A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499
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Title: A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499
Dubious author: Alvaro Velho
Translator: Ernest Georg Ravenstein
Dubious author: active 15th century-16th century João de Sá
Release date: July 29, 2014 [eBook #46440]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA 1497-1499 ***
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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
FIRST SERIES. NO. XCIX-MDCCCXCVIII
[Illustration: signature: Vasco da Gama
(_From a Photograph by Sr. Camancho._)
This Portrait, now in the Hall of Honours of the Lisbon Geographical
Society, was presented by the Conde de Vidigueira to King D. Carlos.]
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
Translated and Edited, with Notes, an Introduction and Appendices,
BY E. G. RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S., CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL
SOCIETY OF LISBON.
BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER NEW YORK, NEW YORK
Published by BURT FRANKLIN 514 West 113th Street New York 25, N. Y.
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, ESQ., M.A.
COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
SIR MARTIN CONWAY.
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
ALFRED HARMSWORTH, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD HAWKESBURY.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., M.A.
ADMIRAL SIR ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, G.C.B.
J. SCOTT KELTIE, ESQ.
VICE-ADMIRAL ALBERT H. MARKHAM.
E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.
CAPTAIN NATHAN, R.E.
E. J. PAYNE, ESQ.
CUTHBERT E. PEEK, ESQ.
E. G. RAVENSTEIN, ESQ.
HOWARD SAUNDERS, ESQ.
CHARLES WELCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., B.A., _Honorary Secretary_.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction i
On the importance of Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xi; his
Life, p. xiii; a parallel between Vasco da Gama and Columbus,
p. xv; authorities on Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xix;
the MS. of the _Roteiro_, p. xxii; its author, p. xxv; Portuguese
editions, p. xxxii; French translations, p. xxxiv; the
present edition, p. xxxv.
A JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA IN 1497-99 1
The Voyage Out 1
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 1; across the
Southern Atlantic, p. 3; the Bay of St. Helena, p. 5;
rounding the Cape, p. 8; the Bay of S. Braz, 9; S. Braz
to Natal, p. 14; Terra da Boa Gente and Rio do
Cobre, p. 16; the Rio dos Bons Signaes, p. 19;
to Moçambique, p. 21; false start, and return to
Moçambique, p. 28; Moçambique to Mombaça, p. 31;
Mombaça, p. 34; Mombaça to Malindi, p. 39; Malindi,
p. 40; across the Arabian Sea, p. 46
Calecut 48
Arrival, p. 48; a description of Calecut, p. 49; at anchor
at Pandarani, p. 50; Gama goes to Calecut, p. 51;
a Christian church, p. 52; progress through the town,
p. 55. The King’s palace, p. 55; a royal audience,
p. 56; a night’s lodging, p. 59; presents for the
Zamorin, p. 60; a second audience, p. 61. Return to
Pandarani, p. 63; detention there, p. 64; the Portuguese
merchandise at Pandarani, p. 67; Diogo Dias
carries a message to the King, p. 70; the King sends
for Diogo Dias, p. 74; off Calecut, p. 75; Calecut and
its commerce, p. 77
The Voyage home 79
Santa Maria Islets and Anjediva, p. 80; the voyage across
the Arabian Sea, p. 87; Magadoxo, p. 88; Malindi,
p. 89; Malindi to S. Braz, p. 91; S. Braz to the Rio
Grande, p. 92; conclusion, p. 93
The Kingdoms to the South of Calecut 95
About Elephants 102
Prices at Alexandria 103
A vocabulary of Malayalam 105
APPENDICES.
A.—TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499 111
Letter to the King and Queen of Castile, July 1499 113
Letter to the Cardinal Protector, August 28, 1499 114
B.—GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS, 1499 119
Introduction, p. 119; First letter to a gentleman at
Florence, p. 123; Second letter, p. 137; a letter to his
brother, p. 141
C.—THREE PORTUGUESE ACCOUNTS OF VASCO DA GAMA’S
FIRST VOYAGE. 145
Jornal das Viagens dos Portuguezes ás Indias, 1608 145
Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão, 1612 147
Pedro Barretto de Rezende, 1646 149
D.—VASCO DA GAMA’S SHIPS AND THEIR EQUIPMENT 157
E.—MUSTER-ROLL OF VASCO DA GAMA’S FLEET 173
F.—THE VOYAGE 185
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 186; the Voyage
across the Southern Atlantic, p. 186; doubling the Cape,
p. 192; along the East Coast of Africa, p. 193; across
the Arabian Sea, p. 198; the voyage home, p. 199.
G.—EARLY MAPS ILLUSTRATING VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE 203
Henricus Martellus Germanus, p. 204; Juan de la Cosa,
p. 205; Dr. Hamy’s Chart, p. 206; The Cantino Chart,
p. 208; the chart of the “Mohit”, 209; Canerio, p. 210;
list of Place-Names, p. 214
H.—HONOURS AND REWARDS BESTOWED UPON VASCO DA GAMA,
1499-1524 226
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
_Portraits._
PAGE
Vasco da Gama, from a portrait in the Honour Hall of the
Lisbon Geographical Society _Frontispiece_
King Manuel 109
Vasco da Gama, from a contemporary medallion in the cloister
of Belem xii
Vasco da Gama, from the _Museu das Bellas Artes_ 116
Vasco da Gama, from the same, according to M. Morelet’s
version 171
Vasco da Gama as Viceroy, according to Barretto de Rezende 143
Vasco da Gama, from the _Palacio do Governo_, Goa 151
_Facsimiles._
Facsimile of the first paragraph of the MS. of the _Roteiro_ xxii
Facsimiles of Vasco da Gama’s signatures, _Frontispiece_ and 116
Facsimile of a Receipt given by Vasco da Gama 229
_Ships._
The supposed Armada of Vasco da Gama 160
The _S. Gabriel_ 155
The figure-head of the _S. Raphael_ 91
A Caravel 158
Native craft in the Harbour of Mombaça; from a photograph
by the late Capt. Foot, R.N. 35
_Other Illustrations._
Cão’s Padrão at Cape Cross 169
Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi, from a photograph by Sir
John Kirk 90
Coat-of-Arms of Vasco da Gama 223
A tower at Mombaça; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 39
View of Calecut; from an original sketch by H. Johnson 183
A Siwa-blower; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 43
Krishna nursed by Devaki; from Moor’s “Pantheon” 53
The Old Church at Vidigueira 238
LIST OF MAPS.
PAGE
I. A Chart illustrating the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama,
1497-99 1
II. The Cape to Natal _At end of volume_
III. Natal to Malinde ” ”
IV. The West Coast of India ” ”
V. South Africa, from an anonymous chart of
the world, first published by Dr. Hamy ” ”
VI. Africa, from the Cantino Chart ” ”
VII. Africa and India, from Canerio’s Chart ” ”
VIII. The Indian Ocean, according to the “Mohit” 209
ERRATA.
P. 3, note 3. The wrong date is not August 18, but August 22, which
ought to be October 22. See also p. 190, note 1.
P. 3, line 17. _Instead of_ “lower mainsail”, _read_ “mainsail”.
P. 4, note 2, to be read thus: “That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama
being at that time 400 miles to the N.N.W. of these islands”.
P. 9, note 3. _Instead of_ “Antº”, _read_ “dentº” (dentro).
P. 15, note 1. _Instead of_ “Rio do Infante”, _read_ “Rio de Infante”.
P. 16, line 10. _Read_ “when setting a bonnet we discovered the mast
was sprung ... and ... secured it with lashings”.
P. 22, line 8. _Instead of_ “when putting the ship about”, etc., _read_
“in tacking towards the other ships, which were astern, Coelho”, etc.
P. 23, note 4. _Add_ “Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls”.
P. 73, line 17. _Instead of_ “August 23”, _read_ “August 24”.
P. 79, line 14. _Instead_ of “Biaquotte”, _read_ “Biaquolle”.
P. 80, note 1. For the identification of the Ilhas de S. Maria, see p.
200.
P. 92, line 13. _Add_ “and left at once”.
P. 148, line 20, and P. 175, line 60. The pilot was Pero Escolar, not
Escovar. A Pero Escovar is mentioned by Barros (t. I, part 1, p. 143)
jointly with João de Santarem, as having made discoveries on the Gold
Coast in 1471. He was a “cavalier” of the King’s household. Another
Pero Escovar went as pilot to the Congo in 1490. This latter may
possibly have been our man.
P. 161, line 24. _Instead_ of “D’Alberti”, _read_ “D’Albertis”.
P. 167, line 17. _Instead of_ “Rodriguez”, _read_ “Rodrigo”.
P. 167, line 29. _Instead of_ “Diogo de Vilhegas”, _read_ “Diogo Ortiz
de Vilhegas”.
INTRODUCTION.
The discovery of an ocean route to India, in 1497-98, marks an epoch
in the history of geographical exploration no less than in that of
commerce. It confirmed the hypothesis of a circumambient ocean, first
put forward by Hecataeus, but rejected by Ptolemy and his numerous
followers; and, at the same time diverted into a new channel the
profitable spice trade with the East which for ages had passed through
Syria and Alexandria. In consequence of this diversion Venice lost her
monopoly, and Lisbon became for a time the great spice-market of Europe.
But Portugal was a small country whose resources were hardly even equal
to the task of waging the continuous wars with the Moors in which
she had so unwisely been engaged for generations past. And when, in
addition to her African forces, she was called upon to maintain great
fleets in the distant East, in order to enforce her monopoly of the
spice trade, at first in the face only of the Moors, and afterwards in
that of powerful European rivals, her resources speedily came to an
end, and she found herself exhausted and helpless. It may well be asked
whether Portugal would not be happier now, and richer, too, had she
never had the opportunity of dwelling upon these ancient glories; had
the wealth of the Indies never been poured into her lap, only to breed
corruption; and had her strength not been wasted in a struggle to which
she was materially unequal, and which ended in exhaustion and ruin.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama.
(_From a Contemporary Medallion in the Cloister of Belem._)]
Portugal, however, notwithstanding the sad ending of her vast Eastern
enterprises, is still justly proud of the achievements of her “great”
Vasco da Gama, and boldly places him by the side of Magelhães and
Christopher Columbus, as one of a noble triad which occupies the
foremost rank among the great navigators of an Age of Great Discoveries.
Vasco da Gama was born, about 1460,[1] at Sines, of which coast-town
his father, Estevão, was alcaidemór. He was the youngest of three
brothers. Genealogists trace back his pedigree to a valiant soldier,
Alvaro Annes da Gama, who resided at Olivença in 1280, and greatly
distinguished himself in the wars with the Moors. The Gamas could thus
boast of gentle blood, though they neither belonged to the aristocracy
of Portugal, nor were they possessed of much worldly wealth.
We know next to nothing of Vasco da Gama’s youth. When King João,
after the return of Bartholomeu Dias, decided to fit out an armada to
complete the discovery of an ocean highway to India, he selected Vasco
da Gama as its captain-major, and this choice of the King was confirmed
by his successor, D. Manuel.[2] Such an appointment would not have
been made had not Vasco da Gama already been known as a man of energy,
capacity and competent knowledge. We ought therefore not be surprised
if Garcia de Resende, in his _Chronicle of D. João II_ (c. 146), tells
us that he was a man whom the King trusted, as he had already served
in his fleets and in maritime affairs, and whom he had consequently
charged, in 1492, with the task of seizing the French vessels lying in
the ports of Algarve, in reprisal for the capture by a French pirate of
a Portuguese caravel returning from S. Jorge da Mina with gold.[3]
Castanheda (I, c. 2) speaks of Vasco as having done good service in
the time of King João II, and as being experienced in the affairs of
the sea. Mariz (_Dial._, iv, c. 14; v, c. 1) calls him a young man
(_mancebo_), high-spirited and indefatigable, who had such a thorough
knowledge of navigation (_arte maritima_) that he would have been able
to hold his own with the most experienced pilots of Europe. We know,
moreover, from Barros and Goes that he landed at S. Helena Bay with
his pilots in order to determine the latitude. These extracts show,
at all events, that Vasco da Gama was not a mere landsman; nor is it
likely that the command of an expedition, the one object of which was
discovery, and not trade or war, would have been entrusted to such an
one.
He was, moreover, well qualified for his post in other respects. His
indomitable firmness made him shrink from no obstacle which opposed
itself to the success of his expedition; and notwithstanding the
unheard-of length of the voyage and the hardships endured, he retained
the confidence of his men to the very last.
The question whether Da Gama can fairly be ranked with Columbus and
Magelhães, has frequently been discussed.
The first place among these three undoubtedly belongs to Magelhães, the
renegade Portuguese, who first guided a ship across the wide expanse
of the Pacific. The second place is almost universally accorded to
Columbus, whose unconscious discovery of a new world, fit to become the
second home of the European races, was immensely more far-reaching in
its consequences than the discovery of an ocean highway to India, now
largely discarded in favour of the shorter route across the isthmus of
Suez.
It is maintained, in support of the claims of Columbus, that he was
the originator of the scheme the success of which covered him with
everlasting glory, whilst Vasco da Gama simply obeyed the behests of
his King, when he took the lead of an expedition which was to crown the
efforts made by little Portugal for generations past.
There is much truth in this contention. The scheme of reaching the
East by a westward course across the Atlantic had no doubt been
entertained in Portugal in the reign of Affonso the African [1438-81].
Fernão Martinz, the Royal Chaplain, had discussed its prospects with
Paolo Toscanelli, when in Italy, and had been instructed to apply for
further particulars to the Florentine physician, in response to which
he had received the famous letter of June 25th, 1474, and the chart
which accompanied it. But practically nothing was done, except that an
adventurer or two[4] were authorised to seek for the islands supposed
to lie to the west of the Azores. Prince Henry the Navigator would
perhaps have acted upon such a suggestion, had he been still alive,
but the King’s resources were devoted to Africa, or wasted in two
disastrous wars with Spain.
Columbus, on the other hand, made the discarded scheme his own; he,
too, applied to Toscanelli for counsel,[5] and found confirmation of
that physician’s erroneous hypothesis as to the small breadth of the
Atlantic by studying the _Imago Mundi_ of Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly,
and other writings. Nor did he rest until he found in Queen Isabella
the Catholic a patron who enabled him to put his theories to the test
of practical experience. It was his good fortune that Providence had
placed the new world as a barrier between him and Marco Polo’s Cipangu
(Japan), which was his goal, or he might never have returned to claim
the reward of his success.
On the accession of D. João II, in 1481, the discovery of Africa was
resumed with renewed vigour, and the councillors of that King acted
wisely when they advised him to decline the offers of Columbus,[6] for
the resources of Portugal were quite unequal to pursuing at one and the
same time a search for a western route and continuing the efforts for
opening a practical route around the southern extremity of Africa. And
thus it happened that Columbus “discovered a new world for Castile and
Leon”, and not for Portugal.
When, however, we come to consider the physical difficulties which
had to be overcome by these great navigators in the accomplishment of
their purpose, the greater credit must undoubtedly be awarded to Vasco
da Gama. Columbus, trusting as implicitly to the chart and sailing
directions of Toscanelli as did Vasco da Gama to those of Dias, and,
perhaps, of Pero de Covilhão, shaped a course westward of Gomera; and,
having sailed in that direction for thirty-six days, and for a distance
of 2,600 miles, made his first landfall at Guanahani, being favoured
all the while by the prevailing easterly winds. The task which Vasco
da Gama undertook was far more difficult of accomplishment. Instead
of creeping along the coast, as had been done by his predecessors,
he conceived the bold idea of shaping a course which would take him
direct through the mid-Atlantic from the Cape Verde Islands to the Cape
of Good Hope. The direct distance to be covered was 3,770 miles, but
the physical obstacles presented by winds and currents could only be
overcome by taking a circuitous course, and thus it happened that he
spent ninety-three days at sea before he made his first landfall to the
north of the bay of St. Helena. This first passage across the southern
Atlantic is one of the great achievements recorded in the annals of
maritime exploration.
Once beyond the Cape, Vasco had to struggle against the Agulhas
current, which had baffled Bartholomeu Dias, and against the current of
Mozambique; and it was only after he had secured a trustworthy pilot at
Melinde that the difficulties of the outward voyage can be said to have
been overcome.
In one other respect Vasco da Gama, or, perhaps, we ought to say his
pilots, proved themselves the superiors of Columbus, namely, in the
accuracy of the charts of their discoveries which they brought home
to Portugal. Accepting the Cantino Chart[7] as a fair embodiment of
the work done by this expedition, we find that the greatest error
in latitude amounts to 1° 40´. The errors of Columbus were far more
considerable. In three places of his Journal the latitude of the north
coast of Cuba is stated to be 42° by actual observation; and that this
is no clerical error, thrice repeated in three different places, seems
to be proved by the evidence of the charts. On that of Juan de la Cosa,
for instance, Cuba is made to extend to lat. 35° N. (instead of 23°
10´), and even on the rough sketch drawn by Bartolomeo Columbus after
the return from the Fourth Voyage, Jamaica and Puerto Rico (Spagnola)
are placed 6° too far to the north.[8]
Verily, the Portuguese of those days were superior as navigators to
their Spanish rivals and the Italians.
Posterity is fortunate in possessing a very full abstract of the
Journal which Columbus kept during his first voyage to the West
Indies.[9] No such trustworthy record is available in the case of Vasco
da Gama, whose original reports have disappeared. They were consulted,
no doubt, by João de Barros and Damião de Goes; but these writers, much
to our loss, dealt very briefly with all that refers to navigation.
The only available account written by a member of the expedition is
the _Roteiro_ or Journal, a translation of which fills the bulk of
this volume, and of which, later on, we shall speak at greater length.
The only other contemporary accounts, which we also reproduce, are at
second-hand, and are contained in the letters written by King Manuel
and Girolamo Sernigi immediately after the return of Vasco da Gama’s
vessels from India.
Apart from these, our chief authorities regarding this voyage are still
the _Decades_ of João de Barros and the _Chronicle_ of King Manuel, by
Damião de Goes. Both these authors held official positions which gave
them access to the records preserved in the India House. Castanheda
relied almost wholly upon the _Roteiro_, but a few additional
statements of interest may be found in his pages.
As to the _Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, we are unable to look upon his
account of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage as anything but a jumble of
truth and fiction,[10] notwithstanding that he claims to have made use
of the diary of a priest, Figueiro, who is stated to have sailed in
Vasco’s fleet. Correa’s long residence in India—from 1514 to the time
of his death—must have proved an advantage when relating events which
came under his personal observation, but it also precluded him from
consulting the documents placed on record in the Archives of Lisbon.
