The Life of Sir Rowland Hill and the History of Penny Postage, Vol. 2 (of 2)
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Title: The Life of Sir Rowland Hill and the History of Penny Postage, Vol. 2 (of 2)
Author: Sir Rowland Hill
George Birkbeck Norman Hill
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For this version, text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
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THE LIFE
OF
SIR ROWLAND HILL
K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.R.A.S., ETC.
AND THE
HISTORY OF PENNY POSTAGE.
BY
SIR ROWLAND HILL
AND
HIS NEPHEW
GEORGE BIRKBECK HILL, D.C.L.
AUTHOR OF
"DR. JOHNSON: HIS FRIENDS AND HIS CRITICS," ETC.
_IN TWO VOLUMES._
VOL. II.
LONDON:
THOS. DE LA RUE & CO.
110, BUNHILL ROW.
1880
(_The right of Translation and Reproduction is reserved._)
PRINTED BY
THOMAS DE LA RUE AND CO., BUNHILL ROW,
LONDON.
CONTENTS OF SECOND VOLUME.
BOOK II. (_Continued._)
CHAPTER XII.
COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY (1843).
"State and Prospects of Penny Postage," 1--Examined before the
Committee, 2--The "Fallacious Return," 4--Charge for the Packet
Service, 5--Treaty with France, 6--Colonel Maberly's Evidence,
7--Dockwra, Allen, and Palmer, 9--Australian Letters and India,
10--Committee's Report, 12--Spain and Russia, 13--Letters from
Sydney Smith and Miss Martineau, 14.
CHAPTER XIII.
RAILWAY DIRECTION (1843-6).
Director and then Chairman of the Brighton Railway Company,
16--Examination of Railway Officers, 18--Enforcement of Penalties,
19--Three Codes of Signals. Safety of the Line, 20--Excursion and
Express Trains, 21--Postal facilities for Brighton, 22--Value
of Shares. Resignation of Chairmanship, 23--Offer from the
South-Western Company, 24--Parliament and the Railways, 25.
CHAPTER XIV.
NATIONAL TESTIMONIAL (1844-6).
United States, 27--Mazzini and Sir James Graham, 28--"A Penny
Post," by John Hill, 29--Subscriptions to the Testimonial,
29--Income Tax Commissioners, 30--Mr. Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law
League, 31--Presentation of Testimonial, 32.
CHAPTER XV.
APPOINTMENT TO POST OFFICE (1846).
The New Ministry, 37--Lord Clanricarde Postmaster-General, 38--Mr.
Warburton, 39--Appointment offered, 40--Mr. Hawes, 41--A Painful
Dilemma, 42--Letter to Mr. Hawes. Appointment accepted, 43--Promise
of Promotion, 46.
CHAPTER XVI.
JOINT SECRETARYSHIP (1846-8).
The "Edinburgh Review" and Mr. Charles Dickens, 48--Restrictive
Minute, 49--Cabals, 51--Snowed up, 52--The Post Office a vast
Machine, 53--Liverpool Town Council, 54--Lord Clanricarde's
Boldness, 55--Bristol Post Office, 57--Lieutenant Waghorn, 59--A
Bundle of old Clothes by Post, 61--Applications for Increase
of Salary, 63--Statistics, 64--Book Post. Proposed System of
Promotion, 65--Railway Legislation, 66--Money Order Department,
70--Offensive Minute. Mr. Cobden's Advice, 73--Savings in
Stationery, 76--Arrears of Money Orders, 77--Carelessness in
Remittance, 78--Attempted Robbery, 79--Frauds, 80--Esquires in Low
Life, 81--Joseph Ady, 82--Telegraph, 83--Chartists, 84.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVI.
General Progress. Letter to Mr. Baring, 85--Number of Letters from
1839 to 1847, 86--Book Post. Professor De Morgan, 87--Evasion of
Postage, 88--Scale of Salaries. The Interpretation of a Fortnight's
Holiday, 89--Letter-boxes, 90--Railway Notices. Sir Erskine May,
91--United States, 92--France, Revolution of 1848, 93--Belgium, 94.
CHAPTER XVII.
EFFORTS FOR IMPROVEMENT IN POSITION (1848-9).
Discordant action in the Post Office, 95--Claim for Promotion,
96--Lord John Russell on Penny Postage, 98--The Ministry in Danger,
99--Great Increase of Expenditure, 100--Formal Application for
Promotion, 101--The Chancellor of the Exchequer's unreasonable
Demand, 103--Health again fails, 105.
CHAPTER XVIII.
SUNDAY RELIEF (1849-50).
Sunday Labour in Post Office, 107--Bath Post Office, 108--Closing
of Money Order Offices, 109--Other Measures of Relief. "Forward
Letters," 110--Minute on Reduction of Sunday Labour, 111--Lord's
Day Society, 113--Treachery in the Camp, 115--Bishop of London,
116--City Meeting, 118--Publication of Minute, 121--No Compulsion.
Extracts from Private Journal, 123--Hon. and Rev. Grantham Yorke.
Insubordination, 128--Slanders of Lord's Day Society, 129--The
first Sunday on the new Plan, 131--Anonymous Letters, 134--Lord
John Russell, 135--Further Slanders of the Lord's Day Society,
136--Railway Sorting, 137--Suburban Sunday Delivery, 138--General
Thompson and Dr. Vaughan, 139--Meetings of Surveyors, 140--Further
Sunday relief, 141--Cabals, 143--Demand for total Abolition of
Sunday Labour, 144--Mr. Wallace. Visit to Greenock, 148--Mr.
Matthew Forster, 149--The _Times_, 151--Lord Ashley's Motion,
155--No Sunday Deliveries, 158--Commission on Sunday Labour, 160.
CHAPTER XIX.
PARTIAL IMPROVEMENT IN POSITION (1850-1).
The Word of a Minister, 163--Renewed Claim for Promotion, 164--Mr.
Warburton, 165--Mr. Cobden, 166--Mr. Hume, 167--Sir C. Wood,
169--Application for an Assistant-Secretary, 170--Mr. Frederic
Hill--his Services as an Inspector of Prisons, 171--Ministry in
Danger, 173--Increase of Salary, 174--Death of Mr. T. W. Hill. Mr.
Frederic Hill's Appointment, 176--Staff of Clerks, 177.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIX (1849-51).
Money Order Department, 178--Clerks divided into Classes,
179--Clerks in Charge. Prepayment, 180--Mail Trains _versus_ Mail
Carts, 181--Rural Distribution, 182--Postal Treaties, 183--Salaries
and Promotion, 184; Rectification of Accounts, 185--Mr. Cunard and
the West Indian Mails, 186--United States. India, 187--France.
Revenue, 188--Mail Robbery, 189--Improved Condition of Officials.
Source of Dishonesty, 190--"Household Words" and "Quarterly
Review," 191.
CHAPTER XX.
EFFORTS FOR FURTHER IMPROVEMENT IN POSITION (1851-2).
The Railway Department, 193--Letter from Mr. Cobden. Visit to the
West Riding, 194--The two Secretaries, 195--Renewed Application
for Promotion, 196--Mr. Cobden, Mr. Hume, and Sir C. Wood, 198--A
Mysterious Allusion in Mr. Cobden's Letter, 199--Resignation of
the Liberal Ministry, 200--Lord Clanricarde's Minute. Statement of
Improvements, 201.
CHAPTER XXI.
LORD HARDWICKE (1852).
Lord Hardwicke Postmaster-General, 203--Two Kings in Brentford,
205--Mr. Warburton, 206--Court Dress. The Latch-key, 207--Chevalier
Bunsen, 208--Who is to be Subordinate? 209--Lord Hardwicke's
peculiar Spelling. An Election Job, 210--Resignation of Tory
Ministry, 211--East Indian Post Office, 212.
CHAPTER XXII.
LORD CANNING (1853-4).
Lord Canning, Postmaster-General, 213--Treaty with France,
214--Large Savings, 215--Letter to Lord Canning, 215--Promotion or
Resignation, 217--Lord Canning's Answer, 218--Dangerous State of
Health, 219--Commission for Revising Salaries, 221--Dinner at Lord
Canning's. Mr. Gladstone, 222--Mortality among Colonels, 223--Sole
Secretary, 224.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PROGRESS OF REFORM FROM THE MIDDLE OF 1851 TO THE END OF 1854.
Railway Legislation, 227--Acceleration of Northern Mails,
231--Limited Mails, 232--A Transformation Scene, 233--Silence
under Misrepresentation. Premiums for Punctuality, 235--Mail-bag
Apparatus, 236--Rectification of Accounts, 237--Packet
Service (Lord Canning's Commission), 238--Colonial Postage,
241--The _Times_, 243--Foreign Book Post. Chevalier Bunsen
and Lord Hardwicke, 244--Salaries and Promotion, 245--Report
of Commissioners for Revising Salaries, 246--Patronage,
248--Competitive Examinations, 249--Telegraphs, 251--Postal Reform
abroad, 252.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIII.
Money Orders. Article in "Household Words," 253--Hong-Kong
Post Office, 257--Prepayment. Early Deliveries, 258--Pillar
Letter-boxes. Number of Letters, 259--Increased Honesty, 260--Titus
Oates. Funeral of the Duke of Wellington, 261.
CHAPTER XXIV.
SOLE SECRETARYSHIP--FIRST ANNUAL REPORT, 1854.
PROGRESS OF IMPROVEMENT (1855-9).
Lord Canning, 263--Arrangement of Secretarial Duties, 264--The
Staff of Officers, 266--Annual Reports. Monthly Report of
Improvements in hand, 267--Post Office _versus_ Board of Works,
268--Free Delivery, 270--London District Offices, 271--Scotch
and Irish Mails, 273--Need of Railway Legislation, 276--Sir
G. C. Lewis, 277--Government Loans to Railway Companies,
278--Government Purchase of Railways. Royal Commission on Railways,
283--Arbitration, 284--True Interests of the Companies, 285--Money
Orders. Contract Work, 286--Post Office _versus_ Admiralty. Mr.
Trollope, 288--Panama Route, 290--Indian Mutiny, 292--Acceleration
of News, 294--Revenue and Expenditure, 295--Predictions Fulfilled,
297--Promotion by Merit. Sir W. Hayter, 298--Civil Service
Examination, 300--Letter from Sir C. Trevelyan, 301--Health
of Officers, 302--Life Insurance, 304--Mutual Guarantees,
307--Libraries, 308.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIV.
FIRST ANNUAL REPORT (1854).
Soldiers' Letters. Colonial and Foreign Posts, 310--Street
Nomenclature and House Numbering, 311--Early History of the
Post Office, 312--Improvement in Accounts. Number of Offices,
313--Number of Letters. Returned Letters, 314--Registration,
315--Soldiers' Remittances. Extension of Money Order System
to Colonies, 316--Transference of Management of Colonial Post
Offices. Foreign Posts, 317--United States, 318--Mr. Pliny Miles,
319--Treaties made easily Terminable, 320.
CHAPTER XXV.
DISCONTENTS IN THE OFFICE (1855-9).
Demands for higher Wages, 321--"Civil Service Gazette,"
322--Letter-carriers--Eligibility of their Position,
324--Christmas-boxes, 325--Mutinous Meeting, 326--Threats of
Assassination, 327--A familiar Acquaintance, 328.
CHAPTER XXVI.
MISCELLANEOUS PROCEEDINGS FROM 1855 TO 1859.
Postal Guide and Postal Official Circular, 329--Date Stamps. Mr.
Pearson Hill's Stamping Machine, 330--Mr. C. W. Sikes and the
Post Office Savings Banks, 331--Salaries, 333--Volunteer Corps,
334--Compulsory Prepayment, 335--Parcels Post. Tubular Conveyance,
336--Inventors, 339--Telegraph Tube Service, 340--Mr. R.
Stephenson, 341--Postage on Newspapers, 342--The _Times_, 344--Mr.
Gladstone, 345--Serious Illness, 346--Plan for distributing
Newspapers, 347--Wreck of the "Violet" Mail-packet, 349--The Bey of
Tunis. Number of Letters posted in Russia and Manchester. The last
Attack on Penny Postage, 350--Government Franking, 351.
CHAPTER XXVII.
POSTMASTERS-GENERAL (1855-60).
Lord Canning, 353--Indian Mutiny. "Edinburgh Review," 354--Duke of
Argyll, 355--Lord Colchester, 356--Lord Elgin, 357--Health failing,
358--Royal Society. K.C.B., 359--Vigorous and harmonious Action
in the Office, 360--Dangerous Illness. Lord Stanley of Alderley,
361--Fourth Cabal. Mr. Gladstone's Support, 362.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
PROGRESS AFTER 1859.
Post Office Savings Banks--their Costliness, 364--Registration,
367--Pattern Post, 368--Packet Service. Transference from
Admiralty. Mr. Frederic Hill's Reforms, 369--Tenders. Surveys
of Mail-packets, 370--Readjustment of Transmarine Rates,
371--Punctuality, 372--Large Expenditure prevented, 373--Reward for
faithful Services, 374--Free-trade and subsidised Mail-packets, 375.
CHAPTER XXIX.
RESIGNATION (1864).
A Blow struck at Promotion by Merit. Appeal to the Treasury,
376--Interviews with Lord Palmerston, 377--Health broken down.
Medical Certificate, 378--Mr. Gladstone's Kindness. Letter of
Resignation, 379--Results of Postal Reform, 380--Number of Letters.
Revenue, 382--Letters from Lord Stanley of Alderley, 384--Lord
Stanley's Speech in the House of Lords, 386--Statue in Birmingham,
387--Mr. Joseph Parkes. "Sir F. Baring's opinion of Rowland Hill,"
388--Pension to Lady Hill. Notice by Lord Palmerston, 390--Treasury
Minute, 391--Authorship of Penny Postage, 393--Lady Hill's Address
to the Queen, 394--Grant from Parliament. Lord Palmerston's Speech,
395--Speeches by Lords Brougham and Clanricarde, 398--Letter to Mr.
Gladstone, 399--Mr. Gladstone's Answer, 400--University of Oxford.
Testimonials. Albert Gold Medal, 400--Happy among Reformers! Postal
Reforms of the Future, 401--Packet Service. Every Department should
be Self-supporting, 402--Contract Work. Female Labour. Parcels
Post, 403--Postal Union. Office of Postmaster-General should
be Permanent, 404--Patronage. Promotion by Merit. Post Office
Monopoly, 405--The Path that lies before Reformers, 406.
BOOK III.
CONCLUSION.
Squandering of Force, 411--Rowland Hill's Character. His
Pride in his Plan, 412--A rare Combination of Enthusiasm and
Practical Power. Never Complained of the World. His perfect
Integrity, 413--His high Standard of public Duty. His Generosity
and Consideration for the feelings of others, 414--Asked too
much of men in general, 415--A Member of the Political Economy
Club, 416--His continued Interest in Postal Affairs. Garibaldi,
417--Effect of Education on the Postal Revenue. Spelling. His Grief
at the Faults committed in the Post Office, 418--Mr. Gladstone's
Description of his Lot. State of his Health, 419--Royal Society
Club, 420--An overwrought Brain. Metropolitan Asylums Board,
421--Regularity of his Household, 422--The Resources of his Old
Age, 423--His Gratitude. Thoughtfulness for others, 424--Death
in the Family Group, 425--Colonel Torrens. His Son's Marriage,
426--Not Forgotten of Men. Statue in Kidderminster. Freedom of the
City of London, 428--Death, 429,--Westminster Abbey, 430.
APPENDICES.
A.--Letter to Postmaster-General Lord Clanricarde (January 3rd,
1849), p. 437.
B.--Letter to Postmaster-General Lord Clanricarde (August 13th,
1849), p. 443.
C.--Lord Clanricarde's Reply (August 23rd, 1849), p. 445.
D.--Minute on the Sunday Duties of the Post Office (February 3rd,
1849), p. 446.
E.--Letter to Postmaster-General deprecating Compulsory Employment
on the Sunday (October 18th, 1849), p. 453.
F.--Anonymous Letter from a Sub-Sorter (October 11th, 1849), p. 455.
G.--Letter to Mr. Warburton (November 16th, 1850), p. 457.
H.--Letter to Postmaster-General Lord Canning (June 18th, 1853), p.
460.
I.--Memorandum by Sir R. Hill on the Net Revenue of the Post Office
(December 18th, 1862), p. 466.
J.--Conveyance of Mails by Railway--Memorandum thereon (January
6th, 1857), p. 474.
K.--Minute relative to Panama Route to Australia (September 27th,
1858), p. 478.
L.--Letter to Lord Canning Governor-General of India (October 24th,
1857), p. 482.
M.--Proposed Reduction in the Postage on Newspapers and other
Printed Matter (June 12th, 1869), p. 484.
N.--Letter to the Lords of the Treasury--Superannuation Grant
(March 17th, 1864), p. 492.
BOOK II.
HISTORY
OF
PENNY POSTAGE.
(_Continued._)
CHAPTER XII.
COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY (1843).
As the Committee was not moved for until so late in the session, it
could not have very long to sit; and, at the end of seven weeks, its
inquiry was brought to a close by the approach of the prorogation.
This abrupt ending was in two ways unfortunate. In the first place, it
cut short the evidence I was giving in a reply to allegations from the
Post Office; and, in the second place, it allowed no time for more than
the briefest Report. To supply these deficiencies, and to present the
whole in readable shape to the public, I drew up a careful statement of
the principal facts given in evidence, with my own comments thereon,
and published it under the title of "State and Prospects of Penny
Postage;"[1] and from this I proceed to abstract or extract, as may
appear most convenient. The pamphlet, I may add, contained, in an
appendix, the whole of the correspondence asked for by Sir Thomas
Wilde; including, therefore, the letters refused by the Treasury, but
which I had afterwards laid before the Committee in the course of my
evidence.
The witnesses before the Committee--first, myself, and afterwards the
Secretary of the Post Office, the Postmaster-General, and three other
functionaries of the department.
"The main part of my evidence consisted of written statements,
prepared from day to day, and read before the Committee. The
Committee proposed this unusual course, and though I saw that
it would greatly increase the labour of preparation, yet, as it
enabled me to adopt a better arrangement of matter than could have
been secured in an examination altogether _vivâ voce_, I readily
complied with their desire."[2]
The labour, however, was enormous--especially in the collection,
verification, and arrangement of a vast number of facts--and required
for its efficiency all practicable assistance from my family. I believe
nothing but such assistance, and the excitement of the contest, could
have enabled me to support the toil. The amount of matter laid before
the Committee may be judged of when I say that my examination-in-chief
occupies a hundred and thirty-four pages in the folio Blue Book (equal
to two volumes of an ordinary novel), and engaged the whole time of the
Committee at six consecutive sittings. The heaviest part of the work
was in the beginning, as then my time for preparation was briefest,
while, as it fell out, the mass of matter was largest--ninety-five of
the hundred and thirty-four pages being taken up with the proceedings
of the first four days.
