The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 3: Acadia, 1611-1616

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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 3: Acadia, 1611-1616

Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites

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THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS

VOL. III

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. III
ACADIA: 1611-1616

CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVII

_The Imperial Press, Cleveland_

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Translator from the French JOHN CUTLER COVERT

Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER

Translator from the Latin WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE

Translator from the Italian MARY SIFTON PEPPER

Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR

CONTENTS OF VOL. III

PREFACE TO VOLUME III 1

DOCUMENTS:--

XIII. Epistola ad Reverendissimum Patrem Claudium Aquavivam,
Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romæ. _Pierre Biard_;
Amiens, May 26, 1614. 3

XIV. Relation de la Novvelle France, de ses Terres, Natvrel du Pais,
& de ses Habitans. [Chapters i-xxv.] _Pierre Biard_; Paris, 1616 21

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME III 285

NOTES 291

[Illustration]

ILLUSTRATION TO VOL. III

Photographic facsimile of title-page, Biard's _Relation_ of 1616 24

PREFACE TO VOL. III

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:

XIII. Biard writes from Amiens (May 26, 1614) to the general of the
order, reporting the planting of St. Sauveur mission, the attack by
Argall, the captivity of the Jesuit missionaries, and their safe return
to France.

XIV. Biard's _Relation_ of 1616 opens with an historical sketch of
French discoveries in New France. The climate of the country, its
forests, and its inhabitants, are described; the writer discourses
on the mode of life among the savages, their dwellings, tribal
organization, polity, women, marriage, medicine, practices of
witchcraft, burials, etc. As a basis for missionary work, he advocates
the establishment of a colony which shall be properly supported in
France, and to this end appeals to the sympathies of Catholics at home.
Much space is devoted to answering the attacks on the Jesuit missions
of New France, made by an anonymous pamphleteer, who has been supposed
to be Lescarbot himself. Continuing with a report of his own movements,
Biard describes the voyage made by himself and Biencourt as far as the
Kennebec River, and the privations and hardships of the colony during
the ensuing winter (1611-12). He again recounts the manner in which
Mme. de Guercheville obtained a grant of New France, and sent a colony
to St. Sauveur, on Mt. Desert Island; the disputes between Biencourt
and the Jesuits; the stay of Massé among the savages on St. John
River; his own trip to Chignectou, with Biencourt; and the hardships
endured by both, as also those of the entire colony, during the winter
of 1612-13. The Jesuits, during this winter, build a boat, and are
thus enabled to go fishing. La Saussaye arrives at Port Royal under
Mme. de Guercheville's auspices, and takes the Jesuits away with him
to St. Sauveur. The settlement there is well begun, when Argall comes
upon it, and takes the French captive. Owing to the great length of
this _Relation_, we have space in the present volume but for the first
twenty-five chapters; the remaining twelve will form the opening part
of Volume IV.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS., November, 1896.

XIII

BIARD'S EPISTOLA

ad Reverendissimum Patrem Claudium Aquavivam

(26 Maii, 1614)

SOURCE: We follow Father Martin's apograph (in the Archives of St.
Mary's College, at Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives
of the Gesù, at Rome.

Epistola Patris Petri Biardi ad Reverendissimum Patrem Claudium
Aquavivam, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romæ. (26 Maii, 1614.)

(_Transcripsit Pater Felix Martinus ex codice Latino qui Romæ in
Archivis Jesu conservatur._)

ADMODUM REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER,
Pax Christi.

Et affectus et debitum cogunt ut ego nunc recens et multis maximisque
periculis summo Dei beneficio et vestræ Paternitatis precibus ereptus,
eam salutem et quoad possum ejus genibus provolutus amplectar; grato
certe ao [animo] ac magno spiritu. Etenim velut aspicere me debeo ad
poenitentiam, ut spero, agendam et gratias exhibendas; tanti sunt ii
casus e quibus me nunc liberatum admiror. Sed quoniam nunc forte [2]
importunum foret longam rerum [=oi]um [omnium] historiam texere et
credibile est Vestram Paternitatem multa jam ex P. Enemundo Massæo
inaudivisse; omissis aliis hoc nunc solum explicabo, quonam modo post
nostram ab Anglis in Nova Francia oppressionem, circumducti simus
variis locis ac tandem huc in patriam restituti.

