Diary of Richard Cocks, Volume 1
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Title: Diary of Richard Cocks, Volume 1
Author: Richard Cocks
Editor: Sir Edward Maunde Thompson
Release date: September 7, 2014 [eBook #46803]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIARY OF RICHARD COCKS, VOLUME 1 ***
WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS.
FIRST SERIES. NO. LXVI-MDCCCLXXXIII
DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS
CAPE-MERCHANT IN THE ENGLISH FACTORY IN JAPAN
1615-1622
_WITH CORRESPONDENCE_
EDITED BY
EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON
VOL. I
BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER
NEW YORK, NEW YORK
Published by
BURT FRANKLIN
514 West 113th Street
New York 25, N. Y.
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
COLONEL H. YULE, C.B., PRESIDENT.
ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. }
W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, ESQ., M.P.
REV. DR. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L.
J. BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.
WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
CAPTAIN LINDESAY BRINE, R.N.
E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ.
THE EARL OF DUCIE, F.R.S.
CAPTAIN HANKEY, R.N.
LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G.
R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.
REAR-ADMIRAL MAYNE, C.B.
E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.
ADMIRAL SIR ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
LORD ARTHUR RUSSELL, M.P.
THE LORD STANLEY, OF ALDERLEY.
B. F. STEVENS, ESQ.
EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.
LIEUT.-GEN. SIR HENRY THUILLIER, C.S.I., F.R.S.
T. WISE, ESQ., M.D.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., C.B., F.R.S., HONORARY SECRETARY.
PREFACE.
The history of the English trading settlement in Japan in the first
quarter of the seventeenth century is the history of a failure; and the
causes of the failure are not far to seek. Choosing for their depôt
an insignificant island in the extreme west of the kingdom, without
even good anchorage to recommend it, and at a far distance from the
capital cities of Miako and Yedo, with the Dutch for their neighbours
and, as it proved, their rivals, the English may be said to have
courted disaster. It is true that Firando was a ready port for shipping
coming from Europe; its ruler was friendly; and it lay in a convenient
position from whence to open the much-desired trade with China. And
the policy of making common cause with the Protestant Hollanders
against the Spaniards and Portuguese, who had first secured a footing
in Japan and were powerful in the neighbouring town of Nagasaki, would
have been a sound one, had the latter remained supreme. But, when the
English landed, the Dutch had already obtained privileges and had
established their trade in the country; and what ought to have been
foreseen inevitably came to pass. The Dutch were not allies; they were
rivals, who undersold the English in the market and in the end starved
them out of the country. Possibly, if our countrymen had been allowed
to maintain the branch factories which they started in some of the
principal towns, they might have held their own against their rivals,
in spite of the limited trade which Japan afforded; but when their
privileges were curtailed and they were restricted to Firando, their
case became desperate.
Purchas, in his _Pilgrimes_,[1] has told us the story of the first
landing of the English and its causes. The present volumes give us the
internal history of the factory. The original diary of Richard Cocks,
the chief factor, once formed part of those papers of the East India
Company, whose luckless fate it was to be destroyed or cast out of
their home in Leadenhall-street to wander through the world. Happily
the diary escaped many perils, and now rests in the British Museum,
where, bound in two volumes, it bears the numbers, Additional MSS.
31,300, 31,301. Unfortunately it is not complete. It runs from 1st
June, 1615, to 14th January, 1619, and from 5th December, 1620, to
24th March, 1622; but it has lost nothing since it left the Company's
archives.[2] I have not thought it necessary to print the whole of it;
but only those entries which have absolutely no interest, _e.g._ bare
memoranda of sales and purchases, have been omitted. As a supplement,
to illustrate the diary and to fill in the periods which are wanting
therein, I have added in an Appendix a selection from the letters of
Cocks and others, chiefly from the archives of the India Office.
* * * * *
Our early connection with Japan forms perhaps one of the most
interesting episodes in our mercantile history, and has a share of
romance imparted to it by the story of the English sailor whose name is
so intimately associated with it. William Adams, "a Kentish man, born
in a town called Gillingham, two English miles from Rochester, one mile
from Chatham where the king's ships do lie",[3] a seafaring man who had
served in the English navy, joined, as senior pilot, one of the Dutch
trading fleets which sailed for the East in 1598. Weighing anchor in
June, Adams and his companions encountered misfortune and delay on the
coast of Africa, so that it was not till April of the next year that
they reached the Straits of Magellan, where they were forced to pass
the winter. Hence they made for Peru; and after sundry adventures,
in which the fleet was dispersed and the _Charity_, the ship wherein
Adams sailed, lost the greater part of her crew, the latter vessel
in company with a single consort struck across for Japan. But bad
fortune still waited on the unlucky voyagers. The consort foundered in
a storm; and Adams's ship with difficulty reached the shores of the
province of Bungo, in the island of Kiushiu, in Japan, where she let
fall her anchor on the 19th of April, 1600. Her crew was reduced to
four-and-twenty, all told; and of these only some half-dozen were able
to stand on their feet. Of the latter Adams was one, and was selected
to be sent up to the court of Iyéyasu, the famous soldier who then
ruled Japan.
The moment at which Adams set foot in this unknown land was a critical
one in the history of the country. The dual form of government, by
mikado and shogun, had been in existence some four hundred years. In
the twelfth century, at a time when Japan was torn by internal wars
and dissensions, the military chief Yoritomo had risen to power and,
overthrowing his enemies, had set up the military despotism which,
acting in the name of the powerless mikado, ruled the whole country. In
1192 Yoritomo received from the mikado the title of Sei-i Tai Shogun
(Barbarian-subjugating Great General); and henceforth that title was
transmitted to the _de facto_ rulers, and lasted down to the revolution
of 1868. The mikado, the rightful emperor of Japan, became a mere
cipher, living in the seclusion of his palace, neglected and often in
poverty.
This peculiar system has naturally perplexed foreigners; and thus it is
that the mikado, or dairi, as he is more usually called by the early
European writers, is represented as the spiritual head,[4] while the
shogun, or military ruler for the time being, is always styled the
emperor.
Two families, the Hojo and the Ashikaga, successively held the
shogunate down to the year 1573. The last shogun of the second house
was deposed by Nobunaga, the son of a soldier of fortune, whose name,
like those of his two generals and successors, Hidéyoshi and Iyéyasu,
is great in Japanese history. Nobunaga fell the victim of treachery;
but his place was promptly filled by Hidéyoshi, who at once crushed
the rising which had overthrown his master and assumed the reins of
government. The son of a peasant, he had entered Nobunaga's service as
a groom, but, attracting notice, he was promoted to military service
and quickly rose by his own prowess to high command. Often changing his
name, according to Japanese custom, he appears in history under many
designations. By the Portuguese Jesuits he is referred to as Faxiba
(_i.e._ Hashiba); but he is more generally known by his later name of
Taiko Sama; and by this name he is called in these volumes. Neither he
nor Nobunaga received the title of shogun. The highest rank to which he
attained was that of kuwambaku, or premier.[5]
Hidéyoshi died in 1598[6] leaving an infant son, Hidéyori (the Fidaia
Sama of Cocks's diary), whom he had married to the grand-daughter
of his old fellow-soldier Iyéyasu, in the hope of thus disarming a
dangerous rival, who was also appointed one of the guardians of the
boy. But these precautions went for nothing. Even in Nobunaga's days
Iyéyasu was a powerful leader, and he had only submitted to Taiko
Sama after some hesitation. It is true that he swore to protect the
interests of the young Hidéyori; but many circumstances combined to
stifle any scruples that he might have felt in supplanting his ward.
It was whispered that the child was no son of Taiko Sama, and, even if
he were, the nobles who had resented the rule of the low-born chief,
whom they were forced to obey, were not disposed to continue their
submission to his child. What has always happened in such conjunctures
was sure to happen now. The other guardians of the young prince,
suspicious of Iyéyasu, began to draw together their troops; Iyéyasu
summoned his men; and soon after, in October, 1600, the rival armies
confronted each other on the field of Sékigahara, near Lake Biwa, in
the centre of the kingdom. Iyéyasu gained a decisive victory; his
enemies were scattered with fearful slaughter; and the young Hidéyori
was at the mercy of the conqueror. To the credit of the latter, his
captive received no harm, but continued to lead a life of almost
perfect freedom in his strong castle of Ozaka.
It was, then, only a few months before this decisive battle that Adams
had his first interview with Iyéyasu, the emperor as he styles him, at
Ozaka. How he found favour in his eyes, was taken into his confidence,
"learned him some points of geometry and understanding of the arts of
mathematics", built him ships and, in fine, gained such influence that
"what I said he would not contrary," Adams himself has told us in that
letter which, a captive in a far-off land, he addressed so pathetically
to his "unknown friends and countrymen." But when, in his yearning to
see wife and children again, "according to conscience and nature", he
prayed for liberty to return to his country, Iyéyasu hardened his heart
and would not let him go. The most that was granted was leave for the
Dutch captain of the ship[7] and one of the crew to depart. This they
did; and it should be noted that it was by the help of the daimio of
Firando, who now first appears upon the scene, that they found a junk
wherein to sail. The captain was soon after killed fighting against the
Portuguese. His companion returned and settled at Nagasaki, being the
Melchor van Sanfort (or Sanvoort) whom we meet in the diary. Others of
the crew no doubt settled in the country. One of them is incidentally
mentioned by Cocks (i. 171).
Adams's letter above referred to was written in October, 1611. It
reached the English factory at Bantam probably early in 1612; but
the idea of opening trade with Japan had already been entertained in
England. Adams's story was known there by reports from the Dutch; and
letters announcing the intentions of the East India Company were sent
out to him by the ship _Globe_, which sailed in January, 1611. In April
following, the _Clove_, the _Thomas_, and the _Hector_ were despatched
under command of Captain John Saris, with letters from King James I.
to the Emperor of Japan. Arriving at Bantam in October, 1612, Saris
remained there till the beginning of the new year, and then, on the
14th of January, sailed for Japan in the ship _Clove_, with a crew of
some seventy men. On the 10th of June, off Nagasaki, he first sighted
the western coast of Kiushiu, and two days after came to an anchor in
the haven of Firando.
The first to greet the English commander were the old daimio or
tono, Foyne Sama, then in his seventy-second year, and his grandson,
a young man of two-and-twenty, who shared the government. Both are
styled kings; and the latter is Figen a (or Figeno) Sama, who appears
throughout Cocks's diary as the king of Firando. Foyne Sama seems to
have been a simple and unaffected old man, not averse to merry-making,
but firm, and, says Saris, "famed to be the worthiest soldier of all
Japan, for his valour and service in the Corēan wars."[8] Old as he was
and good-humoured as he appeared, we see something of the sterner side
of his character in certain remarks of our diarist. Almost immediately
after their arrival the English sailors began quarrelling and drew
from him a reproof which, though gentle, was a sufficient hint; and
we are told, at a later date, when his dog "Balle" was accidentally
killed by the English cook, that "if this had happened in the time of
Foyne Sama, who esteemed this dog much, it might have cost us all our
lives" (i. 248). The readiness with which he welcomed and encouraged
foreign trade is creditable, and proves that he understood, at all
events in some degree, the benefits which his small principality might
derive from it. He died in 1614, about a year after the establishment
of the English factory. The young king had not the force of character
of his grandfather. Though generally keeping on fair terms with the
English, his temper was capricious, and he was probably too indolent
not to be ruled by his own ministers, some of whom appear to have been
all-powerful. The principal nobles and ministers at Firando were: Bongo
Sama or Nobesane, Foyne's brother, and consequently great-uncle to
Figen a Sama; Tonomon Sama, and Genta or Gentero Sama, Figen a Sama's
brothers, of whom the first acted as viceroy in the absence of the
king, and the second resided as hostage at the shogun's court and was
in favour there; Sangero Sama, a natural son of Foyne; Oyen Dono[9] and
Semi Dono, the royal secretaries; and Taccamon Dono, the chief justice,
"our enemy", as Cocks calls him (ii. 3).
The Dutch had already been settled in Firando for some years. In July,
1609, their ship the _Red Lion_ arrived in that port and, favoured
by Foyne Sama, they succeeded in obtaining from the shogun leave to
establish a factory and to send one or more ships annually from Europe.
It was not, however, till two years after this that another small ship,
the _Brach_, arrived, and two commissioners were sent up to pay the
usual visit to the court. One of these was Jacob Speck,[10] afterwards
head of the Dutch factory and the contemporary and rival of Cocks. At
the court at Suruga they were met by William Adams, whose influence
with the shogun was used to such good purpose that they received most
favourable terms for trading in the country, while two embassies of
the Portuguese and Spaniards, which were present about the same time,
failed to obtain the full privileges they sought.[11] The head of the
Dutch factory, when Saris landed, was Hendrik Brower; and at the very
first mention of his name by Cocks, the jealousy which was smouldering
in the hearts of the two nations shows itself: "Captain Brower went
along by the door but would not look at us, and we made as little
account of him."[12]
The first business for Saris to transact was the hire of a house, to
serve for a factory, from Captain Andassee, "Captain of the China
quarter", the Chinaman who appears all through the diary by the name of
Andrea Dittis; his next was to prepare to visit the court of Iyéyasu,
only waiting to be joined by William Adams, for whom he had sent and
who arrived on the 29th of July. They started on their journey on
the 7th of August, leaving Cocks to manage affairs at Firando, and
travelled by the same regular route over which Cocks was afterwards
so often to pass: down the inland sea to Ozaka, and thence by land to
Suruga[13] where Iyéyasu resided, and afterwards proceeding to Yedo
to visit Hidétada, son of the latter and actual shogun, to whom his
father, according to a not infrequent custom, had transferred the
title in 1605. It is needless to repeat here the interesting details
of this journey, which are to be found in Saris's own narrative in the
pages of Purchas. For our present purpose it is enough to state that
the travellers returned to Firando on the 6th of November with ample
privileges for trade.[14] One request was however refused, viz. the
right to bring into Japan and sell the goods of Chinese prizes which
might be captured as a punishment for rejection of the English trade.
This is only one of several instances that are recorded of Iyéyasu's
fairness to all foreigners alike and of his refusal to mix in their
quarrels. It was also understood that, on the arrival of a ship from
Europe, a present was to be carried to the shogun; and for trade with
neighbouring countries a goshon or licence was requisite for each junk
that sailed.
"Now touching a factory to be left there," says Saris, "I had on the
twenty-sixth [of November] assembled my merchandizing council, where,
upon these considerations, viz. the encouragement we had received in
the Moluccas by private intelligence; the Dutch factory already planted
here in Firando; the large privileges now obtained of the Emperor of
Japan; the certain advice of the English factories settled in Siam
and Patane; the commodities resting unsold upon our hands appointed
for these parts; and the hoped-for profit which further experience
may produce, it was resolved that a factory should be left there,
viz. eight English, three Japan jurebasses or interpreters, and two
servants, who were appointed against the coming of the next ships to
search and discover the coast of Corea, Tushmay, and other parts of
Japan and countries thereunto adjoining, to see what good might be
done in any of them."[15] The eight Englishmen who were thus appointed
members of the English factory, were: Richard Cocks, captain and cape-
(or head-) merchant, William Adams, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham,
William Eaton, Walter Carwarden, Edmund Sayers, and William Nealson.
Richard Cocks[16] was probably a native of Coventry; at all events
he was familiar with that city (i. 172), and had friends there (i.
229). His name appears in the charter of incorporation of the East
India Company, 31 Dec. 1600; and in the earlier list of "names of
such persons as have written with their own hands to venture in the
pretended voyage to the East Indies," 22 Sept. 1599, he is described as
a grocer and subscribes £200.[17] He himself tells us (ii. 317) that,
besides being a member of "this Right Honourable and Right Worshipful
Society or Company which trade to the East Indies," he belonged to the
Merchants Adventurers and was "made free of the old Hanse", and he was
also a member of the Clothworkers' Company. A certain Richard Cocks who
sailed with Frobisher in his third voyage to Meta Incognita, in 1578,
and who was distinguished as "the first to sail in among the ice", was
probably a relative.[18] From 1603 to 1608 he lived at Bayonne, no
doubt as a merchant. Many news-letters written by him from thence are
preserved in the Public Record Office, addressed to Sir Thomas Wilson,
secretary to Lord Treasurer Salisbury. From this we may infer that Sir
Thomas was Cocks's patron. The correspondence was continued when Cocks
was in Japan; and some of his letters which dwelt on the wonders of the
country were sent to King James to read, who declared them to contain
"the loudest lies that he had ever heard." Wilson pronounces the writer
to be, though not lettered, a man of honesty, years, and judgment.[19]
As Cocks becomes well known to us as we read his diary, we will leave
him for the present.
Of the other members of the factory, two soon disappeared from the
scene. Tempest Peacock and Walter Carwarden went on a trading venture
to Cochinchina, and, as we shall see, never returned. Richard Wickham
appears to have been in more independent circumstances than the rest.
Even before Saris's departure he began to give trouble, as his time
of agreement with the Company had nearly expired and he bargained for
higher wages. He resigned his place and left Japan early in 1618, and
died soon after at Jacatra in Java, worth, it was said, £5,000 or
£6,000. William Eaton and Edmund Sayers[20] were with the factory from
first to last. The former is called by Cocks "my countryman", probably
meaning that they were natives of the same place or district. William
Nealson was turbulent and quarrelsome, particularly when drink put him
into his "fustian fumes". He died in March, 1620, "being wasted away
with a consumption." After reading of their constant bickerings, one
smiles to find that he made Cocks his heir; and, piously adds Cocks,
"if God had called me in his mercy before Mr. Nealson, then had he had
as much of mine" (ii. 321).
When Adams accompanied Saris to court, he had at length got leave from
Iyéyasu to visit his native land. Why he did not choose to sail in the
_Clove_, as he at first intended, was, he himself tells us, because of
"some discourtesies offered me by the general." In fact, Saris seems
to have disagreed with him on several points, and did not treat him
generously. But, perhaps, a better reason for his stay was that which
Cocks gives: "that he was loth to return to his country a beggar";
for, although Iyéyasu had given him an estate of some extent, he was
ill provided with money. And yet another and nobler reason may have
influenced him. "In my simple judgment," he says in one of his letters,
"if the north-west passage be ever discovered, it will be discovered by
this way of Japan";[21] and Cocks adds, "Mr. Adams is of the opinion
that, if ever the north-east or north-west passages be found out, it
must be from these parts, and offereth his best services therein,
the Emperor promising his best furtherance with men or letters of
recommendation to all princes, and hath entrance already into an island
called Yedzo, which is thought to be rather some part of the continent
of Tartaria" (ii. 258). So Adams took service with the Company, after
some haggling over the amount of his wages, for two years;[22] and
constantly appears in the course of the diary in various employments.
Cocks was evidently a little afraid of him, and, while praising him
to the Company as "tractable and willing to do your Worships the best
service he may," he cautions Wickham to "have a due care to give
Capt. Adams content, which you may easily do if you use him with
kind speeches and fall not into terms with him upon any argument. I
am persuaded," he adds, "I could live with him seven years before
any extraordinary speeches should happen betwixt us." Our Cocks doth
protest too much. Adams's friendliness to his old comrades the Dutch
is ever a thorn in the side of the cape-merchant: "I cannot choose but
note it down that both I myself and all the rest of our nation do see
that he is much more friend to the Dutch than to the Englishmen, which
are his own countrymen, God forgive him." But, in spite of occasional
outbursts of this nature, they lived generally on friendly terms, and
there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of Cocks's sorrow when his
comrade died.
Two others joined the factory at a later date. John Osterwick, of Dutch
descent and a kinsman of Wickham, came out in 1615 and remained to
the end. Richard Hudson, whom Cocks in 1617 calls a boy, and who had
lost father and brother in the search for the north-west passage, was
employed as an unattached servant at the factory.
Saris sailed from Japan on the 5th of December, 1613. The merchandise
which stocked the factory consisted chiefly of broad cloth and woollen
and cotton piece goods; also of Bantam pepper, gunpowder, lead, tin,
etc. Its total value was about £5,650. The Company was sanguine enough,
on Saris's representation, to hope for such success in the Japan trade,
as to be able to export silver in sufficient quantity to maintain their
Indian trade. But Saris's estimate of the mercantile prospects was
based on false premises. When he arrived, the prices of imports were
extraordinarily high; but then the Dutch had the market nearly all to
themselves, and the demand for European goods was almost too limited
to give room for competition. Steel and lead alone among metals, and
silk among materials, sold readily. Saris indeed had tried to arrange
with the Dutch factor on a profitable price, at which both nations
should sell their cloth; but the latter immediately "shipped away
great store of cloth to divers islands, rating them at base prices
that he might procure the more speedy despatch of his own, and glut
the place before the coming of ours."[23] But even apart from Dutch
competition, cloth was not a favourite article of trade in Japan. Saris
soon found that the natives were backward in buying, especially when
they saw that the English themselves did not wear the material they
recommended, "for, said they, you commend your cloth unto us, but you
yourselves wear least thereof, the better sort of you wearing silken
garments, the meaner fustians."[24] Cocks, too, naively remarks that
the people of Japan are "so addicted to silks that they do not enter
into consideration of the benefit of wearing cloth"(ii. 259). On the
other hand, if cloth happened to rise in price, it at once commanded
a sale among the wealthy, Wickham, in one of his letters, noticing
the disposition of the Japanese, especially of the better sort, to
buy those commodities which are most rare and when they are dearest.
Spanish cloth, he says, never sold better than when it was high in
price; when it fell, no one would look at it; when it again reached a
high price, it recovered its reputation. Again, when warlike rumours
were afloat there was a demand for cloth, as it was used for cases for
arms; and so, we are told, the Japanese preferred good measure to fine
quality. Sober colours were generally preferred. Venice red and flame
colour would not sell at all in 1614. In 1620, blacks and reds are in
fashion (ii. 311). Indian cloths sold not "so much for necessity as
for the new and strange fashions and paintings thereof", the Japanese
"being a people desiring change" (ii. 273).
After Saris's departure, however, the English factory lost no time in
attempting to establish trade in the country. At the beginning of the
new year Wickham was sent as agent to Yedo; Eaton was stationed at
Ozaka; and Sayers had a commission to the northern parts of Kiushiu
and the neighbouring island of Tsushima, the first step to trade with
Corea. In Cocks's letters to Wickham we see the anxiety caused by the
competition of the Dutch. Wickham was to "sell away, although something
under cento per cento," and not to be outstripped by his rivals.