After having restated the principal features of my plan, enumerated
the chief improvements already effected, and glanced at the chief
causes then impairing or retarding the beneficial operation of these
improvements, I repeated the statement of their results, as already
mentioned in my petition, adding that the chargeable letters had
increased to nearly threefold, while the increase in Post Office
expenses, though still, in my opinion, excessive, was, when the
accounts were cleared of certain extraneous charges, actually less for
the three years subsequent to the reduction of the rate than for the
three years previous thereto.[3]
I referred to a letter from Messrs. Pickford, by which it appeared that
they estimated the increase in the number of their letters during the
last four years, enclosures being counted in, as from 30,000 to about
720,000.[4]
I compared the results of penny postage, and of the other alterations
consequent upon it (so far as they had then been carried into effect),
with the recorded anticipations of the Post Office and of myself;
referring particularly[5] to illicit conveyance, the safety of postage
stamps, and the exchange of charge by number of enclosures for charge
by weight; on all which points the expectations of the Post Office had
proved erroneous. I also recalled Colonel Maberly's opinion that in
the first year the number of letters would not double, even if every
one were allowed to frank; Mr. Louis's estimate that the adoption of
the penny rate would cause a loss of from sevenpence to eightpence
per letter--that is, somewhat more than the gross revenue of the Post
Office at the time; and Lord Lichfield's statement in Parliament,
that each letter costs the Post Office "within the smallest fraction
of twopence-halfpenny"--a calculation making the expense double the
produce of the penny rate.[6] On the other hand, I had no difficulty in
showing that my calculations had been justified, and my expectations,
with due allowance for time and circumstance, fairly fulfilled.
I afterwards laid before the Committee a general statement of measures
of improvement not yet effected, but which I had recommended while at
the Treasury, several of them essential parts of my original plan.[7]
In addition to these, I mentioned various other measures, suggested by
experience, which I had been quite unable to bring forward for want
of opportunity. I may so far anticipate as to say that nearly all the
measures then spoken of under both headings were, after my return to
office, carried successively into effect, and that their combined
operation is the main cause of the present large amount of public
convenience and fiscal benefit derived from the Post Office. After
such an enumeration of measures, it was almost superfluous to repeat
that "the adoption of my plan was extremely incomplete, its financial
operations most injuriously interfered with, and its public benefits
lamentably cramped."
I next proceeded to examine the parliamentary return already referred
to, more than once, as the "Fallacious Return," by which it was made
to appear that the Post Office, instead of affording, as shown by
the ordinary accounts, a net revenue of £600,000, caused a positive
loss. It may well seem incredible that returns emanating from the
same department should exhibit results so widely different, and the
reader may naturally be curious as to the means by which the difference
was produced. It was mainly this: At the time when penny postage was
established, the packet service was, with little exception, charged to
the Admiralty; whereas in this return the whole amount (£612,850) was
charged against the Post Office.[8] The department on which the expense
ought to fall, or the equitable division of the charge between the two,
might be matter of question; but it is obvious that to make such a
change without notification, and thereby exhibit, by a mere shuffling
of items, results so impaired, was to lead the public into a very false
inference as to the revenue arising from the Post Office under the new
system as compared with the old. Indeed, the delusion so produced not
only misled large numbers at the time, but, as already said, haunts
some minds even to the present day.
This, however, was not all; since the return also made a pretended
division of the postage revenue under two heads, one consisting of the
inland revenue, the other including the foreign and colonial revenue--a
distinction which I showed to be made, not by actual examination of
facts and just inference therefrom, but by mere estimate. I also
showed that in this return the amount of foreign and colonial postage
was greatly swollen at the expense of the inland revenue, the purpose
obviously being to disparage the results of penny postage; and further
that, despite the statements of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Goulburn,
the net revenue of the department was really £600,000 per annum,[9]
a statement soon confirmed by the following admission of Colonel
Maberly:--
"As I have stated over and over again, looking at it as regards
the Post Office revenue now, as compared with what the Post Office
revenue was before the penny post, the surplus of income over
expenditure is somewhere about £600,000."[10]
After disposing of the "fallacious return"--fallacious to the extent
of £600,000 per annum--I proceeded to the proof of the different
allegations of my petition.
I described a serious error lately made in a treaty with France--an
error the more vexatious as being the result of needless meddling.
Extract from my evidence:--
"The next and last case under this head [Economy] is the new
postal treaty with France, which, however excellent in its general
objects and effects, is, in consequence of important errors in
the details, operating very unfavourably on our portion of the
revenue derived from the united postage, French and English, on
letters between the two countries. Our scale of postage, as the
Committee will bear in mind, ascends by half-ounces up to one
ounce, and then by ounces. The French scale, on the other hand,
ascends by quarter-ounces. Several important results flow from
this distinction. As every letter, in regard to a portion of its
postage, is under the quarter-ounce scale, the great majority
of letters will be just within the quarter-ounce; such letters,
therefore, though liable to a French rate of 20_d._ per ounce,
and a British rate of only 10_d._ per ounce, would be charged
10_d._ each, viz., 5_d._ British and 5_d._ French--the whole being
collected sometimes by the one Post Office, sometimes by the other.
Under the old system each Government would retain its own 5_d._,
and hand over the second 5_d._ to the other Government. The English
Post Office, however, in order to relieve itself of the trouble of
accounting for the letters _numeratim_, proposed a clause by which
each Government would have accounted to the other for the whole
mail at once, according to its weight in bulk. I pointed out to
the Treasury how unfairly towards our own Government the proposed
stipulation would operate, and the proposal of the Post Office
was consequently rejected. It appears, however, by the treaty
that it was subsequently revived, with a slight modification,
which no doubt was thought would obviate the evil, but which only
slightly mitigates it. Under the treaty, we are to pay in respect
of a mail, the postage of which is collected in England, 20_d._
an ounce to the French for their share of the postage; whereas
on a mail the postage of which is to be collected in France, we
are only to receive 12_d._ per ounce. Applying this rule to the
great majority, which, as before said, are just under the quarter
ounce, the ultimate effect is, that of our 5_d._, when the postage
is collected in France, the French hand over to us only 3_d._,
retaining 2_d._ of our 5_d._, in addition to their own 5_d._;
whereas, when we collect the postage, we hand over to the French
the whole of their 5_d._, retaining our own 5_d._ without any
addition. Upon certain small classes of letters the arrangement
would be in favour of the English, but to a very slight extent even
upon such classes; and, on the general balance the disadvantage is
to an annual amount probably of some thousands of pounds."[11]
Upon the importance of additional facilities there was the less need
that I should repeat in my pamphlet what I had advanced before the
Committee, because of the ample recognition given to such importance,
in general terms, by Colonel Maberly, in his evidence:--
"The Post Office has always held the opinion, and I believe they
are right, that facilities judiciously applied will enormously
increase the correspondence; and I have sometimes myself pushed
this doctrine to a length that may be considered almost absurd,
that facilities increase correspondence almost more than reduction
of the rate."[12]
On the question, however, of what had been done towards that increase
of facilities recognised as so important, I dealt with one or two
of the most prominent points. Thus, under the head, "Security
of Correspondence," I referred to my evidence on the subject of
registration; feeling it the more necessary to enlarge upon this point
because of the exaggerated views put forth in his evidence by Colonel
Maberly as to the insecurity then existing--views expressed in such
phrases as "The department has become thoroughly demoralized;"[13]
there has been "enormous plunder and robbery;"[14] "the plunder is
terrific;"[15] and, by way of climax, "a letter posted with money in
it might as well be thrown down in the street as put into the Post
Office."[16]
After I had explained to the Committee the difficulties to be
encountered in the travelling-office--where "how the duty is to be
performed" the Postmaster-General had declared himself "altogether at
a loss to imagine," adding that "if the number of registered letters
should increase largely this office must be abolished"--a return was
ordered by the Committee, in which, when received, the danger to the
public service certainly stood forth in a ludicrous light; since it
appeared that the number of registered letters then to be dealt with in
the travelling-office, during its whole journey from London to Preston,
averaged only six each trip!
For the purpose of refuting my statement, that little or nothing had
yet been done in the way of increased facilities to the public, an
attempt was made to extort from me an admission that there had been a
great number of additional deliveries within the previous twelve months
in different parts of the kingdom. The mode taken was to inquire if I
were aware of large augmentations in particular towns selected by the
querist (Mr. Estcott), who said that he spoke from his own knowledge,
and to lead the Committee to infer, from my inability to reply off-hand
to such questions, that I must be ignorant on the general subject; the
whole was made up of parts, and if I could not speak to these, how
could I be informed as to that?[17] In the interval, however, between
my two interrogations on this subject, I produced evidence flatly
contradicting, so far as related to two out of the three towns named,
the allegations so distinctly implied in the questions of the hon.
member.[18]
Such are a few of the matters selected for my pamphlet, out of the many
dealt with in my evidence relative to past proceedings.
The next point of consideration was the probability of the completion
of my plan. I again quote from my pamphlet, premising that in the
previous passage I had referred to the importance which I had always
attached to the plan as a whole, and to the Duke of Wellington's
emphatic recognition of such importance:--
"As regards probabilities, it is a curious fact that, from the
institution of the Post Office to the present time, no important
improvement has had its origin in that establishment.[19] The
town-posts originated with a Mr. Dockwra,[20] shortly before the
Restoration; the cross-posts with Mr. Allen, about the middle of
last century; and the substitution of mail-coaches for horse and
foot posts was, as is well known, the work of Mr. Palmer some
thirty years later. It is remarkable that the cases of Dockwra and
Palmer bear a considerable resemblance to my own. The opposition
to the introduction, and, what is more extraordinary, to the
working-out and even the continuance of Palmer's plan, is too
well known to be dwelt on here; but both these remarkable men saw
their plans adopted, were themselves engaged to work them out, and
subsequently, on the complaint of the Post Office, were turned
adrift by the Treasury."[21]
I may remark here that though the three reformers--Dockwra, Palmer, and
I--were all alike in the fact of dismissal, a subsequent distinction
must be observed. Mr. Dockwra, I fear, never received any recompense
for his valuable improvement; Mr. Palmer was allowed a pension of
£3,000 per annum, an amount much below that promised him in the case of
success--obtaining, however, after many years delay, a parliamentary
grant of £50,000; I alone was so far favoured as to be recalled to aid
in the completion of my plan.
In dealing with this question of probabilities, I was obliged to dwell
strongly on the notorious hostility of the Post Office, as well as
its incapacity for the task to be performed: to refer, for instance,
to Colonel Maberly's habitual prediction of failure,[22] and Lord
Lowther's declared inability to see anything in my plan save the
introduction of a penny rate, and the establishment of a third delivery
to Hampstead.[23] I had also to show, from the past inaction and
indifference of the Treasury, the hopelessness of looking for efficient
aid in that quarter.
Before concluding the account of my evidence, I extract a passage,
which may perhaps afford some little amusement. The reader will
recollect the circumstances already mentioned relative to a notice
issued by the Post Office, recommending persons corresponding with
the far East by the Overland Mail to appoint agents in India for the
payment of the onward postage.[24] On this subject the following
passages occurred before the Committee:--
"_Chairman._--With regard to Indian letters, an objection was taken
by the East India Company to forwarding letters from Bombay unless
payment was made at Bombay?--I am aware of that.
"That was notified to the Post Office by the East India
Company?--Unquestionably.
"The Post Office gave notice to the public of such detention on the
part of the East India Company?--Yes.
"Did they do anything more than that?--Yes; they advised that every
one wishing to write to places beyond Bombay should appoint an
agent for the payment of the transit postage.
"The Post Office advised that?--Yes.
"Where does such advice appear?--In the notice given by the Post
Office on the occasion.
* * * * *
"Does that contain anything more than an announcement to the public
that the East India Company had made such a regulation?--Yes; it
contains a recommendation to the public to address their letters to
the care of correspondents in India.
* * * * *
"_Mr. Tennent._--The tenor of your former answer would import that
that was a suggestion emanating from the Post Office; are you aware
that that was a recommendation made to the public by the Post
Office in pursuance of direct instructions from the Directors of
the East India Company?--I was not aware till this moment that the
Directors of the East India Company had power to issue instructions
to the Postmaster-General.
* * * * *
"Are you aware of any instruction given by the East India Directors
to the Post Office, that if parties wished their letters to be
forwarded, they must find an agent there to do it?--I have, of
course, no means of knowing the correspondence between the Post
Office and the East India Company.
* * * * *
"But assuming that the facts are as I gather from the questions of
the honourable gentleman, I do not see how those facts can place
the Post Office under the necessity of calling upon the British
public to do that which is quite impracticable.
* * * * *
"_Chairman._--What course has been taken?--The course which appears
to have been taken is this, that the Post Office issued the notice
I have read in the course of the last April, and that it was
withdrawn almost immediately after, in consequence, as it appears
to me, of the ridicule which the proceeding brought upon the Post
Office."[25]
The proceedings of the Committee, as I have already stated, were
brought to a rather abrupt conclusion, so as to prevent, for the
moment, an elaborate Report. Nevertheless the power to say enough to
acquit both the Treasury and Post Office was obviously in the hands of
the majority, had it felt warranted in such a course; or again, if the
inquiry were judged incomplete, nothing could have been easier than to
procure the reappointment of the Committee in the following session,
and so to obtain abundant time for the formal acquittal of both
departments, together with an equally complete condemnation of myself.
Neither course, however, was taken. The Committee merely reported what
it had done, regretted its inability, for want of time, to report
its opinion, but gave the evidence and various correspondence, and
entertained no doubt that both the Treasury and the Post Office would
give my proposals the fullest consideration.[26] The reader must
imagine for himself, if he can, the grounds on which the Committee had
to rest when they expressed such confidence. All I need say here is,
that I can point to but little in subsequent events to relieve his
perplexity.
My pamphlet continued as follows:--
"In conclusion, I must repeat that if in this pamphlet I have
limited my attention to portions only of the late evidence, the
selection is made merely for brevity. It would be impossible,
without extending these remarks to a most tedious length, even to
touch upon all the points in debate. There is not a single one,
however, I most emphatically declare, from the discussion of which
I have the least disposition to shrink; nor, I maintain, _a single
material point on which my positions were shaken by the Post Office
evidence_--all apparent effect of the kind being referable to such
misrepresentation, distortion, or suppression, however unwittingly
employed, as has been exposed in these pages.
"Under these circumstances, what remains for me to do? So long
as there is no opportunity of advancing the public benefit, and
so long as the absence of all power relieves me in justice from
all responsibility, it is my earnest wish to retire from labours
so heavy as those in which I have now for many years been
engaged;--to avoid conflicts which, though I have not shrunk from
them when necessary, have always been repugnant to my feelings and
remote from my habits of life;--and, if possible, to recruit that
health which both these causes have seriously impaired."[27]
The preparation of the pamphlet from which I have drawn the foregoing
account could not, of course, begin until the appearance of the printed
report of the Committee's proceedings, which was not until more than
three months after their close. The interim allowed me a period for
needful rest, and was not quite without features of interest.
On September 7th I received a letter from the Spanish Minister in
London, requesting information desired by his Government, with a view
to the introduction of the postage-stamp into Spain. Such information
I was, of course, most happy to supply; the more so as I felt that the
very use of the stamp must involve a certain amount of uniformity, and,
as a consequence, tend to low rates.
Not long afterwards, the papers announced that the Russian Government
also had adopted the stamp, though for a reason which the Englishman
even of that time would hardly have imagined for himself, and which
certainly I had not set forth among expected advantages. The motive
in each case was understood to be the desire of preventing fraud in
the postmasters; and it is obvious that much peculation, practicable
under the system of money payments, would be prevented by the use of
stamps. It is remarkable, however, that the first countries to adopt
the improvement--Spain and Russia--should be two so far from taking a
general lead in European civilization and liberality.
On November 22nd the Committee's Report was issued, and without loss
of time I fell to such perusal and annotation of the whole evidence
as were necessary preliminaries to the writing of my pamphlet. It was
finished before the end of January, and copies were immediately sent to
the leading journals, to every member of the Postage Committee, to Sir
Robert Peel and Mr. Goulburn, to various other influential persons, and
to a large number of friends and supporters.
Amongst various letters of acknowledgement I received the following:--
"From the Rev. Sydney Smith.
"SIR,--Many thanks for your book, which I will diligently read,
as I know no one who has increased the public happiness and
comfort more than yourself (I do not meddle with the question of
revenue--that is a separate chapter); but it is impossible to
speak too highly of the advantage and satisfaction your plan has
afforded to the country at large; and though it may have diminished
the revenue directly, I think it might easily be that facility of
communication is a great source of wealth and revenue too.
"February 22nd, 1844."
"From Miss Martineau. "February 26th, 1844.
"DEAR MR. HILL,--I write not to trouble you for an answer, about
which I always feel most scrupulous, but to thank you for sending
me your last statement. It is most painfully interesting; and it
seems to be found so by others, for my copy has been passing from
hand to hand, since the day after I had it. At first reading I was,
I own, more discouraged than I ever felt before; but the more I
consider, the more persuaded I am that all will yet end well. Of
one thing I am now fully convinced--that there is _no_ danger of
any one supposing you responsible for 'improvements' superficially
resembling yours, but expensive and ill-managed. From all I can
learn everywhere, it does seem clear that a broad distinct line
is drawn between your propositions and those of the reckless ...
or any one else. I am always _at it_ with my acquaintance in
Parliament; and what I see there is the ground of my hope that you
will get justice at last. I find them all, at first, prone to
the very natural error of supposing the Post Office gentry good
authority on Post Office matters. When they take my reference to
the Report, and find what a figure these same gentry cut there, a
great point is gained, from which, surely, justice must, sooner or
later, ensue."
CHAPTER XIII.
RAILWAY DIRECTION. (1843 TO 1846.)
In the midst of these transactions I found it necessary, as I have
already said, to think of means for the maintenance of my family.
My choice, however, was limited, for, as I never abandoned the hope
of returning to my occupation under Government, I had to avoid any
engagement which would render this impracticable or even difficult.
I wished, likewise, to find some post which should, if possible,
have some direct relation to that service which was uppermost in my
thoughts--should, even by its nature, tend to give me increased fitness
for those more immediate and more detailed duties which I hoped to be
one day called on to perform.
It happened that at this time the affairs of the Brighton Railway
Company were in an unsatisfactory state, so much so that it was held
desirable to unseat the actual directors and appoint others in their
place. In this project I was invited to take part, and being put in
nomination for the new board, became, by the success of the movement,
one of the directors. The new Chairman was Mr. J. M. Parsons, and
to him, more than to any other individual, are to be attributed the
judicious and energetic measures taken, in the early stages, for the
restoration of the Company's affairs. He afterwards informed me that
he viewed my appointment with considerable alarm, expecting that I
should urge, if not a penny rate, at least some sweeping reduction of
fares, to the ruin of the Company's finances. It will suffice to say
that we became sincere, accordant, and earnest coadjutors, and formed a
friendship which continued warm and unbroken to the day of his death,
some five-and-twenty years afterwards.
The rigorous examination immediately set on foot showed the existence
of practices now too well known in railway management, whereby the
appearance of prosperity is maintained amidst progress towards real
insolvency. Dividends had been paid when there were in fact no profits
to divide, and meantime the resources of the Company were being drained
and narrowed, by waste, mismanagement, and inattention to public
convenience. Distrust and dissatisfaction had gone so far that the
value of the shares, originally £50, had fallen to £35. The directors
soon saw that for the first half-year, at least, no dividend could
justly be made; but, of course, they were not without anxiety as to
the result of such an announcement on the price of shares. To our
gratification, it was so well received by the public that the price
almost immediately began to rise; and I may add that purchasers had no
reason to regret their outlay.