Letter of Father Pierre Biard, to the Very Reverend Father Claude
Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus, at Rome. (May 26, 1614.)

(_Copied by Father Felix Martin, from the original Latin preserved
in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome._)

VERY REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST,
The peace of Christ be with you.

Both affection and duty urge me, fresh from such multiplied and
mighty perils, from which I have been rescued by the surpassing
favor of the Lord and by the prayers of your Paternity, to send
you my greetings; and, in so far as it is possible, I throw myself
at your knees and embrace you, assuredly with the utmost gratitude
and devotion. And, indeed, I am bound, as it were, to contemplate
myself, both to do penance, as I hope, and to express my gratitude;
so great are the perils out of which I now marvel to see myself
delivered. But, as it may at this time [2] be wearisome to weave
a long story of all these things, and as it is probable that Your
Paternity has already learned many of them from Father Enemond
Massé, I shall pass over all the rest, and confine myself for the
present to this one matter: in what manner, after our violent
capture by the English in New France, we were taken from place to
place, and at last restored to this our native land.

Eramus ut Vestra Paternitas scit in Nova Francia quatuor [3] omnino e
societate, anno superiore 1613. Et quidem tunc primum incipiebamus
novam moliri commodo loco habitationem, novam coloniam &c. Ecce subito
nescio quo casu (casus certe fuit non consilium) injecti nostrum
in littus Angli Virginenses, magno furore navem nostram invadunt,
[=oi]bus [omnibus] prope defensoribus in terra occupatis. Pugnatum
tamen est aliquandiu, sed necessario facta est non multo post deditio.
In certamine duo e gallis occisi, quatuor vulnerati et insuper frater
noster Gilbertus Duthet, vulneratus [4] ad mortem fuit. Is postridie
inter manus meas religiose expiravit.

There were, as Your Paternity knows, only four [3] of our
society in New France in the last year, 1613. Then, too, we first
began to build in a convenient place a new settlement, a new
colony, etc. But most unexpectedly, by some hazard or other (for a
hazard it certainly was, and not a premeditated plan), some English
from Virginia were driven upon our shores, who attacked our ship
with the utmost fury, at a time when nearly all its defenders were
occupied on land. Resistance was nevertheless made for a time,
but we were soon obliged to surrender. In the struggle, two of
the French were killed, four were wounded; and, in addition, our
brother Gilbert Duthet received [4] a mortal wound. He made a most
Christian end, the following day, under my ministration.

Capta navi et rebus [=oi]bus [omnibus] direptis; multum nobis fuit,
nobis inquam sacerdotibus et jesuitis, non occidi. Verum et hoc ipsum
non occidi, si solum fuisset, omni nace [_sc._ nece] atrocius erat. Nam
quid sane ageremus in locis omnino desertis et incultis rerum omnium
nudi et egentes? Sylvatici quidem ad nos clam et de nocte ventitabant,
infortunium nostrum complorabant, quæ poterant pollicebantur et magno
certe animo et fideli. [5] Verum ea erat locorum rerumque conditio ut
nusquam nisi mors, aut calamitosior morte miseria occurreret. Et eramus
omnino triginta in his angustiis. Una res molliores reddebat Anglos,
quod videlicet una e nostris scapha ipsis nequicquam obversantibus
evaserat; hanc quia foro [_sc._ fore] testem nostræ oppressionis non
dubitabant, vitæ nostræ parcere cogebantur. Timebant enim talionem et
regem nostrum. Ergo tandem (magnum scilicet beneficium) nobis triginta
qui supereramus unam aiunt [6] sese velle scapham relinquere quo per
eam circumeamus oram maritimam si quam forte navem gallicam reperiamus
quæ nos in patriam revehat. Demonstratum est in eam scapham plures quam
quindecim ingredi non posse. Verum aliud nihil obtineri potuit, nec de
nostris quidem navigiis. Ne morere [_sc._ morer] in hac difficultate
sibi quisque ut potuit consuluit: P. Enemundus Massæus in eam quam dixi
scapham ingressus est cum aliis quatuordecim; eique favit Deus uti jam
Vestra Paternitas cognovit. [7] Ego ducem anglum adii obtinuique pro me
et P. Jacobo Quentino socio meo, itemque pro Joanne Dixon qui admissus
erat in societatem et servo item uno ut deveheremur ad insulas vicinas
in quibus Angli piscari solent, inibique ut Angli[s] illis piscatoribus
commendaremur. Quo per eos in Angliam delati inde, quod facile est,
in Galliam rediremus. Obtinui hoc quidem inquam verbis, sed verbis
fides non fuit. Nos enim una cum reliquis gallis qui restabamus in
universum quindecim detulerunt [8] ipsi recta in suam Virginiam longe
ab eo loco in quo capti fueramus leucis facile ducentis quinquaginta.
At in Virginia novum periculum. Etenim qui ibi præest suspendi nos
omnes volebat, sed in primis jesuitas. Sed restitit is qui nos ceperat
capitaneus, fidemque datam opposuit. Et valuit tandem vel fides vel
regis timor.