A junk was also fitted out with a cargo worth £750 to trade to
Cochinchina, Tempest Peacock going in her as merchant (18th March,
1614) with Walter Carwarden to assist him. This venture was
unfortunate. Peacock was killed in Cochinchina, treacherously as it
appeared, and Carwarden was cast away on the return voyage. Although
two attempts were subsequently made by Adams to renew intercourse,
neither succeeded. Trade with Siam was also opened, a junk being at
once bought and commissioned for the purpose. Adams showed skill and
energy in fitting her for her voyage, and took the command in her first
trip, which however failed, owing principally to the mutinous conduct
of the crew. This venture was estimated at £1,400.
But the country with which the English most coveted commercial
relations was China; and through all the diary and correspondence of
Cocks negotiations are always in progress. The two Chinese traders,
Andrea Dittis, the landlord of the English house mentioned above,
and his brother Whaw or Whow, who was stationed at Nagasaki, were
the agents through whom Cocks hoped to obtain a footing in China,
where also a third brother was supposed to be negotiating with the
authorities to obtain the desired privileges; and not inconsiderable
sums were advanced to smooth the way. But China was then in a state of
war and confusion, and although in the end, after years of waiting,
Cocks was told that permission for trade was granted, no charter or
other documents arrived, and, in any case, it was then, at the moment
when the English were preparing to withdraw from Japan, too late to do
anything.
The English factory, then, had been established about two years in
June, 1615, the date at which Cocks's diary begins. The house which
had been hired of the China captain had been purchased and improved at
a cost of nearly £600. Foyne Sama had been dead some twelve months,
and Figen a Sama reigned in his stead. Captain Brower had disappeared
from the Dutch factory to make room for Jacob Speck. And we are at once
carried into the midst of native affairs. On the 2nd of June reports
reached Firando of the total defeat of the young prince Hidéyori
(Fidaia Sama) by Iyéyasu. As we have already seen, Hidéyori had been
left in comparative freedom after the battle of Sékigahara. He had now
grown to man's estate, and had the sympathy of a large part of the
country; and Cocks especially notices that the people of the southern
parts "affect the young man more than the old." Round him gathered
all who had reason to fear or dislike his rival; and, when the final
rupture took place, he had a following of 120,000 men. There can be
little doubt that the young prince perished in the burning castle of
Ozaka after the total defeat of his troops; but the fact that his body
could not be found was enough to give rise to the rumour that he had
escaped. His followers were hunted down and destroyed; but that he
still lived was widely believed, and that belief lasted for years and
is frequently noticed in these pages. Apollinario Franco, a Franciscan,
who was present at the terrible scene at Ozaka, escaped to Firando and
is mentioned early in the diary. Notwithstanding his protestant dislike
of priests and friars, Cocks could not refuse Christian charity to
one in such sore distress. We meet with him once or twice again. He
died at the stake in Omura in 1622. After the destruction of Ozaka the
shoguns adopted the policy of detaining for stated periods, at court,
the daimios of the several provinces or some members of their families.
This arrangement is often noticed by Cocks.
At the end of August arrived the ship _Oziander_ (or _Hozeander_) from
England, and Captain Ralph Coppindall was sent up to court with the
customary present. In a letter written after his return to Firando
he records the unprofitable nature of the trade of Japan: "either we
must procure a peaceable trade in China, or else, as the Hollanders
do, to trade with them perforce. And if we set foot in the Moluccas,
this place will be a fit storehouse from whence we may always have
men, munition, and victuals good store, and at reasonable rates" (ii.
271). These, indeed, were also the sentiments of the factors, and were
repeated more than once.
A quarrel with the Portuguese and Spaniards at Nagasaki, who had seized
and imprisoned two of their own countrymen for serving the English, is
among the events of this year. And, however much they might disagree
among themselves, English and Dutch were at one when attacking or
attacked by the other two rival nations; so that the capture of a
Portuguese junk by the Dutch and her condemnation through Adams's
influence at court as good prize gave unmixed satisfaction at Firando.
In connection with this capture, an interesting conversation between
Iyéyasu and Adams is recorded (ii. 276).
Early in 1616 a report began to circulate that Iyéyasu was dead. Cocks,
with the caution with which he had learned to regard all Japanese
news, rather viewed it as "a fable given out of purpose to see how
people would take the matter"; and he, no doubt, only expresses the
general feeling when he adds "once the old man is subtil". In June
the king of Firando is reported to have visited him, "but was only
permitted to enter into his chamber, where they say he lay sick in a
little cabin covered with paper"; and soon after it was known that he
had really expired,[25] not however before he had had the satisfaction
of having his physician cut in pieces. Cocks, however, was hard of
belief, and was convinced that "he will soon rise again, if any wars
be moved against his son within these three years." This son was the
shogun Hidétada, a man very different from his father in his manner of
regarding foreigners.
It was now necessary for the English to send up a deputation to court
for a confirmation of privileges under the new reign; and the ships
_Thomas_ and _Advice_ arriving from England just at the time, Cocks
got ready his presents and started at the end of July, in company with
Adams who had just returned from Siam. The account of the journey to
Yedo and of the audience with the shogun is very interesting. But they
did not obtain what they sought. The privileges were curtailed and
the English were restricted to the single port of Firando. In vain
did Cocks petition to have this decision reversed; and, although the
shogun's secretaries, Codskin Dono and Oyen Dono, did not seem to be
unfavourable, they declared that it was impossible to alter matters.
Inga Dono, also, the chief justice, could only tell Cocks "that at
present all matters were in other manner in Japan than in time of the
old Emperor"; and common report declared that "no man dare speak to
the Emperor of any matter they think is to his discontent, he is so
furious, and no means but death and destruction" (i. 186, 187). In the
end the English had to withdraw all their factors from Yedo, Miako,
Sackay, and Ozaka.[26]
But it was not only in this particular that things were changed.
Hidétada had determined to suppress Christianity. Since the first
arrival of the Portuguese Jesuits, followed by the rapid conversion
of whole districts in the western and southern parts of Japan, there
had been no systematic attempt to stifle the new religion. The story
told of Nobunaga, that, when he was urged to expel the Roman Catholic
missionaries, he remarked that, as there were already thirty-five
religious sects in Japan, a thirty-sixth could not make much
difference,[27] reflects the ease with which Christianity made its
way in the country; and the same ruler's policy of tolerating the new
tenets, while persecuting the Buddhist faith, gave them time to take
root and flourish. A sudden edict of Taiko Sama, expelling the Jesuits
from the kingdom, was not enforced to the utmost; and Iyéyasu generally
left them in peace, although towards the end of his reign fresh edicts
of banishment were issued and the sentence to a considerable extent
carried into effect. But many priests still lurked in the country;
and Cocks notices that the hostility shown to some of his men by the
natives of Omura was "by means of the padres, or priests, who stirred
them up against us to make us odious to the Japons, for they are all,
or the most part, papistical Christians in Umbra, and attribute a great
or chief occasion of banishment of them out of Japon by means of the
English, many papists and Jesuits lying secretly lurking in most parts
of Japon till this hour" (i. 139).[28] While Cocks was waiting in
Yedo for the copy of the privileges he tells us that the Council sent
"above twenty times" to question him about the religion of the English,
and were hardly persuaded that Protestants were distinct from Roman
Catholics. Even Adams, at whose house some Spaniards were staying, was
suspected of harbouring priests and received warning. These things
indicated, as the secretary Oyen Dono admitted, that the new ruler
meant indeed to "utterly extinguish" the Jesuits and friars out of
Japan; and there was good reason to believe that Christians of all
sects would soon go the same way. The immediate result of this severity
is seen soon after in the announcement, on the 22nd of May of the next
year, of the execution of a Franciscan and a Jesuit;[29] and other
persecutions followed afterwards.
Before Cocks returned to Firando, he visited William Adams's estate at
Phebe (Hémi)[30] which had been bestowed on him by Iyéyasu. "There is",
he says, describing it, "above one hundred farms or households upon
it, besides others under them, all which are his vassals, and he hath
power of life and death over them, they being his slaves, and he has
absolute authority over them as any tono or king in Japon hath over his
vassals." (i. 181.)
On their way back to Firando, they passed the site of Yoritomo's city
of Kamakura, "but now at present it is no city, but scattered houses
seated here and there in pleasant valleys betwixt divers mountains,
wherein are divers pagods very sumptuous, and a nunnery of shaven
women. I did never see such pleasant walks among pine and spruce trees
as there are about these pagods." This is the one place in all Japan
whose natural beauty seems to have impressed even the matter-of-fact
Cocks, who could dismiss the Hakoné Pass with its fine lake and scenery
in the one sentence, "Haconey on the top of the mountain, where the
great pond with the devil is, as they report."
The altered state of feelings at Yedo began soon to be reflected
at Firando. At the beginning of the new year the king showed a
disposition to meddle in the affairs of the English trade and betrayed
ill-humour in several small matters; and soon there were rumours that
both English and Dutch would have to shift to other quarters. These
disagreements drew a formal remonstrance from Cocks, who, "entering
into consideration of the small respect this king of Firando hath of us
in comparison of that which he had at our first entrance into Japon",
expressed his discontent in a "large letter"; which, however, was
received "in good part", and a friendly message returned. But, after
this, things never went quite so smoothly as before.
Other troubles also began to close in on the English. Their relations
with the Dutch were gradually becoming more and more estranged, until
their differences culminated in open rupture. In 1617 rumours reached
Firando of Dutch outrages on the English in Puloway, which tended
to increase the coolness so rapidly growing between the members of
the English and Dutch factories, who, as the Japanese observed, were
friends, "but from tooth outwards." The frequent piracies of the Dutch
upon the Chinese are reflected on by Cocks, who also accuses them of
gross cruelty to their prisoners. An aggravation of these crimes was
the fact that they were committed, if not under the English flag, at
least under the English name, the Dutch giving out that they were
English. Their success in this form of deception is illustrated by an
entry in the diary: "These Chinas in the junk [just captured] will not
be persuaded but that they are Englishmen which took them."[31] It was,
then, with only an outward show of friendship that the two nations
carried on their trade in Firando.
In August of this year the _Advice_ arrived from Bantam, and about the
same time Adams returned from a voyage to Cochinchina. Another journey
to court immediately followed; and this time no farther than Fushimi,
near Miako, whither the shogun had come to visit the mikado. A renewed
attempt, however, on the part of Cocks, to obtain an extension of the
privileges, the principal object of the journey, failed altogether. At
first, indeed, the right to trade in Nagasaki was added; but, in an
evil hour, one of the councillors took exception, and this concession
was cancelled. An answer was refused to a letter of James I., which was
now presented, on the ground that it was addressed to the dead shogun
Iyéyasu and that it was held "ominous amongst the Japans to answer to
dead men's letters." In the end, poor Cocks was, as he said, put to
"Hodgson's choice", and had to take what privileges he could, or none
at all. "So we got out our goshons, but the privileges as they were the
last year. Worry! worry! worry!" In fact, the Japanese themselves saw
the advantages to be derived from trade, and the shogun very naturally
"would have his own vassals to get the benefit to bring up merchandise
rather than strangers." The result was that a company of native
merchants appeared in the market and formed, if we may judge by Cocks's
account of them, what would now be called a ring.
It was on the occasion of this visit to court that Cocks and his
fellow-travellers came in contact with a Corean embassy, to which
he refers several times. The object of their mission, we are told,
was to pay a visit of ceremony to the sepulchre of Iyéyasu, and to
congratulate the new shogun upon his peaceful succession.
Nothing eventful occurred at the factory in the early part of 1618.
During a visit to Nagasaki in February and March, Cocks makes several
interesting references to the Christians whom he met among the natives;
and on his arrival at this half-Christianised town, the Chinese junks,
which were dressed with flags in his honour, flew the cross of St.
George among the rest. Before Foyne's death at Firando, the English
had been compelled to haul down their flag on account of the Christian
symbol that it bore. Meanwhile, however, on the north of Kiushiu bloody
persecutions were being carried on; and a little later is recorded the
news of the crucifixion of some thirty-seven men and women in Kokura.
Disquieting rumours were also afloat of a confederacy of the southern
daimios against the shogun.
Soon, however, occurred an event which concerned the English more
nearly than the political state of Japan. On the 8th of August, to
their intense indignation, a Dutch ship arrived at Firando bringing
in, as prize, the English ship _Attendance_, which had been captured
in the Moluccas. To do him justice, the Dutch factor Speck seems to
have regretted the action and offered to restore her, but not, as Cocks
remarks, before there had been time to empty her. An immediate journey
to court naturally followed, in order to put in a written protest
against this proceeding of the Dutch. But Cocks was told "that for
facts committed in other places the emperor would not meddle with it",
so that, but for the easing of his conscience afforded by the delivery
of his protest, and the pleasure of some sight-seeing, he might as well
have remained at Firando.
For nearly the whole of the year 1619 and 1620 the diary is wanting;
and during the early part of this period the Dutch were masters of
the sea, and the English in Japan were completely isolated. But, in
order to maintain their interests in the East, the English Company had
already, in 1617, despatched a fleet of five ships under command of
Captain Martin Pring. He reached Bantam in the middle of 1618, and,
sailing thence to Jacatra, had news of the Dutch attack on the English
in the Moluccas. He was soon after joined at Bantam by a reinforcement
of six large ships under Sir Thomas Dale, who assumed the command of
the combined fleet. After some skirmishing, the English retired to
India to refit; and there Dale died. Pring then again sailed eastward;
but, finding himself outnumbered by the Dutch, he was on the point,
early in 1620, of dividing his forces and himself sailing for Japan,
when he received news of the union of the English and Dutch Companies.
Thus relieved from fear of attack, he proceeded on his voyage and
reached Firando in safety.
How the English fared in Firando during these two years we learn from
Cocks's letters to the Company.[32] In the determined attack which
the Dutch made on the English factory there can be little doubt that,
had not the Japanese protected them, our countrymen would have fallen
victims to the Hollanders, who, "by sound of trumpet aboard all their
ships in the harbour of Firando, proclaimed open wars against our
English nation, both by sea and land, with fire and sword, to take
our ships and goods and destroy our persons to the uttermost of their
power, as to their mortal enemies." But in the midst of these troubles
there was a gleam of light in trade prospects, for the shogun was at
last induced, early in 1620, to allow Nagasaki to be included in the
English privileges. The advantages of that port, with its fine harbour,
over the poor "fisher town" of Firando, with its bad anchorage, are
duly set forth by Cocks; and we learn, at the same time, the reasons
why the larger town was not selected at first, "which heretofore
was not thought fit, because then a papist Portingale bishop lived
in the town, and there was ten or twelve parish churches, besides
monasteries." But now all was changed; churches and monasteries had
been levelled with the earth, and even graveyards uprooted and "all
the dead men's bones taken out of the ground and cast forth." The news
of the union of the two companies will account for the English still
remaining in their old quarters in Firando, to keep near the Dutch,
instead of migrating to Nagasaki.
Death had also in this interval brought misfortunes to the English
factory. The first loss was that of Whaw, the Chinaman, upon whom
Cocks so much relied to obtain privileges for the China trade. Then
Nealson died in March, 1620. And, last of all, "our good friend Captain
William Adams, who was so long before us in Japon, departed out of
this world the 16th of May last." If for no other reason, we must on
Adams's account deplore the loss of Cocks's diary for this period,
which would undoubtedly have contained some details of his last illness
and death. It is also to be regretted that we do not find more personal
details about Adams in the portions of the diary which have survived;
but he was so often absent on trading voyages and other business that
Cocks must be excused if he tells us no more than he does. As already
noticed, the cape-merchant held him in some awe, and, if we may believe
the diary, Adams was inclined to be somewhat hasty in temper. On the
other hand, he did the Company good and faithful service, and, to
judge by small things, the reader will not fail to notice the patience
with which he waited, time after time, on the dilatory pleasure of
court officials, in the interest of the English. His influence with
the shoguns is more than once referred to. "The Emperor [Iyéyasu],"
writes Cocks in 1616, "esteemeth him much, and he may go and speak with
him at all times, when kings and princes are kept out"; and again, in
1620: "I cannot but be sorrowful for the loss of such a man as Captain
William Adams was, he having been in such favour with two Emperors
of Japon as never was any Christian in these parts of the world, and
might freely have entered and had speech with the Emperors, when many
Japon kings stood without and could not be permitted." Adams had a
wife and daughter living in England. He also had a son and daughter
in Japan.[33] To all of these he left his property in equal shares.
References are several times made to the disposal of his goods and
to the transmission of money to England, as well as to difficulties
arising from the disposition of certain goshons or trading licences
belonging to his children in Japan.[34]
The result in Japan of the union of the English and Dutch Companies
was, as we have seen, that the English factory remained at Firando
instead of removing to the far more commodious town of Nagasaki.
A combined fleet of English and Dutch ships, sailing under the
modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped for the purpose of
endamaging the common enemy and of diverting the trade of China from
the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English settlements; in other
words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese ports and seize as many
of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In the two expeditions to
the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before the English and Dutch
again separated, they captured many prizes; and the Dutch are said to
have treated their Chinese prisoners with great cruelty, while their
new allies interfered to protect these unfortunate people. All the
time, however, that the English were thus engaged at sea, peaceful
negotiations were still being carried on by Cocks for establishing
trade with China, though it is not surprising that "our joining with
the Hollanders to take China junks is ill thought of."
In 1621 the English at Firando, apparently with the idea that trade
was now going to flourish, built a new warehouse and wharves, and
undertook other works on a large scale. But it was impossible that
their relations with the Dutch could be cordial; and dissensions soon
broke out. There was ill blood between the sailors of the two nations.
In the Philippines they could scarcely be restrained from fighting; and
when, at the end of June, the fleet returned to Firando and the crews
got ashore, they at once came to blows, and a Dutchman was killed. Then
followed the trial and execution of the English sailor who had killed
him; and the temper in which his shipmates regarded his condemnation
may be judged from the fact that "Captain Robert Adams was forced
to put the rope about his neck with his own hands." And it was not
only with the English that the Dutch sailors quarrelled. They were
drunken and riotous and "brabbled" in the streets, till at last the
long-suffering Japanese lost patience and seizing two of them summarily
cut off their heads. The English, too, demanded a victim. A Dutchman,
who had stabbed an Englishman, was condemned and executed by his own
countrymen in a novel fashion, "they having first made the man so drunk
that he could scarce stand on his legs, and so cut off his head within
their own house." As to the crews of the English shipping, they were
perhaps only a degree less turbulent; to maintain discipline and set an
example, four runaways were condemned and hanged.
In 1620 the English ship, _Elizabeth_, cruising off the Island of
Formosa, captured a Japanese vessel on her way from the Philippines to
Japan. On board were found two priests, who, in the end, proved to be
Pedro de Zuñiga, an Augustinian, and Luis Flores, a Dominican. They
long denied their names; and we find many references in the diary to
their examination at Firando. (It was an object to the English and
Dutch to convict them, as, in such case, the ship became good prize.)
In the end, these two unfortunate men, together with the Japanese
captain of the vessel, were, in 1622, put to death by the horrible
torture of slow fire, and the crew were beheaded;[35] so that we
cannot much regret that the captors were baulked of their prize. With
grim humour the shogun appropriated the cargo for himself, "leaving
the rotten hull for us and the Hollanders." So, much against their
will, the factors had to deliver over the prize goods, after a little
hesitation, which, however, they saw it was useless to persist in, when
Cocks was told that "they would take it whether we would or no, and
that, if we had not absolutely proved the Portingalls to be padres, the
Emperor meant to have put Captain Leonard Camps and me to death and to
have seized on all we had in the country; and, if any resistance had
been made, to have burned all our shipping and put us all to the sword"
(ii. 335).
At the end of 1621 Cocks set out on the last visit to the court at Yedo
recorded in his diary, the English and their Dutch allies now going in
one company. Speck was no longer at the head of the Dutch factory. He
had left Japan in the previous October; his successor being Leonard
Camps, who was now Cocks's travelling companion. After delivering the
customary presents, and after the usual long delay in getting leave to
depart, they were dismissed without the shogun's return gifts, which
were not ready, "which truly is the greatest wrong or indignity that
ever hitherto was offered to any Christians." It is almost unnecessary
to add that Cocks and Camps quarrelled. The diary ends on the 24th of
March, 1622, in the middle of the journey back to Firando; and in the
last entry Cocks tells us how the Hollanders slipped away from him. No
phrase could better express the whole course of the dealings of the
Dutch with the English in Japan.
The rest of the story of the English factory is soon told. The Council
of Defence of the East India Company at Batavia had some time before
determined to reduce it to small dimensions. In his letter of the 7th
September, 1622, Cocks records the receipt of orders "to leave off
our consortship of the Fleet of Defence with the Hollanders, and to
send our five ships for Jaccatra with as much speed as conveniently
we could"; all money and merchandise was to be withdrawn, except a
small "cargezon" or stock worth 5,000 taels, to be left in charge of
Osterwick and a couple of assistants; and Cocks, Eaton, and Sayers were
to "come along in the said ships for Jaccatra, for lessening charges in
the factory." All which directions the cape-merchant piously assured
the Company should be followed "as near as we can"; but nevertheless
stayed where he was. The difficulty, however, of getting payment of
outstanding debts was at least some excuse; and he still fondly clung
to the hopes of the China trade.
While the English were thus yielding ground, their Dutch rivals were
more energetic than ever. They had failed in an attempt to surprise
Macao; but had forcibly established themselves in the Pescadore
Islands, and they still persisted in their old offence of passing for
Englishmen. It was only a few months later that the Amboyna massacre
was perpetrated.
At last, at a consultation of the Council at Batavia on the 25th of
April, 1623, the dissolution of the English factory in Japan was
formally decided. Captain Joseph Cockram was despatched in the ship
_Bull_, invested with full powers. It was, however, left to his
discretion to allow two juniors to remain to collect debts, if there
were any prospect of recovery. He arrived at Firando in July, bearing a
letter, dated 22nd May, from the Council, directing all the members of
the factory "to come away from thence upon the ship _Bull_ for Batavia;
hereby charging you and every of you to fulfil our said order, as you
will answer the contrary at your perils." Cocks is ordered to get in
all the debts he can; and he is blamed in severe terms for the loss of
the "great sums" which he had advanced for the China trade: "The China
Nocheda[36] hath too long deluded you, through your own simplicity, to
give credit unto him. You have lived long enough in those parts to be
better experienced of the fraudulent practices of those people." The
English buildings at Firando are to be handed over to the king, to hold
in trust "until such time as we shall send thither again to repossess
the same." And so, after some other orders, the letter concludes with
a caustic admonition that, "because last year, to serve your own turn,
you made what construction you pleased of our commission for your
coming from thence, we do now iterate our commission in the conclusion
of our letter, lest, having read it in the former part thereof, you
should forget it before you come to the end."
