A Handbook of Pictorial History
by Henry W. Donald · English · Gutenberg #46433 · 378,829 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: A Handbook of Pictorial History
Author: Henry W. Donald
Release date: July 27, 2014 [eBook #46433]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HANDBOOK OF PICTORIAL HISTORY ***
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[Illustration]
A HANDBOOK
OF
PICTORIAL HISTORY.
[Illustration]
SOME OTHER
HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY
PUBLICATIONS.
+HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS.+
In Four Sets. By H. W. Donald.
Price, each set, +1/6+
+HISTORY TEACHING
BY BIOGRAPHIES.+
In Two Volumes. By Alice Eve, B.A.
Price, each, net, +3+/-; post free, +3/4½+
+“BRITANNIC”
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY.+
In Two Parts. Price, each, net, +5+d.
Details of the above will be found
on pages at back of this book.
A
Handbook
of
PICTORIAL
HISTORY
Containing 680 Illustrations from Original &
Contemporary Sources treating upon Architecture,
Arms and Armour, Antiquities, Costumes,
Customs, Shipping, Heraldry, The Church, etc.
with Notes and Descriptive Articles on These
Subjects for the use of Students & Teachers.
Written and Illustrated
_by_
HENRY W. DONALD
_Compiler of the Britannic Historical Geography &
the Suggestions Historical Drawing Cards etc._
[Illustration]
LONDON:
Charles and Son, Ltd.
10, PATERNOSTER SQUARE, E.C.4.
AND GLASGOW.
Made and printed in Great Britain.
PREFACE.
It has been felt that in the study of English History, to the
ordinary student and teacher, there are great difficulties in the
way of consulting the numerous standard and other excellent works,
on the subjects dealt with in this volume. Many have not sufficient
leisure, and many are unable to make use of the facilities for study
and research offered by our great national and provincial libraries
and museums. And, to most, the prohibitive cost of a representative
collection of these standard works is an effectual bar to the
acquisition of a personal collection.
An acquaintance with these subjects is necessary to an intelligent
appreciation of the life history and development of our nation, and
of the conditions of life of our ancestors, and this work has been
undertaken for students and teachers with regard to these matters, with
the hope that, by its means, the path of study will be illuminated, and
the interest shown in the study of history correspondingly increased.
Too often, in the past, has history been taught as a series of dry
lessons on facts and dates, and although in late years there has been
a great improvement in this respect, to many the living facts around
us, as bearing on our history, in our churches, our historic buildings,
our museums, and our national collections, are still disregarded. What
eloquent tongues they have, and yet, on what deaf ears do their voices
fall!
Mr. Fairholt, in his well-known work on “Costume in England,” says:
“A knowledge of costume is, in some degree, inseparable from a right
knowledge of history. We can scarcely read its events without, in some
measure, picturing in the mind’s eye the appearance of the actors.”
What is true of costume, which includes, of course, civil, military,
and ecclesiastical costume, is equally true of architecture and other
matters associated with the daily lives of our forefathers.
How they lived and died, how they worked, how they dressed, how and
where they worshipped God, and the influences brought to bear upon them
by the Church, must be realized as factors in the development of the
nation.
It is hoped that this work may prove useful to the student, to the
pupils in our schools and colleges, and to teachers who have not been
able to make a special study of these things.
Several plans of arranging the subject-matter have suggested
themselves, and the writer has thought--though it is open, of course,
to criticism--that the work would be most usefully and most easily
consulted by arranging it under the heads of our historic periods.
It will be readily understood that this is merely an arbitrary
arrangement, and that there must be overlapping at times. The aim
has been to make each section as complete as possible in the given
space, and yet to avoid tedious details. To experts the food may seem
very light, but it is to the average student and teacher, to whom the
subjects are new, that the work must appeal.
Every effort has been made to secure accuracy and truthfulness, both in
the matter and in the six hundred and eighty drawings which illustrate
it.
Very many works have been consulted, and, as _all the illustrations
are from authentic and contemporary sources_, it is hoped that the
usefulness of the work will be very considerable.
The writer wishes to express his great obligation to the following
writers and books, whom he has laid under contribution:--
Greenwell’s _British Barrows_,
Dawkin’s _Early Man in Britain_,
Evans’s _Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain_,
Strutt’s _Horda_,
Grose’s _Military Antiquities_,
Wallis Budge’s _Roman Antiquities at Chesters_,
Jewitt’s _Ceramic Art of Great Britain_,
Fairholt’s _Costume in England_,
Mrs. Ashdown’s _British Costume during Nineteen Centuries_,
Planche’s _Cyclopædia of Costume and History of British Costume_,
Cutt’s _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_,
Barnard’s _Companion to English History, Middle Ages_,
Traill’s _Social England_,
Green’s _Short History_ (Illustrated Edition),
Parker’s various works on _Gothic Architecture_,
Rickman’s _Gothic Architecture_,
Boutell’s _Monumental Brasses of England_,
Suffling’s _English Church Brasses_,
Macklin’s _Brasses of England_,
Ashdown’s _British and Foreign Arms and Armour_,
Hewitt’s _Ancient Armour and Weapons in Europe_,
Boutell’s _Arms and Armour_,
Fox-Davies’s _Complete Guide to Heraldry_,
Boutell’s _English Heraldry_,
Bloom’s _English Seals_,
Abbot Gasquet’s _English Monastic Life_,
Commander Robinson’s _British Fleet_,
Oman’s _History of the Art of War_,
Fowkes’s _Bayeux Tapestry_,
Gardiner’s _History of England_,
The _Journals of the British Archæological Association_, and of
various County Associations.
The writer, too, wishes to thank the Library Committee of the City
of London Corporation for permission to make drawings of objects in
the Guildhall Museum, and Mrs. Ashdown for permission to make use of
illustrations in her “British Costume.”
HENRY W. DONALD.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
THE STONE AGE. (Plate 1) 7
THE BRONZE AGE. (Plate 2) 9
PREHISTORIC POTTERY AND FUNERAL CUSTOMS. (Plate 3) 11
THE ROMAN WALL. (Plate 4) 13
ROMAN POTTERY, ETC. (Plate 5) 17
ROMAN ANTIQUITIES FOUND IN LONDON. (Plate 6) 19
ROMAN ARCHITECTURE IN BRITAIN. (Plate 7) 21
ROMAN ARMS, ETC. (Plate 8) 23
SAXON WEAPONS. (Plate 9) 25
SAXON COSTUME, A.D. 460-A.D. 1066. (Plates 10-11) 27
ANGLO-SAXON ARCHITECTURE. (Plate 12) 31
SAXON CUSTOMS. (Plate 13) 33
SAXON FARMING. (Plate 14) 35
SAXON ANTIQUITIES. (Plate 15) 37
DANISH VESSELS, ETC. (Plate 16) 39
NORMAN COSTUMES. (Plate 17) 41
NORMAN ARMS AND ARMOUR. (Plate 18) 43
THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY. (Plate 19) 46
EARLY NORMAN ARCHITECTURE. (Plate 20) 51
LATER NORMAN ARCHITECTURE. (Plate 21) 53
NORMAN CASTLES. (Plate 22) 55
NORMAN SEALS AND COINS. (Plate 23) 59
THE JOUST AND THE TOURNAMENT. (Plate 24) 61
ENGLISH ARCHERS. (Plate 25) 63
EARLY CANNON. (Plate 26) 67
A FIFTEENTH CENTURY SHIP. (Plate 27) 71
BRASSES. (Plate 28) 73
HERALDRY. (Plate 29) 78
THE TUDOR NAVY. (Plate 30) 83
PLANTAGENET COSTUME. (Plates 31-32) 86
MAIL ARMOUR. (Plate 33) 93
EARLY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. (Plates 34-35) 98
MIXED MAIL AND PLATE ARMOUR. (Plate 36) 103
LANCASTRIAN AND YORKIST PERIODS.
Male Costumes. (Plate 37) 107
Female Costumes. (Plate 38) 113
Plate Armour. (Plate 39) 115
Decorated Architecture. (Plates 40-41) 119
TUDOR PERIOD.
Male Costumes. (Plate 42) 126
Female Costumes. (Plate 43) 131
Plate Armour. (Plate 44) 136
Perpendicular Architecture. (Plates 45-46) 141
STUART PERIOD (TO WILLIAM III.).
Male Costumes. (Plate 47) 144
Female Costumes. (Plates 48-49) 151
Arms and Armour.--To end of Charles II. (Plate 50) 155
ANNE, GEORGE I. AND GEORGE II.
Male Costumes. (Plate 51) 159
Female Costumes. (Plate 52) 163
GEORGE III.
Male Costumes. (Plate 53) 165
Female Costumes. (Plate 54) 168
THE MONASTIC ORDERS. (Plate 55) 173
GENERAL PLAN OF A MONASTERY. (Plate 56) 174
THE FRIARS AND CANONS. (Plate 57) 177
MILITARY MONASTIC ORDERS. (Plate 58) 181
ECCLESIASTICAL COSTUMES AND VESTMENTS. (Plate 59) 185
PILGRIMS. (Plate 60) 189
THE STONE AGE.
_The Flint Weapons of Prehistoric Man in Britain._
When Britain was joined to the continent of Europe (at the time
when the mammoth lived), it was inhabited by the _Palæolithic_ or
_Ancient Stone men_. They were ignorant of the use of metals, and used
implements of bone and of rudely chipped stone and flint, which they
did not know how to fasten to handles. These implements and weapons, of
a different type from those of later periods, are found in the river
beds of drifts, and these early people are spoken of as the “Drift men.”
Cave-dwelling Palæolithic men succeeded these. Their weapons were still
very rude, but they made handles and fixed them to the flints, so
forming arrows, lances or javelins, and axes.
These were followed by a race called _Neolithic_ men, or men of the
_New Stone Age_. Their stone implements were better shaped, more highly
finished, were often ground smooth, and even polished. They also made
a rude kind of pottery. These men were, doubtless, of the race called
_Iberians_.
[Illustration: PLATE 1.
(Fig. 1): Flint hand-hammer or axe found in Gray’s Inn Lane.
This was the earliest form, roughly chipped into shape, with
unsharpened edges. (Figs. 2 and 3): A dagger in the British
Museum (front and side views). The dagger is one of the
commonest weapons of the Stone Age, being simple in form and
easy of construction. (Fig. 4): A javelin head; a simple,
elongated splinter of flint, shaped to a small stem, which
was inserted in the end of a shaft and fastened by means of
ligaments. (Figs. 5 and 6): A stone celt (pronounced selt)
or axe of the simplest form. This is ground, probably by the
use of sand and water into a regular and sharp edge. (Fig.
7): A flint flake, probably used as a scraper. (Fig. 8): A
stemmed arrow-head. (Fig. 9): A barbed arrow-head (a later
development). (Fig. 10): A lozenge-shaped arrow-head. (Fig.
11): A polished stone axe, fixed in a stag’s horn socket.
(Fig. 12): A perforated hammer found at Scarborough. (Figs.
13 and 14): A perforated axe (two views) found in Yorkshire.
(Both Figs. 12 and 13 show a very high degree of skill in the
shaping of the form, in the drilling, and in general finish.)
(Fig. 15): A polished celt fixed in its original handle, found
in Cumberland. (Fig. 16): A flint chisel-shaped tool. (Fig.
17): A flint borer, used for making holes in wood, bone, or
stone, found in the Yorkshire Wolds.]
THE BRONZE AGE.
The Iberians were succeeded by the Celts, who conquered, and probably
intermarried with, the former.
They had a knowledge of the use of metals, and employed copper first
for the manufacture of their weapons and tools. Then they learned that,
by mixing tin with copper, a harder metal was obtained, which we call
bronze, and this period is, consequently, called the _Bronze Age_. The
early bronze weapons were of the same form as the flint weapons, for
probably the latter were used as “patterns” for forming the mould.
Later, in the case of the celt, flanges were formed at the side, and,
finally, a socketed celt was made, showing a considerable skill in its
manufacture. “The knowledge of bronze must have affected the warfare of
the time in the same way as the introduction of gunpowder affected the
warfare of the Middle Ages.” It has been estimated that the Bronze Age
commenced in Britain about 1500 B.C.
[Illustration: PLATE 2.
(Fig. 1): A bronze spear head--Later Celtic--in the British
Museum. It is probable that the flint spear-head continued in
use into the Bronze Age, and that the spear-head with a socket
was not invented until socketed celts were made. (Fig. 2): An
ornamental bronze celt or axe found in Suffolk. The simpler
form of the celt has been improved upon by the addition of
flanges. (Figs. 3 and 4) show how they were probably fixed in
handles. (Fig. 5): A bronze knife dagger found in the Isle of
Wight (British Museum). (Fig. 6): A bronze arrow-head. (Fig.
7): A bronze socketed celt. (Fig. 8): The same, with the
probable method of fastening to a handle. (Fig. 9): A bronze
cauldron found in Ireland. (Fig. 10): A late Celtic Helmet,
ornamented and showing generally in its structure a very
advanced skill in manufacture; found in the Thames; now in
the British Museum. (Fig. 11): A bronze dagger in the British
Museum. (Fig. 12): A bronze spear-head (elongated form), found
at Stanwick in Yorkshire; now in the British Museum. Both the
spear heads in Figs. 1 and 12 tend towards a leaf form. (Fig.
13): A bronze sword, narrow and leaf-shaped, in the Guildhall
Museum, London; showing rivet holes. The sword of the Bronze
Age is remarkable for the beauty of its form. The average
length of the blade was about two feet, the handle being made
of horn or wood, split and rivetted on either, side. The sword
was probably encased in a scabbard of leather, wood or bronze.]
PREHISTORIC POTTERY AND FUNERAL CUSTOMS.
Neolithic men (of the Later Stone Age) buried their dead in the caves
which they had used for dwellings, or in stone chambers, probably
representing the huts in which they lived. Each of these was used as
a vault, common to the family or tribe, for they are found containing
skeletons of all ages. The dead were buried in the tomb as they died,
in a contracted or crouching position, laid upon their sides, probably
due to their sleeping in that position, and not at full length on a
bed. Implements of various kinds, arrow heads, celts and pottery, were
frequently placed in the tombs, and were probably intended for the use
of the dead. The tombs were then covered with stones and earth, forming
mounds (also known as barrows and tumuli), which were usually long and
oval in plan.
Domestic animals were slaughtered, and a feast was made after the
interment in honour of the dead.
In the Bronze Age, there was a striking change in the custom of
burial, probably the sign of the introduction of a new faith. The
dead were burned on a funeral pile, and with them were burned their
belongings--the various articles and implements of daily use--and the
burnt remains were gathered up with the calcined bones and ashes and
placed in an urn. Sometimes this urn was placed upright, and at other
times it was inverted over the ashes.
As in former times, a mound was carefully raised, covering the urn and
its contents, and the memory of the dead was preserved by periodic
feasts, after each of which earth or stone was added to the top of the
mound, each feast being represented by a layer of the broken and burnt
bones of the animals consumed. These barrows of the Bronze Age were
generally circular in plan.
Cremation did not, however, altogether abolish the older practice
of burying. It is evident that both customs were carried on
simultaneously. Hundreds of these mounds have been carefully opened at
various times and the contents investigated, and, in almost every case,
earthen-ware vessels of various forms and sizes have been found. It is
entirely to these grave mounds that we are indebted for the examples of
prehistoric pottery that are preserved in our museums.
There are four classes of pottery of these early times:--
1. Sepulchral or Cinerary Urns, which have been made for,
and have contained or been inverted over, calcined human
bones.
2. Drinking Cups, which are supposed to have contained some
liquid to be placed in the grave.
3. Food vessels (so called), which are supposed to have
contained an offering of food, and which are more usually
found with unburnt bodies than along with interments by
cremation.
4. Immolation Urns (or Incense Cups), very small vessels
found only with burnt bones, and usually containing bones
and ashes also, placed in the mouths of, or close by, the
larger cinerary urns. It has been suggested that these were
simply small urns, intended to receive the ashes of the
infant, perhaps sacrificed at the death of its mother. They
are also known as incense cups, and are supposed by some to
have been used to carry the sacred fire with which to light
the funeral pile, or as censers in the funeral ceremonies.
These vessels differ much in size and ornamentation, and in the quality
of the clay from which they are formed.
In the examination of barrows, the spot where the funeral pyre has been
made can often be detected by the burnt soil there. It is considered
probable that, while the body was burning, the clay urn was placed on
the funeral fire and then baked.
“Drinking Cups” are usually burnt much harder than the other vessels.
Most of the vessels are decorated in a rude fashion with lines or
figures, probably drawn by a pointed instrument or comb whilst the clay
was soft.
They were made by hand, and are often very uneven and crudely formed.
[Illustration: PLATE 3.
(Fig. 1): Food vessel of the prevailing type, ornamented with
dots and lines, forming saw-like patterns around it. (From
Greenwell’s _British Barrows_.) (Fig. 2): Immolation urn or
incense cup, covered with a pattern. (British Museum.) (Fig.
3): Food vessel of a rather uncommon type, of good form and
elaborately ornamented. (From Greenwell’s _British Barrows_.)
(Fig. 4): A large drinking cup, the outer surface being
almost covered with ornament, formed by the point of a sharp
instrument (found in a barrow at East Kennet). (Fig. 5):
Drinking cup, found in a barrow near Goodmanham, ornamented
with patterns formed with lines. (From Greenwell’s _British
Barrows_.)]
THE ROMAN WALL.
Much difference of opinion has been expressed between archæologists
as to who built the Roman Wall, it being severally attributed to both
Hadrian and Severus. A recent writer of authority says: “No one really
knows who built the Roman Wall, and the evidence now available is, in
the present writer’s opinion, wholly insufficient to enable us to
decide the difficult problem.... A commonsense and probable view is
that Hadrian caused the vallum (earthen rampart), which may have been
there before his time, to be supplemented by walls and forts, built of
stone, in such extremely exposed and commanding positions as we find
at or near Borcovicus (Homesteads), and that, about 86 years after the
Emperor left Britain, Severus ordered these to be repaired, and the
whole of the Roman fortifications to be built of stone, and the wall to
be carried across from sea to sea.” It stretches from Wallsend, near
Newcastle, to Carlisle. A section of its general structure is shown in
Pl. 7, Fig. 11. It was very strong, and consisted of a ditch on the
north side, about 15 ft. deep, and then a broad stone wall about 18 ft.
high and 8 ft. thick. South of the ditch was a broad road, and next to
that a rampart or earthen wall. In some parts, however, there were two
roads made, parallel to one another.
At fairly regular intervals along the wall were fortified military
“stations,” variously computed at from 18 to 23 in number.
Between them, at intervals of about a mile, were rectangular towers,
called “mile castles,” and smaller towers or “turrets” were placed
about four to the mile between these.
The _Stations_ were small, rectangular towns, the inhabitants of
which lived probably under martial law. They varied in extent from
one to six acres, were always strongly fortified with walls six to
nine feet thick, surrounded by a ditch. Each Station had, at least,
four gateways, one on each side, and its area was crossed by two main
streets, which bisected each other at right angles.
The larger Stations were provided with a _Forum_, serving as a
marketplace and a place for public assembly; a _Pretorium_, or
residence for the Commandant; baths, barracks, and numerous smaller
dwellings for the minor officials and others.
The _Mile Castles_ were rectangular in form, and measured about sixty
feet by fifty feet. The Wall formed the northern wall of the Castle,
and each had two gates, north and south.
The _Turrets_ were also rectangular, but much smaller than the Mile
Castles, measuring about twelve feet by ten feet, and had walls nearly
three feet thick. They served the purpose of look-out towers.
The Wall required a garrison of from 10,000 to 12,000 soldiers to man
it, and these were of many nationalities, being drawn from different
parts of the Roman Empire. Borcovicus, one of the Stations, was
garrisoned for about 200 years by a cohort of 1,000 Tungrian (German)
Infantry. Other cohorts consisted of Astures (Spaniards), Batavians
(Dutch), Gauls, Dalmatians, Moors, and Thracians.
It must be remembered that the soldiers themselves built the Wall and
the various structures on it, and kept the masonry in repair, as the
numerous inscribed wall tablets testify (Figs. 1 and 2).
After the Romans left Britain, the Wall was used for many centuries
as a convenient quarry, with ready-prepared stones, by neighbouring
landowners and farmers, and many farmhouses, walls and outhouses in the
vicinity of the Wall are built entirely of stones from it.
During excavations on the sites of the Stations, many Roman
remains--altars, ornaments, coins, utensils, etc.--have been found,
particularly through the public-spirited work carried on by Mr.
Clayton, of Chesters.
[Illustration: PLATE 4.
(Fig. 1): A wall tablet, sculptured in relief, with the
figure of a boar, the badge of the 20th Legion. The tablet is
20 in. in length, and was found at Vindolana (Chesterholm).
(Fig. 2): Another tablet, inscribed with a record of the
building of a portion of the Wall, 24 paces long, by the
Thruponian Centuria; from the Wall at Procolitia. (Fig. 3):
An altar, dedicated to the god Mihr, or Mithras, by Litorius
Pacatianus, a consular beneficiary, on behalf of himself and
his family; found in the temple of Mithras, at Borcovicus.
(Mihr was a form of the Sun-god, who was worshipped in Persia
in very early times, and about 100 B.C. the worship of this
deity was adopted by the Romans.) (Fig. 4): Small plan of
Procolitia (Carranburgh), probably the seventh Station on the
Wall, from east to west. The northern rampart is formed by
the Roman Wall. Procolitia was about 143 yards long and 118
yards wide, measuring about 3½ acres, and was garrisoned by
the 1st Batavian Cohort (Dutch). (Fig. 5): Plan of Cilurnum
(Chesters), the sixth Station on the Wall from the east. It
was 186 yards by 137 yards, and measured about 5½ acres.