Our ship having been captured and everything pillaged, it was a
great concession to us,--that is, to us priests and jesuits,--that
we were not killed. And yet this sparing of our lives, if
considered in itself only, would have been worse than any death.
For what were we to do in an absolutely desert and barren region,
despoiled and destitute of everything? The Savages, indeed, used
to come to us stealthily and by night; and, with great generosity
and devotion, commiserated our misfortune, and promised us whatever
they could. [5] Truly the condition of things was such that
either death itself, or a more calamitous misfortune, everywhere
threatened us. There were in all thirty of us, in these distressing
circumstances. One consideration rendered the English less severe,
namely, that one of our boats had escaped, in spite of their
watchfulness; and, as they had no doubt that it would bear witness
to the violence done us, they were obliged to spare our lives, for
they feared reprisals and dreaded our king. Therefore they finally
offered (a great favor, forsooth) to leave for our thirty survivors
[6] a single boat, in which we might coast along the seashore,
on the chance of finding some french vessel to take us back to
our own country. It was shown that this boat could not hold over
fifteen men; but nothing further could be obtained, even from among
our own boats. To be brief: in this perplexity each of us took
counsel as he could; Father Enemond Massé embarked with fourteen
companions in the boat I have mentioned, and the Lord favored him,
as Your Paternity has already learned. [7] I went to the english
captain and obtained a promise from him that I and Father Jacques
Quentin, my companion, and also John Dixon--who had been admitted
into the society--and one servant, should be transported to the
neighboring islands where the English usually fish, and that we
should there be recommended to these English fishermen; so that,
having been carried by them to England, we might easily return
thence into France. I obtained, as I say, a promise to this effect,
but there was no good faith in this promise. For they carried us
off, together with the frenchmen who remained, fifteen in all, [8]
straight to their own country, Virginia, distant from the place in
which we had been captured at least two hundred and fifty leagues.
In Virginia, however, a new peril arose; for the governor there
wished to hang us all, and especially the jesuits. But the captain
who had taken us resisted, alleging his promise to us. Finally this
promise, or their fear of our king, prevailed.

His peractis, datum est negotium ei capitaneo qui nos ceperat, ut
rediret in eam Novæ Franciæ partem ubi nos spoliaverat, ibique
quotquot reperiret naves francicas diriperet et omnes habitationes
domosque incenderet. [9] Restabant enim ibi duæ Gallorum habitationes,
una Sanctæ Crucis et altera Portus-regalis ubi per biennium
manseram. Hanc in expeditionem tres naves instructæ sunt, duæ quas
nobis ceperant, et tertia illa major et bellica, ut appellant, quæ
nos ceperat. Ita accepti sumus in has naves octo solum Galli si
qua forte opportunitas daretur emittendi nos in patriam. Hæ naves
redierunt primum in eum locum ubi capti fueramus crucesque quas
statueramus dejecerunt omnes. Sed ecce vindictam. Ibidem [10] antequam
discederamus unum e suis suspenderunt quem machinatum esse nescio quid
deprehenderant. Crux pro crucibus fuit.