Preparations for departure were at once made; the ostensible reasons
given to the king of Firando being the loss of ships and the bad
prospects of the China trade, and not "out of any unkind usage here in
his Majesty's [the shogun's] dominions." But, anxious as they now were
to shake themselves free of Japan, the factors were still obliged to
send up one of their number, Richard Hudson, to deliver the customary
present to the shogun; so that it was not till nearly the end of the
year that they were ready to quit Firando.
On the 16th of December, in consultation, it was determined to leave
no one behind to collect debts; but the Dutch factor was empowered to
receive any sums that might come in. The amount owing to the factory
was 12,821 taels, about £3,200, out of which Dittis was answerable for
6,636 taels, or £1,659. The following abstract[37] of a lost portion
of Cocks's diary gives us particulars of the last days spent by the
English in Japan:--
_Abstract_ "_Coppie of some passages at our leaving Jappan and
dissolving ye English Factory at Ferando in ye yeare 1623. Taken
out of_ MR. RICHARD COCK _his Journall; who was Chiefe these eleven
or 12 yeares._"
_December 19._--Tonomon Sarume paid 100 _Tale_ on account of his
debt of 500 _Tales_.
_December 20._--Prepared in the Japanese language the accounts of
the noblemen indebted to the factory, in order that the parties
might sign them as an acknowledgment of the debt to be left with
the Dutch chief for recovery; a power of attorney for that purpose,
also in Japanese, being signed by all the factors and delivered to
him. Copies of these several writings were also prepared for the
king.
On the 22nd these writings were delivered to the Dutch chief, Capt.
Newrode; and the copies sent to the king. The factors "had much
adoe with Tonomon Sama, Semidono, Taccamondono, and others, to give
us their bills ... and, when they didd itt, put in what they list."
On the 21st and 22nd sundry small presents in money were given to
the Japanese servants and others, few exceeding two or three _Tale_.
On the 22nd many of the townsmen came with their wives and families
to take leave of the factors, some weeping at their departure.
On the 23rd the factors went on board the ship _Bull_, intending
to set sail; but, the Dutch and many of their Japanese friends
coming on board with banquets, they postponed their departure;
and, there not being room in the ship to serve up the presents of
their friends, more than one hundred being on board, they landed at
Cochi. Afterwards Messrs. Cock and Osterwicke proposed, as a return
to their friends, to leave 50 _Tales_ as a banquet for them all;
but the other factors would not agree to it.
On the 24th, at noon, they set sail for Batavia. The same night in
a storm the _Bull_ sprung a leak, and was found to make six inches
of water every half-hour.
The _Bull_ reached Batavia on the 27th of January, 1624. And now poor
Cocks was indeed in trouble. In their letter of the 24th February to
the East India Company the Council of Defence accuse him of culpable
carelessness; that he neither kept the accounts himself nor appointed
others to do so; that he disobeyed orders in not leaving Japan the
year before; that he made a desperate debt of 5,000 taels with the
China captain; and that he had brought a store of trash and lumber from
Japan. No consultations had been kept, nor decorum nor order observed.
They were tempted to deal severely with him and send him home as a
malefactor; but, having consideration for his age and position, and
allowing for his bad health and testy and wayward disposition, and
being also persuaded that harsh treatment might shorten his life, they
left him to be dealt with by the Company, only ordering his goods to
be seized on his arrival in England.[38] Thus, in disgrace and broken
in health, Cocks went on board the _Ann Royal_, and on the 24th of
February sailed for England. But he was not to see his country again.
A month later, on the 27th of March, he died at sea, and was buried
"under a discharge of ordnance."
No doubt many of the charges brought against Cocks were true. Traces
of confusion in his money accounts are to be found in his diary; and
he was too easy-going for the position of head of a factory which
had so many obstacles in the way of its development. There can be no
question of his want of firmness. His many quarrels with companions
and subordinates, and the somewhat helpless way in which he records
them, afford sufficient indications of this failing. But he was
perfectly honest; he died poor; and his very weaknesses render him a
not unamusing diarist. This last qualification makes us his friend; and
we cannot accompany him through these pages without feeling good will
towards him. We note his quaint phrases; his sharp eye for "trix" and
"legerdemayne" of enemies, or for the "playing the gemeny" of doubtful
friends; how this man is angry and "takes pepper in the nose", while
another loses temper and takes a proposal "in snuff", and a third in a
rage "falls into terms"; and we see him reduced to "Hodgson's choice"
long before he ought to be, if Cambridge Hobson gave his name to the
proverb.[39] He had a taste for planting and gardening; he grew the
first potatoes in Japan; "forget not my pigeons and fishes" is an
injunction in one of his letters, when away from home; his gold fish,
presents from China, were dearly prized and not willingly given away
to the great men in Firando who coveted them--all these are pleasant
traits. Nor was he, though "unlettered" and a little unsteady when
he quoted Latin, without some taste for books. He had a _Turkish
History_[40] and a _St. Augustyn Citty of God_[41] to lend a friend (i.
118); and he received a present of an English book of _Essaies_ (i.
230). But we need not assume that he had read Chaucer because he calls
a long rambling statement a Canterbury Tale (i. 282).
His property was only worth 1,500 reals, about £300; but, in accordance
with the advice of the Council of Defence quoted above, it was seized
on the arrival of the _Ann Royal_ in England. We learn from the minutes
of the East India Company that a petition was afterwards presented
respecting Cocks's small estate:--
"_24th Nov. 1626._--Mr. Cox, brother unto Capt. Cox that dyed
homewarde bound in the _Anne_, presented himselfe in Court, and
desired by peticion the favor of the Comp. concerning his brother's
estate, to whom the Court related the debaust carriage of his
brother and the evill service performed by him at Japan, where he
had lived long contrarie to the Companies mind and had expended
40,000 pounds, never returning anything to the Comp. but consuming
whatsoever came to his hands in wastfull unnecessarie expences;
nay, for 3 yeares togeather refused to come away when by expresse
order from the Comp. he was called thence; insoemuch that at last
the President and Councell [of Batavia] were inforced to send for
him with a ship sent purposelie. And for his estate he had at the
time of his death, the Court told him, it was very little or none
at all, and, if any, yett not sufficient to answer the Comp. what
he ought them, haveing confessed upon foote of his accompt at
Jaccatra that he was indebted to the Companie £900.
"Mr. Cox was sorry to heare this report of his brother and desired
the Court to deale favorably with him. In the end the Court wished
him to informe himself concerning the truth of these things from
those that are come home; and, because the Comp. at presente have
no leisure to examine his proceedings, they therefore willed Mr.
Cox to returne home and leave the buisnes to Mr. Woodward to effect
yt one his behalfe."[42]
In the end, the money was paid over by the Company to Cocks's relatives.
Scarcely anything was ever recovered from the debts owing to the
Company in Japan. The Council at Batavia, writing home on the 6th
February, 1626, announce that the Dutch factor at Firando had informed
them of the death of the Chinaman, Andrea Dittis, who had left only a
small estate to satisfy his creditors, out of which the Company was to
receive its share. All other debts were bad, and no return was to be
expected but by mere accident.
Thus was severed our connection with Japan, not to be re-united until
our own day. But the re-occupation of our factory was often proposed
and more than once attempted. Even when writing their letter just
referred to, the Council at Batavia spoke of it. Again in 1627 they
proposed it. In 1633 a freeman of the Company, named Smithwick, again
raised the question; and again in 1635 it was debated. In 1658 the
Company actually fitted three ships to re-open the trade, but the
lateness of the season and the prospect of a Dutch war caused them to
abandon the expedition. In 1664 the Company again seriously thought
of the undertaking and wrote to Bantam for information respecting the
late settlement at Firando; and it is remarkable that so soon after
our retirement so little was remembered. The reply was that "in this
factory here is not the least remembrance of your servants acting in
Japan formerly; only your agent hath procured a jornall of a voyage
made thither in 1615; but it mentions only the acting of the mariner,
nothing of the factor."[43] In 1668 a committee was appointed to
consider how trade could be re-opened, and in the next year enquiries
were again addressed to Bantam. From thence was announced a rumour that
the Dutch had tried to purchase the English buildings at Firando, but
were refused by the daimio, who was in expectation of our return! In
1670 the ship _Advance_ was sent out to Bantam, to be used in reopening
trade, if thought convenient; but she was despatched to Persia. But in
1671 two ships, the _Crown_ and _Bantam_, were actually commissioned
to make a voyage from Bantam to Taiwan and thence to Nagasaki; the
supercargoes receiving instructions to find out where the English
formerly resided at Firando and why they were removed. These vessels
were lost. The same year the agent at Bantam reported that "there are
some Scotch, Irish, etc., there [at Firando], although wee know not
by what occasion there", an interesting remark, probably referring
to descendants of the old settlers. At last the matter was seriously
taken in hand, and ships were despatched from England in 1672 with a
letter from Charles II to the emperor of Japan, every care being taken
to escape the attention of the Dutch. Those wary traders, however, did
not fail to discover the English designs; so that, when at length the
ship _Return_ arrived at Nagasaki on the 29th of June, 1673, it was
found that her coming was expected. The crew were well treated and
allowed provisions while a message was despatched to the shogun; but
the new-comers were closely watched and sharply questioned about their
religion. Again, as in Cocks's days, the cross of St. George in the
English flag gave trouble. It is interesting to find it noticed that
one of his old interpreters was still living. At last, on the 28th of
July, the shogun's decision was announced. The Dutch had taken care
to inform the Japanese of Charles's marriage with a princess of the
Roman Catholic family of Portugal; and the shogun refused to accept the
friendship of one who had allied himself with a daughter of the enemies
of Japan. So the _Return_ sailed away on the 28th of August; and, after
this, only indirect attempts to open negotiations by the mediation of
the princes of Bantam, Amoy, Taiwan, Tonquin, and Siam were made in
1681 and 1683.[44]
* * * * *
The social relations of the English with their Japanese neighbours
were on the whole friendly. Periodical exchanges of presents and
courtesies were the rule, although an occasional quarrel or street
row was only to be expected where so many elements of turbulence were
present in drunken sailors and factory-men. The domestic arrangements
of the English are patent enough in the pages of the diary, and appear
to have given no offence to the natives. Only on one occasion do we
read of "rhymes cast abroad and sung up and down" against the native
women at the English factory; which, moreover, Cocks attributed to
the instigation of the Dutch, "songs having been made against them
to like effect before, but not against us." They were even allowed
to hold slaves, although they were afterwards forbidden to export
them. They also appear to have kept on good terms with the princes
of the neighbouring provinces; the daimio of Satsuma being specially
noticed for his friendliness. The Dutch, on the other hand, were not
so conciliatory; and we have seen that the natives of Firando sided
with the English against them, when they attacked the English factory.
But they were richer and could afford handsomer presents; and thus had
always friends at court.
Many of the notices of native customs are interesting. The reader will
at once remark several instances of the Japanese severity in punishing
offences which our modern code regards as comparatively trivial. Death
was the penalty for the most petty theft. Cocks tells us of a boy
of sixteen who was cut in pieces with great cruelty for stealing a
little boat and taking it to another island; and again, of a man who
was "roasted to death, running round about a post, fire being made
about him", the offence being also theft of a "small bark of little
or no value" (i. 291). A curious form of degradation is mentioned in
connection with an execution on a certain occasion, when the brother of
a criminal "had the lock of his hair cut off by the hangman with the
same cattan which cut his brother in pieces" (i. 156). The difference
in European and Japanese ideas of justice was well exemplified when
the Dutch factor, complaining of an assault on one of his countrymen,
demanded that "the parties which offered the abuse might be brought to
the place where they did it and be beaten with cudgels. At which the
king smiled and said it could not be, but, if he would have them cut in
pieces, he would do it."
The custom of suicide of friends and retainers at the funeral of a
great man is referred to more than once. Saris mentions the mint-master
of Iyéyasu as "one that hath vowed that, whensoever the Emperor shall
die, he will cut his own guts and die with him."[45] No doubt he was
one of the two nobles who "killed themselves to accompany Ogosho Sama
in another world, as they think", and whose monument Cocks saw at Yedo
in 1618. In his letter of 10th December, 1614, Cocks also reports
that, at the death of old Foyne Sama, "Ushian Dono, his governor, and
two other servants, cut their bellies to bear him company";[46] and
in the curious account of the funeral of Foyne's brother, in 1621, we
are told that "one bose or priest hanged himself in a tree hard by the
place of funeral ... for boses may not cut their bellies, but hang
themselves they may". Some of the dead man's servants too were only
restrained from self-sacrifice by the king's orders; and "many others,
his friends, cut off the two foremost joints of their little fingers
and threw them into the fire to be burned with the corpse" (ii. 202).
The practice of hara-kiri, or self destruction to avoid disgrace, is
mentioned as occurring at Firando on two occasions (i. 337; ii. 136).
A few other points of interest may be noticed. The spread of
Christianity through the southern and western provinces has already
been referred to. The mother of the king of Firando is called "a
papistical Jesuit, and he and the rest of his brethren and sisters
papistical Christians" (ii. 250). Again, at the funeral of Foyne's
brother, mentioned above, it was said that a log of wood was
substituted for the real body and burned, "for he was thought to be a
Christian" (ii. 201). On the other hand, it seems that the Japanese
would not admit into their faith perverts from Christianity, for an
Englishman "went and cut his hair after the pagan fashion, thinking to
turn pagan; which he could not do here, although he would" (i. 179).
The changing of names, which gives so much trouble in reading Japanese
history, is often mentioned. Figen a Sama is at first called Tome Sama;
and some of his relatives appear suddenly under new names in 1621 (ii.
169). The caboques, or dancing bears as Cocks calls them, that is,
the dancing women or players, and their male companions, are present
at every large entertainment mentioned in the diary. And, lastly,
the readiness of the Japanese to adopt foreign customs is curiously
exemplified in the rapidity with which tobacco-smoking spread among the
people. "It is strange", says Cocks, writing in 1615, "to see how these
Japons, men, women, and children, are besotted in drinking that herb;
and not ten years since it was in use first." When once the habit had
got such a hold, no measures for the destruction of the plant could
change it. The "drinking" inevitably went on, and in 1619 the burning
of half a town is ascribed to it.
* * * * *
In conclusion I should mention that one of the chief difficulties with
which I have had to contend in editing these volumes has been that of
finding explanations of the foreign words and terms in the diary. Cocks
adopted words from other languages besides Japanese, and generally
wrote them down as they sounded. Hence it was no easy matter for one
ignorant of eastern languages to decide whether particular words, thus
disguised, are Japanese or of some other tongue; and I fear that I have
too often taxed the patience and good nature of my orientalist friends
for solutions of these difficulties. It is with pleasure that I take
this opportunity of thanking Dr. William Anderson, whose knowledge of
the language of Japan is so extensive, and my colleagues Dr. Charles
Rieu and Professor R. K. Douglas, for much valuable assistance. I
also gratefully acknowledge kind help and many courtesies from Mr.
Charles C. Prinsep, Superintendent of the Records, and Mr. Edward J.
Wade, Assistant-Librarian, in the India office; and from Mr. W. Noel
Sainsbury, of the Public Record Office.
BRITISH MUSEUM,
_30th December, 1882_.
SOME JAPANESE AND OTHER FOREIGN WORDS AND TERMS.
bongew (_Jap._ bugiyō).--a superintendent.
bose (_Jap._ bōdsu).--a Buddhist priest.
bubes, or beobs (_Jap._ biyō-bu).--screens, or pictures.
caboque (_Jap._ kabu, singing and dancing).--a dancing girl.
calambac.--aloe wood.
cape-merchant (_Span._ cabo).--head-merchant.
captain more (_Port._ capitão mór).--captain-in-chief.
catabra (_Jap._ katabira).--a summer robe.
catan (_Jap._ katana).--a sword.
chaw (_Jap._ cha).--tea.
chawne.--a lot of land, or house.
dairi (_Jap._).--the mikado.
danko (_Jap._).--consultation.
fanna (_Jap._ hana).--a present to a dancing girl.
fibuck.--silver once refined.
foyfone (_Jap._ fune).--a boat.
fro (_Jap._ furo).--a bath-room.
futtaqui (_Jap._ hotoke, an idol).--a temple.
gadong, or gedong (_Bengali_ gudām).--a shop, or warehouse.
goca (_Jap._ koku).--a dish.
goshon (_Jap._ gosha).--a pass, or licence.
jurebasso.--an interpreter.
kerimon (_Jap._ koromo).--a robe.
kitesoll (_Span._ quitasól).--a parasol.
langanack (_Jap._ naginata).--a lance, or halberd.
makary (_Jap._ makiye).--lacquer.
morofack.--a spirit or wine.
muche (_Jap._ mochi).--a cake.
neremon (_Jap._ norimono).--a sedan-chair.
nifon catange (_Jap._ katachi).--after fashion of Japan.
ropshake (_Jap._ roku-shaku).--a chair bearer.
sappon.--a kind of wood.
sequanseque (_Jap._ sakadzuki).--a cup.
sing.--a wine.
soma.--a junk.
somo.--double-refined silver.
tabi (_Jap._).--a stocking.
tattamy (_Jap._ tatami).--a mat; a measure.
tono (_Jap._).--a lord, or petty king.
wacadash (_Jap._ wakizashi).--a short sword.
ERRATA.
Vol. i., page 3. Note[55] should be "allowaies==aloes".
" " 8. Note[70] should be "Plate once melted".
" " 13. Delete the latter part of note[77].
Vol. ii., " 136. Note² should be "The arquebuse à croc; the croc
being a hook or tooth, generally under the muzzle,
but sometimes fitted to a sliding ring, whereby the
piece was steadied when fired."
DIARY
OF
RICHARD COCKS.
DIARY OF RICHARD COCKS.
THE JOURNALL OR DAILYE BOOK OF ALL ACCURRANTES HAPPENYNG, BEGUN AT
FIRANDO, IN JAPON, PER ME RIC. COCKS, LE 1TH DAY OF JUNE, 1615,
STILO VETRI.
_June 1._--We bought 5 greate square postes of the kinges master
carpenter; cost 2 _mas_ 6 _condrins_[47] per peece. And I delivered
unto Nicholas Martyn one small bar gould, cost eight riall of eight[48]
and a half, is six _taies_ eight _mas_, for which he is answerable.
Also I delivered a great bar gold, poz. fowre _taies_ and fowre _mas_
and two _condrins_, rated at fiftie and five _taies_ as yt cost;
and is to send to Gapt. Whowe, the Capt. Chinas[49] brother, at
Langasaque;[50] to geve in a present at a christning, as apereth per
advice.
Also I paid, per Mr. Nealson, for washing linen, two _mas_ 6 _condrins_.
And late within night Mr. Wickham arived here in company of Damian
Marines, and brought word the junck was at Goto, they being put from
Liquea[51] to have proceaded on their voyage for Syam; but, being at
sea, the unruly companie would have gon for Cochinchina, and so Mr.
Wickham standing against it, remembring our former losse theare (as
I gave hym in comition), they retorned back for these partes. Capt.
Adames hath wrot me that the boateswaine and carpenter are in most
falte, being mutenouse knaves, etc.
_June 2._--Capt. Adames and Ed. Sayer wrot me 2 letters from Goto of
30th May; and Mr. Adames sent me a bag of potatos, and Ed. Sayer sent
me a pece lik lynen (or rather silk) and the lyke to Mr. Eaton and Mr.
Nealson. And Mr. Wickham gave me a jar of potatos. And Damian Marines
brought me a dish of plantians and another of pottatos, etc. I receved
a letter from Jno. de Lievano, the Spaniard. And Mr. Wickham went and
visited Bongo Dono,[52] and carid hym a present of 2 pec. Liquea cloth
and a dish of pottatos; and tould hym how matters stood about our
junck, and withall asked his counsell, whether it were best to let our
junck stay at Goto to be trymbd, or else to bring her for Firando. And
his opynion was (as many others are the lyke, and among the rest my
selfe) that it is best to bring her for Firando, for divers occations.
We had news to day that Ogosho Samme hath taken the fortres of Osekey
and overthrown the forses of Fidaia Samme.[53] Others say that most of
the forses of Fidaia Samme issued out of the fortrese, and sallid out
3 leagues toward Miaco, but were encountred by the Emperours forses
and put to the worse, many of them being slaughtered and the rest
driven back into the fortresse, etc. Bongo Dono sent a bark this day to
Crates[54] to bring him the certenty of the newse.
_June 3._--I thought good to note downe that a padre or Jesuit came
to the English howse and said his name was Tomas and a Bisken by
nation, and gave it out he was a merchant; and others gave hym the
name of Captain. Yet I knew what he was, having seen hym in this howse
before, etc. He beged a littell alloes[55] of me, which I gave hym,
as I did the like when he was here before. For you must understand
that these padres have all the gifte of beging, and allwais answer:
"Sea por l'amor de dios." This is a generall note to know them by,
for they cannot so counterfet but that word will still be thrust out.
This padre, Tomas (or Capt.), tould me that they stood in dowbt that
the King of Shashma[56] would destroy Langasaque and bring all these
partes beloe Shiminaseque[57] under his subiection, as being geven him
by Fidaia Samme; but I believe it not, for now word is com on a sudden
that all the streets must be made cleane, for that the King of Shashma
is expected to be heare this night, he being bound up with great forces.
_June 4._--We bought 40 boardes at 5 per _mas_, small plate; and 4
_cacas_[58] at 12 _condrins_ peece, small plate.
And about nowne we had news that the King of Shashma was coming into
this road with 500 barks full of souldiers; soe we laid out a present
for him as followeth:--
_ta. ma. co._
8 pec. rich damasks of Lankin,[59] cost 16 _taies_
per peece is 48 0 0
10 pec. byrams nill of 15 Rs. per _corge_[60] is 05 6 4
10 pec. red zelas, of 12 Rs. per _corg_ is 04 8 0
10 pec. whit baftas, viz., 6 of 11, and 4 of 9 Rs
_corg_ is 04 0 8
10 pec. of duttis[61] of 12 Rs. per _corge_ 04 8 0
-------------
Som totall amontes unto 67 3 2
-------------
Soe, Mr. Wickham accompanying me, we went and delivered the present,
which he took in good parte, offring our nation favorable entertaynment
yf we came to traffick in his domynions. I put out a word how the
Liqueans refuse to let us trym our junk to have proceaded from thence
on our voyag for Syam;[62] but he said littell thereto, but answered,
at his retorne he wold talke with me and geve me a present. I said I
had receved suffition at his highnes hands in havinge the good hap to
see the face of soe mightie a king as the King of Shashma; whereat he
smiled. And soe we craved lycence and retorned.
