and fired at a hog;
others that the commanding officer had gotten it up to exercise the
men.
As the morning dawned, a couple of anvils (for we had no cannon)
were fired to usher in the consecrated day. It was decided that it
should be duly celebrated. After breakfast the battalion was formed
and marched to a grove near the village where the exercises were
appointed to take place. Here we were joined by a goodly number
of citizens. It was an impressive scene. On the soil of our own
country, and yet in an enemy's land, citizens and soldiers mingled
together--fair faces and gray hairs by the side of glittering
bayonets--to celebrate the birthday of our beloved country, now
bleeding and almost in the struggle of death. The Declaration of
Independence was read in an impressive manner by Lieut. Col. Scott;
patriotic songs were sung in which Lieut. Mullarky of our regiment
took the lead, and the ladies joined; an appropriate and eloquent
oration was delivered by Capt. Newcomb; martial airs were played by
the band, and a series of regular toasts were responded to with music
and cheers. We then returned to camp.
After dinner it was announced that Major Stone had invited a portion
of Col. Scott's people to join him and his in a celebration at
Chillicothe. Four companies were allowed the privilege of going.
A train of cars conveyed them thither, and from the depot they
marched to the place of meeting near the town. The exercises were the
same as those of the forenoon, except there was, if possible, more
enthusiasm. The Declaration was read by a citizen, Lieut. Col. Scott
followed with a speech which was characteristic of the man, generous,
honest, and outspoken. He was followed by several citizens who spoke
amid frequent and loud applause. Mr. Woolfolk, a young member of the
bar, was particularly eloquent. The language and manner in which he
referred to the past glory and present distress of our country was
sufficient to have touched the heart of the most remorseless traitor.
And when he appealed to the patriotism of the people of Missouri, and
pointed to the glories won by her sons under Doniphan, the applause
was beyond description. When he sat down there was a universal outcry
from the soldiers for "Major Stone," "our Presbyterian Major." The
Major mounted the stand and held for a few minutes the attention of
the assemblage. His commanding figure, his rapid and nervous style
of speaking, and his ready wit made a marked impression upon all. He
spoke with his usual invective and sarcasm, which was now happily
directed against Claib. Jackson, General Price, and their unfortunate
followers. Before he closed, the boys asked his permission to have
a dance, to which he replied that his religious scruples would not
allow him to participate in anything of the kind, but he would watch
the gap while they had the fun. He closed amid rapturous applause.
We were especially delighted with the patriotic songs sung by a
glee club of citizens, most of whom were ladies. But what pleased us
almost as well was a tangible manifestation of the hospitality of
the Union people of Chillicothe, in the shape of a substantial table
of victuals, from which no soldier was allowed to go away hungry.
We did not stay to see whether the Major's boys had their proposed
dance, nor did we greatly care to; since the boys of Company C had
this afternoon sported their new uniforms (our's had not yet been
issued to us); and the ladies had appeared quite exclusive in their
attentions to them. We returned to our camps, having experienced a
revivification of patriotism under circumstances which we shall never
forget.
The following day our long desired uniform was issued to us. It
consisted of pants and dress coat of fine and substantial gray cloth,
trimmed with blue. The pants had the blue cord down the outer seams,
and the coat had three buttons on the sleeves instead of two, marks
which on the regulation uniform indicate the rank of a commissioned
officer. In this some of the boys were disposed to think the State
designed conferring an especial mark of honor. In connection with
the coat and pants, we received the usual complement of drawers and
shirts, two pairs of each. Adding to this the hats and shoes already
drawn at Keokuk, we now had a complete uniform, unsurpassed, it was
said, by that of any regiment in the service. It was emphatically a
dress parade uniform. We prized it highly, and to preserve it, many
continued to wear their old clothing as the Colonel had directed.
But the advantage of being clothed well and in uniform was in our
case not without disadvantages. We were of course compelled to
appear on dress parade in full uniform, and with coat buttoned to
the chin. Our coats were of wool, and heavily padded, and hence in
the hot days of summer this was exceedingly uncomfortable. It is
not surprising, then, that, on one of our first dress parades after
wearing them, five men fainted and fell from the ranks. It was a
winter uniform, heavier than is ever furnished by the Government, and
totally unfit to wear on the long marches we were destined to make
during the hottest days of the summer. But the chief objection to
it was its color. It was the same as that adopted by the enemy. And
as we had heard that in one or two instances Federal regiments had
committed the blunder of firing into each other, our apprehensions
on this point were not very pleasant. This indeed proved to be an
insurmountable objection; for after the battle of Blue Mills it was
condemned, orders were issued against wearing it, _and then we were
compelled to pay for it_. But the commissioned officers drew a suit
apiece, for which, by some "hocus pocus" unknown to privates, they
got rid of paying anything. At this time, however, we had not the
slightest apprehension that it would be charged to us; and, as we now
contrasted our condition with some of the ragged troops we had seen,
we could not but feel a sense of gratitude toward the State by whose
generosity we supposed it furnished.
This feeling was in decided contrast with the feelings we entertained
toward those who managed the department of subsistence. The quantity
of rations which we drew, though perhaps as much as the Regulations
at that time allowed, was totally inadequate to satisfy our hunger.
Of unsubstantials, such as salt, vinegar, soap, and candles, we had
plenty. Our supply of meat was also more than we could consume. But
of bread, the staff of life, each man received the poor pittance
of three hard crackers a day, and of beans, the other article of
vegetable diet issued to us, each man got about a pint in eight days.
These rations were evidently insufficient for healthy, strong men,
who were drilling forenoon and afternoon, and otherwise in constant
exercise.
But we found some relief in trading with citizens who daily visited
our camp. Butter, milk and vegetables they readily exchanged with us
for bacon and coffee. And, thus, with the help of a little money, we
managed to live.
To our credit be it said, we had not yet begun to practice the
"vandalism," which, in subsequent days, called forth so many General
Orders. Hogs and sheep, great and small, ran through our camps
unmolested. Gardens grew unpillaged, and fowls roosted unharmed. Our
conduct did not give the lie to our professions, and the people had
every reason to believe that in estimating us as "vandals," seeking
spoils rather than anything else, they had been grossly deceived.
While we were camped at Utica, Col. Williams arrived and assumed
command. Of course all watched his conduct with great scrutiny. He
was the man who, more than any other, held in his hand our destiny.
His proper care would give us supplies, health, discipline, and, in
every way, promote our efficiency, good appearance and good name. His
conduct in battle would greatly influence the chances of victory and
glory on the one hand, and of defeat and disgrace on the other. It
is needless to say, that his first acts disappointed us. His efforts
to preserve good discipline were certainly commendable; but his
decisions were rash and hasty. His temper was quick and ungovernable,
and his judgment part of the time under the control of his temper.
The least mistake of a soldier was sufficient to put him into a
violent fit of rage. Of course such manifestations tended to create
a feeling of hatred and contempt toward him on the part of his men;
and so frequently did these occur that they soon came to despise,
at once, the man, his rank and authority. A state of things more
unfortunate to our regiment, and to many of its individual members,
could scarcely have occurred.
On Sunday, July 7th, our camp was visited by Col. Smith, of the
Sixteenth Illinois, which was then stationed in two detachments,
one at Hannibal, and one at Palmyra. It was rumored that he came to
concert measures with Col. Williams for a movement against the enemy.
But of course whatever was determined on, was kept a secret from us;
for which reason some of us thought that the Colonel was acting very
ungenerously toward us, and betraying a great lack of confidence in
us. Ah, we had something to learn yet.
The same night we were victimized by another false alarm, which was
got up by Colonel Williams to exercise us in forming line of battle
by night. On this occasion line of battle was formed without much
delay, when the Colonel endeavored, but with poor success, to put us
through one or two battalion manoeuvers, and then allowed us to go to
quarters.
CHAPTER III.
OPERATIONS OF THE REBEL GENERAL HARRIS--THREE COMPANIES
OF OUR REGIMENT DETAILED TO JOIN AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
HIM--WE ARE ALLOWED TEN MINUTES FOR PREPARATION--WE
JOIN A PORTION OF THE SIXTEENTH ILLINOIS AT
PALMYRA--AND WITH THEM RETURN TO MONROE--THE MOVEMENT
IS DELAYED BY A STORM--CONSULTATION OF OFFICERS--THE
COLUMN MOVES--SKIRMISH OF HAGER'S WOODS--WE DELAY AND
FINALLY CAMP FOR THE NIGHT--AND IN THE MORNING BEGIN TO
RETREAT--OUR TRAIN BURNED AND THE ENEMY IN OUR REAR--A
THREATENED SKIRMISH--HE CUTS OFF OUR COMMUNICATION
AND SURROUNDS US IN LARGE FORCE--COOL CONDUCT OF
COLONEL SMITH--WE BEGIN TO FORTIFY--A NIGHT OF
EXPECTATION--DETAILS OF OUR SITUATION--THE ENEMY OPENS
WITH ARTILLERY AND BEGINS TO DRAW IN HIS LINES--WE
LIE IN OUR TRENCHES AND RESERVE OUR FIRE--AID IN THE
RIGHT TIME--THE ENEMY QUITS THE FIELD IN PANIC--AN
ACCIDENT--COL. WILLIAMS ARRIVES WITH A PORTION OF THE
THIRD IOWA.
We were now to learn that we had not been called into the field to
wear fine uniforms and make imposing parades. We were to learn that
soldiering has some higher realities than guard duty, drill and pilot
bread. We were to learn that our prediction of the total defeat
of the rebel cause in Missouri had been the wildest mistake, and,
that in times of war it is folly to make any predictions whatever.
In short, we were to learn what it was to see the enemy, to be
surrounded by him, and to be shot at by him.
It appears that Thomas Harris, a citizen of Hannibal, one who had
been a member of Congress from Missouri a West Point graduate, and
a man of tact and shrewdness, as those who knew him averred, was
recruiting and concentrating, in Monroe county, south of the Hannibal
and St. Joseph Railroad, a large force of mounted infantry, with
what designs was then unknown to the Union authorities. It is known,
however, that he gave infinite trouble to the Federal forces in
northeastern Missouri; that he baffled all efforts to capture him,
crossed the Missouri with a large force, joined Price at Lexington,
and under him commanded a division. On the Sunday alluded to in
the last chapter, Colonel Smith and Colonel Williams agreed upon a
plan for a movement against his accumulating forces. To this end,
the Third Iowa was to furnish three companies. That evening Colonel
Williams assembled his captains, and they cast lots for the privilege
of joining in the coveted movement. Herron, Newcomb and Warren were
the lucky men, and their companies A, F and H were thus designated to
take part in it. Thus our first expedition was concocted on Sunday,
perhaps by accident; but who knows that the venerable colonel of the
Sixteenth did not think it well to devote the Sabbath to so good a
work?
Notwithstanding the companies which were to take part in it, were
thus designated, orders for preparation were not issued to them that
evening; no, nor at reveille in the morning. It was not till after
breakfast that we received this order, and then we were allowed but
ten minutes for preparation; and what was still more astonishing, we
were not told whether to take any rations, or what baggage to take,
and what to leave behind. We must do in ten minutes no one could
tell what, or else leave every thing undone. We, however, undertook
the job of packing up our private effects, and getting them in shape
to leave behind. But the matter on which the colonel had rested all
night so easily, had now become suddenly and dreadfully urgent.
While we were hurrying together our things with the utmost haste, he
appeared among us in a great rage because we were not in ranks. We
were compelled to leave our property, some of it packed, and some of
it scattered about in our tents. It was three weeks before we saw
any of it again, and some of us lost all we had. It may be imagined
that this circumstance was calculated to exalt our opinion of Col.
Williams, and to enhance our affection for him.
We got aboard a train of freight cars, and after a short delay, moved
to the east. The time consumed in our ride was passed in singing
patriotic songs, and speculating as to our destination. All that we
knew of what was before us was, that the enemy was concentrating a
large force somewhere, that he was supposed to have artillery, and
that we were to attack him.
About 4 P. M. we arrived at Palmyra, where we were joined by two
companies of the Sixteenth and one of the Hannibal Home Guards.
The men of the Sixteenth had the advantage over us of being fully
equipped and supplied with twenty rounds of ammunition. So also the
Home Guards, who had with them their cannon, an iron six pounder. The
chief of this piece was a soldier of the Sixteenth, who had been a
non-commissioned officer in the British artillery service in India.
The manner in which he handled it in the face of the enemy, showed
that he was as familiar with a cannon as an old hunter with his
rifle. But it was unfortunate that the only ammunition with which it
was supplied was solid shot.
With this force we went aboard another train, and as soon as the
cannon and some commissary stores could be got aboard, it proceeded
back to Monroe, a station eighteen miles distant. Here we got off and
formed battalion for a night march. Just at this time a heavy rain
storm came up and raged with violence during the fore part of the
night. It would be folly to attempt to advance fourteen miles over
unknown roads in the blackness of such a night, especially as the men
of our regiment had to carry their total supply of cartridges, twelve
rounds, in their side coat pockets, where the rain would render them
unfit for use. So Col. Smith, who was in command, seemed to have
concluded; but he gave us no orders during the whole night, whether
to go to sleep or to keep awake and await orders to take up the
march. We however availed ourselves of shelter as best we could in
the case, in a few vacant buildings; and notwithstanding we had not a
picket watching, slept soundly.
The morning dawned clear and beautiful. The prairie birds sung
sweetly and the air was full of fragrance. But the cheer which
pervaded nature illy accorded with our feelings. Wet, hungry and
unrefreshed, we arose and set ourselves to work to prepare something
to eat. The town afforded one hotel which accommodated with warm
meals the officers and many of the men. With the aid of this, and
the scant rations we had drawn, we managed to appease our hunger, and
as far as we, the men, were concerned, were ready to move.
But Colonel Smith was in a dilemma. It had been his intention to
make a night march and surprise the enemy. In this the storm had
disappointed him. And now that the enemy must be aware of his
presence, he did not know whether it were best to advance and attack
him or not. Nor is it strange that he hesitated. His force consisted
of not more than 450 men, and their supply of ammunition was not more
than sufficient to last them through a heavy skirmish. The lowest
reports of the citizens placed the enemy's force at 900, and all
represented that the whole country was rushing to join him. It was
said that he had three pieces of cannon. He was encamped in a dense
forest from which it would be hard to dislodge him, and where he
would have the advantage of knowing the ground in case of attack. In
addition to this, most of his force was mounted, while we were wholly
destitute of cavalry. This would enable him unopposed to keep a
network of scouts around us, who, from eminences in the open country,
would reconnoiter, ascertain our numbers and watch our movements
unmolested. Moreover, knowing our position at all times, he would be
able to draw us into ambuscades, or in the timber to move rapidly and
suddenly upon our flanks and rear.
Colonel Smith called a council of officers, and introduced the
subject to them in that unrestrained, simple manner for which he was
so peculiar: "Well, Captain, So-and-so, what had we better do?" This
was the way in which he asked each officer for his opinion. The
council was not unanimous; but it was decided to march against the
enemy.