After having continued some time in the direction, I had the
satisfaction to find myself, on the motion of the late Mr. Pascoe
Grenfell, M.P., unanimously appointed Chairman of the Company, and from
this time I gave my undivided attention to its affairs. Fully convinced
of its great capabilities, and having great reliance in my coadjutors,
and (if the truth must be told) in myself, I had invested in its shares
all my own property, and a considerable sum of money borrowed from
the various members of my family and other friends, some of whom also
became shareholders on their own account. In so doing, I did not look
upon myself as rash, but as simply embarking the largest capital that
I could command in a concern of whose soundness I was well assured, in
which I was a leading partner, and from which, if expectations were not
realized, I should have it in my power to withdraw with, at worst, but
moderate loss.
While retrenching useless expenditure and providing for public
convenience, the directors also turned much attention to the important
point of security to the lives and limbs of passengers. On this point,
as well as on some others, I had an opportunity for inspection, of
which I made the most. I had removed to Brighton; in my trips to town,
made three or four times each week, I regularly took my seat in a
_coupé_ facing backwards at the extreme end of the train. By this means
I could, at pleasure, take notice of proceedings and appearances along
the line, and in particular mark how far the signals required after the
passing of a train were duly made. The solicitor to the Company, who
also resided at Brighton, soon became my frequent companion, and now
and then the third place was occupied by one or other of the directors.
This gave convenience for the transaction of business by the way, and
enabled me to enter the board-room thoroughly prepared for rapid and
decisive action.
I believe it was upon the Brighton line that systematic examination
of officers previously to their admission to new duties was first
established, and I took every means to make it as complete as possible.
Generally speaking, I had the hearty co-operation of my brother
directors, and doubtless many of the improvements effected during
my connection with the Board originated with one or other of their
number; but there was one important point on which it was with
difficulty that I got my own way, and I advert to this particularly,
because I am convinced by a variety of circumstances that laxity
thereon is a frequent cause of accident, even to the present day. This
was a strict enforcement of penalties--very moderate ones sufficed--on
every discovered breach of rule. Of course there was ready concurrence
in this whenever the omission resulted in positive accident, but there
was no less disposition to condone at other times. "Why punish the
poor man?--No harm has been done," was a frequent remonstrance; and
when I pointed out that the amount of blame was nowise affected by the
result, my proposition, though admitted in theory, was deemed harsh
in practice; so that, while no objection was raised to the soundness
of the rule, almost every case seemed to be regarded as an exception.
Fortunately, I had enough of support to maintain enforcement, and to
this I attribute much of the benefit which followed.
Another useful practice was to diffuse throughout the Company's force
full information as to the cause of accidents, wherever they might
occur. For this purpose, we arranged with the proprietors of one of the
railway journals, that whenever accounts of accidents were given in
the paper we should be supplied with three or four hundred slip-copies
of the narrative, and these were distributed to every station-master,
engine-driver, guard, and pointsman--in short, to all on whose conduct
the safety of the passengers depended.
Again, by occasionally travelling on the engine I discovered defects in
the arrangements which might otherwise have been concealed till some
catastrophe brought them to light. For instance, the road between
London and Brighton at that time belonged to three several companies,
each with a different code of signals, or rather, each, with certain
exceptions, interpreting the same signals differently. Consequently,
the engine-driver, in reading the signal, had to consider on what part
of the road the train was then running. The danger of such a state of
things was so obvious that I had no great difficulty in establishing
a uniform code. I may remark here, that I know of few things more
interesting or exciting than to travel on an engine running at high
speed, especially on a dark night.
The success of all these precautionary measures was highly
satisfactory. It must, indeed, be admitted that in some respects safety
was easier of attainment then than now, lines being more simple and
the traffic much less. But, on the other hand, experience was then
comparatively short, and much was unknown which is now familiar;
neither was the electric telegraph yet in use. Be all this as it
may, the fact is that during the three years and more that I sat at
the Brighton board the Company was subjected to, I believe, but one
external claim for compensation. This exceptional case was as follows.
It is well known that when a train reaches a terminus it is the duty
of a pointsman to direct it into some portion of the station then free
to receive it. On one occasion the pointsman at Brighton so blundered
that the arriving train struck against a line of carriages, fortunately
empty ones, then occupying the rails on to which it ran. As the train
was of course preparing to stop, and had brought down its speed almost
to a minimum, the collision was slight; and though the alarm was
considerable, and several of the passengers were a little shaken, only
one sustained any injury. This was a young woman who wore one of the
large combs common at the period, and whose scalp was slightly wounded
by its teeth. Of course the compensation was trifling. The pointsman,
being brought before the Board, at once acknowledged his error, and
declared his inability to account for the momentary misapprehension
which produced it, but pleaded in excuse that though he had held his
present post for several years, and had had on the average to perform
the duty in question nearly a hundred times per day, this was his first
mistake in its execution. This statement, which, so far as it could be
tested, was found to be literally true, appeared so satisfactory to the
Board, that, in their judgment, looking at his conduct as a whole, the
man deserved praise rather than blame; though, in deference to public
opinion, he was for a time removed to an inferior post.
Two improvements adopted by the Board, chiefly, I believe, on my
recommendation, are now recognised as established institutions; and by
their extension to other lines, and by increase in the scope of their
operation, have obtained an importance far beyond any expectation
that I could then have formed. These are excursion-trains and
express-trains. Our first excursion-train ran on Sundays only. After a
time the train was run on Mondays also.
The earliest express-train, intended to accommodate residents in
Brighton whose occupation was in London, started from the first at
its present hour, though of necessity it occupied more time in the
trip; as no engine of the day was able to run fifty miles without
stopping to take in water, while no means had yet been devised for
supplying it to an engine in motion. The train, however, travelled at
the rate of thirty-four miles per hour, including a halt at Redhill,
no small achievement at that time. Every one must have remarked how
soon the gratification of one desire gives birth to another--how soon
we complain of imperfection in what would have been regarded but a
few years earlier as unattainable perfection. I happened one day to
travel in an ordinary carriage, and, not being known to its other
occupants, heard some free remarks on the management of the line, to
which I listened for my own edification. Somewhat to my disappointment,
I found the late acceleration complained of as insufficient, one of
the passengers exclaiming, "This is a slow-coach!--a very slow coach!"
Imprudently I asked, "Are you aware, Sir, that the whole distance from
London to Brighton is accomplished in an hour and a-half?" "Oh!" was
the glib reply, "if they can do it in an hour and a-half, they can just
as well do it in an hour!"[28]
By one expedient I sought to combine advantage to my present service
with benefit to my former one. Perceiving that residence at Brighton,
and therefore custom to the railway, would be increased by every
addition to postal facilities between that town and the metropolis,
I induced the directors to make an offer to the Post Office for the
conveyance of a mail by every train without any additional expense to
that department. The result of this offer, which was kept for some time
under consideration at the Post Office, will presently appear.
In the course of 1845 the price of the £50 shares had risen, I think,
to £75, or more than twice their market value at the time when the
new directors were appointed--a price, however, which I knew to be
in excess of their real value, and which was due in part to the
general inflation at the time, for this, it may be remembered, was
the year of the well-known "railway mania." I may observe here that,
pecuniarily speaking, I had been a gainer by my expulsion from the
Treasury; the rise in the value of my railway property, resulting in
great measure from my own efforts and those of my brother directors,
having been so great as to render my previous salary comparatively
insignificant; indeed, in one year, while chairman, my total gain was
as high as £6,000. Why, then, did I resign so advantageous a position,
especially as I could not but foresee a danger, a fear afterwards too
well confirmed, that, in the absence of my own direct supervision and
control, these great profits might be exchanged for yet greater losses?
The answer is to be found in the political circumstances of the day. By
this time Sir Robert Peel's Government was beginning to totter, and the
Liberals to have strong hopes of a speedy return to power. Believing
that their return would be followed by my own recall, and feeling that
my late efforts had drawn considerably on my strength both of body and
mind, I resolved to obtain a long holiday--an indulgence impracticable
while I retained the chairmanship. I gave notice accordingly, as
appears by the following extract from the _Railway Chronicle_, which
will, perhaps, be the more interesting as it announces the result of
the offer to the Post Office already mentioned, and indicates probable
consequences:--
"The Post Office has accepted the liberal offer of the Brighton
Company to carry a bag of letters by every train _gratis_. As the
South-Eastern, following the Brighton's good example, made a
similar proffer, we presume that has been treated in like manner.
We congratulate the Post Office on its wisdom, and we are apt to
think that a large share of public thanks for the arrangement is
due to the new Postmaster-General, the Earl of St. Germans. Coupled
with this intelligence, so honourable to the Brighton Company,
we regret to hear that the chief instigator of the proposition,
the chairman, Mr. Rowland Hill, has intimated to the Board his
intention to resign his post for the sake of his health, which has
been much affected by his laborious attention to business.
"Mr. Hill's retirement will be felt by the Company and the public.
Since he became chairman, the Brighton Railway has increased more
than 50 per cent. in value, and the public accommodation on the
line in all respects--cheapness, speed, punctuality, and a kind
solicitude for the comfort of all passengers, from highest to
lowest--may justly be said to have been raised quite to an equality
with that of the best-managed line in the kingdom."
Some months after the appearance of the paragraph quoted above,
I received an application which gave me much pleasure from the
South-Western Railway Company. I must premise that my intercourse with
this corporation had been hitherto mainly of a hostile character,
its contests with the Brighton Company having been both numerous and
fierce. I was now informed, however, that this Company intended to
appoint a manager at a high salary, then a rather novel measure, and
I was requested to recommend a fit person for the duties. Upon my
inquiring as to the precise amount of salary to be given, and the
specific qualifications required, I was told that the former would be
about £1,500 per annum, and for the latter, said the respondent, "Let
them be as much like your own as possible." The meaning of this could
not be misunderstood, but, of course, under the circumstances, could
not be acted upon. Other eligible offers were made to me, but, with the
Post Office in view, I could accept none.
I had now passed nearly four years in the position of railway
director, and though it was grief and bitterness to me to be so long
kept aloof from my true work, yet, considering the close connection
between railway companies and the Post Office, and the consequent
importance of the knowledge I had been enabled to gain, I could not
regard the time as ill-spent.
Before leaving the subject of railways, however, I must mention one
occurrence, typical, I believe, of many others, the whole forming
one of the great causes of that unfortunate depreciation in railway
property of which the world is now but too well aware. At the time
of my joining the company the town of Hastings enjoyed no railway
communication with any other place. Two projects were started for
connecting it with London--one by the Brighton Company, and the other
by the South-Eastern. In the parliamentary contest that ensued, the
Brighton Company dwelt much on the importance of a coast-line, so
useful in defence against invasion, of which at that time there was
no small apprehension. Of the military advantage of such a line,
strong evidence was given, I think, by the Duke of Wellington. The
South-Eastern Company, on the other hand, whose projected line was in
effect of the same length, based its claim mainly on the fact that
by taking the inland route it would open up a new tract of country
of great agricultural importance. The Committee, naturally desirous
of obtaining both advantages, suggested for the consideration of the
Brighton Company whether it would not be worth while to construct
its coast-line, even though the inland line should also be made. As,
however, the Brighton directors distinctly rejected this proposal,
on the ground that the traffic would not suffice for two lines, the
Committee decided in favour of the coast-line; and the Brighton
Company, regarding a decision made under circumstances so peculiar as
a sufficient security against competition, put the works immediately
in hand. In the next session, however, the South-Eastern Company
returned to the charge with a slight modification of its route, made,
apparently, to save appearances; but again, the modified project being
referred to the Board of Trade, according to a rule recently laid down
by the House of Commons, and being condemned by that authority, on the
ground that the line was in effect the same with that lately rejected
by Parliament, was abandoned by the Company. In the following session,
however--as Parliament meantime had shown little disposition to treat
the recommendations of the Board of Trade with respect--the project was
again renewed. When the Brighton directors attempted opposition, they
were coolly informed by the chairman of the parliamentary committee
that, owing to a change in the Standing Orders of the House, they had
no _locus standi_. In short, the South-Eastern Company gained its
point. Railway companies have been denounced as ruining each other by
competition; if so, where does a large portion of the blame lie?
CHAPTER XIV.
NATIONAL TESTIMONIAL (1844-46).
Of one motive to retirement from more active railway duties I have
not yet spoken: it was supplied by the generosity of the public, as
will appear hereafter. I first return to transactions connected with
the Post Office, from which attention has been withdrawn by the above
narrative. Of such limited progress, however, as was made towards the
adoption of my plans, I shall speak more conveniently when the period
of my exclusion approaches its close.
I had the high gratification to learn that the leading feature of my
plan had been introduced to some extent into the United States, and
that the President had announced to Congress his desire to reduce
the postage throughout the Union; a measure carried into effect
in the spring of 1845, when the postage was fixed at five cents
(twopence-halfpenny) for distances within three hundred miles, and ten
cents between places more remote. At home, however, the Liberal party
wisely judged that the time for further parliamentary action on the
subject of postal reform was not yet come, though occasional motions on
postal affairs showed that the question did not altogether sleep.
Meantime, an occurrence took place which brought postal affairs,
on a point of much importance, repeatedly before Parliament and the
country. This was the opening of letters to and from Signor Mazzini
and other Italian exiles, by authority of the Secretary of State for
Home Affairs, from whose name such practices were for a time termed
"Grahamizing," though, in truth, Sir James Graham was by no means their
originator. The unhappy consequences, however, in this particular
instance, raised so strong a feeling of indignation against the
individual minister, as in great measure to withdraw public attention
from the precedent pleaded in his defence. There were two debates
on the subject in each House in June, 1844, and these were followed
by many further discussions, ending in each House by the grant of a
committee of inquiry, each of which made its Report in the following
August. In that of the Lords alone there is reference, and that I think
somewhat obscure, to what, as I afterwards learned, was a regular
practice at the Post Office, though for it the Post Office authorities
were nowise responsible. Incredible as it may appear to my readers, it
is nevertheless true that so late as 1844 a system, dating from some
far distant time, was in full operation, under which clerks from the
Foreign Office used to attend on the arrival of mails from abroad, to
open the letters addressed to certain ministers resident in England,
and make from them such extracts as they deemed useful for the service
of Government. Happily, the feeling manifested on this occasion led
to the entire abandonment of this most questionable expedient; though
it must be recorded that a motion made by Mr. Duncombe, on April 9th,
1845, to forbid the further opening of letters under any circumstances,
was lost, the House apparently holding that there were circumstances
which might render such an expedient just and necessary. I may remark,
however, that in the ten years during which I had opportunity for
direct knowledge on the subject, it was never resorted to except in
a very few cases relating, so far as I can recollect, exclusively to
burglars, and others of that stamp.
I cannot close this portion of my narrative without mentioning one
small but curious incident. In May, 1845, I received a letter from
my friend Dr. Henderson, informing me that there was a tract in the
British Museum, dated as far back as 1659, and entitled "A Penny Post,"
the author of which bore my own surname. On application to my friend
Dr. Gray, I received, through his kindness, a manuscript copy of the
same, which is still in my possession. The title is as follows:--"A
Penny Post, or a Vindication of the Liberty and Birthright of every
Englishman in Carrying Merchants' and other Men's Letters, against any
Restraint of Farmers of such Employments. By John Hill, 1659."[29]
I now come to a proceeding of no small importance to myself, whether
regarded as an attestation of my services, or as an augmentation of
my means. In March, 1844, the Mercantile Committee, so frequently
mentioned in this narrative, issued an advertisement inviting
subscriptions to a testimonial in my favour. Generally speaking, I
was most properly left uninformed as to details; but in December of
the same year I received a letter from Mr. Estlin, an eminent surgeon
of Bristol, giving an account of proceedings in that important city
anterior to any movement in London; and, in point of fact, I believe
it was in Bristol, and from Mr. Estlin, that the testimonial had its
origin. I may add that, so far as I am aware, the first London paper in
which the measure was advocated was one in which I believe Mr. Estlin
may have had some influence. It was a paper of limited circulation,
called _The Inquirer_, and I was informed that the article in question
was from the pen of the editor, the Rev. William Hincks. Neither of
these gentlemen now survives; but, feeling how much I owe to both, I
cannot omit this small tribute to their memory.
In the early part of 1845, after having been requested to take in
advance the contributions of three of the larger towns, I received from
Sir George Larpent a formal copy of the resolutions of the Mercantile
Committee, together with a cheque for £10,000, the final presentation
being deferred until the accounts should be entirely made up.
Of course the main proceeding made its way into the newspapers, and
thus became known to the public in general, and to the Commissioners
of the Income Tax in particular--the consequence being an application
from the Commissioners for Brighton, demanding income-tax upon the
chief amount. Finding that representations to them produced no effect,
I overleaped the next stage, and went at once to Mr. Trevelyan at the
Treasury, who, like the Duke of Wellington on a well known occasion,
exclaimed, "This is too bad!" adding, "It will never do first to
deprive you of your salary, and then to tax the public subscription
made in lieu of it. Leave this to me." I willingly agreed, and a
few days later received a letter from the Income Tax Commissioners,
enclosing an instruction from the chief office for the withdrawal of
the demand.
It would be ungrateful to omit mention here of some indications of
public satisfaction besides those of a pecuniary nature. Thus, I
received the following interesting letter from Mr. Cobden:--
"MY DEAR SIR, "Manchester, 30th May, 1846.
* * * * *
"The League will be virtually dissolved by the passing of Peel's
measure. I shall feel like an emancipated negro--having fulfilled
my seven years' apprenticeship to an agitation which has known no
respite. I feel that _you_ have done not a little to strike the
fetters from my limbs, for without the penny postage we might have
had more years of agitation and anxiety.
"Believe me, faithfully yours,
"RICHARD COBDEN.
"ROWLAND HILL, Esq."
Probably Mr. Cobden, in this letter, referred merely to the great
facility given by cheap postage for the transmission and circulation
of those papers which played so material a part in the Anti-Corn Law
agitation; but it seems not unlikely that other assistance may have
been afforded to his great improvement by the success, so far as then
ascertained, of my measure, as a bold reduction of taxation--a change
much more sudden and decided than had ever before taken place in our
fiscal system. I believe I am safe in assuming that this success has
acted as an encouragement to the many adventurous changes in taxation
which have followed one another in rapid succession even to the present
time.
Among the many minor evidences to the benefit derived from cheap
postage, the following little circumstance was not the least pleasing.
The late Mr. Tremenheere told me that a servant-boy in his father's
house in London, learning that his mother in Somersetshire was
dangerously ill, wrote home for a daily bulletin, which he duly
received until the danger was over, eagerly rushing every morning to
the door at the first sound of the postman's knock. Such an occurrence
would seem trivial now; it was felt then as a striking novelty.