Bongo Dono was with hym before and gave hym a present, and came from
hym as we went to hym; but we had byn with hym before hym, yf he had
not sent a boate to call us back till he had first vizeted hym.
And at present a letter is com to Bongo Dono from Faccatay,[63] wherin
he is advized that the Emperour hath overthrowne the forses of Fidaia
Samme, soe that he, his mother, and child have cut their bellies; but
that his wife is sent back to her father Shongo Samme, King of Edo and
to succeed in the Empire.[64]
_June 5._--There came letters from the King of Firando to Bongo Dono,
that it is true that the Emperour hath overthrowne the forcese of
Fidaia Samme, and taken the fortres of Osekey, and entred into it the
6th day of this moone, Fidaia Samme and his mother with his sonne
having cut their bellies, etc.
Mr. Wickham went and visited Oyen Dono, and carid hym a dish of
pottatos and a peec of Liquea cloth. His brother retorned from above,
whilst Mr. Wickham was theare, and confermed these newes to be true.
_June 6._--I wrot an other letter to Jorge Durois to look out for a
marchant to buy our wheate, as also of the confermyng the newes from
above.
There was one of the King of Shashmas barkes cast away coming in, but
all the men saved. We bought 1 _caca_ or squar post, cost 1 _mas_. We
delivered or sent to keep to Capt. China 51 bundelles great canes, in
each are 30 canes.
_June 7._--After dyner came a Franciskan frire, called Padre
Appolonario, whom I had seene 2 or 3 tymes in Firando heretofore. He
was in the fortres of Osekey[65] when it was taken, and yet had the
good happ to escape. He tould me he brought nothing away with hym
but the clothes on his back, the action was soe sudden; and that he
marvelled that a force of above 120,000 men (such as was that of Fidaia
Samme) should be soe sowne overthrowne. He desired me for God's sake to
geve hym somthing to eate, for that he had passed much misery in the
space of 15 daies, since he departed out of the fortres of Osekey. So,
after he had eaten, I gave hym 15 _mas_ in plate; and soe he departed.
We had 1830 tiles this day for ston walles.
_June 8._--Yt is said the King of Shashma hath geven order to his
people to retorne back for their cuntrey; I meane the most parte of
them. The rest he keepeth to carry along with hym to goe vizet the
Emperour.
We bought 4 _cacas_, cost 7 _condrins_ per peec, small plate, etc.
_June 8._--I sent to borow 4 or 5 _gantas_[66] of oyle of Yasimon Dono,
because I could get non in any other place. But he retorned answer he
had non, when I know, to the contrary, he bought a parcell out of my
handes the other day. And I wrot a letter to Jorge Durois to take heed
he gave out no yll reportes of Safian Dono. The China Capt. lent us 6
great mesurs (or _gantas_) of oyle, to repay as much. And Semidones
steward came in the abcense of his master to borow a bar of plate of 3
_taies_ wight, which was lent hym.
_June 9._--Late within night I receved a letter from Ed. Sayer, dated
in the Roade of Casnora in the Island of Goto, the 7th currant,
wherin he writ the junck wold com away for this towne of Firando by
first wind. Jno. Japon brought this letter, but is sick of the French
disease, and took up his lodging at an other howse.
_June 10._--I receved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated the 17th of
June, new stile, in Langasaque, with a baskit of aprecockes for my
selfe, and an other for Bongo Dono, and a therd for his wife, with
a parcell in a bag for the China Capten; all which were delivered
according to advice.
A Spaniard called Pablo Garrocho de la Vega came to this towne of
Firando to-day and brought Jorges letter.
And before nowne word came that our junck was seene without. Soe I made
ready to boate to goe out to Cochi to see them put in harbor, and to
vizet Capt. Adames, etc.
_June 11._--Our juncke, the _Sea Adventure_, arived in the Bay of
Cochi in Firando at 10 cloth (_sic_) the last night, haveing lost her
voyage for Syam this yeare. I went abord, and carid a barill of wyne,
a quarter pork, and 10 loves bread, with a box bankiting stuffe; and,
by order of the governer, carid 3 _bongews_,[67] to looke the mariners
were all retorned and had used their indeavours. Capt. Adames was
unwilling we should bring any mans name in question, for geting us an
ill report; soe I did let it pas for that tyme. But being enformed that
Damian Marines hath bought up 8 or 10 _cattis_[68] of amber greese at
Liqueas, forstalling all, that the Company could get non; wherupon
I wrot a letter to Capt. Adames to make stay of his chist, for that
I wold bring the matter in question before the justice, and to same
effect wrot an other letter to Damian hym selfe.
And Capt. Garrocho, the Bisken, sent me a peare of crimson silk
stockinges for a present.
And Mr. Nealson reconed with the carpenters labourers and other matters
bought for building since the 21st of May till this night, viz.:--
Pro tymber, oyle, and other matters as per perticulers 14 2 6 _con._
Pro 457½ days labourers work, at 5 _con._ per day 20 4 4
Pro carpenters wages, as per perticulers 23 4 4
-------------
Som totall amontes unto 58 1 4
-------------
_June 12._--Damian Marines came ashore, and tould me Capt. Adames had
staid his chist with the amber, and that he had receved my letter,
wherby he knew the occation. I answered hym I did it for my own
discharg, he being a hired servant, and therfore, by the lawes of God
and man, ought to look out for the benefite of them which gave hym
meate, drynke, and wages. And by fortune Capt. Garrocho was in company
when I debated the matter with hym. Soe I referred the matter to hym
and Capt. Adames to make an end of it, and I to stand to what they
ordayned; and soe wrot to Capt. Adames what was determined betwixt us,
but wished hym to take true notis how many _cattis_ amber he had, and
to keepe possession of it, etc.
I understood Damian went after to Capt. Jacob Speck,[69] unto whome
(as it should seeme) he had offerd to sell all his amber; and so he
retorned abord the junck, and Capt. Speck followed hym with a pretence
to vizet Capt. Adames, but rather to hunt after amber greese. God grant
Capt. Adames be not guld by them, etc.
I receved 16 boates lading of wheate ashore this day, containing 1,198
sacks, is 300 _gocos_, wanting 2 sack laid out in henne meate. And Mr.
Wickham brought all the merchandiz ashore which they had for the Syam
voyage, but divers of our pikes had the heads stolne ofe.
_June 13._--I receved back of Mr. Ric. Wickham a greate bag of plate
in bars of Lucas Antoinsons, containing seven hundred forty and eight
_taies_ in bars and _fibuck_.[70] And I delivered fyftie _taies_ in
plate of barse to Mr. Nealson. And I receved two _cattis_ of amber
greese of Mr. Ric. Wickham, which he bought for the Worshipfull Company
at Liquea. And I receved 3 letters from Capt. Adames, how Damian Marin
set hym at nought and wold not shew hym any amber; so I retorned hym
answer not to let hym cary his chist ashore, but to bring it to the
English howse, which Capt. Adames did, but Damian came not with it.
Also I receved 2½ _cattis_ amber of Ed. Sayer, in halves, betwixt hym
and me; but he willed to take it all, for that he had need to use money
heare.
_June 14._--Capt. Garrocho delivered Andrea Dittis, the China Capt.,
his papers of 1,080 and od _taies_ he owed hym, as being suretie for
an other, and left it to the said Chinas discretion to pay or geve hym
what he wold. When we came to open Damians chist, there was nothing to
be found in it. He is a craftie knave. And soe let hym goe.
The new botswayn of the junck brought me 2 Liquea brushes and a box of
synamon of same place, the best that ever I saw in my life. And Jno.
Japan, our _jurebasso_,[71] brought me a present of Liquea cloth, one
peec. He hath byn in this place a wick, and never came into the English
howse till now, but many tymes passed before the dore singing like a
luneticke man. Soe I put hym out of the Companies service, or he rather
put hym selfe out.
_June 15._--Jno. Gorezan the _jurebassos_ wife brought a present of
Japan apels, or rather other frute lyke appells. Capt. Adames sent me
a letter from abord the junck at Cochi to have the kinges master shipp
carpenter com to hym, to confer whether it were fitest to trym her at
Cochi or bring her to Firando. Damian sent me 2 _cattis_ amber by Capt.
Adames, rated at 90 _taies_ per _catty_, resonable good, but had byn
watered. And I receved back two chistes money of Mr. Wickham, wherin he
sayeth ther is aleven bagges R. of 8, of 500 R. of 8 in eache bagg; but
I opened not the chistes.
_June 16._--I sent a letter to Capt. Adames by master carpenter to
Cochi, about finding out a place to trym our junck in. And I delivered
1 sack wheate to the baker, to pay in bread as we sell the rest. And
I had 1 peec Liquea cloth of Mr. Wickham to make Co Jno. of Goto a
_catabra_.[72] We had much flying news to-day that Shongo Samme was
dead. Others said it was Calsa Samme, his brother. Others reported
Fidaia Samme to be alive, and that many _tonos_[73] were gon to hym
to take his part. But I esteem all this to be fables. Yet others geve
out secretly that the Emperour ment to chang the government of all
these partes, and put other _tonos_ in their places. Soe that these of
Firando dowbt the retorne of their king.
Tome, my boy, carid out his chist and thought to have run away; but I
prevented hym, yet turned hym out of dores with a _catabra_ on his back
as he entred in. He thought to have pickt the lock of my money chist
the other day, and had so wrong the wardes that I could not open the
lock with my key, which made me to trune (_sic_) hym out of my chamber.
But he, misdowbting ferther disgrace, thought to have carid away all
his aparell and have geven me the slip.
The purcer of junck gave me 10 Liquea trenchers for a present.
_June 17._--I receved a letter from Capt. Adames from Cochi, wherin he
adviseth me that he hath taken counsell about the place most fittest to
trym our junck in, and findeth Cochi to be the place.
I delivered Mr. Richard Wickham the rich _cattan_[74] he left in my
custody at his departure towardes Siam. The purcer of the junck gave
me a greate Liquea cock for a present, which I sent to Bongo Dono, he
being desyrous to have hym.
I wrot Capt. Adames answer of his letter receved this day. And I sould
1,175 sackes wheate (brought from the Liqueas) unto Damian Marin, at 3
_mas_ per sack, containing 25 _gantes_ Liquea measure, to be paid in
amber grees, at 115 _taies_ the _catty_, to take 5 _cattis_ and pay the
rest in ready money.
_ta. ma. co._
The wheate amontes to 352 5 0
-----------
5 _cattis_ amber, at 115 _tais_ per _catty_, amontes
to 575 0 0
2 _cattis_ amber, at 90 _tais_ per _catty_, amontes
to 180 0 0
-----------
Som totall, 7 _cattis_ amber greese, amontes to 755 0 0
_June 18._--Capt. Adames came ashore to dyner, having unrigged the
junck at Cochi. He gave me a present of 3 nestes _gocas_,[75] with
their trenchers and ladells of mother of perle, with 10 spoons same,
and a peece of white Liquea cloth.
I receved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated in Langasaque, le 22nd of
June, new stile, wherin he advized me that no one man would buy all
our wheate till the shiping come from the Manillias. He wrot me that
above 2,600 persons are dead in Langasaque this yeare of the smallpox,
amongst whome his boy Domingo and a woman slave are two, since he wrot
me his last letter.
_June 19._--I wrote a letter to Mr. Eaton, sent per _sea bongew_. The
contentes appeare per coppie. Also I wrot other 2 letters in Japon to
our 2 hostes at Osekey and Sackey in kynd wordes, hoping they have
dealt well with us in saveing our goods, though the towns be burned.
I tooke a garden this day and planted it with pottatos brought from
the Liquea, a thing not yet planted in Japan. I must pay a _tay_, or 5
shillings sterling, per annum for the garden. And we bought 40 _gants_
of shark oyle for the junk, cost 1 _mas_ and two _condrins_ the _gant_.
And one of the mareners of the junck brought me 2 fishes for a present.
_June 20._--
_ta. mas._
We receaved 4 _catis_ 4 _tais_ 2 _mas_ wight, amber
greese, of Damian, cost 490 1
With 2 _cattis_ before rated at 180 0
-------
Som totall amontes unto 670 1
-------
I gave hym a bill of my hand for soe much money owing hym, to receve
our wheate at price before made, and rest in ready money.
And news came from King of Firando that he arived at Miaco the 18th of
the last moone, and was admitted awdience with the Emperour the 20th,
whoe used hym in all kindnes, which causeth much rejoysing here. Also
the Emperour hath given order into all partes of Japon to look out for
such as escaped out of the fortres of Osekey when it was burned. Soe
that prive enquirie was mad in all howses in Firando what strangers
were lodged in eache howse, and true notis thereof geven to the
justice. Yt is thought the padres at Langasaque and else where will be
narrowly looked after. They say the taking of this fortres hath cost
above 100,000 mens lives on the one parte and other, and that on the
Prince Fidaia Sammes parte no dead man of accompt is found with his
head on, but all cut ofe, because they should not be knowne, to seek
reveing aganst their frendes and parents after. Nether (as som say) can
the body of Fidaia Samme be fownd; soe that many think he is secretly
escaped. But I canot beleev it. Only the people of these sothern parts
speake as they wold have it, because they affeckt the yong man more
than the ould.
_June 21._--I sent a letter to Capt. Adames in answer to one of his
receved yisterday from Cochi, wherin he advised he bought 200 _gantes_
of shark oyle at Goto at 1 _mas_ per _ganto_, wishing me to buy no more
till he saw whether we had need of it or no.
I gave Tome my boy a _wacadash_[76] and most parte of his clothes, with
5 _mas_ in money, at the instigation of the China Capten. And Capt.
Speck had 50 _cattis_ tyn in 46 bars, to pay as wee sell the rest, or
else to content. And Mr. Nealson paid for 23 matts for new rowmes 6
_ta._ 7 _ma._ 4 _con._, with 2 _mas_ 5 _con._ comprehended for boate
hier.
And I receaved a letter from the _Dico_ of Ikanoura[77] advising me
that he wold com or send to me to make price for plank or tymber which
we should have need of. Unto which letter I retorned answer.
Ed. Sayer put away his ould man, and entertayned Co Jno. my ould boy of
Langasaque.
One of the kinges men came and tould me the perticulers of the news
above, and that Fidaia Sammes mother was fownd dead, and his sonne
alive, being a child of 8 years ould, whoe was carid to the Emperour
his grandfather; but the body of Fidaia could not be fownd, soe it is
thought he was burned to ashes in a tower in the fortres burned.
_June 22._--We put Yoske the cook away, haveing over many laysy felloes
in howse, and he 1 that could do littell or nothing, yet still runing
abroad. Mr. Nealson paid hym to cleare his reconyng 8 _ta._ 7 _ma._ 7
_condr._ And we receved 50 greate tiles this day. And there was a _tay_
paid for a years rent potato garden. And Facheman, our skullion, had a
parte of his wages paid by Mr. Nealson, three _taies_ in small plate.
_June 23._--I sent a letter to Jorge Durois by Symon _jurebasso_, in
answer of his of the 22th June, new stile, and how I had sould the
wheate to Damian Marine; and sent my clock by Symon to be mended; and
gave hym order buy som conserves, to invite the king at his retorne,
we haveing made an end of building our howse. Miguel _jurebassos_ wife
brought Capt. Adames a _catabra_, a barell wine, and figges, for a
present.
_June 24._--Som of Firando barks retorned from Miaco, as others did the
lyke into all partes of Japon, only the _tonos_ (or king) of each parte
stay with the Emperour to take _danco_[78] or counsell of what shall
be thought needfull; the souldiers being all sent home, the wars being
ended.
Also I receved a letter from our _bungew_ Ushanuske Dono, dated in
Miaco le 24th of Gongwach (or the moone past), wherin he writes me how
well the Emperour receved the King of Firando his master; and that a
sonne of Fidaia Samme of 7 years ould, by a band woman, was put to
death by the Emperours comand; and 100 _mas_ and 150 _mas_ a head of
all them which were in the fortres; soe that dailie many are brought in
and slaughtered.
_June 25._--There passed divers boates with men from Fingo[79] and
Shashma to goe to Osekey to make cleane the fortres, and, as it is
said, they begyn to build the cittie of Osekey and Sackay againe,
the Emperour having geven order that yf the former owners will not
forthwith new build their howses, that any other may enter upon the
_chaune_ (or plot) and build upon it.
_June 26._--Our fishmonger is run away this night and hath stolne a
boate of his neighbors. He was here yisterday very ernest with our
_jurebasso_ to have procured me to have lent hym 10 or 20 _tais_,
and in the end desyred hym to have lent hym but one _taie_, but was
deceaved of his expectation. And we bought 1_c._ 9_ta._ 8_ma._ amber
greese of Mr. Wickham for the Wor. Company at 100 _taies_ the _catty_.
Bongo Dono sent to me to have had a jar of Liquea wyne (or _rack_), for
that the Emperour hath sent to him to com to Miaco, and therfore he
sought for such matters to geve in present to grete men for a noveltie.
All the kinges barks are com back with the souldiers; only the
nobillety of all provinces stay with the Emperour. So it is dowbted
ther will be trucking (or changing of kingdoms); and that which maketh
me the rather to belive it is the Emperours sending for this man who
is the last man of the blood royall left behind the king, he being the
kinges greate uncle and brother to the deceased king Foyne Samme, and
is a bursen[80] man and therefore not fit to be emploied in service, he
being above 60 yeares ould.
And there was flying speeches how the Hollanders had a man kild and
much money taken in cominge downe from Miaco; but Capt. Speck sent me
word (I having first advized hym what I heard) that ther was no such
matter, for that at instant he had receved a letter from their people
that they were in a port neare unto Shiminasaque, selling goodes and
expecting wind and wether to com for Firando. And ther is a Japan junk
arived at Langasaque from Phillippinas, which wintred theare the last
yeare.
_June 27._--Matias the Flemyng retorned from Miaco to Firando; but we
have no letter from Mr. Eaton, which maketh me to dowbt legerdymeane.
Also Chombo Donos man (a Caffro) came from Miaco with a letter for Oyen
Dono, and brought word his master was cominge downe for Langasaque,
and that Safian Dono was ordayned _tono_ (or king) of Arima.[81] This
Caffro I gave lodging to in the English howse with meate and drinke,
because he was servant to such a master.
_June 28._--We delivered 500 sackes of wheate to Damian Marin, viz.,
440 out of our gedong and 60 out of that of Capt. China; so we want 1
sack in our gedonge.
And I receaved a packet of letters from Syam, viz., one from Mr. Lucas
Antoinson of 14th of Aprill, 1 from Mr. Jno. Gourney of the 17th of
Aprill. Also 2 ould letters from Bantam, viz., 1 from Generall Saris
of 6 February 1613, 1 from Mr. Georg Bale of 8 Marche, with an other
humerous letter to Mr. Tempest Peacock, and the lyke to Mr. Ric.
Wickham, as Mr. Bale is accustomed to doe.
There were two junckes arived at Langasaque from Syam.
_June 29._--Upon good consideration, per general consent, I sent Jno.
Pheby to Mr. Eaton with letters and to accompany hym downe and procure
the Emperours passe for hym, yf need required; which I willed Capt.
Adames to signefie unto Codskin Dono or Goto Zazabra Dono; and gave Mr.
Eaton order to com away forthwith, and bring in short endes what he
could, and to chang the yello in white at Miaco. This letter was dated
the 27th, but kept till 29th present. Also I sent 3 letters to our host
of Edo and hym of Shrongo,[82] with the 3d for Sr. Andrea; as also 1
for Miguel _jurebasso_.
And the brother of Sugien Dono of Umbra[83] retorned from the wars and
brought me a present of 5 Japan fans.
And I sent an other letter per Jno. Pheby to Oshanusque Dono in answer
of his receaved 4 daies past from Miaco.
Capt. Speck and Sr. Matias came to vizet me.
_June 30._--Mr. Nealson paid 10 _taies_ plate bars to Jno. Pheby, and I
delivered hym my letters for Mr. Eaton, with the others for Caseror and
Oshenosque Dono. And Capt. Adames wrot to Cogsque Dono and Goto Zazabra
Dono, to renew our passe yf need require, as also to dispach Mr. Eaton
away, yf knaves stay hym.
Jno. Jooson arived heare from Miaco, and Unagense Dono and Sugien Dono
the lyke. And I sent our _jurebasso_ to bid them welcom hom, as the
lyke to Jno. Yoosen. And sowne after Sugien Dono came to vizet me with
a present of 10 fannes, and repeated the story of the wars, and how
all the nobillety of Japon were joyned together at Miaco to viset the
Emperour Ogosho Samme, which was a marvelous thing to see the hudge
number of them.
_July 1._--I went and viseted Bongo Dono, he being ready to goe for
Miaco; and carid hym 2 barills _morofack_[84], a basket of biskit, 50
roles drid _bonita_,[85] and 5 cords of drid cuttel fish. He took it in
good parte, with offer of many faire words.
I also envited Capt. Speck, John Yoosen, and the rest of the Duch
to dyner to morrow. And wrot a letter to Figien Samme, the King of
Firando, to Miaco, in complimentall sort, as also advising how our
junk had lost her voyag to Syam and was retorned to Firando from the
Liqueas. Also, I advised hym how ye King of Ava, of the race of Pegew,
had made wars 7 yeares, and in the space gotten 8 other kingdoms, which
in tymes past belonged to the empier of Pegu; and wantes now only to
conquer Siam, Lanfu, and Camboia, to make hym selfe a greater prince
then ever any of his ansesters was, and thought very easy to obtayne
it, in respect of his valientnesse and mighty power.
_July 2._--I receved 2 letters from Capt. Garrocho and Jorge Durois, of
the 8th and 10th currant, new stile, werin they wrot me as apeareth per
their letters; but much falce news per Capt. Garrochos letter, yf my
ame be not amis.
And Capt. Speck, with Jno. Yoosen, Sr. Matias, Jacob Swager, cam to
dyner to day; and Jno. Yoosen told us a great history of Ogosho Sammas
good luck in preveling against Fidaia Samme, and that he verely thinkes
he is dead in the fortrese burned to ashes.
Mr. Wickham deliverd me an accompt of Syam voyage, resting to ballance
132 _ta._ 3 _m._ 3 _co._, but delivered up no money, as he spesyfied in
his answer, because I owe hym for amber greese, for 1 _cat._ 9 _ta._ 8
_m._ wight, at 100 _tais catty_, 161 _ta._ 2 _m._ 5 _co._
_July 3._--Capt. Speck and the rest sent to thank me for their good
entertaynment, viz., _nifon catange_.[86]
_July 4._--Jno. Yoosen sent me a drid salmon and divers peeces salmon
in pickell for a present.