The Roman Wall does not, in this instance, coincide with
the northern wall of the Station. The walls, surrounded by
a ditch, are about five feet thick, and the corners are
rounded off. It was garrisoned by the 2nd Ala of the Asturians
(Spanish), a famous cavalry regiment. The Stations had usually
four gates, but Cilurnum has six.]
ROMAN POTTERY, Etc.
(_In the Guildhall Museum, London._)
“After the Roman occupation of Britain, glass and pottery were made
here in large quantities, so that the importation of glass, which was
carried on at first, ceased to be necessary.”
_Samian ware_, which was a red glazed ware, was used ordinarily
throughout the western half of the Roman Empire. It was manufactured
first in Etruria, but afterwards its manufacture was imitated in Gaul.
Very little of the genuine Samian ware from Etruria found its way into
Britain, but the Gaulish Samian ware was imported in large quantities,
and was used throughout the province.
The finer specimens are decorated with design in low relief, of a
pictorial character, and the ware was of very good quality, for, 1,500
years after its manufacture, it preserves its colours and its lustre
perfectly.
_Castor ware_, a native product, was made at Castor (Durobrivae),
near the River Nen, and includes small vases of rusty copper or slate
colour, with white ornament in low relief. “Castor ware is not Roman in
character, but rather a local survival of late Celtic art.”
[Illustration: PLATE 5.
(Fig. 1): A Roman tablet of wood. This was covered with a thin
coating of wax, upon which the writing was done with a stylus
of metal or bone. When the inscription was no longer needed, a
hot iron was held over the surface, and a new surface formed
on the wax. (Fig. 2): A Roman stylus of iron. (Fig. 3): A
Roman amphora. (Fig. 4): An ornamented vase of Cologne ware.
(Fig. 5): A bowl of Cologne ware. (Fig. 6): An ewer or water
bottle, with indented mouth. (Fig. 7): A deep bowl of Roman
pottery. (Fig. 8): A cinerary urn of grey ware for containing
the ashes of the dead. (Fig. 9): A decorated urn of Cologne
ware. (Fig. 10): A vase of Castor ware, red, with black glazed
neck ornaments, decorated with pinkish-white slip. (Fig. 11):
A Roman glass hemispherical bowl. (Fig. 12): A drinking cup of
thick Samian ware, 3¾ in. high.]
ROMAN ANTIQUITIES FOUND IN LONDON.
(_Guildhall Museum._)
The Roman influence in Britain was directed to the civilizing of
the inhabitants. It gave the people better conditions of life; it
guaranteed protection against the tyrannies of petty chieftains; and
it gave to them the resources of Roman civilisation. The Roman remains
that are to be found in our museums, unearthed after centuries of
oblivion, show how definite was the influence of the Romans in the
comforts and necessities of daily life.
“Keys and steelyards, roofing tiles and hairpins, glass bottles and
spoons, statues and bells, represent wants and comforts strange to
the ‘savage and shivering Britons,’ dressed in skins, whom earlier
writers knew.” The manufacture of glass, chiefly beads, was carried on
at Glastonbury in Roman times, but most of the glass found is Roman
in character. The large green jars which were used for containing the
ashes of the dead were generally made here, but the best specimens came
probably from Gaul, where the manufacture of glass was carried on to a
considerable extent.
[Illustration: PLATE 6.
(Fig. 1): A square bottle of green glass, found in a grave
with cinerary urns. (Fig. 2): An unguentarium, or bottle for
unguents, perfumes and other toilet requisites, of Roman
glass. (Fig. 3): A Roman lamp of earthen-ware. The wick was
inserted in the spout, and the central hole was for the
purpose of feeding the lamp. (Fig. 4): Another Roman lamp,
viewed from above. (Fig. 5): A Roman pole-axe, with expanded
blade, oval shaft-hole, and pointed projection behind, 9 in.
long. (Figs. 6 and 7): Two forms of Roman keys of bronze.
(Fig. 8): A Roman shoe or buskin, with ten large holes stamped
out on each side. (Fig. 9): An axe with crescent-shaped blade
and tang for handle. (Fig. 10): A Roman spoon of copper (5 in.
long). (Fig. 11): A Roman steelyard of bronze, with hooks and
rings. (Fig. 12): A sacrificial knife (7¼ in. long). (Fig.
13): A Roman iron knife with ornamented bone handle.]
ROMAN ARCHITECTURE IN BRITAIN.
Roman architecture in Britain, judging from the remains of buildings,
was generally of an inferior description, for Britain was a remote and
half-civilised province, and little attention appears to have been paid
to make the buildings very ornate.
There are two principal varieties of masonry employed in their
construction.
The first, which is very characteristic, consists of layers of
irregularly shaped stones and flat tiles embedded in mortar, generally
arranged in alternate layers of tiles and stones in mortar, forming a
kind of concrete (Pl. 7, Fig. 3). The Mint wall at Lincoln, the Jewry
wall at Leicester, and the walls at Richborough and Colchester are
built in this manner.
The other variety consists of walls formed of regular courses, with
wide joints of outer facings of square stones or ashlars, the interior
spaces being filled with a rubble embedded in mortar. The blocks, which
were of hewn sandstone, were about 8 in. by 10 in. on the face, and as
much as 22 in. long in the bed. The whole rests on a course of larger
foundation stones (Pl. 7, Figs. 1 and 2).
Roman mortar may generally be distinguished by the fact that it was
mixed with powdered brick, and it is extremely hard. It is often easier
to break the tile or stone than the mortar, and this hardness arises
largely from the fact that the Romans always burnt the lime on the
spot, and used it hot and fresh, for on the freshness of the lime the
strength of the mortar largely depends. The walls of Burgh Castle,
Suffolk, and Richborough, Kent, are among the most perfect Roman walls
in England.
There are vestiges of Roman towns and villas throughout the country,
but they consist of foundations only. The upper story of these Roman
houses was usually of wood, and all the innumerable Roman towns
and villas of which foundations have been discovered bear marks
of destruction by violence, fire having been usually the agent of
destruction.
[Illustration: PLATE 7.
(Fig. 1): Section of Roman masonry, showing the outer facing
of regularly shaped stones and the interior of rubble and
mortar. (Fig. 2): View of outside of wall. (Fig. 3): Roman
arch at Colchester Castle, Hampshire, showing alternate layers
of tiles or flat bricks and stones. (Figs. 4, 5 and 6):
Fragments of Roman ornamental mouldings built in at Hexham.
Roman building material is often used again in other buildings
near the site of the Roman Station, as at Colchester Castle
(Essex), St. Martin’s Church, Canterbury, and St. Alban’s
Abbey (Herts.). (Fig. 7): Basement of Station on the Roman
Wall. (Fig. 8): Arch of Roman gate at Lincoln. It was the
north gate of the Roman city of Lindum, and still forms the
principal entrance into the city from the north. There was
a smaller arch on either side, but only the one on the east
remains. It appears to have been without ornament of any
kind. (Fig. 9): A stone capital, probably from the portico
of a temple, found at Cilurnum (Chesters). It is elaborately
sculptured with acanthus, is 17 inches in height, with a
diameter, at its widest part, of 18 inches. (Fig. 10): A
portion of the Roman Wall passing over a hill. The Roman Wall
consistently passed in a straight direction over the country,
and only swerved from a straight line to take, in the route,
the boldest elevations. (Fig. 11): Section of the Wall in
Northumberland. (_a_) Ditch of the Wall; (_b_) the stone wall;
(_c_) the military way; (_d_) the ditch of the vallum; (_e_)
the vallum (of earth).]
ROMAN ARMS, Etc.
[Illustration: PLATE 8.
(Fig. 1): A Roman galley (from Pompeii). (Fig. 2): A Roman
Eagle. This was mounted on a pole and carried before the
Legion. The soldiers rallied round it and fought for its
honour. It corresponded with the regimental flags of our
time. (Fig. 3): A Roman sword. This was remarkable for the
shortness of its blade. It was suspended from a shoulder
belt passing over the left shoulder, so that the sword
hung on the _right_ side, a custom which was possible on
account of the shortness of the blade. The length was about
twenty-two inches. The blade was straight, of uniform width,
double-edged, and cut at the end in an obtuse angle to form
the point. (Fig. 4): A short sword or sword dagger. (Fig. 5):
Scabbard of the same. (Fig. 6): A Roman Centurion, with an
oval shield, such as was generally carried by horse soldiers.
The body was protected by a metal cuirass formed of back and
breast plates, strapped together at the sides, and fastened by
broad belts passing over the shoulders. At the lower part of
the cuirass were two bands of leather, one showing underneath
the other, the edges of both being tagged or scalloped.
Below this double border there was a kind of leather skirt,
reaching nearly to the knee. A military cloak or mantle was
picturesquely draped over the shoulder. Metal greaves covered
the shins, and sandals, which were often highly ornamented,
covered the feet. (Fig. 7): A Roman laminated cuirass worn
by the heavily armed troops. It consisted of lames or plates
of steel encircling the body, with curved lames passing over
the shoulders, and several lames hanging vertically over the
lower part of the trunk. They were sewn or rivetted to a
tightly-fitting leather garment. (Figs. 8, 9 and 10): Roman
helmets, all fitted with neck pieces to guard the neck--Figs.
8 and 9 with cheek pieces, hinged and fastening beneath the
chin. (Fig. 11): Another form of shield, differing entirely
from that in Fig. 6. “It is elongated and convex oblong,
somewhat resembling a hollow watercourse tile.” It was carried
by the legionaries, and was about 2 ft. 6 in. long. It was
strengthened, at the top and bottom only, or all round, with
additional bands of metal. With this form of shield, the
well-known testudo or tortoise formation was made. (Fig. 12):
A Roman sandal of leather.]
SAXON WEAPONS.
The Saxon arms were the spear, the axe, the sword, the dagger, the
long-bow, and the arrow.
The defensive armour consisted of helmet, shield, and byrnie.
The _Spear_ was the chief weapon of the Saxons. It was of two forms:
(1) 9 or 10 ft. long, for use against cavalry or as a cavalry weapon,
and (2) about 6 ft. long, for use as a javelin or throwing spear. When
the latter was used, it was generally carried in pairs.
The spear, or, rather, the spear-head is always found in Saxon graves,
as it was buried with its owner. The shaft was generally of ash.
The _Axe_ was a very characteristic weapon of the Saxon and kindred
races, but it is very seldom found in graves. There were several forms,
particularly a long, tapering blade (Fig. 6) and a broader blade (Fig.
7).
Sometimes the axe-head was mounted on a short handle, and at other
times on a long shaft, to form a pole-axe, as shown in the Bayeux
tapestry.
The _Sword_ was essentially the cavalry weapon, and was the weapon of
the upper classes, no person below the rank of Thane carrying it.
The earliest swords which have been found have no quillon or cross
guard. The sword was usually about 3 ft. long, the blade being 30 in.
long and about 2 in. wide near the hilt. It was double-edged, and
tapered slightly towards the point. It usually had a wooden scabbard,
and was often ornamented with gold and precious stones on the hilt.
The _dagger_ or knife was a very general weapon, and has been found
in many graves. It varies considerably in size. The soldier probably
carved his food with the same weapon with which he stabbed his enemy.
The _long-bow_ was not in general use among the Saxons. Our knowledge
of it, and of arrows also, is mainly from MSS. It is a disputed point
whether the English used the bow at Hastings, for only one archer is
depicted on the English side.
For defensive purposes, the soldier wore a _helmet_ of metal, or of
leather strengthened with metal bands and rims, and he carried a
_shield_. The latter was of wood, and was circular or oval in form. The
centre was formed of metal, and was called a _boss_ or _umbo_. As the
shield was buried with a warrior, many umbos have been found in the
graves, the wooden portion of the shield having decayed.
In early Saxon times, a protective garment called a _byrnie_ was worn
by the leaders. It may have been mailed or quilted and padded. In later
times, when the nation was in a more prosperous condition, the use of
this garment probably became much more general. At the time of the
Norman conquest, there was very little difference in arms and equipment
between the Normans and Saxons, on account of the intercourse between
the two Courts.
[Illustration: PLATE 9.
(Fig. 1): A Saxon spear-head, 10½ in. long, with a socket
for the shaft, found in Southwark. (Guildhall Museum, London.)
(Fig. 2, 3 and 4): Saxon spear-heads, from MSS. The lateral
projections from the shaft were probably guards, to prevent
the shaft being severed by a sword cut. (Fig. 5): A spear-head
of different form. (Fig. 6): A Saxon taper axe-head, 3½
in. wide and 6½ in. deep, found in the Thames. (Guildhall
Museum, London.) (Fig. 7): Another and broader form of
axe-head. (Fig. 8): A Saxon sword from an 8th century MS.
(Figs. 9 and 10): Sword handles, found in Cambridgeshire.
(Fig. 11): Umbo of Saxon shield. (Fig. 12): Saxon dagger or
knife, with ornamental wooden handle. (Figs. 13, 14 and 15):
Saxon arrow-heads. (Figs. 16 and 17): Saxon helmets. (Fig.
18): Saxon bow, from a MS.]
SAXON COSTUME, A.D. 460-A.D. 1066.
The main sources from which we obtain our knowledge of Saxon Costume
are the illuminated MSS. remaining to us. The earliest MS. we have was
written A.D. 720, about 200 years after the Saxon Conquest. Of this
long period we have no reliable record.
We know, however, that on their first appearance in Britain, they were
not so advanced in civilisation as the inhabitants, who had gained a
considerable advantage, in this respect, from the Roman occupation.
The only reliable source from which information can be gained of this
period is in the tumuli or graves. In these have been found weapons and
many personal ornaments of a rich character.
_Saxon Male Costume._
A kind of shirt, reaching to the knee, worn next to the skin, was the
universal, and, in the case of the humblest, the only garment, and it
was always made of linen. Over this was worn a _tunica_, which was
generally short, but, in the case of persons of high rank, it was worn
longer. It fitted closely around the neck, and was cut open in front,
being also often open at the sides from the hips to the hem. Sleeves
were worn to this garment, and for many years were worn rucked upon
the fore-arm in a very peculiar manner, probably so that the sleeves
could be drawn down over the hands in cold weather. The hem was often
decorated with embroidered work.
A short cloak, or mantle, was generally worn over the tunica, fastened
by a fibula or brooch upon the right shoulder or in the centre of the
chest. In the case of a person of high degree, a larger cloak was also
wrapped around the figure.
The head was generally uncovered, except in time of war. The hair was
worn long, reaching down to the shoulders, parted carefully in the
centre, and tucked behind the ears. When the head was covered, a cap of
the Phrygian shape (Fig. 8) was worn. Persons of distinction, like the
members of the Witan, wore a sugar-loaf shaped cap.
The beard was worn either round or long and flowing. In the latter
case, it was divided in the centre like a fork, and was called the
“bifid” beard.
The breeches were tight to the leg, and sometimes wide at the bottom,
reaching to the middle of the thigh.
Stockings were worn, either long enough to join the breeches or short,
reaching nearly to the knee. The rustic frequently wore no stockings.
Civilians often bound strips of coloured cloth, and soldiers
strips of leather, around their stockings, forming what is called
_cross-gartering_.
Their shoes were generally low, and had an opening up the instep.
_Female Costume._
The female costume was also very simple, and consisted of a long,
tight-sleeved garment, the _gunna_ or gown, reaching to the feet, with
a tunic over this, reaching to the knees. The tunica was girdled at the
waist, and had wide sleeves extending to the elbow.
A wide mantle, a characteristic feature of the costume of both men and
women, covered the upper part of the body, and a head-rail or hood
consisting of a piece of material adjusted over the head, was always
worn.
When making a journey, a large travelling cloak was also worn.
No illustration shows the complete arrangement of the hair, but, as the
women of Continental nations at this period wore it in long plaits, we
may conclude that the same fashion was followed here; but the hair was
always covered. A kirtle was also probably worn, corresponding in form
to the garment now known as a “princess petticoat.”
_Military Costume._
There was but little difference between the civil and military costume
of the men. In MSS., soldiers are often represented with no other
weapon than a shield or spear, or an axe or a bow with arrows, and
attired in ordinary costume. Occasionally, one is represented wearing
a kind of cuirass formed of scales, made of overlapping slices of horn
sewn upon coarse linen.
During the reigns of Edward the Confessor and Harold II., owing to
the constant intercourse between the English and the Norman Courts,
the English adopted many of the customs and much of the costume of
the Normans, so that, among the upper and military classes, at any
rate, when William of Normandy invaded England, the members of the two
opposing armies were armed and attired in a very similar manner.
[Illustration: PLATE 10.
(Fig. 1): A Saxon rustic, wearing only a solitary garment,
with a pointed cap which has a comb, and shoes. (Cott. MS.,
Claudius B. iv.) (Fig. 2): A Saxon lady, attired in (1) the
gunna, (2) the tunica, (3) the mantle, (4) the head-rail.
(Harl. MS., 2,908.) (Fig. 3): A Saxon, dressed in (1) the
tunica, (2) the mantle, (3) breeches, with cross-gartered
stockings, and shoes, and (4) a banded Phrygian cap. (After
Mrs. Ashdown.) (Fig. 4): Saxon, showing the bifid beard and
the arrangement of the hair. (Cott. MS., Claudius B. iv.)
(Fig. 5): An English Freeman, wearing a tunica, with short
stockings and shoes, and armed with sword, spear, helmet,
and shield. (From a MS.) (Fig. 6): A Saxon soldier, wearing
a tunica covered with a mantle, stockings, and shoes, with
spurs. (Note the manner in which the mantle is fastened on
the right shoulder.) He is armed with a spear, and has his
head covered with a conical helmet. As is pointed out above,
the military costume did not differ from the civil costume,
except as regards the helmet and the arms. (Figs. 7 to 12):
Saxon head-dresses. (Fig. 7): A form of the square helmet.
(Fig. 8): A Phrygian-shaped cap of leather, bound with metal;
the bifid beard is also shown again. (Fig. 9): Another form of
the square helmet, with a kind of crest or comb. (Fig. 10):
A pointed helmet of simple form. (Fig. 11): A pointed hat
serrated along the back like a cock’s comb. (Fig. 12): The
commonest form of helmet, a conical cap with a rim, probably
of metal. (The other form of beard is shown in this figure.)
(Figs. 13, 14 and 15): Saxon shoes, from MSS. (Figs. 16 and
17): Saxon crowns, from MSS.]
[Illustration: PLATE 11.
(Fig. 1): A Saxon monarch represented as seated on a throne,
wearing a square crown, and holding a sceptre in his right
hand. He is attired in a richly embroidered tunica and a
mantle of ample proportions, gathered up with a brooch on
the left shoulder. His stockings are cross-gartered and
ornamented at the knees and in the lozenges formed by the
gartering. (Cott. MS., Tiberius Cvi.) (Fig. 2): A fiddler,
wearing the tunica, long stockings and shoes. (MS., Tib. Cvi.)
(Fig. 3): A gleeman or juggler, attired similarly to the
fiddler. (From the same MS.) (Fig. 4): A husbandman, engaged
in digging. (From MS., after Strutt.) (Fig. 5): A blacksmith,
working at the anvil. (From MS., after Strutt.) (Fig. 6):
A Saxon king, with a bifid beard, on the seat of judgment,
crowned and attired in a tunica, covered with a short mantle,
which is fastened in the centre of the chest by a brooch of
rectangular form. (Fig. 7): A Saxon noble, with long hair and
a bifid beard, holding a sword of characteristic Saxon form.
He is wearing an ornamented tunica reaching to the ankles,
and over it a voluminous mantle. His head is covered with a
conical helmet. The rucking of the sleeve on the fore-arm is
plainly shown. (Figs. 6 and 7 from a MS., after Strutt.) (Fig.
8): A Saxon horn-blower, attired similarly to the fiddler
and gleeman (Figs. 2 and 3), from the same MS. (Fig. 9): A
carpenter at work with an axe. (From a MS., after Strutt.)
(Note.--In Figs. 2, 3, 4, 5, 8 and 9, all the heads are bare.)
(Figs. 10 to 14): Saxon personal ornaments, buckle, rings,
etc., found in tumuli.]
ANGLO-SAXON ARCHITECTURE.
Buildings erected from about 500 A.D. to 1050 A.D. are called
Anglo-Saxon, or simply Saxon, in their style.
The Romans built in stone and brick, but the English, when they
conquered Britain, razed the Roman buildings to the ground, and built
their own structures of wood.
It is interesting to note that the Saxon word for “build” was
“getimbrian,” to construct of wood.
From the middle of the 5th century, for nearly 700 years, until
the time when the Norman Castle arose, well-nigh every building of
architectural merit was in some way or other connected with the Church.
The English were essentially workers in wood, and profoundly ignorant
of masonry. The churches that sprang up all over England after the
conversion of the country to Christianity were, no doubt, of wood, and
even in the 9th and 10th centuries we hear of “the worm-eaten walls of
cathedrals.”
They were decorated internally with paintings in various bright
colours, and the ornamentation was of metal work, bronze or the
precious metals.
Before the end of the 7th century, stone churches were built at York,
Ripon and Hexham, the latter being largely built of materials from the
Roman Wall, which passes within a short distance of the place, and
Roman inscribed slabs have been used in forming the roof of the crypt.
Bede tells us that Benedict crossed the sea to Gaul, and carried back
with him masons to build churches of stone, “after the manner of the
Romans that he loved,” at Monkwearmouth and Jarrow, about 680 A.D. Each
of these churches contains portions which are, without doubt, from
their rude construction, parts of the original fabrics of Benedict.
Anglo-Saxon stone churches were small, rectangular or cruciform in
shape, and without aisles.