After this episode, the captain who had taken us was commissioned
to return to that part of New France where he had plundered us, and
to plunder any French ships he might find, and burn all the houses
and settlements. [9] There remained two French settlements there,
that of Sainte Croix and that of Port Royal, where I had remained
for two years. Three ships were equipped for this expedition,--two
which they had taken from us, and a third and larger one, the
man-of-war, as they call it, which had taken us. So eight of us
Frenchmen were taken in this vessel, in view of any opportunity
that might arise of sending us back to our own country. These
vessels returned first to the place where we had been captured,
and all the crosses that we had set up they overthrew. But not
unavenged! On the same spot, [10] before our departure, they hanged
one of their number whom they had apprehended in some plot. Thus
one Cross took the place of many.

Hic quoque iterum nobis periculum. Volebant ire Angli, ut ante dictum
est, ad habitationem Sanctæ Crucis, etsi in ea nulli tunc habitatores
essent. Sed erat sal ibi relictum. Nemo præter me viam sciebat; atque
ibi me aliquando fuisse Angli norant. Rogant igitur ut eos deducam.
Ego qua possum tergiversari et evadere; sed [11] nihil proficio.
Vident aperte me nolle. Hic nimirum incenditur capitaneus, et eram
jam periculo propior; cum subito sine me ipsi locum reperiunt,
diripiunt et incendunt. Quin etiam per eam occasionem sylvaticum
quemdam comprehenderunt, cujus ductu ad Portum regalem perducti sunt.
Quæ me res periculo majore cum exemerit, aliunde tamen induxit in
majus. Namque direpto et incenso Portu regali (quem nescio quo casu
destitutum a suis repererunt) ecce nescio quis Gallus ex ipsis qui
portum [12] illum regalem deseruerant, accusationem mittit adversum
me; Me videlicet germanum ac naturalem Hispanum esse atque adeo ob
scelera quædam in Gallia commissa, eo redire non audere. Hic capitaneus
jam infensus, nimirum dato iracundiæ colore, proponit suis ecquid
sentiant. Æquumne videatur me in littus ejicere ibique deserere?
Valuit plurium opinio satius esse reducere me in Virginiam, atque ibi
me infelici arbori, quam evaseram ex æquo et legibus, redonare. [13]
Sic tunc evasi; sicque paulo post ad iter in Virginiam regressi sumus.
Sed ecce biduo post tam sæva tempestas accidit, ut distractis navibus
alii quid aliis acciderit nesciamus. Nostræ navis capitaneus postquam
per tres ipse hebdomadas tempestatem sustinuit, jamque sibi plurima
sed aquam maxime deesse vidit, nec esse spem Virginiæ diu repetendæ;
consilium cepit refugiendi ad insulas portugalensium quas terceras
appellant. Hoc capto consilio ego qui parato suspendio exemptus videbar
rursum incido in majus discrimen ac vere majus, quandoquidem socios
hic habebam discriminis. Angli sedecim cum ad insulas [14] illas
appropinquarent cogitare cæperunt actum esse de se si nos sacerdotes
et jesuitæ appareremus. Illico etenim a catholicis Lusitaniæ viris nos