_July 5._--Jno. Jossen came to vizet me to-day, with 5 men wayting on
hym.
We bought 6 saks rise, per Capt. Adames meanes, at 4 _gantos_ per _mas_
plate in bars. I and Ed. Sayer wayed the 3 _cattis_ amber we had in
halves, and fownd it wanted 7 _taies_, lacking 2 _mas_ in wight.
Her was news (or reporte) geven out that Tushma Tay hath burned Edo in
the abcence of the Emperour, he haveing left hym prisoner ther under
the keeping of a yong man, for that he denied to fight against Fidaia
Samme, the sonne of Ticus Samme his master. But I think this will prove
a lye, as most Japan news comonly doe.
_July 6._--A Japon telors wife brought me a present of paper. She
spoake Spanish, and sought to procur work for her husband.
_July 7._--Here is reports that the Emperour hath staid the King of
Shashma and all the _tonos_ of these partes, and pretendeth to shifte
them out of their governmentes (or kingdoms), and put them into other
provinces to the northward, and them of the northern parts in their
places. But I rather (in parte) esteem it to be the escape of Fidaia
Samme, whoe may ly in secret in som of their cuntries, expecting
opertunety and their retorns; which to prevent, he keepeth them by hym
till he can understand the certen truth whether he be alive or dead.
We had newes that all men that entred into Langasaque were staid theare
and not sufferd to retorne out of the towne. The reason is thought to
be to look out for such as came out of the fortrese of Osekey; but I
rather esteem it to be to serche out Fidaia Samme, which is thought to
be escaped.
Also, one of the king (or _tonos_) men of this place came and tould me
that his master had sent for 15 or 20 men of these partes to com unto
hym, which maketh me now verely to think that he will be shifted out of
his government or kingdom.
_July 8._--Ther was paid yisterday, per Mr. Nealson, to Yayemon Dono,
the kinges ship carpenter, in parte of payment of 150 shething plankes
for the junck, at 4 _mas_ per planck of 3 fathom and a halfe per peece.
I sent Unagense Dono 2 barrills wyne and 4 fishes, he being retorned
from wars, and now sick of small pox.
_July 9._--I understand that yisterday the Hollanders cut a slave
of theirs apeeces for theft, per order of justice, and thrust their
_comprador_ (or cats buyer) out of dores for a lecherous knave, who,
with hym that is dead, have confessed of much goods (as cloves, mace,
pepper, and stuffs) which are stolne per consent of Jacob Swager; which
maketh much sturr in the Duch howse. Yet I think this cates buyer
plaieth the knave and defameth Jacob, because he was the occation he
was thrust out of servyce for haveing to do with his woman, the knave
being a marid man.
Also Capt. Adames receved a letter from Melchor van Sanfort from
Langasaque, wherin he adviseth hym that a Japon wold sell us an other
junck, and to that purpose conselled us to lay up ours. But I had
rather som man would buy her, for I had rather sell then buy, for I
have enough of Japon juncks, yf I knew how to better it.
_July 10._--We had news of 2 China _somas_[87] arived at Goto. Soe the
China Capt. sent a boate to know whence they are.
Also the China Capt. got Capt. Adames to write a letter to Damian to
buy 400 sackes wheate for hym at price they cost, he haveing offerd it
at same price to hym before, viz., at 3 _mas_ per sack.
And I was enformed that Figen Samme, the king of this place, had sent a
letter to Bunga Dono, how it was thought the Emperour would make Chambo
Dono _bongew_ of Arima, Langasaque, and Firando, that is to say, of
all these sotherne parts. He which sent me word of it was Sugen Dono
of Umbra, unto whome I sent a present of 2 barills wyne and 4 fishes,
_nifon catange_. And he sent his man afterwards to thank me for it.
Also Damian retorned from Langasaque, and Symon that was our
_jurebasso_ the lyke, and brought me my lock back. I gave Mat 1_cat._
tobaco, cost 5 _condrins_. Bongo Dono went for Miaco this day.
_July 11._--I receved a letter from Capt. Garrocho, complementall,
dated in Langasaque, le 18th of July, new stile.
The China Captain, Andrea Dittis, came to me and brought a letter he
had receaved from his brother out of China: how our busynes consernyng
procuring a trade into China was in greate hope to take effect, for
that the greate men had taken 3,000 _pezos_[88] presented them to make
way; and that at present the ould king was about to resigne up his
place to his sonne, and therefore best to let it rest a while till the
ould man were out of place, or else it would be duble charg to geve to
father and sonne. Also his cheefe kinsman, whoe is neare unto the king,
advised that in no hand it should not be geven out that we came out of
Japon, for that the hatred against Japons was worse then against any
other nation; but rather to say we came directly out of England, or
from Bantam, Siam, Camboia, or Cochinchina, etc.
Also there is a China com out of the Manillias from Cagallion, and
reporteth that the Hollanders have taken a place in the Philippinas
called Shibou; and that, upon this news, all the Spaniards went from
Cagallion to defend Manillia, as being the place of most emportance.
Also he reported that Don Juan de Silva, Governor of the Manillias, was
secretly slipt away, hearing another was coming to take his place; but
I esteem this a lye. Yet out of doubt he is hated of the most parte,
both Spaniardes and naturalls, for his covetosnes, as having scraped
a world of wealth together, he card not how, so he compassed it, as I
have byn tould by Spaniardes and others, etc.
_July 12._--I sent a present to Taccaman Dono, cheefe _bongew_, viz., 2
barills wyne, 5 bundls dry cuttell, and 5 pec. drye _bonita_, which he
took in good parte.
_July 13._--I wrot a letter to Mr. Eaton, per the purcer of our junck.
Also I wrot 2 other to our hostes of Osekey and Sackey per same
conveance. We had much ado to apeace a dispute betwixt the Capt. China
and Damian for wheate bought, but I entred pledg for China Capt.
Capt. Speck went abord their junck to take vew of her, to sett her out
before she rott. He sayeth he would send her for Syam; but I rather
take it to be for the Molucos, to cary provition. He tould me also that
a Portugez had wrot hym from Langasaque how the Viz Roy de Goa had byn
at Surat with a power of 7,000 men in many vessels, and had put all the
English to the sword and spoiled the place; and this news he said came
per way of Syam, and therfore I know it is a lye, having had letters
from thence so late, and not a word thereof.
The Capt. China tould me his brothers greate junck was arived from
Cochinchina at Langasaque.
Kitskin Dono's wyfe dyed this night past.
_July 14._--I delivered three hondred fyftie and eight _taies_ to Mr.
Nealson, viz., 350 _taies_ in bars and 10 Rs. of 8 is 8 _taies_. And he
paid out to Damian Maryn 670_ta._ 1_ma._ 0_co._ for 6 _cattis_ 4_ta._
2_mas_ wight amber greese, viz.,
_ta. ma. co._
1175 sack wheate, at 3 _mas_ per sack, is 352 2 0
And in plate bars 317 9 0
-----------
670 1 0
-----------
Ther was reportes geven out that 2 shipps were seen ofe at sea neare
Langasaque, whereof Jno. Yooson advised Capt. Speck. Soe he sent out a
penisse to look out for them; but I esteem it to be common Japon news,
which most an end prove lyes. Yet the Duch expect a ship from Bantam or
Molucos, besides the bark _Jaccatra_ from Pattania and a junck.
_July 15._--I sent Oyen Dono 2 small barills wyne, 2 fyshes, and 30
peces drid tuny, not having visited hym since the king went from hence;
but he was not at home when it came, yet sowne after came to the
English howse to geve me thanks for it, and tould me of the favorable
axceptation the king of this place had fownd in all his affares with
the Emperour.
Also I was advised per a frend in secret how the Duch were coyning
falce Rs. of 8 at Langasaque, wishing me to take heede how I took any
of them. And that which maketh me to think it to be true is the tynne
they bought of me the other day. It seemeth to me a dangerous matter,
etc.
_July 16._--I gave a _tay_ in small plate to two pore sick women of my
owne money, the one a China woman, and the other a Japon. And ther was
8 pec. red zelas delivered and soald to Tonomon Sama and his men, at 1
_tay_ per pece--8 _tais_.
_July 17._--A cavelero of Umbra came and viseted me, geving me thankes
for the kindnesse shewed to his kinsman, Sugian Dono, and brought me
a Japan hargabus (or gun) for a present. He asked me many questions
about the longnes of our voyag, which I shewed hym in a globe. He also
enquired whether I knew Rome. I answerd I was never at Rome, yet I
shewed hym the place where it stood. I perceaved per his questioning
that he was a padre (or semenary prist) and thereupon gave hym a tast
that we had nothing to doe with the Pope, but esteemed hym only bushop
of Rome, haveing other bushops in England of as much authorety as he
tuching spiretuall matters; and that we esteemed not much whether he
were our frend or enemy, which we left to his choise.
Sent Capt. Speck 1 barell gunpolder out of junk, poz. 1 or 2 _cattis_,
duble barell and all.
_July 18._--I wrot 2 letters to Jorge Durois and Capt. Garrocho,
advising the Capt. I would take the amber greese, yf it were good,
or else retorne it back in saffetie; and to Jorge, to buy me 2 or 3
jarrs conservs and some candells. And ther was delivered unto Capt.
Adames 202 _cattis_ iron, for use of junk, of the ould iron out of
ston walles. Also I wrot a letter in Japons to a servant of Mr. Lucas
Antonison, a Japon at Langasaque, who I am enformed hath the duble of
my former letters and keeps them by hym.
And ther was 5 _taies_ in plate of bars lent unto Sugien Dono, the
kinges kinsman, to be repaid at pleasure.
_July 19._--I lent the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, viz., 2 bars gould
of 55 _tais_ per bar, is 110_ta._, 0_ma._, 0_co._, with 200 Rs. of 8 in
Spanish money, is 160_ta._, 0_ma._, 0_co._, to be repaid within 8 or 10
dayes, at his retorne from Goto, whether he is bownd to buy matters out
of 2 China junkes ther arived. This I doe in respeck I hope of trade
into China, which now I stand in more hope of then eaver. Also he had
a bale or _corge_ of duttis of 12 Rs. per _corge_, to make a triall to
sell them or more to the Chinas.
And Sugian Dono sent his man, desiring to borow 5 _tais_ in plate,
which on good consideration was lent to hym.
_July 20._--I paid 2 _mas_ to Torage, for making 2 _kerimons_,[89] for
Tuchma and Jno. Goblen, long ago.
Tonemon Donos man came to have borowed 20 _taies_ of me in his masters
name, but I had not a rag of money.
_July 21._--I receved a letter from Jno. de Lievana, dated le 29th of
July, new stile, in Langasaque, wherin he advised how Capt. Whaows
greate junck was arived from Cochinchina; and he which brought the
letter tould me that other 4 are com from that place in company with
her, wherof he saw one coming in as he came away. Soe the former report
of Whaows jonckes arival was an untruth.
I forgot to note downe how Jno. de Lievana advised that the report of
the Hollanders being in the Phillipinas is falce, and that Don Jno.
de Silva was gon to keepe the straites with a gale and a phriggat,
attending the coming of shipping from Agua Pulca.
_July 23._--Ther was flying reports that the Hollanders have driven the
Spaniards out of the Molucos and entred into the Phillipinas.
_July 24._--The China Capt. retorned this mornyng from Goto, and said
that all the Chinas goodes were put into warehowses, and not sufferd
to sell any thing till the king came, or else order from hym to geve
them leave. I receved back the two hundred Rs. of eight from the China
Capt.; but the two bars gould he left in pawne for a junck, to receve
them back and pay other money in place, etc.
Also the China Capt. gave me a peec of China lynen to mak breeches of,
etc.
And wee took eight peec. duttis of 8 R. per _corg_ to make a saile for
our bark. We entertayned a boateman this day at 18 _taies_ per ano,
named Sinzabra.
_July 25._--Mr. Wickham being sick, Mr. Nealson, Mr. Sayer, and my
selfe went to dyner to our frend Skeimon Dono, where we were well
entertayned. And from thence we went to Duch howse, where Capt. Speck
tould me he receved a letter from Albartus yisterday, wherein he
advised hym how Mr. Eaton arived at Miaco the first of this moneth,
and the second went to Sackay to look out for the bark he sent from
Edo with goods per sea, etc. He also tould me he expected news of 12
or 14 seale of their shipps to be in the Phillipinas this yeare, to
cut ofe their China trade for the Manillias, as also to look out for
the shipping from New Spaine (or Agua Pulca), and then to have 3 or 4
of them to com for Firando to lade provition. Their plot is great and,
yf it take effect, will utterly overthrow the Spanish and Portingalle
dissignes in these partes of the world, etc.
I bought 2 corse _catabras_ for Ingoti, cost 1 _mas_ 9 _condrins_ per
peec.; paid out per Jno. _jurebasso_, whoe put away his wife this day
for trix.
_July 26._--I sent a letter to Capt. Adames to Cochi with 3 iron
stampers, 2 mattocks, and a pickaxe, and a leg fresh pork and 5 loves
of bread.
Also the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, sent me a legg of pork and an
other of a goate, he feasting all the Chinas this day, and being ready
to goe for Langasaque. I sent per hym for his brother, in respeckt his
junck is retorned from Cochinchina, hoping to heare the truth of our
maters tuching the losse of our goods and people, as I gave hym in
charg at my being at Langasaque--I say I sent hym, _nifon catange_,
2 bottells of sallet oyle, and 100 peces drid _bonita_; and to Capt.
Andrea Dittis hym selfe 1 barill wyne, and 25 pec. drid _bonita_. And I
lent hym 80 Rs. of 8 at his request, he geveing me instance it was to
geve to certen frendes and parentes com per way of Cochinchina out of
China, and are to be emploid about our busynes in hand. The China Capt.
went for Langasaque in the after nowne.
_July 27._--I receved a letter from Gonrock Dono, dated in Langasaque
yisterday, wherin he wrot for stele and tynne for use of the Emperour.
And I sent a letter to Gonrock Dono, and sent hym 1 bar tyn for sample,
advising I had of the same som 190 _cattis_ more, and had soald it at
4 _mas_ per _catty_, and that this or what else was at the Emperours
servis.
Our hostis of Tomo came per this place, being bound for Langasaque;
and sent her sonne to me with a present of 2 barilles wine and other
_recado_,[90] _nifon catange_. Also Jno. Yosen arived from Langasaque,
and sent me a present of peares. And our new botswan of junck brought
me a present of dry fish and 2 small barills of wyne. Also I receved
an other letter from Jorge Durois with 20 musk millans. His 2 letters
dated the 2th and 5th day of August, new stile. He writes of much news
of a flett of 5 seale, to be arived at Manillia from New Spaine, with
men, money, and munition, against the Duch at the Molocos; but I think
it fabulose, as the rest of ther Goa forses to take and spoile Suratt.
Also it is reported that Fidaia Samme is escaped into Shashma or the
Liqueas; but I rest dowbtfull whether it be soe or no.
_July 28._--I delivered 8 R. of 8 and 1 pec. _fibuck_ to our
gouldsmith, to plate my rapier and dagger. And a cheefe man sent me
a present of a barill of wyne, 2 chickeing, and 5 musk millions, and
the like to Capt. Adames, in respeckt his servant is entertayned for a
marrener in our junck voyage.
_July 29._--This day Zenzebars wyves brother sent for Jno. Gorezano
our _jurebasso_ to com and speake with hym, and laid to his charge
that he had geven out bad speeches of hym that he had put men to death
without any reason (for yow must understand this fello is the hangman
or execuseoner of this place, an office of reputation in these partes
of the world). But our _jurebasso_ denied it that he spoake no such
matter; yet that wold not serve his turne; but I was glad to send Capt.
Adames to take up the matter. I know this came by meanes of the Duch,
or ther _jurebasso_, Symon, who I put away. These are trix.
_July 30._--I sent Capt. Speck a quarter of beefe. Much a dow had I
this day about clearing our _jurebasso_ Goreson, whome Zanzebar and
his wives rase thought to have destroyed, and, as I take it, at the
instigation of the Duch. For they sent me word, as I was at dyner,
that for my sake they had saved his life, yet would have hym to avoid
the towne within 5 or 6 dayes. I retorned them answer, I held them
for no justices nor judges, and that I had need of my _jurebassos_
service; but the felloe which came on the messadge was soe forward
in his speeches that he tould me, yf I sent him not away, that those
fellowes servantes would kill hym as he went in the street. Yow must
understand his adversaries are the hangmen or execusioners of the
towne. But I retorned answer that I was under the protection of Ogosho
Samme the Emperour, and had it under his ferme, that no justice in
Japan might meddell with me nor no servant in my howse, but per the
Emperours permition, and yet more larger then I spake it; and therefore
I warned them upon their heads, as they would answer it with their
whole generation, that they should not tuch hym till the king of this
place retorned. Which answer put them into such a quandare, that they
sent me word that, for my sake, they were content to pardon hym of all
matters and to be his frend. This word was sent me per Capt. Adames,
whome, before God and man, I must needs blame for taking part with
that vild fello Zanzabar, _alias_ Yasimon Dono, whom, per experience,
I have found to be an absolute cuning knave, and therupon have donne
all I can to make Capt. Wm. Adames to know it; yet he still esteemeth
hym more then all our English nation, and still he would pawne his lyfe
and soule for his honestie. And I cannot chuse but note it downe, that
both I my selfe and all the rest of our nation doe see that he (I meane
Mr. Wm. Adams) is much more frend to the Duch then to the Englishmen,
which are his owne contremen, God forgeve hym. I leave it to his owne
contience, and to God and the world, to be judges with what respect I
have used hym ever since we came into Japan.
An other matter is now set on foote, which I never did heare of till
this instant; and is, that we were cozened of 4 or 500 _taies_ (yf
not more) in the price we paid for our junck, and that it was parted
betwixt Zanzabar, our host Andrea at Langasaque, and other their
copsmates,[91] wherof Miguel our _jurebasso_ was one, and had 50
_taies_ for his share; but as yet I can fynd no witnese of the truth,
yet I verely beleeve it to be true, although Capt. Adams have no hand
in the matter. For with their smoath speeches they make a childe of
hym, and soe do what they list, and he will not beleeve any man that
will speake to the contrary. And thus much thought I good to note
downe, that it may be extant whether I live or dye.
Capt. Speck, Jno. Yoosen, and Mr. Matias came unlooked for to the
English howse to supper. Capt. Speck tould me he understood that Mr.
Eaton was on his way coming from Miaco. God send hym well.
_July 31._--Gonosco Dono, our guardians father in law, sent Mr. Wickham
and me 2 peare pigions. This Gonosco Dono is left cheefe _bongew_ or
Vizroy in abcence of the king and Nobasane.
_August 1._--The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned from Langasaque
and brought me a present from his brother, viz., 1 faire _kitesoll_,
2 spoutpots or ewers of tynn silverd, 2 pec. China lynen, and 1 peec.
silk lane; and he hym selfe sent a white _catabra_. He sayeth, tuching
our affares in Cochinchina, that the kyng denyeth that he never was
consenting to the death of our people, nether knew of it till it was
donne, it being donne per the Japons and not per his people; and that
for the money he owed us for the goods he bought of Mr. Peacock he was
willing to pay it, but non came to demand it; and for the rest of our
goods it was retorned back to our junck it cam in, etc.; and offred to
geve the China (our soliceter) his letter or passe for any mans safe
coming that I would send to receve it. But yow must understand Capt.
Speck sent a Japon about the lyke matter for the Hollanders, with a
present for the king, which he receaved. But this Japon lodged in
the howse of another Japon theefe, where they handled the matter soe
amongst them that the king retorned word of mouth to Capt. Speck that
he would not make them restetution of any thing, and, yf they sent any
more shiping, he would use them as he did the other. And those Japon
theeves, knowing how the king had promised restetution, went to hym and
perswaded hym to the contrary, telling hym that, yf he made restetution
to us, he must doe the lyke to the Hollanders. Soe that when the China,
our soliceter, went for the kinges letter, he denyed it hym. Thus the
second tyme were we crost per the Hollanders.
And I thought good to note downe that the China Capt., Andrea Dittis,
came and tould me how his brother Whaw at Langasaque desired to have it
under my hand writing tuching procuring trade into China. For, as he
sayeth, they have laid out 3,000 _taies_ allready to make way, and make
reconying it will cost them 5,000 _taies_ more, is all 8,000 _taies_
(I say eight thousand _taies_); which, yf in case they procure us free
trade into China, we are to pay them the said eight thousand _taies_
back, with what else shall be thought fiting. But yf they do not
procure us free trade into China, the losse to stand upon them selves.
I forgot to note downe how Jorge Durois wrot me how a greate Holland
ship was cast away on the cost of Lucan in the Phillippinas, out of
the which the contrey people saved 5 greate peeces of ordinance, and
that most parte of the men were cast away in the ship, and those which
escaped per swyming were taken prisoners and sent to Manillia to Don
Juan de Silvas, whoe they say is ready with forcese to depart to reskew
them at the Molucas; but I can hardly beleeve it.
Also a frend of Capt. Adames tould hym that three daies past arived
an emptie junck at Langasaque, which came from Cagallon in the
Phillippinas, and is one of the Japan junckes which we thought was lost
with ours which Water Carwarden was in, and came out of Cochinchina 7
daies before our junck could be ready to departe, and was driven on
the cost of Cord (_sic_) per stormy wether, and put among the ilands
Liqueas, yet could not recover port in any of them; yet after recovered
the iland of Lucan and put into the roade of Cagallan, having first
lost their mastes and throwne all their goods overbord, being glad to
escape with life; and from thence are now retorned with the emptie
junck, but know nothing of what is becom of ours.
Also this day we put away Fachman, our scullion, and Mr. Nealson paid
hym to cleare his accompt.
And I sent Capt. Adames to Cochi, viz.,
_ma. con._
110 straw bags, cost 2 8
50 poles, cost 1 5
------
4 3
------
Also I sent hym 3 loves of bread, and wrot hym the news of that junk
which was reported to hym came from Cagallion is untrew, for it is
a junk belo[ng]ing to the China Capt. brother, and came not from
Cochinchina last yeare; so that is a lye.
And we entertayned a new skullion named Sayemond at one _tay_ per month.
_August 2._--I gave Matinga 6 _taies_ small plate to buy rise; and I
had 14 onces black silk of China Capt., cost 2 _taies_ per _catty_.
