The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 4: Acadia and Quebec, 1616-1629
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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 4: Acadia and Quebec, 1616-1629
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
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THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS
VOL. IV
[Illustration: JEAN DE BRÉBEUF, S.J.]
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. IV
ACADIA AND QUEBEC: 1616-1629
CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVII
COPYRIGHT, 1897
BY
THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
_The Imperial Press, Cleveland_
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Translator from the French JOHN CUTLER COVERT
Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Translator from the Latin WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE
Translator from the Italian MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR
CONTENTS OF VOL. IV
PREFACE TO VOLUME IV 1
DOCUMENTS:--
XIV. Relation de la Novvelle France, de ses Terres, Natvrel dv Païs,
& de ses Habitans. [Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii. and Index, completing the
document.] _Pierre Biard_; Lyons, 1616 7
XV. Lettre au Sievr de Champlain. _Charles Lalemant_; Kebec, July 28,
1625 170
XVI. Lettre au R.P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects. _Charles
Lalemant_; Kebec, July 28, 1625 172
XVII. Epistola ad R.P. Mutium Vitelleschi, Præpositum Generalem
Societatis Jesu, Romæ. _Carolus Lalemant_; Nova Francia, August 1,
[1626] 176
XVIII. Lettre au Pere Hierosme l'Allemant. _Charles Lalemant_; Kebec,
August 1, 1626 185
XIX. Lettre au R.P. Supérieur du Collége des Iésuites à Paris. _Charles
Lalemant_; Bordeaux, November 22, 1629 229
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME IV 247
NOTES 253
[Illustration]
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. IV
I. Portrait of Jean de Brébeuf, S.J.; photo-engraving from oil portrait
by Donald Guthrie McNab _Frontispiece_
II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Charles Lalemant to Jerome
188
PREFACE TO VOL. IV
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:
XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the
_Relation_ of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken
to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to
England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of
over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land.
The annalist records what progress the Christian religion has made
in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the
country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists
have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have
some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized.
Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as
dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims
of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New
France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging
that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and
religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the
savages.
Between the Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of
nine years. The Jesuit mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the
attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who,
in his _Relation_ of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage.
Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and
beyond the St. Lawrence; but,--as related in the Introduction (Volume
I. of this series) and in Notes to this Volume, _post_,--finding
themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to
return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages.
The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles
Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.
XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the
governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec,
the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas
Viel, of the latter order.
XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the
Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the
Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.
XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt
1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries
have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the
time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf
spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could
of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the
French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians.
He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the
interests of their mission.
XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his
brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a
short description of the country and the climate; then of the people,
their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent
of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment
of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The
difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native
languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain
interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of
Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity;
Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as
his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure
for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France,
in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron
country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he
sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and
Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name
their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother
to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy
superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written
to France,--chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and "those who have
written to me."
Lalemant (see _note_ 20, _post_, for details) had gone to France for
supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in
May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to
whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits were sent to
England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party
of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629),
but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous
Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant
returned to France.
XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of
the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently
experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were
drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.
July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived
at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him
were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to
reopen the mission of their order in New France.
The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from
the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr.
John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L.
P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and
Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E.
Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named
in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable
suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure
in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St.
Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C.
bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A. Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College,
St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College,
Buffalo, N. Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., January, 1897.
XIV (concluded)
BIARD'S RELATION DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE
LYONS: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616
Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps.
i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.
CHAPITRE XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]
LE PILLAGE DE NOSTRE NAUIRE, & DE NOS GENTS, LES ANGOISSES OÙ NOUS
ESTIONS.
L'ANGLOIS victorieux s'en vint à terre, où estoyent nos tentes, &
alogements commencés, & fit rechercher nostre Capitaine de tous tous
costés, disant, qu'il vouloit voir nos commissiõs; que ceste terre leur
appartenoit, & que pour cela ils s'estoy[~e]t rués sur nous nous y
trouuãts, neantmoins que si nous faisions apparoistre de nostre bonne
foy, & que nous fussions là venus sous l'autorité de [238] nostre
Prince, qu'ils y auroyent esgard, ne voulants en rien contreuenir à la
bonne confederation de nos deux Rois. Le malheur fut qu'on ne trouua
point la Saussaye, à l'occasion de quoy l'Anglois fin, & subtil se
saisit de ses coffres, les crocheta industrieusement, & y ayant trouuée
nos commissiõs, & lettres royaux, les saisit; puis remettant toutes
les besongnes en sa place, chasque chose tout ainsi qu'il l'auoit
trouuée, referma lesdits coffres gentiment. Le lendemain la Saussaye
estant venu, le Capitaine Anglois, qui sçauoit fort bien sa leçon,
l'accueillit humainement, & luy fit les premiers interrogats auec
belles ceremonies: Puis vint au point: luy demandant ses commissions,
à celle fin qu'il n'y eust aucune doute, quand reellement on verroit,
& considereroit les paroles, & autorité [239] du Roy nostre SIRE. La
Saussaye respondit que ses lettres estoyent dans ses coffres. On
luy apporta ses coffres, & auant qu'il les ouurist auec ses clefs,
on l'aduisa qu'il regardast bien si personne y auroit touché; car
quant à eux ils y alloyent fort simplement. La Saussaye recognoissoit
tout estre en fort bon ordre, mais malheur! il n'y retrouuoit pas
ses lettres. Icy le Capitaine Anglois chãgea de mine, & de ton, & se
refroignant comm'il falloit, quoy donc (dit-il) vous nous imposez
icy? Vous donnés à entendre qu'auez commission de vostre Roy, & n'en
pouuez produire aucun tesmoignage? Vous estes des Forbãs & Pirates
trestous; vous merités la mort. Et dés lors, il fit la part du butin
aux soldats: En quoy il consuma toute l'apres-disnée. Nous de la terre
considerions le guaspillement [240] de tous nos biens: car les Anglois
nous laissoyent à terre, eux se tenants en mer, & ayãts ioints par
ensemble nos vaisseaux au leur, car nous en auions deux, sçauoir est
nostre nauire, & vne barque construicte sur le lieu, & equippée de
neuf. Nous estions reduits en piteux estat: mais ce n'estoit pas la
fin. Le iour suiuant on vint à terre, & on nous pilla encores ce qu'y
auions: non pas tout du commencement, ains à passades, & à chasque
fois qu'on desc[~e]doit à terre, tousiours quelque detrousse de nos
manteaux, habits, & autres choses. Vne fois on fit quelques violences,
& atrocitez de traictement sur la personne de deux de nos gents, ce qui
espouuanta tellem[~e]t vne partie des autres, qu'ils s'enfuirent par
les bois comme pauures bestes esgarées, demy nuds, & sans [241] aucuns
viures, ne sçachants ce qu'ils pourroyent deuenir.
CHAPTER XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]
THE PLUNDERING OF OUR SHIP, AND OF OUR PEOPLE, AND THE DISTRESSES
WE ENDURED.
THE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents
and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all
directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that
this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when
they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith
in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of
[238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing
in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the
trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account
the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully
picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and
royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything
back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely
fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having
returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well,
received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show
of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission,
so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] of
the King, our SIRE, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye
answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought,
and before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see
if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting
with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order,
but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English
Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most
proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give
us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you
cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates,
every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to
plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the
shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the
English had left us on shore while they remained on the water,
where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship
and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were
reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next
day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there.
Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on
shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other
things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so
frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor
hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what
would become of them.
Venons aux Iesuites. Ie vous ay dit, que Gilbert du Thet fut outré
d'vne mosquetade durant le combat. Les Anglois entrants dans le nauire
le mirent entre les mains de leur Chirurgien & luy, & tous les
autres blessés. Ce Chirurgien estoit Catholique, & recognu pour tel;
& personne fort charitable, & qui nous a faict mille bons offices. Or
le P. Biard ayant sceu la blessure de Gilbert du Thet fit demander
au Capitaine, que les blessés fussent portés à terre, ce qui fut
accordé, & par ainsi ledit Gilbert eust le moyen de se confesser, &
de benir & louër Dieu iuste, & misericordieux en la Compagnie de ses
Freres, mourãt entre leurs mains. Ce qu'il fit auec grande constance,
resignation, & deuotion, [242] vingt & quatre heures apres sa blessure,
il eust son souhait, car au despart de Honfleur, en presence de tout
l'equipage il auoit haussé les mains, & les yeux vers le Ciel priant
Dieu, qu'il ne reuint iamais plus en France, ains qu'il mourust
trauaillãt à la conqueste des ames, & au salut des Sauuages. Il fut
enterré le mesme iour au pied d'vne grande Croix que nous auions
dressée du commencement.
Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet
was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English
boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded
men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic,
and known as such. He was very charitable, and did us a thousand
kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert
du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the
wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert
had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God,
full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their
arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and
devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his
wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew,
he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he
might never again return to France, but that he might die working
for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He
was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had
erected when we first went there.
Les Iesuites n'estoyent iusques alors recognus des Anglois, sinon que
pour Prestres. Or le P. Biard & le P. Enemond Massé s'en aller[~e]t au
nauire parler au Capitaine Anglois, & luy expliquer[~e]t ouuertement
comm'ils estoy[~e]t Iesuites, venus en ces quartiers-là pour la
cõuersiõ des Sauuages, puis le supplierent par le sang de celuy,
qu'il recognoissoit pour Sauueur, & [243] par les misericordes qu'il
en attendoit, qu'il luy pleust auoir pitié de ces pauures François,
sur lesquels Dieu luy auoit dõné puissance, & qu'en leur misere il
recognust combien les affaires de ce monde varient: qu'il luy pleust
leur donner & leur moyenner retour en leur pays de France. Le Capitaine
les ouyt fort paisiblement, & leur respondit auec pareil honneur: mais
(dit-il) dissimulant, ie m'estonne fort comme vous autres Iesuites,
lesquels on tient communement pour gens de conscience, & de Religion,
vous vous retrouuiez icy, neantmoins en la compagnie des forbans,
& picoreurs, gens sans adueu & sans loy, ny honneur. Le P. Biard
respondit & preuua auec tant d'arguments, que toute leur troupe estoit
de gens de bien, & recommandés par sa Majesté [244] tres-Chrestienne:
& refuta si peremptoirement toutes objections contraires, que le
Capitaine Anglois fut contrainct de faire semblant, qu'il s'y
accordoit, vaincu par ses raisons. Certes (adiousta-il) il y a bien eu
de la faute, à ce que ie voy, d'ainsi perdre vos lettres. Neantmoins ie
traicteray de vostre retour auec vostre Capitaine, & dés lors iusques
au depart, il fit tousiours manger à sa table lesdits deux Peres,
leur mõstrant beaucoup de respect & hõnesteté. Or il auoit vn'espine
au pied, qui le tourmentoit; c'estoit le Pilote, & les Matelots,
qui estoyent euadés, & desquels il ne pouuoit sçauoir nouuelles. Ce
Pilote appellé le Bailleur, de la ville de Roüen, s'en estant allé
pour recognoistre (ainsi que vous a esté dit) ne peut point retourner
à temps au nauire pour le def[~e]dre, [245] & partant il retira sa
chaloupe à l'escart, & la nuit venuë print encores auec soy les autres
Matelots, & se mit en sauueté hors la veuë, & le pouuoir des Anglois.
De nuict il nous venoit trouuer pour auiser auecques nous ce qui seroit
de faire. Il fit en particulier ce bon office aux Iesuites: car il vint
trouuer le P. Biard, & le prenant par la main le coniura de ne se point
meffier de luy, pource qu'il estoit de la Pretenduë, l'asseurant qu'il
ne manqueroit ny à luy, ny a aucun des Peres: & qu'il supplioit Dieu,
que tout ainsi il ne l'abandonnast point, comm'il le disoit de coeur
syncere. Le P. Biard le remercia de bonne affection, & luy promit de
se souuenir de ceste si bonne volonté: il luy dit neantmoins qu'il ne
vouloit encores penser à soy, iusques à ce qu'il vit tous les autres
en beau [246] chemin. Que lors il deuiendroit ce qu'à Dieu plairoit,
admonnestant ledit Pilote de se garder de tomber és mains des Anglois:
parce que le Capitaine buttoit fort à le pouuoir attraper. Ledit Pilote
fit sagement son profit de cest aduertissement, & de celuy des autres.
Car de là à deux ou trois iours, il passa à la barbe des Anglois,
comme se sauuant, & s'en allant chercher nauire, & leur disant que ce
n'estoit pas pour ceste fois là, qu'il le falloit att[~e]dre. Mais il
se retira seulement derriere quelques Isles non loin de là pour y estre
aux escoutes & considerer quelle fortune nous arriueroit. Cela fit à
mon aduis, que le Capitaine Anglois se resolut plustost à ne nous pas
faire pis, toutesfois il en auoit quelque volõté, ce que ie ne sçay.
De vray par les coniectures de ce que nous auons experim[~e]té [247]
despuis, il estoit bien Capitaine fort sage & rusé, mais neãtmoins
gentil-homme ayant le courage noble: ses gents aussi n'estoy[~e]t point
inhumains, ny cruels contre personne de nous.
Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English,
except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went
to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him
openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to
convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him
whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he
expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these
poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their
wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of
this world, allow them to return to France, their native country,
and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them
very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said
he) dissembling, "I am very much astonished at you Jesuits, who
are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being
here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle
wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without
honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that
their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his
most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing
arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him,
conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed
some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters.
Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your
Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had
the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and
courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much
uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of
whom he could get no news. This pilot,[1] called "le Bailleur,"
from the city of Roüen, had gone out to reconnoitre (as has been
stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it;
[245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took
in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety,
out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he
came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He
performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came
to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to
mistrust him because he was of the Pretended[2] Religion, assuring
him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he
should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from a
sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on
his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however,
that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the
others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God
willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the
hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch
him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the
others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in
defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a
ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this
time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be
on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe
this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse
treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to
which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced
[247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain,
but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his
men inhuman or cruel to any of us.
Or ne sçauroit-on croire les angoisses ausquelles nous estions en
ce temps, car nous ne sçauions où donner de la teste. Du costé des
Anglois, nous n'attendions que la mort, ou du moins la seruitude: aussi
d'arrester sur le pays, & viure parmi les Sauuages a leur façon tout vn
an entier, & tant de gens, nous sembloit estre vne mort bien longue &
miserable. Ces bons Sauuages ayants ouy nostre desastre s'en vindrent
à nous, & nous offroyent leur possible, promettants de nous alimenter
durant l'Hyuer, & monstrants vne grande cõpassion. Mais nous ne
pouuions pas esperer mieux, [248] qu'ils n'ont. Aussi de trouuer autres
expedients en vn tel desert: nous n'en voyons point. Voicy en fin comme
Dieu nous pourueut.
Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that
time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we
expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this
country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way
for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death.
These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and
offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the
Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could
hope for nothing better [248] than they had; also we could see no
prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see
how God provided for us.
CHAPITRE XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]
LES EXPEDIENTS TROUUEZ POUR REUENIR EN FRANCE, & COMME TRENTE DE NOS
GENS Y ARRIUERENT APRES PLUSIEURS TRAUAUX.
LE Capitaine Anglois appellé Samuel Argal, & son Lieutenant, dit
Guillaume Turnel, commencerent à traicter de nostre retour selon leur
promesse auec nostre Capitaine la Saussaye. Les Anglois offroyent des
conditions bien iniques, mais pour le faire court, la conclusion fut
qu'vne [249] chaloupe nous restant de deux, [~q] nous en auions, ils
nous en l'aisseroyent vne, & qu'auec icelle nous allassions où Dieu
nous conduiroit. Le Capitaine Anglois, cauteleux qu'il est; voulut
auoir vn escrit, signé de la main de la Saussaye, par lequel il
tesmoignast, que c'estoit de son choix, que ce parti auoit esté prins.
CHAPTER XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]
THE MEANS WHICH WERE FOUND TO RETURN TO FRANCE, AND HOW THIRTY OF
OUR PEOPLE ARRIVED THERE AFTER MANY TRIALS.
THE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his
Lieutenant, William Turnel,[3] began, as they had promised, to
treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English
offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short,
the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the
two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could
go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was,
wished to have a written acknowledgement signed by la Saussaye, in
which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this
course had been taken.
Ceste conclusion ouye, le P. Biard s'en alla trouuer ledit Capitaine,
& luy representa, qu'ils restoyent trente personnes, & qu'il estoit
impossible que tant de gens peussent estre entassez dans vn si petit
vaisseau, tant s'en faut qu'ils peussent dans iceluy faire cent
cinquante lieües, & trauerser des bayes de dix & douze lieuës, comme
il leur conuenoit faire, auant que trouuer auc[~u] nauire François,
auquel ils se peussent refugier: que cela estoit manifestement [250]
nous ietter à la mort, & au desespoir. L'Anglois respondit, [~q] la
Saussaye ne le croyoit pas ainsi: mais que si on vouloit descharger
ladicte chaloupe, qu'il en ouuriroit bien vn moyen: qu'il conduiroit à
la Virginie les artisants qui voudroyent y venir sous promesse, qu'on
ne les forceroit point en leur Religion, & que, apres vn an de seruice,
on les feroit repasser en France. Trois accepterent ceste offre.
When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain,
and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and
that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small
a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make
one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve
leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship
in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly
[250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The
Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they
wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so;
that he would take to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there,
under promise that they would not force them in the matter of
Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them
back to France. Three accepted this offer.
Pareillement le sieur de la Mote dés le commencement auoit consenti de
s'en aller à la Virginie auec ledit Capitaine Anglois, qui l'honnoroit
beaucoup, parce qu'il l'auoit trouué l'espée au poing, & voyoit en luy
plusieurs autres bõnes qualitez, ce qui profitoit de beaucoup à toute
nostre troupe. On luy auoit aussi permis de mener auec soy aucuns, qui
de mesme [251] seroyent asseurez sous sa faueur. Le Capitaine Flory
se resolut pareillement de tenter la mesme fortune, parce qu'on luy
donnoit esperance qu'il y pourroit recouurer son nauire. Le P. Biard
pria, que quatre qu'ils estoyent, sçauoir est deux Iesuites, & deux
autres fussent portez au Isles de Pencoit, & que là on les recommandast
aux pescheurs Anglois, qui y sont d'ordinaire, à celle fin que par leur
moyen ils peussent repasser en France, ce que le Capitaine Anglois luy
octroya fort volontiers.
Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to
Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because
he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good
qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He
was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to
enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try
the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might
thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them,
namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit
Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually
there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the
English Captain granted very willingly.
En ceste façon la chaloupe se trouua conpetemment deschargée, & toute
nostre troupe fut diuisée en trois egales bandes: Car quinze estoyent
auec la Pilote: quinze restoyent auec les Anglois; & quinze entroyent
dans la chaloupe accordée. De ces quinze [252] le P. Enemond Massé
en estoit l'vn, car le choix ayant esté baillé à la troupe de ceux,
qui deuoyent entrer dans la chaloupe à ce qu'ils peussent eslire de
tous les trois Iesuites celuy qu'ils aimeroient mieux pour leur faire
compagnie; ce fut luy, qu'ils agreerent le plus.
Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was
arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot,
fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat
left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one,
for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that
boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to
accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.
Ceste chaloupe donc fut deliurée entre les mains de la Saussaye,
& dudit P. Enemond Massé, Iesuite, que le Capitaine Anglois hõnora
beaucoup. Il la liura quelque peu amonitionnée de viures, & autres
prouisions. Mais nos pauures gens furent bien en peine, quand il la
fallut conduire: car ils n'estoyent pour tout, que deux, ou trois
mariniers, & iceux n'auoyent ny carte, ny cognoissance des lieux. En
ceste destresse Dieu les secourut fort à poinct: car le Pilote, qui
auoit mis ses gens en [253] seurté, desireux de sçauoir en quel estat
estoit le reste de la troupe, se desguisa en Sauuage & s'en vint espier
sur les lieux. L'Ange de Dieu le conduisit par le bon endroit; car il
rencontra tout à propos ceste chaloupe, qui s'en alloit, & ne sçauoit
comment ceste bonne fortune parut de si bon augure aux rencontres,
qu'ils s'asseurerent dés lors, que Dieu leur vouloit faire misericorde,
mesmes que pour surcroit de grace, ils firent vne fort belle pesche
de gros Aumars ou Canchres de mer, & les Sauuages leur donnerent
liberalement force oyseaux, & poissons, & de tout ce qu'ils auoyent
auec grande signification de compassion.
This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father
Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He
delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other
provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble when they had
to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three
sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In
this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for
the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to
know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as
a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided
him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered
this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation.
This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat,
that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to
them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in
catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously
gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they
had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.
En ceste façõ ils se vindr[~e]t ioindre à la chaloupe des Matelots, &
de compagnie gagnerent l'Isle de Menano. C'est'Isle est à l'emboucheure
[254] de la Baye Françoise, & d'icelle iusques à l'Isle Longue, où
falloit qu'ils trauersassent dix lieües de pleine mer fort fascheuses
à cause des grandes marées, qui y courent, & bouillent: & de mal'heur,
mauuais temps les retint icy huict, ou neuf iours. Leurs maux &
apprehensions les firent recourir à Dieu par voeus, & prieres, qui
furent exaucées, comme il parut par le beau temps qui vint selon leur
souhait: à la faueur duquel ils paruindrent à l'Isle Longue, où pour
tenir leur promesse ils planterent vne Croix, celebrerent la Saincte
Messe, & firent vne processiõ. Là aussi Dieu leur auoit preparé vn
magasin: car ils y trouuerent vn bon monceau de sel, que le sieur de
Biencourt y auoit autrefois delaissé, & pour l'employer ils firent vne
fort bonne, & heureuse pesche. Ainsi prouisionnez [255] ils passer[~e]t
au Cap Forchu, auquel lieu ils trouuerent le Sagamo Louys Membertou,
qui fit grand accueil au P. Enemond Massé, & le vouloit retenir à
toute force. Mais ledit Pere s'excusa sur la necessité de ne point
delaisser sa compagnie. Le Sauuage leur fit à trestous Tabagie d'vn
Orignac, ce qui leur fit grand bien, & en doublerent plus ioyeusement
despuis le Cap de Sable. Estants ja proches du Port au Mouton, ils
eurent au deuant d'eux quatre chaloupes de Sauuages, qui reuenoyent
de la trocque. C'estoit Roland, & autres Sagamos, qui aussi tost
recogneurent ledit P. Enemond, & luy firent leurs liberalitez bien
grandes certes: demie Galette de pain à chacun des cõpagnons, & vne
entiere à luy. C'estoit le monde renuersé, les Sauuages fournissoyent
du pain, aux [256] François gratuitement. Ce pain sembloit de la Manne
à nos tribulez: car de trois sepmaines ils n'en auoyent mangé. Et pour
le comble de souhait, les Sauuages leur dirent, que non guieres loin de
là y auoit deux nauires Frãçois, l'vn à Sezambre, & l'autre à Passepec.
Ce qui fit diligenter nos Pelerins à ce qu'ils ne les perdissent.
Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in
their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the
entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long
Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very
angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow
between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or
nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse
to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from
the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and
by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep
their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and
marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse;
for they found in this place a good pile of salt, which sieur de
Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they
caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on
to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who
gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means
to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his
reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made
Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing
to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When
they were in the neighborhood of Port au Mouton, they saw before
them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the
trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately
recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly
wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his
companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside
down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This
bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they
had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment
of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were
two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This
caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.
Ces deux nauires estoyent Maloüins, l'vn appartenant au Ieune Dupont,
duquel nous auons souuent parlé cy deuant, d'enuiron cinquante tonneaux
seulement: le Capitaine Vible Bullot commandoit à l'autre, qui estoit
de cent tonneaux, & (de bon augure) s'apelloit le Sauueur. Chacun
de ces deux print sa moitié de toute la troupe, mais ceux du petit
vaisseau patirent beaucoup: car tout leur defailloit: place, viures,
eau: & furent horriblement agitez de [257] tempestes & contrarieté
de vents: nostre meschef neantmoins arriua prosperem[~e]t pour ce
vaisseau, parce qu'il auoit perdu beaucoup de ses gens, & à peine
s'en fut-ils peu reuenir sans ce rencontre, & nouueau renfort de nos
desbandez.
These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the
Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being
only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the
other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur."
Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the
smaller vessel suffered a great deal, being in need of everything,
room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257]
tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very
opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew,
and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and
fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.
Au grand vaisseau, appellé _le Sauueur_, on fut mieux, mesmes que
les Matelots furent si charitables, que de leur propre gré ils
retrancherent leur ordinaire, & quitterent plusieurs bonnes places
pour accommoder leurs hostes. Le P. Enemond Massé fut retiré en
cestuy-cy, & le Pilote Alain Yeon luy fit beaucoup de charitez. Ils
furent accueillis pareillement de tempestes, & experimenterent estre
vray, ce qu'on dit du feu S. Elme, où Freres consolants, que quand ils
apparoissent deux à la fois, c'est bon signe. Car deux apparur[~e]t
[258] vn quart d'heure sur leurs Antemnes, & bien tost apres les
bourrasques & furies de mer s'accoiserent.
In the larger vessel, called _the Sauveur_, they fared better, as
the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will,
they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good
places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé
had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed
him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and
experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the
consoling Brothers,--that when two appear at once, it is a good
omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the
Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the
sea abated.
Tous les deux nauires arriuerent en sauueté à S. Malo, quasi en mesme
temps quoy que le Sauueur fust parti douze iours plus tard. La ioye,
qu'ils receurent vous la pouuez estimer, repassant par la memoire les
dangers dont ils se voyoyent eschappez. Le P. Enemond Massé, & toute
la troupe, se loüent beaucoup de l'humanité & bon accueil, qu'ils
receurent en ladicte ville de Sainct Malo, de mon Seigneur l'Euesque,
de Monsieur le Gouuerneur, de MM. les Magistrats, Marchands, &
generalement de tous.
Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time,
although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may
imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which
they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company
greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city
of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the
Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.
CHAPITRE XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]
[259] LE VOYAGE DE LA VIRGINIE; & LE RETOUR EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.
DIEV soit beny. Voyla ja les deux tiers de nostre troupe reconduits en
France sains & sauues parmi leurs parents, & amis, qui les oyent conter
leurs grandes auantures. Ores consequemment vous desirez sçauoir que
deuiendra l'autre tiers, qui est encores demeuré entre les Anglois.
Certes bien plus longue, & plus variable fortune les attend, & tous
n'en sortiront pas bagues sauues.
CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]
[259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.
GOD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted
back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred,
who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful
adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the
other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In
truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not
emerge therefrom unharmed.
Les Anglois auoyent trois vaisseaux, sçauoir est le leur, auec lequel
ils nous auoyent prins, de cent trente tonneaux. Le nostre, qu'ils
auoyent saisi de cent tonneaux, [260] & vne barque de douze tonneaux,
laquelle pareillement ils tenoy[~e]t de nous, & ne la nous auoyent
point voulu quitter, pour fournir à nostre retour. Ils remplirent ces
trois vaisseaux de leurs gens, & nous partagerent entre eux. Le sieur
de la Mote, le Capitaine Flory, & le reste d'vne moitié faisant en tout
huict personnes, furent logez en la Capitanesse, & les autres en nombre
de sept, demeurerent dans le nauire captif, duquel le Lieutenant Turnel
estoit faict Capitaine.
The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they
had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had
seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which
they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used
for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people,
and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and
half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the
"Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the
captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.
Or pour commencement de mal-heur, on ne conduisit point les Iesuites
aux Isles de Peucoit, selon la promesse, ains on les mena droit à la
Virginie auec le reste de la troupe, laquelle on consoloit par belles
esperances d'autant que (disoit-on) le Mareschal de la Virginie, qui
a toute charge, [261] & autorité de iurisdiction, estoit grand amy
des François, cõme ayant obtenu tous les principaux honneurs par la
recommandation de feu Henry le Grand, & ayant esté son soldat, & son
pensionnaire. Cela nous preschoit on souuent.
Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not
taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were
taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were
consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal
of Virginia,[4] who has full power [261] and authority of
jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured
all his more important honors through the recommendation of the
late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This
was preached to us frequently.