in libertatem vindicaremur. Ipsi contra veluti piratæ ac vexatores
ecclesiasticorum poenas darent. Angebat eos hæc cura. Sed quid agerent?
Nos ne darent in præceps? An occulere nos sufficeret? In hoc æstu et
dubitatione vocat me capitaneus, remque proponit. Dico ei, mihi gravius
malum non esse mortem quam esse aliis occasionem [15] mali. Si placeat
ei nos occulere polliceor ei me latebras bona fide adjuturum. Quid
immisit Deus in ejus mentem ut mihi crederet? Nescio certe; hoc scio
quod si prævidisset pericula in quæ post incidit, non credidisset.
Ergo occuluit nos in fundo navis: tribus hebdomadis solem non vidimus;
sed ei tot difficultates in portu insulæ Faal inciderunt et toties
visitata fuit trium hebdomadarum tempore navis, ut mirum sit quomodo
non simus deprehensi. Sed hoc quoque providit Deus ad majorem laudam
[_sc._ laudem] Societatis: manifeste namque Angli [16] ipsi viderunt
quod si nos aperire ipsosque detegere voluissemus, in nostra id sæpe
manu fuisset. Ipsi met postea sæpe ac coram ministris nostram fidem
collaudarunt in Anglia ipsis admirantibus inimicis veritatis. His
defuncti periculis, Angli constituerunt in Angliam redire potius quam
in Virginiam quæ tanto distabat longius et ad quam repetendam deerant
necessaria omnia. Ita in Angliam tetendimus. Longa fuit navigatio et
varia: tandem caligine ac nubibus decepti recto [17] cursu decidimus
inque Walliam non longe ab Hybernia delati sumus. In Wallia capitaneus
noster cum ad urbem Pembrochium excendisset victus petendi causa
ad certa quædam indicia velut pirata captus est ac detentus. Ille
enim vero ut se liberaret negat se piratam; argumentumque innocentiæ
suæ profert Jesuitas duos quos in navi haberet, quosque si placeat
accersere ex ipsis cognosci posse veritatem. O artificium divinæ
Providentiæ! Erat tunc hyems adulta, et omnia in navi deerant. Ideoque
nisi nobis provisum fuisset et frigore ac malis peribamus. Quid multa?
[18] Extemplo accersuntur Jesuitæ et in urbem mirantibus omnibus
deducuntur. Jubemur pro testimonio dicere. Nos enim vero quæ vera
erant proferimus, capitaneum scilicet nostrum officiarium esse regium
non piratam, et quæ in nos fecisset parendi necessitate magis quam
voluntate fecisse: Ita capitaneus noster liberatus est et nos cum ipso
in urbe usquedum Londino responsum acciperetur perhumaniter retenti
sumus. Diu expectatum est responsum, at nos interea sæpe cum ministris
sæpius cum aliis disputavimus: licebat enim fere [19] omnibus adire
nos; etsi nobis exire domo non licebat. Verum cætera omnia humaniter
ut dixi tribuebant. Pembrochio denique jubemur Londinum navigare. Sed
iter fuit longum. Otiosissimæque intercesserunt moræ quas ne usque
percenseam hoc sufficiat dicere, anglici regis jussu nos ab itinere
abductos esse ad urbem Dueram atque inde Caletum in Galliam missos.
Caleti liberaliter accepti sumus a domino Gubernatore et decano urbis
ac per tres dies recreati; hinc venimus Ambianium ubi nunc sumus.