This much is certain: that whoever accepts Correa as his guide must
reject the almost unanimous evidence of other writers of authority who
have dealt with this important voyage.[11]
A few additional facts may be gleaned from Faria y Sousa’s _Asia
Portuguesa_, from Duarte Pacheco Pereira and Antonio Galvão; but in the
main we are dependent upon the _Roteiro_, for recent searches[12] in
the _Torre do Tombo_ have yielded absolutely nothing, so far as we are
aware, which throws additional light upon Da Gama’s First Voyage, with
which alone we are concerned.
And now we shall proceed to give an account of the _Roteiro_.
_The Manuscript of the “Roteiro”._
In giving an account of the manuscript of this Journal, we entrust
ourselves to the guidance of Professors Kopke and Antonio da Costa
Paiva, the two gentlemen who first published it.
[Illustration: Signature of Fernam Lopes de Castanheda]
[Illustration: Water Mark]
That is:—
“Em Nome de Ds Amem// Na era de mill iiij LR vij
mamdou Ellrey Dom manuell o primo desde nome em portugall/
a descobrir/ quat
navios/ os quaes hiam em busca da especiaria/ dos quaees na
vios hia por capitam moor Vco da Gama e dos outros duũ
delles Paullo da Gama seu jrmaoo e doutro njcollao Coelho”.
The manuscript originally belonged to the famous Convent of Santa Cruz
at Coimbra, whence it was transferred, together with other precious
MSS., to the public library of Oporto.
It is not an autograph, for on fol. 64 (p. 77 of this translation),
where the author has left a blank, the copyist, to guard against his
being supposed to have been careless in his task, has added these
words: “The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were
made”. This copy, however, was taken in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, as may be seen from the style of the writing as exhibited in
the facsimile of the first paragraph of the work, shown on preceding
page.
The MS. is in folio, and is rudely bound up in a sheet of parchment,
torn out of some book of ecclesiastical offices. The ink is a little
faded, but the writing is still perfectly legible. The paper is of
ordinary strength, and of rather a dark tint; the manufacturer’s water
mark is shown in the above facsimile. Blank leaves of more modern make,
and having a different water-mark, have been inserted at the front and
back, and the first of these leaves contains the following inscription
in a modern hand, which is still legible, although pains have been
taken to erase it:—
“Pertinet ad usum fratris Theotonii de Sancto
G ... Canonici Regularis in Cenobio
Scte Crucis”.
Immediately below this we read:—
“Dô Theotonio”,
and near the bottom of the page, in a modern hand, probably that of
one of the librarians of the convent:—
“Descobrimento da India por D. Vasco
da Gamma”.
Prof. Kopke suggests[13] that the copyist of this valuable MS. was
the famous historian Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, who was Apparitor
and Keeper of the Archives in the University of Coimbra, and was
engaged there during twenty years, much to the injury of his health
and private fortune, in collecting the materials for his _Historia do
Descobrimento e Conquista da India_. In support of this assumption
he publishes a signature (see the facsimile on page xxii) taken from
a copy of the first book of Castanheda’s history, published in 1551.
But A. Herculano,[14] whilst admitting this signature to be genuine,
points out that the cursive characters of the MS. are of a type
exceedingly common during the first half of the sixteenth century, and
that it would consequently not be safe to attribute it to any writer
in particular. Until, therefore, further evidence is forthcoming, we
cannot accept the Professor’s theory that we are indebted for this copy
to Castanheda; though, as we have already said, there can be no doubt
that in writing his account of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama he
depended almost exclusively for his facts upon the anonymous author of
this _Roteiro_.
_The Author of the “Roteiro”._
It is quite possible, as suggested by Prof. Kopke, that the title by
which the _Roteiro_ was known at the convent of Santa Cruz misled
certain bibliographers into a belief that Vasco da Gama himself had
written this account of his voyage.
Thus Nicoláo Antonio, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Veta_ (1672), lib.
10, c. 15, § 543, says:—
“Vascus da Gama ... dedit reversus Emanueli suo Regi populari
Portugaliæ idiomate navigationis suae ad Indiam anno MCDXCVII
relationem, quae lucem vidit.”
The words “quae lucem vidit” need not, however, be understood as
conveying the meaning that this narrative was actually printed and
published, for the same author, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_,
makes use of the same equivocal expression when describing another
voyage to India, expressly stated by him to be still in MS.
Moreri, in his _Dictionnaire_ (1732), quoting as his authority a
_Bibliotheca Portuguesa_ in MS., which he had from “a man of judgment
and of vast erudition”, states that Vasco da Gama is said to have
published an account of his first voyage to India, but that no copy of
it had up till then been discovered.
Similarly, Barbosa Machado, the author of the standard _Bibliotheca
Lusitana_ (t. iii, p. 775), 1752, accepting Nicoláo Antonio as his
authority, says that Vasco da Gama “wrote an account of the voyage
which he made to India in 1497”.[15]
We are quite safe in assuming that no such a narrative has ever been
published, although it is equally certain that Vasco da Gama furnished
official reports of his proceedings, which were still available when
João de Barros wrote his _Decades_, but are so no longer.
No one has yet succeeded in discovering the author of the _Roteiro_.
Prof. Kopke attempts to arrive at the name by a process of elimination,
and in doing so starts with several assumptions which we cannot accept.
First of all he assumes that Castanheda must have known the writer of
the MS. of which he made such excellent use in writing his history.
But Castanheda only became acquainted with this MS. after 1530, when
he took up his residence at Coimbra on his return from India, that
is, more than thirty years after it had been written. Of course, the
author might then have been still alive, notwithstanding the lapse of
years; but had this been the case, and had Castanheda been personally
acquainted with him, he would surely have obtained from him an account
of the termination of the voyage, instead of abruptly breaking off in
the same way as the _Roteiro_ does, with the arrival of the fleet at
the shoals of the Rio Grande (see p. 93), adding that he had been
unable to ascertain the particulars of the further voyage of the
captain-major, and only knew that Coelho arrived at Cascaes on July
10th, 1499.[16] It is probable, moreover, that if Castanheda had known
the name of the author to whom he was so greatly indebted, he would
have mentioned it in his book. Prof. Kopke assumes further that the
writer was a common sailor or soldier, and most probably the former:
first, because he frequently makes use of the expression “nós outros”
(we others) as if to draw a distinction between the officers of the
ships and the class to which he himself belonged; and, secondly,
because “the style of his narrative would seem to point to his humble
condition”. We can admit neither of these conclusions. The author by
no means uses the expression “we others” in the restricted sense in
which Prof. Kopke understands it. In proof of this we may refer to
such sentences as are to be found at pp. 57 and 61:—“When the King
beckoned to the captain he looked at us others”; “as to us others, we
diverted ourselves”—the “others”, in both these cases, including the
thirteen men who attended Vasco da Gama to Calecut, and among whom were
the three pursers, the captain-major’s secretary, and others who may
not have been “persons of distinction” but who nevertheless cannot be
classed with “common soldiers or sailors”. As to the literary style of
the Journal, we may at once admit that its author cannot take rank with
Barros, Castanheda or Correa, but this by no means proves him to have
been an uncultured man, or of “humble condition.” His spelling may not
have been quite in accordance with the somewhat loose rules followed
in the fifteenth century, but his narrative is straightforward and to
the point, and shows that he was a man of judgment perfectly able to
give an intelligent account of the many novel facts which came under
his observation. If he looked upon the Hindus as fellow-Christians, he
shared that opinion with the other members of the expedition, including
its chief. It only needs a perusal of such a collection of letters,
reports, and narratives as is to be found in _Alguns documentos do
Archivo nacional_ (Lisbon, 1892) to convince us that there were men
holding high positions in those days whose literary abilities fell
short of those which can be claimed on behalf of our author. Moreover,
it is not likely that access to the information required to enable
him to write a _Roteiro da Viagem_ would have been given to a “common
sailor or soldier”, even if such a person had been bold enough to ask
for it.
We shall now follow Prof. Kopke in his “process of elimination”:—
1. The author, in the course of his narrative, mentions a number of
persons by name, and these we must eliminate forthwith. They are:
Vasco and Paulo da Gama, Nicolau Coelho (p. 22), Pero d’Alenquer (p.
5), João de Coimbra (p. 30), Martin Affonso (pp. 12, 17), Sancho Mexia
(p. 6), and Fernão Veloso (p. 7).
2. We know further that the author served on board the _S.
Raphael_.[17] This disposes of Gonçalo Alvares and Diogo Dias[18] of
the _S. Gabriel_; and of Gonçalo Nunes, Pero Escolar, and Alvaro de
Braga, of the _Berrio_.
3. The author mentions certain things as having been done by persons
whose names he does not give. The name of one of these is supplied by
Castanheda and Barros. We thus learn from Barros that Fernão Martins
“was the sailor mentioned by the author (p. 23) as being able to speak
the language of the Moors; and from Castanheda (I, p. 51) that he was
one of the two men sent with a message to the King of Calecut (p. 50).
The convict who was sent to Calecut on May 21st (p. 48) was João Nunez,
according to Correa. The author states (p. 64, line 18, and p. 65, last
line) that the captain-major sent three men along the beach in search
of the ships’ boats. According to Castanheda (I, pp. 71 and 72), one of
these men was Gonçalo Pires.
We may therefore strike out all these names from the list of possible
authors.
4. Three members of the expedition are reported to have died during
the voyage, namely, Pedro de Covilhão, the priest; Pedro de Faria de
Figueredo, and his brother Francisco, all of them mentioned by Faria y
Sousa alone.
5. Lastly, there are four convicts whose names are given by Correa,
none of whom is likely to have been the author of the MS. The presence
of some of these convicts is, moreover, very doubtful.
We have thus accounted for all the members of the expedition whose
names are known, with the exception of eight.
Four of these—João de Sá, Alvaro Velho, João Palha and João de
Setubal—are stated to have been among the thirteen who attended Vasco
da Gama to Calecut (p. 51), and of these, João de Sá was clerk in the
_S. Raphael_, the author’s ship. He certainly might have been the
author. Prof. Kopke thinks not, first, because of the author’s supposed
humble position; secondly, because João de Sá, if we may credit an
anecdote recorded by Castanheda (I, p. 57),[19] had his doubts about
the people of India being Christians, whilst the author unhesitatingly
affirms them to be so. The only other person mentioned by Castanheda
as having been connected with the expedition is Alvaro Velho, a
soldier, who, according to Prof. Kopke, may “fairly be looked upon as
the author of this Journal.” He admits, however, that this conclusion
is acceptable only on the assumption that Castanheda knew the author: a
purely gratuitous assumption, in our opinion.
Castanheda only mentions six out of the thirteen who were present
at Vasco da Gama’s audience of the Zamorin. Correa mentions two
others—João de Setubal and João Palha. Five remain thus to be accounted
for; and, although these may have included servants and trumpeters, not
likely to have troubled about keeping a journal, our author may have
been among them. It will thus be seen that this process of elimination
has led to no result, and that we cannot even tell whether the author’s
name occurs in any single account of this expedition. Comparing his
“Journal” with the contents of Sernigi’s first letter, it almost seems
as if he had been the person from whom the Florentine derived the bulk
of his information. In that case his name may perhaps turn up some day
in the Italian archives. If our choice were limited to Alvaro Velho and
João de Sá, we should feel inclined to decide in favour of the latter.
Correa mentions three other persons as having been with Vasco da Gama:
namely, João Figueiro, whose diary he claims to have used, and who
cannot therefore have been the author of a “Journal” the contents of
which are so widely different; André Gonçalves and João d’Amoxeira.
Camões adds a fourth name, that of Leonardo Ribeyra. This exhausts the
muster-roll, as far as the names are known to us.
_The Portuguese Editions of the “Roteiro”._[20]
The _Roteiro_ was printed for the first time in 1838. The editors,
Diogo Kopke and Dr. Antonio da Costa Paiva, both teachers at the
_Academia Polytechnica_ of Oporto, furnished it with an introduction,
in which they give an account of the manuscript and discuss its
authorship, add sixty-nine notes, explanatory of the text, and append
King Manuel’s letters patent of January 10th, 1502 (see p. 230). The
illustrations include a map, the facsimile of a page of the MS., a
portrait, and an illustrated title-page of poor design. The book was
published by subscription. Three hundred and ninety-two copies were
subscribed for, including two hundred and thirty-seven by residents in
Oporto, among whom British wine-merchants figure prominently. Only five
copies went abroad, and three of these were subscribed for by Captain
Washington, R.N., the Royal Geographical Society, and the Geographical
Society of Paris.
A second edition appeared at Lisbon in 1861. Its editors, A.
Herculano, the famous historian, and Baron do Castello de Paiva,
claim to have “got rid of those imperfections in the text, as also in
the notes of the first edition,[21] which must be attributed to the
inexperience of the editors, and to their eagerness to bring before
the public so precious an historical document”. Their emendations,
however, are not of a kind to justify this somewhat brutal reference to
the work done by their predecessors. They consist, in the main, of a
modernisation of the spelling, the introduction of a few “philological”
notes of no particular interest, and a short preface in which Correa’s
_Lendas da India_ are spoken of in terms of eulogy. These _Lendas_
the editors consider to be “far superior in substance (_quanto á
substancia_) to the _Decades_ of João de Barros, and to the exuberant
but evidently honest narrative of Castanheda.” After praising Correa
“for depicting in firm contours and vivid colours” the human passions
brought into play by close companionship within the narrow limits of a
ship, they admit that as to “facts” “he is often vague, forgetful, or
ambiguous”. They conclude by saying that the author of the _Roteiro_
and the chronicle-writers mutually complement each other, and jointly
acquaint us with all the details of one of the great events in the
history of modern nations.[22]
_The French Translations of the “Roteiro”._
Two have been published. The first of these, by M. Ferdinand Denis,
will be found in the third volume of Charton’s _Voyageurs Anciens et
Modernes_, Paris, 1855. It is based upon the first Portuguese edition,
and ends with the arrival of the two vessels at the Rio Grande. The
notes by Professor Kopke are embodied in those of the translator, who
has added an introduction, giving a short but excellent biography of
Vasco da Gama, and a bibliography. The map of the original is retained,
and there are twenty illustrations, including two portraits of Vasco
da Gama, the one stated to be from Count Farrobo’s painting, as
published in the _Panorama_, the other from a Paris MS. of Barretto de
Rezende.[23]
For the second French translation[24] we are indebted to M. Arthur
Morelet. It is from the second Portuguese edition, and not a word of
either text or notes has been omitted. The translator has confined
himself to supplying a short introduction. The map is retained, but a
free rendering of Count Farrobo’s painting[25] has been substituted for
the poor portrait of Vasco da Gama in the original, and the portrait of
King Manuel has been omitted as being “flat, without relief and vigour,
and wanting even in that unaffected simplicity which marks the works
of that period.”[26]
_The English Translation._
In 1869 the Hakluyt Society published Lord Stanley of Alderley’s
translation of the _Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, from the
_Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, with numerous foot-notes indicating those
instances in which Correa differs from Barros, Goes, Castanheda and
other historians, as well as from the poetical version of this voyage
presented in the _Lusiadas_ of Camões.
It was intended at the same time to bring out an English version of
the _Roteiro_, but no definite arrangements were made, and thus the
matter was left in abeyance until the present Editor revived the idea,
and suggested that the volume proposed might prove acceptable as an
interesting though humble contribution to the literature of the Fourth
Centenary of Vasco da Gama’s arrival in India, which Portugal is about
to celebrate.
The translation of the _Roteiro_ itself is literal and complete. The
notes of the Portuguese editors have, however, been abridged, and only
the substance of what they say in their introductions has been retained.
On the other hand, the Editor has added translations of the letters
of King Manuel and Sernigi, and of three Portuguese accounts of the
voyage. He has, moreover, added Appendices, among which the one
dealing with early maps will, he hopes, prove of some interest.
In conclusion, the Editor fulfils an agreeable duty in acknowledging
the kindly help and advice extended to him by a number of gentlemen.
To Capt. E. J. de Carvalho e Vasconcellos and Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon, he is indebted for the fine portraits which ornament this
edition; to Prof. Gallois for a tracing of the unpublished portion of
Canerio’s chart; to Dr. M. C. Caputo for a photograph of the African
portion of the Cantino chart; to Prof. Biagi for a copy of Sernigi’s
letter in the _Biblioteca Riccardiana_; to Sir J. Kirk for several
illustrations and important notes; to the late Rt. Rev. Dr. J. M.
Speechley, and the Rev. J. J. Jaus, of the Basel Missionary Society,
for notes on Calecut; and for help in minor matters to Dr. Garnett, of
the British Museum; Baron Hulot, Secretary of the Paris Geographical
Society; M. Marcel, of the _Bibliothèque Nationale_; Prof. Dalla
Vedova, of Rome; Prof. Berchet, of Venice; and Capt. B. B. da Silva, of
Lisbon.
His special thanks are due to three members of the Hakluyt Society,
namely, Sir Clements Markham, the President; Admiral Albert H. Markham,
who acted as the Editor’s nautical adviser; and Mr. William Foster, the
Secretary, whose careful reading of the proofs kept this volume free
from many a blunder.
LONDON, _March, 1898_.
[Illustration:
A CHART
illustrating the First Voyage of
VASCO DA GAMA
1497-99
HAKLUYT. S. I. v. XCIX]
[Illustration: (Headpiece)]
A JOURNAL
OF THE FIRST
VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA
IN 1497-99.
[_Words and Dates not in the MS. have been placed within square
brackets._]
In the name of God. Amen!
In the year 1497 King Dom Manuel, the first of that name in Portugal,
despatched four vessels to make discoveries and go in search of spices.
Vasco da Gama was the captain-major of these vessels; Paulo da Gama,
his brother, commanded one of them, and Nicolau Coelho another.[27]
[_Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands._]
We left Restello[28] on Saturday, July 8, 1497. May God our Lord permit
us to accomplish this voyage in his service. Amen!
On the following Saturday [July 15] we sighted the Canaries, and in
the night passed to the lee of Lançarote. During the following night,
at break of day [July 16] we made the Terra Alta, where we fished for
a couple of hours, and in the evening, at dusk, we were off the Rio do
Ouro.[29]
The fog[30] during the night grew so dense that Paulo da Gama lost
sight of the captain-major, and when day broke [July 17] we saw neither
him nor the other vessels. We therefore made sail for the Cape Verde
islands, as we had been instructed to do in case of becoming separated.