The formal presentation of the Testimonial took place at Blackwall on
June the 17th, 1846, a public dinner being given on the occasion. Of
my own family there were present my father (then in his eighty-fourth
year), all my brothers, my brother-in-law, and my only son. The chair
was taken by Mr. Warburton. A report was read by the secretary of the
Testimonial Committee, from which it appeared that the net amount of
the subscription was upwards of £13,000. The committee expressed its
opinion that the amount would have been larger had not individual
subscriptions been limited at the outset to £10 10s. The report also,
contrasting the testimony from the Treasury to the value of my services
with the fact of my dismissal, urged my recall. The chairman took
occasion in the speech, in which he proposed my health, to point out
that among the subscribers to the Testimonial Fund was to be reckoned
the First Lord of the Treasury, Sir Robert Peel.
In my reply, after expressing my thanks, and speaking of the public
services of those who had assisted in the great work of postal reform,
I proceeded to a short review of the principal results of penny postage
up to that time. I showed that, even with the very limited adoption
of my plan, considerable progress had been made towards the recovery
of the revenue and that large multiplication of letters on which I
had counted; the number of letters delivered within twelve miles of
St Martin's-le-Grand being already equal to that delivered under the
old system throughout the whole United Kingdom. I next touched upon
those yet more important benefits which could not be exhibited in a
statistical form; and upon this point I was happily able to quote from
a recent speech of Mr. Goulburn, made on the bringing-in of his Budget,
the passage being as follows:--
"It would be a fallacy to suppose that the country is only relieved
by a remission of taxation to the amount of the loss experienced
by the Exchequer. Nothing can be more erroneous. When you reduce
a tax you should calculate the amount of relief afforded upon the
increased consumption of that article; you cannot take as a measure
of the relief of the pressure upon the people the amount which you
collect less in the revenue."
Now, by applying this rule to the determination of the amount of relief
afforded by the reduction of the postage rates, even taking such
reduction at only fivepence per letter, it would appear that the total
benefit amounted to the enormous sum of £6,000,000 per annum.[30]
Having thus dealt with the past and present, I proceeded to speak of
the future; and here I turned again to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
as a judge certainly free from all suspicion of undue leaning towards
penny postage, for an opinion as to the results to be expected from
those improvements for which I had so strenuously contended. In the
same speech he anticipated "that the revenue of the Post Office, as
additional facilities are given, will continue to present a large
annual increase;" and further on he estimated the net postal revenue
for the current year at £850,000. I was able, even then, truly to
add--and I may observe in passing, that this remark has since that
time been frequently repeated by others--that there was no branch
of the revenue the increase of which was so steady and rapid as the
revenue of the Post Office. I pointed out that, as education became
more and more extended, a large increase of correspondence, and
consequently of revenue, might be confidently expected; the more
so because, great as the actual amount appeared when viewed in the
aggregate, the average yielded by its division amongst the whole
population was but one letter per month for each person; while if the
time should ever come when the average postage of the country would
equal that given by the domestic correspondence of my own family,
including children and servants, the annual gross revenue of the Post
Office would amount to more than £40,000,000--or twentyfold its actual
sum.
But if the present imperfect arrangements afforded such results as
those which had actually been realized, what would be the effect of
adopting the whole plan? Little had been done towards this during the
last three years, but the Post Office had reluctantly made at least
one valuable move. It had established new deliveries in London to the
extent, if not of six, as recommended by myself, yet to that of three.
The effect was immediately to advance the annual rate of increase in
the number of district letters by 50 per cent. This improvement had
not been followed by that earlier delivery of the general post letters
which I had offered to effect without any material addition to expense,
but such an acceleration the Post Office had declared impossible.
In the department of economy, however, much remained to be effected,
and that not by a reduction of salaries, nor by increasing the labours
of the men, but by simplifying the mechanism of the Post Office. I
added that, seeing how much room there was for further improvement,
and yet how near the results actually obtained approached to those
anticipated from the complete development of the plan, I thought
we were fully justified in assuming that, but for the unfortunate
interruption in the progress of the measure which took place on the
retirement of the Liberal Government, there would ere this have been no
exception whatever to the realization of our anticipations.
I then referred to the good effects of penny postage on the action of
other countries; its adoption by the British Parliament having already
led to reductions in Russia, Prussia, Austria, Spain, and the United
States of America.
I continued as follows:--
"Before I conclude, I must request your kind indulgence while
I lay before you a brief statement of the manner in which the
establishment of penny postage has affected myself. It is notorious
that a reformer must not expect a life of ease and comfort. Judging
from my own experience, he must make up his mind to labour hard,
to encounter much disappointment, and to have his motives and
conduct misunderstood and misrepresented. Still, when I compare my
own with the course of earlier reformers, I cannot but feel that,
independent even of the munificent reward which your kindness has
bestowed upon me, I have in many respects been most fortunate. Sir
Samuel Romilly tried year after year in vain to effect so obvious
an improvement as the abolition of capital punishment for privately
stealing in a shop to the extent of five shillings. This attempt
met with but little support from the people, while it was opposed
by the Government of the day, by Lord Chancellor Eldon, and by
Chief Justice Ellenborough. I, on the contrary, have seen my plan,
however imperfectly, brought into practice; and none but those who
have laboured long and anxiously to effect an important improvement
can form any conception of the gratification which such a result
brings with it. There was, however, one period of my course to
which I cannot even now revert without pain. I allude to that
period when, with my health impaired by six years of incessant
labour and anxiety, I was dismissed from the Treasury, and left to
seek afresh the means of supporting my family. I have on a former
occasion expressed my thanks to Sir Robert Peel for the kind manner
in which he has more than once been pleased to speak of my labours.
I now thank him for the honour he has done me in contributing to
the Testimonial; but had he yielded to my entreaties to be allowed,
at any pecuniary sacrifice to myself, to work out my own plan--to
prove that I had not misled the public as to its results, nor even
adopted those sanguine views which in a projector might perhaps
be forgiven, however erroneous;--had he done this, my gratitude
would have been unbounded. But severe as was the disappointment
which I felt, and still feel, at being unjustly deprived of all
participation in the execution and completion of my own plan--in
seeing it left in the hands of gentlemen who feel no interest
in its success, and who, I must say, have evinced no peculiar
aptitude either for comprehending its principles, or for devising
and executing the necessary details--even at that moment of severe
disappointment, I can truly say that I felt no regret at having
embarked in the great work of Post Office improvement."
I concluded thus:--
"I trust that you, as well as the thousands of my friends and
benefactors who are not now present, will not judge of the strength
of my feelings by the feebleness of their expression, but that you
and all will believe that I, and every member of my family, feel
truly grateful for the princely gift, and for the high honour which
have been conferred upon us."
CHAPTER XV.
APPOINTMENT TO POST OFFICE (1846).
Although I was confident that the return of the Liberals to power was
but a question of time, it followed so rapidly upon the events already
mentioned as almost to take me, and I suppose many others, by surprise.
After holding office somewhat less than five years, Sir Robert Peel
found himself without adequate support in the House which had raised
him to power, and on the 29th of the month in which I received my
testimonial he resigned.
Although I became aware, by repeated conversations which I had had with
my friend Mr. Hawes, who was a member of the new Government, that he
confidently reckoned upon my recall, yet, knowing that he could have no
direct power in the matter, I was desirous of further evidence as to
the intentions of the new administration. Mr. Warburton, who was always
believed to have great influence with Liberals in power as well as out
of power, undertook to communicate with the Government. On July 30th
he wrote word that he had had an interview with the new Chancellor of
the Exchequer (Sir Charles Wood, now Lord Halifax), and would be glad
to see me on the morrow. Of his oral communication I have retained no
record, but according to my recollection the Chancellor had spoken of
difficulties--had thought that the best post for me would be, not at
the Treasury as before, but at the Post Office, into which, however,
he did not yet see how my introduction could be managed without
disturbance to the department. In short, the matter was a problem, and
time would be required for its solution. I resolved, therefore, to make
good use of the interim, and entering on the longest holiday I had ever
known, went abroad for that change of scene and thought which alone
could fit me for the arduous duties in which I expected soon to be
engaged.
Meantime, some events of interest passed at home. On August 22nd
Mr. Duncombe, in the House of Commons, again complained of the
management of the Post Office. In the course of the debate Mr. Parker
(Secretary to the Treasury) stated that the new Postmaster-General
(Lord Clanricarde) had found "the whole establishment in a most
unsatisfactory condition."[31] Mr. Hume, in terms highly complimentary
to me, urged my recall. The Premier (Lord John Russell) admitted
"that he was by no means satisfied with the state of the Post Office,
nor did he think the plans of reform instituted by Mr. Hill had been
sufficiently carried out;[32] and Mr. Warburton, referring to Lord John
Russell's admission, strongly urged my reappointment to office.
My first intimation of this debate was received in a letter from Mr.
Warburton, of which the following is the closing passage:--
"I think it manifest from this statement of Lord John Russell that
a reform in the Post Office is meditated in good earnest.... You
must be within call, if wanted."
On November 2nd, five days after my return from abroad, I received a
letter from Mr. Warburton, of which the following is the substance.
He had just seen Lord Clanricarde (at his request), who said that,
knowing Mr. Warburton's interest in me and in Post Office matters,
he wished to have some conversation with him before negotiating
directly with me. There were difficulties in the way of giving me
any high existing office in the Post Office, and objections thereto.
The office of secretary, for instance, was so loaded with detail,
that if given to me, whose office should be to advise, suggest, and
consider of improvements, my utility would be destroyed. On the other
hand, there were objections to an office of the nature held before,
on account of antagonism with the Post Office. His lordship thought
the fittest appointment would be one constituting me the adviser of
the Postmaster-General. He thought that such an office, which every
day's experience convinced him was necessary, might be constituted
by himself at once. Mr. Warburton informed his lordship that, from
some conversation he had had with me, he knew that I would not accept
any office from the Government which might be regarded as a mode of
putting me on the shelf; but that if an office of permanence and
dignity, connecting me with the Post Office--not placing me under
the secretary--and giving me sufficient weight to carry out my plans
of improvement, were offered, it would be accepted; that the office
suggested by his lordship wanted permanence. I might be dismissed,
as before, by some cabal of the officers of the department. They
would bide their time until a Postmaster-General should be appointed
who would cashier me. If the office were ephemeral, I could be of no
utility; resistance to my proposed measures would be protracted until
they could be defeated by a change of dynasty. He added that, on his
(Mr. W.'s) suggestion, Lord Clanricarde would have an interview with me
on the subject. Mr. Warburton obtained Lord Clanricarde's permission to
repeat to me what had passed.
Having procured an appointment with Lord Clanricarde, I called
upon him two days later; but of my conversation with him on this
occasion, and at a second interview, I have no further record than the
following:--"Saw Lord Clanricarde twice during the negotiation; much
pleased with his straightforward, business-like manner." I remember,
however, that I suggested for his lordship's consideration the revival
of the title assigned to Palmer, viz., Surveyor-General of the Post
Office, and that in consequence of his inquiry as to the circumstances
of Palmer's appointment, I undertook to send him a report on the
subject.
On the following day, I received a letter from his lordship, in which,
after expressing a wish to hear my more considered opinion of the
proposal which he had intimated to me, he continued as follows:--
"I assure you that I am convinced such an appointment as that
I wish you to hold--we will not quarrel about a _name_ for
it--would afford the best possible opportunity (under all existing
circumstances) for carrying out steadily, safely, and constantly,
every possible improvement in the Post Office, in conformity with
your plan and general views."
Objection having arisen to the revival of Palmer's official title, and
my position being, as I well knew, matter of grave importance to my
efficiency in office, I wrote to Mr. Warburton on the 17th, but was
prevented by his illness at the time from receiving that immediate
assistance which in health he was always so ready, I might say so
eager, to give.
Meantime, the negotiation was carried on by Mr. Hawes, who was at once
a member of the Government, and exceedingly zealous for my interests;
but in the course of it a vexatious mistake occurred, which was by no
means without injurious effect. Knowing how difficult it would be for
me, after all that had passed, to co-operate either harmoniously or
successfully with Colonel Maberly, I urged the importance of the step
actually taken eight years later, viz., of removing him to some other
office. To this it was replied that there was no post available for
the purpose, save at lower salary than he was then receiving; and as
the loss involved was said to be £300 a-year, I expressed my perfect
willingness to sacrifice that sum for the purpose of indemnification.
My salary at the Treasury, it may be remembered, was £1,500 a-year
(the same as that of the Secretary to the Post Office); and I now said
that I was ready to accept £1,200, provided only that my position were
such as would enable me to carry out promptly and efficiently the
remaining parts of my plan. Unluckily for me, it came to pass that,
while my offer as to salary was caught at, the accompanying stipulation
was somehow set aside; the definite proposal being that I should
take office as Secretary to the Postmaster-General with a salary of
£1,200 a-year; thus placing me in a lower position than that which I
had previously occupied at the Treasury. When I pointed out this to
Mr. Hawes, he expressed his regret at the perverse form the thing had
taken, but saying that the error could not now be retrieved, gave it as
his earnest advice that I should accept the proposal as it stood. Upon
my objecting to this, he urged that the arrangement was but temporary;
for that as soon as I should have demonstrated my fitness for the
entire control of the department, I should doubtless be placed at the
head. As I still resisted, his urgency increased. He warned me that, if
I now declined, my plans might remain for ever incomplete, for that no
second opportunity was likely to be offered; and he concluded with the
words, "Let me implore you to accept it." To such an exhortation from a
kind and valued friend I could not return an abrupt answer, and though
grievously disconcerted at what had occurred, I promised to consider
the matter.
Here, then, I found myself in a painful dilemma. On the one side I
was called on to accept a lower position than before, and thus to
maintain from inferior ground a contest which had almost worn me out
when the ground was equal; to consent to carry out my plans, if at
all, through wearisome controversy, over factitious obstacles, and by
reluctant hands; perhaps to break down in the trial, and thus leave
my work still undone. On the other hand, could I let slip this, my
sole chance, as it appeared, of at least attempting to complete the
great task on which I had entered? Could I disappoint the friends who
had striven so earnestly on my behalf, and for the promotion of my
great object? Could I forget the noble subscription raised for me by
the public, and seem to show, by my acts, that I preferred emolument
to achievement, or doggedly stood out for unimportant distinctions
of title or position?[33] The question was a very difficult one,
and though, after much consideration, I felt inclined to give way,
I resolved first to consult all such of my brothers as were within
reach. The result in each case was curiously identical, though for some
reason, now forgotten, I had to consult them severally. Each began with
an indignant ejaculation at the terms as they stood, and a declaration
that they could not be accepted; but each, after hearing the matter to
the end, came to the conclusion that, unworthy as was the treatment
to which I was subjected, it would not do to forego what might prove
to be my only opportunity of completing my great work. Since my own
conviction accorded with theirs, I wrote to Mr. Hawes in acceptance of
the offer. As the letter fully sets forth my reasons for this step, I
give it in extenso:--
"Brighton, November 23rd, 1846.
"MY DEAR HAWES,--You will be glad to learn that I have decided
to accept the offer of Government of a permanent appointment as
secretary to the Postmaster-General, at a salary of £1,200 a-year.
"The opinion so strongly expressed by Mr. Warburton and yourself as
to the necessity for so doing, backed as it now is by that of Mr.
Samuel Jones Loyd, has overborne my own objections, though I cannot
say that it has removed them, as I still feel great apprehension
that, notwithstanding the promises of support which I have received
from the Postmaster-General and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I
shall have to encounter that opposition which has hitherto been so
successful in retarding the progress of penny postage, and on some
occasions in resisting the most positive orders of the Treasury.
"You are aware that, with a view to neutralize, or at least
diminish, this formidable opposition, I was willing to sacrifice
a large proportion of my own salary, in order to enable the
Government to offer Colonel Maberly his full salary as a retiring
allowance. It is not for me to discuss the reasons which have
led to Colonel Maberly's retention in office, but it obviously
is my duty carefully to consider how far such retention ought to
influence my own conduct.
"This difficult question has occupied my mind for several days, and
the result, I am sorry to say, is a confirmation of the opinion
which I expressed to you and Mr. Warburton when the offer was first
communicated to me, namely, that, under the circumstances of the
case, to accept office would expose the improvements which remain
to be effected to a serious risk of failure, and thus perhaps
bring discredit on the general plan as well as on myself; and
consequently that I should best consult the public interest and my
own by respectfully declining the offer of Government. I need not
tell you that I am most anxious for an opportunity of completing
my plan, and that throughout these negotiations I have proposed
no conditions, except that I should have the authority requisite
to secure the success of the measure. Much will undoubtedly be
done by making my office permanent, and by placing me in immediate
communication with the Postmaster-General, as well as the Treasury;
but I fear this is not enough. I think Colonel Maberly should
have been induced to resign. I see almost insuperable difficulty
in attempting to collect information and to issue instructions
otherwise than through the general secretary's office, and yet,
judging from past experience, it appears hopeless to look for his
voluntary co-operation, while his position makes him too strong
to be effectually coerced. But assuming that Colonel Maberly must
remain in office, then I think that my appointment should have been
one of at least equal rank with his. This point, as will be seen
by the published correspondence, was fully considered when I went
into the Treasury, and the reasons which then existed, the strength
of which was in effect admitted by Mr. Baring, apply with at least
equal force now.
"These are my own views on the subject, and I think it best to
state them without reserve; but seeing that Mr. Warburton, Mr.
Loyd, and yourself entertain a different opinion, that you all
express a strong conviction to the effect that if this opportunity
of completing my plan be lost no other will be afforded me, that
public opinion would not support me in declining the offer, and
that I may look forward to a probable reorganization of the Post
Office, and, if I show that I possess the requisite administrative
powers, to promotion, at no distant period, to a position of higher
authority--I am naturally led to distrust my own opinions, and to
adopt the safer guidance of my kind and able advisers.
"After an interval of four years, during which my attention has
necessarily been devoted to other matters, I am therefore about
to enter on my arduous task. I shall look forward with as much
hope and as little apprehension as I can; but if improvement in
the mechanism and in the revenue of the Post Office should be less
rapid than I had anticipated under the impression that opposing
influences would be removed, I cannot doubt that Government and
the country will do me the justice to bear in mind the peculiar
difficulties of my position, and to recollect that, whatever
circumstances limit my power, they to the same extent limit my
responsibility also.
"Though the fact does not at all touch the public ground to which,
in considering this question, I have endeavoured to confine my
attention, I may be excused for mentioning that my acceptance of
the appointment, accompanied as it must be by the abandonment of my
present occupation, will be attended with an increase of labour and
a sacrifice of income.
"I am sure you will excuse my troubling you with this letter.
My object is, first, to give you the earliest intimation of my
decision, and, second, to place on record the circumstances of the
case while they are fresh in our memories. To any other member of
the Government than yourself I could not speak in so unreserved a
manner.
"I remain, &c., &c.,
"ROWLAND HILL.
"P.S.--... November 24th.--I have kept back my letter in order that
I may show it to Mr. Warburton, who authorizes me to say that he
approves of it."
Two days afterwards I received a letter from the Postmaster-General,
requesting that I would call upon him on the following Saturday. Having
meantime inquired of Mr. Warburton whether there were any further
information which he thought it important for me to receive before this
interview, I had a letter from him, in which he mentioned that he had
told Lord Clanricarde of my acceptance of the offer made by Government,
accompanying his announcement with the remark that those whom I had
consulted had been in doubt as to the advice they should give, fearing
that Colonel Maberly would be able to thwart me in my exertions. Mr.