Mais nos prescheurs ne prenoyent pas leur texte de l'Euangile. Car
ce beau Mareschal, qui à leur dire auoit le fil, & la trempe si
Françoise, ayant ouy nouuelles de nous, ne parloit que de harts &
gibets, & de nous faire pendre trestous. L'espouuante nous en fut
donnée, & aucuns en perdirent le repos, ne s'attendants plus qu'à
monter ignominieusement par vne eschelle, & deualer miserablement
par vne corde. Mais le Capitaine Argal se mõstra genereux à nous
defendre: car il resista audit Mareschal, opposant la [262] foy par
luy donnée. Et comm'il se vid trop foible en ceste oppositiõ; il
publia nos commissions, & lettres Royaux, dont ie vous ay parlé cy
deuant, qu'il auoit subtilement enleué des coffres de la Saussaye. Et
c'est par ce moyen que nous auons sceu qu'il auoit vsé de telle ruse,
car autrem[~e]t nous n'en eussions peu rien descouurir. Le Mareschal
voyant ces autoritez de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, & la resolution
du Capitaine, n'osa passer plus outre, ainsi apres quelques iours &
quelques autres apprehensions, on nous fit sçauoir, que parole nous
seroit gardée.
But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For
this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a
Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked
about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of
us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace
of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a
ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal
showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the
Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found
himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions
and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had
surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in
this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for
otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing
these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination
of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days
spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise
would be kept.
Or comment on nous la garderoit, & quel moyen on nous trouueroit de
nous renuoyer en France, c'estoit vne grande question. Le General, le
Mareschal & tous les Principaux chefs de la Virginie s'assemblerent
en Conseil. [263] Sur icelle le resultat & conclusion des opinions fut
de pis faire que iamais, puis qu'il leur sembloit d'en auoir le moyen.
Car il fut ordonné que le Capitaine Argal auec ses trois vaisseaux
retourneroit en la nouuelle France, pilleroit, & raseroit toutes les
forteresses, & habitations des François qu'il trouueroit en toute la
coste jusques à Cap Breton: c'est à dire iusques au 46 degré, & demy:
(parce qu'ils pretendent à tout tãt de pays: qu'il feroit pendre
la Saussaye, & tous ceux de ses gens, lesquels il trouueroit estre
demeurez dans ces confins; pilleroit de mesme tous les vaisseaux, qu'il
rencontreroit, trouuant toutesfois moyen aux personnes de se pouuoir
retirer en France: en cas qu'ils ne fissent point de resistance; &
qu'on nous mettroit nous autres vieux prisonniers en compagnie [264]
de ceux à qui en ceste façon lon feroit grace de la vie. Telle fut la
deliberation. Mais Dieu estoit par dessus, & cõme vous orrés, il en
disposa autrement, quant à plusieurs articles.
Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found
to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,[5]
the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia
assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their
consultation was to act still worse than ever, since it seemed to
them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain
Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder
and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French
which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton:
namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay
claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye
hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within
these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which
he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to
return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we
old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose
lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on
high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a
number of things.
Selon ceste conclusion, Argal reprint vn'autrefois la route de la
nouuelle France, plus fort que deuãt, car il auoit trois vaisseaux, &
auec meilleure esperance: parce que le butin, qu'il auoit faict sur
nous luy accroissoit, & la cupidité, & l'espoir. Il ne print cependant
auec soy la moitié de nos gens, ie ne scay pourquoy. Dans son vaisseau
estoit le Capitaine Flory, & quatre autres; dans celuy du Lieutenant
Turnel (qui estoit le nostre captif) les deux Iesuites, & un garçon.
In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new
France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher
expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened
both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him
the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain
Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the
one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.
Le premier lieu où ils tirerent fut S. Sauueur. Car ils s'attendoy[~e]t
d'y trouuer la Saussaye: & vn nauire [263 i.e., 265] nouuellement venu.
Ils fur[~e]t trompez, d'autant que la Saussaye estoit en France, ainsi
qu'a esté dit: ils bruslerent nos fortifications, & abbatirent nos
Croix, en dressants vne pour marque, qu'ils se saisissoy[~e]t du pays,
comme Seigneurs.
They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected
to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there.
They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as
has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our
Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the
country, and were the Masters thereof.
Ceste Croix portoit le nom graué du Roy de la grande Bretaigne. Ils
pendirent aussi vn de leurs hommes, pour cause d'vne conspiration
au mesme endroict, où huict iours au parauant ils auoyent abbatu la
premiere de nos Croix.
This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great
Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their
men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down
the first of our Crosses.
De sainct Sauueur ils addresserent à S. Croix, ancienne habitation du
sieur de Monts, & parce qu'ils auoyent sceu, que le P. Biard y auoit
esté, Argal vouloit qu'il les y conduisit, mais ledit Pere ne le voulut
point, ce qui le mit entierement en la disgrace dudit [264 i.e., 266]
Argal, & en grand danger de sa vie. Ce neantmoins Argal roda tant en
haut qu'en bas, & rechercha tant tous leurs endroits, les confrontans
auec les cartes, qu'il nous auoit prinses, qu'en fin il la trouua de
soy-mesme; il en enleua vn bon monceau de sel, qu'il y trouua, brusla
l'habitation, & destruisit toutes les marques du nõ & droict de France,
ainsi qu'il auoit eu commandement.
From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old
settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there,
Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would
not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace
with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life.
Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by
dint of searching all places thoroughly and comparing them with
the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place
himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there,
burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and
claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.
CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]
LA PRINSE, & INCENDIE DE PORT ROYAL, DEUX GRANDS DANGERS DU P. BIARD.
LE Capitaine Argal ayant ruiné saincte Croix; ne sçauoit comment
addresser, & faire voile à Port Royal selon la commission qu'il en
auoit, d'autant qu'il [265 i.e., 267] doutoit de s'aller engouffrer
en si dangereuse plage sans conducteur bien cognoissant des lieux,
& par l'exemple frais, qu'il auoit du P. Biard, il n'osoit attendre
qu'aucun François l'y voulust cõduire, ou l'y conseiller sincerement.
A ceste cause il se mit en queste de quelque Sauuage, & fit tant
par ses courses, embusches, enquestes, & industries, qu'il surprint
le Sagamo, homme tres-experimenté, & entendant au faict du pays; à
la conduicte d'iceluy il vint à Port Royal. Or il y eust eu là sans
doute du mal-heur pour le regard des François, parce que l'Anglois
entrant à la Lune, dans le Port comm'il fit, & venãt anchrer à la veuë
de l'habitation à plus de deux lieuës loin, si les Frãçois eussent
veillé, ils auoy[~e]t beau moyen ou de se preparer au combat, ou de
se desbagager: car à [266 i.e., 268] cause de la marée, l'Anglois ne
fut deuant l'habitation qu'à dix, ou onze heures du iour suiuant. Ie
ne sçay ce qu'on fit. Tant y a que l'Anglois mettant pied à terre ne
trouua personne dans le fort, & vit des souliers & des hardes esparses.
Par ainsi il eust double ioye en ceste prinse: l'vne qu'il ne trouua
aucune resistance, ce que iamais il n'eust pensé; l'autre qu'il
rencontra vn assez bon butin, à quoy il ne s'attendoit pas.
CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]
THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT
DANGER.
CAPTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what
direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission,
and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of
being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who
was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent
example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman
would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the
matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint
of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful
maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and
well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached
Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as
the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in
sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues;
so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an
excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for
on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in
front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I
do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English
landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes and clothing
all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture,
first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no
resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty,
which they were not anticipating.
Ce rencontre de butin non attendu, pensa couster la vie au P. Biard:
voicy comment. Les Anglois ayant ja perdu beaucoup de temps à chercher
saincte Croix: & despuis à attraper vn Sauuage, qui fust leur
conducteur, le Lieutenãt Turnel estoit d'aduis de laisser le voyage de
Port Royal, & s'en retourner au plustost à la Virginie, alleguant pour
raisons, que le lieu [267 i.e., 269] estoit tres-dangereux, & la saison
par trop auancée (car c'estoit la fin d'Octobre,) & qu'au bout de tant
de peines, ils n'y auroit point de profit, parce qu'on n'y trouueroit
rien, sinon misere, & la haine des François, qu'ils s'acquerroyent
bien meritoirement par le bruslement qu'ils y alloyent faire, sans
recompense d'aucun emolument. Le Lieutenãt Turnel auoit ouy ces raisons
du P. Biard, auec lequel il prenoit souu[~e]t plaisir de deuiser, &
les estimoit fort valides. Or le Capitaine Argal ayant eu le bõheur
d'vne facile entrée, & despuis dans Port Royal (ainsi qu'à esté dit) vn
assez bon butin, en viures, hardes, & vtensiles dans l'habitation; il
reprochoit à son dit Lieutenant, son conseil, & la croyance qu'il auoit
eu au Iesuite: & mesmes pour ceste cause luy faisoit moindre part de
la proye. [268 i.e., 270] Le Lieutenant en estoit en grande cholere, &
d'autant plus qu'on l'auoit tousiours en reputation d'homme d'esprit,
& de bon conseil, de quoy il se voyoit deçeu à l'occasion comm'il
pensoit, du Iesuite.
This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his
life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of
time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage
who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion
that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and
return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that
the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too
far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much
trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would
find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would
very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were
going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward.
Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with
whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very
good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards
at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a
quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his
Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits:
and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268
i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so,
as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence
and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on
account of the Jesuit.
Or il y auoit vn Puritain Anglois, maistre du grand nauire plus
malin que tous les autres, dissimulé neantmoins, car ils faisoit
les plus beaux semblants du monde: mais les autres Anglois nous
aduertissoi[~e]t de ne no^{9} point fier en luy, d'autant qu'il estoit
malignement enuenimé contre nous. Cestuy-cy donc voyant son coup,
persuadoit au Capitaine, & au Lieutenant, lesquels il voyoit esmeus,
d'abandonner à terre le Iesuite, disant, qu'il estoit estoit indigne
que les Anglois, luy donnassent des viures, puis qu'il les auoit voulu
empescher d'[~e] auoir, [269 i.e., 271] & mille autres raisons qu'il
alleguoit. Ie ne sçay qui secourust tant à propos le Iesuite en ce
danger, que sa simplicité. Car tout de mesme, que s'il eust esté bien
fauorisé, & qu'il eust peu beaucoup enuers ledit Anglois, il se mit à
genoux deuãt le Capitaine par deux diuerses fois, & à deux diuerses
occasions, à celle fin de le flechir à misericorde enuers les François
dudit Port Royal esgarés par les bois, & pour luy persuader de leur
laisser quelques viures, leur chaloupe, & quelqu'autre moyen de passer
l'Hyuer. Et voyez combien differentes petitions on faisoit audit
Capitaine: car au mesme temps, que le P. Biard le supplioit ainsi pour
les François, vn François crioit de loin auec outrages, & iniures tres
indignes à haute voix, qu'il le falloit massacrer. Or Argal (qui est
d'vn coeur [270 i.e., 272] noble,) voyant ceste tant syncere affection
du Iesuite, & de l'autre costé ceste tant bestiale & enragée inhumanité
de ce François, laquelle ne recognoissoit ny sa propre nation, ny
biens-faicts, ny Religion, ny estoit domtée par l'affliction & verges
de Dieu, estima que ce luy seroit tousiours reproche, & impropere, si
sans iugement, & sans auoir ouy parties, il venoit à delaisser pour vne
accusation subtile, celuy à qui il auoit donné sa parole. Et par ainsi
reietta tout ensemble, & la suasion de l'Anglois, & la forcenerie du
François, d'autant plus appaisé enuers le Iesuiste, que plus il le
voyoit attaqué sans qu'il remarquait en luy changement, ou alteration.
Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more
malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the
finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised
us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us.
So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and
Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore,
saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food
since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e.,
271] and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what
rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were
his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and
had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees
before the Captain, two different times and upon two different
occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal
who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him
to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing
the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made
to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus
petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting
out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he
ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [270 i.e., 272]
heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on
the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this
Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses,
nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered
that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without
trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account
of a sly and cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word.
And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and
the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more
favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was
no change or deterioration in his conduct.
Or ledit Capitaine ayant enleué de Port Royal tout ce qui luy sembla
commode, iusques aux [271 i.e., 273] ais, verroils, serrures, & cloux;
il y mit le feu. Chose certes bien pitoyable, car dans vn'heure ou deux
on vit reduit en cendres le trauail & despense de plusieurs années &
personnes de merite. Et plaise à nostre Seigneur que ce mesme feu aye
tellement destruit tous les pechés, qui peuuent auoir esté commis en
ceste place, que iamais ils ne resuscitent plus en aucune part, ny ne
prouoquent la iuste & redoutable vengeance de nostre Dieu. L'Anglois
(comme i'ay dit autre part) effaçoit par tout, tous monuments, &
indices de la puissance Françoise: ce qu'il n'oublia pas icy iusques
à faire vser du pic, & ciseau sur vne grosse & massiue pierre, en
laquelle estoyent entaillés les nõs du sieur de Monts, & autres
Capitaines auec les fleurs de lys. Ce faict, il leua l'anchre pour
s'en aller; mais [272 i.e., 274] il fut retenu par le mauuais temps à
l'emboucheure du Port trois, ou quatre iours.
Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything
that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards,
bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable
thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people,
during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord
grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins,
which may have been committed in this place, that they may never
again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and
dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated
elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences
of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to
do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and
massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and
other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed
anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them
three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.