Meanwhile several horses had been impressed and mounted with expert
and daring men. This force succeeded in running down and bringing
in several of the enemy's scouts, who appeared, at different times,
watching our movements. Of course, it was impossible to obtain any
reliable information from them.
At ten o'clock, we took up the march, leaving the train of cars
behind without a guard. In the order of column the two companies of
the Sixteenth had the advance, followed by the Third Iowa battalion,
under command of Captain Herron, to whom Williams had given the
command, allowing Lieut. Col. Scott to go along as a spectator! The
enlisted men did not, at the time, understand this shameful trick,
but wondered to see Capt. Herron giving orders to the battalion in
the presence of Lt. Col. Scott. The cannon, followed by the Home
Guards, was in our rear. Of course so small a column did not present
a very imposing appearance; but as we thus moved toward the enemy
with measured and united tread, we felt a glow of spirits which can
not be described. Having proceeded about four miles, we halted and
partook of refreshments to the amount of a single hard cracker to the
man, without grease, water or salt.
Our road led through alternate woods and prairies, and over one
or two small, muddy streams. The day was intensely hot, and being
without canteens we suffered greatly from thirst. The country through
which we passed was almost entirely deserted by the inhabitants. We
did not see half a dozen male citizens during the whole day's march.
While marching through the open country, horsemen appeared, from
time to time, on our flanks, but kept beyond the range of our guns,
and reconnoitered us apparently with great coolness. In one instance
the column halted and Fishbeem unlimbered his gun and sent one or
two shots after these curious gentlemen, which made them disappear
in a hurry. This was, in reality, a very foolish performance; but it
demonstrated to our admiring eyes the ability of Fishbeem to handle a
cannon just as we thought it ought to be done. From that time until
the battle of Blue Mills, we put an immense amount of confidence in
artillery, and would scarcely consider ourselves safe away from it.
In marching through the woods, Col. Smith invariably kept a line
of skirmishers deployed on either flank. This was almost a useless
precaution; for the line, never in advance of the column, afforded
no protection against a concealed enemy in front. For all the good
this did us, the enemy might have concealed himself ahead of us,
and allowed us to march unsuspectingly to within twenty rods of his
cannon before firing. Colonel Smith was very kind and fatherly to us;
but it is plain he was not a military man. He should have kept at
least a platoon moving ahead of us as an advanced guard.
About two P. M. we came in sight of a party posted in the edge of
a wood. Adjutant Sessions, somewhat excited, cried, "We have met
the enemy and they are ours, boys!" Some of the privates, equally
excited, perhaps, failed to see the point. The rebels had a fair
field for a footrace; hence the adjutant's mistake. The cannon
galloped forward, the old driver keeping up an unearthly screeching
for joy. We were put on the double quick. Many of the boys threw away
their blankets, and even then, before the end of the race, got quite
out of breath. But we kept our places in ranks pretty well. Verily we
were going to have a fight. No, not quite so soon. The rebels kicked
the bottom out of it by skedaddling as fast as they could. It was
probably a small picket force.
About 4 P. M., while we were marching through a long lane which led
into a dense growth of young timber, and while the renowned "Dutch
Company" of the Sixteenth, a company of German rifles, was deployed
as skirmishers on either flank, the head of the column was fired
into by a party of the enemy concealed immediately in advance of us.
They fired about fifty shots, and perhaps a less number were fired
in reply; for the rebels immediately fled, leaving several horses
tied to the trees and one man mortally wounded. The Colonel at this
moment happened to be riding in the rear of the column, and in his
absence every captain seemed to make such dispositions as he saw fit.
Some companies climbed the fence to the left, some to the right, and
some continued to advance along the road. Soon Colonel Smith rode up,
appearing greatly surprised at all that had taken place, and pointing
over to the left where no one dreamed of there being either foe or
friend, said to Captain Newcomb, "Captain, any firing over in that
direction?" But the Colonel was by no means excited. Indeed we never
saw him excited. If ever he appreciated the magnitude of danger, he
never manifested it. So far he was a soldier.
Suddenly Fishbeem galloped up with his cannon, and fired two or three
shots with it into an old barn, greatly to our encouragement and
doubtless to the huge merriment of our flying foe. Thus ended our
first rencounter with the enemy, known in official papers as "Hager's
Woods."
In this little affair Captain McAllister, of the Sixteenth, who was
riding in advance on horseback, was wounded in five places. "Kansas
Jack," a soldier of the Sixteenth, who had already distinguished
himself as a scout, was wounded in the arm, and a teamster was
slightly wounded. The injury done to the enemy, beyond the wounding
mortally of one man, is not known. It must have been inconsiderable.
Well, what did we do next? We stood still in ranks for two hours,
waiting for--nobody knows what. Night at length came. Between us
and the enemy there was said to be five miles of unbroken wood. If
he could draw us into ambuscade by daylight, it would be folly to
advance now. So Colonel Smith wisely concluded to turn back and go
into camp. We countermarched a mile and halted for the night in a
field of newly harvested rye.
As soon as we had stacked arms, there was a general rush to the
wagons for blankets. Some found their own, some appropriated the
first they came to, and some were compelled to pass the night without
any at all. A picket guard composed wholly of privates was posted by
Adjutant Sessions around the camp, two men in a place, so as to form
a line a quarter of a mile from it either way. This guard was simply
a chain of videttes without a commanding officer, and not relieved
during the night. The only instruction given to the men was to fire
and retreat to camp if an enemy should appear. To their credit be it
said, there was not a gun fired on the picket line that night.
Day again dawned beautifully. Colonel Smith, after consulting his
officers, considered it prudent to return to Monroe. Accordingly, at
eight o'clock, the column began to move in retreat. About ten o'clock
we came upon a small party of the enemy, at whom Fishbeem fired a few
shots, which caused them to disappear hastily. All day the "Dutch
Company" kept the flanks, and moved abreast of the column over fences
and through thick woods in a manner that excited our admiration. Our
stock of horses received some additions by levies on rebel citizens,
and an additional number of scouts were mounted.
About eleven o'clock we came in sight of Monroe, and what was our
surprise to see the railroad depot and the train of cars we had left
behind in flames! On reaching a more commanding view, we saw a long
line of rebel cavalry drawn up to receive us. We immediately formed
line, the cannon on the left. Fishbeem bade them good morning with a
six pound ball which struck full in their midst. They did not wait
for another salute, but broke over the hill and disappeared in the
greatest precipitation. Then additional shots were fired, but they
probably took no effect, as the enemy were already behind the hill.
Colonel Smith then gave the command to move forward. Captain Herron
asked, "Shall we advance in line, Colonel?" To which the old Colonel
replied characteristically, "Why, no; the devils are gone."
We now advanced toward the town, where we arrived about noon and took
a position as much concealed as possible, the better to watch the
movements of the enemy. The scouts reported that they found one horse
with his leg shot off where Fishbeem's shot had first fallen among
the cavalry. They now began to appear in large numbers on our left
and right. A passenger train coming from the west got within half a
league of us, when a body of horsemen galloped rapidly toward it.
Perceiving this, and the track torn up in front of it, it halted and
escaped by beating a hasty retreat. We now took a position in a three
story brick seminary north of the town, which it was Colonel Smith's
intention to make his point of defense. For instead of attacking the
enemy, as we had come to do, it was evident that he was now preparing
to attack us. All the afternoon columns of cavalry continued to
debouch from the woods on the southwest whence we had retreated,
now forming long lines in front, now separating and appearing again
on all sides of us. It required more military experience than we
possessed to divine what all this meant. Meanwhile columns of smoke
rising in the distance to the east and west, told us that they
were destroying the railroad, with the design of preventing succor
from reaching us. Two Union men, who had escaped from their lines,
confirmed the report that they had cannon. It needed no statement of
theirs to convince us that this force was immensely superior to our
own; for before night we were completely surrounded.
Well, what preparations did Colonel Smith make in the meantime
to meet them? None at all. He walked around and smoked his pipe
apparently with the greatest unconcern at all that was going on.
His appearance was entirely calculated to inspire confidence in our
situation; but that of the enemy produced decidedly the opposite
sensation. Colonel Smith made no preparations; but the officers of
the Third Iowa took it upon themselves to erect works for defense.
Captain Newcomb and Lieutenant Brown took the lead in the matter;
the rest followed, and soon all the men were vigorously at work.
It was commenced by tearing down some interior fences and tightly
boarding the one which enclosed the seminary square, so as to conceal
us completely from the view of the enemy. Then, seizing all the
intrenching tools the town afforded, we worked until dark, throwing
up embankments of dirt on both sides of this wooden wall, the enemy
all the while coolly surveying our operations. That night, we slept
on our arms behind our works.
Thursday, July 11. When the day dawned, parties of the enemy were in
sight. During the forenoon they continued to appear until we were
again completely surrounded. By noon we had thrown up a tolerable
breastwork, perhaps as strong as ordinary rifle-pits. Continuing to
work leisurely upon them, we waited the movements of the enemy.
Such was our first picture of war. However it may appear
now, it did not make us feel at all buoyant then. We were
surrounded--beleaguered. Our ammunition would not average fifteen
rounds to the man, while our cannon had but forty rounds. The
ammunition of Captain Herron's men, from being carried in their
pockets was knocked to pieces, and much of it rendered unfit for use.
Our supply of subsistence was nearly exhausted. We had corralled in
our works a number of cattle, which would be a great help to us; but
the rebels had shrewdly driven off all the rest. Our only supply of
water was drawn from the cistern of the seminary which two or three
days at most would exhaust. Had the rebels attacked us vigorously,
we could have made a desperate resistance, but it must have been a
short one. It was doubtless well for us that they did not know our
situation, as it would have emboldened them to an attack. As it was,
their movements exhibited unmistakable signs of fear.
About two o'clock in the afternoon, an officer stationed on the
housetop with a glass informed Colonel Smith that the enemy was
planting a cannon in the edge of the woods about three-fourths of a
mile to the north. Another minute verified the statement. A flash
was seen, a shock was heard, and a solid shot came whistling through
the air. The first three or four shots were from a six pounder and
fell short of us. But they commenced using a nine pounder, and
their shots tore through the air unpleasantly close to our heads.
At first they fired high and their shots struck in the middle of
the town, or on the railroad track. But their aim soon became more
accurate. One shot struck our gun carriage and came near dismounting
the piece. Another struck the parapet behind which Company A of
the Third Iowa lay concealed, and threw two or three bushels of
dirt over them, to the infinite merriment of all who saw it at a
pleasant distance. Most of the time during this cannonade, we rested
behind our intrenchments. A man in the building watched the enemy's
artillery from a window, and when he would see the flash of their
gun he would cry, "down!" a command which we obeyed by dropping into
the ditches, and hugging the earth most willingly. In Company H of
our regiment, a gun went off by accident, killing one man as he lay
in the trench. Colonel Smith walked about the enclosure, surveying
things very coolly and giving orders. The enemy's cavalry closed
in, principally from the east, but their movements were slow and
hesitating, and nothing could induce them to come within range of our
muskets. We entertained a great contempt for such cavalry, and felt
assured that we need not apprehend any harm from them as long as they
kept mounted. Our cannon only replied twice to theirs, Colonel Smith
deeming it prudent to save his ammunition for a greater emergency.
At length a train of cars was seen approaching slowly from the east.
It gave us joy, mingled with apprehensions; for we had heard that the
enemy had captured Palmyra, and did not know but that he might have
captured the rolling stock at that point, and was in this way sending
reinforcements against us. We could not but observe that it came
very slowly, and we were at a loss to conjecture the cause of this.
Finally, it approached sufficiently near for us to discern a flag
upon it. Colonel Smith ordered Captain Smith who stood in the window
with a glass, to direct it upon that flag. He did so; and when he
announced, "Colonel, it is the Stars and Stripes," there went up from
every throat a shout of unfeigned joy.
Fishbeem now dragged his gun into the middle of the enclosure, and
opened upon the rebels with fine effect, stampeding them in all
directions. They got their artillery away as quick as possible, and
then began to retreat, first to the south and then to the east,
Fishbeem, all the while, visiting them with his hard favors. Their
retreat soon assumed the character of a rout. We never saw the like
in all our soldiering. There was nothing to run from that could
possibly overtake them, and yet those men of chivalry ran--well,
old trappers said their flight looked more like a herd of buffalo
stampeding, than any thing to which they could liken it.
Our reinforcements consisted of four companies of the Sixteenth with
one piece of cannon. They had been all day coming from Palmyra, a
distance of eighteen miles, having been compelled to repair the track
where the enemy had torn it up. The engine was backing its train, and
as it approached, the boys on board became so jubilant, that they
neglected to keep a strict watch ahead of them. There was a place
where the rebels had torn up a rail; the train ran on to it, and the
first two cars tumbled down the bank. The train was running slow, and
fortunately no one was seriously hurt.
The coming friend, the flying foe, gave to us as we beheld them a
feeling of indescribable joy. Aid had reached us in the moment when
most needed. We might have been able to hold out without assistance;
but there would have been a limit to our endurance. He had fired in
all twenty-two shots, nine of which had struck within our works,
three of them passing through the building; but no one was hurt. It
is easy to calculate the chances of an assault. The rebels could
not have carried our works by storm, until our ammunition had been
exhausted. This he might have done by false attacks by night. They
could not have done it in the daytime without great loss. As it was,
had they possessed ordinary courage our situation would have been
critical. On the other hand, Colonel Smith could have thrown his men
into a square, and marched over the prairie to Palmyra, which by
the wagon road was only fourteen miles distant, without being much
disturbed. What are men on horseback with shotguns against infantry
with bayonets? So we talked encouragingly behind our works while
the enemy was approaching. And now, when we saw him flying from
nothing in such magnificent rout, we were more than convinced of the
correctness of our conclusions.
That night, as we had done the night before, we lay on our arms in
the trenches. About three o'clock in the morning, the mounted pickets
fired their pieces, and reported an enemy approaching in force.
Our little garrison was thoroughly alarmed, and we made immediate
disposition to receive him. The force proved to be most of the
remaining portion of our regiment, approaching from the west under
Col. Williams. The arrival of these comrades coming to our assistance
gave us an additional joy, although they were too late to relieve us
from our supposed peril. They had heard, through rebel sources, many
reports of fighting near Monroe resulting disastrously to us, and
had been all the while they were coming most impatient to reach us,
and afford us relief. They complained loudly of Col. Williams for
tardiness and hesitancy, in bringing them forward. Much blame has
ever since been attached to that officer for not reinforcing sooner.
It was said that he made a useless delay of several hours at Hudson.
Some even went so far as to attribute this delay to cowardice. Others
assert that the delay was made to procure ammunition. The Colonel
himself has been heard to boast of the energy and promptness he
displayed in this operation. It is not my purpose, nor is it pleasant
for me, to discuss personal matters. I can only say, that on this, as
on most other questions, the general verdict of the officers and men
was against him.
CHAPTER IV.