On the following Saturday, [July 22], at break of day, we sighted the
Ilha do Sal,[31] and an hour afterwards discovered three vessels,
which turned out to be the store-ship, and the vessels commanded by
Nicolau Coelho and Bartholameu Diz [Dias], the last of whom sailed in
our company as far as the Mine.[32] They, too, had lost sight of the
captain-major. Having joined company we pursued our route, but the wind
fell, and we were becalmed until Wednesday [July 26]. At ten o’clock on
that day we sighted the captain-major, about five leagues ahead of us,
and having got speech with him in the evening we gave expression to our
joy by many times firing off our bombards[33] and sounding the trumpets.
The day after this, a Thursday [July 27], we arrived at the island
of Samtiago [São Thiago],[34] and joyfully anchored in the bay of
Santa Maria, where we took on board meat, water and wood, and did the
much-needed repairs to our yards.
[_Across the Southern Atlantic._]
On Thursday, August 3, we left in an easterly direction. On August
18,[35] when about 200 leagues from Samtiaguo, going south, the
captain-major’s main yard broke, and we lay to under foresail and
mainsail for two days and a night. On the 22nd of the same month,
when going S. by W., we saw many birds resembling herons.[36] On the
approach of night they flew vigorously to the S.S.E., as if making for
the land.[37] On the same day, being then quite 800 leagues out at sea
[_i.e._, reckoning from S. Thiago], we saw a whale.
On Friday, October 27, the eve of St. Simon and Jude, we saw many
whales, as also quoquas[38] and seals.[39]
On Wednesday, November 1, the day of All Saints, we perceived many
indications of the neighbourhood of land, including gulf-weed,[40]
which grows along the coast.
On Saturday, the 4th of the same month, a couple of hours before
break of day, we had soundings in 110 fathoms,[41] and at nine o’clock
we sighted the land.[42] We then drew near to each other, and having
put on our gala clothes, we saluted the captain-major by firing our
bombards, and dressed the ships with flags and standards. In the course
of the day we tacked so as to come close to the land, but as we failed
to identify it, we again stood out to sea.
[_The Bay of St. Helena._]
On Tuesday [November 7] we returned to the land, which we found to be
low, with a broad bay opening into it. The captain-major sent Pero
d’Alenquer[43] in a boat to take soundings and to search for good
anchoring ground. The bay was found to be very clean, and to afford
shelter against all winds except those from the N.W. It extended east
and west, and we named it Santa Helena.
On Wednesday [November 8] we cast anchor in this bay, and we remained
there eight days, cleaning the ships, mending the sails, and taking in
wood.
The river Samtiagua [S. Thiago][44] enters the bay four leagues to the
S.E. of the anchorage. It comes from the interior (sertão), is about
a stone’s throw across at the mouth, and from two to three fathoms in
depth at all states of the tide.[45]
The inhabitants of this country are tawny-coloured.[46] Their food is
confined to the flesh of seals, whales and gazelles, and the roots of
herbs. They are dressed in skins, and wear sheaths over their virile
members.[47] They are armed with poles of olive wood to which a horn,
browned in the fire, is attached.[48] Their numerous dogs resemble
those of Portugal, and bark like them. The birds of the country,
likewise, are the same as in Portugal, and include cormorants, gulls,
turtle doves, crested larks, and many others. The climate is healthy
and temperate, and produces good herbage.
On the day after we had cast anchor, that is to say on Thursday
[November 9], we landed with the captain-major, and made captive one of
the natives, who was small of stature like Sancho Mexia. This man had
been gathering honey in the sandy waste, for in this country the bees
deposit their honey at the foot of the mounds around the bushes. He
was taken on board the captain-major’s ship, and being placed at table
he ate of all we ate. On the following day the captain-major had him
well dressed and sent ashore.[49]
On the following day [November 10] fourteen or fifteen natives came to
where our ships lay. The captain-major landed and showed them a variety
of merchandise, with the view of finding out whether such things were
to be found in their country. This merchandise included cinnamon,
cloves, seed-pearls, gold, and many other things, but it was evident
that they had no knowledge whatever of such articles, and they were
consequently given round bells and tin rings. This happened on Friday,
and the like took place on Saturday.
On Sunday [November 12] about forty or fifty natives made their
appearance, and having dined, we landed, and in exchange for the
çeitils[50] with which we came provided, we obtained shells, which they
wore as ornaments in their ears, and which looked as if they had been
plated, and fox-tails attached to a handle, with which they fanned
their faces. I also acquired for one çeitil one of the sheaths which
they wore over their members, and this seemed to show that they valued
copper very highly; indeed, they wore small beads of that metal in
their ears.
On that day Fernão Velloso, who was with the captain-major, expressed
a great desire to be permitted to accompany the natives to their
houses, so that he might find out how they lived and what they ate.
The captain-major yielded to his importunities, and allowed him to
accompany them, and when we returned to the captain-major’s vessel to
sup, he went away with the negroes. Soon after they had left us they
caught a seal, and when they came to the foot of a hill in a barren
place they roasted it, and gave some of it to Fernão Velloso, as also
some of the roots which they eat. After this meal they expressed a
desire that he should not accompany them any further, but return to the
vessels. When Fernão Velloso came abreast of the vessels he began to
shout, the negroes keeping in the bush.
We were still at supper; but when his shouts were heard the
captain-major rose at once, and so did we others, and we entered a
sailing boat. The negroes then began running along the beach, and they
came as quickly up with Fernão Velloso[51] as we did, and when we
endeavoured to get him into the boat they threw their assegais, and
wounded the captain-major and three or four others. All this happened
because we looked upon these people as men of little spirit, quite
incapable of violence, and had therefore landed without first arming
ourselves. We then returned to the ships.
[_Rounding the Cape_].
At daybreak of Thursday the 16th of November, having careened our ships
and taken in wood, we set sail. At that time we did not know how far
we might be abaft the Cape of Good Hope. Pero d’Alenquer thought the
distance about thirty leagues,[52] but he was not certain, for on his
return voyage [when with B. Dias] he had left the Cape in the morning
and had gone past this bay with the wind astern, whilst on the outward
voyage he had kept at sea, and was therefore unable to identify the
locality where we now were. We therefore stood out towards the S.S.W.
and late on Saturday [November 18] we beheld the Cape. On that same
day we again stood out to sea, returning to the land in the course
of the night. On Sunday morning, November 19, we once more made for
the Cape, but were again unable to round it, for the wind blew from
the S.S.W., whilst the Cape juts out towards the S.W. We then again
stood out to sea, returning to the land on Monday night. At last, on
Wednesday [November 22], at noon, having the wind astern, we succeeded
in doubling the Cape, and then ran along the coast.[53]
To the south of this Cape of Good Hope, and close to it, a vast bay,
six leagues broad at its mouth, enters about six leagues into the
land.[54]
[_The Bay of São Braz_].[55]
Late on Saturday, November 25, the day of St. Catherine’s, we entered
the bay (angra) of Sam Brás, where we remained for thirteen days, for
there we broke up our store-ship and transferred her contents to the
other vessels.[56]
On Friday [December 1], whilst still in the bay of Sam Brás, about
ninety men resembling those we had met at St. Helena Bay made their
appearance. Some of them walked along the beach, whilst others
remained upon the hills. All, or most of us, were at the time in the
captain-major’s vessel. As soon as we saw them we launched and armed
the boats, and started for the land. When close to the shore the
captain-major threw them little round bells, which they picked up. They
even ventured to approach us, and took some of these bells from the
captain-major’s hand. This surprised us greatly, for when Bartholomeu
Dias[57] was here the natives fled without taking any of the objects
which he offered them. Nay, on one occasion, when Dias was taking in
water, close to the beach, they sought to prevent him, and when they
pelted him with stones, from a hill, he killed one of them with the
arrow of a cross-bow. It appeared to us that they did not fly on this
occasion, because they had heard from the people at the bay of St.
Helena (only sixty leagues distant by sea)[58] that there was no harm
in us, and that we even gave away things which were ours.
The captain-major did not land at this spot, because there was much
bush, but proceeded to an open part of the beach, when he made signs
to the negroes to approach. This they did. The captain-major and the
other captains then landed, being attended by armed men, some of whom
carried cross-bows. He then made the negroes understand, by signs, that
they were to disperse, and to approach him only singly or in couples.
To those who approached he gave small bells and red caps, in return
for which they presented him with ivory bracelets, such as they wore
on their arms, for it appears that elephants are plentiful in this
country. We actually found some of their droppings near the watering
place where they had gone to drink.
On Saturday [December 2] about two hundred negroes came, both young
and old. They brought with them about a dozen oxen and cows and four
or five sheep. As soon as we saw them we went ashore. They forthwith
began to play on four or five flutes,[59] some producing high notes and
others low ones, thus making a pretty harmony for negroes who are not
expected to be musicians; and they danced in the style of negroes. The
captain-major then ordered the trumpets to be sounded, and we, in the
boats, danced, and the captain-major did so likewise when he rejoined
us. This festivity ended, we landed where we had landed before, and
bought a black ox for three bracelets. This ox we dined off on Sunday.
We found him very fat, and his meat as toothsome as the beef of
Portugal.
On Sunday [December 3] many visitors came, and brought with them their
women and little boys, the women remaining on the top of a hill near
the sea. They had with them many oxen and cows. Having collected in
two spots on the beach, they played and danced as they had done on
Saturday. It is the custom of this people for the young men to remain
in the bush with their weapons. The [older] men came to converse with
us. They carried a short stick in the hand, attached to which was a
fox’s tail, with which they fan the face. Whilst conversing with them,
by signs, we observed the young men crouching in the bush, holding
their weapons in their hands. The captain-major then ordered Martin
Affonso, who had formerly been in Manicongo [Congo] to advance, and
to buy an ox, for which purpose he was supplied with bracelets. The
natives, having accepted the bracelets, took him by the hand, and,
pointing to the watering place, asked him why we took away their
water, and simultaneously drove their cattle into the bush. When the
captain-major observed this he ordered us to gather together, and
called upon Martin Affonso to retreat, for he suspected some treachery.
Having drawn together we proceeded [in our boats] to the place where
we had been at first. The negroes followed us. The captain-major then
ordered us to land, armed with lances, assegais, and strung cross-bows,
and wearing our breast-plates, for he wanted to show that we had the
means of doing them an injury, although we had no desire to employ
them. When they observed this they ran away. The captain-major, anxious
that none should be killed by mischance, ordered the boats to draw
together; but to prove that we were able, although unwilling to hurt
them, he ordered two bombards to be fired from the poop of the long
boat. They were by that time all seated close to the bush, not far
from the beach, but the first discharge caused them to retreat so
precipitately that in their flight they dropped the skins with which
they were covered and their weapons. When they were in the bush two of
them turned back to pick up the articles which had been dropped. They
then continued their flight to the top of a hill, driving their cattle
before them.
The oxen of this country are as large as those of Alemtejo, wonderfully
fat and very tame. They are geldings, and hornless. Upon the fattest
among them the negroes place a packsaddle made of reeds, as is done
in Castille, and upon this saddle they place a kind of litter made of
sticks, upon which they ride. If they wish to sell an ox they pass a
stick through his nostrils, and thus lead him.
There is an island in this bay, three bowshots from the land, where
there are many seals.[60] Some of these are as big as bears, very
formidable, with large tusks. These attack man, and no spear, whatever
the force with which it is thrown, can wound them. There are others
much smaller and others quite small. And whilst the big ones roar like
lions, the little ones cry like goats. One day, when we approached this
island for our amusement, we counted, among large and small ones, three
thousand, and we fired among them with our bombards from the sea. On
the same island there are birds as big as ducks, but they cannot fly,
because they have no feathers on their wings. These birds, of whom we
killed as many as we chose, are called Fotylicayos, and they bray like
asses.[61]
Whilst taking in water in this bay of Sam Brás, on a Wednesday,
we erected a cross and a pillar.[62] The cross was made out of a
mizzen-mast, and very high. On the following Thursday [December 7],
when about to set sail, we saw about ten or twelve negroes, who
demolished both the cross and the pillar before we had left.
[_São Braz to Natal._]
Having taken on board all we stood in need of we took our departure,
but as the wind failed us we anchored the same day, having proceeded
only two leagues.
On Friday morning, the day of the Immaculate Concepcion [December 8],
we again set sail. On Tuesday [December 12], the eve of Santa Lucia,
we encountered a great storm, and ran before a stern-wind with the
foresail much lowered. On that day we lost sight of Nicolau Coelho, but
at sunset we saw him from the top four or five leagues astern, and it
seemed as if he saw us too. We exhibited signal lights and lay to. By
the end of the first watch he had come up with us, not because he had
seen us during the day, but because the wind, being scant, he could not
help coming in our waters.
On the morning of Friday [December 15] we saw the land near the Ilhéos
chãos (Flat Islands). These are five leagues beyond the Ilhéo da Cruz
(Cross Island). From the Bay of Sam Brás to Cross Island is a distance
of sixty leagues, and as much from the Cape of Good Hope to the Bay
of Sam Brás. From the Flat Islands to the last pillar erected by
Bartholomeu Dias is five leagues, and from this pillar to the Rio do
Infante is fifteen leagues.[63]
On Saturday [December 16] we passed the last pillar, and as we ran
along the coast we observed two men running along the beach in a
direction contrary to that which we followed. The country about here
is very charming and well wooded; we saw much cattle, and the further
we advanced the more did the character of the country improve, and the
trees increase in size.
During the following night we lay to. We were then already beyond the
last discovery made by Bartholomeu Dias.[64] On the next day [December
17], till vespers, we sailed along the coast before a stern-wind, when
the wind springing round to the east we stood out to sea. And thus we
kept making tacks until sunset on Tuesday [December 19], when the wind
again veered to the west. We then lay to during the night, in order
that we might on the following day examine the coast and find out where
we were.
In the morning [December 20] we made straight for the land, and at ten
o’clock found ourselves once more at the Ilhéo da Cruz (Cross Island),
that is sixty leagues abaft our dead reckoning! This was due to the
currents, which are very strong here.[65]
That very day we again went forward by the route we had already
attempted, and being favoured during three or four days by a strong
stern-wind, we were able to overcome the currents which we had feared
might frustrate our plans. Henceforth it pleased God in His mercy to
allow us to make headway! We were not again driven back. May it please
Him that it be thus alway!
[_Natal._]
By Christmas Day, the 25th of December, we had discovered seventy
leagues of coast [beyond Dias’ furthest]. On that day, after dinner,
when setting a bonnet, we discovered that the mast had sprung ... and
... secured it with lashings below the top, and that the crack opened
and shut. We patched it up with backstays, hoping to be able to repair
it thoroughly as soon as we should reach a sheltered port.
On Thursday [December 28] we anchored near the coast, and took much
fish.[66] At sunset we again set sail and pursued our route. At that
place the mooring-rope snapped and we lost an anchor.
We now went so far out to sea, without touching any port, that
drinking-water began to fail us, and our food had to be cooked with
salt water. Our daily ration of water was reduced to a quartilho.[67]
It thus became necessary to seek a port.
[_Terra da boa Gente and Rio do Cobre._]
On Thursday, January 11th [1498][68] we discovered a small river and
anchored near the coast. On the following day we went close in shore in
our boats, and saw a crowd of negroes, both men and women. They were
tall people, and a chief (“Senhor”) was among them. The captain-major
ordered Martin Affonso, who had been a long time in Manicongo, and
another man, to land. They were received hospitably. The captain-major
in consequence sent the chief a jacket, a pair of red pantaloons, a
Moorish cap and a bracelet. The chief said that we were welcome to
anything in his country of which we stood in need: at least this is
how Martin Affonso understood him. That night, Martin Affonso and his
companion accompanied the chief to his village, whilst we returned to
the ships. On the road the chief donned the garments which had been
presented to him, and to those who came forth to meet him he said with
much apparent satisfaction, “Look, what has been given to me!” The
people upon this clapped hands as a sign of courtesy, and this they did
three or four times until he arrived at the village. Having paraded the
whole of the place, thus dressed up, the chief retired to his house,
and ordered his two guests to be lodged in a compound, where they were
given porridge of millet, which abounds in that country, and a fowl,
just like those of Portugal. All the night through, numbers of men and
women came to have a look at them. In the morning the chief visited
them, and asked them to go back to the ships. He ordered two men to
accompany them, and gave them fowls as a present for the captain-major,
telling them at the same time that he would show the things that had
been given him to a great chief, who appears to be the king of that
country. When our men reached the landing place where our boats awaited
them, they were attended by quite two hundred men, who had come to see
them.
This country seemed to us to be densely peopled. There are many
chiefs,[69] and the number of women seems to be greater than that of
the men, for among those who came to see us there were forty women
to every twenty men. The houses are built of straw. The arms of the
people include long bows and arrows and spears with iron blades. Copper
seems to be plentiful, for the people wore [ornaments] of it on their
legs and arms and in their twisted hair. Tin, likewise, is found in
the country, for it is to be seen on the hilts of their daggers, the
sheaths of which are made of ivory. Linen cloth is highly prized by
the people, who were always willing to give large quantities of copper
in exchange for shirts. They have large calabashes in which they carry
sea-water inland, where they pour it into pits, to obtain the salt [by
evaporation].
We stayed five days at this place, taking in water, which our visitors
conveyed to our boats. Our stay was not, however, sufficiently
prolonged to enable us to take in as much water as we really needed,
for the wind favoured a prosecution of our voyage.
We were at anchor here, near the coast, exposed to the swell of the
sea. We called the country _Terra da Boa Gente_ (land of good people),
and the river _Rio do Cobre_ (copper river).[70]
[_Rio dos Bons Signaes._][71]
On Monday [January 22] we discovered a low coast thickly wooded with
tall trees. Continuing our course we perceived the broad mouth of a
river. As it was necessary to find out where we were, we cast anchor.
On Thursday [January 25], at night, we entered. The _Berrio_ was
already there, having entered the night before—that is eight days
before the end of January [_i.e._, January 24.][72]
The country is low and marshy, and covered with tall trees yielding an
abundance of various fruits, which the inhabitants eat.
These people are black and well made. They go naked, merely wearing a
piece of cotton stuff around their loins, that worn by the women being
larger than that worn by the men. The young women are good-looking.
Their lips are pierced in three places, and they wear in them bits of
twisted tin. These people took much delight in us. They brought us in
their _almadias_[73] what they had, whilst we went into their village
to procure water.