Warburton's letter then proceeded as follows:--
"That the objections had been overcome by the promises of support
which had been given both by his lordship and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and by the assurance of the latter that, if you proved
yourself an able administrator, you were to look forward to promotion."
A few days later, having in the meantime called on the
Postmaster-General, I received my formal appointment. As I had again
cast in my lot with the Post Office, I withdrew, of course, from my
previous employments, resigning all my directorships, already three in
number.
I was now in my fifty-second year, and in the tenth from that in which
I first took Post Office reform seriously into my thoughts. I need
not say that the interval had been a period of very hard work, that a
decade in my life was in every sense gone; in short, that I was already
somewhat old for the heavy work of reform that still lay before me.
CHAPTER XVI.
JOINT SECRETARYSHIP. (1846-1848.)
The scene of my labours was henceforth to be in that institution
which had so long been the centre of my thoughts; and though the post
assigned me would, as I knew, give me but limited power for attaining
the ends I had in view, I still hoped by patience and perseverance to
make fair progress. I now resumed the Journal which for four years had
been suspended:--
"_December 5th, 1846._--Called on the Postmaster-General at his
house.... Drove with him to the Post Office in his cab."
As we passed through Newgate Street, there was a little incident of
some amusement. The way being blocked, there arose some of the abusive
language usually heard on such occasions against those who, being
immediately ahead, seem to stop the way; and the Postmaster-General
and his new secretary came in for their full share. Upon looking back
we found that the abuse came from the driver of a mail-cart, who was
thus unconsciously railing at his official superiors. Lord Clanricarde
burst into a hearty laugh; showing, what I have often remarked, that
men under heavy official pressure seem more than commonly pleased with
a little fun.
"On reaching the Post Office, Mr. Cornwall (the
Postmaster-General's private secretary), who had preceded us, told
me that Colonel Maberly wished to see me. We went together to M.'s
room. M. and I shook hands, &c. All three then proceeded to make
the circuit of the Post Office, and I was introduced to all the
heads of departments.... To commence duty on Wednesday, the 9th."
This was at least a satisfactory beginning, but what was to follow?
While I resolved that nothing should be wanting on my part to
maintain harmony, I could not but form, from the past, unsatisfactory
expectations as to the future. How far these misgivings were justified
will appear presently; and yet I should willingly suppress much of the
evidence on this point but for fear of misleading future reformers.
It is important that any one meditating such a course as mine should
know what that course really was; so that before entering on his work
he may count the cost. How soon difficulties are forgotten by mere
bystanders was curiously shown in my case by an article some few years
later in the "Edinburgh Review," on Mr. Charles Dickens's story of
"Little Dorrit." Few periodicals rendered me more important service
than this--in none did it seem less probable that the nature and extent
of my struggles would be underrated; and yet my course was cited as one
notoriously demonstrating the injustice of those attacks on official
jealousy which have rendered "Circumlocution Office" a familiar term.
Mr. Dickens's amusing reply will be found in "Household Words," Vol.
XVI, p. 97, and it may be added that it contains a short, but true and
lively, sketch of my early struggles. Prior, therefore, to describing
the improvements which I was gradually able to introduce, I shall
endeavour to give a specimen of the circumstances which, for years
after my restoration to office, made progress so tardy:--
"_December 9th._--Commenced duties at the Post Office.
"The Postmaster-General has referred to me by minutes the Railway
Report, and several applications for increase of force or of
salary, but there is some demur in supplying the necessary
papers, and the assistant-secretary (Campbell) showed me a minute
(referred to in a note which I received this morning from the
Postmaster-General, who is not at the office to-day), prescribing
the course of proceeding in my department. It appears to be
unnecessarily restrictive; must see the Postmaster-General on the
subject."
To show how much this minute was likely to hamper me, it is only
necessary to state that it forbade me to demand any papers whatever,
or to send for any officer, without first enumerating my wants in a
minute, which was to receive the sanction of the Postmaster-General,
and then be sent to Colonel Maberly for him to give it effect. As
it was impracticable for me, when entering on any investigation, to
foresee what papers or what officers I should require to consult, or
even to know what papers were in existence, it is obvious that by such
a rule my proceedings would be so clogged as to render satisfactory
progress impracticable:--
"_December 10th._--... seem to think that the minute may be
converted into a means of annoyance. Johnson, the chief clerk, has
refused to show Armstrong [my private secretary] the form of the
letter register without a written order to that effect; but the
Postmaster-General learnt the fact, and set the matter right even
before I could see him. On my calling his attention to the minute,
he explained it to be much less restrictive than I had supposed,
and at once wrote a second minute explanatory of the first."
With regard to the supposed necessity for restriction, I soon learnt
that not only the assistant-secretary, but also several of the clerks
in the secretary's office, could obtain necessary papers without the
least difficulty. I must add that, while at the Treasury, I had similar
freedom in relation to the papers there, and even to the officers of
the Post Office, and I can truly aver that, so far from abusing the
opportunities thus given, I had been careful to avoid everything that
could in the least degree infringe the discipline of either department.
Subsequent discoveries, however, led me to understand what strong
reasons there must have been for obtaining from the Postmaster-General
an order rendering access to papers as limited as possible. For, while
I really shunned all knowledge on the subject, I could not avoid
receiving from casual observation ample confirmation of the suspicions
that I entertained three years before as to the extent to which the
Parliamentary Committee of 1843 was misled.[34]
Restriction became the more galling because, in the very nature of
things, the pressure of work was more than enough.
"_December 15th._--Learnt from Stow that a copy of the minutes as
to the course of proceeding in my department (December 9th and
10th) has been sent to the head of each department in the office.
This needless publicity is not, I fear, without an object. The
minutes desire that a copy may be supplied to me, without naming
any other party."
The reader, who has observed how speedily the withdrawal of my friends
from power in 1841 was followed by intrigues to thwart my progress,
undermine my credit, and remove me from my post, will be little
surprised at the manifestations recorded above. At the time of the
first cabal, I was in the weakness of isolation; this, the second, was
formed when I was in the weakness of a novel position; and it will
be found hereafter that other such seasons were chosen as times for
similar proceedings. I felt too truly that a struggle was to come, and
I could not yet foretell how far I should be supported in it by the
Postmaster-General.
I had scarcely got my department into somewhat smoother working, when I
was called upon to deal with applicants of two separate kinds: first,
deputations from letter-carriers and stampers, suggesting improvements
and applying for increase of wages; all of whom, for the sake of
discipline, I declined receiving without the express sanction of the
Postmaster-General; and, secondly, from persons claiming compensation
for inventions or devices already included more or less explicitly
in my published plan. The most remarkable amongst these claimants
was a lady, who informed me by letter that the plan of penny postage
originated with her, and begged that I would be so obliging as to aid
her in obtaining due compensation from Government!
Meantime I went to work with a view to the extension of those
facilities on which I had laid so much stress:--
"_January 30th, 1847._--This week engaged chiefly in completing the
instructions to the surveyors, by means of which I hope to effect
important improvements simultaneously in all the large towns in the
kingdom."
These instructions, when completed, were sanctioned by the
Postmaster-General, who, however, thought it necessary that they
should be issued under the signature of Colonel Maberly. With the
Postmaster-General's consent, the document subsequently appeared in
the newspapers. Of the Reports called for by this circular, about
one-half were received within six months, and these gave information as
to the state of things in about one hundred and twenty of the largest
provincial towns. They showed all sorts of anomalies, though not quite
so much room for improvement as I had expected. I was convinced,
however, that the very issue of the circular had caused considerable
improvements to be at once made. My progress, nevertheless, continued
to be clogged with difficulties:--
"_February 3rd._--The present arrangements do not work well in
some important particulars. I have no ready means of learning what
is being done in Maberly's department, in consequence of which we
sometimes play at cross purposes, and there is much delay.... At
the risk of being considered 'impracticable,' I must try to put
things on a different footing."
"_February 6th._--I feel very uneasy at the slow progress made,
but, circumstanced as I am, it is impossible to go faster."
My moral difficulties found a physical parallel:--
"_February 8th._--Returning to Brighton [where I still continued
to live] by the 5 p.m. express train, was stopped by a sudden
snow-storm. With two engines we were three and a-half hours in
advancing three miles from Three Bridges. We came to a dead stand
near to the Balcombe Tunnel; remained there till 1 a.m., unable
to proceed or return, when, an engine having arrived, and all the
passengers having been crammed into three carriages, we returned
to Three Bridges, leaving the remainder of the train in the snow.
Sat up all night at 'The Fox.' Next morning, the line being open to
London soon after ten, I returned to town. The other passengers, I
found, on my return to Brighton at night, did not complete their
journey till 4 p.m. (having been twenty-three hours on the way)."
A few days later, being invited by the Guardian Society at Liverpool
to a public dinner, I took opportunity, in my speech of thanks, to
explain to a certain extent the duties and powers of the Post Office,
misapprehension as to which led then, and doubtless leads still, to
unprofitable correspondence, withdrawing attention from practical
improvements to futile discussion. I found it particularly necessary
to show why suggestions, however valuable, cannot be suddenly adopted,
since, in so vast and complex a machine as the Post Office, which must
not for one hour be arrested in its motion, it is indispensable to make
such preliminary examination and complete arrangement as will yield
full security that the change will throw nothing out of gear, but work
smoothly from the first. I showed that, while some of the improvements
called for by my Liverpool friends seemed feasible, others could not be
made.
Thus, it had been demanded that letters should no longer be carried
past the office from which they were to be distributed to some office
further on, whence they would have to return, but that the distributing
office should receive them at once. This demand, not then new, nor yet
worn out, I had to meet by showing that the letters for one office were
at such times mixed up with those for other offices, and therefore
could not be dropped in passing, while the delay in sorting could not
be absolutely prevented unless every post town in the United Kingdom
made up a bag for every other post town, which, as there were then
about one thousand post towns in all, would involve the daily despatch,
transmission, and opening of a million of bags in each direction, an
immense majority of which would contain no letters whatever. At the
same time I assured my auditors that I should do my best to render the
Post Office as useful as possible, and that I would carefully inquire
into all the defects in its management which they had brought to my
notice.[35] To this task I addressed myself on the morrow.
Even here, however, I found old impediments to the progress of
improvement; for when I proposed to Mr. Banning, the postmaster
of Liverpool, to keep open the Money Order Office to a later hour
without waiting for instructions from London, my advice was met by the
presentation, though with many apologies, of the Postmaster-General's
restrictive minute, the issue of which had been previously condemned,
but unfortunately not revoked. One consequence was that I refrained,
for the time, from attempting improvements at Manchester, lest I should
encounter another copy of the minute there. On my return I pressed on
the Postmaster-General the importance of reconsidering the arrangements
affecting my position before his leaving town, which he promised to
do, perhaps the more readily because he was much pleased with what I
had effected at Liverpool. The consideration, however, produced no
immediate result.
"_September 28th._--Banning, who called upon me to-day, reports
that the restriction of the Liverpool receiving-houses to stamped
and unpaid letters, accompanied as it is by an extension of time
for posting, is working very satisfactorily; so are the other
improvements which, not requiring Treasury sanction, have been
carried out; but I find that though the Treasury sanction [to
certain further improvements] has been received a month, no steps
whatever have as yet been taken thereon. The reply to the weekly
inquiry made as to matters in arrears has been, that the papers
were with Colonel Maberly, and beyond this nothing could be learnt
till to-day, when, getting impatient at the delay, I set Armstrong
to learn the cause, when it appeared that the papers were not with
Colonel Maberly at all, but in the first clerk's room, where they
had been 'mislaid' as usual."
This transaction, though apparently but of local importance, I
have narrated at some length, because it shows how the progress of
improvement was clogged, and how much my time was occupied in watching
lest that which I had carefully planned should be marred in working.
Other difficulties will appear as I proceed with my narrative:--
"_February 17th._--Requested that he [the Postmaster-General]
would reconsider a minute directing that letters addressed to me
by the subordinates shall pass not only through the heads of the
departments, as I had proposed, but through Maberly's office."
"_February 24th._--Finished a minute calling for copies of many of
the periodic returns made to Maberly, to which I have added several
original ones, with a view of obtaining tolerable statistics. At
present they are lamentably deficient."
"_February 27th._--The Postmaster-General is so much engaged in
his duties as Cabinet Minister that he rarely comes to the office
at present, and I am obliged to defer many points on which it is
necessary to consult him. I am much dissatisfied with the little
progress made."
When, however, the Postmaster-General was more at leisure we sometimes
got on apace:--
_March 5th._--Had a long interview with the Postmaster-General,
and got through much business. I never met with a public man who
is less afraid of a novel and decided course of action ... ; _e.g._,
a proposal of mine to require the postmaster at Manchester to
pay out of his fees the salaries of two new clerks, required on
account of his own inefficiency, has been cordially adopted, in
direct opposition to Maberly and the surveyor; and this is the
more important, inasmuch as my minute is a direct attack on a
claim hitherto treated with great reverence, viz., the right of an
officer to continue receiving fees (unless compensated), however
large in amount and mischievous in their tendency, simply because
he has once enjoyed them.
"Spoke again of the absolute necessity of my being better
informed as to what is going on, and proposed that he [the
Postmaster-General] should direct that all communications to
and from the Treasury should pass through my hands. He at once
concurred in the necessity of the thing, but proposed that, instead
of writing a minute on the subject, he would himself take care that
I saw such papers before they left his own hands. I fear that the
arrangement will frequently be forgotten, but I could not object to
try it. He again expressed a wish that I would not disturb existing
arrangements, at least so far as they appear in writing; but on my
telling him that the rule requiring me to obtain papers through him
caused much inconvenience and delay, he told me in confidence that
he did not desire that I should regard it, but send for any papers
that I wanted."
Not liking this anomalous state of things, I consulted confidentially
with Mr. Jones Loyd, mentioning also my uneasiness at the slow progress
of improvement, and referring to the expectations held out to me
through him and Mr. Warburton before I entered the Post Office.[36]
These expectations, however, I did not suppose were likely soon to
be fulfilled, as I had just learnt that a large addition was about
to be made to Colonel Maberly's staff. Mr. Loyd, while recognising
the expectations held out to me, advised me temperately to press the
Postmaster-General to assign to me a department, or at least to leave
in my hands till ripe for his own decision all matters connected with
any specific improvement which may be assigned to me. On this advice I
resolved to act as occasions arose. I presently had further evidence
that I was advancing in the confidence of my official superiors. The
Postmaster-General placed the secretarial management of the Money Order
Department in my hands, and directed that all returns to Parliament
should be submitted to me before being sent to the Treasury, with free
leave for me to attack any such as seemed unfair to penny postage,
while the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his place in Parliament,
spoke highly of my services.
At the same time, I felt obliged to remind the Postmaster-General of
our slow progress. I again called his attention to the delay of my
measures after their leaving my hands; showed, in short, that all my
measures were standing still, and told him I was very anxious to bring
some one improvement to a successful issue, a view in which he agreed,
thinking, however, that much had already been effected. As regards
minor matters this was true enough, but my continued anxiety was
justified by the fact that I had now been nearly four months in office
without being able to bring into effect any improvement important
enough to require the sanction of the Treasury.
On April 1st of this year, in accordance with the wish of the
Postmaster-General, I went to Bristol. As what I found there may be
regarded as a specimen, by no means an unfavourable one, of the state
of things at the provincial offices generally, I describe it. The
first delivery of the day, by far the most important of all, was not
completed until twelve o'clock; the letter-carriers, as I was informed,
often staying after departure from the office to take their breakfast
before commencing their rounds. I was able to show how at a small cost
(only £125 a year) it might be completed by nine. The office itself I
found small, badly lighted, and worse ventilated. The day mail thence
to London was nearly useless, its contents for London delivery being
on the morning of my inquiry only sixty-four letters, thirty-seven of
which might have been sent by the previous mail on the mere payment
of the extra penny. The impression regarding this mail, both in and
out of the office, agreed exactly with my evidence in 1843, viz., that
all day mails, to be efficient for their purpose, should start as late
as is consistent with their reaching London in time for their letters
to be forwarded by the evening mails. The satisfaction I felt in such
improvements as I had been able to make on the spot was much enhanced
by my receiving at the termination of my visit the thanks of both
clerks and letter-carriers for the new arrangements.
To return to the subject of obstruction:--
"_April 20th._--A letter from Mr. Lettis, a senior clerk of the
Money Order Office, written on the 12th instant, and forwarded
the same day by Mr. Barth, instead of being sent at once to me,
was forwarded, by Colonel Maberly's own endorsement, to the
Postmaster-General, then in the west of Ireland, in consequence of
which it did not reach me till yesterday, I being all the while
engaged on the subject to which it relates."
The paper thus retarded I soon found was one amongst many, all of them
more or less important to a right understanding of the work on which I
was specially engaged. Application, however, to the Postmaster-General
for the maintenance of direct communication produced no other effect
than an injunction to Colonel Maberly's department against further
delay.
In the midst of these troubles, petty in themselves, but trying to my
health and very injurious in the delay they produced, I saw, for the
first time, a fellow-labourer in the great cause of postal improvement,
who, in establishing the overland route to India, had surmounted
formidable difficulties and rendered invaluable services, without,
I fear, securing either to himself or his family any proportionate
recompense. My record of the interview is very brief:--
"Lieutenant Waghorn called. He is a man of singularly energetic
appearance."
A means of preventing, to a considerable extent, injurious measures in
the Post Office being taken without my knowledge was hit upon almost
accidentally. Upon my mentioning to Mr. Parker, then Secretary to the
Treasury, that many of the applications from the Post Office to his
department were made without my cognizance, and offering, with the
sanction of the Postmaster-General, to go down once a week or so to
the Treasury to assist him in his decisions upon them, the offer was
gladly accepted, the more so as the augmentations recently made in the
Post Office salaries were producing corresponding demands from other
quarters. Yet further confidence was shown when the new practice at the
Treasury started a fresh difficulty, viz., as to what was to be done
when my opinion was against measures which the Postmaster-General had
recommended without consulting me. Upon my applying to Lord Clanricarde
for instructions, he told me that he wished me to have no scruples
as to any measures, but to advise against them unhesitatingly if so
inclined.
Notwithstanding this confidence, however, the anomalous arrangement of
the department remained fruitful in mischief; indeed every practised
man knows that where proceedings are vitiated at their source no
subsequent vigilance suffices for their effectual correction. In
my case, moreover, vigilance on such points was maintained at the
sacrifice of progress in improvement. Parliamentary returns moved for
about this time by members hostile to my plans, and demanded in such
form as to mislead, were accelerated, while one moved for by Mr.
Warburton in such form as to secure a true statement was kept back.
Though, by great effort, I procured from the Postmaster-General an
order for modification in two of the fallacious returns, yet, after
all, one of them actually went forth with all its errors retained.
After many details on this vexatious topic, my Journal proceeds as
follows:--
"I feel ashamed, as well as annoyed, in having to record these
vexations, and I must put an end to them by some means or other. I
would gladly omit these records altogether, but former experience
has shown that it would be unsafe so to do. I am obliged,
therefore, with a view to my own justification hereafter, to
continue them, though I cannot but fear that (should this Journal
ever be read by those who do not know me intimately) such daily
complainings may be considered as evidence of querulousness on my
part."[37]
So long as this twofold authority continued, it was impracticable for
the Postmaster-General, unless endowed with a more exact memory for
details than can be reasonably expected in a Cabinet Minister, to avoid
inconsistency in his own proceedings. Thus after having obtained his
acceptance of an advantageous offer from the Brighton Railway Company,
I learnt to my amazement that the offer had been refused. On inquiring
into the matter, I found out that this was the result of counter advice
of which I knew nothing.