A lofty tower, without buttresses, stands at the west end, or at the
intersection of the nave and transepts. The walls were usually of
rubble or small stones, of very irregular shape, covered with “rough
cast” or plaster. The kind of masonry termed “herring-bone” is often
used, and Roman bricks, taken from the ruins of earlier buildings, seem
to have been freely used.
It is probable that the sides of the towers terminated in acutely
pointed gables, from which the roof is carried up, as at Sompting
Church, in Sussex.
The towers were without staircases, the different storeys being reached
by means of ladders.
The old church at Bradford, in Wiltshire, is one of the most perfect
specimens of the Anglo-Saxon class. It is probably the small, original
church of the Abbey, built by Adhelm, in the 8th century (A.D. 705).
It is constructed of Bath stone, and it is considered, on account of
the fineness of the building, that there may have been a certain amount
of later restoration.
In the 9th century, many churches were destroyed by the Danes, and
Canute rebuilt many churches which his father and his followers had
destroyed. But, for a period before the year 1000 A.D., the building
of churches stopped on account of the expected millenium. After that
date, when the hopes and fears of the people had proved groundless, the
building of churches commenced again with renewed vigour.
[Illustration: PLATE 12.
(Fig. 1): The Anglo-Saxon tower of Earl’s Barton Church,
Northants. At the angles, there are “quoins,” or
corner-stones, formed of long stones set upright, alternately
with others laid horizontally, and technically known as
“long and short work.” The surface of the walls is also
divided up by “pilaster strips,” which are an imitation in
stone of wooden construction, and are evidently intended
to bind together the rude masonry of the walls. It is “the
design of a carpenter executed by a mason.” The parapet is
comparatively recent in construction. (Fig. 2): Tower arch of
Anglo-Saxon character at Barnack, Northants. Barnack was one
of the places where the old church was burnt by the Danes, in
their raid through that part of the country, and rebuilt by
order of Canute after the settlement of the Danes. The impost
mouldings (_b_) appear to have been suggested by a pile of
boards overlapping. (Fig. 3): An enlargement of the belfry
window (_a_, Fig. 1). Double windows are usually round-headed
or triangular-headed. The lights or single windows are not
separated by a stone moulding, but by a kind of shaft or
“baluster,” set in the middle of the wall, and supporting the
impost. (Fig. 4): Belfry window in the tower of Deerhurst
Church (1050 A.D.). The windows are triangular-headed, the
head being formed of two straight stones placed obliquely,
and meeting at a point. (Fig. 5): A window at Caversfield,
Bucks, with small opening and very wide “splay.” This window
is splayed, or widened out, both outside and inside, the
window itself being set in the middle of the wall, so that the
wicker-work or oiled parchment, that did duty as a glass, was
protected from the weather. (Fig. 6): Section of Anglo-Saxon
wall, which consisted of two rows of fairly regular stones,
the intervening space being filled with irregularly shaped
stones, embedded in mortar, the latter comprising nearly half
the substance of the wall. The layer of stones in the interior
of the building was generally plastered over. (Fig. 7): An
Anglo-Saxon triangular-headed doorway. (Figs. 8, 9 and 10):
Different forms of Anglo-Saxon balusters.]
SAXON CUSTOMS.
At meal-times the company sat down in the hall, the master, mistress,
and honoured guests taking their places at a “high” table placed on a
dais at the upper end of the apartment. Dinner was generally served
either at noon or at about 3 o’clock in the afternoon.
The walls were decorated with coloured and embroidered curtains, for
English ladies and their maidens were famed for their skill with the
needle in embroidery and decorative needlework. The tables consisted of
boards laid upon trestles, which could be easily removed when, the meal
being over, the ladies retired to the bower and the men settled down to
drinking.
Sometimes the tables were bare, at other times covered with a
table-cloth. Some MSS. show a circular table arranged for the meal.
On the table appear the round cakes which served the Saxons as bread,
also dishes containing meat, fish, and other food. A few spoons and
razor-shaped knives, and drinking vessels of varying sizes and shapes,
were also placed upon the table.
While the meal was in progress, wandering minstrels played on their
instruments and sang; jugglers and conjurers delighted their patrons
with feats of balancing and sleight-of-hand; while others danced and
postured, or exhibited the feats of dancing bears and other animals
that they led about.
[Illustration: PLATE 13.
(Fig. 1): A dinner party standing at a long table. (After
Strutt.) MS., Claud. B. v. (Fig. 2): A dinner party seated
around a circular table with embroidered curtains behind them,
and serving men waiting upon them. (After Strutt.) Cott. MS.
Tiberius Cvi. (Fig. 3): A Saxon bed. (After Strutt.) MS.,
Claud. B. iv. An apartment called the bower or bur was used
chiefly by the women and children for sleeping and dwelling
in. Sometimes there were recesses in the wall, covered by
curtains, and in these the beds were placed. The bed furniture
consisted of bolster, pillows, coverlets, and sheets, and, as
far as can be gathered from the MSS., the sheets were wrapped
about the naked body. (Fig. 4): A dancing girl with musicians.
(After Strutt.) Cott. MS., Cleopatra C. viii. In MSS., women
are represented almost invariably with the head covered by a
hood or head-veil even when they have retired to rest (Fig.
3), and we may assume that it was considered disgraceful for
a woman to appear in public with the head bare. When women
are represented with the head uncovered they are people
whose calling was considered more or less of a questionable
character, as dancers, strolling players, etc. (Fig. 5):
A labourer threshing corn with a flail. (From a MS. after
Strutt.)]
SAXON FARMING.
Both these figures are taken from an Old English calendar of the
eleventh century (after Strutt). Cott. MS., Julius A. vi.
This calendar is arranged as in a modern almanack, with a page to each
month and a line to each day. At the foot of each page there is a
drawing, typical of the work carried on during that month.
[Illustration: Plate 14.
(Fig. 1): _January_. This month was called by the English,
when heathen, “Wolf-monath,” because the wolves were most
troublesome at this period of the year. When the English
became Christians it was called “Aefter-Yule,” i.e.,
After-Christmas. Here there is a ploughing scene. Four oxen
yoked together in couples are drawing a plough of a very
solid-looking type. (In those days horses were not employed
in farm work.) A farm-hand, bare-headed, bare-footed, and
wearing only a single garment, is goading the oxen with a
sharp-pointed ox-goad, similar to a long spear in appearance.
A man in superior attire is guiding the plough, while another
is scattering seed as the plough passes. A good representation
of the plough of that period is shown here. (Fig. 2):
_August_. This month was called by the English “Arn-moneth”
or “Barn-moneth,” i.e., “harvest-month.” This drawing gives
a representation of a farm wagon of good construction, and
of the costumes of the workers, who appear to be of at least
two grades--some bare-footed, wearing a single garment,
while others have better-cut garments, and wear shoes and
stockings in addition. At the head of a party is a man with
a spear in his right hand, blowing a horn, who may be either
superintending the work or may be the “advance guard” of a
hunting party entering the field. The implements, sickles, and
forks appear to be very similar to those in use at the present
time.]
SAXON ANTIQUITIES.
[Illustration: Plate 15.
(Fig. 1): A long Saxon drinking glass, ornamented with raised
and decorated ribbons of glass. The bottom is rounded, so that
when filled with liquid it had to be emptied at one draught.
(British Museum.) (Fig. 2): Another form of Saxon drinking
vessel. (British Museum.) (Fig. 3): Old English bronze vessel
found in a barrow at Taplow, in Bucks, in 1883, now in the
British Museum. (Fig. 4): A silver spoon (Anglo-Saxon) found
at Sevington, in Wiltshire, in 1834. (British Museum.)
(Fig. 5): Great Seal of Edward the Confessor. The King is
represented crowned and seated upon the throne, bearing the
sceptre in his right hand and the orb in his left. Edward here
calls himself “By the Grace of God, King of the English,”
using the Greek and not the Latin term. (Figs. 6 and 7): A
silver penny of Alfred the Great, minted at London--(6) the
obverse bearing Alfred’s portrait and name; (7) the reverse
with the word “Londini” (as a monogram). (Figs. 8 and 9): A
silver penny of Edgar the Peaceful--(8) the obverse; (9) the
reverse. (Figs. 10, 11, and 12): Three views of King Alfred’s
jewel. This was found near the site of Athelney Abbey,
Somersetshire, in 1693. Fig. 10, the obverse, is faced with
an oval plate of crystal, having under it a miniature of a
man, in enamelled mosaic (probably St. Neot, Alfred’s special
protector), holding in each hand a fleur-de-lys. Fig. 11, the
reverse, is a detached plate of gold bearing a fleur-de-lys
ornament. Fig. 12, the edge, on which is inscribed “AELFRED
MEC HEHT GEWYRCAN” (Alfred bid me be wrought). The stalk
end bears a grotesque figure, apparently the head of a sea
monster. It may have been the head of a stylus or pen, or have
served as a standard in battle. (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.)
(Fig. 13): An ornamented fibula or brooch at Goldsborough,
Yorkshire. (British Museum.) (Fig. 14): An Anglo-Saxon
comb--St. Cuthbert’s comb, at Durham Cathedral.]
DANISH VESSELS, Etc.
[Illustration: Plate 16.
(Fig. 1): A Norseman’s boat found in a peat bog at Nydam,
in South Jutland, in 1863. It is clincher-built of oak, is
large, open and pointed at both ends, and is designed only for
rowing, as there is no trace of a mast and no arrangement for
stepping one. It is 78 ft. between the high points at the stem
and the stern, and 10 ft. 9 in. broad amidships. It was rowed
with fourteen pairs of oars, which are like those still used
in the North, and are 11 ft. 2 in. long. The rudder is narrow,
and was fastened to one side of the boat near the stern end.
During the latter part of the heathen times, boats were drawn
up on land for the winter or when they were not wanted for
some time. This boat has holes at the ends for the ropes by
which it was hauled up on land. (Montelius’ “Civilization
of Sweden.”) (Fig. 2): A Danish vessel reconstructed from
a representation of a Danish ship from the MS. of Caedmon
Bodl. Junius ii., c. A.D. 1000. It is steered, like the one
in Fig. 1, by a rudder fastened near the stern of the ship
on the side still called the starboard or steer-board. (Fig.
3): Noah’s Ark. Another drawing from the same MS. The Ark is
represented in the form of a Danish ship, showing the dragon’s
head at the bows and the stern. It is interesting, also, as it
illustrates the fact that when the old illuminators wanted to
represent any circumstance--Biblical or classical--pictorially,
they made use of the material they saw around them, copying
the buildings, the ships, the persons, and the costumes of
their own time, so that MSS. form very reliable contemporary
evidence of these things. (Fig. 4): A Danish sword found
in the River Withalm, very similar in general design and
construction to the Saxon sword illustrated on Plate 9. (Fig.
5): A Jutish or Danish shield, made of wood with a bronze rim
and a boss or umbo of bronze in the centre, of the period
before A.D. 450, found in Jutland.]
NORMAN CUSTOMS.
The ordinary costumes of people in early Norman times differed little
from that of the Saxons.
At first the Norman warriors were clean-shaven, but after settling in
England the courtiers gave way to a love of finery. They wore long,
embroidered garments with long white sleeves, and they allowed their
hair and beards to grow long so that they incurred the reproach of the
clergy, who called them “filthy goats.”
The Norman ladies also changed from the simplicity of their costume to
a great extravagance of shape and material. The gowns were very ample,
and were sometimes worn with a kind of train.
The general garments of the men were the tunic, the super-tunic, and
the mantle.
The upper classes wore a garment next to the skin, under the tunic,
called the _just-au-corps_; but amongst the lower classes the tunic
was worn next to the skin. The _Tunic_ was made of linen or cloth, had
short sleeves, and reached at first to the knees, but later to the
ground. Over this was worn a _super-tunic_ corresponding to the Saxon
tunica, with tight sleeves, reaching to the wrist, and subject to the
same modification as the tunic.
The _mantle_ was similar to the Saxon mantle, but was fuller. In later
Norman times it was made of the finest cloth, and was lined with rich
furs. There were several forms of cap, as illustrated in the plate. The
lower limbs were covered with a kind of trousers called _chausses_. The
shoes in early Norman times were quite plain, but later they were very
elaborate, coloured, and had pointed toes.
The costume of Norman ladies consisted of a robe, a mantle, and a
couvre-chef.
The _robe_ was worn with long sleeves, and in later times with long
pendulous strips at the wrists, often of such a length that they had to
be tied into knots to keep them from trailing on the ground. The skirt
of the robe was long, full, and hung in folds on the ground.
The _mantle_ was worn over the robe, and the head was covered, as in
Saxon times, with a head-veil, which was now called the _couvre-chef_.
The hair was worn plaited into two long tails. From illustrations in
MSS. it is seen that the costumes of the lower classes during Norman
times were similar to those worn during the three preceding centuries.
[Illustration: PLATE 17.
(Fig. 1): The figure of Queen Matilda, wife of Henry I. The
sculptured effigies of these two sovereigns are the earliest
of those of English sovereigns in existence, and are at
Rochester Cathedral. They are mutilated, but still show
clearly the details of royal costume. In the figure of Matilda
the hair is plaited into two tails. She wears a long robe
girded at the waist and having long sleeves. Over this she
wears a long mantle. (Fig. 2): Costume of a young man of the
middle classes. (Representing David with a sling in Cott.
MS., Nero C4.) He wears a long tunic reaching to the ankles,
having a collar, long cuffs extending nearly to the elbow,
and an embroidered border along the bottom. He also wears
tight-fitting chausses, and the lower parts of his legs are
covered either with high boots or with leg bandages. (Fig.
3): Costume of an older man. (From the same MS., representing
Noah with an axe about to build the Ark.) He wears a Phrygian
hat with a band around it, a long, full tunic with hanging
sleeves, and a green mantle bordered with gold thrown over
it. He appears to be wearing stockings reaching to the knees,
and his shoes are ornamented with diagonal lines crossing
each other. He has long hair and a moustache and beard. This
is considered to be a good example of the ordinary costume
of the time. (Figs. 4 and 5): Examples of a covering for
the lower part of the leg. (From the same MS.) (Fig. 4): A
swathing for the leg worn by shepherds, similar in appearance
to the hay bands of the modern carter. (Fig 5): Shows a leg of
the breeches ornamented with diagonal stripes ending at the
ankle, where there is a band or garter. No shoes are worn, as
frequently appears to have been the case when persons were on
a journey. (Fig. 6): A sock or half-boot ornamented around
the top. (Fig. 7): A Norman shoe with stocking. (Fig. 8): A
shoe of later Norman times, decorated with bands and coloured.
(Fig. 9): Pointed military shoe from a seal. (Figs. 10, 11,
12, 13): The four commonest forms of head-dress in use. (Fig.
13): Shows that called the cowl. (Fig. 14): Figure of a Norman
lady showing the robe with long sleeves, the mantle, and the
couvre-chef.]
NORMAN ARMS AND ARMOUR.
The military costumes of the early Normans and the Saxons were very
similar on account of the intercourse between the Courts of England and
Normandy at the time immediately preceding the Conquest, and much of
our knowledge of Norman military costume is obtained from the Bayeux
Tapestry. The arms in use among the Normans were the sword (which only
soldiers of superior rank were allowed to carry), the axe, the lance or
spear, the mace, and the bow and arrows. The _sword_ was, as might be
expected, of the same type as the Danish or Norse sword--straight, long,
and double-edged, with a slight taper to the acute point. The scabbard
was worn on the left side, and was suspended by a cord or strap around
the waist. The _axe_ was of various forms, as may be seen from the
plate. The _lance_ or spear was generally similar to that used by the
Saxons, but had a pennon with several points. Sometimes several lances
were carried, and were probably thrown as javelins.
The _mace_ is depicted several times in the Bayeux Tapestry.
The _bow_ and _arrows_ played an important part in the Battle of
Hastings, and were of the form used by the Saxons.
The defensive armour consisted of the helmet, the hauberk, and the
shield.
The _helmet_ was generally conical in shape, with a nasal or nose-piece
of iron to guard the forehead and nose against a horizontal stroke.
The nasal was fixed or movable. Sometimes there was a peak behind the
helmet to protect the neck. The nasal was generally discarded about
1140.
The _hauberk_, or military tunic, was a garment in one piece, fitting
almost tightly to the person and reaching to the knees, with sleeves
reaching to the elbow. Occasionally it appears to have ended in
close-fitting trousers at the knee. The hauberk was of quilted and
padded material or of leather, covered with metal rings or plates
or studs of metal and leather, and formed a very effective body
armour. The plated or mailed tunic of William I. and his followers
was superseded early in the twelfth century by a defensive hauberk,
covered, as before, with various straps and plates of metal, or more
generally formed of interwoven ring or chain mail. The legs and feet
were enveloped in simple bandages or fillets bound around them.
The _shield_ completed the defensive equipment, and was generally long,
rounded or oval at the top, with a pointed base, so that the shape
resembled that of a kite. Many of them were decorated (according to the
Bayeux Tapestry).
[Illustration: PLATE 18.
(Figs. 1 and 2): The ordinary costumes of Norman soldiers.
Each is clothed in a military hauberk, which fitted the
body very closely, and was probably slit a little before
and behind. In the case of these two the hauberk ends in
close-fitting trousers to the knee. The heads are protected
by conical helmets with nasal pieces, fitting over hoods of
mail. In Fig. 1 the warrior is armed with a sword, an axe,
and a spear. The shield is of the kite shape. The hauberk is
covered with ringed mail, and the sleeves reach to the wrist.
In Fig. 2 the sleeves reach to the elbow only, and are covered
with rings, but the body is covered with what is known as
“trellised” armour, formed of strips of leather fastened on a
body of quilted cloth and crossing each other diagonally, with
knobs of steel fastened in the angular spaces as an additional
protection. He holds in his hand a _gonfanon_ or lance with a
small flag--carried only by the leaders of the army. (Fig. 3):
A Norman sword. (From the Bayeux Tapestry.) (Fig. 4): Two
Norman soldiers, each carrying a decorated shield and spear,
one being armed with a sword. Each wears a flat-topped helmet,
one only being fitted with a “nasal.” The shield of the
right-hand one is curved to the form of the body. The hauberks
of mail are shown, and also the tunics worn under them
reaching nearly to the knee. (Figs. 5 and 6): Norman axes.
(From the Bayeux Tapestry.) (Fig. 7): A Norman archer. (From
the Bayeux Tapestry.) Dressed in a close-fitting vest with
narrow sleeves, and full breeches, gathered apparently above
and below the knee, and ornamented with large red spots. He
carries a quiver of arrows slung over his back. Other archers
are represented in the Tapestry fully dressed in ringed mail.
(Fig. 8): The head of a mounted soldier. (From the Bayeux
Tapestry.) A peculiar custom existed among the Normans at the
Conquest of shaving the back of the head as well as the face.
When spies sent by Harold reconnoitred the Norman camp, they
saw the Normans with shaven heads, and they returned with
the news that “the Duke had far more priests than knights
or other troops.” (Fig. 9): Guy, Count of Ponthieu. (From
the Bayeux Tapestry.) He is armed with an axe, and wears a
hauberk of scale armour. These scales were either of iron,
bronze, or _cuir bouilli_. (The latter was leather which had
been softened by boiling in oil and stamped or moulded into
a definite form while in that condition. When it was dry it
became very hard and tough.) He also wears a mantle gathered
on the right shoulder, but has no head covering.]
THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.
The Bayeux Tapestry is a valuable picture of the manners and costumes
of the Normans and the English about the time of the Norman Conquest.
It is traditionally recorded to have been worked by Queen Matilda
(the wife of William the Conqueror) and the ladies of her Court, to
commemorate the invasion and conquest of England by her husband.
There is no evidence to prove this, and consequently there is much
doubt about it; but it is held on the best authority that though the
Tapestry is a _contemporary_ work, Queen Matilda had no part in its
manufacture, since it was probably ordered for his cathedral by Bishop
Odo (the half-brother of William I.), and made by Norman workers at
Bayeux.
It is preserved in the Hotel-de-Ville at Bayeux, and consists of a long
band of linen about 231 ft. long and 20 in. wide.
It is divided into 72 scenes or compartments, separated from one
another by trees or buildings, worked in the material in a conventional
manner. On it are represented 623 people, 202 horses and mules, 55
dogs, 505 other animals, 37 buildings, 41 ships and boats, and 49
trees, making a total of 1,512 objects. It has always been known
as “tapestry,” but it is really an enormous piece of woolwork or
embroidery, yet it has been known so long by the previous name that it
will probably continue to bear it.
No attempt has been made to depict the figures in their natural
colours, for we find horses coloured yellow, red, blue, and green, and
perspective has been totally disregarded. But “if the drawing be rude,
the composition is bold and spirited, and is always rendered with great
truth of expression, which is, at times, exaggerated.”
The narrow border which runs along both the top and the bottom of
the Tapestry (Pl. 19, Fig. 3) is for the greater part not connected
with the thread of the story, and is decorated with animals, real and
fabulous, and scenes of husbandry and the chase; but in some parts it
contains allegorical allusions to the scenes depicted.
Over most of the scenes are worked Latin inscriptions in Roman capitals
about an inch high, explaining the pictures. The reasons for supposing
that, although not made by Matilda, it is nevertheless contemporary
work, are:
(1) The accurate representation of the civil and military
costumes of the eleventh century.
(2) The attempt to represent Edward the Confessor and
William I. as they appeared on their seals.
(3) Certain words used in it suggest an English origin, but
admit of the explanation that the dialect spoken in Bayeux
was a mixture of Saxon and Norman.
(4) The prominence given to Odo and to less-known persons.
(5) The introduction of the local form of wine barrel and
certain dialectic peculiarities of the district.