Tandis qu'il seiournoit icy à l'Anchre, vn François de ceux dudit
Port demanda de parlementer: ce qui luy fut accordé. Or entre les
bõs affaires, que ce beau parlementateur vint traicter, fut de dire
au Capitaine Anglois, qu'il s'esmerueilloit bien fort, comment il
n'auoit pieça deliuré le monde du pernicieux Iesuite, qui estoit en
ses nauires, Si ce n'estoit, peut-estre que le mal-heur l'y conseruast
pour reuancher les François par quelque trahison meschante, que ledit
Iesuite ioüeroit à son coup, & occasion. Car c'estoit (disoit-il)
vn vray, & naturel Espagnol, qui ayant commis plusieurs forfaicts
en France, à cause desquels il en estoit fuitif, leur auoit encores
donné beaucoup [273 i.e., 275] de scandales à Port Royal, & qu'il ne
falloit aucunement douter, qu'encores ne fit-il pis aux Anglois. Argal
oyant dire, que le P. Biard estoit naturel Espagnol, ne le pouuoit
croire; mais on luy donna cest'accusation par escrit, & soub-signé
de cinq ou six: & le pressoit-on fort à ce qu'il iettast en terre à
l'abandon ledit P. Biard. Mais tant plus qu'on l'en pressoit, tant
moins l'Anglois y consentoit, parce que y consentant il ne pouuoit fuir
le deshonneur d'auoir manqué de foy, & de iustice; là où le gardant
pour la Virginie, il s'attendoit de l'y faire mourir en acquerant
loüange de fidelité à son office, & de patience à supporter. Car en
communiquant au Mareschal ceste deposition des François, & adioustant
par dessus comme ledit Pere n'auoit voulu monstrer l'Isle S. [274 i.e.,
276] Croix, & auoit tasché de diuertir les Anglois d'aller à Port
Royal; il n'auoit garde deschapper des mains du Mareschal, desquelles
à peine l'auoit-on peu arracher, lors mesme, qu'on n'auoit aucune
prinse sur luy. Ainsi Dieu le voulut sauuer pour lors, & encores pl^{9}
merueilleusement despuis, comme vous orrez. Cependant vous remarquerez
sagement iusques à quelle rage le malin esprit agite ceux, qui se
vendent à luy, & combien il faut estre reserué à croire les delations &
detractiõs, puis que le P. Biard auoit vescu dans Port Royal, & auoit
tousiours esté notoirement recogneu pour ce qu'il est, c'est à dire
bon François naturel, & qui iamais ne fut en Espagne ny luy, ny son
pere, ou mere, ou aucun de ses parens. Or que ce neantmoins vn François
se soit trouué si possedé par l'esprit [275 i.e., 277] sanguinaire,
que pour le faire mourir il soit venu à imposturer si furieusement, &
receuant le chastiment de Dieu n'en aye faict autre profit, que de se
prostituer si desesperement à Sathan, & à calomnie, cela surpasse toute
apprehension commune de malice, & à peine peut-on conceuoir, qu'vn
homme puisse deuenir si vendu, & si desesperement asserui à peché.
While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at
the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now
among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to
say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed
that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit,
who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps
some ill luck might keep him there to take revenge for the French
upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be
guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he)
a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes
in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had
also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal
at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that
he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he
heard it said that Father Biard was a native Spaniard, could not
believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five
or six persons, was handed to him; and they urged him strongly to
put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him,
the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his
consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith
and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got
to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the
same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for
his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate
to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that
the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste.
[274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from
going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from
the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him
before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed
that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since
then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what
madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him,
and how necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and
detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had
always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good,
native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither
he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now
notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with
the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed
he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while
under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom
than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This
exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult
to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to and
enslaved by sin.
CHAPITRE XXXI. [i.e., xxx.]
LE DEPART DE PORT ROYAL, LES DIUERSES AUENTURES DES NAUIRES; & COMME
NOUS FUSMES CONTRAINTS DE RELASCHER AUX AÇORES.
LE neufuiesme de Nouembre de ceste année 1613. les Anglois
departir[~e]t de Port Royal en intention de s'aller rendre à [276
i.e., 278] leur Virginie, & y iouïr du butin l'hyuer suiuant. Or dés
ce temps le Lieutenant Turnel, ne regardoit plus le P. Biard, que
comme vn pendard abominable: il le detestoit encores d'auantage,
quand il repensoit au passé: car par le passé, il auoit faict estat
de le priser, & l'aymer pour sa naïfue simplicité, & ouuerte candeur.
Mais ayant veu le tesmoignage par escrit de tant de François, qui
l'asseuroyent estre naturel Espagnol, & meschant homme, il aimoit mieux
croire, que le Iesuite fust menteur, que non pas tant d'autres, qui
l'accusoyent. Par ainsi il haissoit d'autant plus irreconciliablement
ceste si profonde & impenetrable dissimulation (comme il pensoit) d'vn
Espagnol, contrefaisant le François, laquelle luy, homme reputé pour
accort, & bien aduisé, n'auoit sceu descouurir [277 i.e., 279] en tant
de temps; ains à laquelle il s'estoit laissé surprendre iusques à vne
familiarité, & amitié grande. Telle estoit la cholere du Capitaine
Turnel, lequel d'ores en auant i'appelleray absoluement Capitaine & non
plus Lieutenant, parce que nous allons nous separer: escoutez comment.
CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., XXX.]
THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND
HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.
ON the ninth of November of this year, 1613, the English left
Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and
there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from
this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as
an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of
the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him
on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having
seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured
him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred
to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve
so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the
more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy
(as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which
he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able
to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed
himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship.
Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call
simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be
separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.
Le second iour apres nostre depart, veille de S. Martin, vn si grand
orage s'esleua, qu'il escarta nos trois vaisseaux en telle façon, que
despuis ils ne se sont point reueus ensemble; ains ont tiré trestous
bien diuerses routes.
On the second day after our departure, on the eve of St. Martin,
so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered
so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all
sailed away in different directions.
La barque n'a point comparu despuis, & nouuelles aucunes n'en ayant
esté ouyes aucuns se doutent qu'elle soit perie, auec les six Anglois,
qui estoyent dedans.
The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been
heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who
were on board.
La Nau Capitanesse, où commendoit Argal, nonobstãt le contraste, vint
à port heureusement [278 i.e., 280] à la Virginie dãs trois sepmaines,
ou enuiron. Le Mareschal (duquel nous vous auons parlé cy deuant)
ouyt fort volontiers du Capitaine Argal, tout ce qui s'estoit passé,
& attendoit en bonne deuotion le P. Biard pour luy tost accourcir
les voyages, luy faisant trouuer au milieu d'vne eschelle le bout du
monde; mais Dieu, maistre de la vie, & des puissances dispose à son bon
plaisir de ses creatures, & non à la fantasie du bras humain; prenant
plaisir au tiltre, que luy donne son Psalmiste, d'estre le Seigneur,
_qui deliure le pauure des mains des plus forts, & le destitué, de la
puissance de ceux, qui le pillent_, comme ie m'en vais vous monstrer,
qu'il a faict.
The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its
hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after
three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken
above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all
that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited
Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find
the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master
of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to
his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human
authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist,
of being the Lord, _Who delivers the poor from the hands of the
strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him_,
as I am going on to show you he did.
Les deux Iesuites, & vn garçon François estoyent dans le nauire
captif, sur lequel auoit esté commis le Capitaine Turnel; ce nauire
[279 i.e., 281] separé d'auec Argal par la t[~e]peste en fut tant
incessamment poursuiuy seize iours durant, que le Capitaine perdant
esperãce de pouuoir aborder la Virginie, appella tous ses gents, & mit
en deliberation, qu'est-ce qu'il faudroit faire pour sauuer leurs vies.
Car de combattre les orages plus long temps pour ne se pas esloigner de
ladicte Virginie, il n'y auoit point d'apparence, parce que on auoit
dans le nauire des cheuaux prins à Port Royal, qui les ruinoyent d'eau
tant ils en beuuoyent, les tourbillons rompoy[~e]t tant de voiles,
ausuents, & cordages, qu'il n'y auoit plus de quoy les refaire, & les
viures estoyent bien bas, hors la mouluë seulement, de laquelle y auoit
assez; mais de pain on n'en auoit eu, par l'espace de trois mois, que
deux onces chasque iour pour teste, [280 i.e., 282] bien rarement
trois: & si il en restoit fort peu. En ceste deliberation les mariniers
fur[~e]t d'aduis qu'il falloit soustenir encores quelques iours pour
leur hõneur. Et (approbation de leur conseil) le bon temps leur arriua
au iour suiuant, & les conduisit si auant qu'ils ne s'estimoyent pas
estre à plus de vingt & cinq lieuës de leur port.
The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which
had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279
i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly
followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of
being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and
took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For
there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able
to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had
in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, and these spoiled
as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their
sails, and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing
left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except
the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had
had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person,
[280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little
of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that
their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in
approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and
bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than
twenty-five leagues from their port.
Pour en confesser la franche verité, les Iesuites ne prioyent point
pour ce bon temps, car ils sçauoyent assez où c'est qu'il les
conuoyoit. Or Dieu, croy-ie, ayãt pitié d'eux, suscita vu gaillard, &
fougueux suroüest, qui vint donner droict en face à nos Anglois, & les
contraignist de mettre le nauire en cappe (comme l'on dit) de plier
toutes les voiles, & de penser à leur conscience.
To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair
weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them.
Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and
vigorous south-wester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth,
and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails,
and to examine their consciences.
Le Capitaine voyant ceste rage [281 i.e., 283] de vents, & de vagues ne
voulut plus s'opiniastrer, ains conclud, qu'il falloit relascher aux
Açores à 7. cents lieuës de là, pour s'y pouruoir de leurs necessitez,
& attendre le bon temps. Il fit tourner le cap pour adresser là, &
aussi tost apres on tua les cheuaux qui nous auoyent gasté & consumé
nostr'eau, de maniere qu'elle estoit toute infecte, & puante, & encores
la donnoit on en bien petite mesure. Mais la chair de cheual estoit
fort bonne, au goust des Iesuites.
The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] of the winds and
waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided
to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide
for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the
prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the
horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it
was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured
out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good,
according to the taste of the Jesuits.
Or durant ces furieuses, & horrib[l]es tempestes, comme tous auoyent
bien occasion de penser à leur conscience, Dieu particulierement
disposoit le Capitaine. De maniere, qu'vne fois bien repentant, il
appella le P. Biard, & luy tint ces discours, que ie vais inserer quasi
de mot à mot: car ce [282 i.e., 284] Capitaine parloit bon François,
& beaucoup d'autres lãgues vulgaires, outre le Latin & le Grec, qu'il
entendoit bien, homme de grand esprit, & qui a bien estudié: P. Biard,
(disoit-il) Dieu est courroucé contre nous, ie le voy bi[~e]; il
est courroucé contre nous, di-je, mais non pas contre vous; contre
nous, parce que nous vous sõmes allés faire la guerre, sans la vous
premierement denõcer, ce qu'est contre le droict des gens. Mais ie
proteste, que ç'a esté contre mon aduis, & mon gré. Ie n'eusse sceu
qu'y faire, il me falloit suiure, i'estois seruiteur. Ainsi ie vous
dy, que ie voy bi[~e] que Dieu est courroucé contre nous, mais non
pas contre vous, ains à l'occasion de vous: car vous ne faictes que
patir. Le Capitaine s'arrestãt icy, vo^{9} pouués estimer si le Iesuite
manqua de respõdre à propos. Le Capitaine, [283 i.e., 285] le prit d'vn
autre endroit, mais, P. Biard (dit-il) c'est chose estrange, que vos
François de Port Royal vous accusent ainsi. Le Pere respondit, Mais
mõsieur, m'aués-vous iamais ouy mesdire d'eux? Nenny, dit-il; ains i'ay
fort bien remarqué que quand on mesdisoit d'eux, & deuant le Capitaine
Argal, & deuant moy, tousiours vous les aués defendus, i'en suis bon
tesmoin. Monsieur (dit le Pere) prenez argument de là, & iugés, qui
a Dieu, & la verité de son costé; ou les mesdisants, ou bien les
charitables. Ie l'entends bien, dit le Capitaine: mais, Pere Biard, la
charité ne vous a elle point fait mentir, quãd vous me disiez, que nous
ne trouuerions que misere à Port Royal? Le Pere repartit, Pardonnez
moy, monsieur, vous priant de vous souuenir, que ie ne vous ay dit [284
i.e., 286] sinon que moy estant là, ie n'y auois veu, & trouué que
misere. Cela seroit bon, dit le Capitaine, si vous n'estiés Espagnol,
comme l'on dit que vous estes, car l'estãt, ce que vous desirés tant de
bien aux Frãçois n'est pas pour amour que vous leur portés, ains pour
haine des Anglois. A cecy le Pere Biard respondit fort au long: mais
il ne luy peut iamais desraciner cest'opinion, disant, qu'il n'estoit
point croyable, que cinq, ou six François constitués en affliction
eussent voulu signer vne fausse accusation contre vn leur concitoyen
Prestre: n'y ayants autre profit que de le faire perdre, & par ce moyen
satis-faire à leur maudite passion.
Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good
reason to look into their consciences, God especially inclined
the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was
feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him
the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for
word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and
many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he
understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a
thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I
see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at
us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you
notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest
that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not
know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I
tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us,
but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing
but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or
not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283
i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father
Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port
Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have
you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I
have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both
before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them,
of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your
own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on
their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know
that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not
charity make you lie, when you told me we should find nothing but
misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you
to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was
there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all
right," says the Captain, "if you were not a Spaniard, as they say
you are; for, being one, the great good which you desire for the
French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account
of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered
into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion
from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five
or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented
to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own
fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy
him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.
Ie vous ay faict ce recit à fin que la suaue disposition de la diuine
prouidence soit recogneuë, & que vous entendiez, cõme Dieu [285 i.e.,
287] alloit preparant peu à peu le coeur du Capitaine. Car il se trouua
bi[~e] perplex, & luy & ses gens, quand ils se virent pres des Açores.
La cause en estoit, parce que ces Isles sont habitées des Portugais
Catholiques; par ainsi les Anglois consideroyent, que venants à y
anchrer, il faudroit souffrir la visite du nauire. Que si en la visite
on descouuroit les Iesuites que c'estoit faict d'eux, parce qu'on
deliureroit lesdits Iesuites, comme Catholiques: & qu'eux seroyent
pendus, ou pour le moins mis à la cadene comme voleurs de Prestres.
I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of
providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God
[285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart
of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed,
when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this
was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so
the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to
allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests
were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits,
as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be
hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of
Priests.
Le remede à ce mal estoit facile, faisant faire ausdits Iesuites vn
saut dans la mer. Neantmoins comme ie vous ay monstré, la crainte de
Dieu s'estoit resueillée, qui combattoit pour eux. Nostre Seigneur en
fin, qui les [286 i.e., 288] protegeoit aux prieres de sa glorieuse
Mere, fit que le Capitaine se resolut de les cacher au fonds du nauire,
esperant que cela suffiroit pour seurté: comme il suffit aussi, mais
la bõne foy des Iesuites y aydant, ainsi que vous entendrés tout à
cest'heure.
The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the
Jesuits take a leap into the sea. Nevertheless, as I have shown
you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our
Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers
of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal
them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their
security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted
therein, as you will soon hear.
CHAPITRE XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]
COMME LE NAUIRE FUT VISITÉ AUX AÇORES, & LA BONNE FOY, QUE LES IESUITES
GARDERENT AUX ANGLOIS.