I had much adowe with Zanzabars desemvery,[92] who sent me word 3 or 4
tymes they would break my _jurebassos_ boanes, yf he came to his owne
howse; but, as before, soe still I retorned them answer they should
take heed how they medled with any servant I had. And at night my
_jurebasso_ being desirous to goe to his howse, I gave hym leave; where
he found Jno. Devins entertaynment[93]; for Zanzabers wives brother,
with other consortes, set upon hym in the streete, and, had he not
by good fortune gotten into a howse, they had slayne him. And about
midnight, being garded per a gentlemans servant, my frend came home
againe, shaking every joint of hym.
_August 3._--The China Capt. being ready to goe for Goto, I lent hym
our boate and wastclothes, and delivered hym back 120 Rs. of 8, which
was the rest of the 200 Rs. 8 lent hym before and retorned, the other
being delivered hym after at his going to Langasaque, viz., 80 Rs.
of 8. Also I paid hym 38 _mas_ in Rs. of 8 for 1 _cattie_ silk at 20
_mas_, and 3 peces red China taffetie at 18 _mas_, is 4¾ Rs. 8.
And tuching the force used against my _jurebasso_ the other night, I
thought good, with the advice of the rest, to make it knowne unto the
cheefe justice in the kinges abcence, Mr. Wickham accompanying me.
They all tould me I had greate reason in what I did, and that they
would take order that this _bongew_ should not offer my _jurebasso_
any wronge; the which I certefied Capt. Adames of in good termes by a
letter sent hym to Cochi, where I heard he la sick. But he retorned
me a very harsh answer, as all the rest of our cuntremen can witnesse
which saw it. He shewed hym selfe a fermer frend to Zanzaber and his
consortes then to me and the rest of his contremen.
Also Capt. Speck sent for Mr. Wickham to com and speak with hym, and
complained much of my _jurebasso_, that he had a bad tonge and had
geven out vild reports of hym and his nation. I retorned hym answer, I
never heard hym use any such speeches, and, yf he thought me hys frend,
he might think I could not endure neather hym nor any other use such
speeches, without geveing him notis therof and chastesing the speakers,
yf they were my servants. In fine, his desire was to have me to send
for these _bongewes_ and to make an end of these matters in frendship;
unto which I answerd that I knew not whether they would com or no, yf
I sent for them, yet, yf there were any meeting, I desired that Capt.
Adames might be present, and they should not find me out of reason.
And soe I advised Capt. Adames, allthough he burdened me I went about
to meyntayne a theefe against all reason, which all men may think that
heare hym say soe that no honest man would doe it.
And I had allmost forgot to note downe how I delivered a writing to
Andrea Dittis, the China Capt., under my hand and seale, witnessed
by Mr. Ric. Wickham, Mr. Wm. Nealson, and Mr. Ed. Sayer; wherin I
consorted with hym and Capt. Whaw, his brother, and a therd brother
which they have in China, that yf they procure us trade into China, to
repay them all such sums of money and money worth as they should lay
out in procuring thereof; but yf it tooke not effect, then the losse to
light upon them selves. And they are to turne an other writing to me,
to use their best endevour in doing therof only for Englishmen and no
nation else whatsoever. And soe the Lord God grant a good suckcesse to
our proceadings.
I wrot 2 letters to Jorge Durois and Damian Marin, and receved 1 from
Jno. de Lievano of the 11th of August, new stile, of complementos. But
I wrot Georg Durois to buy us a peare of milstones and som candells,
and send them per first [ship].
_August 4._--Capt. Adames sent me a more frendly letter then before. He
is two much affection towardes Zanzaber, and wholy led away by hym.
_August 5._--Thear is reportes geven out that the Portingal shipp is
arrived at Langasaque from Amacau, and presently after Capt. Speck wrot
me a letter that it is the same greate shipp which was there the last
yeare; but, as Jno. Yoosen hath advised hym, she is not soe well laden
as she was the yeare past, but, as it should seeme, cometh more to
fetch away the lagg they left heare the last yeare then for any thing
else.
_August 6._--I hearing the sea _bongew_ was gon up to the king, and
dowbting he might enforme untruthes against my _jurebasso_, was
determined to have written 2 letters, 1 to the king, and another to
Chumba Dono, my _jurebassos_ ould master, to desire them not to geve
eare to his enemies falce reportes; but, as I was about to have donne
it, Tackamon Dono sent unto me his cheefe man, be being accompanied
with Skidayen Dono and Nicolas Martin, his _jurebasso_. And his desire
was that, for his sake, I would geve over the pursute of this matter
against the sea _bongew_, for that, yf it were followed, of force the
said _bongew_ must cut his bellie, and then my _jurebasso_ must do the
lyke. Unto which his request I was content to agree, and afterward
went to geve hym thankes for the paynes he had taken in the matter,
he having promised me that non should be so hardy to meddell with my
_jurebasso_ hereafter, and that he would take the matter in hand to
make the accord betwixt hym and his wife.
And from Tacaman Donos, I went to the Duch howse, where, amongst other
matters, we fell into discourse about the _bongews_ proceedinges
against my _jurebasso_, he taking the _bongews_ part, and tould me he
had donne well yf he had cut hym in peeces the other [day], and then
their would have byn no more words therof afterward. But I made hym
answer that it might be he was deceaved in that, for that I would have
brought the matter in question, and it might be would have cost both
hym and others their lives, for that all the justice of Firando said
that the _bongew_ had donne that which he could not answer. Once I
fownd my selfe agreeved that he had me in soe small respect that he,
without geveing notis unto me, sent craftely for my _jurebasso_ out
of my howse, thinking to have put hym to death without any forme of
processe; and he replid and said that the _bongew_ was a souldier, and
stood upon his honer more than his lyfe, and card not to cut his belly
upon such an occation. I answered, I did not esteem this _bongew_ such
a personage that he needed to take pepper in the nose soe much as he
did.
I forgot to note downe how I carid a jarr of China beare and 5 stringes
drid fish to Tacamon Dono for a present.
This _bongew_ and Capt. Speck are all one, and I know this trowble
against my _jurebasso_ came, the beginning of it, from the Duch howse.
Capt. Speck came late to the English howse, and Sr. Matias with hym,
and desired my company to goe and see a peece of ordinance cast; which
I did, but marveled at their workmanship. For they carid the mettell in
ladells above 20 yardes from the place where the mould stood, and soe
put it in, ladelfull after ladell, and yet made as formall ordinance as
we doe in Christendom, both of brasse and iron. Capt. Speck tould me
nether workmanship nor stuffe did not stand hym in halfe the price it
cost them in Christendom.
Capt. Speck tould me he receaved a barks lading of copper this day from
Sackay, and that his barke departed from thence 3 daies after Mr. Eaton
was departed from thence. God send hym hither in saffety.
And we bought 22 bags rise of Zazabra Dono for 4 _gantes_ a _masse_,
and delivered 12 bagges of them to our ship carpenters upon accompt.
They beging to work upon our junk to morrow. God be their good speed,
etc.
_August 7._--Gonosco Dono came to the English howse, and amongst other
talk tould me that the King had sent hym word to burne all the tobaco,
and to suffer non to be drunk in his government, it being the Emperours
pleasure it should be so; and the like order geven thorowghout all
Japon. And that he, for to begyn, had burned 4 _piculls_ or C. wight
this day, and cost him 20 _taies pico_; and had geven orders to all
others to doe the like, and to pluck up all which was planted. It is
strange to see how these Japons, men, women, and children, are besotted
in drinking that herb; and not ten yeares since it was in use first.
_August 8._--The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned from Goto, for
that the _bongew_ would not let hym enter into that place, he haveing
staid 4 daies a weating, and so retorned. Also they of Goto staid 3
_somos_, or small junkes, theare of his, which were bound for Firando,
and would not let them passe, but send out boates to bring in by force
all such junks as passe within sight. And for shark oyle, ther was but
25 littill jarrs, all which was taken per Gonrock Dono and sent to
Langasaque for his proper use.
And he adviseth me that 4 juncks are arived at Langasaque from
Chanchew, which, with this ship from Amacau, will cause all matters to
be sould cheape.
The China Capt. of a junck at Goto sent me a peece white damaske,
present.
We had newes this day that the Portingales of Amacau have taken the
bark _Jaccatra_, and meane to set out 2 men of war every yeare to take
all English and Duch that trade from Syam, Bantam, and Pattania for
these partes.
But, within 2 howres after, the bark _Jaccatra_ arived on the cost of
Firando, and brought in a Portingall junck which came from Champa,
wherin both Chinas and Japons are marreners. She took her on this cost
3 daies past, at an iland called Sta. Clare. Her lading is black wood,
I think ebony. It is thought the Portingales will complaine to the
Emperour, because the Hollanders take them within his dominions.
_August 9._--Cushcron Dono lent us 50 _taies_ in great plate for a few
daies, which 50 _taies_ Mr. Nealson receaved to lay out in necessaris
for the juncke.
And about midnight past the other Holland shipp, called the _Ancusen_,
of som 300 tonns, arived in the roade (or harbor) of Cochi. And after
nowne both shipps came into the harbour of Firando. And I went abord of
them, and carid 2 barills wine, a hogg, 5 hense, and 10 loves bread to
the greate ship; 1 barell wyne and the lyke quantety of the rest to the
littell ship.
They tould me that the English shipp which is to com hither is called
the _Oziander_, and the masters name Jno. Hunt; and that she would
be ready to com after them within 4 or 5 daies, but have brought no
letters for us, which maketh us to marvill. And I must needs condem Mr.
Denton and them at Pattania of sloth, or else the Duch of legerdemeane.
They report a parliament in England,[94] and that it is lyke we shall
have wars with Spaine; and that the Lady Elizabeth hath a yong sonne
per the Palsgrove of the Ryne.[95]
Also they say that Capt. David Midelton was generall of an other fleete
to Bantam, and, understanding of his brothers death, retorned to
England.
Oyen Dono sent me a present of 15 hense.
_August 10._--I sent out our penisse with 16 men to roe, and the Capt.
China, Andrea Dittis, in her, with an English flag and wastclothes
and a letter, to lye ofe and on 8 or 10 dayes, to put a pilot abord
our shipp yf she com on the cost. He had a bar plate, poz. 4 _taies_
5 _condrin_, and 1 _tay_ in small plate, to lay out in provition for
rowers, and a barrill of wyne, etc.
_August 11._--Our neighbour of Faccatay sent me 2 hennse; and Tonsho
Samma sent to envite me and the rest of our nation to dyner, but I
exskewsed it till an other tyme. And Taccamon Dono sent his man to me
to tell me that he had donne what he could to make peace betwixt our
_jurebasso_ Gorreson and his wife, but that shee would not in any sort
retorne back unto hym, although she should suffer death; and that Bongo
Donos wife had taken her under his protextion, and said he should not
have her againe.
_August 12._--I sent Capt. Adames 3 hense and 6 loves bread, he having
written for charcole, lyme, and oyle for the junk, but could not be
sent per meanes of the rayne.
Also I receved 2 letters from Langasaque from Jno. de Lievana and Jorge
Durois, of the 19th and 20th currant, new stile, wherein they write me
much news, viz., that Don Jno. de Silva hath a fleet of 15 gallions, 8
or 9 gallies, with many friggates and China _somas_, to transport an
army of 3,000 souldiers to the Molucos against the Duch; and that 3
gallions came from Aguapulca to the Manillias with halfe a million of
plate for the setting forward of those affares against the Hollanders;
and that a new Viz Roy was sent to Goa, called Don Jeronimo de Torres,
and knight of the order of St. Yago, and is likewaies ordayned governor
of the Phillipinas, and carrieth 200 substantiall Spaniards with hym to
Goa, amongst whome 1 is apointed for visitor, being well assisted with
other Spaniardes, a thing never seen in the Portingall Indies before;
and that no matter may passe but per his permission; and that he hath
sent away Don Diego de Basconçelos, the former Viz Roy, in cheanes
for Portingale till he be out of sight of land, and confiscat all his
goodes, which vallued above 200,000 rialles of 8, because he denied to
send succors the last yeare to Don Jno. de Silva to have gon against
the Hollanders at Molucos, for which it is thought he will loose his
head, yf he live to com into Portingale.
Many other matters they write me, as of the duble mariadg betwixt the
princese of France and Spaine; and that the King of Spaine hath marid
the Duke of Savoies daughter;[96] and that the said Duk was generall in
an armado per sea aginst the Turke, where the Christians tooke 150 of
the Turks gallis; and that the King of France hath made 12 new gallions
and sent them to the sucker of his father in law, the King of Spaine,
with such forcese, that they and the Archduke have taken 20 seale of
Holland shipps which were prepared to goe for the East Indies, and also
have taken 3 citties or townes from the Hollanders; but I esteeme this
a fable, for this Holland ship now com for Firando came out of Holland
but 14 moneths past.
Many other matters they wrot of, which is overlong to set downe,
namely, that the Kinge of Spain was sending an embassador to the
Emperour of Japon with a greate present, in respect of his favour to
Christians. So it seemeth he did littell know how he hath formerly
banished all Christians out of his dominions: I meane all fryres,
monkes, jesuists, and pristes.
_August 13._--I sent Mr. Nealson with our _jurebassos_ to Taccamon
Dono, to desire his Lordship that Goresonas wife might be forthcoming
at the kinges retorne to Firando, to answer to what her husband would
aleadg against her, for that her proceadinges were a dishonor both to
hym and me; which he retorned me word was true, and that yf she had byn
a man, as she was a woman, he would have taken an other course then
that he had donne, for that in some sort women have more privelege then
men.
And sowne after, Taccaman Donos man wrot a letter to Gorisan to com
and speake with hym, which he did, and was per his masters order, whoe
tould Goresano that he had better considered of the matter, and that,
yf he would, he would make his wife retorne againe to hym, whether she
would or no; or else, yf I would, he would cause her nose to be cut ofe
and banish her out of the cuntrey. This new change is per reason that,
yf this matter of his wife be brought in question before the king, the
other of the sea _bongew_ must be the lyke, which would be nothing to
the lyking of Zanzabar and his rase, etc.
And after nowne the capten and masters of the 2 Duch shipps came to the
English howse and brought me a present of 2 baricas of Spanish wine, 3
Hollands cheeses, 2 small potts of butter, and a bundell of stockfish.
And about midnight Mr. Eaton arived at Firando from Miaco, and, as he
tells me, hath lent 100 bars of gould to the King of Firando, to be
paid againe at 3 months; which is such a greefe unto me in respect of
the presant use we have of money, that I know not what to doe. I did
littell think Mr. Eaton would have served me so, I haveing written
hym expresly to the contrary. Mr. Eaton sayeth the common report is
that Fidaia Samme is yet living, with 5 or 6 other principall men, and
thought to be in Shashma.
Mr. Eaton brought me 5 letters as followeth, viz., 1 from King of
Firando, with 2 _catabras_, from Miaco; 1 from Ushenusque Dono, our
_bongew_, from Miaco; 1 from our host of Osekey, Yasozama Amanoia
Dono; 1 from Gilbert Cunings wife, from Edo; 1 from Andrea, Capt.
Adams brother in law, from Edo. Mr. Eaton tills me how this Andrea and
Mickmoy, our host, dealed Judasly with hym at Edo.
_August 14._--Sugian Dono sent me a present of new rise, _nifon
catange_.
_August 15._--I receaved of Mr. Wm. Eaton, for goodes sould for my
owne accompt in Japan, plate barse, fyve hundred threescore and nyne
_taies_, one _mas_, and five _condrines_; and in plate barse, for acco.
of the Wo^{ll} Company, one thousand two hundred and fiftie _taies_;
and in Priaman gould, po. ten _taies_, I say ten _taies_ wight Priaman
gould, and is the rest of a greater som delivered unto hym at his going
up to Osekey heretofore. And I gave hym a peece ashculler grogren of my
owne, cost me 11½ _tais_, as also a paire of blew stockinges, cost me 3
_taies_. Jno. Yossen retorned from Langasaque, and sent me a present of
grapes.
And I wrot a letter to Capt. Adames, of the knavery of Miguel, our
_jurebasso_, how Judas like he dealt with Mr. Eaton at Edo, and since
his coming still abcentes hym selfe night and day, thinking I will
beare with his fooleries as well as Mr. Eaton did, which he did of
meare necessitie, not knowing how to mend hym selfe. Yet I am in no
such need, but meane to put away the knave for his knavery.
And I receaved a letter from Capt. Garrocho, dated in Langasaque, le
22th of this month, new stile, wher inclosed came an other for the
China Capt. Alsoe he wrote me to buy a case of bottells, a lookinglas,
and 2 Holland cheeses for hym, etc.
There was geven to the owner and master of the boate which brought
downe Mr. Eaton two peces of white _baftas_ of 10 R. per _corge_, in
regard of the paines they tooke in bringing hym downe, etc.
And I sent a barell of wine and a bundell of paper to Gonosque Dono,
and the lyke to Taccamon Dono, per Mr. Eaton newly returned from
Miaco; which they tooke in good parte. And in the after nowne Semi
Dono retorned from above, and sent his man to advise me therof (_nifon
catange_). Soe I went to viset hym, in company of Mr. Wickham and Mr.
Eaton, and carid him 2 barilles of _morofack_ and 51 peces of drid
bonita. Also I sent a barill of wyne and millions to Jno. Yoosen, per
Mr. Eaton, in respect he holpe hym at Edo, his _jurebasso_ playing
the knave, viz., Miguel. He took it in good part, and envited me to
breakfast the next morning with [hym]. Jno. Yoosens brother envited
hym abord the greate shipp, and had 7 peces ordinance shot afe at his
retorne ashore.
_August 16._--Mr. Eaton and I went to diner to Jno. Yoosen, where we
met Capt. Speck, Sr. Mattias, and the masters and capt. of the ships,
with Jno. Yoosens brother. And at our retorne we found Mr. Wickham and
Mr. Nealson a littell intostecated, but Ed. Sayer stark drunk; and he
and Mr. Nealson fell together per the eares with daggers drowne in very
wild sort, and Mr. Wickhams tong ran at large.
And Bongo Donos wife in his abcense sent me a present of millans.
And Jno. Goreson our _jurebasso_ brought his wife to the English howse,
where we made them good frends. And Lues Martin came to Firando.
_August 17._--A Spaniard called Albaro Monues brought me a letter from
Capt. Garrocho, with 14 onces of amber grees, which he wrot me cost hym
95 _taies_ the _catty_, and esteemed it worth 110 _taies_ the _catty_.
But I retorned it back by the same bringer, as not being worth the
price he wrot me it cost.
And I receved a jarr of conserves from George Durois, with 25 peares,
which the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, took per way.
I was advised to send to Andrea, our host at Langasaque, to buy 5 or
600 _gantes_ of shark oyle at the price of 100 _taies_ the C., as he
advised Capt. Adames he could have as much as we stood in need of. This
I meane to doe to try conclutions, to see whether wordes and deeds are
alyke.
_August 18._--I went to Cochi to vizet Capt. Adames and see our junck
work. Went forward and carid hym a bottell Spanish wyne, 2 hens, 1 duk,
a pece pork, 8 loves bread and 6 millans, and returned to Firando to
dyner, haveing invited Albaro Monues, whoe tould me the Duch mariners
used hym ill yisterday in wordes, calling hym Cornudo, he being a marid
man. Wherupon grew som quarrell, for which 4 or 5 Duch mariners were
duckt at yard arme and each one 40 strips at capstayn.
Also the China Capt. retorned in our bark, the wind being still
contrary, and, haveing given order along the cost to send our pilotes
yf our ship came in sight, he went to Langasaque and staid halfe a
day, and bringeth word that his brother tould hym that the common
report amongst both Spaniards and Portingals was that now they took the
English to be their enimis, as well as the Hollanders, and therfore
would take all our shipps which traded into these partes of the world,
etc. But I remember the ould proverb, that "God sends a curst cow short
hornes".
I find on a sudden that Mr. Wickham grows very sullen humorous and, as
I am informed, geveth out that he is not the Companies servant, but at
will, and therfore will rather seek out for his retorne for England in
some shiping from Langasaque to Syam or Pattania. I think the reason
is that he hath fingerd 5 or 6 _cattis_ of good amber grees in the
Liqueas, and thinketh to make an India voyag for hym selfe, and to
retorne Capt. or Generall for the Company at his pleasure. Once truly
I, and I think all the rest of the English in these parts, desyre
rather his rowme then company. He is turbulent.
_August 19._--Taccamon Dono sent me a present of 8 hense. And I wrot
a letter to Capt. Adames how the China Capt.'s brother had lent us
325 _gantes_ of shark oyle, and therefore wished hym to send a man
to Andrea, our host, to buy 4 or 500 _gantes_ oyle at 10 _tais_ per
hundred _gantes_, as he enformed us their was enough to be had, to
the entent we may pay what we owe and have to serve our turne. And I
delivered fyftie _taies_ plate bars to Mr. Nealson to lay out about
charg of junck.
And Mr. Nealson paid Yaiemon Dono, our junk carpenter, forty 8 _taies_
in plate of bars, and is in full payment for 170 plankes for the junck
at 4 _mas_ per peece; the rest, being 20 _taies_, was paid per hym
before.
_August 20._--I receved a letter from Capt. Adames from Cochi, dated
this day, how a bark with Spaniards from Langasaque put into that roade
and came from Mallia[97] in shiping. The[y] say Don Lues de Fashardo
did fight with 20 seale of Hollanders bound for the East Indies, and
hath sunk or taken 12 of them, and the rest escaped by flight. Also
the[y] say the King of Spaine hath wars with the Turk, and that this
news is come from Madrid in 6 months per way of New Spaine.
And, after all, the Spaniardes came to the English howse, viz., Miguel
de Salinas, Capten Medina, and a Jerman called Marcus, with Alferis
Tuerto and Lues Martin, and Albaro Monues accompanied them. They used
many complementos and tould me of Don Lues Fachardos discomforting
the Holand flete going for the East Indies, but after such a divers
sort that I can scarce beleeve it to be true; as also that 4 sayle of
English shipps were passed the Straites of Magilanus into the South Sea.
Capt. Speck sent for 10 bars tynne, poiz. 9 _cattis_ 4 _tay_ wight.
_August 21._--I sent Capt. Adames a barill of _singe_,[98] 3 hense,
and 6 loves of bread, with peares. And I wrot a letter to Andrea, our
host at Langasaque, and sent it per a man called Miguel, an offecer of
our junck apointed per Capt. Adames; and sent per hym one hundred and
fiftie _taies_ in plate of bars, to pay for such hempe, sayles, and
canes, as Andrea had bought for junck before, and 800 _gantos_ of oyle.