The Bayeux Tapestry is not mentioned in any historical document until
1476, when it appears among an inventory of the ornaments of the
Cathedral of Bayeux.
In 1522 its safety was threatened by the Calvinists who pillaged the
cathedral, but it was restored to the authorities and was used to
decorate the nave on festive occasions.
It remained forgotten till 1724, when, a drawing having been made of it
by an antiquarian, public interest was aroused in it, both in France
and in our own country.
In order to preserve it, it was lined and strengthened, for it was used
to decorate the nave for eight days at the time of St. John’s Day. It
has passed through many vicissitudes, and once or twice it was nearly
destroyed, but a number of the leading inhabitants of Bayeux formed
themselves into a committee to protect it.
Napoleon I. went to see it, and was much impressed by it when it was
exhibited in Paris. It was afterwards returned to Bayeux, where it was
visited by Mr. Charles Stothard, a clever and accurate young artist,
and at the request of the Society of Antiquaries of London he made
drawings of it, the work occupying him for two years.
In 1842 the Municipal Council of Bayeux provided a permanent resting
place for the Tapestry in the Hotel de Ville, where it is still
exhibited under glass, and where it has been visited by artists and
archæologists from every part of the world. During the Franco-German
war it was taken down, sealed in a zinc cylinder, and hidden away till
all danger was past.
In 1871 permission was given to the English Government to make
a photographic reproduction of the Tapestry, and a copy of this
full-sized reproduction, coloured after the original, is now preserved
at South Kensington.
The Tapestry commences with a picture of Edward the Confessor, and
continues with scenes illustrating Harold’s visit to Normandy;
his capture and appearance before William; his taking the oath of
allegiance to William; his return to England and to Edward the
Confessor; the death of the latter; the crowning of Harold; the
preparations made by William (building ships, assembling soldiers,
collecting food and arms) for the invasion of England; the passage of
the English Channel; the landing at Pevensey; the march to Hastings;
the preparations for the fight; a long and spirited picture of the
battle, illustrating various incidents in it and culminating in the
death of Harold and the flight of the defeated English.
(The writer wishes to express his great obligation for the above to Mr.
Frank R. Fowke’s very complete work on _The Bayeux Tapestry_. Geo. Bell
and Sons.)
[Illustration: PLATE 19.
The figures illustrate the following scenes:
(Fig. 1): _Duke William came to Pevensey_. A very clear idea
is obtained of the general character of a Norman ship and
the manner in which it is steered by an oar on the starboard
(steer-board) side, etc. This ship, the _Mora_, bearing
William, was given him by Matilda, his wife, and bears on
the stern an effigy of his little son Rufus, blowing a bugle
and holding a banner. (Fig. 2): _Harold made an oath to Duke
William_. William is shown seated on a throne while Harold,
one hand on an altar and the other on a reliquary containing
the sacred relics, is taking the oath. (Fig. 3): _A scene in
the Battle of Hastings_. The English Army withstanding the
charge of the Norman horsemen after receiving a flight of
Norman arrows. Most of the English are armed with javelins and
shields, few with axes and swords. One figure is shown using
the bow, and he is the only one thus armed on the English
side. It has consequently been asserted by some authorities
that bows were not used by the English in the battle, but, as
Mr. Fowke says, “this seems to be hardly correct literally
... though ... the use of the bow as a weapon of war in
our country was then probably rare.” This scene shows the
whole width of the Tapestry with the two borders, the upper
containing allegorical figures, and the latter displaying the
fallen warriors. It may be noted that throughout the picture
of the battle the arms and accoutrements of both Normans and
English are similar, probably accounted for by the close
intimacy that existed between the two countries. (Fig. 4):
_Here is seated Harold, King of the English; Archbishop
Stigand_. Harold was crowned in Westminster Abbey on the
same day that Edward was buried in the same building. He is
represented seated on the throne, wearing the crown on his
head and holding the sceptre in his right hand and the orb in
the left. Stigand, who, the Normans allege, crowned Harold, is
shown standing at his left side.]
EARLY NORMAN ARCHITECTURE.
Norman, Anglo-Norman, or Romanesque architecture was called by the
former name because it followed the Norman style. It is found in
Normandy itself, in England, in Italy, and Sicily--in fact, wherever the
Northern conquerors established themselves.
Its chief characteristics are solidity and strength--walls of enormous
thickness, huge masses of masonry for piers, windows comparatively
small, and a profusion of peculiar ornaments.
The earliest Norman work in England--as the transepts of Winchester
Cathedral--is almost as plain as Anglo-Saxon; but the Norman churches
are larger and higher than those of the Anglo-Saxon period. They are
generally cruciform in shape, with a square tower over the intersection
of the nave and transepts. The towers are not lofty, but are very
solid, and usually contain windows with two lights. In a number of
instances the choir ends in a semi-circular apse after the Roman style.
Early Norman work was much plainer than that of the later period; the
arch is not recessed, or only once recessed, the edges are square, or
have a plain round moulding cut in them, and the zigzag ornament (Pl.
20, Fig. 14) is used, though not so abundantly as at a later period.
Windows are generally plain, small, and round-headed, and consist of
single lights except in belfry windows. Doors are square-headed under a
round arch. The simplest form is a narrow, round-headed opening with a
plain dripstone. But Norman windows are not met with as frequently as
doors, since they have, in many cases, been destroyed to make room for
those of later styles. In England the Norman style is usually assigned
to the eleventh century, and in the latter half of it the transition to
the Early English style took place. It was introduced into England in
the reign of Edward the Confessor, who was more Norman than English,
and who himself founded the Abbey of Westminster. Some buildings were
of a mixed character (Anglo-Saxon and Norman), some in the old style,
others altogether in the new.
Soon after the Norman Conquest, the Norman Bishops who supplanted
Englishmen in English sees and abbacies in very many instances
commenced to rebuild the cathedrals and churches from their foundations.
The entire English fabric was usually pulled down, and a new building
was erected on a much larger plan and in a better manner. It is chiefly
in remote places, where the inhabitants were too few and too poor
to rebuild and enlarge their churches, that we find remains of the
original Anglo-Saxon work.
Early Norman masonry is very rude, the joints between the stones being
filled with a great thickness of mortar, from one to three inches
thick (this is called “wide-jointed” masonry), and the stonework was
usually rubble. In the later work the joints are comparatively fine
(“fine-jointed” masonry). The Normans were very active builders.
William I. and his son, William II., built one hundred and ninety-five
religious houses during their reigns, and all the cathedrals and great
churches in the eleventh century were rebuilt, while many new ones were
founded; though it is said that of the many churches commenced in the
reigns of these two kings but few were completed until after 1100 A.D.
Gundulph built the Cathedral of Rochester, while certainly St. Albans
and Ely were also commenced in the reign of the Conqueror. In the
earliest work the ornament was not characterised by the same profusion
so common in later work. It was shallow, and cut with the axe, as the
chisel was little used at that time.
[Illustration: PLATE 20.
(Fig. 1): Pillar with spiral fluting in Waltham Abbey (founded
by Harold II.) The spiral grooves were originally filled with
chased and gilt metal. Of the twelve pillars in the Abbey two
are indented spirally and two with chevrons. The others are
plain. (Other instances of this work on the pillars may be
found at Durham, Lindisfarne, and Kirkby Lonsdale). The arches
are decorated with the indented zigzag ornament. (Fig. 2):
Flat Norman buttress (Iffley, Oxfordshire). The buttresses
at first were merely flat, pilaster-like projections, wholly
devoid of ornament. (Figs. 3 to 8): Norman capitals. These
were either plain, cubical masses with the lower angles
rounded off, forming a rude cushion shape (Fig. 3), or they
have a rude kind of volute cut upon the edges of the angles
(Fig. 8, from St. John’s Chapel in the White Tower). The
scalloped capitals (Figs. 6 and 7) belong to a later period.
This form of capital is most common in all the first half of
the twelfth century. The capital is the member by which the
styles are more easily distinguished than by any other. The
abacus (A, Fig. 4) is square in section. (Figs. 9 to 14):
Norman mouldings, which were almost endless in variety. They
were most abundantly used in doorways and other arches and in
horizontal strips. The most general is the zigzag (Fig. 14).
(Fig. 9): The star. (Fig. 10): The round billet (a square
billet is also used). (Fig. 11): The billet and lozenge. (Fig.
12): The beak-head. (Fig. 13): The bead course. (Fig. 14): The
zigzag or chevron. (Fig. 15): Early Norman pier, recessed at
the angles, and square edges, in St. Alban’s Abbey, 1080 A.D.
(Fig. 16): Norman doorway with recessed pillars and decorated
head, at St. Mary’s, Shrewsbury. (Fig. 17): Norman chamfer.]
LATER NORMAN ARCHITECTURE.
The Earlier period of Norman architecture may be approximately closed
in 1120 A.D. (fifty-four years after the Battle of Hastings).
In the Later period the chisel took the place of the axe in the cutting
of the ornament. Consequently there is a fineness and a more finished
style of work, which could not be executed with the latter tool.
The Later or rich Norman style is chiefly characterised by the
abundance of the ornament and the deep cutting. Sculpture, which
was sparingly used in the earlier work, was frequently added to it
at a later period, and as the style advanced, greater lightness and
enrichment were introduced.
It is said that through the Crusades men saw the architecture of many
cities, and their return from the wars was marked by a striking change
not only in the masonry, but in the character and feeling of Norman
work. It is said, also, that the ornaments in Later Norman work and
in the Transition period which followed often partook very much of a
Greek, Byzantine, or Oriental character.
St. Bartholomew’s Church, Smithfield, is a good specimen of Norman
work. It was the church of the Augustinian Priory, founded 1123 A.D. by
Rahere, the King’s minstrel.
The rich doorways of this period form one of the most important
features of Later Norman work. They are considered to be the most
beautiful and characteristic specimens which remain to us, and the most
elaborate workmanship was bestowed upon them by the Normans. They are
generally round-headed and very deeply recessed, and frequently have
several small shafts at the sides of the doorway. The tympanum or
semi-circular space above the door within the arch is frequently filled
with rich sculpture (Pl. 21, Fig. 2). The mouldings are richly overlaid
with ornament, which, though of a peculiar and rude character, produces
great richness of effect.
The west door of Rochester Cathedral is a very striking instance of
this.
The windows are, in general, long and rather narrow, round-headed
openings. Many of them were ornamented very richly in the same manner
as the doors with zigzag and other mouldings.
[Illustration: PLATE 21.
(Fig. 1): Very rich Norman sculpture from Shobdon Church,
Herefordshire, about 1180 A.D. (Fig. 2): South door, Kilpeck
Church, Herefordshire, showing the richly ornamented arch,
the decorated tympanum, and richly sculptured pillars at
the sides. (Figs. 3 and 4): Ornamented capitals from York
Minster. (Fig. 5): Ornamented capitals from St. John’s Abbey,
Chester. (Fig. 6): Capital preserved in the Chapter House of
Westminster Abbey, carved with the story of the Judgment of
Solomon. (Fig. 7): Pointed arch with pure Norman mouldings and
scalloped capitals from Malmesbury Abbey, Wiltshire, 1135-1139
A.D. It is generally assumed that _all_ Norman arches are
round, but the pointed arch, taken by itself, is no proof of
change of style. The semi-circular arch is the characteristic
form of the Norman arch, but there are a few Early examples in
which the pointed arch is used, supported by massive piers.
(Figs. 8 and 9): Bases of Norman columns.]
NORMAN CASTLES.
When Duke William of Normandy invaded England in 1066, the existing
type of fortification called a _burh_ was a moated hillock, either
wholly or partly artificial, surmounted by a timber stockade enclosing
a wooden house or tower. He repaired and enlarged many of the existing
strongholds, and also built many new wooden castles. But in order to
overawe the conquered English he erected in the larger towns square
stone keeps or castles, like the White Tower in the Tower of London.
Gundulph, Bishop of Rochester, the great architect in the reign of
William I., built the latter in 1081 A.D. It is one of the best
examples that we have of Early Norman work, and is a huge quadrangular
structure more than 100 ft. square, built of rudely coursed rubble,
with a vast amount of mortar.
Many of the existing Norman keeps were founded in the reigns of William
I. and William II., but were rebuilt at a later period. These keeps
were usually square or rectangular towers of stone (not having much
height in proportion to the breadth), with small, slightly projecting
square turrets at each angle, and one or more flat buttresses up the
centre of each face, with a dividing wall passing up through the centre
of the building from the ground. (Pl. 22, Fig. 3, B C.)
Comparatively speaking, the windows were generally small, and the walls
exceedingly thick. Those of the White Tower are 15 ft., and of Carlisle
Castle 16 ft. thick. The connecting passages and staircases were
constructed in the thickness of the masonry.
Norwich Castle, for its size, is a perfect type of the square Norman
keep, and Castle Hedingham is another. Many magnificent stone keeps
were built or rebuilt in the reign of Henry I., such as Rochester,
Newark, Corfe, and Chepstow. Henry II. was also a great builder of
keeps, and those of Dover, Canterbury, Scarborough, and Newcastle are
shown by the Pipe Rolls to have been his work.
The solidarity of the keep made it impregnable against the siege
operations of the day. Such a building could not be battered down,
and at best it could only be injured by undermining. This was done
by removing the earth from an angle of the building and gradually
introducing wooden props. A fire was then kindled about them, and as
the props burnt through, the wall fell.
The square keep was followed by the polygonal and the round ones.
Coningsburgh is circular, Berkeley is circular flanked by four
towers, and Oxford is polygonal. The base of the keep was generally
“battered”--_i.e._, sloped outwards (see Fig. 1)--to give a firmer
foundation and also that it might better withstand the operations of
the sapper. Very few of the existing keeps have openings in the lower
storeys, which were used either as _dungeons_ or _store rooms_, and
were only accessible by a trap-door from above. Generally there were
two floors, occasionally three floors above the basement. One of these
floors is assumed to have been the _hall_, and in the larger keeps the
floor above it may have been reserved for the use of the ladies of
the household. In the latter half of the twelfth century small mural
chambers, probably for use as bedrooms, became more frequent.
In many keeps there were _chapels_, but every one contained a _well_,
so that when besieged the occupants would not have to depend on outside
sources for the supply of water. Dover Castle still has a well which is
capable of supplying fresh water, although the keep is on the summit of
a high cliff.
There were no _kitchens_ in Norman keeps, as the cooking was either
done on the roof or in a special building in the yard. Fire-places
were not invariable. In the White Tower, where for a long time it
was supposed that there were no fireplaces, holes in the wall have
been found which probably answered the purpose of chimneys. There
was only _one_ entrance, perhaps some 20 feet above the ground,
sometimes approached by a removable wooden staircase, sometimes by
a fore-building with elaborate precautions for defence. The only
ornamentation to be found is at the entrance doorway, on the staircase,
or in the chapel. The keep soon had _outer defences_ added to
it--ditches, palisades, and outer walls of masonry.
Into the outer defences the cattle and stores from the surrounding
country would be brought, and the dwellings of the soldiers of the
garrison, together with the domestic offices and stables, were erected
within these.
It is more usual to find the keep at one end than in the centre of the
system of walls, and the whole was surrounded by a _moat_.
[Illustration: PLATE 22.
(Fig. 1): Newcastle Keep, founded in 1080 A.D. The battlements
are of later date. In this keep there is a large room in
the thickness of the wall, known as the King’s Chamber, and
another which is assigned to the Queen. (Fig. 2): Rochester
Castle, which was probably entirely rebuilt in the twelfth
century on another site. The parapet or battlements are
considered to be the original ones. (Fig. 3): Plan of the
middle floor of the White Tower (Tower of London). A is St.
John’s Chapel, and the circular stairs are shown in the corner
towers, D D D. B C is the parting wall running through the
building. (Fig. 4): A Norman castle. (From Grose’s “Military
Antiquities.”) Showing the general arrangements of the
buildings, etc.]
NORMAN SEALS AND COINS.
Seals are held in the highest estimation as reliable _contemporary_
authorities in English heraldry, costume, armour, etc.
The matrix or die was usually of latten or bronze, and in the case
of large seals two dies were used--one for the front, or _obverse_,
the other for the back, or reverse--so that when complete the seal was
similar to a coin or medal.
In the earlier seals pure white beeswax was used as the medium on which
to impress the seal, and at other times this was coloured--green, red,
brown, and nearly black.
There were two types of seals--_Plaqué_ seals, those impressed in
wax direct on the document, and _Pendant_ seals, in which the wax
impression was suspended by cords, or a ribbon, or strip of parchment
from the document. (Figs. 1, 2, 3). Great precautions were taken with
regard to the Royal Seals, or the Great Seals, as they were called.
Seals may be classed as: (_a_) _Lay Seals_--(1) Royal Seal, (2) Personal
Seals, (3) Official Seals, (4) Common Seals of Corporate bodies.
(_b_) _Ecclesiastical Seals_--(1) Official Seals (Bishops, Abbots,
etc.), (2) Corporate Seals (chapters, religious houses, etc.), (3)
Personal Seals.
Many of the Royal Seals are very beautiful. The _Great Seal_, or the
chief Royal Seal, was, and is still, in the keeping of the Chancellor,
who has to keep it in his personal custody wherever he goes.
[Illustration: PLATE 23.
(Figs. 1, 2, 3): Pendant Seals. (Figs. 4, 5): Obverse and
reverse of silver penny of Stephen. (Fig. 6): Seal of Anselm.
(Fig. 7): Reverse of Seal of Henry I. The obverse of Royal
Seals bears a picture of the King seated on the throne in
robes of peace, and the reverse the King on horseback armed
for war. (Figs. 8 and 9): Obverse and reverse of a silver
penny of William I. At the Conquest there was no change in the
monetary system of England, and a coinage of silver pennies
only, continued to be issued of the same character as under
the Saxon Kings, and the silver penny continued to be the
only coin until the end of the reign of Henry III. The weight
was about 21 grains. (Fig. 10): Reverse of the Royal Seal of
William I. He is represented on horseback, armed in a hauberk
of leather on which metal rings are sewn. A conical helmet is
on his head. He carries a typical kite-shaped Norman shield
on his left arm, and bears a long lance with pennon in his
right hand. The motto or “legend,” when translated, reads:
“Know ye this William, Patron of the Normans, and by this seal
recognise him King of the Angles.”]
THE JOUST AND TOURNAMENT.
It was natural that men whose profession it was to bear arms should
engage in friendly contests with one another, and in this way acquire
skill in arms as well as indulge in a manly pastime. When only two
combatants fought, it was called _jousting_. If a friendly trial of
skill only were intended, the lances were blunt, and if swords were
used it was only with the edge which could not inflict a wound on a
well-armed man. This was the _joute à plaisance_.
If the combatants fought with sharp weapons and put forth all their
skill and force, it was the _joute à l’outrance_.
When a number of knights were engaged on each side, it was called a
_tournament_.
Sometimes this was played with weapons of lath, the players being
arrayed in gorgeous costumes. Sometimes the tournament was a mimic
battle, and was then usually fought between hostile factions. In a
contemporary MS. in the British Museum we have a detailed account of
all the preparations for a contest of arms.
The heralds of the King, noble, or lady who designed to give a joust
travelled to towns, castles, and sometimes from court to court of
foreign countries, clothed in the insignia of their office, and made
public announcements of the event in each place, inviting knights to
come and try their skill against the home champions.
In the MS. there is an account of all the equipment that is required
by a knight for such an occasion: a suit of armour and horse with
trappings, an armourer, with hammer and pincers to fasten the armour,
two servants on horseback in suitable costume, who are his squires, and
six servants on foot, dressed alike.
As the fixed day approaches, the visitors flock from all parts, and
find lodgings in the castle or in the town, or else pitch their tents
in a meadow near the Castle. A suitable piece of ground is selected,
barriers are put around it, and “grand stands” are erected for the
ladies and gentry. On the day, the knights rise up at sunrise and
bathe, and then are carefully armed, by their squires and armourers.
Then they come into the field, with their helms borne before them,
and with servants (squires) carrying their lances. They are announced
by the heralds to the assembled company of “ladyes and gentilwomen.”
Each of the strangers who comes to the field has to satisfy the
officer-at-arms that he is a “gentilman of names and armes,” and to
take oath that he has no secret weapons or unfair advantage.
When this is satisfactorily completed, they put on their helms, and
each of the home champions in turn runs two or more courses with a
stranger knight. A course is successfully run if each breaks his lance
full on the breastplate or helmet of his adversary, but neither is
unhorsed; and they retire amidst the plaudits of the spectators.
If a knight is unhorsed, or lose his stirrup, he is vanquished, and
retires from the game. Following that, there is probably a miniature
tournament between the home champions and the strangers.
At length, when all have run their courses, the knights remove their
helmets before the ladies, make their obeisance, and retire to their
lodgings to change. Then they return, and a lady presents a prize to
the one who is considered the best “juster,” and prizes of less value
to those who have taken the second and third places in the contest,
making a little speech suitable to the occasion. The herald comes
forward and announces: “John hath justed well, Richard hath justed
better, and Thomas hath justed best of all.” A dance completes the
function, in which the champion knight leads off with the lady of the
tournament.
There were two distinct ways in which the jousting took place: (1)
On an open course; (2) with a barrier. In the former, the combatants
usually started from the ends of the lists, and met about the centre.
In the latter, a wooden barrier was erected down the centre of the
lists lengthwise, and, when the signal was given, the combatants
charged, each of them having the barrier on his left. (Fig. 1.) For
these two methods of jousting, different arrangements of armour were
worn; for some, the upper part of the body was armed more than the
lower limbs, and sometimes it was _vice versa_.
[Illustration: PLATE 24.