Here a new peril arose. The English, as I have previously
stated, wished to go to the settlement of Sainte Croix, although
it had at this time no inhabitants. Some salt, however, had been
left there. No one except myself knew the way; and the English
knew that I had been there formerly. They accordingly demand that
I lead them. I do all I can to evade and refuse this proposal;
but [11] it avails me nothing. They perceive clearly that I am
unwilling to obey. At this the captain grows very angry, and my
peril becomes imminent; when suddenly they find the place, without
my help, and plunder and burn it. They, moreover, on this occasion
captured a savage, who guided them to Port Royal. Although this had
delivered me from one great danger, it nevertheless involved me in
another greater one. For after they had plundered and burnt Port
Royal (which by some inexplicable chance they had found abandoned
by its inhabitants), some Frenchman, one of those very men who
had deserted port [12] royal, brought an accusation against me,
which was nothing less than this: that I was a genuine, native
Spaniard; and that, on account of certain crimes committed in
France, I dared not return there. Hereupon, the captain, already
incensed against me, having found a fine pretext for his wrath,
asked his followers whether they did not think it would be just to
cast me forth on the shore and abandon me there. The opinion of
the majority prevailed, who thought it better to take me back to
Virginia, and there to return me to that unlucky tree which, in
accordance with law and justice, I had escaped. [13] Thus I escaped
death for the moment: and so we soon after started on our return
voyage to Virginia. But, two days later, so fearful a tempest arose
that the ships were separated, and none of us knew what became of
the others. The captain of our ship, after he had endured the storm
for three weeks, and had begun to run short of various necessaries,
particularly of fresh water, concluding that there was no hope
of getting back to Virginia for a long time, decided to run to
the portuguese islands called terceras [Azores]. Through this
decision I, who appeared to have escaped from the death by hanging
that awaited me, again found myself in a greater peril; greater I
may truly call it, since I had here companions in my danger. The
sixteen Englishmen, on approaching [14] these islands, began to
reflect that they were lost if we priests and jesuits appeared;
for we would be set at liberty on the instant by these Portuguese
catholics, and they, on the contrary, would be punished as pirates
and persecutors of priests. This anxiety troubled them. But what
were they to do? Should they throw us overboard, or would it
suffice to conceal us? In this embarrassment and uncertainty, the
captain sent for me, and laid the matter before me. I said to him
that death itself was not a greater evil, in my estimation, than to
be the occasion [15] of misfortune to others. I promised, in case
he chose to conceal us, that I would lend myself to this scheme in
good faith. With what idea did God inspire him, to make him believe
me? I know not, truly; but this I do know--that, if he had foreseen
the dangers into which he subsequently fell, he would not have
trusted me. Accordingly he hid us in the hold of the vessel; during
three weeks we did not behold the sun; but the captain encountered
so many difficulties in the port of the island Faal, and the vessel
was visited so frequently during this space of three weeks, that
it seems marvelous that we escaped detection. But this also God
purposed for the greater glory of the Society; for the English [16]
clearly saw that if we had wished to show ourselves, and to expose
them, it would frequently have been in our power to do so. They
themselves afterwards, when in England, often eulogized our good
faith in the presence of their ministers, and to the admiration
even of the enemies of the truth. Escaping from these perils, our
captors decided to return to England rather than to Virginia, which
was so much farther distant, and which was to be reached only by a
long voyage, for which they lacked all the necessaries. Accordingly
we set sail for England. Our voyage was a long one, and was marked
by many vicissitudes: finally, losing our bearings in the fog and
the cloudy weather [17] we deviated from the right course and were
carried to Wales, not far from Ireland. In Wales our captain,
having landed near the town of Pembroke to lay in provisions, was
seized and detained as a pirate, because of certain appearances
pointing that way. He, however, to recover his liberty, denied
being a pirate; and, as a proof of his innocence, he adduced the
fact that he had in his vessel two Jesuits from whose own lips they
could learn the truth, if they pleased to summon them. Oh skillful
hand of divine Providence! Winter was then fully upon us, and in
the ship we were in want of everything. Thus, had we not been
provided for, we should have died of cold and hardships. But what
need of a long story? [18] The Jesuits are at once summoned, and,
gazed at by all, are led into the town. We are ordered to give our
evidence. We, of course, attest what was perfectly true,--that our
captain was a royal officer and not a pirate, and that what he had
done to us had been done in obedience to orders, rather than from
his own free will. Accordingly, our captain was set at liberty; and
in company with him we were detained in the town, and very well
used, while awaiting orders from London. These were long delayed;
and in the interval we frequently engaged in arguments with the
ministers, and more frequently still with others,--for nearly every
one was permitted [19] to have access to us, although we were not
allowed to go out. In every other respect, as I have said, we
were very kindly treated. Finally we received orders to sail from
Pembroke to London. But the voyage proved a long one. Protracted
delays intervened; to avoid a long enumeration of these, let it
suffice to say that by order of the english king we were landed
at Dover, and thence sent to Calais in France. At Calais we were
hospitably received by the Governor and the dean of the city, and
rested three days; thence we came to Amiens, where we now are.