When we had been two or three days at this place two gentlemen
(senhores) of the country came to see us. They were very haughty, and
valued nothing which we gave them. One of them wore a _touca_,[74] with
a fringe embroidered in silk, and the other a cap of green satin. A
young man in their company—so we understood from their signs—had come
from a distant country, and had already seen big ships like ours. These
tokens (signaes) gladdened our hearts, for it appeared as if we were
really approaching the bourne of our desires. These gentlemen had some
huts built on the river bank, close to the ships, in which they stayed
seven days, sending daily to the ships, offering to barter cloths which
bore a mark of red ochre. And when they were tired of being there, they
left in their _almadias_ for the upper river.
As to ourselves, we spent thirty-two days[75] in the river taking
in water, careening the ships,[76] and repairing the mast of the
_Raphael_. Many of our men fell ill here, their feet and hands
swelling, and their gums growing over their teeth, so that they could
not eat.[77]
We erected here a pillar which we called the pillar of St. Raphael,[78]
because it had been brought in the ship bearing that name. The river we
called Rio dos Bons Signaes (River of good signs or tokens).
[_To Moçambique._]
On Saturday [February 24] we left this place and gained the open sea.
During the night we stood N.E., so as to keep away from the land, which
was very pleasing to look upon. On Sunday [February 25] we still stood
N.E., and at vesper time discovered three small islands, out in the
open, of which two were covered with tall trees, while the third and
smallest was barren. The distance from one island to the other was four
leagues.[79]
On the following day we pursued our route, and did so during six days,
lying to at night.[80]
On Thursday, the 1st of March, we sighted islands and the mainland,
but as it was late we again stood out to sea, and lay to till morning.
We then approached the land, of which I shall speak in what follows.
[_Moçambique._][81]
On Friday morning [March 2] Nicolau Coelho, when attempting to enter
the bay, mistook the channel and came upon a bank. When putting about
ship, towards the other ships which followed in his wake, Coelho
perceived some sailing boats approaching from a village on this island,
in order to welcome the captain-major and his brother. As for ourselves
we continued in the direction of our proposed anchorage, these boats
following us all the while, and making signs for us to stop. When
we had cast anchor in the roadstead of the island from which these
boats had come, there approached seven or eight of them, including
_almadias_, the people in them playing upon _anafils_.[82] They invited
us to proceed further into the bay, offering to take us into port if we
desired it. Those among them who boarded our ships ate and drank what
we did, and went their way when they were satisfied.[83]
The captain thought that we should enter this bay in order that we
might find out what sort of people we had to deal with; that Nicolau
Coelho should go first in his vessel, to take soundings at the
entrance, and that, if found practicable, we should follow him. As
Coelho prepared to enter he struck the point of the island and broke
his helm, but he immediately disengaged himself and regained deep
water. I was with him at the time. When we were again in deep water we
struck our sails and cast anchor at a distance of two bowshots from the
village.[84]
The people of this country are of a ruddy complexion[85] and well
made. They are Mohammedans, and their language is the same as that of
the Moors.[86] Their dresses are of fine linen or cotton stuffs, with
variously coloured stripes, and of rich and elaborate workmanship.
They all wear _toucas_ with borders of silk embroidered in gold. They
are merchants, and have transactions with white Moors, four of whose
vessels were at the time in port, laden with gold, silver, cloves,
pepper, ginger, and silver rings, as also with quantities of pearls,
jewels,[87] and rubies, all of which articles are used by the people
of this country. We understood them to say that all these things, with
the exception of the gold, were brought thither by these Moors; that
further on, where we were going to, they abounded, and that precious
stones, pearls and spices were so plentiful that there was no need
to purchase them as they could be collected in baskets. All this we
learned through a sailor the captain-major had with him, and who,
having formerly been a prisoner among the Moors, understood their
language.[88]
These Moors, moreover, told us that along the route which we were about
to follow we should meet with numerous shoals; that there were many
cities along the coast, and also an island, one half the population of
which consisted of Moors and the other half of Christians,[89] who were
at war with each other. This island was said to be very wealthy.
We were told, morever, that Prester John[90] resided not far from
this place; that he held many cities along the coast, and that the
inhabitants of those cities were great merchants and owned big ships.
The residence of Prester John was said to be far in the interior, and
could be reached only on the back of camels. These Moors had also
brought hither two Christian captives from India.[91] This information,
and many other things which we heard, rendered us so happy that we
cried with joy, and prayed God to grant us health, so that we might
behold what we so much desired.
In this place and island of Moncobiquy [Moçambique] there resided
a chief [senhor] who had the title of Sultan, and was like a
vice-roy.[92] He often came aboard our ships attended by some of his
people. The captain-major gave him many good things to eat, and made
him a present of hats, _marlotas_,[93] corals and many other articles.
He was, however, so proud that he treated all we gave him with
contempt, and asked for scarlet cloth, of which we had none. We gave
him, however, of all the things we had.
One day the captain-major invited him to a repast, when there was an
abundance of figs and comfits, and begged him for two pilots to go with
us. He at once granted this request, subject to our coming to terms
with them. The captain-major gave each of them thirty mitkals[94] in
gold and two _marlotas_, on condition that from the day on which they
received this payment one of them should always remain on board if the
other desired to go on land. With these terms they were well satisfied.
On Saturday, March 10, we set sail and anchored one league out at sea,
close to an island,[95] where mass was said on Sunday, when those who
wished to do so confessed and joined in the communion.
One of our pilots lived on the island, and when we had anchored we
armed two boats to go in search of him. The captain-major went in
one boat and Nicolau Coelho in the other. They were met by five or
six boats (barcas) coming from the island, and crowded with people
armed with bows and long arrows and bucklers,[96] who gave them to
understand by signs that they were to return to the town. When the
captain saw this he secured the pilot whom he had taken with him, and
ordered the bombards to fire upon the boats. Paulo da Gama, who had
remained with the ships, so as to be prepared to render succour in case
of need, no sooner heard the reports of the bombards than he started in
the _Berrio_. The Moors, who were already flying, fled still faster,
and gained the land before the _Berrio_ was able to come up with them.
We then returned to our anchorage.
The vessels of this country are of good size and decked. There are no
nails, and the planks are held together by cords,[97] as are also those
of their boats (barcos). The sails are made of palm-matting.[98] Their
mariners have Genoese needles,[99] by which they steer, quadrants, and
navigating charts.
The palms of this country yield a fruit as large as a melon, of which
the kernel is eaten.[100] It has a nutty flavour. There also grow in
abundance melons and cucumbers, which were brought to us for barter.
On the day in which Nicolau Coelho entered the port, the Lord of the
place came on board with a numerous suite. He was received well,
and Coelho presented him with a red hood, in return for which the
Lord handed him a black rosary, which he made use of when saying his
prayers, to be held as a pledge. He then begged Nicolau Coelho for the
use of his boat, to take him ashore. This was granted. And after he had
landed he invited those who had accompanied him to his house, where he
gave them to eat. He then dismissed them, giving them a jar of bruised
dates made into a preserve with cloves and cumin, as a present for
Nicolau Coelho. Subsequently he sent many things to the captain-major.
All this happened at the time when he took us for Turks or for Moors
from some foreign land, for in case we came from Turkey he begged to be
shown the bows of our country and our books of the Law. But when they
learnt that we were Christians they arranged to seize and kill us by
treachery. The pilot, whom we took with us, subsequently revealed to us
all they intended to do, if they were able.
[_False Start and Return to Moçambique._]
On Sunday [March 11] we celebrated mass beneath a tall tree on the
island [of S. Jorge]. We returned on board and at once set sail, taking
with us many fowls, goats and pigeons, which had been given us in
exchange for small glass-beads.
On Tuesday [March 13] we saw high mountains rising on the other side
of a cape. The coast near the cape was sparsely covered with trees,
resembling elms. We were at that time over twenty leagues from our
starting-place, and there we remained becalmed during Tuesday and
Wednesday. During the following night we stood off shore with a light
easterly wind, and in the morning [March 15] found ourselves four
leagues abaft Moçambique, but we went again forward on that day until
the evening, when we anchored once more close to the island [of S.
Jorge] on which mass had been celebrated the preceding Sunday, and
there we remained eight days waiting for a favourable wind.
During our stay here the King of Moçambique sent word that he wanted to
make peace with us and to be our friend. His ambassador was a white
Moor and sharif,[101] that is priest, and at the same time a great
drunkard.
Whilst at this place a Moor with his little son came on board one of
our ships, and asked to be allowed to accompany us, as he was from
near Mecca, and had come to Moçambique as pilot of a vessel from that
country.
As the weather did not favour us it became necessary once more to enter
the port of Moçambique, in order to procure the water of which we stood
in need, for the watering place is on the mainland. This water is drunk
by the inhabitants of the island, for all the water they have there is
brackish.[102]
On Thursday [March 22] we entered the port, and when it grew dark we
lowered our boats. At midnight the captain-major and Nicolau Coelho,
accompanied by some of us, started in search of water. We took with
us the Moorish pilot, whose object appeared to be to make his escape,
rather than to guide us to a watering-place. As a matter of fact he
either would not or could not find a watering-place, although we
continued our search until morning. We then withdrew to our ships.
In the evening [March 23] we returned to the main land, attended by the
same pilot. On approaching the watering-place we saw about twenty men
on the beach. They were armed with assegais, and forbade our approach.
The captain-major upon this ordered three bombards to be fired upon
them, so that we might land. Having effected our landing, these men
fled into the bush, and we took as much water as we wanted. When the
sun was about to set we discovered that a negro belonging to João de
Coimbra had effected his escape.
On Sunday morning, the 24th of March, being the eve of Lady Day, a
Moor came abreast our ships, and [sneeringly] told us that if we
wanted water we might go in search of it, giving us to understand
that we should meet with something which would make us turn back. The
captain-major no sooner heard this [threat] than he resolved to go, in
order to show that we were able to do them harm if we desired it. We
forthwith armed our boats, placing bombards in their poops, and started
for the village [town]. The Moors had constructed palisades by lashing
planks together, so that those behind them could not be seen. They were
at the time walking along the beach, armed with assegais, swords,[103]
bows, and slings, with which they hurled stones at us. But our bombards
soon made it so hot for them that they fled behind their palisades;
but this turned out to their injury rather than their profit. During
the three hours that we were occupied in this manner [bombarding the
town] we saw two men killed, one on the beach and the other behind the
palisades. When we were weary of this work we retired to our ships to
dine. They at once began to fly, carrying their chattels in _almadias_
to a village on the mainland.
After dinner we started in our boats, in the hope of being able to make
a few prisoners, whom we might exchange for the two Indian Christians
whom they held captive and the negro who had deserted. With this
object in view we chased an _almadia_, which belonged to the sharif
and was laden with his chattels, and another in which were four
negroes.[104] The latter was captured by Paulo da Gama, whilst the one
laden with chattels was abandoned by the crew as soon as they reached
the land. We took still another _almadia_ which had likewise been
abandoned. The negroes we took on board our ships. In the _almadias_
we found fine cotton-stuffs, baskets made of palm-fronds, a glazed
jar containing butter, glass phials with scented water, books of the
Law, a box containing skeins of cotton, a cotton net, and many small
baskets filled with millet. All these things, with the exception of
the books, which were kept back to be shown to the king, were given by
the captain-major to the sailors who were with him and with the other
captains.
On Sunday [March 25] we took in water, and on Monday we proceeded in
our armed boats to the village, when the inhabitants spoke to us from
their houses, they daring no longer to venture on the beach. Having
discharged a few bombards at them we rejoined our ships.
On Tuesday [March 27] we left the town and anchored close to the islets
of São Jorge,[105] where we remained for three days, in the hope that
God would grant us a favourable wind.
[_Moçambique to Mombaça_].
On Thursday, the 29th of March, we left these islets of S. Jorge, and
as the wind was light, we only covered twenty-eight leagues up to the
morning of Saturday, the 31st of the month.[106]
In the morning of that day we were once more abreast of the land of
the Moors, from which powerful currents had previously carried us.[107]
On Sunday, April 1, we came to some islands close to the mainland.
The first of these we called _Ilha do Açoutado_ (“Island of the
flogged-one”), because of the flogging inflicted upon our Moorish
pilot, who had lied to the captain on Saturday night, by stating that
these islands were the mainland. Native craft take their course between
these islands and the mainland, where the water is four fathoms deep,
but we kept outside of them. These islands are numerous, and we were
unable to distinguish one from the other; they are inhabited.
On Monday [April 2] we sighted other islands five leagues off the
shore.[108]
On Wednesday, the 4th of April, we made sail to the N.W., and before
noon we sighted an extensive country, and two islands close to it,
surrounded with shoals. And when we were near enough for the pilots to
recognise these islands, they told us that we had left three leagues
behind us an island[109] inhabited by Christians. We manœuvred all
day in the hope of fetching this island, but in vain, for the wind was
too strong for us. After this we thought it best to bear away for a
city called Mombaça, reported to be four days ahead of us.
The above island was one of those which we had come to discover, for
our pilots said that it was inhabited by Christians.
When we bore away for the north it was already late, and the wind was
high. At nightfall we perceived a large island, which remained to the
north of us.[110] Our pilot told us that there were two towns on this
island, one of Christians and the other of Moors.
That night we stood out to sea, and in the morning [April 5] we no
longer saw the land. We then steered to the N.W., and in the evening
we again beheld the land. During the following night we bore away to
the N. by W., and during the morning-watch we changed our course to
the N.N.W. Sailing thus before a favourable wind, the _S. Raphael_,
two hours before break of day [April 6], ran aground on a shoal, about
two leagues from the land. Immediately the _Raphael_ touched bottom,
the vessels following her were warned by shouts, and these were no
sooner heard than they cast anchor about the distance of a gunshot from
the stranded vessel, and lowered their boats. When the tide fell the
_Raphael_ lay high and dry. With the help of the boats many anchors
were laid out, and when the tide rose again, in the course of the day,
the vessel floated and there was much rejoicing.
On the mainland, facing these shoals, there rises a lofty range of
mountains, beautiful of aspect. These mountains we called _Serras de
São Raphael_, and we gave the same name to the shoals.[111]
Whilst the vessel was high and dry, two _Almadias_ approached us. One
was laden with fine oranges, better than those of Portugal. Two of the
Moors remained on board, and accompanied us next day to Mombaça.
On Saturday morning, the 7th of the month, and eve of Palm Sunday,
we ran along the coast and saw some islands at a distance of fifteen
leagues from the mainland, and about six leagues in extent. They supply
the vessels of the country with masts. All are inhabited by Moors.[112]
[_Mombaça_].
On Saturday [April 7] we cast anchor off Mombaça, but did not enter
the port. No sooner had we been perceived than a _zavra_[113] manned
by Moors came out to us: in front of the city there lay numerous
vessels all dressed in flags.[114] And we, anxious not to be outdone,
also dressed our ships, and we actually surpassed their show, for we
wanted in nothing but men, even the few whom we had being very ill.
We anchored here with much pleasure, for we confidently hoped that on
the following day we might go on land and hear mass jointly with the
Christians reported to live there under their own _alcaide_[115] in a
quarter separate from that of the Moors.
[Illustration: Native Craft in the Harbour of Mombasa.
(_From a photograph by the late Capt. Foot, R.N._)]
The pilots who had come with us told us there resided both Moors and
Christians in this city; that these latter lived apart under their
own lords, and that on our arrival they would receive us with much
honour and take us to their houses. But they said this for a purpose
of their own, for it was not true. At midnight there approached us a
_zavra_ with about a hundred men, all armed with cutlasses (tarçados)
and bucklers. When they came to the vessel of the captain-major they
attempted to board her, armed as they were, but this was not permitted,
only four or five of the most distinguished men among them being
allowed on board. They remained about a couple of hours, and it seemed
to us that they paid us this visit merely to find out whether they
might not capture one or the other of our vessels.
On Palm Sunday [April 8] the King of Mombaça sent the captain-major a
sheep and large quantities of oranges, lemons and sugar-cane, together
with a ring, as a pledge of safety, letting him know that in case of
his entering the port he would be supplied with all he stood in need
of. This present was conveyed to us by two men, almost white, who said
they were Christians, which appeared to be the fact. The captain-major
sent the king a string of coral-beads as a return present, and let
him know that he purposed entering the port on the following day. On
the same day the captain-major’s vessel was visited by four Moors of
distinction.
Two men were sent by the captain-major to the king, still further to
confirm these peaceful assurances. When these landed they were followed
by a crowd as far as the gates of the palace. Before reaching the king
they passed through four doors, each guarded by a doorkeeper with a
drawn cutlass. The king received them hospitably, and ordered that they
should be shown over the city. They stopped on their way at the house
of two Christian merchants, who showed them a paper (carta), an object
of their adoration, on which was a sketch of the Holy Ghost.[116] When
they had seen all, the king sent them back with samples of cloves,
pepper and corn,[117] with which articles he would allow us to load our
ships.
On Tuesday [April 10], when weighing anchor to enter the port, the
captain-major’s vessel would not pay off, and struck the vessel which
followed astern. We therefore again cast anchor. When the Moors who
were in our ship saw that we did not go on, they scrambled into a
_zavra_ attached to our stern; whilst the two pilots whom we had
brought from Moçambique jumped into the water, and were picked up by
the men in the _zavra_. At night the captain-major “questioned” two
Moors [from Moçambique][118] whom we had on board, by dropping boiling
oil upon their skin, so that they might confess any treachery intended
against us. They said that orders had been given to capture us as
soon as we entered the port, and thus to avenge what we had done at
Moçambique. And when this torture was being applied a second time, one
of the Moors, although his hands were tied, threw himself into the sea,
whilst the other did so during the morning watch.
About midnight two _almadias_, with many men in them, approached. The
_almadias_ stood off whilst the men entered the water, some swimming
in the direction of the _Berrio_, others in that of the _Raphael_.
Those who swam to the _Berrio_ began to cut the cable. The men on watch
thought at first that they were tunny fish, but when they perceived
their mistake they shouted to the other vessels. The other swimmers had
already got hold of the rigging of the mizzen-mast. Seeing themselves
discovered, they silently slipped down and fled. These and other wicked
tricks were practised upon us by these dogs, but our Lord did not
allow them to succeed, because they were unbelievers.
[Illustration: A Tower at Mombasa.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
Mombaça is a large city seated upon an eminence washed by the sea. Its
port is entered daily by numerous vessels. At its entrance stands a
pillar, and by the sea a low-lying fortress.[119] Those who had gone on
shore told us that in the town they had seen many men in irons; and it
seemed to us that these must be Christians, as the Christians in that
country are at war with the Moors.