Also I wrot to Jorge Durois how I had receved the milstones, a jar of
conserve, and 25 peares, without letter; and desired hym to buy me an
other jar conserve of sitrons or lemons.
And at night the Spaniardes envited them selves to our _fro_,[99] whom
I entertayned in the best sort I could. Also Semidono had envited hym
selfe to our _fro_ before, but after sent me word he could not com,
being sick of the sullens, because I would not lend hym money, being
well experienced of his payment before.
_August 22._--Semidone being necessitous and in cheefe office in the
kinges abcense, and now demanding but 20 _taies_, I have, with generall
consent, lent hym 20 _taies_, to be repaid at a month, as apeareth per
his bill. And I delivered 50 _taies_, I say fiftie _taies_, to Mr.
Nealson, to lay out in charges of junck; the 20 _taies_ to Semidone
being paid per Mr. Nelson.
Semidone came to our _fro_, accompanyed with Gonosque Dono and divers
other caveleros, whome (as I think) I entertayned to content.
And Capt. Adames came from Cochi in a greate rage against my
_jurebasso_, Jno. Goresano, saying he was the occation the carpenters
went not to work upon our junck. But this I know was an untruth, and
the master carpenter and Zanzabers knavery. And Capt. Adames scrivano
or purcer of our junk retorned from Miaco. And towardes night Capt.
Adames fell into an extreame fever, with vomiting, and could not make
water, soe he went to Zanzabars to take phisick. God send him his
health.
_August 23._--Our scrivano of the junck tells me that Ogosho Samme
sues to the Dyrio[100] to have the name of Quambaco,[101] which, as
it should seeme, is as the names of Ceaser or Augustus amongst the
Emperours of Rome, which is held an honor to all suckceadors. But he
denied it till he know Fidaia Same is dead.
_August 24._--We bought 17 _cacas_, or square postes, at 1 _mas_ per
peece, and 30 rownd postes, 2 for a _mas_, to send to Cochi, to make
skaffolds to repare our junck.
I wrot an other letter to Capt. Speck, in Spanish, touching the
retornyng of my slave Tome, he not haveing yet answerd my former,
and sent this per Capt. Adames. But his agew took him againe, soe he
delivered it not this day.
And there came a greate man of Crates to see our English howse, whome I
entertayned in good sort.
_August 25._--I delivered one hundred rialles of eight to Mr. Nealson
to employ in stuffs with Duch marenars, whoe, as it should seeme, have
mett with som prize per way, otherwaies they could not afford to sell
soe good cheape.
Also this night past a sentenell was slayne in this towne, and thought
Taccamon Donos men dyd it, yet no certentie.
And I delivered or paid to Mr. Wickham in plate of bars, paid per Mr.
Nealson upon acco., his yearly wages or sallary, twentie _taies_.
Capt. Speck retorned my boy Tome hom, yet wrot me a pricking letter, to
which I answered as apereth per coppie.
Sugen Donos father sent a present of peares, and envited hym selfe to
our _fro_ a day or tow hence. The China Capt. Andrea Dittis gave me a
peece of Canton damask for the peece of Cochinchina silke I gave hym
before. And the Japan feast of All Soles being com, the China Capt.
afforsaid sent me a peece of Lankin damask for a present.
Mr. Nealson paid a smith for making 2 _piculls_ neals for junck, 2
_tais_ 5 _mas_.
Also ther was a pink culler, no. 85, and a primrose, no. 125, with 6
other remnantes broad cloth, measurd, as apereth per perticulers in the
wast book; which broad cloth was retorned from Edo and Shrongo, and
brought back per Mr. Wm. Eaton.
_August 26._--I bought and paid for myselfe two javelen or speare
heads, cost 8 _mas_ and 8 _condrins_. And the China Capt., Andrea
Dittis, bouth two _tattames_[102] and a halfe broad cloth, viz.:--
1¼ _tat._, cynamond culler, no. 125, at 12_ta. tatt._,
_ta. ma. con._
amontes 15 0 0
1¼ _tat._, sad bleu, no. 98, at 12_ta. tatt._ 15 0 0
Migell _jurebassos_ wife brought me a present of 3 hense, 20 egges,
and pearse.
_August 27._--This day at night all the streetes were hanged with
lantarns, and the pagons vizeted all ther _futtaquis_[103] and places
of buriall with lantarns and lampes, inviting their dead frendes to com
and eate with them, and so remeaned till midnight; and then each one
retorned to ther howses, having left rise, wine, and other viands at
the graves for dead men to banquet of in their abcense, and in their
howse made the lyke banquet, leving parte on an altor for their dead
frendes and kindred. This feast lasteth 3 daies; but to morrow is the
solomest fast day.
_August 28._--Our ould _jurebasso_, Jno. Japon, groing in to
poverty per his folly and lewd expences, came this day seeking new
entertaynment; but we had no need of hym.
_August 29._--I wrot a letter to Capt. Adames how his scrivano tould me
our carpenters said they would not work a stroake on the junk, except
I gave them a bill of my hand to pay them as they were paid the last
yeare; which I think is a trampo[104] of the Duch to get our carpenters
from us to serve their owne turnes, they now pretending to set out
their rotten junk for to carry provition to the Molocas. So I willed
Capt. Adames to content them with bill or what else, so our busynes
may goe forward; and with all advised hym that two Englishmen might be
spared to assist hym in looking to those Japons, we lying 4 or 5 of
us idell heare, for that the Worll. Company would condem us for lying
idell and to suffer strangers to look to ther busynes.
And I receved a letter from Capt. Garrocho, of the 2th Sept., new
stile, wherin he advised me of the recept of former matters sent, and
to buy hym a jar Spanish wyne. Also I receved an other letter from
Alvaro Monos, with a present of 10 water millons, 10 wreathes of bread,
and a basket of grapes, with offers of much frendship.
I understand that the Hollanders have offred Damian Marines to goe
master in their junk for the Molucos; but I know not whether he will
accept of it or no. But they have emploid hym to provid biskit for them.
And about midnight I had news that an English shipp was on this cost,
and that 2 daies past she was som 20 Japan leagues from Goto, where 5
Japans were left abord to pilot her for Firando. So, hereupon, I sent
out our pinis with Mr. Wm. Eaton in her, the Capt. China accompanying
hym, to meet them, and sent them 2 barills wyne, 50 loves bread, 2
hoggs, 12 hense, 2 duckes, 10 water millans, and a baskit of pearse;
and wrot a letter to Capt. Adames of the newse.
_August 30._--I sent our _jurebasso_ to advise Semi Dono, Taccamon
Dono, Oyen Dono, and Gonosque Dono, of the newes our ship was without
the harbour neare Goto; of which it seemed they were glad, and sowne
after sent their men to congratulate or rejoyce with me.
And I receved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated in Langasaque, 7th of
September, new stile, with a jar of conserve of citrones, bought and
cost 5 _taies_; also an other jarr conserve which he sent me for a
present, and 70 candells which cost one _taies_. And the man I sent to
buy oyle retorned from Langasaque, and brought but 241 _gantes_ oyle,
which cost 12½ _mas_ per ten _gantes_; but could get no more at prise,
and so retorned the rest money back. Yet Jorge Durois writes me a
Portingal hath a good quantety to sell. So I must now send this foole
back againe with the money.
Also I receved a letter from the _bongew_ of Goto, wherin he advised
me of our ships being neare unto Goto, and that he had put 3 or 4 men
in to her to pilot her to Firando. And towardes night Capt. Adames
wrot me a letter from Cochi how they had discovered the shipp to be
within 4 leagues, and that he imagined she would be at Cochi this
tide.
And I wrot a letter to Jorge Durois in answer of his rec. this day,
willing hym to buy me 700 _gantes_ of oyle.
_August 31._--I caused store of boates to goe out to tow in our shipp,
and wrote a letter to the capt. per Mr. Ed. Sayer, dowbting Mr. Eaton
hath missed of them. But sowne after our bote retorned and the Capt.
China in her with a letter from Mr. Eaton, how the ship was at an ancor
3 or 4 leagues from Firando, and that the shipps name was called the
_Hoziander_, the capt. or Cape merchantes name, Mr. Raphe Copingall.
So I retorned forthwith per the the said bark and went abord, where I
receved these letters following, viz.:--
1 generall coppy of a letter from Worshipfull Company.
1 coppy of theirs in perticuler to Capt. Jurdain, Bantam.
1 from Capt. Jourden in Bantam, 15th Aprill, 1615.
1 from Mr. Westbie in Bantam, 10th ditto.
1 from Jno. Beamond in Bantam, ditto 10th.
1 from Harnando Ximenes in Bantam, le 9th ditto.
1 from Mr. Adam Denton in Pattania, le 5th July.
1 from Generall Saris at Souldania, 1st June, 1614.
1 from Sr. Thomas Smith in London, 30th November, 1613.
1 from Sr. Thomas Smith in London, 26th Aprill, 1614.
1 from my brother Walter Cocks in London, 6th Aprill, 1614.
And Mr. Raphe Copendall came ashore with an other yong man called Jno.
Osterwick; but the wind was soe extreame that all the barks were forced
to retorne and leave the shipp riding at ancor.
It apeareth per the Worshipfull Companys letters that all the voyages
now are put into one generall company in adventure. God be praised for
it. And as Capt. Copendall tells me, their is an other company made to
adventure 120,000 _l._ str. per ano. for 4 yeares ensuing, but to what
places not openly knowne; and that a seale great English shipps weare
entred into the straites of Magelanus, but for what entent not knowne.
_September 1._--I rec. a letter from Chubio Dono, wherin he wrot me
much cumplimento, and sent an other as from the Emperour to Capt.
Adams, that he should forth with com up to the Emperour. What the
reason should be I know not; yet I suspect it was a plot laid before
by Capt. Adames hym selfe and the Duch, to the entent he might goe up
to serve their turnes; and truly I esteem he loveth them much better
then us that are of his owne nation; or else it may be that he seeketh
occation to get the Emperour to comand hym to stay and not to procead
forward on the Syam voyag, his tyme of service to the Company being out
within 2 months. Once the end will shew what is the occation. But Capt.
Adames hym selfe esteemeth it is to enquire of hym about a fortresse
newly built at the Liqueas, unto which place it was thought Fidaia
Samme would retire after his losse of Osekey.
Capt. Speck came to English howse, being ready to go up to Miaco.
_September 2._--I got barks to goe out to tow our shipp into harbor, yf
it were possible, much fearing a tuffon; and Capt. Copendall and Mr.
Eaton went aboard to hasten matters forward and, yf the shipp came not
in, to bring aland our Cambaia cloth and other comodetis, to the entent
to lay out the present for the Emperor, and make as much hast as we
can, not to be overlong behinde the Hollanders. But the wind proving
so hard, we could nether get ship into harbor nor bring goods ashore,
Capt. Copendall and Mr. Eaton remeanyng all night abord. God send us
wether to bring her in this dangerous tyme of the yeare.
We looked out for a bark to goe up in to the Emperour, but could find
non but ould rotten ons, all being above with the king but one which
the Hollanders had gotten before we asked. So we sent to Sanguro Dono,
Foins sonne, som 4 or 5 leagues hence, to borrowe a bark of his.
_September 3._--I got barkes to goe out againe to tow ship into
harbour, yf it remeaned calme, or else to bring good ashore; but the
wind was so stiffe all day that they could doe nothing.
And I wrot a letter to Mr. Jno. Hunt to send his carpenter to tell
what plank and tymber he needed to sheath and repare the _Hoziander_;
and withall sent hym a pig, 6 hense, 10 loves of bread, with peares,
redish, cowcombers, and bell engenios.
And I wrot a letter and sent a present to the _bongew_ of Goto for
puting pilot abord and sending me word therof. So the present was,
viz.:--
1 pec. of white baftas of nyne Rs. _corg._
1 pec. blak bafta died, at 9 Rs. _corg._
1 pec. duttis of 10 Rs. per _corg._
1 pec. blue byram of 10 Rs. per _corg._
1 pec. red zelas of 12 Rs. per _corg._
And the master of the bark which brought downe Mr. Eaton came from
Langasaque and brought me a present of pearse, and offerd to bring his
bark hither, yf I had need to fraight her. And about mid night Capt.
Adams went out in a bark abord the _Hozeander_ with many other barks
to tow her in, we fearing a tuffon. And Capt. Copendall brought 2 bras
vessells of quicksilver ashore out of the _Hozeander_.
_September 4._--About 9 a clock the _Hoziander_ came to an ancor in the
harbor of Firando, being towed in with boates, and shot ofe ii peces
ordinance; and the Duch answered them with two peeces out of the howse,
and 5 out of the greate ship. And Capt. Speck with other merchant came
abord her, he being ready to departe for Miaco: and he presently did,
and had 3 peces ordinance for a farewell, and we the lyke when we
retorned ashore. And they shot 3 peces more after out of the Duch howse.
And I made Tushma, my boy, a new _kerimon_ of damask of Canton, with a
cloake or gaberdyn of stript taffete. And Mr. Nealson paid 3 _taies_ to
Toma, the boy, and 3 _taies_ to Jno. Moure the boy, upon reconyng of
ther wages at 1 _tay_ per peece per month. And I delivered 50 _taies_,
I say 50 _taies_, plate bars to Mr. Nealson; and he paid 10 _taies_
lyke plate to pilottes that brought our ship the _Hozeander_ from Goto
to Firando. And we receaved ashore this day out of the _Hoziander_ 4
chistes guns or fowling peces, also two fardelles stile, containing 166
gads,[105] with 4 fardles cloth Choromandell.
_September 5._--We set carpenters a work to make chistes to carry up
our goods, and laborers to make mat sackes to put our peper in.
Also the China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned from Langasaque and
brought me a present of a blew peece of damask from his brother Capt.
Whaw, and gave me an other hym selfe with an embrawdred velvet cushin.
And Jorge Durois sent me 2 hampers containing 5 peces wroght black
velvet, 9 peces black taffeties, and 24 peces sattens, wroght and
plane, as also three pere silk stockings, and 1 peare thrid as per
adviz. And Ushenusque Dono, our ould _bongew_, sent me a present of
frute, and came hym selfe and viseted me, offring his service to goe up
in our bark as before, if need weare.
Also we had newse the king of this place was within 13 leagues and
would be heare to morrow. Yet I was secretly enformed by a frend that
he is in towne, secretly com in, and ment to retorne out to his barks
to morrow, and so to enter at pleasure. Soe we gave order to our ship
to sute offe her ordenance as he past by, being determend to goe out to
meete hym. It is said that the King of Shashma is lykwais retorned to
his contrey per the Emperours permition; soe it is thought som exploit
is in hand.
Also the China Capt. tells me that Damian Marin and Jno. de Lievana are
taken prisoners and carid abord the greate shipp, and is in despite of
the service they did to the English.
Capt. Speck departed towardes Miaco, and had 2 vollers small shot out
of the _Jaccatra_ and 5 peces ordinance out of their greate ship, and
charged againe and gave 3.
_September 6._--We laded most part of our goodes abord a bark, to goe
for Miaco, Capt. Copingdell going up with Capt. Adames and Mr. Wickham.
The perticulers goodes appeare per invoiz.
And som 2 howrs before day littell Antony the _bongew_ came and advized
me how the king was arived, and was glad our English shipp was in
saffety in the port, and desired that yf we shot offe any ordinance,
that it might be doone when he was landed or had sett foote ashore.
The botswen, the guner, and the carpenter misused the master, offring
to have let malefactors out of prison which were punished per the
master.
_September 7._--Very early in the mornyng the king entred into Firando,
and the Duch shot ofe 3 small peces ordinance as he passed by, out
of the howse, and 20 peces ordinance out of the greate ship, and 6
out of the small, with 2 volle of small shot out of each ship. And
our shipp, the _Hozeander_, shot affe 11 peces ordinance. And sowne
after I sent our _jurebasso_ to Oyen Sono, to desyre hym to exskews me
towardes the king, for that I came not to kisse his handes in respect
I thought he was awery of his voyage per sea. He said he would adviz
the king thereof, and that I had reason in not coming, for that he was
overweryed.
I delivered 50 _taies_ to Mr. Nealson, and one hundred and fiftie
to Mr. Wickham in part of his cargezon, and 50 _taies_ to Capten
Copendall. And Mr. Wickham had a peece fine black taffete, cost me
29 _mas_. And Andrea Dittis, the China Capt., brought back a bar of
Oban gould, sent his brother before to geve to a god child, but now
retorned, and poz. fyftie and five _taies_.
And Tono Samme, the king, sent for me to com and speake with hym; which
I did, accompanid with Capt. Copendall. He tould me that Shongo Samme
was gon for Edo before he came away, and that he thought the ould
Emperour was gone for Shrongo before this tyme. Soe he offerd me his
letters of favour to Codskin Dono and Safian Dono, because (as he said)
the Spaniardes and Portingals were rejected and not suffred to com in
the Emperours presence, nether would he vouchsafe to receve any present
they sent hym. Also he said that he thought this junck which the
Hollanders had taken was good prise, because they had not the Emperours
passe; and therefore he would not meddell in the matter.
I could not forget to note downe how Mr. Hunt, the master of the
_Hozeander_, fell out with Roland Thomas, the purcer. Soe they went
together by the eares. I condeme them both very much; but surely they
were drunk, espetially the master, and I think he is crazed in his
witts.
I wrot a letter to Gon Rock Dono, how the Portingals had taken
Damian Marin and Jno. de Lievana prisoners abord there great ship at
Langasaque, desiring restetution of them, or else I would complaine to
the Emperour.
_September 8._--I delivered 50 _taies_ plate bars to Mr. Eaton, and is
parte of money sent in cargezon, Mr. Wickham having 150 _tais_ before.
And I delivered the invoiz or cargezon of goodes sent up into the
custody of Mr. Ric. Wickham and Mr. Wm. Eaton, to accompany Capt. Raphe
Copendall, to goe up to the Emperour with a present and other goodes
to sell, Mr. Wm. Adames accompanying them; Mr. Wickham and Miguell
_jurebasso_ to goe for Edo, and Mr. Eaton and Tome to remeane at Miaco
or Osekey. And I would not want to note downe that we had much a dow
this day about the masters faling out with the purcer, all the shipps
company being against the purcer; the master aledging he followed hym
and sett upon hym unawares at advantage, and took two gould ringes from
hym, and threw hym downe a hill, and thowght to have stobd hym with
his owne knife, haveing taken it from hym per force. Out of dowbt this
Roland Thomas is an idell braned foolish fellow.
I paid per Co Juan 5 _mas_ for a hat I gave formerly to Sangero Samma,
ould Foynes sonne, few daies past. And I receved two hundred Rialles of
eight back from Mr. Wickham of money delivered hym in Syam voyage, so
that 100 Rs. remeanes yet in his handes.
I wrot a letter to Gonrock Dono about the taking prisoners of Damian
Marin and Jno. de Lievano, desiring hym to procure their liberty, for
that they belong to our junck, and therefore have nothing to doe nether
with Spaniard nor Portingall, whom I hould noe justices in Japon.
_September 9._--I wrot two letters to Jorge Durois and Capt. Garrocho,
in answer of theirs of the 7th and 12th September, as also advising
them I would geve knowledg to the Emperour how the Portingalles had
taken Damian Marin and Jno. de Lievana prisoners, they being our
servantes, and I had advised the lyke to Gonrock Dono per letter
yisterday. These 2 letters I sent per conveance of Capt. China. Also I
delivered one hundred _taies_ plate bars to Mr. Nealson, to lay out for
the needfull.
The king sent 2 barelles _morofack_, 6 bundells drid cuttell fish,
and a hogg, for a present to Capt. Copendall before he went up. And
Semidone sent to me for a bottell of Spanish wyne, which I sent hym
out of that littell the Hollanders gave me. And Capt. Copendall had 2
pottes of sweet meates of ginger, citrons, and oringes, etc.
_September 10._--Semidone sent for som sweet meates, haveing invited
the king. Soe I sent hym of 3 severall sortes. Thus these noble men use
to doe in these partes.
Capt. Copindall had with hym up 2 sivell (_sic_) spownes, 2 silver
forkes, and 1 silver salt and cover of Companis, with 2 littell silver
boles lyke halfe grapes of my owne.
Capt. Adames now came and tould me how we want above 1,000 _cattis_
of ould net to calk our junk with all. Out of dowbt his skrivano is a
false knave; yet I may not say soe to Capt. Adames, for then all the
fatt would be in the fire.
And ther was 2 baggs peper sould to Skidayn Dono, to pay as rest is
sould, poz. 131 _cattis_ nett.
I wrot two letters to Jno. de Lievana, 1 per a Japon, and the other
enclosed to Gonrock Dono, both to one effect, that I will use the best
meanes I can to procure their libertis, I meane Damian Marins and his,
or else will mak it known to the Emperour.
_September 11._--Capt. Copendall, Capt. Adames, and Mr. Wickham, and
Mr. Eaton departed from Firando this mornyng towards Miaco; and ther
was 11 peces ordinance shot affe for a farewell. But, as we were at
dyner, ther came a letter to me from Capten Copendall, wherin he wrot
me that Capt. Adames was gon before and would not stay for them, and
that their bark was so pestred that it was ready to sinck. Whereupon
he wrot me to send them an other bark to lighten them, which I did
with all expedition; and per Mr. Rowland Thomas, the bringer of this
letter, I sent hym, viz., 2 cases bottells of his owne with Spanish
wyne, 2 barrelles _morefack_, 40 loves bread, 1 great _kitesoll_, 1
bras candellstick. And I wrot an other letter to Capt. Copendall per
the bark, advising how I understood Migell _jurebasso_ had in speeches
misused a man of Gonrock Donos, whome went passenger in the bark.
Also I sent my Turkish History per the bearer of this letter to Capt.
Cop., to passe away the tyme per the way.
_September 12._--We landed yisternight and this day all the cables and
cordage of _Hoziander_ in our yord under a shed. And wee receved peper
ashore yisterday in 4 boates, and this day 218 bagges peper in cloth
sacks made.
Also Soyemon Dono sent a present of 2 pewter cups and 10 Japon
_sequanseques_ (or dishes), looking for greater matters, which needes
must be retorned to hym and others which are in place.
And towards night our carpenters that wrought upon the junck came to
Firando from Cochi, to-morrow being a festivall day, as also to receave
more rise. I find Gingro, Capt. Adames scrivano, left to look to our
workmen, to be but an eypleasing prowd knave. They thought to have
pickt a quarrell to fall out, yet I gave them content.