WE PREPARE TO MARCH FROM MONROE--ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR
WOOD WITH CAVALRY AND ARTILLERY; AND OF THE FOURTEENTH
ILLINOIS--HOW MR. DUGAN SPEAKS OF THIS IN HIS BOOK--A
CHANGE OF COUNCILS--THE THIRD IOWA MOVES WEST ON A
TRAIN--CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE RIDE--FAILURE OF AN ATTEMPT
TO BURN THE CHARITON RIVER BRIDGE--A FEW DETAILS--HOW
YOUNG SOLDIERS SOMETIMES ORIGINATE FALSE ALARMS--OUR
CAMP AT CHILLICOTHE--GENERAL HURLBUT ASSUMES COMMAND OF
THE TROOPS ON THE HANNIBAL AND ST. JOSEPH RAILROAD--WE
DRAW OUR ACCOUTREMENTS AT LAST--WE LEAVE CHILLICOTHE
AND GO INTO CAMP AT BROOKFIELD.
The morning after the affair at Monroe, our regiment prepared to
march. But the arrival of additional reinforcements changed the
complexion of affairs. We were reinforced by a squadron of cavalry
and a section of light artillery under Ex-Governor Wood, of Illinois,
and by the Fourteenth Illinois Infantry, which came by rail. The
Governor had come through from Quincy with a rush, burning the houses
and confiscating the animals of guerrilla leaders, besides making
prisoners of thirty or forty noted secessionists.
An account of the arrival of these reinforcements is given by Mr.
Dugan in his book entitled "History of the Fighting Fourth Division."
After detailing the circumstances of the journey of the Fourteenth
from Monticello to Monroe, the grave "historian" goes on to say:
"When about two miles of town we left the cars and formed a line
of battle, and supported Gov. Wood (who had accompanied us with
five companies of independent cavalry from Quincy, Ill.), in a most
brilliant charge upon the rebel columns, which resulted in their
complete discomfiture. When the enemy's lines were broken by the
impetuous charge of the Governor and his compatriots, and as they
were flying in the wildest disorder, the Sixteenth sallied forth
from their hastily constructed entrenchments, and poured a most
destructive volley into the enemy's ranks, which emptied many a
saddle, and sent not a few traitors to their final account."
My comrades, who were present on this occasion, will at once remark
with what scrupulousness our author has detailed this occurrence.
The Governor's "brilliant" and "impetuous" "charge" upon the "rebel
columns," which had fled twenty hours before, reminds us strongly
of Don Quixote's charge upon the army of Alifanfaron. The first
intimation we had of the coming of the Fourteenth, was, when seeing
them march up, stack arms in column, and cook their dinners as
quietly as Sancho Panza at the saddlebags.
The old Governor seemed well pleased with the situation, and withal
very affable to the boys. When we complained of having suffered on
account of rations, he told us, with a shrewd wink, that it was
good enough for us; we had no business to take prisoners with whom
to divide our rations. Judging from his retinue of butternuts, his
preaching did not at all harmonize with his practice.
The councils were now changed--why, we did not know. Our regiment
went aboard a train of cars, and about two o'clock in the afternoon
moved westward toward our former camp at Utica. About four o'clock,
we reached Salt River Bridge, which the rebels had burned. Here we
left this train, and with much trouble and fatigue got our baggage
across the bridge and on board another train which was waiting to
receive us.
On this train we were crammed so closely together that it was
impossible to lie down. Jolted and jammed by the motion of the cars,
we passed the night somehow, and most of us got some sleep. Annoyed
by these inconveniences, we little thought of the dangers of this
nocturnal ride. The removal of a single rail by a mischievous citizen
would have precipitated many of us into eternity.
Daylight found us at Macon city, where the train had halted for some
reason to pass the latter part of the night. We were exceedingly
hungry, having eaten nothing since yesterday's breakfast. Colonel
Williams, knowing the difficulties of restraining men, and especially
hungry men, in a town, posted guards and would allow no one to
leave the train. He, however, took some of the officers with him
and breakfasted at a hotel--an act which created, and justly, great
indignation. An officer that will not share with brave men their
hardships, as they share with him the perils from which he reaps
glory, deserves universal execration.
About ten o'clock we reached Chariton Bridge, and Company F was
detached to guard it. An incident had occurred here, a couple of
hours previous to our arrival, not a little exciting. A party of a
dozen men of the Second Iowa had come from the west to guard this
bridge. Arriving early in the morning, they had gone into a log
house close by to get breakfast, when a party of rebels suddenly
appeared and began preparations to set the bridge on fire. The Iowa
boys sprung to their guns and rushed upon them. The rebels fled in
confusion; but Lieutenant McKinney, the commander of the guard,
attacked their leader, a young school teacher and law student, by
the name of Marmaduke. He fell upon his knees and begged for mercy.
But the lieutenant told him a bridge burner had no claims to mercy,
and shot him through the head with his revolver. His dead body lay
upon the railroad embankment near where Company F encamped. We buried
him decently, giving him a soldier's grave. Subsequently some Union
people of Callao came in behalf of his friends and disinterred the
body and took it away.
The situation of Company F was not at all enviable. As soon as we
had got off the train with our few effects it moved on. Since the
previous morning, we had had nothing to eat, and for several days
our rations had been scant. Our hunger was intense, a few rations of
flour and bacon had been left for us; but we had no cooking utensils
except a few mess pans which we had procured, no one knew how. We
kindled a fire, kneaded some dough in these mess pans, wrapped it
around sticks, and baked it in the blaze. We had scarcely had time
to commence cooking dinner in this way, when half the company were
ordered on picket. This, we thought, was seeing service. During the
eight days we were here we were on guard half the time and suffered
all these inconveniences. Contrary to the endeavors of our officers,
none of our camp equipage was sent to us,--another circumstance which
tended to increase our affection for Colonel Williams.
Having left Company F at Chariton Bridge, the train proceeded five
miles further to Brush Creek Bridge, which the rebels had burned.
Here the regiment halted till the following night, when having
repaired the bridge, Colonel Williams left Company C to guard it,
and sent Company E back to Chariton Bridge to reinforce Company F.
He then proceeded with the remainder of the regiment to Chillicothe,
where he arrived the following forenoon. A detail was immediately
made to go to Utica to bring hither our tents, baggage, and camp
equipage. The whole mass was thrown together without respect of
companies, and brought to Chillicothe. A regimental camp was
established, which the officers united in naming Camp Williams.
The regiment was now disposed as follows: In the regimental camp at
Chillicothe, Companies A, B, H, I and K; at Grand River Bridge, four
miles west of Chillicothe, Companies D and G; at Brush Creek Bridge,
forty miles east of Chillicothe, Company C; at Chariton Bridge,
forty-five miles east of Chillicothe, Companies E and F.
These detached companies were continually threatened more or less
seriously by the enemy. They were expected to protect the bridges and
the railroad track in their vicinity. Reports frequently came in to
them from the surrounding country, that the rebels were organizing
to attack them. But their instructions did not allow them to send out
scouting parties to ascertain the truth of these reports. Indeed,
the military knowledge we had expected on the part of our Colonel,
he had as yet failed to exhibit. He did not even recommend these
detached companies to construct stockades, nor were they provided
with tools to do so, should it become necessary. None of these
companies constructed works except Company F. We built of logs and
sawdust a small square work around an old steam saw-mill, and named
it Fort Brown after its projector, Lieut. Brown. Company A, which was
subsequently detailed to guard Medicine Creek Bridge, built a small
work near it of earth and logs.
On the evening of July 20th, Companies E and F, after having passed
a week of almost constant fasting and watching, sleeping what little
they were allowed to sleep in the open air, harassed by day by
continual reports of the enemy approaching in force, and by night
by clouds of famished mosquitoes, were, to their great joy taken
aboard a train of cars, and expected to be conveyed immediately to
Chillicothe. Imagine, then, the surprise and rage of Company F, at
being awakened about midnight and ordered to get off at another
railroad bridge in a timbered swamp. Company C was served in the same
way. Company F relieved them at Locust Creek; but instead of being
taken through to Chillicothe, they were left at Medicine Creek. The
following day, however, these companies were relieved, the former by
Company H, and the latter by Company A, and joined the regiment at
Chillicothe. Subsequently Company D was recalled from Grand River
Bridge; but no companies were relieved after this, till the regiment
changed camp to Brookfield.
The time spent in guarding these bridges was a period of constant,
and sometimes harassing watchfulness. We were constantly on the
lookout for the enemy. We had an unusual number of reports of
enormous forces advancing against us, and night was prolific of false
alarms. For in those days when the enemy were "bushwhackers," and
videttes did not go to sleep on post, it was not hard for one of
them, straining his eyes in the darkness, to convert an approaching
horse or cow into a man; and, as dumb beasts do not understand the
meaning of the word _halt_, it is readily converted into an enemy.
It was easy for him to hear "the tramp of armed feet" in the rustle
of the wind among the leaves or in the walking of a few swine. And
in the "wee sma' hours," when the mind in spite of all its efforts
to keep awake, is in a half-waking, half-sleeping state; when
imagination plays such tricks with reason as to weave a thousand airy
images, and make us think they are real, it would require no great
effort amid these noises, for the sentinel to see in the darkness
forms of assassins moving from tree to tree, or lines of skirmishers
approaching through the gloom. And, seeing this, of course he must
fire, and the report of his piece would alarm the neighboring
sentinels, and they, too, would see images and fire. Thus the camp
would be alarmed, and the men would be compelled to stand in ranks
until the matter could be thoroughly investigated.
Our regimental camp at Chillicothe was situated on the north side
of the railroad, and within the limits of the town. The ground was
an excellent greensward, and the camp was systematically laid out.
Our duty was camp guard, picket guard and drill. The camp guard
generally required the heaviest detail. A strong line of sentinels
extended around the camp, and no persons could pass them except in
squads under a non-commissioned officer for water, without a written
pass from the regimental commander. And, under Colonel Williams,
it was a serious thing to disobey orders; and breaking guard was
a risk which very few were willing to run. Whatever may be said
against the Colonel, the discipline we attained under him while at
Chillicothe, was highly creditable to him. It was in consequence of
this discipline that our regiment had a good name among the citizens
of Missouri, such as volunteer troops seldom gain among strangers
or enemies. Their streets were not trodden by drunken soldiers;
their property was safe; they no longer looked upon us as outlaws
and monsters. They began to have confidence in us, and to take a
more unprejudiced view of our cause. And who knows that our conduct
did not make many friends of enemies? But it was doubtless the
confinement to which we were thus subjected in our hot, close tents,
that increased our sick lists so greatly. The restraint imposed upon
us was excessive and unreasonable.
At Chillicothe our camp guard was managed according to the
regulations, and the men learned the duties of the sentinel. But
the manner in which our outpost duty was done was horrible. As if
to invite a surprise or a raid through our camp, Colonel Williams
never had out pickets in the daytime. Nor did he ever send out a
scouting party to ascertain the movements which were going on around
him. Did he rely on Providence alone, or on accidental reports from
citizens? Or did he unbosom his camp to his foes and trust to their
magnanimity? In the night--did the Colonel think the enemy so foolish
as to attack him in the night in the summer season when there was
so much daylight to operate in? Or was he afraid of wolves? In the
night before "tattoo," the officer of the day would string around the
town a short distance from camp, twenty men, two in a place, without
an officer, or even a non-commissioned officer over them. These men
were not relieved till morning, when they would come in, according
to instructions, of their own accord. If there was any military
knowledge displayed in this arrangement, we were never able to see it.
Is it surprising then, that the rebels should have organized a
company of cavalry within nine miles of us? Colonel Williams heard of
this when it was too late, and sent a detachment of men in the night
to look after them. This detachment was provided with ammunition at
the rate of ten rounds to seven men, or 1-3/7 rounds to the man! But
the foolish fellows got wind of our coming and ran off.
In this connection, Colonel Williams' attempt at fortifying deserves
mention. He commenced throwing up a small work around the Union
Hotel, where he had his headquarters, the flanks of it resting on the
railroad, which here runs in a moderate cut. What it was intended
for we can guess: to be garrisoned by a small force when we should
leave. What it was good for, no one but Colonel Williams could tell.
Charley Kostman constructed it; as far as his part was concerned,
it was good. It was evidently intended for about a hundred men.
Was it intended to resist artillery? Why, then, was the parapet so
weak? Was it intended to contain artillery? Why, then, were there no
embrasures? Was it intended to protect infantry? The houses of the
town on all sides of it could be filled with sharpshooters who would
render it untenable. Was it intended for any thing? A party of men
could run up the railroad track and get into it easily. It was in all
respects a humbug; unless it be that it enabled the Colonel to sleep
more soundly than before it was built. And there it doubtless stands
to this time--a sublime monument to the genius of him who was chosen
colonel of the Third Iowa, because he was a _military_ man.
If Colonel Williams wanted to put up a small work against infantry,
why did he not cut timber and make a stockade? If he wanted to make a
fort which would resist artillery, why did he not select an eligible
spot, and make one which would answer the purpose? No: he had a
grander and sublimer object. It was to put the Union Hotel in a state
of defense. And for this purpose he kept heavy details working, day
after day, digging the baked earth in the hot sun,--which was an
outrage, and so we regarded it.
In the meantime, Brigadier General Hurlbut arrived at Quincy,
Illinois, and assumed command of the forces on the Hannibal and St.
Joseph railroad. Of this general we knew nothing, except that we
had understood he was without military experience,--a circumstance
not calculated to give us much confidence in him, especially when
we thought of the disasters of Big Bethel and Bull Run. On assuming
command, he issued a proclamation to the citizens of Missouri, which
was about what they would have expected from a Federal general. He
adopted General Pope's plan of making the citizens responsible for
damages done the railroad in their vicinity. This was correct; for
hitherto citizens had been mainly instrumental in these depredations.
He also issued an order announcing the daily routine for the troops.
By this order we were compelled to drill in the schools of the
soldier, company and battalion,--in all, seven hours a day.
Few of my comrades have pleasant recollections of these long drills
of Chillicothe. The heat was intense and relaxing, and the health
of the regiment extremely bad. At one time, more than half of some
of the companies were on the sick list, and few of us were entirely
well. And yet the water we obtained from the wells of citizens was
excellent, and our camp was a model of order and cleanliness.
On our battalion drills, Colonel Williams generally commanded. He
taught us to execute several movements after the manner of Scott,
and once or twice confessed that it was hard for him to get used to
Hardee. He paid particular attention to instructing the battalion to
form lines of battle rapidly and in various ways. As a drill-master
he was rigid even to severity. It must be allowed, that it was one
of Colonel Williams' first objects of desire to see the regiment well
drilled.
It was not till the 4th of August that we drew our accoutrements.
Let us look back: up to this time, we had been in an insurrectionary
district, filled with irregular forces of the enemy. From Calloway
county, which Harris held with two or three thousand men, a two days
ride would have brought an enemy to our camp. I can not see any
excuse for this criminal carelessness. We ought to have been supplied
with accoutrements and ammunition, or kept at home. If Colonel
Williams had cartridges, he ought to have issued a supply to his
men. If he did not have any, he ought to have seized powder and lead
from the citizens, of which they had plenty. Singular good fortune,
that we were not all captured! Were the gods propitious, or were our
enemies too chivalrous to assail us, defenseless as we were?
Thus, with hard crackers and hard discipline; with constant drills
and heavy fatigues; with full guard houses and frequent courts
martial; in heat, dust, sickness and discomfort, we passed an irksome
month at Chillicothe.