It has been seen that errors thus arising found their way into
Parliamentary returns; they even affected legislative enactment. In
a bill sent up from the Post Office to the Treasury for introduction
into Parliament, I had advised the insertion of clauses authorizing
the Treasury to relax or abolish the rule fixing a maximum to the
weight of a letter, but at the same time establishing restrictions--as,
for instance, prepayment of postage on all heavy letters--to prevent
abuse of the new rule by the public. The solicitor of the Post Office,
however, so drew the bill as to supersede the Treasury exercise of
this power by a clause making the abolition absolute, and at the same
time omitting the proposed safeguards. As the bill was never submitted
to my examination in a complete form, it became law with this defect.
Fortunately, the practical consequences were not very serious, the
public probably remaining for the most part quite unaware of its new
liberty or, rather, licence. Some wag, however, getting hold of the
fact, turned it to account for his amusement, posting in Ireland a
bundle of old clothes, directed to London, which being of course
refused by the addressee, as the postage demanded was no less than
£4. 11_s._, had to be carried back according to rule to the place of
despatch; the double conveyance being necessarily made gratis, as the
sender naturally took care not to be known. I need not say that at the
first opportunity the Act was amended.
A very far more serious evil was reported to me shortly afterwards;
namely, that a clerk in the Money Order Office in Manchester had
been detected in several frauds. My informant attributed the loss of
letters, &c., mainly to the absence of investigation as to character,
arising out of the system of patronage. He added that he pointed out
this as the chief cause of the evil to Lord Lowther soon after his
appointment.
To heedlessness in appointment was unfortunately added laxity in
discipline:--
"_September 30th._--At ---- the postmaster, who gets £15 a year as
compensation for [his loss of] late-letter fees has remitted till
lately only 7_s._ or 8_s._ a year [for such fees]; but on a stir
being made the remittances at once advanced to as much per week:
the explanation given is that he omitted to demand the fee, not
that he fraudulently appropriated it; and on this ground he has
escaped dismissal, I think very improperly; but I have not been
consulted in either case, and know the facts only from conversation
with the Postmaster-General."
About the same time I was engaged in devising means for a partial
introduction of the plan of district offices in the London delivery,
but was led to abandon the attempt, in some measure, by the
inconveniences attending a partial arrangement, and yet more by fear
of serious disorder likely to arise from the imperfect manner in
which I knew, by past experience, the necessary instructions would be
carried into effect, unless I could myself superintend their execution;
and thus it was that several years had to elapse before this great
improvement could be made.
Soon after arriving at this conclusion I attempted to remove a strange
anomaly which was producing a certain amount of trouble in the office,
leading occasionally even to delay in the despatch of the mails.
This was that while letters brought to the chief office after 7 P.M.
were not received for that night's mail without an additional fee of
sixpence, late newspapers were received up to that hour on payment of a
halfpenny:--[38]
"_October 5th._--To-day I consulted Bokenham[39] on the expediency
of advancing the fee [on newspapers] at seven o'clock, but
he strongly advises against it, on the ground of its certain
unpopularity with the press."
So difficult is it to recall concession, however mischievous and
absurd. In the end, however, a compromise was adopted which, while it
greatly relieved the department, proved satisfactory to the newspaper
publishers. I abstain from further narration of mere obstructions,
not for want of matter, but because enough has been done to show the
difficulties, annoyances, and delays ever crossing the path of my
improvements; the like of which must, I fear, be expected by all whose
zeal for reform leads them to intrude amidst men of routine.
A trouble of another kind, however, began now to show itself, which
later on produced serious consequences. Applications for increase of
salary, backed by the recommendation of Colonel Maberly, were referred
to me for consideration, the circumstances being such that, without
unscrupulous disregard of the public interest, I could do nothing
but advise their rejection. I found that in one instance, instead
of the applicants being simply informed of the Postmaster-General's
decision, which was in conformity with my opinion, they had also been
told--contrary to official rule--of our conflicting recommendations.
The consequence was a renewal of the application, accompanied with a
letter of thanks to Colonel Maberly, and an appeal from my judgment as
being opposed to that of "the Secretary." I could not but foresee that
if, without any opportunity of recommending merited concession, I were
to be held up as a bar to concessions recommended by others, I should,
in course of time, find myself in a position very unfavourable alike to
the maintenance of my just authority and the progress of good measures.
After noticing the above facts, my Journal proceeds as follows:--
"_October 16th._--I tried to avoid this collision of opinion,
representing to the Postmaster-General the probable result when
the papers were first referred to me; but his reply was that his
opinion coincided with my own, but that he could not act in direct
opposition to Maberly's earnest advice without support from me,
consequently I had no escape; luckily the Treasury, as well as the
Postmaster-General, take my view of the question."
Accordingly, I wrote a somewhat severe minute on the subject, and this
was approved by the Postmaster-General. I must add that my foreboding
was, on both points, justified by the sequel, the usual course being,
for a long time, that the duty of rejecting such applications fell
almost exclusively upon me, while the popularity that arose when an
application was granted was almost engrossed by Colonel Maberly. The
natural, nay, inevitable result was that great difficulties were raised
in the way of the improvements that I attempted to make.
Under all these circumstances, it is little to be wondered at that,
on looking back on the progress made during the first year since my
appointment at the Post Office, I was much dissatisfied with what I
found, nor could I feel surprised that symptoms of discontent began to
appear in the public, which, knowing nothing of impediments, naturally
expected the fulfilment of those expectations which my admission to
office had raised.
Among the improvements that I effected this year, the following is, I
conceive, of great importance:--
Exorbitant claims having been advanced and admitted for compensation in
respect of abolished fees, perquisites, &c., I made arrangements for
such returns as to the current amount of those irregular emoluments as
would keep these claims thenceforth within due bounds. The efficiency
of this plan will be evident when it is considered that, though at the
period of abolition claimants would naturally seek to make this amount
appear as large as possible, yet, in ordinary times, when the receipt
of large fees might act as a bar to demand for augmented salary, the
interest would lie in the opposite direction. All, therefore, that was
necessary was to get the ordinary estimate on indisputable record. This
had been provided for before I left the Treasury, but, in the interim,
the plan had been abandoned.
Finding that any attempt to establish a parcel post, which I had
formerly suggested, would raise more opposition in the railway
companies than I thought it prudent just then to encounter, I suggested
the establishment of a book post, pointing out how much such a measure
would promote education, and how acceptable it would be to the public.
The Postmaster-General expressed apprehensions of the department being
overloaded on magazine days, and I had to point out the means by which
all such difficulties could be surmounted. Vehement objections came
from the usual quarter, but these were overruled.
Before closing the account of the year, I must mention two attempts at
improvements which have met with no success.
Upon an application from Colonel Maberly's extra clerks for an increase
of salary, I proposed instead a regular system of promotion, whereby
all vacancies in the establishment should be filled by selection
from the extra clerks instead of from without, an arrangement which
would have obtained the collateral advantage of submitting every
candidate for regular clerkship to a probation in the extra corps. The
Postmaster-General seemed favourable to the principle, which, indeed,
had been occasionally recognised in practice, but unfortunately I never
succeeded in obtaining its adoption as a rule, the real obstacle being,
no doubt, that it would have acted as an impediment to patronage.
My second abortive measure I regarded as of great importance, nor
has my opinion of it undergone any change; though how far it may be
applicable to the circumstances of the present day is another question.
Wishing to procure for the Post Office the unrestricted use of all
the railway trains, and that at a moderate fixed rate, I suggested
that Government, as a means of procuring the ready acquiescence of
the railway companies, should include in a bill then preparing for
Parliament a provision in their favour, which seemed to me to be in
strict accordance with justice, and with the true interests of the
public. In my Report[40] on this subject, I first showed that in
order to enable the Post Office effectually to serve the public, it
was necessary that the department should make far greater use of the
railways. Under the existing law, owing to uncertainty as to the rate
of payment, the excessive awards frequently made, and other causes,
this was impracticable. I therefore proposed that an attempt should be
made to obtain an Act empowering the Railway Commissioners, at that
time an organised Board, with the present Lord Belper at its head, to
take the following steps:--
1st. To issue a general tariff of charges for the conveyance of mails,
such tariff to be constructed so as to afford the companies a moderate
profit.
2nd. To decide all questions which might arise between the Post Office
and any railway company.
3rd. To issue a general tariff of maximum fares for passengers and
charges for goods, minerals, &c., to be demanded of the public; and
4th. To revise such general tariffs from time to time.
By way of compensation to the companies, and with a view also to the
advantage of the public, I proposed, "subject to such regulations
as Parliament may impose for securing fairness towards all parties
interested, to adopt a territorial division of the surface of the
kingdom, reserving, as open to new companies, any district in which
the public interests would be served by the construction of new and
independent lines, but assigning to each existing company"--on certain
specified conditions--"so much of the district on each side of its
line as can be most advantageously served by such company; a provision
being made that, if at any time the Railway Commissioners should be of
opinion that the public interests require that a railway of a given
description should be made within such assigned territory, it shall
be competent to the Commissioners to call upon the company to which
the district is so assigned to construct the line, with the consent
of Parliament; and if the company refuse or neglect so to do within a
given time, to offer the line to the public at large."
I further proposed that these arrangements should apply compulsorily to
all companies hereafter to be formed, but that "each existing company
should have the option, within a certain period, to accept the same
conditions, or to continue in its present condition."
The following advantages, among others, would, I expected, result from
the proposed arrangements:--
1. It would secure the cheap conveyance of the mails, and greatly
promote the extension and perfection of the system of Post Office
distribution.
2. It would secure the establishment of moderate fares, without
resorting to competition, which it is now generally admitted would be
as injurious to the public as to the companies.
3. It would secure the completion of the railway system at the least
expenditure of capital, and in a manner most conducive to economy in
working.
4. It would repress rash and unprincipled speculation; and
5. It would relieve Parliament from the drudgery of investigating
hastily-devised and useless projects.
As regards the interests of the companies, I pointed out that--
1. It would relieve them from the ruinous expenditure now necessary to
defend their property from aggression.
2. It would enable them to take advantage of the cheapness of labour
or materials, and abundance of capital, gradually to extend the
ramifications of their lines to all places capable of affording a
remunerative traffic.
And, finally, it would greatly benefit both the public and the
companies, by enabling the directors and other officers to devote their
time and energy (now mainly absorbed in Parliamentary contests) to the
internal management of their affairs, thus conducing to economy, and to
the comfort and safety of their passengers.
All these important results, I was of opinion, would be obtained
without any sacrifice on the part of the public or of the companies.
In a Report, the primary object of which was to facilitate the use of
railways by the Post Office, it may appear out of place to deal with
the questions of charges for passengers and goods, railway extension,
&c., but I found one part of the subject so linked with every other as
to render separate treatment impracticable.
Had this plan been adopted when originally proposed (more than
twenty[41] years ago), the following results, I firmly believe, would
have been obtained:--
1st. The postal system would have been enormously improved.
2nd. The conveyance of passengers and goods would have been
considerably cheapened.
3rd. The railway system would have been far more extended than it now
is.
4th. A vast waste of capital would have been avoided. And,
5th. Railway property, instead of being almost a byword for depression
and insecurity, would, under tolerable management, have been placed on
a firm basis.
Unhappily, the advantage which would have been gained by the adoption
of my plan is now for ever lost. The contests it might have prevented
during the last twenty years have done their disastrous work; but the
future remains, and I believe it still possible to amend our railway
system and even to adopt a plan more comprehensive than the one just
described. My views on the subject appear in a separate Report, which
I made as a member of the Commission on Railways appointed in the year
1865, the substance of which, I may remark, will be found in a summary
appended thereto.[42]
I have now brought the year 1847, the first which I passed at the Post
Office, to a general close. I have yet to speak of proceedings relative
to one improvement, which, however, was not carried into effect until
the following year. I narrate this at some length, not only because
of its importance, but also because it serves well as a specimen of
my course of proceeding during the long period which I passed in the
anomalous position to which I had been appointed.
The Postmaster-General having requested me to examine the state
of the Money Order Department, with a view to its improvement and
extension, I succeeded in devising a plan which, while it effected many
improvements, provided for a very large extension, and that without
increasing the number of accounts with the chief office. I learnt now
that a plan which I proposed when at the Treasury would have simplified
operations exceedingly, but that its adoption, though earnestly
pressed by Mr. Jackson (then at the head of the department), had been
successfully resisted; and that, though some part of this plan had been
superseded by other improvements, much yet remained which Mr. Jackson
thought would be highly useful.
In my consequent preparations I was impeded frequently for hours,
sometimes for days, by the want of necessary papers, the registration
and arrangement being so defective that, according to the registering
clerk, his death would leave the office in absolute perplexity. When
the papers came they were sometimes exceedingly imperfect, the
omission being in one instance that of a very important report; and
of course fresh delays occurred while these omissions were supplied.
Again, when, in reference to a proposed measure of economy, I called
upon the head of the department and his immediate subordinate to
support my views by expressing in writing opinions which they had given
in conversation, they excused themselves by pleading that they should
thereby incur serious displeasure.
The omitted report was one made some time before by Mr. Jackson,
recommending an improvement calculated to save the department between
£2,000 and £3,000 per annum. Taking up this rejected measure, I was
enabled, after long elaboration, to procure its adoption, and in a few
months more its beneficial results were placed beyond question; the
head of the department reporting that the accounts were more complete
and the checks more efficient, and that the annual saving was even
greater than had been reckoned upon, amounting to nearly £3,500.
In the meantime, however, these various obstructions, combined with the
fact that both in public estimation and by Colonel Maberly's distinct
renunciation I was now solely responsible for the right administration
of this special department, led me to take a decided step. I
accordingly wrote a minute, proposing that all minutes and instructions
regarding the Money Order Department of England and Wales should
proceed exclusively from myself; that all reports from the department
should be addressed to me; in short, that the secretarial control of
that department should thenceforth be entirely in my hands.
In consequence of this, the Postmaster-General wrote a minute on
the subject, which, however, being modified by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer,[43] to whom it was shown in draft, still left things in
an unsatisfactory state. Upon my pointing out the insufficiency of
the measure, Lord Clanricarde proposed that I should myself see the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. While awaiting this interview, which took
place about a fortnight later, I felt so much doubt as to the result,
and consequently as to my ability to retain office, that I deemed it
my duty to explain to my private secretary and my only clerk that they
might have to look out for other appointments.
When at length I saw the Chancellor of the Exchequer difficulties
seemed to vanish. He had no objection to the Money Order Department
being placed under my exclusive management, having merely disapproved
of the mode in which it was proposed that the change should be
effected. He at once recognised the danger of divided responsibility,
and, in short, undertook to arrange the whole matter with the
Postmaster-General. Four days later the Postmaster-General informed
me that he had decided to place the Money Order Department entirely
under my management, but that he wished to consider further as to the
mode. He thought of speaking to Maberly, with a view, if possible, of
doing the thing quietly. My new powers were called into requisition
the same day by a little symptom of insubordination in the Money Order
Department. Confident of authority, I now felt justified in giving
such warning to the offender[44] as produced instant submission, with
abundance of promise for the future.
The difficulty, however, was not yet solved, for I presently found
that the Postmaster-General, instead of himself drawing the minute
transferring the secretarial authority over the Money Order Department
to me, had remitted the task to Colonel Maberly. The result was such
an instrument as would have both crippled my authority and lowered me
in the eyes of each of the some twenty officers to whom the minute
was to be communicated.[45] Unfortunately this minute, without any
opportunity being allowed for objection, had been confirmed, not only
by the Postmaster-General but also by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The course I took was to draw up a new minute, in the name, not of
Colonel Maberly, but of the Postmaster-General himself, substantially
the same as regarded the powers that were given me, but free from all
offensive expression and unnecessary restriction. This I submitted to
the Postmaster-General, urging its adoption; but, though he admitted
the objectionable character of some parts of Colonel Maberly's minute,
I saw that he was disappointed and annoyed at my application.
In my renewed difficulty, I perceived that I must further consider my
ground:--
"_December 17th, 1847._--Called on Mr. Cobden; described my
position at the Post Office, and asked his advice as to the course
I should adopt; more especially seeking his opinion as to whether I
should be justified in public opinion in resigning my appointment,
if circumstances should induce me so to act. He thinks that,
except on some great and simple question, I should not be justified
in resigning, as, though harassed by the obstacles thrown in my way
by Maberly, I have nevertheless been able to introduce important
improvements; his advice, therefore, is patience. He recommends
that I should see other M.P.'s, and represent to them Maberly's
conduct, with a view of forming a party in the House; ... but I
replied that I considered such a course would be justly viewed
as a breach of confidence, though I felt at liberty to consult
my personal friends, among whom I counted himself. He proffered
assistance in any way, and promised to take an opportunity of
speaking to the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the necessity of
extending my powers."
The same day, having learnt that a circular to postmasters and others,
to give effect to the new money-order arrangements, was in the
printer's hands, I sent my private secretary to apply for a suspension
of proceedings until the Postmaster-General's further pleasure should
be known. This brought the Postmaster-General's private secretary
with a copy of the circular, in which, as I expected, I found an
unnecessary and offensive restriction.[46] All the officers to whom it
was addressed were informed that, while they were to obey me in matters
connected with the Money Order Department, they were not to obey me
on any other subject. My subordinates were thus called on to watch my
proceedings, while a disposition on my part was implied to do that
which, from the first, I had most scrupulously avoided. I also learnt
that copies had already been sent to Dublin and Edinburgh. I insisted
on their recall. Mr. Cornwall, after conferring with Colonel Maberly,
promised the withdrawal of the objectionable clause, hoping that I
would then raise no further obstacle to the issue of the circular. I
was obliged, however, still to object to this, as the circular would
give effect to the minute against which I had protested, and thus
pledge me to duties without awarding me the necessary power.
The result of Mr. Cornwall's application was communicated to me in
a private letter from the Postmaster-General, by which I learnt
that, though he intended to draw a fresh minute in place of Colonel
Maberly's, he had found nothing to object to in the circular, and
consequently had directed its issue without further delay. He added
that his own view was confirmed by that of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, of whose opinion he sent me a memorandum. By this, however,
I perceived that the nature of my objection had been misunderstood,
probably by both.
My Journal proceeds as follows:--
"On inquiry I found that the circular about to be despatched
retained the objectionable clause. It was not, I think, asking too
much to be heard before any irretrievable step was taken."
However, the Postmaster-General's intention was soon fulfilled; and the
new minute (written in his own hand) differed in no material point from
the draft which I had prepared. I had also some little satisfaction in
finding that, though the circular had now been issued, yet, in the new
minute, all authority for the offensive part of it had been removed.
Anxiety as to my true position relative to the Money Order Department
being now sufficiently relieved I advanced in good spirits, and at once
entered on my new duties.