The Christian merchants in the town are only temporary residents, and
are held in much subjection, they not being allowed to do anything
except by the order of the Moorish King.
It pleased God in his mercy that on arriving at this city all our sick
recovered their health, for the climate (“air”) of this place is very
good.
After the malice and treachery planned by these dogs had been
discovered, we still remained on Wednesday and Thursday [April 11 and
12].[120]
[_Mombaça to Malindi._]
We left in the morning [April 13], the wind being light, and anchored
about eight leagues from Mombaça, close to the shore. At break of day
[April 14] we saw two boats (_barcas_) about three leagues to the
leeward, in the open sea, and at once gave chase, with the intention of
capturing them, for we wanted to secure a pilot who would guide us to
where we wanted to go. At vesper-time we came up with one of them, and
captured it, the other escaping towards the land. In the one we took we
found seventeen men, besides gold, silver, and an abundance of maize
and other provisions; as also a young woman, who was the wife of an old
Moor of distinction, who was a passenger. When we came up with the boat
they all threw themselves into the water, but we picked them up from
our boats.
That same day [April 14] at sunset, we cast anchor off a place called
Milinde (Malindi),[121] which is thirty leagues from Mombaça. The
following places are between Mombaça and Milinde, viz., Benapa, Toça
and Nuguoquioniete.[122]
[_Malindi._][123]
On Easter Sunday [April 15] the Moors whom we had taken in the boat
told us that there were at this city of Melinde four vessels belonging
to Christians from India,[124] and that if it pleased us to take them
there, they would provide us, instead of them, Christian pilots and
all we stood in need of, including water, wood and other things. The
captain-major much desired to have pilots from the country, and having
discussed the matter with his Moorish prisoners, he cast anchor off
the town, at a distance of about half a league from the mainland. The
inhabitants of the town did not venture to come aboard our ships, for
they had already learnt that we had captured a vessel and made her
occupants prisoners.
On Monday morning [April 16] the captain-major had the old Moor
taken to a sandbank in front of the town, where he was picked up by
an _almadia_.[125] The Moor explained to the king the wishes of the
captain-major, and how much he desired to make peace with him. After
dinner the Moor came back in a _zavra_, accompanied by one of the
king’s cavaliers and a sharif: he also brought three sheep. These
messengers told the captain-general that the king would rejoice to make
peace with him, and to enter into friendly relations; that he would
willingly grant to the captain-major all his country afforded, whether
pilots or anything else. The captain-major upon this sent word that
he proposed to enter the port on the following day, and forwarded by
the king’s messengers a present consisting of a _balandrau_,[126] two
strings of coral, three wash-hand basins, a hat, little bells and two
pieces of _lambel_.[127]
Consequently, on Tuesday [April 17] we approached nearer to the town.
The king sent the captain-major six sheep, besides quantities of
cloves, cumin, ginger, nutmeg and pepper, as also a message, telling
him that if he desired to have an interview with him he (the king)
would come out in his _zavra_, when the captain-major could meet him in
a boat.
On Wednesday [April 18], after dinner, when the king came up close to
the ships in a _zavra_, the captain-major at once entered one of his
boats, which had been well furnished, and many friendly words were
exchanged when they lay side by side. The king having invited the
captain-major to come to his house to rest, after which he (the king)
would visit him on board his ship, the captain-major said that he was
not permitted by his master to go on land, and if he were to do so a
bad report would be given of him. The king wanted to know what would be
said of himself by his people if he were to visit the ships, and what
account could he render them? He then asked for the name of our king,
which was written down for him, and said that on our return he would
send an ambassador with us, or a letter.
When both had said all they desired, the captain-major sent for the
Moors whom he had taken prisoner, and surrendered them all. This gave
much satisfaction to the king, who said that he valued this act more
highly than if he had been presented with a town. And the king, much
pleased, made the circuit of our ships, the bombards of which fired a
salute. About three hours were spent in this way. When the king went
away he left in the ship one of his sons and a sharif, and took two of
us away with him, to whom he desired to show his palace. He, moreover,
told the captain that as he would not go ashore he would himself return
on the following day to the beach, and would order his horsemen to go
through some exercises.
The king wore a robe (royal cloak) of damask trimmed with green satin,
and a rich _touca_. He was seated on two cushioned chairs of bronze,
beneath a round sunshade of crimson satin attached to a pole. An old
man, who attended him as page, carried a short sword in a silver
sheath. There were many players on _anafils_, and two trumpets of
ivory,[128] richly carved, and of the size of a man, which were blown
from a hole in the side, and made sweet harmony with the _anafils_.
[Illustration: A Siwa Blower.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
On Thursday [April 19] the captain-major and Nicolau Coelho rowed along
the front of the town, bombards having been placed in the poops of
their long-boats. Many people were along the shore, and among them two
horsemen, who appeared to take much delight in a sham-fight. The king
was carried in a palanquin from the stone steps of his palace to the
side of the captain-major’s boats. He again begged the captain to come
ashore, as he had a helpless father who wanted to see him, and that
he and his sons would go on board the ships as hostages. The captain,
however, excused himself.[129]
We found here four vessels belonging to Indian Christians. When
they came for the first time on board Paulo da Gama’s ship, the
captain-major being there at the time, they were shown an altar-piece
representing Our Lady at the foot of the cross, with Jesus Christ in
her arms and the apostles around her. When the Indians saw this picture
they prostrated themselves, and as long as we were there they came to
say their prayers in front of it, bringing offerings of cloves, pepper,
and other things.[130]
These Indians are tawny men; they wear but little clothing and have
long beards and long hair, which they braid. They told us that they ate
no beef. Their language differs from that of the Arabs, but some of
them know a little of it, as they hold much intercourse with them.
On the day on which the captain-major went up to the town in the boats,
these Christian Indians fired off many bombards from their vessels,
and when they saw him pass they raised their hands and shouted lustily
_Christ! Christ!_[131]
That same night they asked the king’s permission to give us a
night-fête. And when night came they fired off many bombards, sent up
rockets, and raised loud shouts.
These Indians warned the captain-major against going on shore, and told
him not to trust to their “fanfares”, as they neither came from their
hearts nor from their good will.
On the following Sunday, the 22nd of April, the king’s _zavra_ brought
on board one of his confidential servants, and as two days had passed
without any visitors, the captain-major had this man seized, and sent
word to the king that he required the pilots whom he had promised. The
king, when he received this message, sent a Christian pilot,[132] and
the captain-major allowed the gentleman, whom he had retained in his
vessel, to go away.
We were much pleased with the Christian pilot whom the king had sent
us. We learnt from him that the island of which we heard at Moçambique
as being inhabited by Christians was in reality an island subject to
this same King of Moçambique; that half of it belonged to the Moors and
the other half to the Christians; that many pearls were to be found
there, and that it was called Quyluee.[133] This is the island the
Moorish pilots wanted to take us to, and we also wished to go there,
for we believed that what they said was true.
The town of Malindi lies in a bay and extends along the shore. It
may be likened to Alcouchette.[134] Its houses are lofty and well
white-washed, and have many windows; on the landside are palm-groves,
and all around it maize and vegetables are being cultivated.
We remained in front of this town during nine days,[135] and all this
time we had fêtes, sham-fights, and musical performances (“fanfares”).
[_Across the Gulf—the Arabian Sea._]
We left Malindi on Tuesday, the 24th of the month [of April] for a city
called Qualecut [Calecut], with the pilot whom the king had given us.
The coast there runs north and south, and the land encloses a huge bay
with a strait. In this bay,[136] we were told, were to be found many
large cities of Christians and Moors, including one called Quambay
[Cambay], as also six-hundred known islands, and within it the Red Sea
and the “house” [Kaabah] of Mecca.
On the following Sunday [April 29] we once more saw the North Star,
which we had not seen for a long time.
On Friday, the 18th of May,[137] after having seen no land for
twenty-three days,[138] we sighted lofty mountains, and having all
this time sailed before the wind we could not have made less than 600
leagues. The land, when first sighted,[139] was at a distance of eight
leagues, and our lead reached bottom at forty-five fathoms. That same
night we took a course to the S.S.W., so as to get away from the coast.
On the following day [May 19] we again approached the land, but owing
to the heavy rain and a thunderstorm,[140] which prevailed whilst we
were sailing along the coast, our pilot was unable to identify the
exact locality. On Sunday [May 20] we found ourselves close to some
mountains,[141] and when we were near enough for the pilot to recognise
them he told us that they were above Calecut, and that this was the
country we desired to go to.
[_Calecut._]
[_Arrival._] That night [May 20] we anchored two leagues from the city
of Calecut, and we did so because our pilot mistook _Capua_,[142] a
town at that place, for Calecut. Still further[143] there is another
town called _Pandarani_.[144] We anchored about a league and a half
from the shore. After we were at anchor, four boats (_almadias_)
approached us from the land, who asked of what nation we were. We told
them, and they then pointed out Calecut to us.
On the following day [May 21] these same boats came again alongside,
when the captain-major sent one of the convicts[145] to Calecut, and
those with whom he went took him to two Moors from Tunis, who could
speak Castilian and Genoese.[146] The first greeting that he received
was in these words: “May the Devil take thee! What brought you hither?”
They asked what he sought so far away from home, and he told them that
we came in search of Christians and of spices. They said: “Why does not
the King of Castile, the King of France, or the Signoria of Venice
send hither?” He said that the King of Portugal would not consent
to their doing so, and they said he did the right thing. After this
conversation they took him to their lodgings and gave him wheaten bread
and honey. When he had eaten he returned to the ships, accompanied
by one of the Moors, who was, no sooner on board, than he said these
words: “A lucky venture, a lucky venture! Plenty of rubies, plenty of
emeralds! You owe great thanks to God, for having brought you to a
country holding such riches!” We were greatly astonished to hear his
talk, for we never expected to hear our language spoken so far away
from Portugal.[147]
[_A description of Calecut._] The city of Calecut is inhabited by
Christians. They are of a tawny complexion. Some of them have big
beards and long hair, whilst others clip their hair short or shave the
head, merely allowing a tuft to remain on the crown as a sign that they
are Christians. They also wear moustaches. They pierce the ears and
wear much gold in them. They go naked down to the waist, covering their
lower extremities with very fine cotton stuffs. But it is only the
most respectable who do this, for the others manage as best they are
able.[148]
The women of this country, as a rule, are ugly and of small stature.
They wear many jewels of gold round the neck, numerous bracelets on
their arms, and rings set with precious stones on their toes. All
these people are well-disposed and apparently of mild temper. At first
sight they seem covetous and ignorant.
[_A messenger sent to the King_]. When we arrived at Calecut the king
was fifteen leagues away.[149] The captain-major sent two men[150] to
him with a message, informing him that an ambassador had arrived from
the King of Portugal with letters, and that if he desired it he would
take them to where the king then was.
The king presented the bearers of this message with much fine cloth. He
sent word to the captain bidding him welcome, saying that he was about
to proceed to Qualecut (Calecut). As a matter of fact, he started at
once with a large retinue.
[_At Anchor at Pandarani_, May 27]. A pilot accompanied our two men,
with orders to take us to a place called Pandarani, below the place
[Capua] where we anchored at first. At this time we were actually in
front of the city of Calecut. We were told that the anchorage at the
place to which we were to go was good, whilst at the place we were
then it was bad, with a stony bottom, which was quite true;[151] and,
moreover, that it was customary for the ships which came to this
country to anchor there for the sake of safety. We ourselves did not
feel comfortable, and the captain-major had no sooner received this
royal message than he ordered the sails to be set, and we departed. We
did not, however, anchor as near the shore as the king’s pilot desired.
When we were at anchor, a message arrived informing the captain-major
that the king was already in the city. At the same time the king sent
a _bale_,[152] with other men of distinction, to Pandarani, to conduct
the captain-major to where the king awaited him. This _bale_ is like
an _alcaide_, and is always attended by two hundred men armed with
swords and bucklers. As it was late when this message arrived, the
captain-major deferred going.
[_Gama goes to Calecut._] On the following morning, which was Monday,
May 28th, the captain-major set out to speak to the king, and took with
him thirteen men, of whom I was one.[153] We put on our best attire,
placed bombards in our boats, and took with us trumpets and many flags.
On landing, the captain-major was received by the _alcaide_, with
whom were many men, armed and unarmed. The reception was friendly,
as if the people were pleased to see us, though at first appearances
looked threatening, for they carried naked swords in their hands. A
palanquin was provided for the captain-major, such as is used by men
of distinction in that country, as also by some of the merchants,
who pay something to the king for this privilege. The captain-major
entered the palanquin, which was carried by six men by turns. Attended
by all these people we took the road of Qualecut, and came first to
another town, called Capua. The captain-major was there deposited at
the house of a man of rank, whilst we others were provided with food,
consisting of rice, with much butter, and excellent boiled fish. The
captain-major did not wish to eat, and when we had done so, we embarked
on a river close by, which flows between the sea and the mainland,
close to the coast.[154] The two boats in which we embarked were lashed
together,[155] so that we were not separated. There were numerous other
boats, all crowded with people. As to those who were on the banks I say
nothing; their number was infinite, and they had all come to see us. We
went up that river for about a league, and saw many large ships drawn
up high and dry on its banks, for there is no port here.
When we disembarked, the captain-major once more entered his palanquin.
The road was crowded with a countless multitude anxious to see us. Even
the women came out of their houses with children in their arms and
followed us.
[Illustration: Krishna nursed by Devaki.]
[_Christian Church._][156] When we arrived [at Calecut] they took us to
a large church, and this is what we saw:—
The body of the church is as large as a monastery, all built of hewn
stone and covered with tiles. At the main entrance rises a pillar of
bronze as high as a mast, on the top of which was perched a bird,
apparently a cock. In addition to this, there was another pillar
as high as a man, and very stout. In the centre of the body of the
church rose a chapel,[157] all built of hewn stone, with a bronze door
sufficiently wide for a man to pass, and stone steps leading up to it.
Within this sanctuary stood a small image which they said represented
Our Lady.[158] Along the walls, by the main entrance, hung seven small
bells.[159] In this church the captain-major said his prayers, and we
with him.[160]
We did not go within the chapel, for it is the custom that only certain
servants of the church, called _quafees_,[161] should enter. These
_quafees_ wore some threads passing over the left shoulder and under
the right arm, in the same manner as our deacons wear the stole. They
threw holy water over us, and gave us some white earth,[162] which
the Christians of this country are in the habit of putting on their
foreheads, breasts, around the neck, and on the forearms. They threw
holy water upon the captain-major and gave him some of the earth,
which he gave in charge of someone, giving them to understand that he
would put it on later.
Many other saints were painted on the walls of the church, wearing
crowns. They were painted variously, with teeth protruding an inch from
the mouth, and four or five arms.
Below this church there was a large masonry tank, similar to many
others which we had seen along the road.
[_Progress through the Town._] After we had left that place, and had
arrived at the entrance to the city [of Calecut] we were shown another
church, where we saw things like those described above. Here the crowd
grew so dense that progress along the street became next to impossible,
and for this reason they put the captain into a house, and us with him.
The king sent a brother of the _bale_, who was a lord of this
country, to accompany the captain, and he was attended by men beating
drums, blowing _anafils_ and bagpipes, and firing off matchlocks. In
conducting the captain they showed us much respect, more than is shown
in Spain to a king. The number of people was countless, for in addition
to those who surrounded us, and among whom there were two thousand
armed men, they crowded the roofs and houses.
[_The King’s Palace._][163] The further we advanced in the direction
of the king’s palace, the more did they increase in number. And when
we arrived there, men of much distinction and great lords came out to
meet the captain, and joined those who were already in attendance upon
him. It was then an hour before sunset. When we reached the palace we
passed through a gate into a courtyard of great size, and before we
arrived at where the king was, we passed four doors, through which we
had to force our way, giving many blows to the people. When, at last,
we reached the door where the king was, there came forth from it a
little old man, who holds a position resembling that of a bishop, and
whose advice the king acts upon in all affairs of the church. This man
embraced the captain when he entered the door. Several men were wounded
at this door,[164] and we only got in by the use of much force.
[_A Royal Audience, May 28._][165] The king was in a small court,
reclining upon a couch covered with a cloth of green velvet, above
which was a good mattress, and upon this again a sheet of cotton stuff,
very white and fine, more so than any linen. The cushions were after
the same fashion. In his left hand the king held a very large golden
cup [spittoon], having a capacity of half an almude [8 pints]. At its
mouth this cup was two palmas [16 inches] wide, and apparently it was
massive. Into this cup the king threw the husks of a certain herb
which is chewed by the people of this country because of its soothing
effects, and which they call _atambor_.[166] On the right side of the
king stood a basin of gold, so large that a man might just encircle
it with his arms: this contained the herbs. There were likewise many
silver jugs. The canopy above the couch was all gilt.
The captain, on entering, saluted in the manner of the country: by
putting the hands together, then raising them towards Heaven, as is
done by Christians when addressing God, and immediately afterwards
opening them and shutting the fists quickly. The king beckoned to
the captain with his right hand to come nearer, but the captain did
not approach him, for it is the custom of the country for no man to
approach the king except only the servant who hands him the herbs, and
when anyone addresses the king he holds his hand before the mouth, and
remains at a distance. When the king beckoned to the captain he looked
at us others, and ordered us to be seated on a stone bench near him,
where he could see us. He ordered that water for our hands should be
given us, as also some fruit, one kind of which resembled a melon,
except that its outside was rough and the inside sweet, whilst another
kind of fruit resembled a fig, and tasted very nice.[167] There were
men who prepared these fruits for us; and the king looked at us eating,
and smiled; and talked to the servant who stood near him supplying him
with the herbs referred to.
Then, throwing his eyes on the captain, who sat facing him, he invited
him to address himself to the courtiers present, saying they were men
of much distinction, that he could tell them whatever he desired to
say, and they would repeat it to him (the king). The captain-major
replied that he was the ambassador of the King of Portugal, and the
bearer of a message which he could only deliver to him personally. The
king said this was good, and immediately asked him to be conducted to
a chamber. When the captain-major had entered, the king, too, rose and
joined him, whilst we remained where we were.[168] All this happened
about sunset. An old man who was in the court took away the couch as
soon as the king rose, but allowed the plate to remain. The king, when
he joined the captain, threw himself upon another couch, covered with
various stuffs embroidered in gold, and asked the captain what he
wanted.