On the 7th of August we packed our baggage, struck tents at the tap
of the drum, got aboard a train of cars and proceeded to Brookfield,
the midway station between Hannibal and St. Joseph. We passed the
first night without anything to eat, which naturally gave us pleasant
feelings towards certain officers who looked out for their own
comfort by supping at the hotel. The following day we established our
regimental camp on a beautiful hill on the prairie, about a half
mile east of the town and near the railroad track. We were compelled
to dig wells to procure water. Our duties were much the same as at
Chillicothe, except that we did no nocturnal picketing, a squadron
of the Second Illinois Cavalry, and Colonel Morgan's regiment of
Missouri Cavalry, which was organizing at this place, doing this duty
in our stead.
The only incident worthy of note during our stay at Brookfield was,
that the feeling against Colonel Williams was on one occasion so
aggravated by his conduct and that of Surgeon Edwards, that it broke
out in an act of open mutiny. It was quieted, however, without any
serious consequences. Let us draw the veil of forgetfulness over
an occurrence so unfortunate, and, when viewed at a distance by
those unacquainted with the circumstances, so discreditable to our
regiment.
CHAPTER V.
ACTIVITY OF THE REBELS--COLONEL MARTIN GREEN--WE
ARE ORDERED AGAINST HIM--DETAILS AND INCIDENTS OF
THE MARCH FROM MACON CITY TO KIRKSVILLE--CHARACTER
OF THE HOME GUARDS--CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY--OUR
SITUATION AT KIRKSVILLE--DETAILS OF OUR OCCUPATION OF
THAT PLACE--ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS UNDER GENERAL
HURLBUT--OUR COMPLAINTS AND EXPECTATIONS.
It could not be expected that an enemy as active as the one we were
attempting to suppress would allow us nothing to do. While we were
busily engaged disciplining, he was energetically organizing. Price
had been defeated at Booneville, and driven almost out of the State;
but the secessionists seemed everywhere to have confidence in him.
Some of them had followed him in New Mexico, and under him had one
of the greatest of leaders. He had now joined McCullough on the
borders of Arkansas, and, having greatly augmented his forces, was
undertaking no one knew how grand an object--perhaps the conquest
of Missouri. Already he had put our army in the southwest on the
defensive. Nay, the rebel sympathizers were at this time exulting
over the reported disaster at Springfield, which was a two fold
disaster, on account of the death of the gallant Lyon.
For some time, one Martin Green, a citizen of Canton, Missouri,
a brother of the well known ex-senator Green, acting under the
authority of General Price, had been organizing in northeast
Missouri, and principally north of the Hannibal and St. Joseph
railroad, a force of mounted men. Having been badly whipped near
Athens, Missouri, by Colonel Moore, then commanding a regiment of
home guards, but since the gallant Colonel of the Twenty-first
Missouri, he had adopted the wise policy of shunning his enemies and
employing his time in recruiting his force and collecting supplies.
He was now said to be near Kirksville, about forty miles north of
the railroad, and General Hurlbut projected an expedition against
him. For this purpose he ordered Colonel Williams to detach from our
regiment a force of five hundred men under Lt. Col. Scott.
On the 15th of August, at 1 P. M., orders were issued to us to
prepare immediately for a march. The whole regiment, with the
exception of the sick and convalescent, were assembled in line, and,
after detailing from the several companies a guard of fifty men to
be left behind with the camp, the force was reduced to the requisite
number. Forty rounds of ammunition were issued to us. This we
considered an omen of something to do; for we had heretofore carried
but ten rounds. We took three days rations in our haversacks. For
want of knapsacks we twisted or rolled our blankets, tied the ends
together and slung them over our shoulders. This mode of carrying a
blanket on light marches, where no additional clothing is necessary,
is preferable to carrying a knapsack. Colonel Williams remained at
Brookfield in command of the camp.
At 5 P. M. we got aboard a train of cars, and dark found us in Macon
City. General Hurlbut appearing on horseback as we got off the cars,
led us to believe he was going to command the expedition in person.
In this we were disappointed. We marched to the camp of a detachment
of the Sixteenth Illinois which was stationed at this place, and
having eaten a supper of pilot bread and raw meat, lay down on our
arms and went to sleep. While we were sleeping, a train of cars
arrived, having on board Capt. Madison's artillery company, with two
guns and a good supply of ammunition. This force was increased by the
addition of Fishbeem and squad with his unfailing six pounder. We
were also joined by some mounted men.
At midnight we were aroused and ordered to fall in. The column was
soon in motion. The night was dark, and we stumbled along in a most
disagreeable manner over the roots of trees that crossed the road in
all directions.
It was amusing to listen to the various conjectures as to our
destination. Most of them, however, as is seldom the case, were in
the main correct. The principal error consisted in supposing the
enemy's force greater than it really was.
Colonel Scott rode or walked along, sometimes giving his horse to a
lame soldier, or perhaps taking his gun, and talking all the while
in that genial, unaffected manner which made him so great a favorite
among the men. We were not sorry that the command of the expedition
had been given to him.
About sunrise we arrived at the little village of Atlanta, where
we halted in a shady grove to rest. About 2 P. M. the march was
resumed. The day was warm and the roads very dusty. There was plenty
of water in the wells along the route, but all the men could not
procure it without much straggling, and we suffered considerably from
thirst. An advanced guard commanded by Lieutenant Call preceded the
column half a mile, with a few mounted Home Guards as far in advance
of them.
While marching through the little village of Laplata, an incident
occurred which excited a good deal of merriment. Lieut. Call had
been informed by a citizen who had joined us, that, at a certain
house, a hotel in that place, they kept, and frequently displayed,
a rebel flag. This the lieutenant resolved to have. He drew up his
guard before the house, and went in, followed by his two sergeants,
and demanded it. The landlord, a wretched looking creature, avowed
his secession sympathies openly, saying, at the same time, that it
was honorable to do so, which the lieutenant could not deny. But the
lady (here was the rub--easier to capture the colors of a regiment)
said the flag had been given to her to make into dresses for the
children, that it was private property, and we could not have it.
But the lieutenant insisted that a treasonable emblem was contraband
of war, and that he _must_ have it. Still she refused; whereupon the
lieutenant pointed to the man and said, "Sergeants, take him out."
The sergeants clapped their hands on his back, and said, "Come with
us, sir!" The children began to shriek, and the old lady cried, "You
may have the flag! You may have the flag!" The lieutenant attached it
to a lance and presented it to the battalion as it marched up, amid
a most furious intermingling of cheers, yells and groans. Thus did
the redoubtable advanced guard carry the enemy's town and capture a
stand of colors before the arrival of the main force.
In the afternoon, a joke occurred, and it is doubtful whether it
rested harder upon Lieutenant Call or the Home Guards in advance.
While the lieutenant was marching leisurely along with his guard, a
party of the former came riding back, frantic with excitement, and
reported having seen the enemy's camp fires not far beyond in the
edge of a wood. He put his men on the double quick, and sure enough
they soon came in sight of a smoke. It was no humbug, thought they.
The Home Guards had seen the enemy. When they had arrived within a
convenient distance, the guard was halted, and the lieutenant rode
forward at the head of the home guards to reconnoiter. We watched
them, breathless with expectation. They rode full on to the enemy's
entire force. It consisted of two women washing! Major Stone had just
rode up, and when the lieutenant reported his discovery, he indulged
in some remarks at his expense, which sounded more appropriate than
they would now.
We halted for the night about three miles north of Laplata, near
the residence of a Union man, who had an excellent well of water,
sufficient to supply the whole force. Mounted pickets were posted
on the approaches to our position. We could only account for this
unusual precaution on the ground that the man who now had command
possessed some common sense. Having refreshed ourselves on such a
supper as our haversacks afforded, we spread down our blankets and
slept.
At seven o'clock in the morning we again moved. All along the route,
home guards continued to join us in squads, large and small, mounted
on such horses as they had, and armed with squirrel rifles and
shot guns. These men, though patriotic and brave, were without any
experience in the business of war, and, for the most part, without
organization. On this account we were not supposed to put great
reliance on them. They were under the obligation of an oath, and
could go and come at pleasure. But they had incentives to action to
which we were strangers. They had seen the treason with which we were
at war, and dwelt among it. It had assailed our country only; it had
not only assailed their country, but their firesides. They had seen
its monstrous representatives, robbers, murderers, incendiaries.
They had met it on their doorsteps. It had murdered and robbed their
friends, and threatened them with like treatment for loving their
country. This, now, was their hour of deliverance. They had come to
assist strangers against a common enemy. Their homes and possessions
appealed to them. Their dear helpless ones stretched their arms
imploringly, and seemed to say to them, "We trust in you; save us: be
men." They had come to fight without pay, and if necessary, to board
themselves. They reported to Colonel Scott, and obeyed his orders
without murmuring or hesitation. The strong motives which impelled
them to take up arms, and the knowledge that discipline is the
strength of an army, made them willing, if not skillful soldiers.
But another fact made them a great auxiliary to us. They knew who
among the citizens were friends, and who enemies. They were able
to give us valuable information concerning the enemy. Besides they
hailed from all sections of the country, and on this account made
valuable scouts. But they absolutely knew not what to do; they wanted
some one to show them. Jim Call was exactly the man. His every
characteristic admirably fitted him to command them. Cool, daring,
audacious, always taking the lead and commanding his men to follow,
Colonel Scott placed him in this position. Whole companies reported
to him, and captains obeyed him with most undoubting confidence.
Our line of march was through lanes, bordered on both sides by
cultivated fields, most of the land being planted with corn. The
country was a convenient apportionment of timber and prairie, fertile
and inviting. The inhabitants seemed well to do, and almost every
dwelling had an air of comfort about it, if not of refinement.
Indeed, in our subsequent marches in Missouri, we saw few places
where this was not the case. We noticed few negroes; and every thing
indicated that the labor was carried on by the more willing and
skillful hands of free laborers. What could so attach this people
to slavery, a system in which they could have little interest, as
to induce them to take up arms against their country for its sake,
will be a wonder to history as it was to us. As if out of punishment
for the wrong done its unfortunate victims, this system is a source
of infinite evil to the white man,--a noxious vapor that spreads
pestilence in society. Could there be a greater evidence of this
than the deplorable state of things in this section of country? The
operation of civil law had ceased, justice had no sway, magistrates
no authority. Arraigned for offenses against traitors, bands of
marauders and assassins were the citizens' only tribunal. Calling
themselves soldiers, and under pretense of military necessity, they
availed themselves of every opportunity to satiate private malice in
theft and robbery, and settle feuds of long standing, perhaps, in
blood. As a natural consequence, neighbors were in arms against each
other; friends became enemies, and brothers are known to have joined
the opposing forces and sought each other's life. An old citizen of
Kirksville had a son in the camp of the rebel Green, and another in
St. Louis endeavoring to procure arms for a Federal regiment then
organizing, and of which he was to be the colonel.
The American people are not stoics. They realize quickly and feel
keenly what is transpiring around them, or coming upon them. The
people of this section had too much on their minds to allow them
to pursue quietly their usual avocations. The younger and the more
resolute were rushing, as feeling or choice impelled them, to the
camp of the insurgents or the standard of the country. The rest were
awaiting the course of events, or watching, each his neighbor, with
trembling and hesitation. On the whole day's march we saw but one
man at work in the fields. He was loading hay close by the road, and
scarcely seemed to notice us as we marched along. His appearance
excited the admiration of the boys, some of whom cried out, "bully
for you!" Most of the people who showed themselves to us were
friends. The women and children saluted us with waving flags, and,
in some cases, the men stood armed waiting to join us. One old negro
stared at us curiously as we marched along, and cried out, "Gorry
mighty! de've got lightnin' rods on der guns! De secesh no stan' dat!"
As we approached Kirksville, we heard all manner of reports
concerning the enemy. It was said that he was not far beyond the town
and would give us a fight. His force was estimated at from 1,500 to
3,000, with three pieces of cannon. These reports greatly hightened
the enthusiasm of the boys, and served to divert their minds from the
pain of their blistered feet and the excessive heat and dust of the
day.
About noon, we halted three miles from the town, and after a short
rest resumed the march. When nearly arrived there, Colonel Scott
halted the battalion, brought it to a front, and made some well-timed
remarks which were received with great attention. He exhorted us
to patient endurance of whatever we would be called on to suffer,
and not to let any breach of discipline sully our name. He ended
by telling us that we would doubtless soon have an opportunity
of meeting the enemy, which raised a great shout, showing the
willingness of the men to fight, and their confidence in their
commander. Major Stone followed with a few remarks, which excited
much enthusiasm. We then entered Kirksville with flags flying, and
drums beating Yankee Doodle.
Here we halted and stacked arms. Green was on Salt River, seven miles
to the east. Why did we not push on? The reason is this: Colonel
Scott's orders were to march to Kirksville and _hold the place_.
He was also to co-operate with Colonel Moore. This officer with
his command was somewhere in the vicinity of Athens, and Green was
between him and us. Co-operation between two forces with the enemy
between them is something unusual in war. If Colonel Scott's force
was not sufficient to attack the enemy singly, he certainly should
not have been compelled to remain here, exposed to an attack from
him. Moreover, we had no subsistence beyond what we had brought in
our haversacks, and the rebels had stripped the country of almost
everything which could be converted into rations. It is impossible to
see the design of this movement.
Our first operation was to establish a guard-house, and arrest a
number of disloyal citizens. But these traitors were dismissed on
taking the oath of allegiance. We took quarters for the night in
vacant buildings belonging to rebel citizens.
The following day we were visited by many citizens; some coming to
declare their friendship, some out of curiosity, while some were
doubtless spies of the enemy. A few also were refugees from the reign
of terror which Green had inaugurated wherever he held sway. About 4
P. M., a report came to Colonel Scott which induced him to send out
scouting parties in different directions. Considerable excitement
ensued in camp, but nothing transpired. That night, Lieut. Call
reconnoitered the enemy's position, and captured two of his mounted
pickets. He did this by passing through their lines, and coming upon
them from the direction of their camp. He answered their challenge
as friends, and then riding up closely with his party at his back,
pointed his revolver at them and told them to put down their guns,
which they did. They were armed with good looking squirrel rifles,
without bayonets, and had curious contrivances for carrying their
ammunition. The boys visited the guard house next day, and gazed upon
them with much curiosity. They did not look like bad men, said they
had been deceived, and seemed very penitent.
"What shall be done with them?" was asked. "Shoot them," said
one. "No," said another, "they are traitors, and do not deserve a
soldier's death; hang them." Others said, "treat them as prisoners
of war. They are ignorant men and believe they are right. Hang
the leaders. They are intelligent men, and know they are wrong."
Few of the enlisted men were in favor of the policy which was
adopted,--though it was at that time in general practice throughout
Missouri, viz.: allowing them to take the oath and go.
Lieut. Call found the enemy camped on Salt River bottom, nine miles
east of Kirksville. From this time until we left Kirksville, he, at
the head of scouting parties composed of Home Guards and volunteers
from our regiment, watched the enemy constantly, and kept Colonel
Scott advised of his position and movements.