(Fig. 1): A joust between Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick,
and an opponent, each charging on the left of the barrier. The
Earl of Warwick has his arms displayed upon his tabard, and
there is also a display of arms on the trappings, or bardings,
of his horse. This was not the first of the charges, for a
broken lance lies on the ground. (From the Life of Richard
Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, written in MS. by a Chantry
priest of Guy’s Cliff, named Rouse, about 1485.) (Fig. 2):
The combat on foot after the charge. The Earl of Warwick is
armed with a lance, and the other knight with a pole-axe.
Several splintered lances on the ground show that the combat
has been going on for some time. The Earl of Warwick’s crest,
“a bear with a ragged staff,” appears on his helmet, while his
adversary has a single large feather as crest.]
ENGLISH ARCHERS.
In Saxon times, little value was placed upon the bow as a weapon, but,
after the decisive part it played at Hastings, its use was practised
generally.
From early times, archers carried long stakes, sharpened at both ends,
and when they took up their position on the battlefield, they stuck
them into the ground before them, with the points sloping outward, to
break up a cavalry charge which might be made against them. In the 12th
century, English archers became renowned for their skill, and Richard
I. himself used the long-bow on more than one occasion. By the end of
the 13th century, it had come into great prominence. Each archer--in
later times, at least--carried two dozen arrows under his belt, and
archers sometimes carried great movable shields, which they fixed
upright by means of rests, and so sheltered themselves from the enemy’s
bowmen. They also carried swords, so that they could defend themselves,
if attacked, hand to hand.
The great bow, or long-bow, was five feet long, and was formed of yew,
which, at a range of 240 _yards_, discharged a strong arrow, sharp and
barbed. The arrows were usually “a yard or an ell long,” but one, now
in the United Service Museum, recovered from the “Mary Rose,” which
sank in 1545, is six feet long.
The archers always began the battle at a distance, as the artillery do
in modern warfare, to disorganise the enemy before the main bodies came
to actual hand-to-hand fighting. The cross-bow, or arbalest, had been
used in sport for many years, but in the 12th century it came to be
employed in warfare, though its use was forbidden by the Pope as “being
unfit for Christian warfare.” It was driven out of use by the long-bow
in England at the end of the 13th century. In the Continental armies,
it continued to grow in use in preference to the long-bow, so that in
time the long-bow became essentially an English arm. There were several
kinds of cross-bows, which may be classified accordingly as the string
was drawn back (1) by hand, (2) by means of a lever, and (3) by means
of a wheel and ratchet.
The missiles shot from the cross-bow were short and stout, and had
heads of different forms, and were called quarrels or bolts.
There were several reasons why the cross-bow was superseded by the
long-bow: (1) A good bowman could shoot about six arrows while a
cross-bowman was winding up his bow and making one shot. (2) The
penetrative power of the arrow, and the distance which it could travel,
were quite equal to those of the quarrel from the cross-bow. (3)
Long-bowmen, using their bows when held in a vertical plane, could
stand more closely together than cross-bowmen, who had to discharge
their weapons while holding them in a horizontal plane. (4) Greater
skill and strength were required in handling the long-bow with
precision than was the case with the cross-bow; consequently, more
practice was necessary, and more enthusiasm and confidence developed
with the use of the former than with the latter.
Of the archers who took part in the Hundred Years’ War, Boutell says:
“In those days, the archers of England were the best infantry in the
world; but then their famous long-bow acquired its reputation, in no
slight degree, from the fact that, in peace, archery was the favourite
pastime of the English yeomanry.” Crecy, Poitiers, Agincourt--indeed,
most of the great victories gained over the French--mainly resulted from
the unrivalled skill of the English long-bowmen. All our old writers
are agreed upon the vast superiority of our English bowmen over those
of other nations. The Scotch depended on their pikemen and the French
on their men-at-arms.
The English archers were held in high esteem and trust by the English
nobles, and it was the custom for some English barons and distinguished
knights always to join the archers in battle, fighting side by
side with them in their own ranks. On the other hand, the French
nobles were very arrogant, and despised the common people, who were,
consequently, made unfit to become good soldiers.
But the reputation of English archers rose so high that several foreign
princes, in the 15th century, deemed their armies materially reinforced
if they could retain 200 or 300 English archers in their service.
In 1363, and again in 1388, statutes were passed in England calling
upon people to leave their popular amusements of “ball and coits” on
their festivals and Sundays, and to practise archery instead. “Servants
and labourers shall have bows and arrows, and use the same on Sundays
and holidays.” By an ordinance made in the reign of Edward IV., every
Englishman or Irishman dwelling in England was required to have a “bow
of his own height, either of yew, witch-hazel, ash or auburne, or any
other reasonable tree, according to their power.”
Butts were encouraged in every parish, and traces of them still remain
in the names of places, as “Newington Butts.” Henry V., who was very
proud of his English archers, ordered the sheriffs of several counties
to obtain geese feathers for his archers, plucking six from each goose.
The arrows were carried in a quiver, or bound together into a sheaf,
suspended from the waist-belt. When the battle was about to commence,
the archer placed his arrows under his left foot, point outwards, or
stuck them, point downwards, into the ground, or into his girdle. He
was able to discharge his bow twelve times in a single minute, at a
range of 240 yards, and “he, who in these twelve shots once missed his
man, was very lightly esteemed.” In the reign of Edward III., a painted
bow sold for 1s. 6d., a white bow for 1s., and sharp-pointed arrows at
1s. 2d. per sheaf of twenty-four.
As is well-known, at Crecy, and in many other battles, the English
archers shot down or wounded the horses of the French knights so
considerably that, in their pain and terror, the maddened horses upset
the ranks of the cavalry and quite destroyed its efficiency.
At first, archers were not protected by body armour, but in later times
they wore _jazerine_ jackets, consisting of overlapping pieces of
steel, fastened by one edge to a garment of canvas, and then covered
over with velvet or cloth.
A similar defensive garment of the 15th and 16th centuries was the
_brigandine_, a specimen of which may be seen in the Tower of London.
Archers often wore _salades_, or shell helmets, which covered the head
and eyes, and sometimes had movable visors.
[Illustration: PLATE 25.
(Fig. 1): An English archer of the 15th century, wearing a
salade with movable visor to protect the head. It will be
noticed that he has stuck some arrows into his girdle, so
that they may be “handy” for shooting. See Fig. 8 also, and
compare with Fig. 7. (From Royal MS., 14 E. iv.) (Fig. 2): An
English salade. This was worn by archers, and it also formed
the usual head-piece for soldiers about the time of Henry VI.
(Wars of the Roses.) (Fig. 3): A Brigandine, from a specimen
in Warwick Castle. (Figs. 4 and 5): Quarrels, quarells, or
bolts, for shooting from the cross-bow or arbalest. Fig.
4 is feathered; Fig. 5 is from the Tower of London. (Fig.
5a): A bird-bolt, used for shooting birds from a “sporting”
cross-bow. (Fig. 6): An English arrow of the ordinary form
during the Middle Ages, showing the sharp projection of the
barb, which rendered the extraction a difficult and painful
matter. (Fig. 7): An English archer using the long-bow, and
cross-bowman winding up his cross-bow. It will be noticed that
the former is left-handed, as the arrow was usually drawn
back with the right hand and shot from the right shoulder.
He has arranged his arrows for shooting by sticking them,
point downwards, into the ground at his side. Both he and
the cross-bowman are wearing _jazerine_ jackets, but the
former has a camail and a chain mail jacket beneath it. The
cross-bowman has, hanging from his girdle, a leathern bag, to
contain the quarrels for his cross-bow. (Fig. 8): A sea-fight,
showing four archers using the long-bow, one cross-bowman,
and one soldier using the military flail. One of the archers
has placed his arrows in his belt, as in Fig. 1. (From the
Cambridge MS. of the “Greater Chronicles,” by Matthew Paris,
who died 1259 A.D.)]
EARLY CANNON.
The discovery of gunpowder, which, by degrees, totally changed
military tactics and the constitution of armies, was the event that
most powerfully influenced warfare in the Middle Ages. Very little
is known about its actual invention. It is supposed that Greek
fire, which was used with such terrifying and destructive effect in
warfare, particularly in sieges, consisted of the three ingredients of
gunpowder, with resin and naphtha in addition.
Roger Bacon, an English friar, discovered the secret of the composition
of gunpowder in the latter half of the 13th century; but Schwartz, a
Franciscan, at Cologne, perfected it about a century later.
The use of cannon for siege purposes commenced in England in the armies
of Edward III. Froissart says that the English army used them against
Calais, when besieging it in 1347. But there were very few made at
first; an important fortress like the Tower of London, in 1360, only
mounting four guns, while Dover Castle, in 1372, had six.
When first introduced, cannon were small and vase-shaped; they were
slow in fire, and very liable to accidents.
They were called “bombards,” and were mounted upon a wooden cradle or
frame. Towards the end of the 14th century, they had become of large
dimensions, firing heavy _stone_ shot of from 200 to 450 lbs. weight.
All the shot were stone until, because they did not do sufficient
damage in battering down a wall, it became the practice to bind and
otherwise strengthen them with iron.
The earliest cannon were of the rudest possible description. They were
made of bars or thin sheets of iron, arranged longitudinally over a
wooden core, in the form of a tube, around which were welded iron hoops
to hold them together.
In 1338 there existed breech-loading guns, with one or more movable
chambers, to facilitate loading, but, even then, the fire was very
slow; “three shots an hour was fair practice for a big bombard.” It
is not certain when wheeled carriages were introduced, though mention
is made of two-wheeled bombard carriages in 1376; but it must be
remembered that the gun at first was looked upon as a substitute for
the balista and other war machines employed in the siege of a fortified
place. Its value as an effective and movable weapon on the battlefield
was not realised for some time.
The powder was fired at first by the insertion of a red-hot wire, but
this was often very dangerous to the gunners, because the gun was so
liable to burst. James II. of Scotland was killed by the bursting of
a gun at the siege of Roxburgh in 1460. It became the custom, in the
case of large bombards, for a small train of powder to be laid from the
ground leading to the touchhole. The gunners fired the train, and then
hastily betook themselves to a place of safety.
The earliest known representation of a gun in England is contained
in a MS., “De Officiis Regum,” at Christ Church, Oxford, of the time
of Edward II. (1326). It shows a knight in armour, firing a short,
primitive weapon, shaped something like a vase, and loaded with an
incendiary arrow--that is, one charged with an inflammable substance.
Firearms of this type were evidently very small, as only 2 lb. of
gunpowder was provided for firing forty-eight arrows.
From the beginning, contrivances had been made to resist the recoil of
the gun when it was fired; heavy timbers, etc., were packed up against
the breach to prevent the gun from flying backwards, but this plan
often brought about the bursting of the gun. About the middle of the
15th century, trunnions (small cylinders of solid metal projecting
from the sides, at right angles to the axis of the gun) were formed
with the gun, and by means of these the recoil of the gun could be
transferred to the carriage, and the pivoting of the gun up and down on
the trunnions made the laying and sighting an easier task.
Stone cannon shot were employed until 1520, and, when it was considered
necessary to use very heavy projectiles, correspondingly enormous guns
had to be built. Mons Meg, a well-known gun in Edinburgh Castle, of
this large type, is a wrought-iron gun of the 15th century. It is built
of iron bars and external rings, with a calibre of 20 inches, and it
fired a shot weighing 350 lbs.
Bronze guns, of a great size, were cast in 1468 at Constantinople, and
one of them is now in the Rotunda at Woolwich. It was actually used
in warfare against the English at the Dardanelles, in 1807. To show
the destructive power of such a large piece of ordnance, even though
a crude and ancient construction, it may be mentioned that the stone
shot, weighing 700 lbs., which was fired from it against the English
fleet, cut the mainmast of the British flagship in two, and another
killed and wounded sixty men. These old 15th century guns in the
battle altogether accounted for six of our men-of-war damaged and 126
men killed and wounded. The gun at Woolwich is in two pieces screwed
together. The front part has a calibre of 25 inches for the reception
of the shot, and a rear portion, forming a powder chamber, 10 inches in
diameter. The whole gun weighs nearly 18¾ tons, and was presented to
Queen Victoria by the Sultan of Turkey.
Late in the 15th century, guns began to be more regularly employed on
the battlefield. In the 16th century, the extremely large guns were
discarded, and small, wrought-iron guns were made, this change being
due to the use of cast-iron shot, which was as destructive as the more
bulky stone shot formerly used.
In 1521 the first bronze gun was cast in England, cast-iron cannon
being made also in 1540, by foreign workmen, introduced into this
country by Henry VIII. to teach the English the art. The first foundry
was at Uckfield, in Sussex, and Sussex iron was used, smelted with
charcoal.
The small gun of this period was made very long, and a specimen is
to be found in Dover Castle. It is known as Queen Elizabeth’s Pocket
Pistol, and is 24½ feet long, with a bore of 4¾ inches. It was
cast in 1544, and was presented to Henry VIII. by Charles V.
Generally speaking, the English were much behind other nations in the
use of artillery until the end of the 18th century. The quality of
the gunpowder used in the early days of the cannon was very poor. The
ingredients were often mixed on the spot at the time of loading, and
the powder burnt slowly, with but little strength, and naturally varied
from round to round. When the more fiercely-burning granulated powder
was introduced into England, in the middle of the 15th century, it was
often too strong for the larger pieces of that date, and could only be
used for small firearms for more than a century afterwards.
In the 17th century, bronze and cast-iron guns were strengthened, and
were more adapted to the use of grained powder, and, at the same time,
more energy and greater range were obtained.
[Illustration: Plate 26.
(Fig. 1): Bombard or mortar of a very early date. (From a MS.)
(Fig. 2): Vase-shaped bombard of a date posterior to the reign
of Henry IV. It is fastened to a wooden bed or trough, which
rests on a movable pivot in a stout square timber frame. (From
a MS.) (Fig. 3): A soldier with a hand-gun fitted to a stock.
(From a treatise, “De Re Militari,” printed 1472.) (Fig. 4):
An early gun, in a primitive gun-mounting. It is supported on
a massive timber framing at each side, while the flat breech
is resting against a strong wooden support, driven into the
ground, to prevent recoil. (From Mallet’s “Construction of
Artillery.”) (Fig. 5): A gun as used during the chief part
of the 15th century. It is fixed on the swivel principle,
being suspended between the branches of an immense fork of
iron. The elevation or depression of the gun was effected by
means of a large iron bar, in the form of a scythe, standing
in a vertical position. The whole thing is fixed on an iron
plate fastened on a massive bed of oak. (Fig. 6): A hand-gun
of the reign of Edward IV., fired by means of a match. (From
Roy. MS., 15 E. iv.) (Fig. 7): A gun called a Peterara, of
the time of Edward IV., in the Rotunda at Woolwich, made of
bars of iron laid longitudinally, and bound together with iron
hoops. The powder chamber is seen, with the handle to raise
it, and there is a locking arrangement, so that it cannot be
blown out when the gun is discharged. It has trunnions, and is
fastened into the metal frame, which supports it on the wooden
carriage. (Fig. 8): A cannon of the 15th century, more of the
form of the mortar, supported in a wooden framework. (From
Roy. MS., 14 E. iv.)]
A 15th CENTURY SHIP.
[Illustration: Plate 27.]
This engraving, taken from Rouse’s MS. ‘Life of Richard Beauchamp, Earl
of Warwick’ (British Museum, Julius E. iv.), of the latter part of the
15th century (1485) gives a very clear representation of a ship and
its boat. The Earl is setting out on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. In
the foreground, we see him, with his pilgrim’s staff in hand, stepping
into the boat which is to carry him to his ship, lying at anchor in
the harbour. The costume of the sailors is illustrated by the men in
the boat. The vessel is a ship of burden, but such a one as kings and
great personages had equipped for their own use, resembling an ordinary
merchant ship in all essentials, but fitted and furnished with more
than usual convenience and sumptuousness. In Earl Richard’s ship, the
sail is emblazoned with his arms, and the pennon, besides the red cross
of England, has his badges of the bear and ragged staff. The ragged
staff also appears on the castle at the masthead.
The castle, which all ships of this age had at the stern, is, in this
case, roofed in and handsomely ornamented, and, no doubt, formed the
state apartment of the Earl.
There is also a castle at the head of the ship, known as the
forecastle, though it is not very plainly shown in the drawing.
It consists of a raised platform; the round-headed entrance to the
cabin beneath it is seen in the picture; the two bulwarks also, which
protect it at the sides, are visible, though their meaning is not at
first sight obvious.
Incidentally, also, are shown the costumes of the men-at-arms, with
the small, round, close-fitting cap, and the various forms of shafted
weapons. No one is in armour.
Mr. W. Laird Clowes, in “Social England,” describing this picture,
says: “The ship is clincher-built (_i.e._, the planks overlap one
another), with a rudder and roofed stern-cabin or round-house. In the
bulwarks of the waist are apertures (not portholes), through which
cannon are pointed. The mainmast has shrouds, a top and one large
square sail. The mizen is much smaller, and has one sail, which is
reefed. The top is ornamented with the Earl’s device, a ragged staff.
From above it floats what in the bill (still preserved) of Seburg
(painter)” and Ray (tailor) is described as “a grete stremour of forty
yards length, and seven yardes in brede, with a grete Bear and Gryfon
holding a ragged staff, poudrid full of ragged staves and a grete
Crosse of St. George.”
BRASSES.
As many references have been made in this work to “Brasses,” and a
number of the illustrations of armour and costumes are taken from them,
it is fitting that a section should be devoted to so important a series
of national records.
Monumental Brasses are plates of brass, embedded in stone slabs,
which have been placed over graves in the floors of our churches and
cathedrals.
Their use began early in the thirteenth century, and took the place
of the carved stone slabs, which had, up to this time, served as
sepulchral monuments. Their value is as great as their interest, for
they represent very accurately, and with the weight of contemporary
authority, the costumes and armour of our ancestors.
They are found from the reign of Edward I. down to the time of
Cromwell, and may be seen in many churches throughout the length
and breadth of the land. There are between three and four thousand
that are known to exist at the present time, these forming, however,
only a small proportion of the number originally existing. At the
Reformation, particularly in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward
VI., and during the time of Cromwell, when the fanatical Puritans
ravaged our churches and cathedrals, many thousands were torn up and
sold as old metal; while during the misguided “restorations” of many
of our churches very large numbers have disappeared or have been
destroyed. In most cases where the brasses remain they are in excellent
condition, notwithstanding the fact that they have been trodden over
by generations of worshippers. On account of the great hardness of the
metal of which they are composed, they are almost as fresh and “sharp”
now as when they left the hands of the engravers.
There is an additional advantage which the brass possesses over the
stone monument, and that is that the brass is found as a memorial of
members of _every_ class of society--the knight, the noble, the bishop,
the abbot, the priest, the nun, the lord of the manor, the judge, the
lawyer, the University don, the merchant, the wool-stapler, the yeoman,
women of every rank, and even the schoolboy, have their brasses.
In speaking of their value as historical records, Mr. Macklin says:
“Brasses give a complete pictorial history of the use and development
of armour, dress, and ecclesiastical vestments from the thirteenth
to the end of the seventeenth century.... All these (members of
every class of society) we see, not in fancy sketches, but in actual
contemporary portraits.” Perhaps one of the greatest values of the
brass is that it is a great and authentic record of _middle-class
costume_ during the Middle Ages.
Light, too, is thrown by them upon the social conditions and customs
of the people, for example, when, during the Wars of the Roses,
practically every noble was ranged under one or other of the rival
banners, we find there was a great _increase_ in the number of brasses
of the middle classes, showing that in the midst of civil strife not
only were they unaffected to any appreciable degree, but that the
property and wealth of the middle and trading classes were actually on
the increase.
The _material_ of which the brasses were made consisted of 60 parts
of copper, 30 of zinc, and 10 of lead and tin. This gave a very hard
alloy, which would stand very hard usage. It was called _latten_ or
_laton_, and until the reign of Elizabeth was manufactured exclusively
in Flanders and Germany--particularly at Cologne, whence they were often
termed _Cullen_ plates.
They were imported into England in rectangular plates of the required
thickness. When the plates were manufactured in England, they were very
much thinner, and consequently more liable to injury; so that though
they are not nearly so old as the earlier brasses, they are yet in a
much worse condition.
In the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries brasses were
manufactured in great quantities, and the work gave employment to many
people. It is probable that the engravers worked in guilds established
in London, Norwich, Ipswich, and Bristol.
The figure was drawn (generally in a recumbent position, with the hands
in the attitude of prayer) upon the flat brass plate, and then the
lines of the armour, the folds of the drapery, and the features, etc.,
were deeply cut into the metal.
After these lines had been engraved, the whole figure was cut out of
the plate just as a child cuts out a figure from a picture.
A brass consisted of the following parts:
(1) The figure or figures; (2) heraldic devices and armorial bearings
on shields; (3) mottoes or epitaphs; (4) other subsidiary figures or
ornaments (angels, canopies, etc.).
In the English brass each of these elements was cut out separately
and placed in position upon a stone slab. The outline was then marked
round each, the brasses were lifted off, and the stone cut away in the
portions thus marked out, to a depth equal to the thickness of the
brass. The plates were then placed in position in this stone matrix,
the surfaces of the brass being level with the surface of the stone,
and each piece was fastened down by means of metal screws.
In a number of cases, part or even the whole of the brasses on a slab
have disappeared, but the empty matrix clearly shows the general form
of the missing parts. (Fig. 1.)