And the captain told him he was the ambassador of a King of Portugal,
who was Lord of many countries and the possessor of great wealth of
every description, exceeding that of any king of these parts; that for
a period of sixty years his ancestors had annually sent out vessels to
make discoveries in the direction of India, as they knew that there
were Christian kings there like themselves. This, he said, was the
reason which induced them to order this country to be discovered, not
because they sought for gold or silver, for of this they had such
abundance that they needed not what was to be found in this country.
He further stated that the captains sent out travelled for a year
or two, until their provisions were exhausted, and then returned to
Portugal, without having succeeded in making the desired discovery.
There reigned a king now whose name was Dom Manuel, who had ordered him
to build three vessels, of which he had been appointed captain-major,
and who had ordered him not to return to Portugal until he should have
discovered this King of the Christians, on pain of having his head cut
off. That two letters[169] had been intrusted to him to be presented
in case he succeeded in discovering him, and that he would do so on
the ensuing day; and, finally, he had been instructed to say by word
of mouth that he [the King of Portugal] desired to be his friend and
brother.
In reply to this the king said that he was welcome; that, on his part,
he held him as a friend and brother, and would send ambassadors with
him to Portugal. This latter had been asked as a favour, the captain
pretending that he would not dare to present himself before his king
and master unless he was able to present, at the same time, some men of
this country.
These and many other things passed between the two in this chamber,
and as it was already late in the night, the king asked the captain
with whom he desired to lodge, with Christians or with Moors? And the
captain replied, neither with Christians nor with Moors, and begged as
a favour that he be given a lodging by himself. The king said he would
order it thus, upon which the captain took leave of the king and came
to where we were, that is, to a veranda lit up by a huge candlestick.
By that time four hours of the night had already gone.[170]
[_A Night’s Lodging._] We then all went forth with the captain in
search of our lodgings, and a countless crowd with us. And the rain
poured down so heavily that the streets ran with water. The captain
went on the back of six men [in a palanquin], and the time occupied
in passing through the city was so long that the captain at last grew
tired, and complained to the king’s factor, a Moor of distinction,
who attended him to the lodgings. The Moor then took him to his own
house,[171] and we were admitted to a court within it, where there was
a veranda roofed in with tiles. Many carpets had been spread, and there
were two large candlesticks like those at the Royal palace. At the top
of each of these were great iron lamps, fed with oil or butter, and
each lamp had four wicks, which gave much light. These lamps they use
instead of torches.
This same Moor then had a horse brought for the captain to take him to
his lodgings, but it was without a saddle, and the captain refused to
mount it.[172] We then started for our lodgings, and when we arrived
we found there some of our men [who had come from the ships] with the
captain’s bed, and with numerous other things which the captain had
brought as presents for the king.[173]
[_Presents for the King._] On Tuesday [May 29] the captain got ready
the following things to be sent to the king, viz., twelve pieces of
_lambel_,[174] four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, a
case containing six wash-hand basins, a case of sugar, two casks of
oil, and two of honey. And as it is the custom not to send anything
to the king without the knowledge of the Moor, his factor, and of the
_bale_, the captain informed them of his intention. They came, and
when they saw the present they laughed at it, saying that it was not
a thing to offer to a king, that the poorest merchant from Mecca, or
any other part of India, gave more, and that if he wanted to make a
present it should be in gold, as the king would not accept such things.
When the captain heard this he grew sad, and said that he had brought
no gold, that, moreover, he was no merchant, but an ambassador; that
he gave of that which he had, which was his own [private gift] and
not the king’s;[175] that if the King of Portugal ordered him to
return he would intrust him with far richer presents; and that if King
Camolim[176] would not accept these things he would send them back to
the ships. Upon this they declared that they would not forward his
presents, nor consent to his forwarding them himself. When they had
gone there came certain Moorish merchants, and they all depreciated the
present which the captain desired to be sent to the king.
When the captain saw that they were determined not to forward his
present, he said, that as they would not allow him to send his present
to the palace he would go to speak to the king, and would then return
to the ships. They approved of this, and told him that if he would
wait a short time they would return and accompany him to the palace.
And the captain waited all day, but they never came back. The captain
was very wroth at being among so phlegmatic and unreliable a people,
and intended, at first, to go to the palace without them. On further
consideration, however, he thought it best to wait until the following
day. As to us others, we diverted ourselves, singing and dancing to the
sound of trumpets, and enjoyed ourselves much.
[_A Second Audience, May 30._] On Wednesday morning the Moors returned,
and took the captain to the palace, and us others with him. The palace
was crowded with armed men. Our captain was kept waiting with his
conductors for fully four long hours, outside a door, which was only
opened when the king sent word to admit him, attended by two men only,
whom he might select. The captain said that he desired to have Fernão
Martins with him, who could interpret, and his secretary.[177] It
seemed to him, as it did to us, that this separation portended no good.
When he had entered, the king said that he had expected him on Tuesday.
The captain said that the long road had tired him, and that for this
reason he had not come to see him. The king then said that he had told
him that he came from a very rich kingdom, and yet had brought him
nothing; that he had also told him that he was the bearer of a letter,
which had not yet been delivered. To this the captain rejoined that he
had brought nothing, because the object of his voyage was merely to
make discoveries, but that when other ships came he would then see what
they brought him; as to the letter, it was true that he had brought
one, and would deliver it immediately.
The king then asked what it was he had come to discover: stones or men?
If he came to discover men, as he said, why had he brought nothing?
Moreover, he had been told that he carried with him the golden image of
a Santa Maria. The captain said that the Santa Maria was not of gold,
and that even if she were he would not part with her, as she had guided
him across the ocean, and would guide him back to his own country. The
king then asked for the letter. The captain said that he begged as a
favour, that as the Moors wished him ill and might misinterpret him, a
Christian able to speak Arabic should be sent for. The king said this
was well, and at once sent for a young man, of small stature, whose
name was Quaram. The captain then said that he had two letters, one
written in his own language and the other in that of the Moors; that
he was able to read the former, and knew that it contained nothing but
what would prove acceptable; but that as to the other he was unable to
read it, and it might be good, or contain something that was erroneous.
As the Christian was unable to _read_ Moorish, four Moors took the
letter and read it between them, after which they translated it to the
king, who was well satisfied with its contents.
The king then asked what kind of merchandise was to be found in his
country. The captain said there was much corn, cloth, iron, bronze, and
many other things. The king asked whether he had any merchandise with
him. The captain replied that he had a little of each sort, as samples,
and that if permitted to return to the ships he would order it to be
landed, and that meantime four or five men would remain at the lodgings
assigned them. The king said no! He might take all his people with him,
securely moor his ships, land his merchandise, and sell it to the best
advantage. Having taken leave of the king the captain returned to his
lodgings, and we with him. As it was already late no attempt was made
to depart that night.
[_Return to Pandarani, May 31._] On Thursday morning a horse without
a saddle was brought to the captain, who declined to mount it, asking
that a horse of the country, that is a palanquin, might be provided, as
he could not ride a horse without a saddle. He was then taken to the
house of a wealthy merchant of the name of Guzerate,[178] who ordered a
palanquin to be got ready. On its arrival the captain started at once
for Pandarani, where our ships were, many people following him. We
others, not being able to keep up with him, were left behind. Trudging
thus along we were overtaken by the _bale_, who passed on to join the
captain. We lost our way, and wandered far inland, but the _bale_ sent
a man after us, who put us on the right road. When we reached Pandarani
we found the captain inside a rest-house, of which there were many
along the road, so that travellers and wayfarers might find protection
against the rain.
[_Detention at Pandarani, May 31 to June 2._] The _bale_ and many
others were with the captain. On our arrival the captain asked the
_bale_ for an _almadia_, so that we might go to our ships; but the
_bale_ and the others said that it was already late—in fact, the sun
had set—and that he should go next day. The captain said that unless
he provided an _almadia_ he would return to the king, who had given
orders to take him back to the ships, whilst they tried to detain him—a
very bad thing, as he was a Christian like themselves. When they saw
the dark looks of the captain they said he was at liberty to depart at
once, and that they would give him thirty _almadias_ if he needed them.
They then took us along the beach, and as it seemed to the captain
that they harboured some evil design, he sent three men in advance,
with orders that in case they found the ship’s boats and his brother,
to tell him to conceal himself. They went, and finding nothing, turned
back; but as we had been taken in another direction we did not meet.
They then took us to the house of a Moor—for it was already far in
the night—and when we got there they told us that they would go in
search of the three men who had not yet returned. When they were
gone, the captain ordered fowls and rice to be purchased, and we ate,
notwithstanding our fatigue, having been all day on our legs.
Those who had gone [in search of the three men] only returned in the
morning, and the captain said that after all they seemed well disposed
towards us, and had acted with the best intentions when they objected
to our departure the day before. On the other hand we suspected them
on account of what had happened at Calecut, and looked upon them as
ill-disposed.
When they returned [June 1] the captain again asked for boats to take
him to his ships. They then began to whisper among themselves, and said
that we should have them if we would order our vessels to come nearer
the shore. The captain said that if he ordered his vessels to approach
his brother would think that he was being held a prisoner, and that he
gave this order on compulsion, and would hoist the sails and return
to Portugal. They said that if we refused to order the ships to come
nearer we should not be permitted to embark. The captain said that King
Çamolin had sent him back to his ships, and that as they would not
let him go, as ordered by the king, he should return to the king, who
was a Christian like himself. If the king would not let him go, and
wanted him to remain in his country, he would do so with much pleasure.
They agreed that he should be permitted to go, but afforded him no
opportunity for doing so, for they immediately closed all the doors,
and many armed men entered to guard us, none of us being allowed to go
outside without being accompanied by several of these guards.
They then asked us to give up our sails and rudders. The captain
declared that he would give up none of these things: King Çamolin
having unconditionally ordered him to return to his ships, they might
do with him whatever they liked, but he would give up nothing.
The captain and we others felt very down-hearted, though outwardly we
pretended not to notice what they did. The captain said that as they
refused him permission to go back, they would at least allow his men
to do so, as at the place they were in they would die of hunger. But
they said that we must remain where we were, and that if we died of
hunger we must bear it, as they cared nothing for that. Whilst thus
detained, one of the men whom we had missed the night before turned
up. He told the captain that Nicolau Coelho had been awaiting him
with the boats since last night. When the captain heard this he sent
a man away secretly to Nicolau Coelho, because of the guards by whom
we were surrounded, with orders to go back to the ships and place
them in a secure place. Nicolau Coelho, on receipt of this message,
departed forthwith. But our guards having information of what was
going on, at once launched a large number of _almadias_ and pursued
him for a short distance. When they found that they could not overtake
him they returned to the captain, whom they asked to write a letter
to his brother, requesting him to bring the ships nearer to the land
and further within the port [roadstead]. The captain said he was quite
willing, but that his brother would not do this; and that even if he
consented those who were with him, not being willing to die, would not
do so. But they asked how this could be, as they knew well that any
order he gave would be obeyed.
The captain did not wish the ships to come within the port, for it
seemed to him—as it did to us—that once inside they could easily be
captured, after which they would first kill him, and then us others, as
we were already in their power.
We passed all that day most anxiously. At night more people surrounded
us than ever before, and we were no longer allowed to walk in the
compound, within which we were, but confined within a small tiled
court, with a multitude of people around us. We quite expected that
on the following day we should be separated, or that some harm would
befall us, for we noticed that our gaolers were much annoyed with us.
This, however, did not prevent our making a good supper off the things
found in the village. Throughout that night we were guarded by over
a hundred men, all armed with swords, two-edged battleaxes,[179]
shields, and bows and arrows. Whilst some of these slept, others kept
guard, each taking his turn of duty throughout the night.
On the following day, Saturday, June 2, in the morning, these gentlemen
[_i.e._, the _bale_ and others] came back, and this time they “wore
better faces.” They told the captain that as he had informed the king
that he intended to land his merchandise, he should now give orders to
have this done, as it was the custom of the country that every ship on
its arrival should at once land the merchandise it brought, as also the
crews, and that the vendors should not return on board until the whole
of it had been sold. The captain consented, and said he would write to
his brother to see to its being done. They said this was well, and that
immediately after the arrival of the merchandise he would be permitted
to return to his ship. The captain at once wrote to his brother to send
him certain things, and he did so at once. On their receipt the captain
was allowed to go on board, two men remaining behind with the things
that had been landed.[180]
At this we rejoiced greatly, and rendered thanks to God for having
extricated us from the hands of people who had no more sense than
beasts, for we knew well that once the captain was on board those who
had been landed would have nothing to fear. When the captain reached
his ship he ordered that no more merchandise should be sent.
[_The Portuguese Merchandise at Pandarani, June 2-23._]
Five days afterwards [on June 7] the captain sent word to the king
that, although he had sent him straight back to his ships, certain of
his people had detained him a night and a day on the road; that he had
landed his merchandise as he had been ordered, but that the Moors only
came to depreciate it; and that for these reasons he looked forward
to what he (the king) would order; that he placed no value upon this
merchandise, but that he and his ships were at his service. The king at
once sent word saying that those who acted thus were bad Christians,
and that he would punish them. He, at the same time, sent seven or
eight merchants to inspect the merchandise, and to become purchasers if
they felt inclined. He also sent a man of quality to remain with the
factor already there, and authorised them to kill any Moor who might go
there, without fear of punishment.
The merchants whom the king had sent remained about eight days, but
instead of buying they depreciated the merchandise. The Moors no longer
visited the house where the merchandise was, but they bore us no
good-will, and when one of us landed they spat on the ground, saying:
“Portugal, Portugal.” Indeed from the very first they had sought means
to take and kill us.
When the captain found that the merchandise found no buyers at that
place, he applied to the king for permission to forward it to Calecut.
The king at once ordered the _bale_ to get a sufficient number of men
who were to carry the whole on their backs to Calecut, this to be done
at his expense, as nothing belonging to the King of Portugal was to
be burthened with expenses whilst in his country. But all this was
done because it was intended to do us some ill-turn, for it had been
reported to the king that we were thieves and went about to steal.
Nevertheless, he did all this in the manner shown.
[_The Merchandise removed to Calecut, June 24._]
On Sunday, the 24th of June, being the day of St. John the Baptist,
the merchandise left for Calecut. The captain then ordered that all
our people should visit that town by turns, and in the following
manner:—Each ship was to send a man ashore, on whose return another
should be sent. In this way all would have their turn, and would be
able to make such purchases as they desired. These men were made
welcome by the Christians along the road, who showed much pleasure
when one of them entered a house, to eat or to sleep, and they gave
them freely of all they had. At the same time many men came on board
our ships to sell us fish in exchange for bread, and they were made
welcome by us. Many of them were accompanied by their sons and little
children, and the captain ordered that they should be fed. All this was
done for the sake of establishing relations of peace and amity, and to
induce them to speak well of us and not evil. So great was the number
of these visitors that sometimes it was night before we could get rid
of them; and this was due to the dense population of the country and
the scarcity of food. It even happened that when some of our men were
engaged in mending a sail, and took biscuits with them to eat, that old
and young fell upon them, took the biscuits out of their hands, and
left them nothing to eat.
In this manner all on board ship went on land by twos and threes,
taking with them bracelets, clothes, new shirts, and other articles,
which they desired to sell. We did not, however, effect these sales at
the prices hoped for when we arrived at Moncobiquy [Moçambique], for
a very fine shirt which in Portugal fetches 300 reis, was worth here
only two fanôes,[181] which is equivalent only to 30 reis, for 30 reis
in this country is a big sum. And just as we sold shirts cheaply so we
sold other things, in order to take some things away from this country,
if only for samples. Those who visited the city bought there cloves,
cinnamon, and precious stones; and having bought what they desired they
came back to the ships, without any one speaking to them.
When the captain found the people of the country so well disposed, he
left a factor with the merchandise, together with a clerk and some
other men.
[_Diogo Dias Carries a Message to the King, August 13._]
When the time arrived for our departure the captain-major sent a
present to the king, consisting of amber, corals, and many other
things. At the same time he ordered the king to be informed that he
desired to leave for Portugal, and that if the king would send some
people with him to the King of Portugal, he would leave behind him a
factor, a clerk and some other men, in charge of the merchandise. In
return for the present he begged on behalf of his lord [the King of
Portugal] for a bahar[182] of cinnamon, a bahar of cloves, as also
samples of such other spices as he thought proper, saying that the
factor would pay for them, if he desired it.
Four days were allowed to pass after the dispatch of this message
before speech could be had with the king. And when the bearer of it
entered the place where the king was, he (the king) looked at him with
a “bad face,” and asked what he wanted. The bearer then delivered his
message, as explained above, and then referred to the present which
had been sent. The king said that what he brought ought to have been
sent to his factor, and that he did not want to look at it. He then
desired the captain to be informed that as he wished to depart he
should pay him 600 xerafins,[183] and that then he might go: this was
the custom of the country and of those who came to it. Diogo Dias, who
was the bearer of the message, said he would return with this reply to
the captain. But when he left [the palace] certain men followed him,
and when he arrived at the house in Calecut where the merchandise was
deposited, they put a number of men inside with him to watch that none
of it was sent away. At the same time proclamation was made throughout
the town prohibiting all boats from approaching our ships.
When they [the Portuguese] saw that they were prisoners, they sent a
young negro who was with them along the coast to seek for some one to
take him to the ships, and to give information that they had been made
prisoners by order of the king. The negro went to the outskirts of the
town, where there lived some fishermen, one of whom took him on board,
on payment of three fanôes. This the fisherman ventured to do because
it was dark, and they could not be seen from the city; and when he
had put his passenger on board he at once departed. This happened on
Monday, the 13th August, 1498.
This news made us sad; not only because we saw some of our men in
the hands of our enemies, but also because it interfered with our
departure. We also felt grieved that a Christian king, to whom we
had given of ours, should do us such an ill turn. At the same time
we did not hold him as culpable as he seemed to be, for we were well
aware that the Moors of the place, who were merchants from Mecca and
elsewhere, and who knew us, could ill digest us. They had told the king
that we were thieves, and that if once we navigated to his country,
no more ships from Mecca, nor from Quambaye [Cambay], nor from
Imgros,[184] nor from any other part, would visit him. They added that
he would derive no profit from this [trade with Portugal] as we had
nothing to give, but would rather take away, and that thus his country
would be ruined. They, moreover, offered rich bribes to the king to
capture and kill us, so that we should not return to Portugal.
All this the captain learnt from a Moor of the country,[185] who
revealed all that was intended to be done, warning the captains, and
more especially the captain-major, against going on shore. In addition
to what we learnt through the Moor, we were told by two Christians
that if the captains went ashore their heads would be cut off, as this
was the way the king dealt with those who came to his country without
giving him gold.