We had no clothing, tents nor camp equipage; but we accommodated
ourselves to our situation somehow, and endeavored so far to
disregard the presence of the enemy as to renew the routine of camp
duty.
But in this we failed; for though we had a short battalion drill on
the forenoon of the 19th, something transpired to induce the belief
that the enemy was advancing, and we were ordered to be ready to
form line of battle at 2 P. M. We swallowed a hasty dinner, when the
battalion was formed, and took position in rear (to the west) of
the town, behind a rail fence and in the edge of a growth of young
timber, behind which stretched for several miles toward Grand River
an uninterrupted forest. If this position had the disadvantage of
the town before it, which would obstruct our fire and afford shelter
to the enemy, it had what was perhaps an advantage, the forest
behind it, which would afford cover in case we should be compelled
to retreat. We cut brush and piled it against the fence before
us, so as effectually to conceal ourselves from view. Behind this
breastwork of leaves and boughs we waited. Some thought they could
see a column of horsemen moving in the distance past our left. This
was probably imagination. We soon gave up all expectation of a fight,
and scattered ourselves in knots and groups under the shade trees.
The boys were amusing themselves playing cards and telling anecdotes,
when a report came in that cast a gloom over many countenances.
Corporal Dix, of Company C, was killed. He was leading a small
scouting party, and had stopped at the house of a citizen four miles
from camp to get dinner, when he was surprised by a small party of
the enemy, and after a short, hand to hand fight, was himself killed
and his party put to flight. They inflicted some injury upon the
rebels; but amid the conflicting statements no definite conclusion
on this point could be formed.
Corporal Dix was the first man in our regiment that fell by the hand
of the enemy. He was an excellent comrade, and, like every good
soldier, desired a name. For this he became a scout, and almost
immediately won the admiration of the regiment. It was a misfortune
to lose so promising a soldier. There were many commissioned officers
in the service worth infinitely less to the country than he. Thus the
first sacrifice of our regiment was one of its best and noblest men.
A flag of truce brought in his body, and the next evening at sunset,
it was buried with military honors.
We remained in this position the following day. This day Captain
Hawks' company of Home Guards was organized. It amused our boys
greatly to witness this ceremony. The first sergeant commanded the
men to "fall in in two rows like the Regulars." The Home Guards
called us Regulars. This expression afterwards became a byword in
our regiment. The same day a report was brought in by four scouts
that Lieut. Call had been cut off by the enemy with his whole party,
and that they would be captured. This was true; but by riding a
circuit of about twenty miles they escaped, and arrived in camp about
midnight.
The following afternoon, the camp was again thrown into a state of
excitement by the reported approach of the enemy. The long roll was
beaten, and the men fell in under arms. The camp guard, which was a
strong one, was dismissed, and the men reported to their respective
companies. A party of men appeared in a corn field in front of our
position, and approached sufficiently near to draw the fire of our
artillery. Four shells sufficed to drive them away. This time we
thought there would surely be a fight. The enemy had been seen and
shot at. But we soon concluded that it was only a reconnoitering
party that had disturbed us, and relapsed into our usual quiet.
The following day a drizzling rain drove us into the town for
shelter. The different companies occupied such vacant buildings
as suited them best. As we were retiring for the night, we were
alarmed by the discharge of a cannon. A party of Home Guards had
some cattle in a field, and riding in reported the enemy advancing!
Fishbeem, who had been among the first to hear the report, had taken
the responsibility of a little artillery practice. The regiment
immediately turned out. Battalion was not formed; but the companies
were so disposed as to support the cannon which were stationed
at the cross streets on the corners of the public square, a part
being held in reserve. Captain Madison threw several shells in the
direction in which the rebels were supposed to be advancing. It was
very foolish thus to waste ammunition, shooting at darkness and air.
Fishbeem took the more satisfactory course of firing solid shot at
the house of one Purcel, a member of the State Legislature, and a
notorious secessionist. This operation had the effect of making a
small hole through the upper part of his mansion, and of scaring his
negroes nearly out of their wits. Scouts were sent out and searched
thoroughly, but found no enemy. Having stood till midnight in a
cold, drenching rain, we were allowed to go to our quarters.
The next morning a citizen brought a report that Colonel Smith,
coming to reinforce us, had been attacked at Laplata. Several
companies and a piece of cannon were immediately got ready to
reinforce him, when another arrival contradicted this report, and
stated that General Hurlbut was coming to join us with a large
force. This proved to be true. His force consisted of the Sixteenth
Illinois, and a two pounder cannon named "Old Abe." Our regiment was
formed in line, and as our General approached at the head of his
little column, we received him with presented arms, the artillery at
the same time firing a salute.
We now had hopes that the assurance Colonel Scott had given us
before marching into Kirksville would shortly be realized. The
arrival of reinforcements sufficient to double our present force,
together with the commanding general, we looked upon as an earnest
of immediate action. We did not now stop to inquire into the policy
which had kept us a week in the presence of a superior force of the
enemy without support, and in a destitute condition. We thought we
understood why we had not attacked the enemy: because we had not been
allowed to do so. But we did not understand why we had received no
supplies. We only knew that when the expedition was getting ready
to start from Brookfield, Colonel Williams had said that we were
only to be gone three days. He would not allow Quartermaster Clark
to accompany it; and it was only at the urgent request of Colonel
Scott, Quartermaster Sergeant Mix was allowed to do so. In procuring
subsistence from the country, the services of the latter were
invaluable.
As it was evident to us that so far the whole thing had been
badly managed by some one higher in command than Colonel Scott;
our complaints would now have entirely ceased, had it not been
for the fact that the only things which had come to us with these
reinforcements in the way of supplies, were a few camp utensils. Thus
we were almost as destitute as before. But we were willing to endure
anything, if it would result in victory.
The enlisted men now expected nothing else than to be led against the
rebels. Not one of us doubted the result. The same evening our force
was augmented by the arrival of 150 Home Guards from the northern
border of the State. It now consisted of 400 Home Guards, 1,200
Infantry, and four pieces of cannon. Surely there would be no delay
now. We almost felt the exultation of victory. Let us see how we were
disappointed.
CHAPTER VI.
LIEUT. CALL RECONNOITERS AND REPORTS THE ENEMY'S
POSITION--COL. SCOTT DESIRES TO ATTACK HIM WITH THE
THIRD IOWA, THE HOME GUARDS, AND THE ARTILLERY--GENERAL
HURLBUT DECLINES HIS CONSENT--DANGERS OF SUCH A
MOVEMENT--DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE MEN--THE GENERAL
REVIEWS THE TROOPS--AND ISSUES A PROCLAMATION--HE
SENDS IT BY FLAG OF TRUCE TO GREEN'S CAMP--GREEN
DON'T SEE THE POINT, BUT TAKES THE HINT AND GETS
READY TO LEAVE--THE GENERAL ISSUES AN ORDER AGAINST
PLUNDERING--FURTHER DETAILS OF OUR CONDITION--A
DETACHMENT GOES TO LANCASTER AFTER SUPPLIES--ESCAPE
AND PURSUIT OF GREEN--DETAILS OF THE MARCH--SUFFERING,
STRAGGLING AND PLUNDERING--NIGHT AT WILSONSVILLE--NIGHT
AT BEAR CREEK--SCOUTS FROM MOORE--JUNCTION WITH
MOORE AT BETHEL--APPEARANCE OF THAT PLACE--CHARACTER
AND HOSPITALITY OF THE INHABITANTS--CHANGE OF
PLANS--MOORE AND SMITH PURSUE THE ENEMY; HURLBUT AND
SCOTT MOVE DIRECTLY TOWARD THE RAILROAD--NOON AT
SHELBYVILLE--ANOTHER PROCLAMATION--A MAN STRAGGLES
AHEAD OF THE COLUMN AND IS SHOT BY BUSHWHACKERS--NIGHT
AT SHELBINA--THE SITUATION--WE PROCEED TO BROOKFIELD.
On the evening of General Hurlbut's arrival at Kirksville, Lieut.
Call reconnoitered Green's camp and the approaches to it. Since our
arrival at this place, he had changed his camp to another point on
Salt River bottom, several miles south. One main road, crossing
this stream in an east and west direction, ran through it. Thus
it could be approached from front and rear. It was about fourteen
miles distant. The road approaching it from the rear could be gained
by performing a detour of seven or eight miles. His camp was
surrounded by a high range of hills over which he could not retreat
without the loss of his baggage and artillery. Hence, in case of
his defeat, if these two roads were held with sufficient force,
his entire _materiel_ would fall into our hands. It would require
only a simultaneous attack on these two roads to insure a speedy
and decisive victory. It was ten o'clock at night when Lieut. Call
reported the result of his reconnoissance. Colonel Scott immediately
requested General Hurlbut to allow him to march that night and
attack the enemy with his own regiment, the mounted Missourians and
Madison's artillery. The news of this proposal spread quickly among
the men. We expected nothing else than an immediate night march upon
the enemy. The enthusiasm was unbounded. Meanwhile the General was
consulting with Col. Scott and one or two other officers. Most of the
officers of our regiment were in favor of Col. Scott's proposition.
Whatever doubts they may have entertained of our ability to cope with
the large force Green had gathered, they knew that nothing less than
a victory would quiet the murmurs of their men, and repay them for
the needless sufferings they had undergone. But General Hurlbut was
of a different mind. He thought that the Sixteenth having marched
sixteen miles that day, would not be in a condition to fight after
marching sixteen more. There was much truth in this, although its
importance might not have been appreciated at that time. To Colonel
Scott's request to be allowed to march and attack the enemy with his
own force, the mounted Missourians and Madison's artillery, he at
first assented. But soon after, a lieutenant of the artillery came
in with a groundless report that Green had received reinforcements.
This determined the General not to run the risk of dividing his
command. Besides, he is said to have made a remark which induced the
belief that he expected aid from General Pope. It may be that the
consideration of co-operation from Col. Moore had some influence on
this decision.
At all events, it is doubtful whether it would have been safe to
allow Col. Scott to move as he desired. Night is a poor time to fight
battles. A single mistake, caused by the darkness, might bring about
the heaviest disasters. To attack an enemy in the night, unless
the attacking party is thoroughly acquainted with his situation,
is exchanging probability for chance. Our enemy was constantly
on the alert, and Colonel Scott could not hope to surprise him.
His force was camped in a dense forest, and Colonel Scott did not
know the ground. To attack him in the rear, he would be compelled
to make a circuit of more than twenty miles before gaining the
required position. This would place Green between him and Hurlbut at
Kirksville, in a central position between two forces which united
were numerically inferior to his own. Colonel Scott would not have
attempted to divide so small a force to attack Green at once in
front and rear. Had he moved at all, he would have moved in but one
way--directly upon the enemy, with his force united and Hurlbut at
Kirksville at his back. This plan might have succeeded, but the risk
would have been great. But there is no doubt that if General Hurlbut
had moved in the morning with his now united force, he would have
compelled the enemy's retreat or beaten him badly if he had stood.
When his decision not to allow Colonel Scott to move that night was
known, we were ordered to stack arms and go to sleep. The order was
sulkily given and as sulkily obeyed. But we went to sleep in the hope
that an advance would take place next day.
Instead of fulfilling our expectations, next day Gen. Hurlbut did
two things, both of which were generally considered out of place. He
reviewed the troops, and issued a proclamation to the insurgents. The
review would have been well enough, if it had not been so near the
enemy. I have no desire to comment on the proclamation more than to
say that we were at a loss to conjecture the motives which dictated
it. In it he proposed to visit every county seat in his district with
an armed force, and there establish a committee of citizens of both
parties, and make them responsible for the preservation of the peace
in their counties. As far as we could learn, this proposition was
not less obnoxious to the Union men than to the rebels. He concluded
by offering all armed bands of the enemy five days in which to lay
down their arms, and should they fail to do so in that time, he would
convince them of the perils of pursuing this irregular warfare.
There was a printing office in town, that of the _Kirksville
Democrat_, a rebel sheet, whose editor had fled at our approach.
This had been taken possession of by some members of the Third Iowa,
who proposed issuing a sheet of a different character. This was
fortunate for the General, as it afforded him means of publishing
his proclamation. A number of copies were sent by flag of truce to
the insurgents! Green doubtless chuckled over this, while General
Hurlbut's officers and men gnashed their teeth with rage. Those five
days were days of grace to Green. He believed General Hurlbut would
not move against him till the expiration of that time. He employed
it in completing his preparations to get away. Meanwhile, we lay
at Kirksville doing nothing, the General probably waiting for his
proclamation to ferment.
The Sixteenth on their march hither, if we may believe their own
accounts, had been pretty free in the use of property belonging
to citizens. After their arrival at Kirksville, a store had been
broken open and robbed. This called forth an order from the General,
announcing that any soldier of his command who should break open a
private house or store for the purpose of robbery, should be "shot at
once." There was doubtless a demand for an order of this kind, but we
thought that a threat less violent would have answered the purpose
equally well.
On the 25th, we attended religious exercises in the open air, and
heard an army chaplain preach for the first time since entering the
service. The meeting took place in the grove where we were then
bivouacked, behind our breastworks of brush. The sermon was preached
by the chaplain of the Sixteenth. It seemed strange, indeed, to see
men with weapons of death by their sides, mingling their voices
with the aged and innocent, in praise to the same God. It seemed a
monstrous inconsistency. But nature is full of inconsistencies. The
God that gives joy to innocence, swallows up cities with earthquakes.
As has been said, we were compelled to subsist on the country.
Sergeant Mix was careful to impress nothing except from enemies. A
bakery was taken possession of, and men detailed to run it. This
furnished us with an insufficient supply of corn bread. The Union
people of Kirksville treated us with great hospitality, and did all
they could to promote our comfort. But they could not furnish us with
shoes in place of those we had worn out, or with shirts in place of
those we had left behind. These things must be taken from the enemy.
Accordingly, an expedition, consisting of Companies I and B, of our
regiment, under Major Stone, proceeded to the town of Lancaster,
about thirty miles to the north, near the Iowa State line, and
impressed from rebel citizens several wagon-loads of boots, shoes and
the like, which were distributed among those who needed them most.
General Hurlbut issued his proclamation on the 26th. On the 30th,
Green began to retreat toward the south. The same morning orders
were issued to the troops at Kirksville to be ready to move. We were
ready to all appearance to take up the march at an early hour; but,
for some reason, the departure of the column was delayed till nearly
noon. Meanwhile a rumor circulated through the ranks that Green had
gone; and, in our mortification and rage, we could assign but one
reason for this delay; we said that the General wished to make an
outward show of courage by pursuing, but did not wish to overtake the
enemy. There seemed to be an universal murmur against him. No one
spoke in defense of him or attempted to justify his measures. Who
would then have believed that under this same man we were destined to
be led to honor and glory? We can not but suppose that he was either
trammeled by his orders, or laboring like Bonaparte at Borodino,
under some strange spell of mental lassitude. Nothing less could have
made such a failure of him who was to be the honored General of the
Fourth Division and Sixteenth Army Corps.