We have in England a few magnificent brasses of a different kind that
were manufactured and engraved entirely in Flanders or North Germany,
and they are known as Flemish brasses. The great difference between the
English and Flemish brasses is that in the former the figures were cut
out of the rectangular sheets of metal, and the lines of the drawing
were bold and few in number as was compatible with clearness; whereas
in the latter the brass was kept in a rectangular form, and the whole
plate was engraved as the plate of a picture might be. The figures were
incised upon a background which was entirely filled in with diapered
ornaments and suitable heraldic devices and patterns, while the
inscription was engraved around the edge of the plate.
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the inscriptions on all
brasses were in Norman French; in the fifteenth century they were in
Latin; and in the sixteenth century in English.
In the reigns of Edward I., II., III., and Richard II., the brasses
rose to their highest quality and magnificence. The figures were
usually life-sized; the lines were deeply and boldly cut, and there
was an absence of “shading,” the brass being usually a pure, outline,
incised drawing.
In the reign of Edward II., architectural canopies were often
introduced (Fig. 1), and then the figures were consequently made less
than life-size. At first only knights and ladies were represented, but
in the reigns of Edward III. and Richard II., members of the great
middle classes, which were increasing in power, wealth, and public
influence, were included.
From the time of Henry IV. to Richard III. the brasses were not of
so high an order, and at the latter part of the period they began to
deteriorate in quality and size.
The Tudor period may be called the decadent period of brasses, for
the drawings were often disproportionate and lightly cut, the figures
crude, and the plates thin. There is often an excess of “shading” in
them which detracts from the beautiful simplicity of the drawing. The
practice of laying down these brasses, probably through these very
causes, began to decay, the last known being laid in 1773 A.D.
Copies of brasses, or _rubbings_, are made in a very simple and
interesting manner by taking a sheet of white lining paper (plain
wallpaper), laying it upon the brass, and carefully rubbing over it
with a piece of shoemaker’s heel-ball. The flat portions of the brass
“catch” the heel-ball during the process, while the incised lines are
left white, and if care be taken that the paper does not shift, a very
faithful copy of the brass can be made. The rubbing should be continued
until a deep black tone is obtained, for the heel-ball does not smear
on the paper.
Most clergymen are proud of the brasses in their churches, and readily
give permission for rubbings to be taken from them if a courteous
application be made.
Brasses are not scattered at random throughout the country. They are
met with most frequently in the eastern and home counties. Probably
this is because these parts are nearest to Flanders, and the cost of
transporting the sheets of brass far inland would be a considerable
addition to their cost.
(For those who wish to pursue this subject, Macklin’s _Brasses of
England_ (Methuen) and Suffling’s _English Church Brasses_ (Upcott
Gill) will be found most useful, as in addition to other matter they
contain a register of all brasses known in the British Isles.)
[Illustration: PLATE 28.
(Fig. 1): The despoiled slab of Bishop Beaumont of Durham,
about 1335 A.D., showing the matrix for the brass in the slab,
and also the form of a canopy brass. The place where the
inscription was fixed is shown in the white band just inside
the edge. (Fig. 2): The brass of a Notary (name lost), about
1475 A.D., in St. Mary Tower Church, Ipswich. “Notaries wore a
plain gown, with an ink-horn and pen-case suspended from the
belt, and a scarf and cap on the left shoulder.” (Macklin.)
(Fig. 3): The brass of Dame Elizabeth Harvey, Benedictine
Abbess of Elstow, Bedfordshire, about 1525 A.D. Figs. 2 and 3
show the actual appearance of “rubbings” of brasses.]
HERALDRY.
Heraldry has been called the “shorthand of history,” and “the critical
desire for accuracy, which fortunately seems to have been the keynote
of research” during recent times, necessitates an inquiry into the
history and practice of Heraldry, which played such an important part
in the life of the Middle Ages.
It is not believed that the Normans at the Conquest bore any “arms” on
their shields. There are certain markings shown on the shields in the
Bayeux Tapestry, but they were probably bands and bosses used for the
purpose of strengthening them.
As a system, heraldry was not organised until the twelfth or thirteenth
century. It was probably introduced into England from France, as all
the terms used in the practice are French.
The two great factors in the extensive and almost universal practice
of heraldry were the tournaments and jousts, and the Crusades. All the
sovereigns of Europe, and particularly the Kings of England, encouraged
the former, because of the excellent practice in the use of arms and
the rigorous training they gave.
Clothed, as the combatants were, in their armour, their features
concealed within the heaumes or helmets, it became a necessity for them
to bear some distinctive marks or devices, either as “crests” on their
helmets or as armorial bearings or “arms” upon their shields, their
surcoats, their pennons and banners.
The retainers of a knight followed their master, and rallied around
him, recognising him by these features, and their battle cry became, in
many cases, the family motto, and has so remained until this day.
At first the crest, which was of large size, was made of leather, but
later on it was made of wood or steel. Originally the devices upon the
shields were few and simple, and consisted of bands fastened to the
shields in various positions (Figs. 1 to 18) to strengthen them. These
were termed “honourable ordinaries.” When the surface of the shield was
coloured, these bands would be coloured differently. As the custom of
bearing these devices became more universal, and the number of knights
increased, it became necessary to add many others and to modify and
differentiate in many ways the existing ones. The simplest “arms” are
consequently held to be the most honourable, as they imply greater
antiquity. Many devices were granted and borne in recognition of feats
of arms or of important duties performed, as, in later days, the
Douglas family were privileged to bear on their shield a heart (later
on surmounted by a crown), in commemoration of the fact that a Douglas
had the honour of bearing the heart of Robert Bruce to the Holy Land.
(Fig. 21.) Often, after the performance of a particularly heroic deed
on the battlefield, knights were rewarded by being granted the right to
wear some suitable commemorative device upon their shields. These had a
similar significance to the V.C. or D.S.O. awarded nowadays, with the
additional advantage that they were hereditary.
In the Crusades, which formed the other great factor in the growth and
practice of heraldry, it became necessary to distinguish the knights
of different nations from one another. The English wore a white cross
on the right shoulder of their cloaks. Similarly the French wore a red
one, the Flemings a green one, and the warriors from the Roman States
two keys crossed as in a St. Andrew’s cross or Saltire.
As a special inducement to the warriors of the West, the Pope promised
that any soldier, whatever his rank or station, who slew an infidel
in battle, should be declared noble, and be at liberty to adopt any
device he might choose as a memento of the part he had taken in the
Wars of the Cross. Hence, many devices connected with the Holy Land and
the Crusades were introduced into and remain in heraldry--_e.g._, the
scalloped shell, the palmer’s staff, bezants (gold coins of Byzantium),
water bougets (leathern water-bottles), crescents, stars, scimitars,
Saracens’ heads, and the numerous forms of the cross. Probably from the
same source came such mythical creatures as the dragon, the wyvern, and
the cockatrice.
In time, the arms of knights became hereditary. A man, on the death of
his father, received proudly his father’s sword and his shield, and
appreciated the dignity of thus being associated with the honourable
achievements of his parent.
Before this practice had become general, a young knight commenced
his knightly career with a perfectly plain (argent) shield, and he
_achieved_ or won the right to bear devices upon it; hence the arms
which were displayed on it were called his _achievements_. The whole
surface of the shield was called “the field” because he performed his
deeds, recorded on the shield, on the “field of battle.”
Sometimes a knight adopted arms representing his name--_e.g._, the arms
of Lucy were “three luce or pike”; the family of Colthurst had “a
colt” as crest. These were called “canting arms,” and were obviously
not granted for any feat of daring. Symbolism played a prominent part
in the selection of arms and crests, for kings and leaders displayed
on their shields lions and eagles--the emblems of courage and power
and kingly authority. The castle was an emblem of stability, and this
device was also granted to knights who successfully defended or reduced
a castle.
The followers of knights and nobles adopted the habit of wearing
a device called a _badge_, taken from the arms of their lord, and
they wore costumes of the chief colours of his shield. These were
called liveries, and from this is derived the modern custom of the
liveries of men-servants. Most famous of these liveries were the
Plantagenets--scarlet and white; the Lancastrians--blue and white; the
Yorkists--blue and crimson; the Tudors--white and green. The common
people, at the time when heraldry was most generally practised, were
quite illiterate, but everyone could read and understand the devices of
heraldry.
Among the most famous badges worn by retainers were the _Planta
genista_, or broom plant of the Plantagenets, and the roses, red and
white, of the Lancastrians and Yorkists. The Tudor family fittingly
adopted as a badge a double rose, consisting of a white rose within a
red one, to signify the union of the two great families. Village inns
were named after a prominent device borne upon the shield of the local
lord of the manor, and in this way we get such names as the Red Lion,
the Blue Boar, the White Hart, the Rose and Crown, etc.
Many knights were spoken of by their badges--_e.g._, Henry Tudor speaks
to his followers of “the wretched, bloody, and usurping boar,” meaning
Richard III., one of whose badges was the boar.
The surcoat, or sleeveless coat, was adopted, worn over the armour, to
lessen the discomfort caused by the sun’s rays striking directly on the
armour. It became a magnificent garment of velvet or silk, elaborately
embroidered with the armorial bearings in silk and gold (hence the
origin of the word “coat-of-arms”).
This garment still survives in the Tabard of the Royal Heralds, on
which are embroidered the arms of the sovereign.
During the reigns of Edward III. and Henry V., owing to the French Wars
and their effect upon the martial population of England, heraldry was
practised most extensively and had its noblest application, but during
the reign of that butterfly king, Richard II., it reached its most
fantastic heights.
After the reign of Edward IV., the value and importance attached to
the correct practice of heraldry declined, for during the Wars of the
Roses many noble families became exterminated, and Henry VII. ennobled
many of the upper middle classes to take their places. To this, and the
profuse creation of knights’ bannerets or baronets by James I., may be
attributed the gradual decline of heraldry, and the ridiculous grants
of arms made in the Georgian period contributed still further to that
effect.
[Illustration: PLATE 29.
The various tinctures (or colours), metals, and furs are
represented by lines, etc., in black-and-white drawings.
(Figs. 1 to 8): Showing those most commonly in use. (1):
Gold (or). (2): Silver (argent). (3): Red (gules). (4): Blue
(azure). (5): Black (sable). (6): Green (vert). (7): Ermine.
(8): Vair. Nos. 1 and 2 are metals, 3-6 colours, 7 and 8
furs. The heraldic names are given in brackets. (Figs. 9 to
18): Honorouble ordinaries (bands upon the shields). (9): A
chief. (10): A pale. (11): A fess. (12): A bend dexter. (13):
A bend sinister. (14): A chevron. (15): A cross. (16): A
saltire or St. Andrew’s cross. (17): A pile. (18): A bordure.
The shields were also divided or “parted” into differently
coloured portions by lines following the position of these
ordinaries--_e.g._ (Fig. 19): Shows a shield “parted per pale”
(see 10.) (Fig. 20): “Parted per chevron” (see 14). (Fig. 20):
Also shows the different portions of a shield--A, the chief; B,
the base; C, the dexter (right) side; D, the sinister (left)
side; E, the dexter chief; F. the sinister chief. (Fig. 21):
Arms of the Douglas family. (Fig. 22): A lion rampant--typical
of animals borne upon the shield. (Fig. 23): A castle--typical
of inanimate objects. (Fig. 24): The banner of the Knights
Templars, the renowned _Beauseant_, black above and white
below, to denote that while fierce to their foes they were
gracious to their friends. (Fig. 25): Badge of Henry VIII.,
typifying the union of England (the rose) with Spain (the
pomegranate) in the persons of Henry and Katherine of Aragon.
(Fig. 26): A Tabard from a brass of 1444. The arms: Argent,
a chevron between three crosses patée sable. (In describing
a coat of arms, the colour of the shield or field is always
given first, in this case being argent or white.) (Fig. 27):
Crest of the Duke of Hamilton, “an oak tree covered with
golden acorns, the trunk being cut transversely by a frame
saw, on the blade of which is inscribed the word ‘_Through_’.”
This commemorates the fact that an ancestor of the Duke of
Hamilton, when fleeing before his enemies, was pursued closely
into a wood, accompanied only by a faithful retainer. He
bribed two woodcutters, who were sawing the trunk of an oak
tree, to let him and his servant take their places. Soon after
the fugitives had commenced sawing, their pursuers came up
and questioned them (thinking them to be woodcutters) as to
the whereabouts of the men they were pursuing. The servant,
frightened, began to falter, but Hambledon sternly bade him go
on with his sawing and cut “through.” After reaching a place
of safety, Sir Gilbert de Hambledon adopted the above crest
and motto, and they have continued in the family to this day.
(Fig. 28): “Shield for Peace” of the Black Prince, described
heraldically as “sable, three ostrich feathers, two and one,
the quill of each passing through a scroll argent.” The Black
Prince was, according to Mr. Fox-Davies, probably so called
on account of black being his livery colour, and that his own
retainers and followers wore the livery of black. (Fig. 29):
Badge of Richard II.--a white hart. (Fig. 30): Upper part of a
heraldic achievement. Over the shield is placed an esquire’s
helmet surmounted by a crest upon a torse or wreath, with a
lambrequin or mantling between the wreath and the helmet.
The _torse_, representing two twisted silken scarves, was
worn to hide the junction of the crest with the helmet. It
must consist of six links alternatively of metal and colour
(the livery colours of the arms). The mantling was a “little
mantle” depending from the crown of the helmet and hanging
over the back of the neck as a protection against heat. In
the course of a fight it would become rent and slashed. Hence
it has become the custom to make it very ragged as a sign of
honour. (Fig. 31): Crest of William Earl of Salisbury, c.
1344, from his seal.]
THE TUDOR NAVY.
Henry VII. founded the first English permanent dockyard at Portsmouth,
and built in 1495 the first dry dock in England. During his reign 85
vessels at least were added to the Navy, some being purchased, some
taken as prizes, and others (about 46) built.
The first great ship in mediæval times was the _Great Harry_, built by
Henry VII. in 1488, and costing £14,000; but up to this time vessels
had no portholes from which the guns could be fired.
This was the invention of a ship-builder of Brest, named Descharges,
in 1500, and by its adoption, guns could be fired from the lower
decks. The early portholes, however, were so small that the guns could
consequently only be worked in one direction. This did not matter very
much, as it was usual, on account of the difficulties of loading, only
to fire the guns once or twice, and then to run alongside the enemy and
board him.
In 1515 the great English man-of-war, _Harry Grace à Dieu_, was
built by Henry VIII. She had two decks, and carried 14 heavy guns on
the lower deck, 12 on the upper deck, and 46 other guns arranged in
different quarters of the vessel--a total of 72 guns. The heavy guns
weighed from 2,000 to 3,000 lbs., and gave the English ships a distinct
advantage over their less heavily armed enemies.
She had four masts and a bowsprit, all square rigged. There were two
sails on each of the first and second masts (“foer” and “mayne”),
and a lateen sail on each of the other two masts (“mayne mizzen” and
“bonaventure”).
The _Harry_ was estimated at 1,000 or 1,500 tons, the system of
measuring a ship at the time being to estimate how many tons or tun
casks of wine she could carry.
The other ships of war built in this reign were constructed on similar
lines to the _Harry_, but on a smaller scale. At this time the
larger ships of the Navy were divided into two classes, “ships” and
“galliasses,” the latter being huge galleys propelled by sweeps or
large oars.
As progress was made, the height of the fore-castles was lowered,
and the keels of these ships were covered with a lead sheathing. In
the reign of Elizabeth there was a considerable improvement in the
general construction of the vessels. They were not made of large size,
but under the direction of Sir John Hawkins they were built on longer
keels, with finer lines and lower superstructures than before, and
on account of these improvements they were capable of carrying more
sail and sailing more swiftly. The sides of ships were painted black
and white or green and white or timber colour. Figureheads (lions or
dragons) at the bows and the Royal Arms in gold and colours at the
stern were used to decorate them. It is interesting to note that the
cooking galley was solidly built of bricks and mortar upon the gravel
ballast down in the hold.
The large vessels continued to have four masts, and the armament was
the same as in the reign of Henry VIII., the largest guns, “great
ordnance,” being 12 feet long, with a bore of 8½ inches, and an
extreme range of about one mile. The largest ships had from 40 to 60 of
these “great ordnance,” and there were also provided for each ship 200
arquebuses or cross-bows, 40 longbows, and 180 sheaves of arrows.
It had been the custom for many years to carry a great many soldiers
in each ship, in addition to the crew of sailors. The _Great Harry_
carried “soldiers 349, marines 301, and gunners 50.” The soldiers
consisted of musketeers and archers, allotted to each ship under their
own officers. The captain was not selected for his skill as a sailor;
in fact, he was also the King’s Master of the Horse and a soldier by
profession.
The actual handling of the ship was left to the Master. At the end of
the sixteenth century the war vessels no longer carried soldiers, the
sailors being trained to fight and sail the ships themselves. In the
reign of Elizabeth, too, the custom of putting landsmen in command was
modified, and seamen-captains, such as Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher,
commanded some of the fighting ships of the Royal Navy.
After any special service on which the vessels had been engaged was
completed, the ships were laid up, the captains retired to private
life, and the seamen, who were paid by the week or the month, were
discharged; only a small body of officers and men, ship-keepers, being
retained to take charge of the vessel in harbour.
It is interesting to find that the following was the pay of some of the
various ranks of the Navy about 1588:
Admiral, from £3 6s. 8d. to 15s. per day; Captain, 2s. 6d. per day. All
the other ranks were paid by the month: Lieutenant (one only on each
ship), £3; Master, £1 to £3 2s. 6d.; Preacher, £2 to £3; Boatswain,
13s. 9d. to £1 10s.; Master Carpenter, 17s. 6d. to £1 5s.; Surgeon,
£1; Cook, 13s. 9d. to 17s. 6d.; Sailor, 10s. (In the time of Henry
VIII. the sailor only received 5s. per month.) As an instance of the
religious feeling that existed in those times, the Preachers said
prayers twice a day, “and there was, besides, the singing of a psalm
at watch setting, a very old custom in the English sea service.”
With regard to the clothing of the sailors, Edward IV. is said to have
provided “jackets,” probably a kind of uniform, and the practice was
continued by Henry VII. Henry VIII. also, as long as he had ample funds
(from his late father’s treasury), clothed the sailors in the Tudor
colours (white and green), cloth being worn by the sailors and damask
and satin, by the officers.
Sailors were allowed a gallon of beer a day, as water was not carried
on men-of-war until the middle of the seventeenth century.
Henry VIII. is said to have “refashioned the Navy in the direction of
shipbuilding, armament, and administration. He may be said to have
created it, since from his reign it has been recognised as the special
national arm.” In Elizabeth’s time the standing strength of the Navy
was about 2,000 to 3,000 men.
[Illustration: PLATE 30.
(Fig. 1): The _Ann Gallant_, a man-of-war constructed in the
reign of Henry VIII. (1546). The lofty forecastle and poop
were still found in the ships of this reign. Vessels were now
built “carrel” fashion, _i.e._, with the planks laid edge to
edge, instead of “clincher” built, where the planks overlap
one another; for it was considered that the former style of
building gave greater strength. (Fig. 2): An Elizabethan
man-of-war. The St. George’s Cross, which was the national
flag, and was only permitted to men-of-war, is carried at the
main-top, while the Tudor flag of green and white is carried
at the stern. Fighting tops will be seen on all the masts; the
high poop is very noticeable, while the forecastle has almost
disappeared.]
PLANTAGENET COSTUME.
During the Plantagenet period, for the first times the effigies of
English sovereigns give authentic representation of regal costume in
form and colour (having been painted to imitate the actual clothing).
The Royal Robes of Henry II., Richard I., and John consist of (1) an
undergarment with close-fitting sleeves; (2) a tunic-like garment with
loose sleeves, called a _dalmatica_, which is girded round the waist
by a belt; (3) a mantle, richly embroidered, covering all. The costume
of the nobles was similar in form and style to these, stockings and
chausses being worn, and the habit of “cross-gartering” the leg from
the toe to above the knee was continued; but during the reigns of these
soverigns, splendour of appearance was studied rather than quaintness
of shape.
The costume of ladies consisted of (1) an under robe with sleeves,
close-fitting at the wrist; (2) a loose garment, like the dalmatica,
but without sleeves; (3) a mantle. A head-dress, called the _wimple_,
was worn. This consisted of a piece of silk or linen passing under the
chin, with the ends gathered overhead, and was first mentioned in the
reign of John. It was worn with a veil hanging down by the sides of the
face and over the back of the head.
A purse to hold money for the giving of alms was suspended from the
girdle. It is worthy of note that the general costume of nuns at the
present day is, in all but colour, the usual dress of women of the
thirteenth century.
The dress of the lower classes did not vary much from that of the
preceding period. It consisted of a plain tunic, strong boots, and a
hood or hat for the head, with coarsely made gloves without separate
fingers. A cap called a _coif_, fitting close to the head and fastened
under the chin, was often worn by men of all classes.
During the reign of Henry III. the general costume of men consisted
of the tunic, open in front to the waist, chausses or stockings and
drawers. Mantles and cloaks were only used for State or for travelling,
the materials used for these being very rich.
A garment called a _super-totus_ (over-all), acting as an overcoat, was
commonly worn. It consisted of a circular piece of cloth with a hole
in the centre, through which the head was passed, and to it was often
attached a hood or _capuchon_, which became very popular and held its
own for about 300 years.
The costumes of women and of ordinary citizens were essentially the
same as in the preceding reigns, but the hair of the ladies was
gathered up into a network or caul of gold and silver filigree, instead
of being arranged in plaits.
Edward I. dressed in a very plain manner, differing little from an
ordinary citizen, and consequently there was little extravagance of
dress in his reign. The ladies, however, wore their garments unconfined
at the waist, very full, and with long trains.