LA main de Dieu estoit euidemment sur les Iesuites pour les proteger,
ainsi que vous auez peu apperceuoir par cy deuant: Et fut manifeste
en vn autre danger, qu'ils passerent; que nous ne racontons pas icy,
pour n'estre longs, auquel neantmoins [287 i.e., 289] ils confessent
d'auoir eu plus de peur, qu'en beaucoup d'autres, & non sans cause.
Ceste protection diuine se monstra encores clairement en ce quell'osta
l'apprehension du peril au Capitaine. Car s'il eust preueu les grands
dangers qu'il courut puis apres, ie ne scay s'il eust esté assez
conscientieux, ou ses gens pour ne se point resoudre au meurtre, auant
que de tomber aux perplexités, ausquelles ils furent reduits, en ceste
façon.
CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]
HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT
THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.
GOD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their
protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also
manifest in another danger through which they passed, and which we
do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless,
[287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many
others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more
evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain.
For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I
am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious
as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the
perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.
Ils arriuerent à l'Isle de Faeal, qui est vne des Açores, & ne
se pensoyent à leur arriuée, que d'anchrer aupres de la ville,
d'enuoyer leur batteau pour se charger d'eau, de laquelle ils auoyent
principalement besoin, & achepter quelque peu de biscuit, & autres
necessitez plus pressantes. En ceste façon il estoit fort facile [288
i.e., 290] de cacher les Iesuites, parce qu'on ne visite gueres,
que fort legerement ceux qui sont loin de terre, & puis la visite
passee: tout le peril est passé. Ceste consideration fit resoudre tant
facilem[~e]t le Capitaine à ne pas vser de cruauté. Mais la fortune
trouua bien autres tours, & destours qu'il ne p[~e]soit: car il luy
fallust entrer dans le haure, & se tenir à la veuë de la ville, & des
autres nauires. Là de sinistre accident, nostre nauire s'alla heurter
contre vne carauelle Espagnolle, chargée de succre, & luy rompit son
beau-pré; l'Espagnol pensa que ce fut vn guet à pens, à celle fin de
surprendre son vaisseau, & le voler: tout ainsi qu'auoit faict vn
François dans le mesme port, cinq semaines au parauãt, & partant se
print à crier au coursaire, faisant armer ses gens, & peu s'en fallut
que lon [289 i.e., 291] ne vinst aux mains. Grand bruit & grande
esmeute dans la ville, & par tous les nauires qui estoyent là, grand
alarme. Il fallust que le Capitaine allast à terre, & y demeurast pour
gages, & asseurance: encores ne pouuoit-on croire, qu'il fut autre que
Pirate. on vint visiter & reuisiter le nauire, & les Iesuites ioüoyent
comme l'on dit a esconsailles, de trou en cachot, & de cachot en fonds,
tousiours en quelque nouuelle musse. Or sur le vif, & le chaud des
soupçons, & grabuge, les Espagnols venants visiter les pauures Peres
& le garcon Francois estoyent derriere vne chaloupe se tenant coys
& sans souffler, car si seulement ils eussent soufflé vn peu gros,
ou remué la main ou le pied, ils eussent esté descouuerts. La chose
estoit si hazardeuse, que nos Anglois en transissoyent de [290 i.e.,
292] male-peur. Mais les Iesuites leur voulurent constamment garder la
foy pour plusieurs raisõs, & entre autres, pour faire voir par effect
aux calomniateurs de l'Eglise Catholique, qu'à tort, & contre verité
ils luy imposent d'enseigner, qu'il ne faut point garder la foy aux
heretiques. Ce qu'est totalement faux, & contre sa doctrine. Mais
reuenons aux Espagnols, ils n'apperceurent iamais lesdits peres en leur
visite, & s'en allerent en fort bonne opinion des Anglois, qui les
voyants dehors, & reuenants à soy de la grande apprehension en laquelle
ils auoyent esté, se prindrent à faire tant de caresses aux Peres, &
tant de feste en recognoissance de leur sincérité, qu'en pourroy[~e]t
faire vne troupe de bons parents & amys s'entre rencontrants en paix
apres vne absence, & separation [291 i.e., 293] de bien long temps.
Les mesmes Anglois ont souuent depuis loüangé lesdicts Peres en la
presence de leurs Ministres en Angleterre de ceste leur fidelité, & les
Ministres en demonstroi[~e]t grands signes d'estonnement & admiration.
They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon
their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send
their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to
buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it
was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those
vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly
visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the
reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But
fate found other ways and means, which he had not considered; for
he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the
town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship
ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its
bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which
to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had
done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry
"pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e.,
291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great
commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout
all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and
remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could
believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and
revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide
and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding
some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest
suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and
the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat,
still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud,
or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing
was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e.,
292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with
them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers
of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it
wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary
to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary
to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never
discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a
very high opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them
outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown,
began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great
a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company
of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after
a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same
English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their
fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the
Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment
and admiration.
CHAPITRE XXXII.
LA VENUË EN ANGLETERRE: & LA DELIURANCE DES IESUITES.
LES Anglois demeurerent trois sepmaines entieres engagez en ceste Isle,
que nous disons de Fæal, pendant lequel t[~e]ps les pauures Iesuites
ne peurent point voir le Soleil. Or parce que lesdicts Anglois auoyent
faute d'argent, ils ne peur[~e]t guieres s'y remplumer, ce qui les fit
du tout [292 i.e., 294] resoudre à ne plus retenter la Virginie, ains
s'en reuenir en Angleterre, attendu mesmem[~e]t que ja ils se voyoient
dans la presente année 1614. qui estoit le terme de leur seruice.
CHAPTER XXXII.
THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.
THE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which
we call Fæal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able
to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they
could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292
i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia,
but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves
in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service.
Or estants en la course & voye d'Angleterre, la tempeste nous ietta
hors la marche (qu'on appelle) c'est à dire, hors le Canal qui est
entre France & Angleterre, & nous fallut refugier au Port de Milfier,
en la Prouince de Galles. Là vne autre fois toutes prouisiõs nous
defaillirent, ce qui contraignit nostre Capitaine d'aller à Pembroch,
ville principale de cest endroit, & Viceadmirauté, mais à Pembroch
il fut arresté prisonnier, sur le soupcon qu'on auoit qu'il ne fust
Pirate. Le soupçon naissoit de ce que luy, & ses gens estoient Anglois,
& leur nauire toutesfois estoit faict à la [293 i.e., 295] Frãçoise,
ce qui faisoit presumer, qu'il venoit du Port de Gryp aux Isles de
l'Arcin, pardeçà le Cap Escumant. Le Capitaine se iustifia du mieux
qu'il peust, disant la verité: mais on ne luy croyoit pas, d'autant
qu'il n'auoit point de Commissions: & n'en pouuoit auoir, parce que
n'estant que Lieutenant, il suiuoit son Capitaine, & ne s'estoit separé
d'auec luy que par accident de tempeste, ainsi qu'auez ouy. A ceste
cause il fut contrainct de produire pour tesmoins de sa preud'homie les
deux Iesuites, qu'il auoit dans son nauire, gens irreprochables, ce
disoit-il, & disoit vray.
Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che[6]
(as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France
and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor
of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all
provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch
[Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty.
But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of
being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his
crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e.,
295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the
Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified
himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did
not believe him, inasmuch as he had no Commission, and could not
have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his
Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm,
as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as
witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship,
irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.
Aussi tost par commandement du Magistrat lesdits Iesuites fur[~e]t
appellés à terre; & interrogés en Iustice, auec grand respect. Eux
conterent la verité du faict, & à leur deposition le Capitaine fut [294
i.e., 296] tenu gentil-homme d'honneur, & de bien; sauf à demesler nos
differents touchant la nouuelle Frãce par deuãt le Roy. Neantmoins il
fallut seiourner vn grand long temps audit Pembroch attendãt response
de Londres, car il fut necessaire d'y enuoyer tant pour auoir de
l'argent, que pour aduertir de cest affaire le grand Admiral, & la
compagnie des Marchands, qui ont charge de la Virginie.
Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were
summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully
interrogated in a Court of Justice. They stated the real facts of
the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296]
acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the
disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were
to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very
long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it
was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make
known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants
who have charge of Virginia.
Et cest icy, où l'admiration arreste, & mon haleine, & mon pas; pour
m'escrier auec le Sage, _Que les dispositions de la Diuine prouidence
sont veritablement dressées au compas, articulées au nombre, &
mesurées au poids, & trebuchet, iusques à vn demy grain._ Car cest
appel des Iesuites fut sans doute, vne industrie de ceste paternelle
prouid[~e]ce, qui les assistoit par tout: d'autant que [295 i.e., 297]
s'ils fussent demeurés dans le nauire, comm'ils y estoyent, destitués
de tout, au coeur de l'hyuer (car c'estoit en Feurier) & ce, quatre
sepmaines durant, il est vraysemblable qu'ils fussent morts de froid,
& de misere: mais au moyen de cest appel, ils furent cogneus par le
Iuge, lequel fort hõneste & graue personnage qu'il est, ayant entendu
combien ils estoyent mal dans le nauire, les fit loger chez le Maire
de la ville, & paya pour eux, disant, que s'ils auoyent dequoy, ils le
luy rendroyent: sinon que cela seroit donné pour Dieu: car autrement
ce nous seroit trop de honte, (disoit-il) si gens tant honnestes, &
sçauants ne trouuoy[~e]t de la courtoisie parmy nous. Ce bon Seigneur
s'appelle Nicolas Adams, Vice-admiral dudit Pembroch.
And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out
with the Wise Man, _That the dispensations of Divine providence
are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured
by weight and balance even to the half of a grain._ For this call
of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal
providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e.,
297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want
of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and
had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that
they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of
this summons, they became known to the Judge, honorable and grave
personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in
the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city,
and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they
had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said
he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and
learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind
Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.
OR pendant ce sejour toute [296 i.e., 298] sorte de gens les alloient
voir, & de bien loin, par curiosité de voir des Iesuites en leur habit,
ainsi qu'ils estoient, & ont tousiours esté iusques à leur retour
en Frãce. Ministres, Iusticiers, Gentilshommes, & autres venoyent
conferer auec eux; Vn Milord mesmes du grãd Conseil voulut auoir le
plaisir de les accarer en dispute rangée auec quatre Ministres. Ie
dy Ministres pour m'accommoder à l'intelligence Françoise: car en
Angleterre ils les appellent Prestres: Et le Chef de la dispute estoit
vn Archidiacre, parce que les Anglois retiennent encores beaucoup de
l'Eglise Catholique, comme l'Ordre de la Hierarchie Ecclesiastique,
Archeuesques, Euesques, Prestres, Archiprestres, Archidiacres, Curez,
Chanoines, &c. L'imposition Episcopale des mains en la creation des
Prestres, [297 i.e., 299] & moindres Ordres, & en la confirmatiõ des
enfans, Le Cresme, & les ceremonies, le signe de la Croix, & l'Image
d'icelle, & d'autres: La Psalmodie, & culte ordinaire, les festes
ordonnées des Saincts, & Sainctes, les Vigiles, les Ieusnes, le
Caresme, l'Abstinence des viandes au Vendredy, & Samedy, les habits
Sacerdotaux, & vaisseaux sacrez: Et ceux qui condamnent toutes ces
choses, comme font les Caluinistes de France & d'Escosse, & les
appellent superstitions damnables, & inuentions de l'Antechrist, sont
nommez des Anglois, Puritains, & les detestent comme pestes execrables.
NOW during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went
to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to
see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always
have been until their return to France. Ministers, Justices,
Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of
the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four
Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself
intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests.
And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English
still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church,
as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops,
Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the
Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297
i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children;
the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of
this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship,
the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence
from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated
vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the Calvinists
of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions,
and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called
Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.
Or en fin, response venant de Londres, on sceut, que Monsieur
l'Ambassadeur de France auoit esté aduerty de l'arriuée de ce nauire,
& en poursuiuoit la reddition, [298 i.e., 300] & particulierement
des Iesuites, ayant eu commandement de ce faire de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne. Ce fut vn autre effect de la Prouidence diuine, lors
qu'elle moyenna ce nostre arrest, en la Prouince de Galles, à celle fin
qu'il fust cogneu de tous: car nous auons de grands indices: & vous
en verrez tantost aucuns, que si les Marchands, qui ont surintendance
de la Virginie, en pouuoient faire à leur gré, pas vn estranger, qui
auroit esté en ladicte Virginie, ne reuiendroit iamais en son pays.
When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the
Ambassador of France[7] had heard about the arrival of this ship,
and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the
surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most
Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence,
since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end
that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you
will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands
lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own
way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever
have returned to his own country.
Pour tost finir nostre discours, notez que les Iesuites furent conduits
par vn long circuit au Port de Sanduicts; & de là ramenez à Douure par
le commandement du Roy, & de Douure à Calais, où ils rendirent graces
à Dieu pour tant de signalez benefices, [299 i.e., 301] & prouidence
sienne, & en auoyent bien occasion, ayants demeuré neuf mois & demy
entre les mains des Anglois. Le sieur d'Arquien, Gouuerneur dudit
Calais, & Monsieur la Baulaye, Doyen, leur firent de leur grace fort
bon accueil, & leur aumosnerent assez pour se conduire iusques à leur
College d'Amiens.
To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits
were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts
[Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and
from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such
signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they
had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of
the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la
Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them
with means to return to their College at Amiens.
CHAPITRE XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]
LE RETOUR DU SIEUR DE LA MOTE, DU CAPITAINE FLORY, & DE QUELQUES
AUTRES. ET LA REDDITION DU NAUIRE.
PEV apres ceste deliurance des Iesuites, Dieu recueillit encores par sa
misericorde, quasi tout le reste du naufrage en ceste façon.
CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]
THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND
THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.
SHORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy
rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the
following way.
Le garçon qui estoit auec les Iesuites, appellé Guillaume Crito, [300
i.e., 302] fut conduit à Londres, & de là renuoyé à son Pere à Honfleur.
The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300
i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at
Honfleur.
Sur ce mesme temps le sieur de la Mote reuint aussi en Angleterre dans
vn vaisseau de la Bermude, qui auoit passé par la Virginie.
At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a
vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.
Le Capitaine Argal combatit genereusement contre le Mareschal Thomas
Deel (que vous auez ouy estre fort aspre en ses humeurs) à fin
d'obtenir de luy permission du retour, pour ledit sieur de la Mote, &
l'obtint en fin.
Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel[4] (of
whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain
from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it
was granted.