At 11 A. M., the column moved; the direction was southeast toward
the late camp of Green. The most unpleasant feature of the day's
march was, that we had nothing to eat. The day was quite hot, and the
roads dusty. The country through which we passed was not as thickly
settled as between Macon and Kirksville, and it was consequently
difficult for the men to procure water. They straggled from the
ranks in great numbers, and ran to the wells, at every one of which
would take place a scene of indescribable greediness and confusion.
A bucket of water would be drawn, and a hundred men would endeavor
to get their canteens into it. A score of hungry wolves wrangling
over one carcass, would scarcely be an adequate comparison. Hunger
oppressed as much as thirst, and from the wells crowds would rush
into the houses. What could be procured by asking, was taken. But
the column was moving on. There was scarcely time to ask; and,
in many cases, the people were too much frightened to answer, or
to keep track of the confusion of questions with which they were
assailed. In such cases the soldier seized whatever he could see
that he could eat, and hurried on. As the day wore away, these
matters grew worse. Taking advantage of these circumstances, acts of
unlicensed plundering took place, which would disgrace troops under
any circumstances. Many gave out and fell behind the column without
the hope (and sometimes with little expectation) of overtaking it,
till it should halt for the night. Some of these were most dangerous
plunderers. No longer under the control of their officers, and
counting every citizen an enemy, they committed acts which they will
be ashamed to remember, and which I have no desire to record.
Under ordinary circumstances, the less revolting acts of this kind
which attended this march would be deserving of no apology. But most
of them in this case were caused by absolute hunger. We had not had
enough to eat since arriving at Kirksville, and now that we had begun
a vigorous march our hunger was almost insufferable. Surely it is not
hard then to understand that we could not resist taking food from
hostile citizens. General Hurlbut used his best endeavors to correct
these irregularities; but, in consequence of a hurt he had received
on the day of the review, he was compelled to ride in a buggy, and
was not able to put forth much exertion.
A march of sixteen miles brought us at dark to the little town of
Wilsonsville, where we halted for the night. Some bread that had
been baked at Kirksville and brought along was issued to us. There
was not enough for supper and breakfast, but it helped us greatly.
The quartermaster promised us fresh beef, but it was slow, very slow
in coming. Our patience became exhausted. In place of beef we took
chickens. The town and surrounding country were our commissariat. We
sent in no _returns_. We needed no issuing clerk. We drew from the
henroosts by the _tail_. A strong camp guard was established with
orders to let no one out except at the gate with vessels for water.
But we found it very easy to go out, with a camp kettle for water,
and to return with chicken soup all ready, except what could be done
by fire and seasoning. Thus we behaved that night at Wilsonsville;
and though we were very quiet about our depredations, and limited
ourselves to supplying our actual wants, the people pronounced us
vandals. But they saw only the outward manifestation; they knew
nothing of the inward cause.
The column moved at daylight, our regiment in advance. A march of
eighteen miles brought us to Bear creek, a tributary of Salt river,
where we bivouacked in a timbered bottom. Again, as last night, we
had nothing in our haversacks to eat. There were but two or three
houses near, and guards were placed over them to prevent plundering,
and we were compelled to wait till something was issued to us. Food
came at last, in the shape of some fresh mutton and musty corn meal.
We stewed the meat, made the meal into mush, and ate them both fresh;
for we had no salt. Many were then suffering from diarrhoea, and were
unable to eat their food at all; but went to sleep without supper
hoping to be able to procure something they could eat at the houses
we should pass, and so endure the march. The dust had filled our
shoes, and there were few among us whose feet were not blistered.
The creek on which we were camped, like all the streams of North
Missouri, was muddy and full of logs. But its waters were cool and
afforded us a bath, which, under the circumstances, was indeed a
luxury.
Several days previous to our departure from Kirksville, we had had
rumors of Colonel Moore marching from Edina to join us. Some may
have supposed that General Hurlbut was waiting for Moore to march
upon Green from the opposite direction, and that his proclamation
was intended to delay the retreat of the latter, till this could
be effected. Events were transpiring which tended to make this
supposition probable. Scouts arrived during the night from Colonel
Moore, with the information that he was marching in the direction of
Bethel in pursuit of Green. This news was very cheering, although we
knew that Grant was twenty-five miles ahead of us, and that his force
being mounted, we could not possibly overtake him.
At eight in the morning, we resumed the march, and having proceeded
about thirteen miles arrived at two in the afternoon, at Bethel, a
beautiful free labor village, inhabited entirely by Germans. These
people seemed, indeed, models of good citizens. Every one seemed
comfortable and prosperous. Their town was built of brick, and there
was no air of dilapidation about it such as characterizes nearly
all the interior towns of the South. The reason was obvious--there
were no negro huts adjacent to the comfortable residences. Vice
accompanies indolence whether among rich or poor; virtue is the
companion of industry. There never was a better illustration of this
truth than this little community. They seemed to live in perfect
harmony with themselves and the world around them. Hitherto, they
had taken little or no part in the war. True to the thinking, honest
character of the German, they had sat unmoved, and watched the
strife around them, and smoked their pipes and thought. We call them
phlegmatic; but while thus unmoved, they were moved the most. Every
feature of the struggle must be submitted to the slow scrutiny of
reason, and every motive which the struggle stirred within them, to
the great magistrate, Conscience. This magistrate gave his decisions
with the slowness of Justice. When he had answered all these
questions they would be prepared to act. And when they began to act,
the zeal of self-approbation would quicken them; the "fire of God"
would fill them; nothing could cause them to halt or falter.
They fulfilled the Scriptures in point of obeying "the powers that
be." Yesterday Martin Green was the commanding power; to-day, it was
General Hurlbut. Yesterday Green had passed through their town; his
people, they said, had treated them quite civilly. No wonder; such a
community should be the pride of any people. Brigands would scarcely
have done less. Like sensible people, they knew it was best to submit
with patience to evils they could not resist. Green wanted flour and
meal; he took all they had in their mill, and paid them in rebel
State scrip, to which they knew it was useless to demur. They behaved
towards his men with respect. It was an honest respect, but it was
also that respect which is always inspired by power.
But it was plain to see which party had their sympathies. They heard
of our approach some time before our arrival. They threw open their
doors and spread their boards. Foot-sore, weary and weak with hunger,
we entered their village,--they had enough to eat for all. They came
out to meet us,--men, women and children; and, in that plain, artless
way which tells that the heart speaks and does not deceive, invited
us into their houses to eat and to rest. We halted and stacked arms.
There was no need of a soldier being without an invitation. He could
not walk half way through the town without being asked by a dozen
different persons. And if any one should be so unfortunate as not to
be noticed, he had but to present himself at a door-step, and what
he wanted was known immediately. At least, he would not be long in
divining what was wanted of him; for another plate would make its
appearance on the table as soon as there was room for it. Then there
would be a nod or a motion to him to sit down and eat. Such was the
applause with which they greeted us. It needed no display of flags or
white handkerchiefs to tell us where their hearts were.
We had not been here long when Colonel Moore arrived with seven or
eight hundred men, and bivouacked near the town. This fresh arrival
did not discourage the good citizens, but rather increased their
hospitable efforts. Before night every man of General Hurlbut's
column had received a substantial dinner and supper, and Colonel
Moore's men a supper, and many were likewise furnished with lodgings.
This was no mock hospitality like that of the Slave aristocracy.
There was no pride or pompousness about it,--only a smile of
satisfaction at whatever was accepted,--an evidence that it was good
done for its own sake. The soldier received the same as the officer.
No one stopped to ask him what his rank was. It was sufficient to
know that he was a soldier and that he was hungry.
I believe that our behavior towards these people was in all respects
creditable. We parted as we had met, friends. They taught us a lesson
and gave us something to remember. The recollection is still in our
minds; the lesson still in our hearts.
Soon after Colonel Moore's arrival a new plan of operations was
determined upon. Smith and Moore were to pursue the enemy who had
retreated toward the railroad in the direction of Monroe, while the
General with our regiment, Madison's artillery, and such of the
Sixteenth as were judged unable to further endure the march, were to
proceed directly south and strike the railroad at Shelbina. This plan
of course comprehended the idea of abandoning the pursuit as soon
as we should reach the railroad; for it was evident we should not
overtake Green.
In Smith and Moore General Hurlbut had yoked together two characters
directly opposite. Smith was tardy and irresolute; Moore fiery,
energetic and hopeful. The one would push ahead with might and main;
the other would drag behind. "Come," said Moore to Smith, that night
at the hotel, "a big work is before us; and we have no time to lose."
Smith replied, with two or three whiffs of his pipe, and Moore
dragged him along.
Reveille sounded at an early hour. We breakfasted as we had supped,
with the good people of Bethel. About 8 o'clock our column moved in
the direction of Shelbyville, county seat of Shelby county. This
place, only five miles distant, was reached by ten o'clock, and we
halted, and under the luxuriant shade trees of the court house square
rested, while General Hurlbut got out another proclamation! I need
not say what the officers and men thought of this. If the General did
not know, it was not their fault.
About 2 P. M. we again moved. As we were about to march, we received
the startling intelligence that a member of our regiment who had
straggled ahead had been shot. This proved to be true. Three men had
straggled ahead when the column halted, and when about three miles
from Shelbyville, had been waylaid by citizens, and one of them shot
dead, another slightly wounded, while the third escaped and brought
back the report. This accident induced the precaution of throwing
out skirmishers while passing through the spaces of timber that lay
across our route. This was soon abandoned, it being concluded that
the accident was only the work of malicious citizens. We passed
the body of our unfortunate comrade as we walked along. It was a
visible and solemn lesson to those who were not disposed to respect
discipline and obey orders. It was put in a wagon and brought with
us. We buried it next morning with the usual honors.
About five o'clock a storm came up from the northwest, and the rain
fell in torrents. This only hightened the boys' glee. Our gait was
accelerated, and with loud yells and constant peals of laughter,
we entered Shelbina. It was quite late before we could draw any
rations; and the occurrences of the night at Wilsonsville were
repeated, and perhaps in a more aggravated manner.
The next morning broke misty and lowry. But by nine o'clock it had
cleared off, and the face of nature again looked cheerful. What was
now the situation? Green had crossed the railroad near Monroe and
was continuing his retreat. He had a wide field before him; but if
all the means by which he could have crossed the Missouri had been
seized, and a vigorous pursuit continued, he might have been captured
or his band dispersed. At the same time Colonel Williams was in
the direction of Paris, returning from an expedition which we will
discuss in the next chapter. Nevertheless, we did not stay to support
him; but leaving him to the mercy of Green who, there was every
reason to believe, would proceed in that direction, we got aboard
two trains of cars and moved toward Brookfield. We had proceeded but
two or three miles when the train in advance was fired into by a
concealed enemy. About thirty shots were fired; but no one was hurt.
We halted a short time and made an unsuccessful search for them.
When we arrived at Brookfield we found that our tents had been
occupied in the absence of Colonel Williams, by recruits for Colonel
Morgan's regiment. We were admonished by the sick comrades we found
here to give them a thorough cleansing before going into them. But in
spite of all our efforts in this direction, we soon had the felicity
of making the acquaintance of that charming little insect with whose
habits and instincts every soldier is supposed to be familiar.
CHAPTER VII.
THE EXPEDITION TO PARIS--THE FORCES ENGAGED IN
IT--DETAILS OF THE MOVEMENT TO THAT PLACE--CONDUCT
OF COLONEL WILLIAMS AND LIEUT. COL. BLAIR, WHILE
THERE--THEY RETURN RAPIDLY TO SHELBINA--GREEN PURSUES
AND CONFRONTS THEM WITH A LARGE FORCE--DETAILS OF
THE AFFAIR AT SHELBINA--COLONEL WILLIAMS RETREATS
TO HUDSON, WHERE HE MEETS GENERAL HURLBUT WITH
REINFORCEMENTS--THE PROPRIETY OF THE RETREAT
DISCUSSED--THE ACCOUNT OF THE REBELLION RECORD.
While we were marching from Kirksville to Shelbina, Colonel Williams
received an order, it is said, from General Fremont, the precise
nature of which I am not able to give. However, he collected his
available force, which consisted of the fifty well men left at
Brookfield by Colonel Scott, as many of the sick as had convalesced
during the subsequent two weeks, and sixty men of Company C, who had
been watching the enemy in the vicinity of St. Joseph. With this
force he proceeded to Hannibal, where he was joined by six companies,
or rather by a remnant of six companies of the gallant Second Kansas,
decimated by losses at Springfield and the sufferings of the hard
campaign of the Southwest, and now returning home by this route
to recruit their numbers and rest. This battalion, one company of
which was mounted, together with a company of Missouri cavalry under
Captain Dolan, increased his force to 630 men; with which he returned
as far as Shelbina, where he arrived at nightfall, and leaving
the cars began an immediate night march toward Paris, the county
seat of Monroe county, a flourishing inland town, where he arrived
about daybreak and bivouacked for the day. Learning from reliable
citizens that the enemy was in the vicinity with 1,200 men, he threw
out pickets in the outskirts of town, and sent out the cavalry to
reconnoiter. The latter had an affray with the enemy, and lost an
officer captured.
That night both Colonel Williams and Lieut. Colonel Blair, were too
much under the influence of liquor to be in a condition to command
men. Colonel Williams is said to have behaved most ridiculously. He
had his headquarters in the office of the Clerk of the Circuit Court.
He told his officers that the force was in imminent danger of attack,
and that they must not think of sleeping during the night. As to
himself, he was so worn out with fatigue and anxiety, that it would
be absolutely necessary for him to get a little sleep in order to be
prepared for emergencies that might arise! The officers of the Third
Iowa consulted together and decided that Colonel Williams was not
in a fit condition to continue in command. Whereupon they reported
this fact to Major Cloud, who informed them that Lieut. Col. Blair
was in a like condition, and that he had already assumed command of
the Kansas troops, and would assume command of the whole force; on
which they mutually agreed to obey him should anything occur during
the night. Before morning the camp was alarmed by the firing of the
pickets, and the troops took position for action. Colonel Williams
is said to have rode around the lines and delivered a few drunken
orders, which were not heeded, the officers obeying Major Cloud.
Whatever we may say in justification of Colonel Williams' conduct on
the following day, we do not attempt to justify this night's debauch.
In this, both he and Lieut. Col. Blair committed a fault for which
they should have been dismissed from the service. It was one of those
faults which amount to a high crime. They got drunk in the presence
of a superior enemy, and when they were expecting him to attack the
forces under their command. That was the crime. The situation of this
little force at best was a dangerous one. That very day Green crossed
the railroad in his retreat from Hurlbut. That he united with the
rebel force in the vicinity of Paris, and designed attacking Williams
while in this isolated position, subsequent events place beyond
doubt. Had the latter remained at Paris till noon the following day,
it is certain that Green would have inflicted a heavy disaster upon
him.
As it was, he began to retreat early in the morning toward Shelbina.
The promptness and rapidity of this movement, can not be placed to
his credit; for, though he had reason to believe he was followed, he
had no knowledge of the presence of Green. He arrived at Shelbina
about 2 P. M., and learned, doubtless with regret, of the departure
of Hurlbut and Scott from that place for Brookfield the previous day.