On account of their extravagance in this respect, they were very much
satirised by contemporary writers. They also wore a very ugly form
of the wimple. There was no change in the dress of the lower classes
excepting that a kind of smock frock, made generally of canvas or
fustian, was worn by both sexes. Edward II., with his favourites,
Gaveston and the Despensers, made the Court “a wild debauch of costume
and foppish eccentricities.”
The costume of ladies changed very little during this reign, but the
practice of wearing the head uncovered became more general.
In the costume of men, the greatest change was the displacement of the
loose tunic or dalmatica by a garment called the _côte-hardi_, fitting
tightly from the neck to the waist, with a skirt below.
The hood or capuchon was modified by the tail or point at the back,
being extended until it reached to the waist, this tail being often
wound round the neck in cold weather as a kind of muffler.
A similar kind of hood was also in use, covering the head and shoulders
and reaching to the elbow.
In this reign a new source of authentic information is available in the
brasses which are found in our churches. They are very well preserved,
and show the details of costume very clearly and accurately. For this
reason they are invaluable.
Edward III. has been called “the King who taught the English people how
to dress,” and it is worthy of note that the costumes worn during his
reign followed the lines of the body itself.
The use of the côti-hardi increased. It was often made of very
expensive materials, and long narrow strips of white cloth called
_tippets_ were added to the sleeves, reaching from the elbow to the
knee.
Many garments were parti-coloured, _i.e._, one side was one colour and
the other side of another colour. It is interesting to note that black
came into use as a mourning colour during the fourteenth century. A
mantle was worn by men over the côti-hardi, reaching to the ankles
and fastened on the right shoulder by several buttons, while the hood
was fastened to the mantle. In this reign the chausses were made like
trunk hose, and fitted tightly to the limbs. Pointed shoes were worn,
and a curious form of hat with turned-up brim and tall feathers was
introduced. The lower class of labourers dressed as their fancy guided
them, so that all the fashions of preceding reigns may be recognised in
their attire.
The ladies dressed very sumptuously during the reign of Edward III. An
innovation in their costume was a kind of spencer or waistcoat, faced
and bordered with fur, to which sometimes sleeves reaching to the waist
were worn. The côti-hardi was also adopted as a feminine garment.
In the reign of Richard II. the costumes were ever changing, the
King himself being the greatest fop, and extravagances in form and
sumptuousness of material was carried to a remarkable excess. Holinshed
says “he had one cote which he caused to be made for him of gold and
(precious) stones, valued at 30,000 marks” (a mark being 13s. 4d.).
The famous portrait of Richard II. in Westminster Abbey is a fine
example of the dress of an extravagant King of that time. The fashion
of embroidering the dress with heraldic devices, family badges,
initials, and mottoes became common during this period. The edges of
the garments were also cut and scalloped, very richly decorated, and
often set with precious stones.
The servants of the nobility were sumptuously attired, and there was
universal extravagance throughout the nation. So extreme was the dress
of the courtiers that it was said to be difficult to distinguish the
sex of the wearer if the face were turned away. Costumes were not only
worn wide and flowing, but they sometimes went to the other extreme,
the garments being worn very short and tight-fitting.
The shoes were made with very long points called _crackowes_ (so named
from Cracow, in Poland). Sometimes the points were so long that they
were fastened to the knee by chains of gold and silver.
Ladies’ dresses in this reign did not differ much from those of Edward
III.’s, but tippets were discarded, and the dresses were ornamented,
like the men’s, with heraldic devices, initials, etc.
Chaucer has given us the best information regarding the costumes of the
different grades of English society during this reign.
The upper classes wore a short _jupon_, or tight-fitting vest,
parti-coloured, with narrow waist belt and tight sleeves. A loose body
garment, with full-hanging scalloped sleeves, was also worn. Over all
was worn a great gown, trailing on the ground, with full, long sleeves
and a high collar fitting tightly under the chin. Both hoods and felt
caps were worn, and a peculiar variety of the latter was in fashion
formed of strips arranged in fan fashion.
The hair of the men was worn long, and was curled with great care. The
beard was forked, and the moustaches were long and drooping.
The lower orders varied little in their dress from that of the reign of
Edward III.
[Illustration: PLATE 31.
(Fig. 1): A nobleman of the thirteenth century. (MS. Bod.
Auct. D., iv. 17.) A good example of the costume of the
nobility of the time. The dalmatica is plainly shown, open
up the front. In the MS. it is red, decorated with groups
of spots, with a white lining. The mantle is blue; the long
gloves are green. Red chausses are worn on the legs, with a
cross-gartering of gold from the toes upwards. The hat is
blue, and a small portion of the knickers is also shown. (Fig.
2): The hood or capuchon, with a long tail as worn in the
reign of Edward II. (Fig. 3): Costume of a man in the reign
of Edward III., from the brass of Robert Braunche, 1364, at
King’s Lynn. He is dressed in the plain costume of the period,
while a hat with a feather is worn over the hood. (Figs. 4 and
5): Hats of the time of Edward III., probably made of white
felt, with coloured turned-up brims and long feathers. (Fig.
6): Costume of a youth in Early Plantagenet times. He wears
an ornamental tippet round the neck, with a plain, bordered
tunic, tight at the waist, and closed all round. He also
wears chausses and high boots. (Fig. 7): Costume of a lady
in the reign of Henry III., from Matthew Paris’s “Lives of
the Offas.” (Cotton MS., Nero D 1.) The dress is very simple,
there is an absence of ornament or decoration, and the gown
is loose, falling to the feet in ample folds. (Figs. 8 and
9): Hoods at the time of Edward II. (Fig. 8): Shows the hood,
closely fitting to the head and neck, with the point that
usually hangs down drawn up over the head. (Fig 9): Shows the
long tail of the hood wound around the head. (Figs. 10 and
11): The ordinary costume of the labouring classes during the
time of Edward II. (Royal MS., 14 E 3.) The man wears a long
gown, buttoned from the neck to the waist, with loose hanging
sleeves below the elbow, showing the tight sleeve of the time.
The head and shoulders are covered by a hood hanging down. The
shoes reach to the ankle, are slightly ornamented, and have
pointed toes. The woman carries a distaff, and wears a hood or
kerchief swathed round the head and knotted at the side. She
has a wide, short gown, which, being caught up under the arm,
shows the under garment and high buttoned boots. (Fig 12):
Bronze figure of a daughter of Edward III., from his tomb in
Westminster Abbey (1377). She wears a dress, however, which
was in vogue twenty years earlier. The hair is arranged in
square plaits at the sides of the head. There is an absence
of any decorative material round the low-cut neck, and she
has vertical front pockets in her tightly fitting gown, with
long streamers hanging from the arms down to the feet. (Figs.
13 and 14): Two methods of “doing the hair” in the time of
Edward I. (Fig. 14): Shows the hair enclosed in a caul or net,
and is spoken of as “the reticulated head-dress.” (Fig. 15):
Head-dress from the Braunche Brass. (King’s Lynn, 1354.) (Fig.
16): The Coif.]
[Illustration: PLATE 32.
(Fig. 1): Bronze figure of Lionel Duke of Clarence (a son of
Edward III.), from the tomb of the latter in Westminster Abbey
(1377). It illustrates the ordinary costume of a gentleman
at the end of the fourteenth century. He is attired in the
côti-hardi or jupon, fastened down the front with buttons,
and wears an ornamented girdle around the hips, while a
large, full mantle reaches down to the ankles. The chausses
are very similar in appearance to trunk hose, and fit tightly
to the limbs; while the beard is forked after the fashion of
the period. (Fig 2): Brass of Joan, Lady de Cobham, 1320, at
Cobham, Kent. She wears a kind of wimple under the chin called
the _gorget_ (which copies a part of the knightly armour of
the period), with a couvre-chef over the head falling on
to the shoulders, completing the head-dress. She wears an
under garment with tight-fitting sleeves, which are closely
buttoned to the wrist, and a loose robe with loose sleeves
terminating below the elbow. (Fig 3): A fop of the reign
of Richard II., when the fashion of “cutting” the mantles in
patterns reached a very absurd limit. The sleeves are cut
at the edges into a number of acanthus-like lobes, and are
lined with another colour. The robe has a high collar, is
very full, and hangs in loose folds to the ground. The shoes,
which are elaborately pierced and cut, are of the long-toed
variety known as “crackowes,” and the point of the toe is
fastened to the leg below the knee. He also carries a long
purse or bag suspended from the girdle. (Harl. MS., 1319.)
(Fig. 4): Costume of the early part of Edward III.’s reign.
A semi-military dress with a breastplate worn under the
côte-hardi. A very characteristic feature of the costume is
formed by the tippets--long strips of white cloth, which are
fastened to the arms above the elbow. (MS. 17 E vi.) (Fig.
5): Costume of a labourer of the better class of the time of
Edward III. The tail of the hood is worn around the head.
(Fig 6): Costume of a nobleman in the reign of Richard II.,
probably representing one of his royal uncles. (Royal MS., 20
B vi.) It shows another extravagant dress of the period. The
gown is abbreviated to the hips; the sleeves are wide, and
the chausses are tight-fitting to the limbs; while the shoes
have long pointed toes. He wears a jewelled circlet around the
forehead. (Figs. 7, 8, 9): Costumes of ladies in the reign of
Richard II. (Fig. 7): Shows the sideless garment faced with
fur, terminating in long, full skirts worn over the kirtle (or
loose gown). (Fig. 9): Shows a lady with the outer sleeveless
garment, so long as to be gathered up and carried under the
arm. (Figs. 10, 11, 12): Various forms of head-dresses of men
of the reign of Richard II. (Fig. 13): A singular kind of hood
covering the head and shoulders, reaching to the elbows, and
having pointed ends spreading out at each side. This was worn
in the time of Edward III.]
MAIL ARMOUR.
Pure mail armour, _i.e._, armour worn without additional defence over
the mail but the heaume, was in use from 1150 A.D. to 1300 A.D., but
its use was finally discontinued about 1350 A.D.
There were several kinds of mail, and different ways of representing it
on effigies, brasses, etc., _viz._:
(_a_) Mail apparently formed of rings or _mailles_, sewn on
to a leather garment by the edge only, and arranged so that
one ring overlapped the next.
(_b_) Mail formed of rows of rings sewn on strips of linen
or leather, the strips being then applied to the garment.
(_c_) Mail formed of rings interlocked with each other
(chain mail).
(_d_) Mail called “banded mail,” in which double lines
separated each row of links.
(_e_) Armour formed of rings or small discs of metal sewn
flat all over the garment.
Another similar kind of armour was formed of scales or overlapping
plates of leather or metal, fastened to a leather or linen foundation.
The chain mail or armour formed of interlacing rings was finally
adopted throughout Western Europe, being copied from that of the
Saracens in the Crusades.
We have not many contemporary illustrations of the armour and knightly
apparel in the period between the Norman Conquest and the Edwardian era.
There are but few illuminated MSS.; sepulchral monuments are not
numerous, and the valuable series of monumental brasses had not begun.
The plaited or mail shirt of the Early Norman was superseded by a
stout, quilted tunic, also called the _hauberk_, reaching to the knees
and with short sleeves, and a _coif_ or hood of mail on the head.
Frequently a metal breastplate or _plastron-de-fer_, and a steel cap
or _chapel-de-fer_, were worn under the mail. Sometimes over the
coif a close-fitting iron helmet was worn. The hauberk sleeves were
lengthened, covering the hands as mittens or fingerless gloves of
strong leather strengthened by mail or pieces of metal.
The legs were covered with long leggings or trews of mail called
_chausses_, protecting all the lower limbs from the thighs to the toes.
In the twelfth century the chain mail was made very light, like that of
the Saracens. It was made of steel rings, connected with each other,
without being fastened to the leather garment worn underneath--similar,
in fact, to the ordinary steel purse. On account of it great cost, this
mail was not worn by the common soldiers. Beneath the mail hauberk,
as an additional defence, and to relieve the pressure of the mail, a
quilted tunic was worn, known as a _haketon_, or a _gambeson_.
The haketon was made of buckram, stuffed with cotton-wool and quilted.
The gambeson was a sleeved tunic, of stout, coarse linen, stuffed with
flax or wool, and sewn longitudinally.
In the reign of Richard I., the close-fitting helmet was superseded by
the _Heaume_, great helm or tilting helmet. It was large enough to put
easily over the head, and long enough to rest on the shoulders.
It was at first nearly cylindrical, and generally had a flat top. There
were openings in front to allow the wearer to see and breathe. During
the mail period, no heaume is represented with a movable visor.
In monumental effigies and brasses, a knight is often represented with
his heaume under his head as a pillow, and it was the custom actually
to use it for that purpose when resting after a day’s journey or
fighting.
The heaume was only put on when actual fighting in battle or in the
lists was about to commence. At other times, it was carried at the
saddle-bow, and, lest it should be dropped or struck off when on the
head, it was fastened to the body armour by a chain, passing through
a ring in front. Towards the close of the twelfth century the use of
armorial bearings was introduced.
Each knight assumed a device, which was exclusively used by him, by
which he was recognised, and which became hereditary in his family.
This device was usually displayed on the shield, and on the surcoat,
when the use of that garment was adopted.
The form of the shield was changed from that of a kite to that of a
“heater,” or flat-iron. It was also made much smaller.
The arms of the knight were the sword, the lance, the mace, the
battle-axe, the military flail, and the martel. The sword belt, slung
over the shoulder in Norman times, was now fastened around the waist or
hips. The sword varied little in form from that of Norman times.
The lance was never used as a javelin, but was made strong, generally
of uniform thickness, and varied in length. The head was very broad,
and without barbs.
All knights had a pointed or swallow-tailed pennon fastened to the
lance; but nobles who brought a number of retainers to battle displayed
a square banner on the lance. These knights were called _Bannerets_.
Foot soldiers were armed with the cross-bow--a formidable weapon with
which short, stout missiles, called bolts or quarrels, were shot--the
long-bow, the halberd, the bill, the guisarme (all shafted weapons),
and the sling. In time, the chausses were cut into two pieces at
the knees; the lower part, corresponding with the modern stocking,
protected the leg, and the upper portion protected the thigh. In order
to protect the knee, a knee-cap, or _genouillière_ of cuir bouilli, was
fastened over it.
The sleeves of the hauberk were similarly cut into two parts at the
elbow, and elbow caps, or _coudières_, of leather came into use over
the elbow joint.
At the end of the 12th century, a flowing surcoat of linen or silk was
worn over the armour. This generally bore the same heraldic device as
the shield, and its use was probably to lessen the effect of the sun’s
rays upon the mail. At first, this surcoat had no sleeve, but in the
second half of the 13th century sleeves were added to it, and at the
same time the hauberk was shortened.
About 1270, the mailed mittens were divided into fingers, and the
helmet was rounded at the top.
The spurs consisted of single spikes, and were called “pryck” spurs.
[Illustration: PLATE 33.
(Fig. 1): Brass of Sir Roger de Trumpington, in Trumpington
Church, Cambridge, 1289. The head rests on the Heaume, which
is of large size. The latter is fastened to a rope around the
waist, by means of a chain. The knight is represented with
his legs crossed. It was thought at one time that this showed
that the knight had taken part in the Crusades, but it is
now considered by some that he was probably a benefactor to
the church. Others think that it was merely a device of the
engraver to lessen the stiff appearance of the figure. All
the features of mail armour to which attention has already
been directed, may easily be seen in this figure, and the
knees are covered by genouillières (probably of cuir bouilli),
which are the first pieces of additional armour worn over the
mail. It will be noticed in this plate that there are four
ways in which mail armour is represented, viz., in Figs. 1,
2, and 3, 5, and 9. (Fig. 2): Head of the effigy of William
Earl of Pembroke, which shows very clearly the way in which
the _coif de mailles_ was secured to the head, and lapped
round the face, being fastened to the left side, near the
temple, by a strap and buckle. (Fig. 3): Head of an effigy in
Pershore Church, Worcestershire, in which the lappet of the
_coif_ is represented as unloosed. (Fig. 4): A great heaume
of the 13th century, found at Eynesford Castle, Kent. The
ring at the bottom is for the attachment of the heaume to
the body armour. (Fig. 5): The heads of a group of soldiers,
from the Painted Chamber at Westminster. In this will be seen
the great diversity of equipment found among knights. In the
rear are shown two banners and a pennon. (Fig. 6): Heaume at
Staunton, Notts., 1312. On the top is seen the staple for
affixing the crest to the heaume. (Fig. 7): The heaume of
Richard I., taken from his Great Seal, showing a fan-shaped
ornament at the top, with a lion painted upon the crown.
(Fig. 8): Soldiers in a boat, engaged in siege operations.
One has a staff sling, which is apparently charged with some
combustibles. The archer is also discharging either a bag of
quick-lime or some combustible. The slingers were generally
bare-headed, and wore no body armour. The archer wears a coif
of mail or leather on his head, and a sleeveless hauberk on
his body. The third soldier carries a pole-axe, a sword, and a
spear. (Fig. 9): Head from the brass of Sir John D’Abernoun,
in Stoke D’Abernoun Church, Surrey, 1277. This is the earliest
known example of brass. The chain mail is represented in
great detail, every link being shown. Fig. A is a portion
of the mail enlarged. (Fig. 10): A spear with pennon, from
the same brass. (Fig. 11): A martel-de-fer, which was used
for breaking or dragging off the rings of the hauberk, and
opening a passage for other deadly weapons. (Fig. 12): A
guisarme, a powerful, scythe-shaped, shafted weapon, used by
foot soldiers. (Fig. 13): A banner, such as was carried by
Knights Bannerets, who must have a following of at least fifty
men-at-arms before they were qualified to carry this.]
EARLY ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE.
_The Transition._--At the close of the Norman period, the quality
of the masonry was very good, and the workmen had learnt how to
economise their materials. The improvement continued until the work
reached a high degree of perfection. The mouldings, the ornament, the
sculpture, and all other details are of a lighter style, and more
highly finished. The architecture that remains of this period is aptly
termed “Transitional.” The transition, from the round-arched Norman
style, with its heavy and massive appearance, and its strongly-marked
horizontal lines, to the graceful Early English style, with its
prominent vertical lines, is very gradual, and the first step in
this direction was the introduction to general use of the pointed
arch. This is considered the most characteristic element of Gothic
architecture--its ever-increasing use permitting the slenderness of
proportion, lightness, and loftiness of effect to be carried out to a
marvellous extent.
Professor Freeman has traced the adoption of the pointed arch in
Western Europe to influence of Saracenic architecture, which was
extended in the West through the Crusades.
In the early examples, the features and general characteristics of the
buildings are, in the main, the same as in the Norman style, but with
the pointed arch employed in place of the round-headed one.
_Gothic Architecture._--This term was originally applied to the mediæval
styles at the time of the Renaissance. It was given as a term of
contempt when it was the fashion to write Latin and to expect it to
become the universal language.
English Gothic is usually divided into three periods or styles, viz.:
Early English, Decorated, and Perpendicular, prevailing (approximately)
during the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries respectively, although there
was no strict division between them.
_Early English_ Reigns of Richard I., John and Henry III. (A.D.
1189-1272).--The characteristics of this style as compared with
the Norman are, “the comparative lightness of the structures, the
long, narrow, lancet-shaped, pointed windows, the boldly projecting
buttresses and pinnacles, the acute pitch of the roof, and generally
the variety, the beauty of proportion, and the singular grace and
vigour of the ornaments.”
Internally, we have pointed arches, supported on slender and lofty
pillars. When the style had become fully established, the builders
appear to have revelled in it even to exuberance and excess.
Church building had received a severe check in the reign of John,
during the interdict of 16 years that rested upon the kingdom, but
soon after the accession of Henry III., who was himself an enthusiast,
architecture revived and developed very rapidly.
One of the chief characteristics of the Early English styles consists
in the _mouldings_, in which a new principle was embodied. This was the
idea of obtaining effective combinations of light and shade by means
of “undercutting.” Such a combination of projecting rounds and deep
hollows would present to the eye the appearance of alternate bands
of light and shade, the depths of the hollows causing them to appear
almost black.
The most characteristic ornament of this style is the “_dog-tooth_” or
“_tooth_” ornament. (Pl. 34, Figs. 9 and 11.) It consists of a series
of flowers, each of the four petals, bent backwards, the division
between the petals being placed in the middle of the sides of the
pyramid thus formed.
A very striking peculiarity is the foliage used in sculpture, which
is technically known as “_stiff-leaf foliage_,” though the stiffness
is in the stems rather than in the leaves. The latter take the form
of a conventional three-lobed foliage. (Pl. 35, Fig. 1.) It copied no
individual leaf, “though it has all the essential qualities of Nature.”
Its use gives great richness of effect to the building, and is supposed
to have been developed by gradual change from the Classical Orders,
chiefly from the Ionic Volute.
The _Crocket_ was also introduced as a new feature in this style. It is
an ornament used to decorate the edges of the architectural units, and
is supposed to be derived from the crook of a bishop’s pastoral staff.
In fine Early English work the Abacus (Pl. 35, Fig. 1A) is circular,
and is deeply undercut.
The _Pillars_ are usually round or octagonal. They are built of large
blocks of dressed stone, and so differ from the Norman pillars, which
consisted of rubble with a facing of stone. In the more important
buildings they are formed of four or more slender shafts of Purbeck
marble, which are placed around a large circular column of stone, and
their dark colour causes them to “stand out” against the paler central
stone pier.
The _Arches_ vary in form from a very blunt to a very sharp point, but
they are generally acutely pointed, and are often richly moulded, as in
Westminster Abbey. The mouldings, however, are the safest guide to the
style, as the form of the pointed arch largely depends on convenience.
As a rule, they are generally more acutely pointed in the cathedrals
and large churches, whilst they are broader in small churches.
The _Windows_ in earlier examples are plain, long, and narrow, with
acutely pointed heads. They are frequently spoken of as “lancet-shaped.”