Or ledict sieur la Mote fut fort estonné, que subitement estant arriué
en Angleterre, personne ne luy parloit plus, personne ne le voyoit,
il estoit delaissé de tous; & le pis est, que sur ce il tomba malade
dans le nauire. Il se soupçonna incontinent du danger où il estoit, &
d'où il venoit: sçauoir est, des marchands de la Virginie, [301 i.e.,
303] qui eussent desiré se desfaire de luy, & ne sçauoyent comment. Il
tascha donc par subtilité, & en trouua le moyen, de faire sçauoir de
ses nouuelles à Monsieur de Bisseaux, digne Ambassadeur de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne, qui aussitost luy manda deux Gentilshommes, & le fit
deliurer, & bien traicter, ainsi qu'il meritoit pour son courage, &
valeur.
Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on
arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at
him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was
that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected
the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came;
namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would
have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he
tried by secret means, and finally succeeded in having his story
made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most
Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who
had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his
courage and his valor.
En ce mesme temps aussi Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille enuoya la
Saussaye à Londres, à celle fin de solliciter la reddition du nauire, &
la reparation des torts receus par vn vol tant inique. Le nauire a esté
rendu, mais on n'a rien obtenu d'auantage iusques à maintenant.
At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la
Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and
reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The
ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has
been obtained.
Or ainsi que nostre nauire ayãt mainleuée prenoit ja le vol en France,
païs de son origine: voicy, que le Capitaine Flory son Maistre [302
i.e., 304] arriua comme à poinct nommé, pour entrer dedans, & y
commander.
And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing
her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her
Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the
scene to step in and take command of her.
Le Capitaine Argal s'en reuenant en Angleterre l'auoit encores arraché
des mains du Mareschal, & luy, & deux autres François. Certes ledit
Argal s'est monstré tel, que nous auons occasion de luy souhaitter,
qu'il serue d'ores-en-auant vne meilleure cause, & où sa noblesse de
coeur puisse paroistre, non à la perte, ains à la manutention des gens
de bien.
Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and
two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this
Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish
for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in
which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the
preservation of honest men.
De tout nostre nombre, trois sont morts à la Virginie, & quatre y
rest[~e]t encores, à la deliurance desquels on trauaille autant que
faire se peut. Dieu par sa misericorde leur donne patience, & tire de
nostre affliction le bien que sa prouidence, & bonté aggreent. Ainsi
soit-il.
Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain
there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May
God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our
affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy.
Amen.
CHAPITRE XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]
[303 i.e., 305] QUEL PROFIT A ESTÉ FAICT QUANT À LA RELIGION
CHRESTIENNE EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.
MAINTENANT quelqu'vn ayant ouy tout nostre recit à bon droict nous
dira: Or sus, voila beaucoup de trauaux, que vous nous auez conté,
plusieurs entreprinses loüables, & diuers accidents bien sauuages;
Mais quoy? Est-ce là tout le profit quant à l'auancement du culte de
Dieu? N'auez-vous couru que pour ainsi vous lasser? despendu que pour
consumer, paty sinon pour encores par dessus en estre diffamez en
France? Car si Canada ne rend point autre reuenu, nous vous dirons,
qu'aucun, s'il n'est fol, ne trauaille pour seulement patir; [304 i.e.,
306] & ne despend pour seulem[~e]t s'espuiser. Ains a tres-bi[~e] dit
le sainct Apostre, _Que, qui laboure, c'est en esperance de recueillir
du fruict_. Quel fruict doncques nous apportez-vous de vos trauaux.
CHAPTER XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]
[303 i.e., 305] WHAT PROGRESS THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION HAS MADE IN
NEW FRANCE.
NOW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will
say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us
about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent
accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement
of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves?
expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only
to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any
other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool,
works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends
only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle,
_That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit_. What fruit then do
you bring us from your labors?"
A cela ie responds que par tout, & aussi bien en France, qu'en Canada,
il faut semer auant que moyssonner, & planter auant que recueillir, &
ne point tant estre ou auare, ou impatient, qu'on vueille, comme les
vsuriers, aussi tost le profit que le prest. Combi[~e] que certes au
seruice de Dieu il n'y auroit que despenses, & trauaux, elles ont de
soy-mesme assez grand emolument, & salaire; non ja pour estre despenses
& trauaux, ains pour estre preuues, & exercices de nostre deuoir, &
pieuse volonté enuers nostre liberal donateur de toutes choses nostre
Dieu tout-puissant. Car il [305 i.e., 307] ne poise pas, ny n'estime
nos conseils, & desseins à la balance & au poids des euenements, qui
sont en sa main, & ordonnance; ains à la solidité de nostre vouloir,
à la massiueté de l'entreprinse, à l'integrité de la deuotion, &
deliberation.
To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada,
it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before
gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish,
like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it
is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense
and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and
salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they
are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards
the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful God. For he [305
i.e., 307] does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the
balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and
ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the
enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.
Il dispose les euenements comme il luy plaist, les rendant souuent plus
heureux, & plus fructueux, que moins on les recognoit pour tels. _Car
celuy, qui plante n'est rien, ny celui qui arrouse; ains celui, qui
donne accroissement_; lequel accroissement se fait premierement soubs
terre, & hors la veüe des hommes.
He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more
happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such.
_For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who
giveth the increase_; and this increase is first made under the
ground, and out of the sight of men.
Quant à moy, i'estime vn tres-grand profit en ce que nous auõs
tousiours mieux, & mieux descouuert le naturel de ces terres, & païs:
la disposition des habitans: le moyen de les pouuoir ayder: [306 i.e.,
308] les contrarietez, qui peuuent suruenir au progrez de l'oeuure: &
les secours, qu'il faut opposer à l'ennemy. L'architecte qui fait, &
deffaict ses plans & modeles iusques à la cinq, & sixiesme fois, ne
se pense pas pour cela n'auoir rien faict en son premier, & second
essay, lesquels il aura deffaits pour s'arrester, au sixiesme; Parce
que, dira-il, ce dernier n'a sa perfectiõ, que de l'imperfectiõ des
premiers. De mesme en est-il de l'orateur, qui efface & raye deux,
& trois fois ce qu'il auoit escrit de premiere ardeur, parce que
la beauté, & force des concepts, & paroles, qu'il substituë pour
la quatriesme fois, luy naist de la reiection, & du desplaisir des
precedentes. Aussi de vray, ce n'est pas autrement, que Dieu nous donne
pour l'ordinaire la prudence, & l'ameliorement des choses; sinon [307
i.e., 309] par diuerses experiences, & pour la pluspart de nos fautes
& de celles d'autruy. Nous auons donc vne partie de nos pretensions,
nous auons experimenté: nous sçauõs ce qu'il faut, & ce qui nuit: &
où gist le poinct principal de l'affaire. Les moyens, qu'on a employé
n'ont point esté si grands, ne si proportionnez à plus haute fin, qu'il
faille nous beaucoup mescõtenter de ce que Dieu nous dõne.
For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned
more and more about the nature of these territories and lands,
the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them,
[306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against
the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to
oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans
and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for
all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and
second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for
he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the
imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who
erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written
in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas
and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him
from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding
ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us
prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309]
through various experiences, and for the most part through our own
faults and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we
intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary
and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the
work. The means which have been employed have not been so great,
nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly
dissatisfied with what God gives us.
Mais encores d'autre costé c'est vn grand fruict, que la confiance &
amitié que les Sauuages ont prinse auecques les François, par la grande
familiarité, & hantise, qu'ils ont eu auec eux. Car tousiours faut-il
mettre ceste base auant que d'esleuer le chapiteau; sçauoir est, de
les nous rendre ou citoyens, ou bons hostes, & amis auant que de les
auoir pour freres. Or ceste confiance, & ceste [308 i.e., 310] priuauté
est ja si grande, que nous viuons entr'eux auec moins de crainte, que
nous ne ferions dans Paris. Car dans Paris nous n'oserions dormir, que
la porte bien verrouïllée; mais là nous ne la fermons que contre le
vent, & si n'en dormons pas pour cela moins asseurez. Au commencement
ils nous fuyoi[~e]t, & craignoyent: ores ils nous desir[~e]t. A nostre
premiere descente, & visite de S. Sauueur, nous fismes semblant, que la
place ne nous agreoyt pas, & que voulions aller autrepart, ces bonnes
gents du lieu en pleuroyent, & lamentoyent. Au contraire, le Sagamo de
Kadesquit, appellé Betsabes, s'en vint pour nous y attirer auec mille
promesses, ayant ouy que nous pretendiõs de nous y aller loger. Est-ce
peu que d'auoir ce si bon fondement de Iustice en nos peuplades, &
ce tant [309 i.e., 311] asseuré gage de bon succez? Et ne faut point
estimer que les autres Nations ayent porté ceste amitié aussi bien que
nous. Car nous sommes tesmoins oculaires, comme lesdicts Sauuages
ayants rencontré vn auantage (à leur aduis) contre les Anglois, se
ruerent sur eux furieusement, pensants comme ie croy tirer quelque
reuenche de l'iniure, qui nous auoit esté faicte: mais le bon-heur
ne les seconda pas en leur attaque. Pareillement, sur la fin de l'an
1611. les Holandois voulans seulement descendre au Cap de la Heue,
pour y faire aiguade, nos Sauuages les assaillirent brusquement, &
en defirent six, entre lesquels estoit le Capitaine du nauire. Il me
semble, que nous serons indignes de ceste bienvueillance, si nous ne
faisons, qu'elle leur profite à aymer celuy, de qui nous [310 i.e.,
312] receuons tous nos biens.
But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French
have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through
the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had
with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising
the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts
and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and
this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live
among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we
can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we
close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for
keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now
they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St.
Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we
thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented.
On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"[8]
came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place,
having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement
there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice
in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great
success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne
this friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact
that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over
the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I
believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but
they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the
end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at
Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed
them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the
Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of
this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in
learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our
blessings.
Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les
adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé
tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux,
dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants.
En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de
la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires,
ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir,
comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja
communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se
croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du
moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.
Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults,
for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them
as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through
the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and
accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little
children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such
as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their
fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians.
Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not
wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever
miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong
desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.
[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit
baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulem[~e]t vne
vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans, hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés
en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie
bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi
auc[~u]s des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en
Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos
Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode:
c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce
poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu
de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ.
Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314]
sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.
[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized
perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these
were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last
extremity of sickness, and thence have gone to enjoy a life of
bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some
of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage
language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon
with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant
colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this
moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of
human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work,
bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his
powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him.
Amen.
CHAPITRE XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]
AUCUNES MERUEILLES, QUE DIEU A OPERÉ EN LA GUERISON DES SAUUAGES.
MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, &
douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu
se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de
ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des
maladies corporelles.
CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]
SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.
BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages
according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased
to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your
attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which
were shown in the cure of bodily ills.
La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de
l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües
[313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche
de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere
pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils
treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au
long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la
Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres,
puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il
ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement
il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois
ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en
fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, &
gaillarde, & s'en alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa
croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui
premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en
vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.
Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river
of Smelts[9] (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues
[313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a
woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak
with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany
him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been
afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire,
according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized
her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers:
then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he
did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her;
he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or
four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There
was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy,
and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues
away, with her cross hanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck.
The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean
Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.
La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du
Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu,
& recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel
on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors
en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur
froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs
fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il
pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit
bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance
monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le
Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or
ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour
apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce
Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en
parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.
The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company
with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the
sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the
holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected
to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a
violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed
in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had
him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck,
announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation
acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who
listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great
satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus
kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in
his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when
Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with
several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross,
and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to
Father Biard before them all.
La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme
nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete,
& le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour
recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste
visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien
loin, deux ou trois fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable
hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce
que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn
estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous
ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la
portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; &
de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la
curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que
l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort,
ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture
le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si
Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre
possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages
hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte
de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant,
qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des
sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à
hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton;
car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle,
s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien,
qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy,
ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant
entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on
fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de
grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa,
l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants
quelque grand effect, se presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit.
Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust
a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du
Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere,
presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit.
Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa
mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils
eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles,
sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles
d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes.
Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le
regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant
luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant
estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison,
peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos
tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne
laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans
admirables effects.
The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at
length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the
interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called
St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a
settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the
Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times cries and [316
i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage
who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one
was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our
footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of
the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young
Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard
to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The
boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying,
and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize
him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his
own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we
[317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up
in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them
walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his
arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing
that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the
whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their
custom.[10] Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he
addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be
glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was
almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child
in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some
water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the
arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to
be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of
the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded
round to see what would happen. Now Father Biard, after having
recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to
enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the
hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was
there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast,
and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages
saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth
had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been
more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without
saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of
instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their
Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not?
These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man,
trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by
God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this,
its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English;
for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the
greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law
without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable
results.
CHAPITRE XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]
LES RAISONS DES FRANÇOIS, PAR LESQUELLES ILS S'APPROPRIENT À BON DROICT
LES TERRES DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, CONTRE LA PRETENSION DES ANGLOIS.
MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322]
parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du
naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay
raconté les comportem[~e]s des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y
sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute,
qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces
contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux
Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct
cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes
que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à
toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere
conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres
iusques à ce temps.
CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]
THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE
LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.
NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my
promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the
lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you
the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them;
there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute
that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to
these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For
the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the
point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by
both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to
make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the
reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made
themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to
the present.
[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les
Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils
n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement
ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques vne nouuelle
France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de
sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés
d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre
plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout
ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les
Isles de Cap Breton.
[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English
do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse
what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the
boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound it by the
shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict
us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At
least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth
degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree
up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.
Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an
1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322
i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa,
& y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent
à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants
esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent
arriuez, ils fur[~e]t en fin contraints de le quitter entierement,
n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis
le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils
ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy
fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent
ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le
33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir
sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroy[~e]t dans [323 i.e., 325] ce
destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres
du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607.
le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.
The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year
1694 [_sic_], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf
[322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called
Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased
them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of
Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other
accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give
it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three
years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning,
came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it.
The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges
to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things,
extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north
latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners
whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty
miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up
during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607
on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in
1614.[11]
Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes &
enseignements, que nos contendants apportent pour se maintenir en
droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille
Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la
part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.