Such then was the state of affairs. On the next day [August 14] no
boats came out to the ships. On the day after that [August 15] there
came an _almadia_, with four young men, who brought precious stones
for sale; but it appeared to us that they came rather by order of the
Moors, in order to see what we should do to them, than for the purpose
of selling stones. The captain, however, made them welcome, and wrote a
letter to his people on shore, which they took away with them. When the
people saw that no harm befell them, there came daily many merchants,
and others who were not merchants, from curiosity, and all were made
welcome by us and given to eat.
On the following Sunday [August 19] about twenty-five men came. Among
them were six persons of quality, and the captain perceived that
through these we might recover the men who were detained as prisoners
on land. He therefore laid hands upon them, and upon a dozen of the
others, being eighteen[186] in all. The rest he ordered to be landed
in one of his boats, and gave them a letter to be delivered to the
king’s Moorish factor, in which he declared that if he would restore
the men who were being kept prisoners he would liberate those whom he
had taken. When it became known that we had taken these men, a crowd
proceeded to the house where our merchandise was kept, and conducted
our men to the house of the factor, without doing them any harm.
On Thursday, the 23rd,[187] of the same month, we made sail, saying we
were going to Portugal, but hoped to be back soon, and that then they
would know whether we were thieves. We anchored about four leagues to
the leeward of Calecut, and we did this because of the headwind.
On the next day [August 24] we returned towards the land, but not being
able to weather certain shoals in front of Calecut, we again stood off
and anchored within sight of the city.
On Saturday [August 25] we again stood off and anchored so far out at
sea that we could scarcely see the land. On Sunday [August 26] whilst
at anchor, waiting for a breeze, a boat which had been on the lookout
for us approached, and informed us that Diogo Dias was in the king’s
house, and that if we liberated those whom we detained, he should be
brought on board. The captain, however, was of opinion that he had
been killed, and that they said this in order to detain us until they
had completed their armaments, or until ships of Mecca able to capture
us had arrived. He therefore bade them retire, threatening otherwise
to fire his bombards upon them, and not to return without bringing
him [Dias] and his men, or at least a letter from them. He added that
unless this were done quickly he intended to take off the heads of his
captives. A breeze then sprang up, and we sailed along the coast until
we anchored.
[_The King sends for Diogo Dias._]
When the king heard that we had sailed for Portugal, and that he
was thus no longer able to carry his point, he thought of undoing
the evil he had done. He sent for Diogo Dias, whom he received with
marked kindness, and not in the way he did when he was the bearer of
[Vasco’s] present. He asked why the captain had carried off these men.
Diogo Dias said it was because the king would not allow him and his to
return to the ships, and detained them as prisoners in the city. The
king said he had done well. He then asked whether his factor had asked
for anything,[188] giving us to understand that he was ignorant of the
matter, and that the factor alone was responsible for this extortion.
Turning to his factor, he asked whether he was unaware that quite
recently he had killed another factor because he had levied tribute
upon some merchants that had come to this country? The king then said:
“Go you back to the ships, you and the others who are with you; tell
the captain to send me back the men he took; that the pillar, which I
understood him to say he desires to be erected on the land shall be
taken away by those who bring you back, and put up; and, moreover,
that you will remain here with the merchandise.” At the same time he
forwarded a letter to the captain, which had been written for him by
Diogo Dias with an iron pen upon a palm-leaf, as is the custom of
the country, and which was intended for the King of Portugal. The
tenor[189] of this letter was as follows:—
“Vasco da Gama, a gentleman of your household, came to my
country, whereat I was pleased. My country is rich in cinnamon,
cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones. That which I ask of
you in exchange is gold, silver, corals and scarlet cloth.”
[_Off Calecut, August 27-30._] On Monday, the 27th of this month, in
the morning, whilst we were at anchor, seven boats with many people in
them brought Diogo Dias and the other [Portuguese] who were with him.
Not daring to put him on board, they placed him in the captain’s long
boat, which was still attached to the stern. They had not brought the
merchandise, for they believed that Diogo Dias would return with them.
But once the captain had them back on board, he would not allow them
to return to the land. The pillar[190] he gave to those in the boat,
as the king had given orders for it to be set up. He also gave up, in
exchange, the six most distinguished among his prisoners, keeping six
others, whom he promised to surrender if on the morrow the merchandise
were restored to him.
On Tuesday [August 28], in the morning, whilst at anchor, a Moor of
Tunis,[191] who spoke our language, took refuge on board one of our
ships, saying, that all he had had been taken from him, that worse
might happen, and that this was his usual luck. The people of the
country, he said, charged him with being a Christian, who had come to
Calecut by order of the King of Portugal; for this reason he preferred
going away with us, rather than remain in a country where any day he
might be killed.
At ten o’clock seven boats with many people in them approached us.
Three of them carried on their benches the striped cloth which we had
left on land, and we were given to understand that this was all the
merchandise which belonged to us.[192] These three came to within a
certain distance of the ships, whilst the other four kept away. We were
told that if we sent them their men in one of our boats they would
give our merchandise in exchange for them. However, we saw through
their cunning, and the captain-major told them to go away, saying that
he cared nought for the merchandise, but wanted to take these men to
Portugal.[193] He warned them at the same time to be careful, as he
hoped shortly to be back in Calecut, when they would know whether we
were thieves, as had been told them by the Moors.
On Wednesday, the 29th [of August], the captain-major and the other
captains agreed that, inasmuch that we had discovered the country we
had come in search of, as also spices and precious stones, and it
appeared impossible to establish cordial relations with the people,
it would be as well to take our departure. And it was resolved that
we should take with us the men whom we detained, as, on our return to
Calecut, they might be useful to us in establishing friendly relations.
We therefore set sail and left for Portugal, greatly rejoicing at our
good fortune in having made so great a discovery.
On Thursday [August 30], at noon, being becalmed about a league below
[that is, north of] Calecut, about seventy boats approached us.[194]
They were crowded with people wearing a kind of cuirass made of red
cloth, folded. Their weapons for the body, the arms and the head were
these[195].... When these boats came within the range of our bombards,
the captain-major ordered us to fire upon them. They followed us for
about an hour and a half, when there arose a thunderstorm which carried
us out to sea; and when they saw they could no longer do us harm they
turned back, whilst we pursued our route.
[_Calecut and its Commerce._]
From this country of Calecut, or Alta India,[196] come the spices which
are consumed in the East and the West, in Portugal, as in all other
countries of the world, as also precious stones of every description.
The following spices are to be found in this city of Calecut, being
its own produce: much ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although the
last is not of so fine a quality as that brought from an island called
Çillan [Ceylon],[197] which is eight days journey from Calecut. Calecut
is the staple for all this cinnamon. Cloves are brought to this city
from an island called Melequa [Malacca].[198] The Mecca vessels
carry these spices from there to a city in Mecca[199] called Judeâ
[Jidda], and from the said island to Judeâ is a voyage of fifty days
sailing before the wind, for the vessels of this country cannot tack.
At Judeâ they discharge their cargoes, paying customs duties to the
Grand Sultan.[200] The merchandise is then transshipped to smaller
vessels, which carry it through the Red Sea to a place close to Santa
Catarina of Mount Sinai, called Tuuz,[201] where customs dues are paid
once more. From that place the merchants carry the spices on the back
of camels, which they hire at the rate of 4 cruzados each, to Quayro
[Cairo], a journey occupying ten days. At Quayro duties are paid again.
On this road to Cairo they are frequently robbed by thieves, who live
in that country, such as the Bedouins and others.
At Cairo the spices are embarked on the river Nile, which rises in
Prester John’s country in Lower India, and descending that river for
two days they reach a place called Roxette [Rosetta], where duties have
to be paid once more. There they are placed on camels, and are conveyed
in one day to a city called Alexandria, which is a sea-port. This city
is visited by the galleys of Venice and Genoa, in search of these
spices, which yield the Grand Sultan a revenue of 600,000 cruzados[202]
in customs duties, out of which he pays to a king called Cidadym[203]
an annual subsidy of 100,000 cruzados for making war upon Prester
John. The title of Grand Sultan is bought for money, and does not pass
from father to son.
[THE VOYAGE HOME.]
I now again speak of our voyage home.
Going thus along the coast we kept tacking, with the aid of the land
and sea breezes, for the wind was feeble. When becalmed in the day we
lay to.
On Monday, September 10, the captain-major landed one of the men whom
we had taken, and who had lost an eye, with a letter to the Çamolin,
written in Moorish [Arabic] by one of the Moors who came with us.[204]
The country where we landed this Moor was called Compia,[205] and its
king, Biaquolle, was at war with the King of Calecut.
On the following day [September 11], whilst becalmed, boats approached
the ships, and the boatmen, who offered fish for sale, came on board
without exhibiting any fear.
[_Santa Maria Islands._][206]
On Saturday, the 15th of said month, we found ourselves near some
islets, about two leagues from the land. We there launched a boat
and put up a pillar on one of these islets, which we called Santa
Maria, the king having ordered three pillars (padrãos), to be named S.
Raphael, S. Gabriel, and Santa Maria. We had thus succeeded in erecting
these three, _scilicet_, the first, that of S. Raphael, on the Rio dos
bons signaes; the second, that of S. Gabriel, at Calecut; and this, the
last, named Santa Maria.
Here again many boats came to us with fish, and the captain made the
boatmen happy by presenting them with shirts. He asked them whether
they would be glad if he placed a pillar upon the island. They said
that they would be very glad indeed, for its erection would confirm
the fact that we were Christians like themselves. The pillar was
consequently erected in much amity.
[_Anjediva, September 20 to October 5._][207]
That same night, with a land breeze, we made sail and pursued our
route. On the following Thursday, the 20th of the month,[208] we came
to a hilly country, very beautiful and salubrious, close to which there
were six small islands.
There we anchored, near the land, and launched a boat to take in water
and wood to last us during our voyage across the Gulf, which we hoped
to accomplish, if the wind favoured us. On landing we met a young man,
who pointed out to us a spring of excellent water rising between two
hills on the bank of a river. The captain-major gave this man a cap,
and asked whether he was a Moor or a Christian. The man said that he
was a Christian, and when told that we too were Christians he was much
pleased.
On the following day [September 21] an _almadia_ came to us with four
men, who brought gourds and cucumbers. The captain-major asked whether
cinnamon, ginger, or any other spices were to be found in this country.
They said there was plenty of cinnamon, but no other kind of spice. The
captain at once sent two men with them to the mainland to bring him a
sample, and they were taken to a wood where a large number of trees
yielding cinnamon were growing, and they cut off two big branches,
with their foliage. When we went in our boats to fetch water we met
these two men with their cinnamon branches, and they were accompanied
by about twenty others, who brought the captain fowls, cow-milk and
gourds. They asked the captain to send these two men along with them,
as there was much dry cinnamon not far off, which they would show them,
and of which they would bring samples.[209]
Having taken in water we returned to the ships, and these men promised
to come on the ensuing day to bring a present of cows, pigs and fowls.
Early on the next morning [September 22] we observed two vessels close
to the land, about two leagues off, but took no further notice of
them. We cut wood whilst waiting for the tide to enable us to enter
the river to take in water, and being thus engaged it struck the
captain that these vessels were larger than he had thought at first. He
therefore ordered us into the boats, as soon as we had eaten, and sent
us to find out whether these vessels belonged to Moors or Christians.
After his return on board, the captain-major ordered a mariner to go
aloft and look out for vessels, and this man reported that out in the
open sea and at a distance of about six leagues he saw eight vessels
becalmed. The captain, when he heard this, at once gave orders to sink
these vessels. They, as soon as they felt the breeze, put the helm hard
a-lee, and when they were abreast of us, at a distance of a couple
of leagues, and we thought they might discover us, we made for them.
When they saw us coming they bore away for the land. One of them being
disabled, owing to her helm breaking, the men in her made their escape
in the boat, which they dragged astern, and reached the land in safety.
We, who were nearest to that vessel, at once boarded her, but found
nothing in her except provisions, coco-nuts, four jars of palm-sugar,
and arms, all the rest being sand used as ballast. The seven other
vessels grounded, and we fired upon them from our boats.
On the following morning [September 23], whilst at anchor, seven men in
a boat visited us, and they told us that these vessels had come from
Calecut in search of us, and that if they had succeeded in taking us we
should have been killed.[210]
On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a
distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at
first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would
be found.[211] The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an
armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the
ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors,
with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This,
at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there
to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.[212]
Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the
church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much
water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep,
occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the
church, we careened the _Berrio_ and the ship of the captain-major. The
_Raphael_ was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties
which will be referred to further on.
Being one day in the _Berrio_, which was drawn up on the beach, there
approached two large boats, or _fustas_,[213] crowded with people. They
rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the
masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection.
As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they
were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were
robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country,
they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends,
and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon
them. For this reason they were fired upon from the _Raphael_ and
the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our
bombards. They began to shout “Tambaram,”[214] which meant that they
were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When
they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land.
Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled
by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.
On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were
on land, careening the _Berrio_, there arrived two small boats with
a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane
as a present for the captain-major. After they had landed they asked
permission to see the ships. The captain thought they were spies, and
grew angry. Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their
appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was
not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to
land, but to turn back. They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.
Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived
a man,[215] about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was
dressed in linen, wore a fine _touca_ on his head, and a sword in his
belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and
the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had
come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service
of a Moorish lord,[216] who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he,
too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said
that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men
had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who
were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers
must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known
in these parts. He then begged permission of his master to be allowed
to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow.
His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might
have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and
provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give
him much pleasure. When the captain had cordially thanked him for these
offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our
visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired
to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a
token that all had gone well. The captain ordered a cheese and two soft
loaves to be given to him. He remained on the island, talking so much
and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.
Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come
with this visitor, and asked who he was. They said he was a pirate
(_armador_), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many
people in them, had remained on the coast. Knowing this much, and
conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn
up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him
confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with
which he had come to us. He then told us that he was well aware that
the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of
armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would
not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some
forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us. He added that he
did not know when they would be ready to attack us. As to himself
he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he
was “questioned”[217] three or four times, and although he did not
definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to
see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and
how we were armed.
At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which
was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and
cucumbers. They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with
the leaves still on. When our ships had been careened, and we had taken
in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we
had captured, we took our departure. This happened on Friday, October
5.[218]
Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us
1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for
sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.
When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we
had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past.
It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had
lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home;
that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture
us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing
and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he
would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed
within his territory we should have been completely in his power,
and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the
neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.
[_The Voyage across the Arabian Sea._]
Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less
three days to cross this gulf,[219] and all our people again suffered
from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not
eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these
swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms
of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal
number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were
only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to
have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued
for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate
the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had
gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions
to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council,
and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would
return to India whence we had come.
But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course
of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced
as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help
of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once
before.[220]
This happened on January 2, 1499.[221] It was night when we came close
to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the
morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out
whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor
any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were. Some
said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300
leagues from the mainland;[222] and they said this because a Moor whom
we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very
unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease
which had afflicted us.
[_Magadoxo._]
We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories,
big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it. This town faced
the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.[223] When we
were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,[224] and continued
along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but
lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue
[Malindi] whither we wished to go.
On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst
upon us, and tore the ties of the _Raphael_. Whilst repairing these a
privateer came out from a town called Pate[225] with eight boats and
many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired
upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow
him.
[_Malindi._]
On Monday, the 7th [of January][226] we again cast anchor off Milindy,
when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people,
with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding
him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past,
and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments.
The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with
instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired
by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds
of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate
affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also
came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.
When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time
when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and
also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging
for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord,
and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship.
The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the
King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once
ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be
erected.[227]
He also sent a young Moor,[228] who desired to go with us to Portugal,
and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he
sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he
desired his friendship.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing
from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all
of us had been face to face with death.
[_Malindi to São Braz._]
[Illustration: The Figure-head of the _S. Raphael_.]
We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which
was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday
[January 13] we anchored at the _Baixos de S. Raphael_,[229] where
we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to
navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us. The
contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships. We
were here fifteen days,[230] and from a town in front of us, called
Tamugate,[231] many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in
exchange for shirts and bracelets.
On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind. During the
following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came
close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled
by Moors, and is quite ten leagues[232] from the mainland. Late on
February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and
left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set
up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The
rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the
lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then
returned to the ships.
On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many
anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage. On the
12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place
the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to
return to this bay.
[_São Braz to the Rio Grande._]
When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a
good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good
Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust,
although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced.
This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat
of the countries from which we had come.
We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home. For
twenty-seven days[233] we had the wind astern, and were carried by it
to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our
charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we
were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little
wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,[234] which came from the
land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as
well as we could.
On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All
that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20
fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots
told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.[235]
[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly
stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according
to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below
Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for
his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá
in charge of the _S. Gabriel_, and chartered a caravel in which he
conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira. João de
Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th,
on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of
Portugal (see Appendix). Paulo died a day after he had landed at the
Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S.
Francisco.[236] A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once
started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to
Lisbon.
The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with
certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of
Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort
to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes,
and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th,
Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo,
consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a
note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying
that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September.
Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De
Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on
September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September
18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros
that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss
he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in
retirement.[237]
I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on
August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]
[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]
The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the
south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they
are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner
from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from
Alexandria thirty years before.[238]
CALECUT, where we were. The articles of merchandise mentioned below
are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that
city. The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men,
including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is
very small.
In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither
in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of
India[239]:—
_Copper_, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos
or 3 cruzados.
_Stone of Baqua_,[240] which is worth its weight in silver.
_Knives_, worth one fanão each.
_Rosewater_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Alum_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Camlot_, worth 7 cruzados the piece.
_Red cloth_, worth 2 cruzados the _pequy_[241] of three spans (palmas).
_Quicksilver_, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.
QUORONGOLIZ [Corongolor][242] is a Christian country and the king is
a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable
wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much
pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth
14.
COLEU [Colam, Coulão][243] is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by
sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men.
There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.
CAELL [Cael],[244] the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are
Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can
assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many
pearls.
CHOMANDARLA [Choramandel][245] is inhabited by Christians, and the king
is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here,
worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of
cotton cloths.
CEYLAM [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a
Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The
king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as
well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well
as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,[246] besides
rubies, few but of good quality.
CAMATARRA [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a
favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000
horsemen and 300 war-elephants. In this country much spun[247] silk is
found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10
cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.].