_September 13._--Yaimon Dono, the master ship carpenter, brought me a
present of pears, and, in the end of many complementall speeches, took
exceptions that land carpenters were sett to work abord our shipp. I
answerd hym, he and others were occation thereof, in using me out of
reason heretofore and making me to pay them what they list, etc.
And we carid Tome Samme, the King of Firando, a present as followeth,
viz.:--
1 pec. black wrought velvet, cost 020 0 0
3 pec. grogren.
10 pec. whit baftas, at 20 Rs. _corge_ 008 0 0
10 pec. red zelas of 12 Rs. _corg._ 004 8 0
10 pec. blew byrams of 15 Rs. _corg._ 006 0 0
10 pec. chint Amad of 20 Rs. _corg._ 008 0 0
10 pec. cours tapis of 04¾ Rs. _corg._ 001 9 0
10 pec. chader pintado of 09 Rs. _corge_ 003 6 0
4 cakes wax
5 bags peper
2 sows lead
1 damaskt gun
1 chast gun
10 knyves
_September 14._--The King of Firando compassed in most parte of the
harbor with nettes and hedges to ketch fish to morrow; and sent me word
to com and drink with hym to night, which I exskewsed till to morrow
mornyng.
And towardes night Mr. Jno. Huntt, the master of the _Hoziander_, came
and tould me that 2 of the shipps company had byn abcent 2 daies, viz.,
one Doughtie, a quarter master, and an other called Wadden, a rich mans
sonne of Plymouth, whome is fownd to be a very cheater. And at very
instant I had notis of Doughtie, where he was drunken in a howse; soe I
took hym and sent hym abord with a letter to the master, etc.
The master sent me word that one Piter Waddon was ashore and had byn
the lyke 2 daies and nightes together, and that he had stolne and pawnd
his companions aparell, and laid it to pawne in whorehowses, and was
gon upon the score in divers howses, and determened to run away to som
other place. So I laid out to look for hym.
_September 15._--The walle or neting the king caused to be made to fish
was borne downe in the night with the force of the tide, etc.
I went betyme in the mornyng to vizet the king, accompanid with Mr. Ed.
Sayer, Mr. Jno. Osterwick, and Mr. Jones the chirurgion. He entertayned
us kindly; and so we retorned.
Also we sent 18 _piculles cattis_ net abord the junk at Cochi, with
iron and sacks charcoll. And there was bought of Andrea, the China
Capt., and his brother Whaw foure _cattis_ musk, being in 86 codds,
cost twelve _taies_ per _catty_ in China; and so let us have it to pay
in Rialles of eight 60 R.
And I bought and paid for 4 peare lether pomps, and 3 peare velvett
pantables[106] two _taies_ to a China shewmaker.
And in the after nowne the king and all his nobles came a fishing
before our dore, haveing laid duble nettes fist cres[107] over the
haven at a hie water. I made ready 2 pigs, 2 ducks, 2 hense, and a
loyne pork, all rosted, with a banket sweetmeates, enviting them
ashore, but fownd them unwilling; and soe carid it abord the kinges
boate, where they did eate what they pleased. And soe they departed
along by our shipp, where they had 7 peces ordinance shot affe at their
landinge.
And, in my abcense, a fello came with a letter from Jorge Durois and a
peare silk stocking (as he said); but standing gaping at the fishermen,
a knave stole both stockinges and letter from hym, or else, as som
craftie knaves doe, did rob hymselfe, etc.
_September 16._--I wrot a letter to Jorge Durois of loosinge his letter
and stockinges. And I gave my peare knives to the China Capt. to send
to his brother (or rather kinsman) in China, upon hope trade; as also
he had 4 looking glasses for same purpose, bought of Duch, and 4 pec.
chowters[108] of 20 Rs. per _corg._, with knyves; and it is thought
fit to geve 50 Rs. 8 to the man which carrieth the letter, to pay his
charges per way, and to send a greate gould ring of myne with a white
amatist in it, cost me 5 ll. str. in France. This ring to be sent to
one of these 2 men, named Ticham Shofno, an euenuke. God grant all may
com to good effect. Amen. Amen. Also 2 ivery son dialles, cumpas lyke,
delivered hym.
_September 17._--We carrid a present to Genshe Samme, the kinges
brother, as followeth, viz.:--
_ta._
1 damaskt peece, cost 05 0 0
5 pec. white baftas, cost 04 0 0
5 pec. chint, cost 04 0 0
1 peec. wrought satten.
I thought to have carid presentes to Takkaman Dono and Semi Dono, but
they were gon out of the towne to their lands to meete the king in
his progresse, he now going to vizet his cheefe placesse, being his
grandfather dying, he is soly com to governe, and had noe tyme to doe
it till now by meanes of Japan warse. I must of necessety please this
Takkamon Dono and Semi Dono, because I expect to procure 2 _chawnes_
(or howses) to build gadongs upon neare our English howse.
And I went to Oyen Dono, the kings secretary or governor, and carid hym
a present of--
1 pec. rich wrought taaffety.
5 pec. white baftas of 20 Rs., cost 4 0 0
5 pec. chint Amad of 20 Rs. _corg._, cost 4 0 0
5 knives.
He tould me he would assist us in getting these _chawnes_, althought
it displaced men that paid daylie tribute to the king, it being in the
hart of the towne, and therefore gave me counsell to get Taccamon Dono
and Semi Dono to frendes; but hereafter, when our busynes was well
setled, then not to geve giftes to any one but to the kinge. This was
his counsell, etc. He also adviced me to envite the king to dyner at
his retorne back, for that yet he was not invited since we came into
Japan.
Their came a Portingall prisoner to the English howse, in company
of Hollanders, haveing lycense to walk abroad. He was taken per the
Hollanders in this junk, and is the 5th tyme they have taken hym at sea.
_September 18._--Jno. Gorezan, our _jurebasso_, fell out with Andrea
Dittis, the China Capt. This _jurebasso_ hath a fowle tong and falleth
out with all men, and the China Capt. was overmuch hasty, etc.
_September 19._--Sugian Dono came and brought me a present of 2 baggs
sweet powlder to lay amongst aparell, and said they were geven hym per
the kinge and formerly geven to the king per the Emperour.
_September 21._--Ther was sould and delivered to Tome Dono, our next
neighbour, 1 logg leade, delivered to hym, containing 225 _catts_, to
pay as rest are sould. The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, went for Goto
this mornyng, to meete Capt. Whaw his brother, to send away a small
soma for China about our pretended and hopefull procuring trade into
China, which God, of his mercy, grant may take effect, etc.
_September 22._--We receved 18 sows lead ashore at English howse,
containing 4,250 _cattis_ Japan wight.
And ther was 3 presentes sent as followeth, viz.:--
To Soyemon Dono. the Kinges receaver,
_ta._
1 pec. satten, cost 6 0 0
3 peec. white baftas, cost of 20 Rs.
5 knyves.
And to littell Ontony, _alis_ Sifian Dono,
5 pec. white baftas of 20 Rs. _corg._
5 knyves.
And to Sugean Dono 1 damaskt peec. (or gun).
And we receaved 18 sows leade more ashore, which way 4,115 _cattis_.
_September 23._--We receaved 64 sows lead more ashore, which is the
rest of 120 sows sent per _Hoziander_, which 64 sows poiz 14,649
_catts_, whereof 1 sow of 202 _cattis_ was retorned back for ships
provition.
And I went to Cochi to see how our junck work went forward, being
accompanid with Mr. Huntt, whoe lyked reasonably well of their work,
only thought them laysie, as all men else doe. But it is the cuntry
fation, etc. We carid 2 barills wyne, with 2½ _mas_ in fish, and 10
loves of bread.
And I receaved a letter from Gonrock Dono, dated in Langasaque 9 dais
past, wherein he answerd me tuching myne sent about Damian, that he was
in prison for misdemenor, the capt. of the Portingall shipp haveing
taken hym as a man nothing apertenyng to me nor our English nation.
Nobesane retorned this day from Miaco and sent me word thereof, and
that the Emperour was gon for Edo before he came from Miaco; for which
I am sory, for that Capt. Coppendalls jorney will be longe.
_September 24._--I wrot a letter Capt. Adames to make knowne to the
Emperour how the Portingalls have taken Damian Marin and Jno. de
Lievana prisoners; or, in his abcense, Mr. Richard Wickham, to procure
in all he may to geve the Emperour or the King of Edo notis thereof.
This letter is directed to Mr. Wm. Eaton at Osekay or Miaco, in abcense
of Capt. Adames, to send after hym, first having taken coppie thereof.
Also I sent 2 other letters to Gonrock Dono and Martin de Guinia, capt.
more of the Amacau ship.
_September 25._--We receaved all rest wax ashore, but not wayd. I sent
another letter to Damian, enclosed to his host, with an other to his
host in Japon, in answer of his.
Yosque our butlers wife was brought to bed of a boy.
We sent a present to Bungo Dono, as followeth:--
5 pec. white baftas of 11 Rs. per _corg._
5 pec. chint Amad of 15 Rs. per _corg._
1 damaskt gun or peec.
Magdalina Marias daughter paid me two _taies_ I lent her a yeare past,
and I gave it to Matinga.
And ther was geven in present to Genemon Dono, the Admerall, 5 pec.
baftas, and 5 knyvs.
We receaved aland at English howse 100 2 inche planck of Skidayon Dono;
and we brought the _Hoziander_ to a key (or wharfe), and put all her
ordinance ashore, to bring her aground to trym or sheath to morrow
mornyng, God willing. And within night littell Antony, _allis_ Sifian
Dono, sent me worde the king was retorned to Firando.
_September 26._--I wrot a letter to Jorge Durois, to have a reconyng of
velvettes, sattens, and other matters, as of Jorge the Caffro and the
100 _tais_ retorned I lent hym.
And Semidone sent me a hanch of venison. I went and viseted Semidone
and Tackamon Dono, and carid eache of them a present as followeth,
viz.: 1 chast peec., 5 pec. white baftas, 5 pec. chint.
And I receaved a letter from Jorge Durois, dated in Langasaque, 1th of
October, new stile, wherin he advised me how the Spaniardes had taken
Damian Marin and Jno. de Lievana prisoners, saying they were bownd to
serve the King of Spaine, and that they gave it out they would take hym
prisoner because he was frend to us and the Hollanders.
We unladed all the _Hozeanders_ ordinance ashore, and brought her
agrownd before the English howse to sheath her.
And Sayemon Dono sent me word that one of the kinges men was now
com from Miaco, and mett Capt. Adames and our people at Osekey, and
that the Emperour was departed towardes Shronge 2 daies before they
arived. But mens words are so divers that I know not what to beleeve,
espetially because I receave noe letter. I receaved a complementall
letter from our hostis at Tomo.
_September 27._--I invited the King of Firando and his nobles to
dyner to the English howse on Munday next; but he sent me word it
might better be on Sonday, for that he expected the King of Crates
one Munday. And I sent a boate expres to Langasaque to buy things
necessary, and sent 12 _taies_ plate per hym which went, and wrot Jorge
Durois to assist hym, and to send me 2 jars or pottes conserve. And
sent 2 Hollandes chises to Jorge and Bartolemew de la Rocha. Also I
sent to procure the kinges letter to Gonrock Dono about the setting
free of Damian and Juan, which he granted me, and sent it away per one
of his owne servantes to Langasaque, as he promised me he would.
_September 28._--The 2 carpenters and on master carpenter, the master
mate, fell sick, and were brought ashore to the English howse.
And, finding the king had not sent his letter to Gonrok Dono yisterday
(as he promised me), I sent Ed. Sayer with it expres, and agreed with a
boate and 7 men for the voyag for 6 _ta._ 4 _ma._ And sent a present to
Gonrok Dono:--
_ta. ma. co._
2 damaskt fowling pec., cost 10 _ta._ 10 0 0
5 pec. white baftas of 20 Rs. _corg._, is 04 0 0
5 pec. tapis Suras of
5 pec. chint Amad of 15 Rs. _corg._ 03 0 0
5 pec. blew byrams of 15 Rs. _corg._, is 03 0 0
5 pec. red zelas of 12 Rs. _corg._, is 02 4 0
5 pec. buckshaws
This present is sent to hym as cheefe _bongew_ of all goodes brought
into Firando, Langasaque, or any of these partes of Japon.
The Duch envited the King of Firando abord their ship, and gave hym 3
pec. ordinance for a wellcom at entrance and 5 or 6 for healthes and 15
out of both shipps at his going ashore. And a Duch marener, in charging
a peece that was honycombd, had his hand shott offe and his face all
batterd. Soe our chirurgion was sent for to assist the Duch chirurgion
to save the man, yf it were possible.
_September 29._--I receaved 4 letters, viz., 1 from Capt. Raphe
Coppendall, 1 from Capt. Wm. Adames, 1 from Mr. Richard Wickham, 1 from
Mr. Wm. Eaton, all dated in Ushmando, 40 leags short of Osekay, the
19th of this present month of September, where they were wetherbound,
yet heard of the Duch or Hollanders arivall theare 4 daies before the
date thereof, and that as then the Emperour was at Miaco, and thought
would stay till the end of this month. Also Mr. Eaton wrot that they
had news of Mr. Jno. Gurneis death at Syam with one Jno. Dench, and
that Mr. Lucas Antonison was gon for Pattania or Bantam, and Mr.
Shipard left cheefe at Syam. This was tould to our trumpeter by a Japon
that is com from Syam, who served in the English howse at Syam.
Taccamon Dono sent me word that I might buy the China womans howse and
make a gedong in the place at my pleasure.
_September 30._--We sent a present to Sangero Samme that lent us a bark
to carry our goodes to Osekey:--
_ta. ma. co._
1 damaskt fowling peece, cost 5 0 0
1 pec. alleia[109] of 30 Rs. is 1 2 0
2 pec. tapis Suras
_October 1._--Taccamon Dono sent me a dish of fresh fish, 1 of fresh
water. The kinges smiths house was set on fyre this night by the
neglegence of his servantes, but sowne quenched. Yet his dores were
shutt up by order from the king, because they looked no better to
matters; it being stricktly looked unto, and they banished or put to
death that have their howses burned.
In the after nowne the boate I sent to Langasaque, to buy provitions to
envite the king to dyner, retorned and brought that she went for, with
2 jarrs conserves from Jorge, brought for me. And Susanna, his wife,
sent me a box of conserves, with a baskit of peares and an other of
figges, and a small box of conservs for China Capts. doughter, which I
sent unto her. Jorge letter was dated in Langasaque le 9th of October,
new stile, in which he advised me that Damian Marin and Jno. de Lievana
were taken prisoners per meanes of Capt. Gorrocho, which truly I doe
beleeve.
_October 2._--Thomas Davis, the carpenter, died this mornyng at break
of day of the small-pox, he being choaked with them.
I envited the king with his 2 brothers and Nobesane, Semedone,
Sangrasame, Taccaman Dono, Sugean Dono, and 5 other cavelleros to beare
them company at the kinges choise. They dyned after the Japan manner,
and supped after the English. And, as he was at supper, word came that
the King of Crates was arived; which made hym to make short, and soe
went to meet hym at landing. Soe the great Holland shipp shot afe 3
peces ordinance as he passed by, and the littell shipp 3 other at his
landing. Soe after he sent me word of his arivall, and envited hym
selfe to our _fro_ to morrow in the afternowne.
I understood Peter Wadden went 3 tymes over the walle in the night; soe
I turned hym abord againe. He is a graseles fello and unlykly to amend.
_October 3._--The King of Firando sent me a buck, knowing the King
of Crates cam to supper, and gave me many thankes for his kind
entertaynment yisterday. And after nowne the King of Crates came
according as he said, being accompanid with the King of Firando and 3
other noble men of Crates. Unto whom I gave the best entertaynment I
could and to their owne contentes. And after, they went abord the great
Holland shipp, and at retorne ashore had 6 peces ordinance shot out of
her and 3 peeces out of the littell shipp.
And towardes night 2 Hollander mariners which had comited som falt were
laid out for having byn abcent 2 or 3 daies from shipp; and 1 of them
came to the English howse, desiring me on his knees to get his pardon.
Soe I wrot a word to the capt., and sent our chirurgion along with hym.
And they were no sooner gon but others brought the other Duchman, and
he desird the lyke favor of me; but, whiles I was writing the letter,
he gave them that kept hym the slip and soe escaped for the tyme.
The King of Crates gave me a present of 2 _langanacks_[110] and a
_cattan_, and desird to see the experience of a fyry arrow shot out of
a slurbo[111] and a burnyng pike; which is referd till his retorne from
a province of his which he is now bownd to vizet.
_October 4._--The King of Crates departed from Firando this mornyng,
and the great Holland ship shot afe 3 peeces of ordinance as he passed
by them.
And I receaved a letter from Ed. Sayer, dated in Langasaque, le 30th
of Septembr, how he had delivered the present to Gonrock Dono with the
letters, and that he willed hym to stay 2 daies, and he would use his
endevor for us in what he could. And I wrot 2 letters to Jorge Durois
and Capt. Garocho.
And upon councell of frendes, haveing remeander of things bought for
inviting the 2 kinges, I invited to dyner to morow 9 cavaleros, viz.,
Gonosco Dono, Unagense Dono, Matasabra Dono, Oyen Dono, Toresamon
Dono, Soyemon Dono, Shosque Dono, Otonagen Dono, Sifian Dono. I had
thought to have envited Ushenusque Dono, our _bongew_, and the kinges
secretary, but they were out of towne.
_October 5._--The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, retorned to Firando
from Goto, and brought me back a gould ring, delivered hym the 17th
September last, to have byn sent for a present to an euenuke in China,
valued as it cost 5 l. str.; but, upon better consideration, not
haveing two ringes, and 2 principall men emploied about the affares,
they thought it best to buy 4 _cattans_ or Japan sables, and to send 2
to eache one. Also the China Capt. gave me a musk cod for a present,
and was sent from a China unknown unto me. And he doth assure me on his
life that our pretence to gett trade into China cannot chuse but com to
good effect; which God grant.
The cavaleros envited to dyner came, being 8 in number, as apeareth
on the other side. And as they were at it, Bongo Sammes adopted sonne
(which is the kinges youngest brother) came by, and they called hym in,
and after departed all content.
Gonosquo Dono brought a present of 10 bundells Japan paper.
_October 6._--We bought our next neighbors _chowne_, or howse place,
to the northwardes, to pay 40 _tais_ for it, and she to carry away
the howse, but geve it out we pay but 25 taies for it, she being far
in debt and therfore the money seazed upon. The other 15 _taies_ she
hath secretly, to mentayn her and her children. Also Mr. Nealson
paid the scrivano of the junk 60 _taies_ 4 _mas_ plate bars, for
to pay carpenters and mareners; and sent 150 bags lyme to Cochi.
And I delivered 40 R. 8 to China Capt. to buy, or rather garnish, 4
_cattans_, to send into China. Allso I delivered hym 4 _mas_ wight
Priaman gould for same purpose.
And I delivered one hundred _taies_ plate bars to Mr. Nealson. Also Mr.
Nealson paid sixteen _taies_ plate to China Capt., viz., 12 _taies_ in
bars for blads, and 4 _taies_ in small plate of workmanshipp.
_October 7._--The China Capt., Andrea Dittis, came and tould me that
the capt. moure[112] of the shipp of Amacon and other Spaniardes and
Portingales had hired 2 barkes for 100 _taies_, to com from Langasaque
to Firando, to use meanes to steale away a Portingall which is capt.
of the junk the Hollanders took; and that ther was divers Spaniardes
and Portingalls armed secretly in the said barkes, which matter was
revealed by 3 Chinas which fled out of the said junk to Langasaque and
made report hereof to other Chinas, 1 of whome wrot therof to the China
Capt. So I went to the Duch howse and made it knowne to the Hollanders,
whoe gave me harty thankes for it.
And I wrot a letter to our host at Tushma, per a merchant of that
place, desyring to heare from hym of sale of our pepper, which I
understand was soald long since; and that upon his advise I would send
more, desyring hym to bring or send the money for this per first sure
conveance.
_October 8._--This day, before nowne, our 3 barks we sent to Osekay
with Capt. Copendall and his company retorned, from whome I receaved
a letter, dated in Osekay the 23th ultimo, with an other of same date
from Mr. Eaton, wherin they adviz me the Emperour was departed from
Miaco 8 daies before their arivall, and that Capt. Adames went post
after hym, being geven to understand that he ment to stay in a place at
halfe way, hoping by this meanes to dispach busynes theare, and so to
retorne; the Duch haveing dispached theirs before he went from Miaco.
And they thought it fitt to retorne back all 3 barks, because they
knew not how long it wold be before they retorned. Also they both writ
me that pack no. 116 is wanting in the cargezon, with 5 bambows black
paynting and 5 small pec. wax.
Also our host of Sackay came to Firando and brought me a present of a
barrell of wyne, making much mone that all he had was burned when our
comodeties were burned, so that now he is new to enter into the world,
and to that entent meanes to goe purcer in a junk of Gonrock Donos for
Syam.
I sent our _jurebasso_ to thank Songero Samme and Sifian Dono for
the lent of their barks to carry up our men and merchandiez. Capt.
Copendall advized me he gave 2 _taies_ to the master of the greate
bark and 1 _tay_ to the purcer. And ther was geven away in presents as
followeth, viz.: To Gonosqo Dono, governor, 1 pec. black satten, cost
6_ta_; 3 pec. whit baftas of 8 R. corg; 5 knives. To Shosqo Dono, the
kings chamberlen, 1 pec. alleias of 15 R. per _corg_; 3 pec. baftas of
8 R. per _corge_, 3 pec tapis Suras. To Unagense Dono, capt. generall,
1 damask peec. To Skiamon Dono, provedore, 1 pec. alleias of 15 R.
per _corge_; 1 pec. white baftas of 8 R. per _corge_; 1 pec. duble
borall[113] of 7 Rs. per _corge_; 1 pec. tapis Suras. To kinge's cheefe
cooke, 1 pec. alleias of 15 Rs. per _corge_. To kinges under cookes, 1
pec. white bafta of 8 Rs. per _corge_. To kinges sumaker for cookry, 1
pec. white bafta of 8 R. per _corge_. To an another ould cooke, 1 peec.
white bafta of 8 Rs. per _corge_. To 5 neighbours maid servantes for
cookry, 3 duble peeces of burrall of 7 Rs. _corg_.
I receaved a letter from Ed. Sayer, dated 6 days past, wherin he wrote
me Gonrock Dono drivs hym of with delaies, and as yet hath not sett the
men at liberty, but rather t
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