He had not been here half an hour when a heavy cloud of dust made its
appearance in the direction whence he had come; and soon the head of
a column of cavalry began to emerge from the long line of timber
which skirts the prairie of Shelbina about four miles to the south.
This column, lengthening as it emerged, came stretching over the
prairie, devouring, in expectation, the little band that was waiting
to receive it. Through this prairie runs a small brook, in the valley
of which the enemy disappeared in column and then reappeared, a
formidable line of battle a mile in length, stretching to the north
of the road and steadily advancing; at the same time bodies of troops
began to appear to the south of the road, which, when deployed,
extended so far as to reach the railroad to the east. The enemy now
presented, with two or three slight intervals, a line of battle two
miles in length, behind which could be seen, with the aid of a glass,
a line of infantry a half mile in length drawn up as a reserve. Green
then planted two pieces of cannon at different points, and sent to
Colonel Williams by flag of truce a demand for the surrender of his
force, giving him half an hour to decide. "Go to h----l!" is said to
have been the laconic response of the Colonel. He then ordered the
women and children out of the town.
Meanwhile he had been barricading the principal streets with lumber
and rubbish to protect his men from the fire of small arms. At the
expiration of the half hour, all eyes were strained with expectation
in the direction of the enemy. A burst of smoke enveloped one of his
pieces, and a nine pounder shot came screeching through the air.
After several discharges with this, he opened with his second piece,
and his extended flank began to advance, and close slowly toward our
right and left. The cavalry and two light companies of the Kansas
battalion made two or three slight demonstrations toward the enemy.
An engine and a car filled with men went to the east and disturbed
his flank resting upon the railroad. He made a demonstration on the
railroad toward the right; but an engine with two cars filled with
men went out and drove him off.
When the enemy first made his appearance, Colonel Williams
telegraphed to General Hurlbut a statement of his condition, to
which the General replied, telling him to hold out, and promising
to reinforce him before night. Two hours and a half had now elapsed
without tidings of any assistance. The enemy was advancing his pieces
and drawing his lines so as to envelop our flanks, and the situation
was evidently becoming critical. The Colonel called together his
officers and asked their advice. They were unanimously of the opinion
that it was best to move on the cars out of range of the enemy and
await the promised reinforcements. But Lieut. Col. Blair and Major
Cloud expressed their determination to retreat with their battalion
at all events. Col. Williams then said that if he could not induce
the Kansas troops to remain, he would not remain with his own men.
He therefore ordered a retreat. The men got hastily aboard the cars,
leaving behind two or three baggage wagons and a small quantity of
camp equipage. The enemy, before he discovered this movement, got
his artillery quite close behind the screen of a cornfield, and
began to throw grape and canister. The two trains moved rapidly
toward the west, the cavalry galloping along on the side opposite the
enemy. When the trains reached Clarence, the first station west of
Shelbina, and twelve miles distant from it, they halted. But instead
of waiting reinforcements here, the cavalry got hastily aboard the
flat cars, and the retreat was continued with every evidence that
some one was greatly frightened. When Colonel Williams arrived at
Hudson (Macon City), he found General Hurlbut there with about 250
men on the way to reinforce him. General Hurlbut called the Colonel
and his officers to account for their conduct on this occasion, and
his personal conduct greatly increased the feeling against him, both
among the officers and men.
Col. Williams has been greatly censured on account of this retreat
from Shelbina, and there may have been some disposed to attach a
stigma to our regiment in consequence of it. At least the name of
a regiment always suffers more or less with that of its commanding
officer. If the Colonel was to blame, his officers, and particularly
Colonel Blair and Major Cloud were not less so; the former for
advising him to retreat; the two latter for refusing to remain with
him with the troops under their command. That he did not await
General Hurlbut at Clarence is altogether inexplicable. In continuing
the retreat beyond that place in the manner in which it was done,
there is every evidence of panic and fright. Nothing could have been
lost then by waiting the arrival of reinforcements, or the approach
of night or the enemy. This would have supported the confidence of
the men, and given it, in the eyes of the public, the appearance of
an orderly retreat, instead of a disgraceful flight. If he had waited
till night, without the appearance either of reinforcements or of the
enemy, it might have been wiser then to resume the retreat than to
run the risk of waking up in the morning to find himself surrounded,
as Colonel Smith had been at Monroe, with the track torn up and
the wires cut on either side of him. This undoubtedly would have
happened to him, had he held out and remained that night at Shelbina.
In passing judgment on this affair, we have to consider, first,
that to hold out against a superior enemy hightens the _morale_ of
troops; and that it especially discourages men to be compelled to
retreat from troops for whom they have a settled contempt, such as
lawless insurgents, poorly disciplined and armed, and whom they
have come to suppress; and, second, that a successful retreat, from
whatever enemy, discourages them less than a disaster. Finally,
considering the threatening approach of the enemy in such numbers,
the non-arrival of reinforcements, and particularly the refusal of
the Kansas field officers to remain, we can not see wherein Colonel
Williams was to blame in abandoning Shelbina; but the flight from
Clarence demands an explanation which has never been given to the
men of the Third Iowa, who suffered a share in the general disgrace.
A more resolute commander, one whose conduct on this occasion, as
well as previously, had been such as to inspire the respect of all
his subordinates, would not have given up the place without a severe
fight. Before what happened in this case, the example of Sigel at
Carthage or Mulligan at Lexington, would have been far preferable.
The whole thing was badly managed. Hurlbut was to blame for not
remaining at Shelbina the day before to support Williams. Williams
was to blame for drunkenness at Paris, and for the imbecility of
calling a council of officers during the progress of the action. And
again, Hurlbut was to blame for not reinforcing him more promptly and
with a larger force. To show how this affair figures in history, I
give the account found in the _Rebellion Record_, which is also found
in the _N. Y. Commercial_ of September 10, 1861:
"This afternoon, Col. N. G. Williams, with eleven hundred troops,
Kansas and Iowa Third, was attacked at Shelbina, Mo., by Martin
Green, with from fifteen hundred to two thousand troops. Green
commenced firing upon them with two pieces of artillery, and kept up
fire for about one and a half hours. One man, (Federal), had his leg
taken off with a cannon ball. Col. Williams retreated on two trains
to Hudson, Mo., leaving a number of horses and a part of his camp
utensils in the hands of the rebels. Col. Williams had no artillery.
General Hurlbut got as far as Hudson, Mo., from Brookfield, with two
hundred and fifty men, to reinforce Williams. When he arrived there,
Williams was at Clarence on his retreat."
Our only comment on this is that Lieut. Schrader, acting commissary
for the force, stated that he issued rations for 630 men, and that
Green, after receiving the reinforcements which joined him south
of the railroad, not including the riffraff who joined him for the
occasion, could not have had less than 3,000; nor could he have made
so formidable display of numbers with a less force. The casualty
mentioned was that of a captain of the Kansas troops, who had his
foot taken off by a cannon ball while attempting to rally some
Missourians.
CHAPTER VIII.
WE BREAK UP CAMP AT BROOKFIELD AND PROCEED TOWARD
SHELBINA--JUNCTION WITH SMITH AND MOORE--GENERAL POPE
ASSUMES COMMAND--HURLBUT AND WILLIAMS PROCEED TO ST.
LOUIS IN ARREST--POPE LEADS A NIGHT MARCH AGAINST GREEN
AT FLORIDA--FEELINGS OF THE TROOPS--CIRCUMSTANCES OF
THAT AFFAIR--REPORT OF GENERAL FREMONT CONCERNING
IT--WE RETURN TO THE RAILROAD AND PROCEED TO
MACON--ARRIVAL OF GENERALS POPE AND STURGIS AT THAT
POINT--PROSPECTS OF ACTIVE MOVEMENTS.
The men who had been with Scott at Kirksville were not allowed as
much time to rest as they had expected. On the morning of September
6th, we broke up camp at Brookfield, got aboard a train of cars with
our baggage and effects, and moving eastward, arrived at Hudson a
little before sunset. Here we found Colonel Williams and his Shelbina
command, the detachment of the Sixteenth which General Hurlbut had
moved to reinforce him, and the Second Kansas, who had just got
aboard a train of cars, and were about to start for their previous
destination, their homes. The latter told prodigious stories of the
battle of Springfield, and we looked upon them with the respect
usually given to veterans.
The other troops at Hudson were not yet ready to move; but Colonel
Scott pushed on and halted for the night at Clarence. It was quite
dark when we reached that place, and we experienced not a little
difficulty in getting our effects separated properly, and putting
ourselves in a situation to pass the night. The greatest trouble was,
that we had scarcely anything to eat. But the town had plenty of
henroosts, and our ready hands supplied the deficiency. There were
some apprehensions, but no positive tidings of the enemy. Early in
the morning, a construction train went forward with a guard of thirty
men in command of a sergeant.
After Colonel Williams retreated from Shelbina, the enemy had
ventilated his rage upon the innocent railroad by tearing up the
track, burning culverts, and pulling down the wires for several miles
either way from that place. The principal damage done was in the
burning of the Salt river bridge, between Shelbina and Hunnewell.
The day was spent in repairing these damages, and at night, the
forces which had spent the previous night at Clarence and Macon under
Hurlbut, Williams and Scott, formed junction with those of Smith and
Moore, approaching from the opposite direction. Our regiment, again
united, and under Colonel Williams, moved forward early in the night
to Hunnewell.
Meanwhile we learned to our great joy that General Pope had arrived
from the North Missouri Railway and assumed command of the forces
on this road; and it was rumored that he would proceed immediately
against Green, who was encamped in the vicinity of Florida, a day's
march to the southwest. The rumor was correct; and he would have
moved that night, if Colonel Smith had not been too long in getting
back from Shelbina.
As might have been expected, the operations of the Federal forces in
northeast Missouri, which the last two chapters have attempted to
describe, discouraged the Union people and created a general feeling
of disappointment against General Hurlbut, both among citizens and
soldiers. Both the General and Colonel Williams were the following
morning relieved from their commands, and started for St. Louis under
arrest.
Daylight found the whole force assembled at Hunnewell under Pope. We
waited anxiously to see what he would do. He still hoped to surprise
Green. But he knew that the spies of the latter might watch him, and
he accordingly adopted a ruse to deceive them. He laid out his camp
in regular order, established a brigade camp guard, with Major Stone
as officer of the day, and, as far as outward appearances could show,
made preparations to remain at Hunnewell for some time. The ruse
deceived his own soldiers, who shook their heads and did not like the
appearance of things at all. It doubtless likewise deceived the enemy.
All at once, a little before sunset, up came an order to put four
days' rations on the wagons and get ready to march immediately. At
dusk the column took up the march in a splendid manner. Every step
was elastic, and every heart was full of joy and hope. We were about
to do now what we had longed to do at Kirksville. Nothing but some
egregious blunder on our part, or extreme watchfulness on the part of
the enemy, would hinder success.
But General Pope, notwithstanding his skill and energy, had made
one mistake. He had taken too long a train. Two days' rations would
have sufficed instead of four. Should he succeed in surprising the
enemy, the fight would not last long. Should the enemy retreat either
before or after a fight, it would be useless to pursue, unless it
were intended to undertake a general pursuit. The wagons, continually
halting, embarrassed and impeded the march. Had the train been half
as long, we could have moved with much more rapidity and ease.
After keeping the main road two or three hours, we followed by-roads
or moved over fields and rough prairies, which rendered the marching
tiresome in the extreme. About three o'clock in the morning we
crossed Salt river and found ourselves in the streets of Florida.
The different battalions twisted themselves together in all possible
confusion, and the men, heedless of everything, threw themselves down
in all manner of shapes to rest.
But where was Green? He was camped on a wooded bottom three miles
below, and the road leading to his camp was on the opposite (east)
side of the river. Only three miles off and we were halting! Was it
to take rest before falling upon him? or had General Pope missed the
way? Probably the latter; for we soon countermarched, crossed the
bridge and moved rapidly down the river. Was the enemy there? The
citizens said, yes. An old negro, who gazed at us with astonishment,
said they were there last night. Soon we heard the crack of muskets.
They were certainly there; for Lieut. Call was driving in their
pickets. It was our hour of glory. What had we to fear? We were
three regiments and four pieces of cannon besides the Home Guards,
and following a brave and skillful leader. They were a half organized
horde, armed with citizen's rifles and shot guns. Soon we would have
victory for the stigmas and sufferings of the past. Seldom have men
felt more joy.
Suddenly we were in the enemy's camp; but the enemy was not there.
Our feelings experienced a sudden shock of disappointment. Victory,
glory,--a moment ago almost within our possession, now lost. Each
man felt as though he had suddenly lost a fortune. But this is a
tame comparison; for what is money compared with the reward of the
soldier who participates in a successful battle? The enemy was gone;
he had taken everything. Nothing was left but a United States baggage
wagon, about ten bushels of unshelled corn and a broken shot gun. A
few coals smoldered beneath the ashes of his camp-fires. Every thing
indicated that his scouts had informed him of the movements against
him, and that he had evacuated early in the night.
Those who participated in this affair will not recall without a smile
the report of General Fremont to Adjutant General Townsend concerning
it. It represented Pope as having defeated Green, capturing his
baggage, besides recapturing that lost by our forces at Shelbourne
(Shelbina); that his infantry was exhausted but his cavalry pursued.
It is needless to say, that these statements were entirely without
foundation. The only cavalry the General had was a few Home Guards,
armed with muskets and mounted on farm horses. It is true that they
pursued; but they did not overtake the enemy. It is also true that
the infantry pursued; that is, a great many small straggling parties
went out in the direction of the enemy, levied contributions of
warm meals upon the inhabitants, and captured animals of various
sizes, from chickens in pin feathers up to horses. General Pope
observed this conduct on the part of his men with deep regret. But he
doubtless felt a little indulgent toward us, as every good commander
will feel toward his men when they have done something praiseworthy.
His men needed rest. He accordingly posted no infantry guard--only
kept his mounted men on the line of the enemy's retreat. This will
account for an incident which occurred during the afternoon, and
of which my comrades have a vivid recollection. A party of rebels,
probably a detachment of Green's main force, rode leisurely into
our camp. Colonel Moore was the first to discover them, and to
recognize them as enemies. He sprang to the nearest stack of guns,
seized a musket, and fired at the advanced man, giving him a mortal
wound in the breast. A number of soldiers imitated his example, and
another man was wounded; but the remainder fled in amazement and
consternation. Toward night the column marched back to Florida and
camped. Here, also, a number of depredations were committed on the
property of rebel citizens. Consequently for the return march the
following day, General Pope issued an order requiring the commandants
of regiments to ride in the rear of their respective commands,
and allow no soldier to leave the ranks except in case of absolute
necessity; and that whoever should break ranks to plunder should be
shot. This order did not sound at all pleasant to some of us, but it
was nevertheless obeyed. The march was begun early. The day was cool,
and three o'clock found us at Hunnewell. We found that the camp of
our regiment had been removed to the Salt river bridge by the guards
and men left with it, for the better protection of that work. We
joined them, tired and foot-sore enough.