So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and
instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in
their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within
the limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with
plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure.
Now this is how we would answer them according to law:
1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs
propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent
de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e.,
326] icelles auec exception specifique: _Nous leur donnons toutes les
terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement
possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien._ Or est-il, que lors de la datte
de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit
pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le
sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an
1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité
gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté
tres-Chrestienne.
1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their
own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict
them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these,
[324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: _We give them all the
lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any
Christian Prince._ Now it happens that at the time of the date of
these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the
said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this
through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in
the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his
people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as
Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
2. En apres, si les Anglois veul[~e]t dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé
de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594.
qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la
riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est
au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir,
s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou
huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut
porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau
pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus
loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou
plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse
faire.
2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to
take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from
the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer
that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess
[the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their
claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question
of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either
side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but
that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim
dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach--this is
wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But
let us suppose it could be done.
Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride
en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. &
1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré
d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328]
39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt
leurs propres maximes.
It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,[12]--having
gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles
IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land,
and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north
latitude,--took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328]
39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia
according to their own maxims.
3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la
presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy
est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que
nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques
au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous
respondons aux Anglois.
3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English
presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that
they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we
(as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th?
What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the
English.
4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se
ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa
majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout
autre Prince Chresti[~e], par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est
asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds
trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants
la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le
grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent
& dix ans.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have
explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian
Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian
Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is
acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans
first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along
fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where
the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504,
one hundred and ten years ago.
5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy
François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la
France; commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut
par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre
vingts & dix ans.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great
King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in
the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude
up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was
made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere
par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son
dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que
les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques
Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que
ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant
dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est
tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à
qui ne ti[~e]t du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier[13] first entered the great
river in two voyages that he made, and discovered the lands of
Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder
[328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques
Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th
degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much
farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern
parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of
these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at
least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder
les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre
ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us
Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago,
near the 48th or 49th degree.[14]
8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre
la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré,
ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en
Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi
les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont
appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux
dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et
ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla
loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur
de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au
46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par
lettres expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y
emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie
iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullem[~e]t estrãgere.
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is
represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th
degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world
printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.[15]
Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description
of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded
and always had communication with them from the first discovery up
to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the
Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the
year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a
gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from
the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by
express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there,
or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country
was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no
wise a foreign one.
[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité
naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont
paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont
dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté
trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent
à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine. _ff.
acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo._
[330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here
given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands
are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say,
contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and
beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of
Alluvions determines. _ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. &
l. 30. Ergo._[16]
10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du
gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant;
& auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres
prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the
government of the said countries,[17] and bore the title to it in
his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his
other prerogatives and principal honors.[18]
CHAPITRE XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]
[331 i.e., 333] RAISONS POUR LESQUELLES ON DEUROIT ENTREPRENDRE À BON
ESCIENT LE CULTIUAGE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.
ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons
qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste
pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au
spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite
bi[~e] plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par
feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture
morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les
pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux
hommes, les escriuant.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]
[331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO
BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.
HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which
agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new
France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in
savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much
more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest
prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters.
Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them,
so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify
them to men in writing.
Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France
en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays
dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi
bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence
qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre
riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, &
nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne
autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.
And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another
France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the
elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if
you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there
is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore
opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the
sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and
advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain
to be cultivated.
2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict tant de fois
dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons
auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333
i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, &
de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces
terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous
auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple
debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne
douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison,
sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant,
ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de
merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle oeuure
requiert.
2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for
a hundred and ten years, oblige us to continue, unless we wish,
to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e.,
335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so
many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring
a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places,
which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and
intimacy of the people,--a gentle people, who extend to us their
hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see
us defeated,--for no other reason than that the enterprises which
have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely
sustained by private individuals, have sunk--and it is not to be
wondered at--under the burden and the expenses, which such a work
requires.
3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les
yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes
en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a
point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est
fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées
to[9] les ans plus de cinq c[~e]s de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la
pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à
la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins,
Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres
saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute
arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes
many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And
certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is
nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider
whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is
brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred
of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or
for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk,
Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.[19] For we must not expect to have any
share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very
clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at
Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel
l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire
de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous
accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en suite de
ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre
Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit
l'ingratitude, & combi[~e] horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe,
si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos
proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a
esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son
aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se
recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où
les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en
l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels
deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e.,
338] & cognoissant veritable des oeuures de la prouidence, & Iustice
Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn,
& l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux
Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent
reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire
misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour
y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence,
soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir
lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant
meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy
Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, &
d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, &
dire sur ce sujet.
4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the
inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of
"most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which
accompany and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first
one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our
Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how
great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement
it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of
this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to
our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely
commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age,
the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw
themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence;
while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were
cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the
heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great
and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works
of providence and Eternal Justice, attributes the causes to the two
different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the
Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity
and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth; and
therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing
measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived
and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other
lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw
the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore
they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the
Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for
others or for themselves." Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is
for reflection and discourse upon this subject!
Mais soit assez d'auoir au deuant de nos yeux que ces pauures peuples,
ces images de nostre Dieu comme nous, & capables de sa iouyssance,
ces consorts de nostre espece, & presque de mesme qualité auec nous,
sont sur le bord de l'horrible gouffre des feux infernaux, voire
plusieurs centaines d'iceux precipitez chaque iour dans les peines
eternelles, & abysmes de damnation, sans espoir de deliurance. O
Dieu! nous nous estonnons de ces iugements espouuentables; comme
il y a bien dequoy s'estonner; mais nous n'auons pas le sens pour
apperceuoir, ny l'entendem[~e]t pour recognoistre, que le sang de ceste
si cruelle exequution est dessus nos mains, qui ne nous euertuons pas
de l'empescher: dessus nos [338 i.e., 340] pieds, qui ne nous remuons
point pour y remedier; dessus nos maisons, qui les bastissons tant
superbement, sans nous soucier de l'eternelle demeure de nos freres;
dessus nos bourses, nos possessiõs, nos moyens, & nostre coeur qui
sommes si peu esmeus de tels spectacles & contribuons si peu, là où
le Fils de Dieu, nostre Sauueur, n'a point espargné sa vie. Plaise
luy nous faire misericorde, & receuoir de nous, & de toute creature
loüange, & benediction, à tous les siecles des siecles. Ainsi soit-il.
FIN.
But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these
poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable
of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost
of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible
gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every
day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting
punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed
at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause
our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the
understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel
execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent
it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it;
upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring
for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our
possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved
by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the
Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please
him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his
creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.
END.
Table des Choses Plvs Remarqvables.
ABSENCE _du P. Biard occasiõne les François de ne s'exposer au danger
de se perdre._ _p._ 178.
_Acadie, pays des Souriquois, proche de Canada._ _p._ 4.
_Açores, Isles de la couronne d'Espaigne._ _p._ 281.
_Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes Capitaines Canadois offrent aux François
prins par l'Anglois, de les retirer & entretenir._ _p._ 35.
_Alain Yeon Pilote de S. Malo charitable enuers les François de S.
Sauueur._ _p._ 257.
_Ambassadeur de France en Angleterre, sollicite la liberté des Iesuites
de Canada captifs._ _p._ 296.
_Anglois auancent quatre vingts lieuës sur la nouuelle France._ _p._
228.
_Anglois desfaict par l'Armouchiquois, & pourquoy._ _p._ 179.
_Anglois habitués en la Virginie à deux cens cinquante lieuës des
François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 227.
_Anglois conduicts à S. Sauueur par mesgarde des Canadins, qui les
croyoyent estre François._ _p._ 229.
_Anglois enuabissent le nauire des François de S. Sauueur, pillent
l'habitation, captiuent les François._ _p._ 235.
_Anglois desrobe finement aux François leurs lettres Royaux, pour les
priuer de iuste defense en leur captiuité._ _p._ 238.
_Anglois pouuant ietter en mer les Iesuites captifs, pour ne se perdre
à leur occasion, se contente de les cacher._ _p._ 286.
_Anglois contraints d'aborder aux Açores, sont garentis par la charité
des Iesuites leurs prisonniers._ _p._ 289.
_Anglois recognoissans du bon office receu des Iesuites._ _p._ 290.
_Anglois tenant captifs les Iesuites, soupçonné d'estre pirate par les
siens mesmes._ _pag._ 29.
_Anglois soupçonné d'estre pirate, se iustifie par le tesmoignage des
Iesuites ses prisonniers._ _p._ 293.
_Anglois apprehendent d'aborder aux terres de l'Espagnol, auec des
Iesuites captifs._ _p._ 285.
_Anglois n'ont que pretendre en la nouuelle France._ _p._ 320.
_Anguilles se peschent en my-Septembre._ _p._ 47.
_Arbres fruictiers fort rares en Canada._ _p._ 31.
_Arbres forestiers de Canada._ _p._ 32.
_Arcs & pauois sur la tombe des hommes._ _p._ 92.
_Ardoise en Canada._ _p._ 32.
_Argal Capitaine Anglois se saisit secrettement des commissions des
François de S. Sauueur._ _p._ 238.
_Argal Capitaine Anglois veut renuoyer en France tous les François dans
vne chaloupe, auec euident danger de leur perte._ _p._ 251.
_Argal Capitaine Anglois s'oppose fort au Mareschal de la Virginie, à
ce que ses prisonniers les François ne soyent pendus._ _p._ 262.
_Argal Capitaine Anglois equitable._ _p._ 270.
_Armes des Canadois, l'arc & la targue._ _p._ 55.
_Armoiries de Madame de Guerche-ville posées au Cap de la Heue, en
signe de possession._ _p._ 216.
_Armouchiquois baillent grand soupçon aux François de les vouloir
piller sous pretexte de trocque._ _p._ 178.
_Armouchiquois assés disposés au Christianisme._ _p._ 180.
_Assis. Estre assis, signe de reuerence entre les Canadois._ _p._ 91.
_Association de la Marquise de Guercheville auec le sieur de
Potrincourt au faict de Canada._ _p._ 188.
_Asticou Sagamo en la coste d'Acadie._ _p._ 222.
_Aumars, ou Cancres de mer, furent peschés par les François de S.
Sauueur en leur grande disette._ _p._ 253.
_Auoir chien & sac, en Canada, est iouyr du droict de proprieté._ _p._
51.
Autmoins _sont les Prestres des Canadois._ _p._ 54.
Autmoins, _Medecins & Sorciers engeollent les simples Canadois._ _p._
79.
Autmoins _se font donner force presents pour la cure des malades._ _p._
87.
Autmoins _inuocans Dieu par le nom du Soleil, en cas de necessité._
_p._ 96.
Index of the Most Important Subjects.
_ABSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves
to danger of ruin._ _p._ 178
_Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada._ _p._ 4
_Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown._ _p._ 281
_Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the
French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain
them._ _p._ 35
_Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of
St. Sauveur._ _p._ 257
_Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the
captive Jesuits of Canada._ _p._ 296
_Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France._ _p._
228
_English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why._ _p._ 179
_English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French
of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 227
_English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the
Canadians, who supposed them to be French._ _p._ 229
_English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the
settlement, and capture the French._ _p._ 235
_English cunningly rob the French of their Royal patents, to
prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity._ _p._ 238
_English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea,
not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with
hiding them._ _p._ 286
_English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe
through the charity of the Jesuits, their captives._ _p._ 289
_English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits._ _p._ 290
_English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of
being pirates by their own countrymen._ _pag._ 29
_English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted on the evidence
of the Jesuits, their prisoners._ _p._ 293
_English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their
Jesuit prisoners._ _p._ 285
_English merely pretenders to new France._ _p._ 320
_Eel-fishing in the middle of September._ _p._ 47
_Fruit trees very rare in Canada._ _p._ 31
_Forest trees of Canada._ _p._ 32
_Bows and shields upon the men's graves._ _p._ 92
_Slate in Canada._ _p._ 32
_Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the
French of St. Sauveur._ _p._ 238
_Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France
in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost._ _p._ 251
_Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of
Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged._ _p._
262
_Argal, an English Captain, a just man._ _p._ 270
_Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield._ _p._ 55
_Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la
Heve, as a sign of possession._ _p._ 216
_Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to
plunder them, under pretext of trade._ _p._ 178
_Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity._ _p._ 180
_Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians._
_p._ 91
_Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de
Potrincourt in Canadian affairs._ _p._ 188
_Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia._ _p._ 222
_Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur
in their great poverty._ _p._ 253
_To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of
property._ _p._ 51
Autmoins _are the Priests of the Canadians._ _p._ 54
Autmoins, _Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians._
_p._ 79
Autmoins _require many presents for the cure of the sick._ _p._ 87
Autmoins _invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in
need._ _p._ 96
_B._
_Baie de Chinictou en Canada, estendue en belles prairies._ _p._ 27.
_Baie Françoise entre Port Royal, & la riuiere S. Jean._ _p._ 165.
_Baie des mines à vingt & deux lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._ 203.
_Baye de Genes, ainsi appellée par Chãplain._ _p._ 204.
_Baye des mines large de huict lieuës._ _p._ 205.
_Baptesme trop facilement conferé au Mexique, auec notable dommage des
baptisés._ _p._ 106.
_Baptesme conferé aux Canadois non instruits au deuoir de
Christianisme, & le mal qui en reussit._ _p._ 111.
_Baptesme des personnes aagées, non bien instruites, differé auec
grande consideration._ _p._ 115.
_Baptesme desiré des Canadins auãt la mort._ _p._ 310.
_Baptesme guerit vn enfant Canadin malade à la mort._ _p._ 318.
_Baptisés en Canada sans precedente instruction, ne sçauoyent rien du
Chrestien, non pas mesmes leur nom de Baptesme._ _p._ 109.
_Basques ont alienés les Excomminquois en Canada de nos François._ _p._
33.
_Biencourt & Robin en faueur des Caluinistes, consentent que les
Iesuites n'entrent dans leur nauire._ _p._ 134.
_Biencourt par le moyen des Iesuites fait voile en Canada, beaucoup
plustost qu'il ne pouuoit autrement._ _p._ 138.
_Biencourt soupçonne que Madame de Guerche-ville le veut despoüiller
des droicts de Canada._ _p._ 197.
_Bretons ont descouuert la France nouuelle._ _p._ 2.