XARNAUZ[248] is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance
from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000
fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this
country is found much benzoin,[249] worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as
also much aloes,[250] worth 25 cruzados the frazila.
TENACAR[251] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail
from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000
fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is
found much Brazil-wood[252] which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes,
and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches
60. There is likewise a little aloes.
BEMGALA [Bengal].[253] In this kingdom there are many Moors and few
Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting
men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made
of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40
days’ sail, with a favourable wind.
MELEQUA [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’
sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster
10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves[254] come from
here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,[255] as also
nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain,
much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money
is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado.
There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like
fire.
PEGUO [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are
as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, _scilicet_
10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This
country produces all the musk[256] of the world. The king possesses an
island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In
this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing
this musk, attached to their navels. At a certain period of each year
they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off. It is
then that the people of the country gather them. Their abundance is
such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small
ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado. On the mainland
many rubies[257] and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold
may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much
lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white
benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half.
The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at
Calecut.
The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair
wind.
BEMGUALA [Bengal][258] has a Moorish king, and is inhabited by both
Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days
with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, _scilicet_ 10,000
horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this
country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of
great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth
forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.
CONIMATA[259] has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is
fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.
The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand
fighting elephants. In this country there are many sapphires and much
brazil-wood.
PATER[260] has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is
not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men,
and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb,
the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many
spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados.
The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.
[ABOUT ELEPHANTS.]
_How the Elephants fight in this country._
They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on
the back of the elephant with the four men in it. The elephant has
attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two
tusks. This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if
flight is possible. Whatever those seated on the top order to be done
is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill
this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.
_How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests._
When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and
dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its
mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go! and if you meet
with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls
into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.” She then
goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she
draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the
hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.
_How they are got out of the hole and broken-in._
After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are
allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat. When that time has
elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being
increased from day to day until he eats by himself. This is continued
for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually
tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole. This
is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands
upon his tusks. He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around
the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he
learns all but to speak.
These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is
worth 2,000 cruzados.[261]
PRICES AT ALEXANDRIA.[262]
[Value per
Pound.]
_£_ _s._ _d._
One quintal of cinnamon is worth 25 cruzados, 0 2 5
” ” cloves ” 20 ” 0 1 11
” ” pepper ” 15 ” 0 1 5
” ” ginger ” 21 ” 0 2 0
(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals,
is worth 20 cruzados) 0 0 5
One quintal of nutmeg is worth 16 cruzados, 0 1 7
” ” lac ” 25 ” 0 2 5
” ” Brazil-wood ” 10 ” 0 1 0
One ratel of rhubarb ” 12 ” 5 16 0
One mitikal of musk ” 1 ” 50 5 4
One ratel of aloe-wood ” 2 ” 0 19 4
” ” benzoin ” 1 ” 0 9 8
One quintal of frankincense ” 2 ” 0 0 2½
(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados) 0 0 0½
[Illustration]
[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]
THIS IS THE LANGUAGE OF CALECUT.[263]
See, look! nocane [nōkka].
Hearest thou? que que ne [kēlka].
Take him away criane.
To draw balichene [walikkān].
Rope coraoo [kayara].
Largely lacany.
Give me cornda.
To drink carichany [kutippān].
Eat tinane [tinmān].
Take y na.
I do not wish to totenda.
To go mareçane.
Go away! poo [pō].
Come here! baa [bā or wā].
Be silent! pote.
Rise! legany.
To throw carecane [karikkān].
To speak para ne [parane, speak thou].
Mad, silly moto.
Serious monday decany.
Lame mura call [murakāl].
To fall biamçe.
Many, much balidu [walare].
Bad betall [chītta].
Wind clarle [kātta].
Little chiredu [chiratu?].
Give him criane.
Timber, wood mara [maram].
Stone calou [kallu].
Teeth faley.
Lips çire [chīra?].
Nose muco [mūkka].
Eyes cana [kanna].
Forehead necheim [nīcha?].
Hair talanay [talla].
Head tabu.
Ears cadee [chewi].
Tongue naoo [nākka].
Neck caestez.
[Breast] mulay [mula].
Breasts nane.
Arms carit.
Stomach barri [wayara].
Legs cali [kāla].
— canay.
— seyrim.
— cudo.
Hands lamguajem [kai].
Fingers beda.
— cula.
Fish miny [mīna].
Mast mana.
Light, fire tiir [tī].
To sleep teraquy.
Man amoo [āna].
Women pena [penna].
Chin, beard tari.
Lobster xame.
Parrot tata [tatta].
Doves cayninaa.
— baly.
To kiss mucane.
To bite canchany [katikkān].
To see, look noquany [nokkuwān].
To hear çegade [kēlkawān].
To beat catane.
Wound morubo.
Sword batany.
Shield cutany.
Bow cayny.
Arrow ambum [anpa].
Spear concudoo.
To shoot with a bow heany.
Sun nerara.
Moon neelan.
Heaven mana.
The earth caraa.
The sea caralu.
Ship capell [kappal].
Boat çambuco.
Night erabut.
Day pagalala.
Eat tinane [tinmān].
— matara.
To mount arricany.
To be on foot anicany.
To go, travel narecane.
To embrace traigany.
Blows talancy.
To mourn, wail que ne.
To raise alagany.
To dance canechane.
To throw with stones
or wood ouriany.
To sing fareny.
Rain ma jaa [mara].
Water tany [tanni].
Blind curuge [kurutan, _blind man_].
Maimed of a hand muruquay [murukai].
— panany.
Take! ennay.
Let us go! pomga [pomka].
East careçache [kirakka].
West mecache [patinynyara].
North barcangache [watakka].
South tycamgarche [tekka].
Dog naa [nāya].
Bitch pena [pennāya].
Young man hum nee.
Girl co poo.
House pura [pura].
Needle cu doo.
Rod parima.
Oar tandii [tandu].
A great gun ve dii.
Top-sail talii.
Halyard anguaa.
Anchor napara.
Flag çoti [koti].
Rudder, helm xoca.
Pilot cu pajaoo.
Shoe cacu paja.
Cap tupy [topi].
_The following are some of the Names [of Persons]._
Tenae. Aja paa. Anapa.
Pumi. A rreco. Canapa.
Paramganda. A xirama. Gande.
Uja pee. Cuerapa. Rremaa.
Quilaba. Cutotopa. Mamgala.
Gouaa.
[Illustration]
APPENDICES.
[Illustration: DOM MANUEL THE FORTUNATE, KING OF PORTUGAL, 1495-1521.
_From “Leitura nova” (1º de Alemdouro) in the Torre do Tombo._
The signature is that of the King:—“Rey.”]
APPENDIX A.
TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499.
The first of these letters is addressed to King Ferdinand and Queen
Isabella, of Castile, whose daughter, Doña Isabella, King Manuel had
married in October 1497.[264] The letter is dated July 1499, and may
have been written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel on
July 10.
The draught, or copy, of this letter in the Torre do Tombo[265] has
been published by A. C. Texeira de Aragão in the _Boletim_ of the
Lisbon Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 673. It was published a
second time in _Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre do
Tombo_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 95. There are several omissions in the latter
version, due probably to the illegibility of the manuscript. In our
rendering of this valuable document, all passages omitted in _Alguns
Documentos_ are printed in italics, while attention is directed to
other differences by means of foot-notes.
The draught of the letter addressed to the “Cardinal Protector” also
exists in the Torre do Tombo,[266] but is evidently very illegible,
for the text published by Texeira de Aragão is full of blanks. The
original, as also the letter to Pope Alexander VI, to which reference
is made, may possibly be discovered in Rome. The letter is dated August
28, 1499, that is, the day before Vasco da Gama’s supposed return
to Lisbon. It was certainly written _after_ the arrival of the _S.
Gabriel_, for it refers to the “Moor of Tunis” or Monçaide, to the
“Jew”, who subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama, and to the men
carried off from Calecut, none of whom is likely to have been on board
Coelho’s small vessel.[267]
The “Cardinal Protector” can be identified with D. Jorge da Costa, a
man of mean extraction, whom Doña Catharina, the virgin daughter of
King Duarte, and sister of King Afonso IV, appointed her chaplain, and
who subsequently rose to high dignities in the Church, until, finally,
the Pope bestowed upon him a cardinal’s hat. King John took a dislike
to the cardinal, who went to reside at Rome; but King Manuel had a
high opinion of his wisdom, and soon after his accession, in 1495,
he invited him, through Pedro Correa,[268] his special ambassador to
the Court of Rome, to return to Lisbon. The cardinal declined this
invitation, pleading his great age and infirmities as an excuse, but
ever afterwards attended most faithfully to the King’s business with
the Pope.
I.—KING MANUEL’S LETTER TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF CASTILE, JULY 1499.
Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady!
Your Highnesses already know that we had ordered _Vasco da Gama,
a nobleman of our household, and his brother Paulo da Gama, with_
four vessels to make discoveries by sea, and that two years have now
elapsed since their departure. And as the principal motive of this
enterprise has been, with our predecessors, the service of God our
Lord, and our own advantage,[269] it pleased Him in His mercy to
speed them on their route. From a message which has now been brought
to this city by one of the captains,[270] we learn that they did
reach and discover India and other kingdoms _and lordships_ bordering
upon it; that they entered and navigated its sea, finding large
cities, large edifices and rivers, and great populations, among whom
is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones, which are
forwarded in ships (which these same explorers saw and met with in
good numbers and of great size) to Mecca, and thence to Cairo, whence
they are dispersed throughout the world. Of these [spices, etc.] they
have brought a quantity, including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg,
_and pepper_, as well as other kinds, together with the boughs and
leaves[271] of the same; also many fine stones of all sorts, such as
rubies and others. And they also came to a country in which there are
mines of gold, of which [gold], as of the spices and precious stones,
they did not bring as much as they could have done, for they took no
merchandise with them.[272]
As we are aware that your Highnesses will hear of these things
with much pleasure and satisfaction, we thought well to give this
information. And your Highnesses may believe, in accordance with what
we have learnt concerning the Christian people whom these explorers
reached, that it will be possible, notwithstanding that they are
not as yet strong in the faith or possessed of a thorough knowledge
of it, to do much in the service of God and the exaltation of the
Holy Faith, once they shall have been converted and fully fortified
(confirmed) in it. And when _they shall have thus been fortified in
the faith there will be an opportunity for destroying the Moors of
those parts. Moreover, we hope, with the help of God, that_ the great
trade which now enriches the Moors of those parts, through whose
hands it passes without the intervention of other persons or peoples,
shall, in consequence of our regulations (ordenanços) be diverted _to
the natives and ships of our own kingdom_, so that henceforth all
Christendom, _in this part of Europe_, shall be able, _in a large
measure_, to provide itself with these spices and precious stones.
This, with the help of God, who in His mercy thus ordained it, will
cause our designs and intentions to be pushed with more ardour
[especially as respects] the war upon the Moors _of the territories
conquered by us in these parts_, which your Highnesses are so firmly
resolved upon, and in which we are equally zealous.
And we pray your Highnesses, in consideration of this great favour,
which, with much gratitude, we received from Our Lord, to cause to be
addressed to Him those praises which are His due.[273]
Most high _and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady, may the Lord our God ever hold your persons and kingdoms in His
holy keeping_.
_Written at Lisbon, July 1499._
II.—KING MANUEL TO THE CARDINAL PROTECTOR, AUGUST 28TH, 1499.
Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!
We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the
Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of
Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia,
Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence
... very great news ... Our Lord having ended our labours in the
exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern
islands ... we inform you with pleasure ... and in order that you may
know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which
we wrote to the Holy Father ... Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness,
your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this
investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a
city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ... the
King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian
... throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges,
lemons and citrons ... there are great fleets ... The island of
Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,[274] is 150 leagues from Qualicut
... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover
a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew,[275] who turned Christian, and who is
a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from
Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (_sertão_) and
Tartary as far as the major sea.... As soon as we had these news
we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom,
returning many thanks to Our Lord ... His Holiness and your Reverence
must (_deve_) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God.
Also, whereas by Apostolical[276] grants we enjoy very fully the
sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner
that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and
we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters
to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you,
speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression
of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great
and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and
declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend
Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.
Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.
The King.
APPENDIX B.
[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
(_From the Portrait in the Museu das Bellas Artes at Lisbon._)]
This portrait formerly belonged to the Conde de Farrobo, who had it
from the Casa de Niza. It was presented to the Museu in 1866 by King
D. Ferdinand. It dates back, apparently, to the first quarter of the
sixteenth century. In 1845 it was restored by Luiz Tirinanzi. The above
is taken from a photograph kindly forwarded by Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon. The signature attached (Ho Conde Almyrante) is that of Vasco da
Gama.
The portrait in the possession of the Conde de Lavradio, which was
published in Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da
Gama_, is a copy of the above.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS ON VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.
Girolamo Sernigi was born in Florence in 1453. His father, Cipriano di
Chimenti, was a member of the Clothiers’ Guild, and was held in high
respect by his fellow citizens. The family became extinct in 1680.[277]
Girolamo was residing at Lisbon, where he had settled as a merchant,
when Vasco da Gama’s expedition returned from India. He remained there
for many years afterwards, and in 1510 commanded a vessel which went
out to Malacca with the fleet of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos.[278]
In addition to the letters giving an account of the voyage of Vasco
da Gama, he wrote others dealing with the trade between Portugal and
India. Some of these will be found in the _Diari_ of Marino Sanuto.
Manuscript copies of these letters exist in the Biblioteca Riccardiana,
Florence (Codices 1910, f. 61, and 2112b), in the library of Mr. Ralph
Sneyd, of Newcastle-under-Lyne, and possibly elsewhere. I am indebted
to the mediation of Dr. R. Garnett and the kindness of Professor
Biagi, chief librarian of the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenciana, at
Florence, for a careful copy of Codex 1910. The MS. in the library
of Mr. Sneyd formerly belonged to Count Soranzo of Venice, and Prof.
Guglielmo Berchet of that city quotes passages from it in his valuable
contribution to the “Raccolta Colombiana”.[279] I regret to say that I
failed in my endeavours to secure a copy of this valuable manuscript.
Fortunately, to judge from the few extracts given by Prof. Berchet,
there seems to be no reason to suppose that it differs in any essential
respect from the other documents of which I was able to avail myself.
The two letters addressed to a gentleman at Florence were published for
the first time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s famous _Paesi novamente
retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507. This seems to be a faithful reproduction of
the original, except that a few passages have been omitted, and that
the letters have been divided into chapters, each with a distinctive
heading. Ramusio,[280] who republished these letters in 1550, has taken
much greater liberties with their writer. He has not merely improved
his literary style, but has also condensed many passages, not always
very happily, and suppressed others altogether. The more important of
these omissions, and occasional additions, have been pointed out by me
in the notes appended to the present translation.
The writer’s name is not mentioned by Fracanzio or Ramusio.
Bandini[281] rashly suggested it was Amerigo Vespucci, who addressed
these letters to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici. Professor
Kopke[282] devotes several pages to a refutation of this untenable
hypothesis. It suffices to state that Vespucci was away with Alonzo de
Hojeda in the West Indies, from May 1499 to February 1500, and cannot
consequently have been at Lisbon in July 1499, when the first vessel of
Vasco da Gama’s fleet came back from India.[283]
To Baldelli Boni is due the credit of having first made known the name
of the actual writer, and of having directed attention to the copy of
the first letter existing in the Riccardian library.[284]
The first of these letters was undoubtedly written immediately after
the arrival of Coelho’s vessel, on July 10th. The information it
conveys was obtained from various members of the expedition, and there
is at least one passage in it which shows that it was not all written
on the same day.
The second letter was written some time afterwards, for it embodies
information obtained from the “pilot”, Gaspar da Gama, who had not come
back when the first letter was written (see p. 136). This intelligent
informant reached Lisbon on board the flag-ship, the _S. Gabriel_, the
command of which had been entrusted by Vasco da Gama to his clerk, João
de Sá, when he himself left São Thiago in a caravel for Terçeira.
Both these letters are addressed to a gentleman at Florence with whom
the writer was not on terms of familiarity, and whom he consequently
addresses as “Vossignoria”. This need not, however, be translated as
“your Lordship”, for that style of address was customary in the case of
persons of much humbler degree.
The third letter is undoubtedly by the same writer. An abstract of
it, in German, was discovered among the papers of Conrad Peutinger,
of Augsburg, the antiquarian, and at one time the owner of the famous
_Tabula Peutingeriana_. It was first published, together with other
documents dealing with early voyages to the New World and to India, by
Dr. G. Greiff, in 1861.[285]
Peutinger[286] was shown this letter during a temporary visit to
Rome, and made the abstract thus published. He states explicitly that
the letter was addressed to the author’s _brother_. Covering the same
ground as the preceding letters, and written about the same time, it is
only natural that there should occur many similar passages; and this
would in all probability be even more apparent if we were in a position
to collate the letter seen by Peutinger at Rome with that preserved in
the “Riccardiana”. But the letter, notwithstanding, is quite distinct
from the letters addressed to a gentleman in Florence. The arrangement
of the subjects dealt with is different, and whilst we meet with
paragraphs not to be found in either of the other letters, there are
numerous omissions. Among these latter we may direct attention to the
speculation about the Chinese being Germans, which would most certainly
not have been passed over by a German.
The Peutinger letter was written after the captain had come back “_a
salvamento_” to Lisbon with the “one vessel” of 90 tons, not previously
accounted for. This definite statement is rather puzzling, for if Vasco
da Gama really came home in his flagship, we are either compelled to
reject the statements of such well-accredited historians as De Barros,
Goes, and Castanheda, who affirm that the captain-major ordered João de
Sá to take his flagship, the _S. Gabriel_, to Lisbon, whilst he himself
chartered a swift caravel which conveyed himself and his dying brother
to the Azores; or we must assume that João de Sá, having refitted the
_S. Gabriel_ at São Thiago, joined his chief at Terçeira, and returned
with him to Lisbon.[287] We are inclined to believe that we have before
us an inaccurate statement made by the writer of the letter, or else
an erroneous rendering of his meaning by Peutinger. The letter was
certainly written after the arrival of João de Sá in the _S. Gabriel_,
but Vasco da Gama himself, coming direct from Terçeira, may have
reached Lisbon a day or two later: these two distinct events becoming
thus blended, as it were, in the mind of a man not thoroughly informed
of the matter.
We have contented ourselves with printing a few extracts from
Peutinger’s letter.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S FIRST LETTER
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