Tenuit nos captivitas nostra [20] per novem menses et dimidium.
Semper in navi, nisi cum, uti dixi, excendimus ad Pembrochium. Tres
menses fuimus: cum nobis in die non darentur nisi circiter unciæ duæ
panis et non multum salsi piscis et aqua fere semper foetida; ideoque
miramur quomodo in morbum non inciderimus. Quod pauci Anglorum evadere
potuerunt, imo ejusdem etiam aliquot mortui sunt. Sed nimirum Deus
nos custodivit placatus Vestræ Paternitatis ac totius Societatis
precibus; faxit ipse pro sua bonitate ut id cedat ad majorem ipsius
gloriam emendationemque morum meorum ac salutem. Hoc spero per preces
ac [21] benedictionem Vestræ Paternitatis quam humillime et quanto
affectu possum nixus genibus flagito. Dm[(u]s [Dominus] Jesus Vestram
Paternitatem custodiat semper et Sanctissimis suis gratiis augeat,
Pater optime et suavissime.

Vestræ Paternitatis
filius obediens ac servus indignus

PETRUS BIARD

Ambiani, 26 Maii, 1614.

We remained in captivity [20] during nine months and a half. We
were in the ship all the time, except when we landed at Pembroke,
as related. There were three months during which we daily received
only about two ounces of bread, and a small quantity of salt fish,
with water that was nearly always fetid; so that we marvel at not
having fallen sick. Few of the English escaped illness, and some of
them even died as the result. But God doubtless watched over us in
answer to the prayers of Your Paternity and of all our Society; may
he grant in his goodness that it result to his own greater glory
and in my salvation and better life. This I hope for, through the
prayers and [21] the blessing of Your Paternity, which, with all
possible humility and affection, I solicit on my knees. May the
Lord Jesus ever watch over Your Paternity and may our Father with
utmost goodness and favor increasingly bestow upon you his Most
Holy grace.

Your Paternity's
obedient son and unworthy servant,

PIERRE BIARD.

Amiens, May 26, 1614.

XIV

Biard's Relation de la Nouvelle France

LYONS: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616

SOURCE: Text is reprinted from the original, in Lenox Library;
Title-page is photographic facsimile of original, in Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris.

PECULIARITIES OF ORIGINAL: The text only, is paged. P. 191 is wrongly
numbered, 181; p. 256 to the last page (340), are wrongly numbered,
263 to 338. Chap. xi. is wrongly numbered xii.; succeeding chapters
are consecutively numbered therefrom, xiii., xiv., etc., except that
Chap. xix. in this arrangement, is wrongly numbered xxi.; but this
transposition of letters has not affected the numbering of subsequent
chapters.

Chaps. i.-xxv. (correct numbering) are given in the present volume; the
rest of this document will appear in Volume IV.

[Illustration:

RELATION DE LA NOVVELLE FRANCE, DE SES TERRES, NATVREL DV Païs, & de
ses Habitans,

_ITEM_,

Du voyage des Peres Iesuites ausdictes contrées, & de ce qu'ils y ont
faict iusques à leur prinse par les Anglois.

_FAICTE_

Par le P. PIERRE BIARD, Grenoblois de la Compagnie de IESVS.

_A LYON_,
Chez LOVYS MVGVET, en
ruë Merciere.

_M. DCXVI._

Auec Priuilege du Roy.]

RELATION OF NEW FRANCE, OF ITS LANDS, NATURE OF THE COUNTRY, and of its
Inhabitants,

_ALSO_,

Of the voyage of the Jesuit Fathers to said country, and of their work
there up to the time of their capture by the English.

_WRITTEN_

By Father PIERRE BIARD, of Grenoble, of the Society of JESUS.

_LYONS_,
LOVYS MVGVET, ruë Merciere.
1616.

By Royal License.

[iii] Av Roy.

_SIRE,_

_Si ie presente à vostre Majesté ces Discours de vostre nouuelle
France, la description du païs, & le recit des moeurs, & façons de
faire estrange, & sauuage des Canadins: Ie suis obligé par toutes
sortes de deuoir à ce faire. Son commandement expres, ioinct à celuy
de la Royne vostre tres-honnorée mere lors Regente, m'y a porté,
auec quelques miens Compagnons, plus fauorablement que le vent, & la
marée, vostre liberalité Royale m'y a entretenu quelques années, &
son authorité puissante m'a deliuré des mains de certains Corsaires
Anglois, qui ennemis de nostre saincte_ [iv] _foy (de laquelle nous
jettions quelque semence en ces Terres Neuues, auec esperance d'en
faire vne moisson plantureuse, seul motif de nostre voyage, & de vostre
iussion, SIRE,) nous ont faict quitter la place à nostre grand regret,
& nous ont tenu comme prisonniers quelques moys dans leur vaisseau,
& preparé cent fois la hart, & la potence pour nous faire perdre la
vie: le seul respect de V. Majesté les ayant empeschez d'executer
leurs mauuais desseings, particulierement sur ma personne, laquelle
possible la diuine prouidence a voulu reseruer par l'entremise vostre,
pour estre commandée derechef de faire voile aux mesmes contrées,
& continuer la culture de ce peuple sauuage. Eschappé donc de ce
danger, & tout mouïllé encores du naufrage sur le port de vostre
France; i'offre à vos pieds ce peu de cayers, comme vne table de
tres-humble recognoissance, que si i'escris, si ie vis, c'est (apres
Dieu) par vostre moyen, & faueur, SIRE. Et_ [v] _ceste obligation
signalée m'estant tousiours deuant les yeux, fera que ie prieray Dieu
continuellement, auec tous ceux de ma robbe, que V. Majesté croissant
d'aage, & de zele puisse vn iour arborer l'estendart de la Croix auec
ses fleurs de lys Royales, aux terres plus escartées des Infideles:
tandis que ce grand Roy des Roys luy prepare au Ciel vne couronne
tissuë d'honneur, & de gloire perpetuelle, que ie vous souhaitte, apres
auoir porté la vostre en terre longuement, & heureusement; de mesme
coeur, & affection que ie suis, De vostre Majesté,_

Tres-humble, & tres-obeïssant
subject, & seruiteur,
PIERRE BIARD.