"_December 23rd._--The newspapers are reporting the new
arrangement, each after its own fashion. The _Times_ and
_Chronicle_ have useful notices on the subject; the _Morning Post_
tells the world that I have been _promoted_ to the superintendence
of the Money Order Office, but carefully quotes the circular to
show that my authority is confined thereto."
Unfortunately, in coming for the first time close to any department one
always has to learn abuses:--
"_January 8th, 1848._[47]--It is distressing to find that forgeries
and other frauds connected with money orders are frequent.... I
have already had to deal with six or eight cases of this kind."
The subjoined is a striking instance of the economy that may be
produced in large operations by even a small change. I found that
although the old money-order forms were supplied at a very low rate
(about ten for a penny), yet, by reducing the size, I could save about
£700 per annum; and this notwithstanding an improvement in the form,
which the Comptroller of the Stationery Office alleged would involve an
_additional_ expense of nearly £1500 a-year. To remove this objection,
however, I had to resort to a mechanical device derived from former
experience in constructing my printing machine.[48] This saving was
soon afterwards followed by a larger one, consequent on reduction in
the size of the "letter of advice" and the abolition of what were
called duplicate advices. Both these economical measures had the
collateral advantage of diminishing labour in the chief office, while
the total annual saving in stationery alone, even on the consumption at
that time, was thus raised to about £2500.[49]
Not less important was it to obtain prompt and complete accounts. One
desideratum was a complete registration of papers, the necessity for
which happened to be exemplified in the midst of my arrangements on
the subject by the discovery, in the desk of the late chief clerk at
a town in Yorkshire, of more than forty unanswered letters from the
chief office, some of them already six months old. Money-order accounts
in the London office, too, I found in great disorder; arrears so long
as, in the opinion of the head of the department, would require for
bringing them up a force of thirty-five men for four years; in other
words, an outlay of at least £10,000, with a doubt whether even then
the outstanding money orders could be correctly ascertained. To avoid
so great an outlay, I suggested an Act of Parliament protecting the
department, after due notice, from _legal_ claims on orders issued
before 1847. This course was in the end adopted, though the practice
was still to discharge any claim which appeared to be just; nor do I
remember that the restriction ever led to complaint.
At the same time there was prospect of great economy:--
"_February 16th, 1848._--Jackson now thinks that other improvements
now in progress will enable the Money Order Office to undertake all
the additional work likely to arise in the next two or three years,
including the extension of the system throughout England and Wales,
without any increased force. If so, the effective saving will be
enormous."
It may be added that this expectation was confirmed by the event.
"_March 8th, 1848._--The Postmaster-General, in speaking of the
many improvements which I have effected, remarked the singular
absence of all complaints from the public, though some [of the
improvements] are more or less restrictive."
Among the means formerly taken to account for the existence of a
revenue under what it regarded as the ruinous system of penny postage,
the Post Office had uniformly maintained that a large profit was
obtained in the Money Order Department. A return now made to Parliament
showed that, so far from this being the case, the expenditure of the
previous year, the last before that department came under my control,
exceeded the receipts by about £10,000.
A summary of the improvements effected thus far in this department
will be found in a letter addressed by me to the Postmaster-General on
January 3rd, 1849, which is given in the Appendix.
Some incidents of the years 1847 and 1848, which for convenience I have
hitherto omitted, are yet worthy of record:--
_Carelessness in Remittance._
"_May 27th, 1847._--Mr. Ramsey (missing-letter clerk) brought me
a packet containing whole bank-notes to the amount of £1500, so
carelessly made up that they had all slipped out; and to add to the
carelessness the packet was imperfectly addressed to some country
house in Herefordshire, no post town being named. It had found its
way, after much delay, into the post office at Ross, and had been
sent to London by the postmistress. Instances of such carelessness
are not infrequent."
I may add that, some years afterwards, there was sent to the office for
the book-post a large sum in bank-notes, the ends of the packet being
left open, according to book post rule, so as to expose the contents.
It is much to be wished that all persons inclined to such carelessness
would pause to think how grievous is the temptation to which the
humbler servants of the Post Office are thereby exposed.
_Attempted Robbery._
"_July 7th, 1847._--There was a serious attempt this morning
(fortunately unsuccessful) to rob a letter-carrier who was taking
out a large number of bankers' parcels for delivery. It is said in
the office that they contained nearly half-a-million of money."
The circumstances of this extraordinary proceeding are thus described
in the "Annual Register":--
_From the "Annual Register" for 1847. Chronicle, p. 82._
"July 7. MURDEROUS ATTACK ON A LETTER-CARRIER.
"A most atrocious attack was made upon one of the letter deliverers
employed by the General Post Office, named Bradley. He is one of
those whose particular duty it is to make the early delivery at
the different bankers and merchants in Lombard Street of what
are called the 'registered letters.' He had received his bag of
letters as usual from the chief office, St. Martin's-le-Grand, at
eight o'clock, and was proceeding through Mitre Court, which leads
from Wood Street to Milk Street. After passing through the gate,
which at night closes the entrance to the court in Wood Street,
he noticed two or three men in the passage, one of whom suddenly
locked the gate; and when Bradley had nearly reached the iron posts
in the middle of the court he was struck a violent blow with a
life-preserver, which stunned him for a moment; he nevertheless
called out for assistance, keeping his bag of letters firmly
grasped in his hand and under his arm. The villains, alarmed by
his cries, rapidly made off into Milk Street, leaving behind them
their deadly weapon. Bradley was severely injured about the head,
and being an old man, was, in consideration of his resistance to
this attack, _allowed to retire on full pay_. A reward of £300 was
offered for the detection of the perpetrators; but as Bradley could
give no description of them, and no other person had observed them,
the police did not get any clue to their detection."
I am glad to learn (1867) that this faithful veteran is still living.
_Singular Frauds._
In the early days of money-order transactions, it was the lenient
custom of the office, in cases where an order had been paid to a
forged signature, still to pay it to the right party. This dangerous
indulgence did not fail to become known to the knavish class, who made
profitable use of the opportunity. Thus two persons, perhaps lodging
at the same house, would purposely arrange that an order obtained in
favour of one should fall into the hands of the other; and when the
latter, by forging the signature of the former, had obtained payment,
the former, applying in his own name, and showing that the signature
given was not his, was able to obtain payment a second time. To put
a stop to this systematic fraud, which had become a thing of daily
practice, it became necessary so to modify the existing law as to
provide that when an order had once been paid, even though to the
wrong person, no _legal claim_ should remain against the Post Office.
In accordance with the old practice, the order was still paid where
it appeared that the blame rested with the Post Office itself. This
new rule, though regarded by many as a great stretch of power, not
only put an immediate stop to the fraud against which it was directed,
but produced so little complaint from any quarter as to make it
clear that the previous indulgence had been almost as superfluous
as it was dangerous. Nevertheless the exceptional authority of the
Postmaster-General was soon afterwards put in requisition in the
following case:--
In a large provincial town a person applied in haste at the post
office, stating that on his way thither he seemed to have dropped an
order which he was bringing for payment; at the same time giving in
his name, and begging that no order might be paid to that name until
his return, as he would go back to his house to examine whether he
might perchance have left it there. Some time after his departure,
however, a second person came to the window, saying that Mr. ---- had
recovered the order, having in fact left it at home, and had sent him
with it to obtain payment, he himself being unexpectedly detained.
The clerk, satisfied with this plausible statement, fitting in so
well with antecedent circumstances, delivered the money accordingly,
but was startled a few minutes later by the reappearance of the first
claimant, with the declaration that, as he had not been able to find
the order at home, it must of course have been lost, and a request that
nothing might be done until a new order was obtained. Upon the clerk's
reporting what had meanwhile occurred, and mentioning the new rule, the
applicant, after some remarks not particularly flattering to postal
sagacity, announced his intention to appeal in the highest quarter.
The decision there made was that in so extraordinary a case the strict
rule should not be fully maintained, but that the department must,
nevertheless, be secured from loss. This was thrown in equal shares on
the two parties immediately concerned, each having shown negligence,
the one in losing the order, the other in paying it against injunction.
_Esquires in Low Life._
An angry letter was received at the General Office relative to alleged
misconduct in an officer at the Charing Cross office, who had refused
to pay a money order, because of irregularity in the signature of the
payee. The complainant reported that the ground of objection was that
when he gave his signature he appended the term Esq., adding, "The
silly fellow does not know that in a certain rank of life every one
signs himself Esq."
_Complaints._
It is curious, and would at first sight seem inexplicable, that
acceleration of the mails, though effected solely for the public
benefit, often too at great cost, and always with much trouble, led in
some instances to angry complaint. Perhaps the most whimsical instance
of this was that of a lady in a northern town, at which the night mail
from London had previously arrived somewhat too late for the last
delivery of the day, so that the letters could not be distributed until
the following morning, whereas by this acceleration they were delivered
the same evening. The allegation was that, whereas complainant used
always to get her letters early in the morning, she never received them
now till late at night.
_Joseph Ady._
Among miscellaneous incidents of the year 1848 the following may be
mentioned. The office and the public had long been troubled with a
restless adventurer named Joseph Ady, a man who maintained the language
and dress of a Quaker, but who, I apprehend, was no real member of
the Society of Friends. This person was for ever posting a number
of letters to inform individuals that he knew of something to their
advantage, which, for a stated fee, he was ready to mention. As all
these letters were unpaid, and many consequently rejected, Mr. Ady was
called on to pay no small amount of postage; but, by representations of
his poverty, age, and feeble health, and promises to offend no more, he
had again and again obtained very lenient treatment; while no sooner
was he out of one scrape than, by a return to his former practice, he
plunged into a new one. On one occasion, having been let off lightly
on condition of his entering into a formal written engagement not to
repeat the offence, he showed the inveteracy of his habit by inserting
after his signature words to the following effect:--
"If Mr. Peacock [the solicitor to the Post Office] is any relation
to the Mr. Peacock who, about twenty years ago, lived at [such a
place], I can, on receiving the usual fee of twenty-one shillings,
tell him something to his advantage."
Presently afterwards he resorted to a new device. This was to post his
letters, really unstamped, but each one bearing the mark as of a stamp
removed, so as to furnish ground for an asseveration, of course ready
at hand, that a stamp had really been affixed to each. It is needless
to say that so shallow a pretext was of no avail, and a conviction was
obtained against him which threw him into prison, and though, by his
usual wiles, he soon contrived to obtain release, he seemed at length
to feel himself beaten, gave up his singular trade, and, indeed, soon
afterwards died.
_Communication by Telegraph._
The following entry records as a wonder what would now be regarded as a
very trivial incident:--
"_April 4th, 1848._--The payment of a money order has been
countermanded from Manchester by electric telegraph."[50]
_Chartist Movement._
The Chartist movement of the year 1848 affected the Post Office as well
as other public departments:--
"_April 6th._--Went to the Mansion House to be sworn in a special
constable with all the other officials. Serious apprehensions are
entertained of an attack from the Chartists on Monday next, when
they hold a great meeting on Kennington Common, and intend to
march in procession to the Houses of Parliament to present their
petition. Arms are being provided for the Post Office, which is
being put into a state of defence, in common with other Government
offices."
At Colonel Maberly's suggestion, I placed my own clerks, and those of
the Money Order Office, in all about two hundred and thirty, under his
command; thus making a total force of upwards of thirteen hundred men.
"_April 8th._--Iron bars are being put to the lower windows, and
special precautions taken against fire. Goldsmiths' Hall, and other
buildings which command the entrances to the Post Office, will be
occupied with our people. These preparations, and the excitement
they produce, are a sad hindrance to business."
"_April 10th._--In coming to the office accompanied the Chartist
procession down Holborn Hill, crossing it without difficulty at the
bottom. The lower windows and doors of the office are defended by
bars of iron and planks. Upwards of thirteen hundred of our people,
a large portion of whom are well armed, are divided into small
parties, each with its officer, and written instructions have been
issued for their guidance. The excitement is too great for much
work to be done. About one o'clock the Postmaster-General told me
that Fergus O'Connor was arrested, but this afterwards proved to be
a mistake. Another report, which for a while received credit, spoke
of the disaffection of the Guards, but about two o'clock certain
information arrived to the effect that the meeting had quietly
dispersed, and that the threatened processions were abandoned. Soon
after four I left, but the clerks and others were detained till
the mails had been despatched. On my return home I noticed much
excitement in the streets, and nearly all the shops were closed."
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVI.
GENERAL PROGRESS.
Having narrated the transfer of the Money Order Department to my
superintendence, I now proceed to more general transactions, and for
their description give the following letter to Mr. Baring:--
"General Post Office, January 24th, 1848.
"MY DEAR SIR,--I think the enclosed will interest you. You will
not fail to remark the effect of the do-nothing policy of 1842,
and of all, except the latter part, of 1843. The great increase
in subsequent years is owing mainly to the extension of the rural
distribution, which goes on with such rapidity that in the last
year we brought more than one thousand places within the range of
the Post Office system. No one would _now_ question the policy of
the measure which you proposed, except, perhaps, on the ground that
it did not go far enough.
"The increased facilities afforded of late years are proving far
more profitable than even I had anticipated.
"The revenue of the past year will probably be about £2,220,000
gross, and £1,030,000 net. The gross revenue is as large as it
was in 1834, and within 5 per cent. of what it was in 1837. The
current year will probably give an amount equal to 1837, thus
realising my anticipations of gross revenue. The net revenue will
be about £200,000 less than I calculated; but in my opinion the
expenses have been needlessly increased to that extent. The same
gross revenue as in 1837 was, according to my calculation, to be
the result of a five-fold increase of letters; it will have been
brought about by a 4-2/3-fold increase.
"Faithfully yours,
"ROWLAND HILL."
ENCLOSURE.
ESTIMATE of the NUMBER of CHARGEABLE LETTERS delivered in the
UNITED KINGDOM in each year from 1839 to 1847.[51]
+-------+-----------+-------------------------+
| | | Annual Increase |
| | +-----------+-------------+
| | | | Per-centage |
| Year. | Number of | Number of | reckoned on |
| | Letters. | Letters. | the No. for |
| | | | 1839. |
+-------+-----------+-----------+-------------+
| | Millions. | Millions. | Per cent. |
| 1839 | 76[52] | ... | ... |
| 1840 | 169 | 93 | 123 |
| 1841 | 196-1/2 | 27-1/2 | 36 |
| 1842 | 208-1/2 | 12 | 16 |
| 1843 | 220-1/2 | 12 | 16 |
| 1844 | 242 | 21-1/2 | 28 |
| 1845 | 271 | 29-1/2 | 39 |
| 1846 | 299-1/2 | 28 | 37 |
| 1847 | 322 | 22-1/2 | 30 |
+-------+-----------+-----------+-------------+
"_January 28th._--Received a very gratifying note from Mr. Baring
in reply to the above, in which, though not quite concurring in my
comparison of net revenue, he says, 'There is still a great store
of undeveloped letter-writing in the country, and I am sanguine
enough to believe your estimate as to number will be wrong by being
much under the mark.' He adds, with characteristic frankness, 'What
has surprised me most is the quiet way in which the people here
take to the prepayment and stamping. I was always much afraid of
that part of the plan, and am glad to find myself wrong.'"
The following are further extracts from Mr. Baring's letter:--
"As I am writing to you I cannot help mentioning what was told
me at Weymouth this year, which shows how, in trifles even, your
scheme has been a benefit.
"I was at Weymouth when I was Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and busy with you about the reduction [of postage], and used,
with my children, to frequent a shell-shop and gossip with the
shopkeeper--a man of some intelligence in his way. I was at
Weymouth again this summer, and having gone to my shell friend,
after a little talk, 'Oh, Sir!' he said, 'I must tell you that the
penny postage that you were busy about when you were here last has
been a great benefit to me in my way, which you did not, I dare
say, expect, and I am sure I did not. I now send my shells all over
the country.'"
The following is a curious instance of a real advantage figuring as the
reverse. While the year's improvement did not equal my expectation,
a return called for by Parliament was so given as to make it appear
less than it really was, the progress in gross revenue being in effect
understated by about £100,000. The following is the explanation of this
anomaly:--By the system of prepayment the number of rejected letters
had been so diminished that the deduction made on their account from
the gross postage had been reduced by that sum, a fact suppressed in
the return.[53] I pointed out the error to the Accountant-General, who
at once admitted it, but explained that a corrective entry which he had
made in the return had been removed thence by order.
BOOK POST.
The following entries relate to the Book Post:--
"_January 28th._--Went to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to
endeavour to remove his objections to the book post. He is afraid
apparently of the railway interest, and dislikes the notion of
entering into competition with carriers. I reminded him that we did
not propose to avail ourselves of our monopoly [I should have said
'to extend our monopoly to the conveyance of books'], but merely to
serve the public better than it is now served; that no other system
than that of the Post Office would reach the rural districts; and
pointed out the moral and political importance of enlightening
those districts, &c., &c. We had a stout battle, but in the end he
gave up, suggesting, however, for my consideration, the expediency,
in the first instance at least, of restricting each packet to a
single volume."
This suggestion was adopted. The difficulties being thus removed, the
book post was at length established, the necessary warrant appearing
in the _Gazette_ of February 11th. At first any writing whatsoever
found in a posted book made it subject to letter charge, but this
absolute restriction was soon found to be inconvenient, especially to
collectors of old books. Professor De Morgan, I remember, found it a
little hard that a bar to the use of the book post should arise from
the mere fact that a useful volume contained some such inscription as
the following:--
"Anne price Her Booke
god give her grace therein to Look;"
The rule was accordingly made less stringent; writing, however, being
still restricted to a single page. In the course of years it became
allowable to write anything whatever, save only a letter, and, with the
same restriction, to send any matter, even if written throughout.
I am sorry to remark, however, that meantime advantage was taken of
the new facility for frequent attempt at evasion of postage; letters,
small articles of dress, &c., being slipped in between the leaves of
the books, and, ungallant as the statement may appear, I am bound to
mention that the chief offenders in this way were ladies. Sometimes
the means resorted to evinced no small pains and ingenuity, exercised
for the mere purpose of saving a few pence. Thus, in one instance
which I remember, a hole had been excavated in the thickness of an
old book--leaving not only the binding, but several leaves above and
below, uninjured, and in this hole was concealed a watch. And here I
may remark that, with every desire to give the public all possible
facilities, we were often deterred from so doing by the tricks and
evasions which too frequently followed any relaxation of our rules;
evasions which, even when detected, and when clearly opposed to the
_spirit and intention_ of the regulation, were sometimes defended--and
owing to the unwillingness of Government departments to risk defeat in
a court of justice, successfully defended--on the ground that there
was no infraction of the _letter_ of the regulation. The conscientious
part of the public--happily, so far as my experience shows, the great
majority--is little aware how much it suffers from unscrupulous conduct
such as this.
ECONOMIC MEASURES.
While thus carrying forward extensive and important improvements in
the single department placed under my exclusive superintendence, and
while instituting the book-post system, I found myself, by want of
necessary power, debarred from those more general improvements which
constituted important features in my plan as laid before Parliament. I
had nevertheless abundance of less profitable, though not unprofitable,
occupation in work mostly of a routine character. Here I had steadily
to resist such tendency to unnecessary increase in expenditure as
seemed likely, if unchecked, to render all my economical arrangements
nugatory. I had, at the same time, to seek every opportunity of
retrieving false steps made previously to my appointment;[54] some
of which were still producing serious waste. Of course, many of the
savings effected either way were, individually, of small amount, yet
not only were they important in their total, but also the care thus
exercised tended to introduce that spirit of economy without which no
department can produce its best effects.