_Bretons souuent malades en Canada._ _p._ 15.
_Cabanes d'Hyuer des Canadois, d'un clos rond de perches fermées en
poincte par le haut, couuertes de peaux, nattes, ou escorces._ _p._ 40.
41.
_Cabanes des Canadois toujours en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._
_p._ 41.
_Cabanes d'Esté des Canadois, larges & longues, & couuertes de nattes,
ou escorces._ _p._ 42.
_Calais. Le Gouuerneur, & Doyen de Calais accueillent, & secourent
charitablement les Iesuites de Canada renuoyés d'Angleterre._ _p._ 299.
_Caluinistes ne peuuent trouuer bon que les Iesuites passent en Canada,
ouy bi[~e] tous autres Ecclesiastiques._ _p._ 133.
_Canada n'est qu'vne partie de la France nouuelle, sçauoir est, la
coste du long de la grande riuiere Canadas._ _p._ 3. 4.
_Canada, Prouince de la France nouuelle premierement descouuerte par
Iaques Cartier l'an 1524._ _p._ 4.
_Canada parallele à la France, en mesme climat, & eleuation de Pole._
_p._ 9.
_Canada plus froide que nostre France, & pourquoy._ _p._ 10.
_Canada sujecte au Scurbot, ou maladie de la terre._ _p._ 14.
_Canada apporte maladie aux oiseux._ _p._ 16.
_Canada germe aussitost au Printemps que nostre France._ _p._ 18.
_Canada és endroits les plus froids rend les bleds meurs en son temps._
_p._ 19.
_Canada n'a point de hautes montagnes._ _p._ 20.
_Canada fort entrecoupée de riuieres, & bras de mer, en est renduë plus
froide._ _p._ 23.
_Canada à cause des continuelles forests est moins eschauffée du
Soleil, & pource plus froide que les campagnes ouuertes._ _p._ 24.
_Canada pour n'estre labourée est couuerte d'vne dure crouste, quasi
impenetrable au Soleil, & partant beaucoup plus froide._ _p._ 24.
_Canada produict la vigne sauuage en beaucoup d'endroits, qui meurit en
son temps._ _p._ 31.
_Canada és terres cogneües des François, n'a que dix mille habitans._
_p._ 73.
_Canada, horsmis Port Royal, donné à Madame de Guercheuille._ _p._ 190.
_Canada du Gouuernement du Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330.
_Canada pourquoy doit estre cultiuée des François._ _p._ 331.
_Canadois fideles au François cõtre l'Anglois._ _p._ 34.
_Canadois charitables enuers les François captifs de l'Anglois._ _p._
35. 36.
_Canadois ont honne memoire des choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.
_Canadois comprennent, & iugent bien les choses sensibles._ _p._ 36.
_Canadoises ceintes dessus, & dessous le ventre._ _p._ 37.
_Canadois quasi tous sans barbe, horsmis les bien robustes._ _p._ 37.
_Canadois ne peuuent retenir la memoire d'vne suitte de paroles._ _p._
27.
_Canadois mocqueurs des personnes contrefaites._ _p._ 37.
_Canadois n'ont point le corps contrefaict, ny defectueux._ _p._ 37.
_Canadois vestus de peaux conroyées auec le poil, & bigarrées de
couleurs._ _p._ 39.
_Canadois paoureux, & grands vanteurs._ _p._ 55.
_Canadois forts, & addroicts à la lutte, & non à autre combat._ _p._ 55.
_Canadois liberaux & recognoissans._ _p._ 58.
_Canadois prattiquët la Polygamie plus pour le proufit, que pour
l'incontinence._ _p._ 62.
_Canadois maladifs depuis la hãtise des Frãçois, à cause de leurs excés
à manger viandes non accoustumées._ _p._ 69.
_Canadois ne se soucient du lendemain, viuãs du iour à la iournée._
_p._ 70.
_Canadois oincts d'huile de loup marin sentent mal._ _p._ 77.
_Canadois se font Chrestiens, seulement pour marque d'amitié auec les
François._ _p._ 109.
_Canadois se plaignent fort qu'on ne les ait aduerty des deuoirs du
Christianisme auãt leur baptesme, ausquels ils ne se fussent obligés,
s'ils les eussent cogneus._ _p._ 111.
_Canadins baptisés à la poursuitte du sieur de Potrincourt._ _p._ 126.
_Canadois ne peuu[~e]t exprimer par parole que les choses fort
sensibles, & materielles._ _p._ 151.
_Canadins sujects d'Asticou inuitent les Iesuites à prendre logis en
leur terre._ _p._ 222.
_Canadins caressent les Anglois, les croyans estre François, & par
ignorance les menent à S. Sauueur, où ils pillent & captiuent les
François._ _p._ 229.
_Canadin s'attriste fort, ayant recogneu que par mesgarde il auoit mis
les François de Sainct Sauueur entre les mains de l'Anglois._ _p._ 231.
_Canadins portent grande compassion aux François captifs de l'Anglois,
& leur offrent toute amitié._ _p._ 246.
_Canadins donnent largement de leur proye aux François de S. Sauueur
necessiteux._ _p._ 253.
_Canadins bien recogneus peuuent estre cy apres mieux aidés au salut de
leur ame._ _p._ 306.
_Canadins ayans grande confiance aux François, peuuent estre mieux
aidez par eux, que par autres en leur conuersion._ _p._ 307.
_Canadins grandement fideles aux François._ _p._ 308.
_Canadins ennemis de l'Anglois, & Holandois._ _p._ 309.
_Canadins affectionnez au Baptesme._ _p._ 310.
_Canadine malade à la mort, guerie par le Catechisme, & vne Croix
penduë au col._ _p._ 313.
_Canadois ne portent point de hauts de chausses._ _p._ 39.
_Canadois portent greues, & souliers de peaux d'eslan._ _p._ 39.
_Canadois plant[~e]t nouuelles cabanes à chaque changement de lieu, &
de residence._ _p._ 40.
_Canadois se cabanent en bel aspect, & prés des bonnes eaux._ _p._ 41.
_Canadois se couchent à l'entour du foyer, sur des peaux de loups
marins, la teste sur vn sac._ _p._ 41.
_Canadois à chacune des treize lunes annuelles ont nouuelle chasse, ou
pesche._ _p._ 42.
_Canadois ne viuent que de chasse, & de pesche._ _p._ 42.
_Canadois meurent de faim quand la chasse, & pesche ne reüssit._ _p._
43.
_Canadois sont fort incõmodés de pluye, & de nege, quand elle ne gele
pas._ _p._ 44.
_Canadois portent des raquettes au pied sur la nege molle, pour
chasser._ _p._ 44.
_Canadois riches en gibier d'eau, non de terre._ _p._ 46.
_Canadois en my-Septembre de la mer vont à la pesche des riuieres._
_p._ 47.
_Canadois ne possedent rien en proprieté auant leur mariage._ _p._ 51.
_Canadois ont des quereles sur le refus des droicts les vns enuers les
autres._ _p._ 52.
_Canadin guery par la Croix, & Catechisme._ _p._ 315.
_Canadins hurlent horriblement aupres de leurs malades mourans._ _p._
317.
_Campseau coste de mer loin de six vingts lieuës de Port Royal._ _p._
139.
_Cap de la Heue en la coste de l'Acadie._ _pag._ 216.
_Cap de sable._ _p._ 255.
_Cap Breton._ _p._ 263.
_Cap Forchu._ _p._ 255.
_Caribous, moitié asne, moitié cerf, bons à manger._ _p._ 43.
_Castors & Eslans ont leur seconde chasse en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._
47.
_Castors se prennent en Feuier & Mars, pour la premiere chasse._ _p._
43.
_Catechisme exactement practiqué est tres-necessaire aux Canadins à
cause de leur façon de viure vagabonde._ _p._ 102. 103. 104.
_Catechisme & Croix penduë au col d'vne Canadine la guerit de maladie
mortelle._ _p._ 313.
_Catechisme guerit vn Canadin malade._ _p._ 215.
_Cauots, esquifs des Canadois, faicts, d'escorce de bouleau, fort
legers, capables de toute vne famille, & vtensiles necessaires._ _p._
48.
_Cauot fort commode pour la pesche, & voiture._ _p._ 48.
_Cauot faict quarante lieuës en vn iour._ _pag._ 49.
_Champlain fonde l'habitation de Kebec._ _p._ 121.
_Champlain descouure la coste de la riuiere S. Laurens._ _p._ 121.
_Champlain Lieutenant du sieur de Monts._ _p._ 121.
C_hamplain allant à Kebec passe à trauers des glaçons de mer enormément
gros & affreux._ _p._ 139.
C_harbon de terre en Canada._ _p._ 32.
C_hair boucanée, ou sechée à la fumée, mise en reserue._ _p._ 70.
C_harmes, Chesnes, Hestres, & Peupliers en Canada._ _p._ 32.
C_hasse & pesche sont tout le reuenu des Canadois._ _p._ 42.
C_hasse premiere des Castors en Feurier, & Mars._ _p._ 43.
C_hasse seconde des Castors, & Eslans en Octobre & Nouembre._ _p._ 47.
C_heuille plantée en terre par l'Autmoin faignant de chasser le
Diable._ _p._ 82. 83. 84.
C_hiens du malade mangés en Tabagie._ _pag._ 89.
C_hinictou est vne Baye en Canada fort belle en prairies._ _p._ 27.
C_hinictou pays de Canada fertile & aggreable._ _p._ 204.
Chiquebi _racine à guise de truffes, dont les Iesuites viuoyent en
temps de famine._ _p._ 213.
C_hirurgien Anglois Catholique, charitable enuers les François de S.
Sauueur blessez._ _p._ 241.
C_oquilles, & poissons de toute sorte foisonnent en la mer de Canada
durant cinq mois._ _p._ 45.
C_oste de la riuiere Sainct Iean en Canada, abondante en vigne sauuage,
& noyers._ _p._ 31.
C_oste de S. Sauueur fort aggreable._ _p._ 225.
C_roix penduë au col d'vn Canadin le guerit d'vne longue maladie._ _p._
315.
C_roix plantée au Cap de la Heue._ _p._ 216.
C_roix plantée au Port S. Sauueur._ _p._ 226.
C_oudriers sont frequents en Canada._ _p._ 31.
C_ounibas pays inhabitable à cause du froid._ _p._ 21.
_B._
_Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows._ _p._
27
_French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John._ _p._ 165
_Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal._ _p._ 203
_Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain._ _p._ 204
_Bay of mines eight leagues wide._ _p._ 205
_Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment
to those baptised._ _p._ 106
_Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet instructed in the
duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom._ _p._
111
_Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great
consideration._ _p._ 115
_Baptism desired by Canadians before dying._ _p._ 310
_Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death._ _p._ 318
_Those baptised in Canada without previous instruction, know
nothing of Christianity, not even their Baptismal names._ _p._ 109
_Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our
French._ _p._ 33
_Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that
the Jesuits must not enter their ship._ _p._ 134
_Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner
than he could have done without them._ _p._ 138
_Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him
of his rights in Canada._ _p._ 197
_Bretons discovered new France._ _p._ 2
_Bretons often sick in Canada._ _p._ 15
_Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the
top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark._ _p._ 40, 41
_Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near
good water._ _p._ 41
_Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with
mats or bark._ _p._ 42
_Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist
the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England._ _p._ 299
_Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but
are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics._ _p._ 133
_Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the land along the
great river Canadas._ _p._ 3, 4
_Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques
Cartier, in the year 1524._ _p._ 4
_Canada parallel to France, in the same climate and Polar
elevation._ _p._ 9
_Canada colder than our France, and why._ _p._ 10
_Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease._ _p._ 14
_Canada brings sickness to those who are idle._ _p._ 16
_Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France._ _p._ 18
_Canada in the coldest places yields the wheat crop in its season._
_p._ 19
_Canada has no high mountains._ _p._ 20
_Canada, very much intersected by rivers and arms of the sea, is
thereby rendered colder._ _p._ 23
_Canada, on account of the continuous forests, is less heated by
the Sun, and therefore colder than the open countries._ _p._ 24
_Canada, not being cultivated, is covered with a hard crust, almost
impenetrable to the Sun, and therefore much colder._ _p._ 24
_Canada produces the wild grape in many places, which ripens in its
season._ _p._ 31
_Canada, in the lands known to the French, has only ten thousand
inhabitants._ _p._ 73
_Canada, with the exception of Port Royal, given to Madame de
Guercheville._ _p._ 190
_Canada under Authority of the Prince de Soissons._ _p._ 330
_Canada, why the French should cultivate it._ _p._ 331
_Canadians faithful to French against English._ _p._ 34
_Canadians kind to French made prisoners by English._ _p._ 35, 36
_Canadians have a good memory for visible and material things._
_p._ 36
_Canadians comprehend and estimate well the things known through
the senses._ _p._ 36
_Canadian women wear belts above and below the stomach._ _p._ 37
_Canadians nearly all beardless, except the more robust._ _p._ 37
_Canadians have no memory for a consecutive arrangement of words._
_p._ 27
_Canadians scoffers at ill-shapen people._ _p._ 37
_Canadians' bodies are not ill-shapen or defective._ _p._ 37
_Canadians dressed in skins which have been curried and decorated
in various colors._ _p._ 39
_Canadians cowardly and great boasters._ _p._ 55
_Canadians strong and skillful in wrestling, and not in any other
kind of combat._ _p._ 55
_Canadians generous and grateful._ _p._ 58
_Canadians practice Polygamy more for profit than for
incontinence._ _p._ 62
_Canadians sickly since their intercourse with the French, on
account of their excesses in eating food to which they are not
accustomed._ _p._ 69
_Canadians not anxious about to-morrow, only living from day to
day._ _p._ 70
_Canadians, when they rub themselves with seal oil, have a bad
smell._ _p._ 77
_Canadians embrace Christianity only as a sign of friendship with
the French._ _p._ 109
_Canadians complain greatly that they were not advised of the
duties of Christianity before their baptism, to which they would
not have bound themselves if they had known them._ _p._ 111
_Canadians baptized through the instrumentality of sieur de
Potrincourt._ _p._ 126
_Canadians can express in words only the more visible and material
things._ _p._ 151
_Canadian subjects of Asticou invite the Jesuits to locate in their
territory._ _p._ 222
_Canadians embrace the English, believing them to be French, and
through ignorance guide them to St. Sauveur, where they plunder and
capture the French._ _p._ 229
_Canadians very sorrowful when they recognized that through
inadvertence they had delivered the French of Saint Sauv
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