The earliest form is that of a single light, with arched head and
without moulding of any kind, external or internal. (Pl. 34, Fig.
1.) Windows of four lights are occasionally met with, but generally
they consist of three, five, or seven lights, rising in height to the
central one. They are often included under an arched moulding called a
“dripstone.” (Pl. 34, Figs. 2, 3, 4A.)
Square-headed windows are not uncommon, but sometimes in these cases
there is an arch or a dripstone in the form of an arch over the window.
When two lights were combined under one arch, a blank space called
a “tympanum” was left between the heads of the lights and the arch;
but in time this space began to be pierced with another small light,
generally in the form of a circle, a trefoil, or a quatrefoil, which
both relieved the blank space and admitted more light. (Pl. 34, Fig.
3.) When this is done in the stone work, it is called _plate tracery_,
and from this is developed the window tracery of later times.
The Normans were doubtful about their skill in making ceilings of
stone to cover large spaces, and consequently they generally built
timber roofs. Over small spaces, however, they erected stone ceilings
or “vaults,” which were quite plain. In this period the vaults are
distinguished by having ribs in the angles of the groins, with carved
masses of foliage in stone, called bosses, at the intersection of the
ribs. (Pl. 34, Fig. 5.)
The _Buttresses_ (Pl. 35, Figs. 4, 5, and 6), instead of being merely
flat strips of masonry, slightly projecting from the wall, as in the
Norman Period, have now a bold projection, generally diminished upwards
by stages, and terminate in a plain slope or a gable. By the use of
this form of buttress it was possible to reduce the thickness of the
wall. The corner of the building had a pair of buttresses at right
angles to the wall, as if each wall had been continued beyond the point
of junction--never one buttress placed diagonally, as in subsequent
periods.
_Flying Buttresses_ at this period became prominent features in large
buildings. They are arches springing from the wall buttresses to the
walls, and they carry off the weight and consequent “thrust” of the
roof, over the central space, obliquely down to the external buttress,
and so down to the ground.
The _Roof_ was formed of timber, and was covered with the material
most easily procurable in the district. A thatch of straw or reeds
was probably the most common; shingles were procured where oak was
plentiful, and slabs of stone and slate or tiles where they were
obtainable. Lead was generally used only on very important buildings.
Spires were also often constructed of timber, and where the framework
has become warped and twisted by the weather, we have a grotesque
appearance, as in the twisted spire of Chesterfield.
[Illustration: PLATE 34.
(Fig. 1): Simple lancet window. (Fig. 2): A triple-lancet
window from Warmington, in Northants (about A.D. 1230). The
lights are placed under an arch or dripstone with the “eye”
solid. (Fig. 3): A window of two lights, with a quatrefoil
of plate tracery in the head, and a dripstone, terminated by
the characteristic ornament called a “mask” or a “buckle,”
from Charlton-on-Otmoor, Oxfordshire (about A.D. 1240). (Fig.
4): Five lancet windows under one arch, with the spandrils
pierced, forming what are called the “eyes” of the window,
from Irthlingborough, Northants (about A.D. 1280). (Fig. 5):
Early English vault, groined, with moulded ribs on the groins
only, from Salisbury Cathedral (about A.D. 1240). (Fig. 6):
Pointed arch in the porch, from Barnack, Northants (about
A.D. 1250). (Fig. 7): A trefoil-arched doorway. (Fig. 8):
Characteristic Early English moulding (in section). (Fig.
9): “Dog-tooth” ornament in profile, showing how the name
probably arose. (Fig. 10): A transitional tower and spire,
from St. Denis, Sleaford, Lincolnshire. It shows a band of
interlaced, round-headed arches, while in the belfry light it
exhibits the pointed arch. The four corners are filled up with
half-pyramids inclining from the angles. This angle-pyramid,
which marks the transition from the square form of the tower
to the pointed form of the spire, is known as the _broach_,
and the “broach-spire” is quite the characteristic form
assumed by the early stone spires in England. (Fig. 11):
“Dog-tooth” ornament, front view. (Fig. 12): Door with
“shouldered” arch, from Lutton, Huntingdonshire (about A.D.
1200).]
[Illustration: PLATE. 35.
(Fig. 1): Capitals in Lincoln Cathedral (A.D. 1220), showing
the moulded abacus (A) with undercutting, “stiff-leaf”
foliage, and the “dog-tooth” ornament used between the shafts.
(Fig. 2): Transitional Norman capital, at Oakham Castle,
Rutland (built between A.D. 1165 and 1191). An excellent
specimen of transitional work, retaining a good deal of the
Norman character, but late and rich. (Fig. 3): Moulded capital
in the form of a plain bell reversed, from Westminster Abbey
(A.D. 1250). (Figs. 4, 5, 6): Buttresses. (Fig. 7): Flying
buttresses, from Westminster Abbey. (Figs. 8 and 9): Plans of
Early English columns.]
MIXED MAIL AND PLATE ARMOUR.
Arms and armour, with all the accompaniments of chivalry, during the
fourteenth century reached a pitch of great splendour. The French
Wars and the extravagance of costume at the Courts of Edward III. and
Richard II. encouraged this. From the constant use of armour in the
wars and in the tournament, many modifications were found necessary to
render it more comfortable and also more thoroughly protective. Towards
the end of the thirteenth century additions had been made to the
mail for the latter purpose, and this practice was continued in the
fourteenth century by the addition of pieces of “plate” or sheet steel,
until in the early part of the fifteenth century, knights were clothed
in complete suits of plate armour.
The change was, however, very gradual, and the evolution may be best
traced by considering it as taking place in certain fairly definite
stages. The following is the usual division adopted:
_1st Period_: c. 1300 A.D.--c. 1325 A.D. _2nd Period_: c. 1325 A.D.--c.
1335 A.D. _3rd Period_: c. 1335 A.D.--c. 1360 A.D. _4th Period_: c. 1360
A.D.--c. 1405 A.D. _5th or Transition Period_: c. 1405 A.D.--c. 1410 A.D.
_1st Period_: c. 1300 A.D.--c. 1325 A.D. During this period the mail
armour remained practically the same, but steel plates were fastened by
straps (1) over the back of the upper arm and the front of the fore-arm
(the parts most exposed to a blow); (2) over the shins (_jambarts_)
and continued over the front of the feet as a series of metal plates
riveted to one another, called _sollerets_; (3) in front of the
shoulders and to protect the armpits (_roundles_.)
Gauntlets or armoured gloves (with separate fingers) were introduced
about this time.
The surcoat was worn shorter and with less fulness about the body.
_2nd Period_: c. 1325 A.D.--c. 1335 A.D. The surcoat was superseded by
a garment called a _cyclas_, which was slit open and laced up at the
sides, and was much shorter in front than behind. (See Fig. 1, Pl. 36.)
It thus shows the escalloped and fringed border of a padded garment or
_gambeson_ worn between the cyclas and the mail hauberk, while below
the mail was worn another padded garment--the _haketon_.
The whole must have formed a very cumbersome combination. The plates
on the arms were enlarged so as to form cylinders, encasing the limbs,
opening with a hinge at one side and fastening with buckle and strap or
rivets at the other side. Those covering the fore-arm were worn under
the sleeve of the hauberk, which was often cut off below the elbow.
Plates were still worn on the knees, legs, and feet.
The _Basinet_, a comparatively light and close-fitting helmet, was
worn without a mail coif beneath it; but to protect the neck a kind
of tippet of mail called the _camail_ was fastened by laces to the
basinet, and hung down over the breast, back, and shoulders. The
basinet was open at the face or had a movable face-piece (_visor_ or
_ventaille_). In battle it was worn with the face-piece, but for the
tournament the visor was removed and the heaume or great helmet, with
its crest and mantling, placed over it.
The shield was small and of the “heater” shape, and “pryck” spurs gave
place to spurs with rowels.
_3rd Period_: c. 1335 A.D.--c. 1360 A.D. Splinted armour, _i.e._,
armour consisting of small overlapping plates (like the shell of a
lobster), was introduced, and a garment called the _pourpoint_ (like a
haketon, but made of finer material, faced with silk or ornamented with
needlework) was worn over the hauberk.
The surcoat was again worn, shortened to the knee and shaped to fit the
body closely above the waist. The armorial bearings of the wearer were
embroidered in silks upon it.
It must be remembered that there was no uniform--in the modern sense--for
knights and men-at-arms, but each dressed as he liked; and there was
consequently a great variety of arms and armour in a single troop.
_4th or Camail Period_: c. 1360 A.D.--c. 1405 A.D. This is called the
camail period because by this time the custom of wearing the camail had
become universal. The legs and arms were now entirely encased in plates
of armour, with sollerets on the feet, which were acutely pointed at
the toes in imitation of the prevailing civil fashion. The hauberk was
shortened to the middle of the thigh, was sleeveless, and was worn over
a globular breastplate. Roundles disappeared from the shoulders and
elbows, and laminated plates took their place, giving freer movement to
the limbs.
The sleeveless surcoat was now called the _jupon_. It fitted tightly
over the hauberk, and was slightly shorter than it, so that the lower
edge of the hauberk showed behind it. The jupon was made of a rich
material, blazoned with the arms of the wearer, and was escalloped
along the bottom edge.
The long, straight sword, with decorated hilt and scabbard, was hung on
the left side from a richly ornamented belt, and on the right side was
suspended a small, pointed dagger called the _misericorde_.
After 1380 the basinet was made shorter, but the great heaume still
continued to be worn, often being strengthened by an additional plate
on the left side, where the wearer was likely to receive blows.
The sculptured effigy of the Black Prince on his tomb at Canterbury is
a typical representation of a knight of the camail period.
_5th or Transition Period_: c. 1405 A.D.--c. 1410 A.D. There are a
few examples of knights clothed entirely in plate armour, with the
exception of the basinet and camail, and this is therefore called the
Transition Period leading to the time of the complete adoption of plate
armour.
[Illustration: PLATE 36.
(Fig. 1): Brass of Sir John Creke, in Westley Waterless
Church, Cambridgeshire, 1325. It shows a pointed and fluted
basinet with the camail of “banded mail” fastened to it. The
hauberk, also of banded mail, is seen just above the knees,
and the legs and arms are covered with the same kind of
armour. The roundles, taking the form of lions’ faces, are
seen at the shoulders and elbow. The upper arms are covered
with plates over the mail, and the fore-arm covered in the
same way with plates, which pass under the short sleeves of
the hauberk. The cyclas is seen to be loose, girded at the
waist, and shorter in front than behind. Under it is shown
the escalloped edge of the gambeson; beneath that the pointed
ending of the hauberk, and under that again the folds of
the haketon may be seen reaching to the knee-caps. Jamberts
or shin pieces cover the shins, and are continued to cover
the feet as sollerets. (Fig. 2): A heaume or great helmet,
worn in the tournament over the basinet and resting upon
the shoulders (1375). (Figs. 3, 4, 5, 6): Shafted weapons
of the period. (Fig. 3): A bill, also called a fauchard or
guisarme, of the time of Richard II. (From a MS.) (Figs. 4
and 5): Pikes. (Fig. 6): A pole-axe (the voulge). (Fig. 7):
A knight wearing a gambeson, from the monumental effigy of
Sir Robert Shurland, c. 1300 (after _Ashdown_). (Fig. 8): A
heaume, from the brass of Sir Hugh Hastings, 1347 A.D. It
shows the _mantling_, or little mantle, hanging over the back
of the helmet, the crest, and the _torse_, or wreath, hiding
the junction of the crest with the helmet. (Fig. 9): A piece
of armour, showing the “splints” or small overlapping plates
in the elbow joint. (Fig. 10): A basinet, showing the loops
by which the camail is fastened to it. (Fig. 11): Heaume and
crest of Sir Geoffrey Luterell, from the Luterell Psalter,
1345 A.D. It has a round top, a movable visor, and a crest
on which are displayed the wearer’s “arms.” (Fig. 12): A
“snout-nosed” basinet with movable visor or ventaille of the
time of Richard II., with the visor raised. (Fig. 13): The
same with the visor lowered, as on the battlefield. (Fig.
14): The brass of Sir Robert Symborne, in Little Horkesley
Church, Essex, 1391 A.D., showing the arms and armour of
a knight of the camail period. The head is covered with a
conical basinet (without a face-piece), to which the camail
of chain mail is fastened. The lower edge of the hauberk is
shown below the close-fitting, sleeveless jupon which covers
the body. The arms, legs, and feet are covered with plate
armour, and the laminated plates which superseded roundles are
seen at the shoulders and elbows. The hands are protected by
gauntlets, and the knight is armed with long, straight sword
and misericorde. (Fig. 15): A mace, from a MS., c. 1350.]
LANCASTRIAN AND YORKIST PERIODS.
MALE COSTUMES.
The effigies of King Henry IV. and his Queen at Canterbury are some of
the most splendid of our royal effigies, uniting richness, grandeur,
and simplicity. The King’s crown is particularly remarkable for its
magnificence (Fig. 1.) Since there had been very great extravagance in
costume during the reign of Richard II., when he came to the throne
Henry revived the sumptuary laws of his predecessors regulating the
quality of the clothing to be worn by the various classes of his
subjects.
Four years after that, all slashing and cutting of garments into
various devices was forbidden; but the people were very fond of
display, and perfect disregard was shown by all classes of the
community to any of these laws. A notable decoration that appeared in
this reign was the collar of SS. Various accounts of its origin have
been given, but the most probable one is that S is the initial letter
of Henry’s motto, “Souveraine,” which he had borne while Earl of Derby.
The houppelande of Richard’s reign, with its high collar, huge sleeves,
and full skirt, was still worn, and is always depicted scarlet in MSS.
The “bag sleeves” came into fashion during this reign. They were of
great size and fulness, but gathered at the wrist and at the shoulders.
In the reign of Henry V. little change was made in costume, for the
minds of men were occupied with more serious matters in the war with
France.
Long and short gowns with large sleeves, either sweeping and indented
at the edge or of the “bag sleeve” variety, were the common upper
garments of all classes.
In some instances small bells were worn, fastened to a baldric or belt
passing diagonally like a sash across the body from the shoulder to the
waist.
Beards were not worn much during this reign, and moustaches were only
partially worn, for the fashion was to be clean shaven, and the hair
was cut close above the ears.
At the commencement of Henry V.’s reign the colour of the surcoat was
again changed to white.
Henry VI. was invariably plain in his dress, and we are told that he
refused to wear the long-pointed shoes worn by the gentry. It is an
interesting reflection on the unsettled condition of the country in
the unfortunate reign of this King that the costumes were numerous and
diverse, being “a curious mixture of the costumes of preceding reigns.”
The most remarkable feature of the fifteenth century was the more
common use of caps and hats of fantastic shapes and the change of form
of the capuchon or hood into a regularly formed crown, with a thick
roll, having a long tippet attached to it and trailing on the ground or
tucked into the girdle. (Fig. _2a_.)
A single feather is sometimes worn in the cap. (Fig. 5.) Long, tight
hose and short boots or buskins, and shoes with high fronts and backs
that turned over each way, were worn, all with long toes.
The gown or jacket begins to be cut even around the shoulders, instead
of being made high up the neck.
The face was still closely shaven.
The state mantles of the King and nobles were made of velvet and lined
with white damask or satin.
Legal and other official habits consisted of long, full gowns, girdled
round the waist and trimmed and lined with fur, according to the rank
of the wearer.
During the reigns of Edward IV., Edward V., and Richard III., a very
characteristic style of costume begins to come into vogue. The store
from which we draw our knowledge--the brasses, effigies, and illuminated
MSS.--is a very extensive one, and owing to the invention of printing
and the use of the wood block for illustration, we have still another
source of information.
A very important feature of the costumes of this time was the excellent
fit of the garments. As Mrs. Ashdown says, in her _British Costume_,
“Broadly speaking, it had been perfectly possible for a dressmaker to
cut out and complete any garment worn by men up to that period; after
the reign of Edward IV. the era of the tailor began.”
In Edward’s reign the jackets and doublets were cut shorter than ever,
the sleeves slit so as to show the large, loose white shirts, and the
shoulders were padded with moss or flock.
Men wore the hair long, and had hats of cloth a quarter of an ell or
more in height, and all wore most sumptuous chains of gold. Shoes with
long, pointed toes, some as much as two feet long, called _poulaines_,
were also worn.
Sumptuary laws were again enacted in this reign against people who
dressed beyond their social position, and both the wearers and the
tailors and shoemakers were subject to fines for transgressing them.
In the reign of Richard III., gentlemen began to wear the long gowns
and more sober costumes that distinguished the reign of Henry VII. The
costumes of the nobility generally consisted of hose or long stockings
tied by _points_ or laces to the doublet, which was open in front,
about half-way down the breast, showing a stomacher or vest, over which
it was laced like a peasant’s bodice.
Over the doublet was worn a long or a short gown, according to fancy
and circumstances, the former hanging loose, the latter full of pleats
before and behind, plain at the sides and girdled tightly about the
waist.
Small caps or “_bonets_” of various shapes were worn. Boots reaching to
the middle of the thigh are frequently seen in the illuminations of the
period.
The hair was worn very bushy behind and at the sides. (Fig. 9.)
Very rich materials were used for the garments of nobles and others.
The costumes of the lower classes during this period followed the more
sober costumes of this and preceding periods, the materials being
coarse and the cut simple.
The costumes of the retainers of the nobility imitated those of their
masters, and were very often made of rich materials and in the extreme
fashion.
[Illustration: PLATE 37.
(Fig. 1) The Crown of Henry IV., from his effigy in
Canterbury Cathedral, 1422. It is of beautiful proportion
and workmanship. (Fig. 2): Brass of Ralph Segrym, M.P.,
Mayor, 1449, St. John’s Church, Maddermarket, Norwich. This
is a good example of civilian costume of the time, the baggy
sleeves being very typical. The cloak is fur-lined, and has
a fur collar, fastening with three buttons on the right
shoulder. (Fig. 2_a_): Head-dress of the period, composed
of a thick roll of stuff encircling the head like a turban,
having a quantity of cloth attached to its inner edge which
covers one side, while on the other side a broad band or
becca of the same material hangs down to the ground. (Harl.
MS., 2,278.) (Fig. 3): Male costume of Henry IV.’s reign.
(Harl. MS., 2,332.) The sleeves of the gown are very wide,
and are gathered tight around the wrist. The gown or tunic
reaches only to the knee, where it is scalloped in the form
of leaves. Tight hose and boots reaching above the ankle
complete the costume. The hair is parted in the front and is
curled at the sides. (Fig. 4): An Exquisite of the reign of
Edward IV., wearing a characteristic peaked cap of the time,
called a _bycocket_, with a black crown and a white brim. His
short, green jacket has wide sleeves edged with ermine, and
his chausses are red. (Fig. 5): A hat of the time of Henry
VI., from Gough’s _Sepulchral Monuments_. (Fig. 5_a_): Head
of Duke of Bedford, from a portrait of the time of Henry VI.,
showing the peculiar way in which the hair was worn in this
and the preceding reign. (Fig. 6): Figure of Richard, Duke of
Gloucester, afterward Richard III. (From the Royal MS., 15 E.
4.) He is attired in the most fashionable dress of the day.
His red hat has a gold band and jewelled buttons to secure
the feathers. His crimson jacket is furred with deep red, is
very short, and is gathered in close folds behind, the sleeves
being extremely long. He wears the Garter around his left leg;
his hose are blue, and he has the fashionable long-pointed
shoe and the clog or patten over it. (Fig. 7): Another form of
the bycocket hat. (Fig. 8): Hat of black cloth with the long
pendant twisted around the neck. (Harl. MS., 4,379.) (Fig. 9):
Costume of the time of Edward IV. (Royal MS., 15 E. ii.)]
FEMALE COSTUMES.
Little change was made in the costumes of ladies during these periods,
but there was a more wonderful variety in the head-dresses--many of them
striking and even picturesque--than during any other century of English
history. In the early part of this period the _crespine_ or golden net
caul, into which the hair was gathered (Fig. 12), partly covered by a
veil, was very common. The côte-hardi was still very popular, but many
ladies wore the full outer garment or mantle, called the _houppelande_,
buttoned high up to the neck, with wide sleeves, and reaching down to
the feet. (Fig. 4.)
Long-trained gowns were also worn, with stomachers, trimmed with
fur and velvet, and these displaced the super-tunic. Fur was very
extensively used by all classes, to the great disgust and contempt of
some contemporary writers.
Sumptuary laws passed in the reign of Henry IV. prohibited “the wearing
of furs of ermine, lettice, pure minivers, or grey,” by the wives of
esquires, unless they were noble themselves or their husbands held the
office of Mayor of certain towns.
In the reign of Henry VI. the previous fashions were continued,
with numerous fantastic additions. Towards the end of the reign,
short-waisted gowns were worn, girded tightly at the waist, with
enormous trains and with turn-over collars of fur or velvet coming to a
point in front. Sleeves were worn of all descriptions.
The different varieties of head-dresses were known as (1) the _turban_,
(2) the _horned_ head-dress, (3) the _heart-shaped_ head-dress, and (4)
the _forked_ head-dress.
_The Turban Head-dress_ (Fig. 7) was in fashion for some time, even
continuing until the next century, and was probably based upon the
Turkish turban.
It consisted of a light framework of wire, covered with silk or other
rich material.
_The Horned Head-dress_ (Fig. 6) was probably the most grotesque form
of head-dress worn in this reign. The cauls at the side of the head
were made very large, and horns, from which depended the veil, extended
horizontally on either side of the head. This came in for very severe
condemnation and satire by the writers of the time, being compared to
the horns of the snail, of the unicorn, of the hart, and even of the
devil himself.
The horns were worn so large that in some places “it w
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