_Scales of Salaries._
Sound economy, I need not say, requires that salaries should be
regulated by fixed principles; and as early as January 31st of this
year I had suggested to the Postmaster-General that it would be well
for the Treasury to appoint commissioners who should establish scales
of salaries equally applicable to all the revenue departments, so as at
once to remove mutual jealousy and to prevent unreasonable claims in
one department from arising out of unreasonable concession in another.
Such a Commission was actually appointed about five years afterwards,
and its proceedings will be mentioned in their proper place.
_Former Prodigality._
One past proceeding, strongly exemplifying the necessity for a
regulating principle, is set forth in the following extract from my
Journal. Rectification was an affair of great difficulty:--
"_May 27th._--In preparing for my minute on the mail guards I
have been obliged to read the papers on the subject for the last
eleven years. They show that a scale of wages about two-thirds of
that now in use was proposed by the officers of the department,
and recommended by Colonel Maberly; also that much lower wages
(21_s._ per week) had been paid for seven years to the guards on
the Manchester and Liverpool Railway, and that they were satisfied
therewith; that the Postmaster-General, in opposition to the advice
of his officers, proposed to the Treasury a scale nearly the same,
but slightly higher than that now established, and then appointed
a large number of new guards; that, owing to a blunder of ----'s
[instead of the change being limited to guards on railway, who got
no fees from passengers], the option was offered to all the guards
then in the service to be placed on this scale, as he admits,
without authority from the Treasury; that the Irish guards [who all
worked on mail-coaches], without exception, accepted the offer;
thus adding at once more than £5,000 a year to the expenses; that
an attempt was then made (in effect unsuccessfully) to withdraw
the offer, and that in the course of a few years the expenses in
mail guards were advanced from £10,513 in 1836, to £28,627 in 1841;
that my minute on the subject, written at the Treasury in 1842,
calling for explanations and suspending further advance meanwhile,
was sent to the Postmaster-General in August of that year, and
remained unanswered till September, 1845, and that in the meantime
the Post Office was frequently pressing the Treasury to remove the
suspension.... Towards the end of 1845 the Treasury took off the
suspension, and the arrears (about £2,000) were paid. The Committee
of Investigation, in 1843, called for a copy of my minute, and
of the proceedings consequent thereon, but it was delayed under
various pretexts, and was eventually withheld altogether."
_Letter-Boxes._
One means of economising the time of the letter-carriers, which I
had contemplated from the first, was to induce the public to provide
themselves with letter-boxes to the doors of their houses; and I now
suggested to the Postmaster-General the expediency of addressing a
circular on the subject, in his name, to the inhabitants of London. I
proposed that it should give information as to the cost of change, and
offer Post Office assistance in case of difficulty. At the time the
Postmaster-General concurred in all this, but for some months nothing
was done.
"_March 29th._--The P.M.G. has sent me a private note stating
his apprehension that the circular as to letter-boxes, &c., will
be ridiculed, and proposing to leave out all information as to
prices, &c. As he had previously sanctioned the circular, I suppose
some one must have excited these apprehensions. To me it appears
ridiculous to issue a circular without giving the information which
every one naturally desires; but of course it must be altered."
Letter-boxes, however, have become frequent, though far from being so
general as both economy and public convenience require. Neither the
Postmaster-General nor I imagined that the circular, limited as it was,
could give offence to any one. Nevertheless, it produced some angry
letters,--among others, one from the late Marquis of Londonderry, who
indignantly demanded whether the Postmaster-General actually expected
that he should cut a slit in his mahogany door!
MINOR IMPROVEMENT.
_Railway Notices._
The following minor improvement may perhaps be worth mentioning, as
being, if not particularly beneficial to the department, at least very
economical to that large portion of the public which is interested in
railway extension. Railway notices were at that time served personally
on landholders and occupiers by the solicitors of the companies, at the
rate of one guinea for each notice. The Speaker of the House of Commons
(now Lord Eversley) sent his private secretary, Mr. (now Sir Erskine)
May,[55] to confer with me on the expediency of having the notices
in question served by means of registered letters. To this there was
a very serious obstacle in the fact of the delivery not extending to
every house, so that I had to devise means by which this difficulty
might be overcome. At the end of four months, however, and in fair
time for the notices of the season, a plan which Mr. May and I jointly
concocted having received the sanction of Government, the proposed
regulations were issued; the effect being to reduce the expense of
serving a notice from one guinea to sixpence. I had, in due time, the
satisfaction to learn that the plan, as adopted, worked smoothly,
though it certainly appeared that some solicitors were in no special
haste to avail themselves of the new facility.
"_February 20th, 1849._--Met at my brother Matthew's house, Mr.
Brooks, the Home Missionary at Birmingham, a very intelligent,
active and benevolent man. He tells me that penny postage is
producing excellent effects as regards the poor, inducing large
numbers, even among the adults, to learn to write, and that
their correspondence is increased, he thinks, a hundred-fold.
He thinks requiring prepayment by stamps (the postmasters being
obliged to sell even a single stamp) will not interfere with the
correspondence of the poor, who are rather proud of sticking the
Queen's head on their letters."
FOREIGN EXTENSION.
I must now speak of the progress made during the year in the extension
of postal reform to foreign countries, as also changes in our relations
therewith.
_United States._
"_February 10th, 1848._--The Postmaster-General explained to me
the position of the postal treaty with the United States. Whatever
may have been our conduct at first, I think we are right now, and
the United States Government wrong. Bancroft, the United States
minister, had consented to an arrangement of perfect reciprocity,
viz., on each letter either way twopence to each government for
inland rate, and tenpence to the Government owning the packet, when
the United States Government refused its ratification; and yet,
owing to the absurd secrecy observed on such occasions [by our
official rule], the English, as well as the American papers, throw
all the blame on our Government. Proposed to the Postmaster-General
that I should see Thornley, Brown, and some other M.P.'s interested
in the matter, who had applied to me on the subject, and let them
know how matters stand--to which he assented, and I arranged to
meet them to-morrow morning."
I must observe that such hasty conclusions in the press, and
consequently in the public, are not so infrequent as could be wished;
the Post Office, and perhaps other departments of Government, being
frequently blamed for defects and anomalies which they have no power
to supply or remove. I must confess it has appeared to me that we
Englishmen have a singular disposition, where the question lies between
our neighbours and ourselves, to lay the blame, if possible, on
ourselves.
"_April 15th._--Mr. James Lee of New York came with an introduction
from Mr. Rathbone of Liverpool. Mr. Lee is intimate with the
President, and is anxious to assist in effecting amicable
arrangements as to the postal communication between this country
and the United States. He admits the abstract fairness of our
proposals, but contends that we ought to modify them because,
owing to the angry feeling on the part of the people in the United
States, the Government there cannot concur therein. This struck
me as a strange admission of weakness. I suggested an arrangement
which, though equally favourable to us, would not encounter the
prejudices of the American people; at the same time carefully
guarding myself against its being supposed that I was empowered
to negotiate. He caught eagerly at the suggestion: said that he
should go immediately to the American minister to consult him
thereon, and then see me again. Mr. Lee entirely confirms the
statement of mine, on which much doubt has been thrown, namely,
that the United States Post Office has no provision for the
delivery of letters, and consequently that, notwithstanding their
greater distances, they have no claim to a higher inland rate than
ourselves."
Meantime, progress was making in the United States towards such
measures as, by bringing their home postal system into accordance
with our own, would obviously facilitate international accommodation.
An association was formed at New York apparently for procuring the
adoption of my plan in all its points, and the President (Mr. Polk),
in his message to Congress, recommended that the variable rate,
established about three years before, should be reduced to a uniform
rate of twopence-halfpenny; the same to be prepaid. This I could not
but regard as a very complete acknowledgment of the fairness and
convenience of uniformity, considering the vast extent of the United
States, and that the measure followed a trial of two rates. An entry
in my Journal records that the treaty between the two countries was
settled. The terms, indeed, seemed to me unduly advantageous to
America, but, under all the circumstances, I approved of the concession.
_France._
Good progress was making also in France; the Revolution, so disastrous
in many respects, having at least removed from his office the chief
opponent of postal reform, M. Dubost. On June 21st I learnt from M.
Grasset, my former correspondent, that he had laid before a committee
of the National Assembly, with my friend M. St. Priest as president,
a proposal for a low uniform rate, payable by means of stamps.
Unfortunately he did not propose to make any distinction of charge
between letters prepaid and post-paid. On this modification which he
had made in my plan my correspondent prided himself as the simplest
system in the world. I could not but acknowledge, however, that, even
in spite of his modification, the proposed change would be a vast
improvement on the actual rates. The Report of the committee, drawn up
by "Citizen St. Priest," recommended a considerable reduction in the
charge for postage.
"_August 26th._--The _Times_ of this morning states that the bill
for the establishment of the twopenny rate passed the National
Assembly on the 24th."
By this Act money prepayment was forbidden, but as nothing was gained
by prepayment in stamps, the inducement to use stamps seemed but
weak, so that the economy involved therein was likely to be but small.
Experience showed the error, and the post-paid rate was afterwards
increased, I think, as with us, to a double amount. My friend M. Piron
obligingly sent me a sheet of the new French postage stamps, the
image on which was a female head, symbolical of the French Republic.
The confusion of the revolutionary period seemed to be whimsically
exemplified in the fact that, of the three hundred heads on the sheet,
several were inverted. This packet I received just before the close of
the year. A few days later I have the following entry:--
"_January 13th, 1849._--M. Thayer, the present head of the Post
Office in France, called, as he said, to see the father of their
improved Post Office system; he is new to his duties, and therefore
not very familiar with details, but he seems hopeful. He proposes
to exchange papers connected with the departments. He walked with
crutches, having been shot in the foot in attacking barricades in
June."
M. Thayer, I may remark, informed me that he was of English extraction,
referring me, for confirmation of his statement, to Thayer Street,
Manchester Square.
_Belgium._
Belgium, too, was in movement; and in a minute prepared in reply to
an application from the Government of that country, I was able to
show how accurately the results of penny postage had agreed with my
anticipations. Six months later, viz., in December, 1848, I received
a copy of the Government Bill, which proposed to reduce the various
postage rates to a uniform charge of twopence; retaining, however, the
lower rate of one penny for local letters. It appeared that the whole
number of letters was but nine millions, or about one-ninth part of
that delivered in the London district, the population of which is about
half of that of Belgium. The people of Brussels were pressing for a
penny rate.
When the question came before the Belgian Parliament, the Lower
House, rejecting the rate proposed by Government, adopted our own
rates; these, however, being rejected by the Upper House in favour of
a twopenny rate, the king, upon learning that this modification was
producing great and general dissatisfaction, proposed a compromise,
which was accepted. By his a penny was fixed as the rate for moderate
distances, the rate beyond being twopence. Stamps were to be used, and
a penny to be added in all cases where the letter was not prepaid.
CHAPTER XVII.
EFFORTS FOR IMPROVEMENT IN POSITION. (1848-9.)
In the narrative of the proceedings of the year 1848 I have reserved to
the last some that were of great importance to myself, and I venture
to think, through me, to the public service. The discordant action
in the secretarial department, so often referred to in these pages,
so difficult to prevent where there were two co-ordinate authorities
dealing apart with the very same affairs, and unfortunately so
needlessly aggravated in a variety of ways, continued throughout the
year with but little abatement, and with no prospect of cure. Not
only, as already shown, did it seriously impede, and in some important
cases even stop, the progress of improvement, but it acted also so
injuriously on my own health as at times to make me even doubt the
possibility of my remaining at my post.
Before, however, the effect on my health became too manifest to allow
of neglect, the two-fold evils of my position, the realisation of all
the unpleasant anticipations with which I had entered on my office,
had led me to seek the early fulfilment of those expectations held
out to me in the beginning, without which I should not have entered
on my arduous task. In reply to my inquiry as to the term necessary
for demonstrating my power of dealing with details there had been
loose mention of six months.[56] At the end of that period, viz., in
May, 1847, having become firmly convinced that the existing evils
admitted but of one cure, I had made my first move in that direction.
I had told the Postmaster-General that, after six months' trial, I
was convinced that Colonel Maberly and I could never work cordially
together. Some time afterwards, being called on to prepare scales for
salaries, I again pressed my views. I told the Postmaster-General that,
as the scales I had to propose would disappoint existing expectations
and probably increase an insubordinate spirit already showing itself
amongst the men, the work could not be safely attempted under divided
responsibility, unless there were a harmony of action of which I saw
not the least hope. I added that, much as I desired to take part in
carrying out my plan, I was so deeply impressed with the dangers to
which I had referred, that I thought it would be better to leave
the executive entirely with Colonel Maberly than to continue on the
present footing. The Postmaster-General, although apparently not
viewing the matter in so serious a light as myself, seemed uneasy at my
persistence, and said he must consult the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
About a month later, Mr. Thomas Young, the Receiver-General, having
entered into conversation with me on the subject, and learnt my views
and feelings thereon, counselled patience, but assured me that he knew
the feeling at the Treasury, and that I might calculate on the desired
change before the end of the next session. After the lapse of another
month the Postmaster-General, in reply to inquiry, told me that he
had spoken to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but without definite
result. He added, however, that, as I had to see the Chancellor on
other business, I had better discuss the matter with him myself, and
go fully into the subject. I accordingly saw the Chancellor of the
Exchequer at the earliest opportunity. After having discussed with him
my more immediate business, which related to my undivided control of
the Money Order Department, a point on which I was fortunate enough to
obtain his concurrence, I deemed it inexpedient to enter on further
measures, especially as he was much pressed for time. I told him,
however, that I thought it right to say that the step about to be taken
would necessarily lead to further measures; on which he said, "I have
no objection to that."
Meantime I had the satisfaction to remark various indications of that
increased confidence in myself, on which, of course, the desired
promotion must be based. Early in the year 1848, however, I saw reason
to apprehend that, without prompt action on my part, I myself might
be subject to ejection. The clerks in the money-order division of the
Secretary's department were alarmed by information that attempts were
making to remove me, and all under me, to the Money Order Office over
the way, a change which would have put my retention of office quite
out of the question. The clerks, whose salary and position would have
suffered by this removal, memorialized the Postmaster-General on the
subject. Upon speaking to Lord Clanricarde, I learned that some such
suggestion had been made, but presently abandoned. I took advantage
of the alarm to obtain for those under me full security as to their
position and salary.
Some months later, circumstances again led me to mention my claim.
Increase of business in the London district requiring an increase of
force, and this appearing to contradict the expectations I had held
out, I was sent for to the Treasury, where I saw Mr. Parker:--
"_May 12th._--I thought it necessary to speak plainly as to the
causes of their not having been realised, and said that so long
as they continued Colonel Maberly in office they must not expect
any decided retrenchment, and that, had I supposed that he would
have retained his position so long, I never would have undertaken
my present duties. He seemed sorry to have provoked these
statements, and remarked that great savings had been effected in
the Money Order Office; to which I replied that it was because that
department had been freed from Colonel Maberly's influence."
Some weeks later, I received for my plan the marked approbation of the
highest authority in the Government:--
"_June 21st._--Lord John Russell, last night, in the House of
Commons, in enumerating the measures which had resulted from the
Reform Bill, spoke as follows of penny postage (the extract is from
the _Times_ of to-day): ... 'Whilst these great changes have been
made, other measures have been adopted, such as the reduction of
the postage of letters to a penny (Hear! from Colonel Sibthorpe, in
a tone which provoked considerable laughter). I was about to allude
to the reduction of postage in a parenthesis with other measures,
but I really think that, viewed as a great social change, nothing
more beneficial has taken place in later times (Hear, hear). When
you contemplate the enormous increase which has taken place in
correspondence, you may estimate the number of persons who were
deprived of the benefit of communicating with their friends, and
of offering the interchange of domestic affections (Hear, hear). I
really think that we cannot overestimate all the advantages which
have resulted from that act (Cheers).'"
The more, however, I felt gratified with this evidence of increased
confidence on the part of the Government, the more anxious was I made
by a communication received three days afterwards:--
"_June 24th._--The Postmaster-General told me in confidence that
Ministers had determined to resign if beaten on the Jamaica
question, now pending--a result which he thought probable; his
object in telling me this appeared to be to enable me, as far as
possible, to prepare for the change. I repeated what I have before
told him, that his own resignation would in all probability be
followed by mine, for that, judging from former experience, I was
sure that unless I was well backed by the Postmaster-General, ----
would so conduct himself as to render my position unbearable. He
replied that he had no doubt I should have much opposition to
contend with, not only from ----, but from the heads of the other
departments, who to a man were opposed to reduction. I reminded
the Postmaster-General of his minute, prescribing a course of
proceeding on my part much more restrictive than the actual
practice of the office, and stated that, should he resign, ----
would, I felt sure, endeavour to enforce the regulations to the
letter. I also inquired if the Postmaster-General would have any
objection to modify his minute in accordance with the practice of
the office. To this I understood him to assent. He says there will
be plenty of time, after the question of resignation is settled, to
attend to such matters. Lord St. Germans, he thinks, would be his
successor. He has noticed that Lord St. G. has rarely deviated from
Maberly's advice."
"_June 28th._--E. H., A. H., F. H., and I, met to consult on the
steps to be taken in consequence of the Postmaster-General's
communication of the 24th, and decided what should be done. These
family consultations are a great aid to me. Wrote a minute,
modifying the one [alluded to above]."
"_June 29th._--Called on the Postmaster-General at his house, and
had a very satisfactory interview. He is fully satisfied as to my
administrative powers, and offers to leave a memorandum for his
successor (should the Ministry resign, of which there is now less
probability), expressing his high opinion thereon. Fully admits
that the prospect of promotion held out when I entered on office
had reference to my succeeding Maberly. That all doubt of my
ability to manage the department had long ceased, and that he had
repeatedly expressed himself to other members of the Government
quite ready to conduct the Post Office with my aid only; that
he expected a vacancy in some other department would have been
found for M. before this, but that his present post was so good
a one that it was difficult to find another equally good, and
that Parliament and the public would not justify their allowing
so young a man as M. to retire upon a pension. I proposed, as an
intermediate step, that I should be declared joint secretary with
M.; but, as I could not accept any advance of salary so long as
I was postponing the consideration of others' salaries, my salary
should continue at its present amount till the general adjustment
should take place.... Finally, he promised to consider my proposal,
and to consult the Chancellor of the Exchequer thereon."
"_June 30th._--The danger of resignation is past; the Ministers had
a majority of 15 last night. Gave the Postmaster-General the minute
(June 28th), but he defers decision thereon, there being now no
haste."
I did not altogether concur in the propriety of delay, feeling as
I did that every day was bringing new evils. After narrating other
proceedings at this interview, my Journal thus continues:--
"Called his [the Postmaster-General's] attention to the great
increase of expenditure, shown by an account just rendered for the
last half of 1847. It is at the [annual] rate of nearly £100,000."
In the following August the question was again forced upon me,
by a demand of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the complete
consolidation of the two corp
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