After a fruitless chase that had promised such splendid results, we
could not but have a feeling of disappointment. The enemy had not
out-generaled us; he had out-marched us. We needed cavalry. Of what
avail was it for a man to take his household goods on his back and
endeavor to catch a horse? We must have dragoons to ride down and
saber to pieces the mounted forces. This was the universal opinion
among us. Our campaign against Green had taught us to value cavalry.
At this time it seemed that the whole country was agreeing with us.
"The man on the horse" was the rage, both in the army and out of it.
The War Department was increasing the cavalry force to 75,000. We
had rumors, too, that General Pope proposed to mount two or three
regiments, including ours, and with them clear north Missouri of
all irregular forces. The mere mention of it threw some of us into
ecstacies.
But this expectation was suddenly disappointed, when the following
morning our regiment got aboard a train of cars with all its baggage,
moved westward and camped at Macon City. We did not lay out a regular
camp here. No one expected that we would remain long. It seemed as
though we were only waiting for further orders.
The following day, September 12th, General Sturgis arrived from St.
Louis, by way of the North Missouri Railroad, with four companies
of the Thirty-ninth Ohio. General Pope also arrived from Hunnewell
with the Sixteenth Illinois. These two brigadiers established their
headquarters in the same hotel. It now looked like work. Fremont had
sent two of his best generals to command the forces here. We had seen
enough of Pope to have confidence in him. We knew that Sturgis had
won laurels at Springfield. We had read unbounded praises of him in
the St. Louis papers. His presence gave us great confidence in future
movements.
CHAPTER IX.
COL. SMITH WITH HIS OWN REGIMENT AND FIVE COMPANIES
OF THE THIRTY-NINTH OHIO PROCEEDS WEST TO PLATTE
RIVER BRIDGE, AND COMMENCES REPAIRING IT--COL.
SCOTT IS ORDERED TO CO-OPERATE WITH HIM AGAINST THE
REBELS IN THAT VICINITY--WE PROCEED TO CAMERON BY
RAILROAD, IMPRESS TRANSPORTATION AND MARCH TOWARD
LIBERTY--THE FIRST NIGHT--SECOND DAY'S MARCH--SECOND
NIGHT AT CENTERVILLE--CANNONADING IN THE DISTANCE--OUR
FEELINGS--LIEUT. CALL RECONNOITERS AS FAR AS
LIBERTY--WE MOVE AT 3 A. M.--AT SUNRISE DRIVE BACK THE
ENEMY'S PICKETS AND CAMP AT LIBERTY--NO TIDINGS FROM
SMITH--CANNONADING IN THE DIRECTION OF INDEPENDENCE,
AND PROBABILITIES OF AN ENGAGEMENT ACROSS THE
RIVER--COL. SCOTT RESOLVES TO ATTACK.
BATTLE OF BLUE MILLS LANDING.
We expected that the troops now under these two generals would be
directed in pursuit of Green. In this we were disappointed. There
were now far more important movements on foot, but of which we could
conjecture nothing. Both the Sixteenth Illinois and the detachment
of the Thirty-ninth Ohio were sent west under Smith. This seemed
a little strange; but in reality it was not at all so; for we had
already learned that the enemy had captured St. Joseph, and we had
just received intelligence of the Platte river bridge tragedy with
which the country is familiar. The Twenty-seventh Ohio and the
additional five companies of the Thirty-ninth Ohio arrived by way
of the North Missouri Railroad, and, under Sturgis, proceeded west
as far as Utica, when leaving the railroad, they moved south toward
Lexington. I have been unable to ascertain the orders under which
these columns moved. There is a chaos about the loss of Lexington,
out of which it is scarcely possible to bring any thing tangible or
intelligible. It seems, however, that General Pope had control of
the movements designed to reinforce that garrison from the north,
and that General Sturgis was under his command. Be this as it may,
the dispositions were faulty in the extreme. It seems that the Union
Guards designed reinforcing Mulligan from the line of the Hannibal
and St. Joseph Railroad, and, at the same time, driving out the
rebels from the vicinity of St. Joseph. Col. Smith, whom we supposed
sent to effect the latter purpose, proceeded as far west as Platte
river bridge, nine miles from St. Joseph, and commenced repairing
it. Why he did not proceed against the enemy is inexplicable. If his
force was insufficient, why was our regiment still lying at Macon?
Above all, why were these movements delayed a day when Lexington was
in such peril? Such questions will ever recur to us when we remember
what an annoyance the operations of the western army received in
the surrender of that garrison. The rebels began to retreat from
the vicinity of St. Joseph, and what then? Why, it was now time to
organize pursuit!
For this purpose, the Third Iowa was to go west and co-operate with
Smith. On the morning of September 15th, Colonel Scott received
orders to this effect, and, in less than two hours those of the
regiment who were able to endure a forced march were aboard a
train of cars and proceeding rapidly toward the west. The Colonel
compelled many partially ill or convalescent, who wished to join in
the movement, to remain behind; because he expected to perform rapid
marches, and did not wish to be embarrassed by straggling.
At 1 P. M. we arrived at Cameron, a station about forty miles east
of St. Joseph, and got our effects off the train. Here we heard the
first rumors of Price's movements, and began to have glimpses of what
was before us. Colonel Scott's orders from General Sturgis were to
leave the railroad at Cameron, march upon Liberty, act against the
rebels and co-operate with Smith. The plan seems to have been that
Smith and Scott should unite at Liberty, defeat the St. Joseph rebels
and capture their immense train before they could cross the Missouri;
and then, following them down the north bank of that stream, unite
with Sturgis, who would then be able to appear before Lexington in
such force as to raise the siege. It is easy to see wherein this plan
was defective. It involved, first, a division of our forces in the
presence of an enemy who was numerically our superior; and, secondly,
the accomplishing of two objects almost simultaneously when the whole
force should have been concentrated for the accomplishment of the
main one, the relief of Mulligan. As will be shown in the following
pages, the faults in executing were not less than those in planning,
and the whole thing was a total and disgraceful failure, relieved
only by two bright tints of glory, the heroism of Mulligan at
Lexington and of Scott at Blue Mills. In justice to Colonel Smith,
however, it is proper to state here, that, as will be seen by the
_St. Louis Republican's_ account, given in the next chapter, orders
to proceed to Lexington, after cutting off Boyd and Patton, did not
reach him at all.
We were not long getting our baggage and effects off the cars. But
how were we to move without transportation? Colonel Smith had taken
our wagons from us on a previous occasion, and still had them.
Colonel Scott, with his characteristic energy, set himself to work
to solve this problem. Before the men had got their dinners, he had
put into requisition several teams belonging to citizens, on which we
loaded our subsistence and the few cooking utensils we took along. We
were joined by a detachment of Captain Schwartz's Missouri Battery,
fourteen men and a six pounder, under command of a sergeant.
At three o'clock, we began to move. It had been raining slowly since
noon; but, though the roads were slippery, the mud was not deep, and
the wagons and artillery proceeded without difficulty. After a steady
march of seven miles, we bivouacked on an open meadow. It continued
to drizzle slowly till sunset, and finally the wind rose in the
northwest, damp and raw, which rendered the night very comfortless.
The common ration of food being found insufficient to satisfy our
hunger, Colonel Scott humanely and wisely ordered extra issues to be
made.
The march was resumed at an early hour. The scenery through which we
passed this day was sufficiently pleasing to repay even the toils
of the tiresome march. The day was clear and warm, and by noon the
roads were quite dry. We halted for dinner and rest at the small town
of Hainesville. As will be seen by Colonel Scott's official report,
it was from this point that he sent his first messenger to Smith.
[What became of these messengers? Were they captured by the enemy? Or
were they too timid to go far? To suppose that they were unable to
find Colonel Smith would be preposterous.]
After a short rest, we resumed the march, and arrived at Centerville
at sunset. We had scarcely stacked arms, when we heard toward the
west the firing of cannon. Every pulse beat quicker. There was not
a man who did not listen with interest. Every jar seemed an earnest
of something to come. Each seemed to tell of human passions broke
loose, of men turned demons, of carnage and of death. There was to
us a strange romance in those sounds. We rejoiced; for we knew that
in that direction were both friends and foes. That the latter were
there, gave us a double joy. We would meet them, and wipe out the
unjust reproach of Shelbina. We would show the country, that under
a brave leader, we were no cowards. We would make good our promises
to our friends and loved ones at home. We would earn the right to be
called comrades of the gallant men who fought at Springfield. The
fact that friends were there, gave us the assurance that we should
not meet the enemy alone and without hope of success.
We found Centerville almost entirely deserted. The inhabitants were
rebels. They had heard of our approach and fled. Nothing belonging
to them, however, was disturbed except their henroosts. It requires
no more than the teachings of ordinary experience to show that pilot
bread and fat bacon will not support great fatigue. The country
through which we passed supplied us in a measure with what our
commissariat lacked. No one went beyond the bounds of reason, and
the people were surprised that we took so little. Thus every man
had plenty of good food; his blood flowed vigorously; and what,
under other circumstances, would have cost him great fatigue, he now
endured with comparative ease.
Colonel Scott sent another messenger to Smith, and Lieut. Call
reconnoitered as far as Liberty. He reported the enemy marching
through that place. This was sufficient to determine Scott. The sound
of Madison's guns convinced him that the enemy was closely pursued.
He was determined, that, if decisive results were not attained, it
should not be through any fault of his.
Accordingly the drums beat reveille at two o'clock. We breakfasted
hastily, and at three the column was in motion. There was an
inspiration in this hurried march which the memory loves to recall.
Colonel Scott since said in a private letter, "My impression at this
moment of the proudest conduct of the old Third runs me back to
the morning of Sept. 17th, '61, driving in the rebel pickets, and,
with the eye of an eagle and the tread of a wild stag, closing up
that heavy march and advancing upon Liberty, in the expectation of
meeting thousands of rebels at any moment." At sunrise we came in
sight of Liberty. There were indeed enemies at hand, but no friends.
Lieut. Call drove the whole rebel pickets through the town, and we
bivouacked on the hill overlooking it from the north. But where was
Smith? Colonel Scott could not suppose that his last messenger had
not reached him. He accordingly waited with great impatience for his
arrival. Nine o'clock--ten--twelve; but no tidings from him.
On the other hand, we heard the firing of cannon in the direction
of Independence. This led us to believe that troops from the other
side of the Missouri were engaging the enemy while he was attempting
to cross. Colonel Scott seems to have been convinced on this point;
for it had been his understanding before leaving the railroad, that
troops from Kansas City were to co-operate. There was no mistaking
the sounds. Six discharges were heard, loud and distinct. Besides,
citizens actually reported that a fight was taking place on the other
side of the river. This left it impossible for Colonel Scott to doubt
that such was the case. He was, then, governed by two considerations:
_First_, our friends were engaging the enemy and needed assistance.
To hesitate or delay could not receive too much reproach. _Second_,
if the enemy was not entirely across, he was divided by the river.
Thus it was not only an absolute duty to attack at all hazards;
but, in doing so, it was probable that he would be able to strike
a decisive blow. Nevertheless, it was plain to see, that the
undertaking involved great hazard. The lowest reports of the citizens
placed the enemy's force at 3,000 men, with three pieces of cannon.
Universally hostile to us, and chagrined that their friends had fled
before so small a force, it is reasonable to suppose that they
represented his numbers less than they really were. But Colonel Scott
accepted the hazard and determined to attack without delay. It was a
resolution worthy of our old commander, and every soldier rejoiced to
join in executing it.
This was between the hours of one and two. Colonel Scott started a
messenger to Smith, and ordered the men to fall in. In a few minutes
the regiment was marching through the town, keeping a buoyant tread
to martial notes that had never sounded so sweetly before. The
people, mostly ladies--for there were few men to be seen--gathered
upon the street corners and watched us as we passed. We were marching
to attack their sons and brothers, and yet in our enthusiasm,
we thought we could see a gleam of admiration in their eyes. We
subsequently learned that we were not deceived. We almost fancied we
heard them murmur; "Those are five thousand; these, five hundred. Ah,
how great the odds! Brave men! with what a tread they march forward
to slaughter and defeat! But they are enemies, and it must be so."
I can imagine, too, the feelings of Colonel Scott, as he rode at the
head of these devoted men. I believe he recognized in the coming
hour not only duty but glory. There are moments in men's lives
when a vigorous blow seems to revolutionize their destiny. The man
who watches for these moments, who hails them in the distance, who
recognizes them when they arrive, and who then strikes, may almost be
said to be master of his fortune. It is given to few men to command
a force, acting independently against an enemy, when there is an
opportunity to strike a decisive blow. Colonel Scott, then, doubtless
recognized this as his hour of destiny. And such it was; for though
success might not attend the blow, a failure to strike quickly would
bring upon him the imputation of cowardice, and consign his name to
irreparable disgrace. His force was small; but to each man the hazard
was no less, than if they were a hundred thousand. Besides, it was at
a period of the war when we had not begun to fight great battles; but
when small successes made generals, and gave opportunity for greater
ones. It must have been an anxious hour to Scott. But he was equal to
it, and rode on, cool and firm as a Roman.
Lieut. Call with his mounted Missourians had the advance. They
encountered the enemy's pickets about two miles from Liberty, drove
them in and closely followed them. Anticipating this, his rearguard,
a battalion of cavalry under Colonel Childs, ambushed themselves in
a ravine behind a dense thicket, having previously picketed their
horses in the rear, and awaited their approach. The Lieutenant and
his party rode almost on to the muzzles of their guns, when the
rebels discovered themselves by a simultaneous volley, which emptied
five saddles, killing four men instantly and wounding a fifth. What
was to be done? The enemy was dismounted and posted. The Home Guards
had no sabers, only muskets, and could not charge. It was a trying
moment; but they fully vindicated their courage. Not a man drew rein
to retreat. They returned the fire, and only retired at the command
of Lieut. Call. In this encounter, Capt. Cupp of the Home Guards was
killed. Capt. Hawk was also wounded in such a manner that it seemed
half a miracle that it did not kill him. A ball struck him full on
the corner of the forehead, but by some means glanced, and spared the
gallant Captain's life. This affair won for Lieut. Call's Home Guards
our highest respect; for it taught us that they were brave men.
The four ghastly bodies, as we passed them, were visible presages of
what was to come. Near the scene of this occurrence, Colonel Scott
halted the battalion, and brought it to a front. He ordered us to
inspect our ammunition, and untie the bunches in the lower partition
of our boxes. He then gave the command to load, and rode along the
line cautioning the men to be steady and fire low. He caused the
artillery to take position in the center of the column, and a company
of infantry to be deployed forward as skirmishers. He ordered the
mounted men to bring up the rear as a reserve.
These dispositions being made, the column continued to advance. It
will be remembered that, at this point, we were perhaps half way
between Liberty and Blue Mills Landing; two miles from either place.
We were in a wooded bottom which continued to the river, interrupted
by one or two small corn-fields. The timber was very dense, and the
fallen trees and tangled vines rendered it almost impenetrable. It
would be impossible for a battalion deployed in line to advance
through it with any degree of rapidity or order. This induced Colonel
Scott to keep the battalion marching by the flank in the road, and to
trust to the skirmishers to discover the enemy i
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