[iii] To the King.

_SIRE,_

_If I present to your Majesty these Discourses upon your new
France, the description of the country, and the account of the
manners and strange and barbarous ways of the Canadians, I am bound
to do it by every consideration of duty. Your express command,
with that of the Queen, your highly esteemed mother, then Regent,
carried me and some of my Companions thither more propitiously
than wind and tide; your Royal generosity supported me there for
some years; and your mighty authority delivered me from the hands
of certain English Pirates, enemies of our holy_ [iv] _faith, (of
which we cast some seeds in this New World, with the hope of one
day having a plentiful harvest, sole object of our voyage and of
your royal command, SIRE,) they compelled us to leave the place,
to our great regret, and held us prisoners several months in their
ship, and a hundred times prepared the rope and the gallows for
our execution; respect for Your Majesty alone having prevented
them from carrying out their wicked designs, particularly upon my
person, which possibly divine providence has wished to preserve
through your agency, to be again ordered to sail away to the same
country, and to continue the education of this barbarous people.
Delivered now from this danger, and still wet from the shipwreck
in the port of your France, I lay at your feet this little book
as an evidence of very humble gratitude that, if I am living and
writing, it is due (after God) to your help and favor, SIRE. And_
[v] _this signal obligation, being always before my eyes, will
cause me to pray God continually, with all those of my order, that,
as Your Majesty's years and zeal increase, you may one day plant
the standard of the Cross with its Royal fleurs de lys upon the
most distant Infidel lands, while the great King of Kings prepares
for you in Heaven a crown of honor and of everlasting glory, which
I wish for you, after having worn your crown upon earth long and
happily, with the same love and devotion from which I am your
Majesty's_

Very humble and very obedient
subject and servant,
PIERRE BIARD.

[vi] Avant-Propos.

A GRANDE raison (amy Lecteur) vn des plus anci[~e]s Prophetes, nous
depeignant mystiquement soubs le sensible, & historial degast de la
Iudée, les horribles rauages, exterminations, & ruines, que Satan
opere, où sa fureur peut auoir le domaine, a dit emphatiquement; _Au
deuant de luy la terre est vn Paradis de delices, & derriere luy la
solitude d'vn desert._ Car certes, qui iettera ses yeux sur tout le
vaste contour de la terre, & y considerera les nations illuminées
du Soleil de Iustice, nostre Sauueur IESVS-CHRIST, arrousées de son
sang, & precieux Sacrement; nourries de sa grace & parole; viuifiées,
& resiouyes de son [vii] esprit; cultiuées, & regies de ses diuins
Offices, honnorées de son oracle, & presence réelle; Qui, dy-ie,
contemplera cecy, aura grãde occasion de s'escrier, _Qu'au deuant du
destructeur infernal_, Et, _où il ne peut atteindre; la terre est vn
Paradis de delices_, ou toutes benedictions, mesmement temporelles,
& seculiere felicité accompagn[~e]t les peuples; estant planté au
milieu d'eux, le vray arbre de vie, nostre Redempteur Iesus-Christ.
Mais au contraire, si lon destourne la veuë, & que lon regarde
derriere ce maudit tyran, Lucifer, & par où il a peu exercer ses
intolerables cruautez, on ne trouuera que destructions & solitudes,
cris & lamentations, que desolatiõ, & ombre de mort. Ores il n'est
ja besoin, que nous sortions hors de nostre hemisphere, pour voir à
l'oeil, & recognoistre [viii] ceste verité; La Grece, & la Palestine,
jadis vn bel Eden, auiourd'huy vn pitoyable desert nous sont deuant les
yeux. Que s'il vous plaist que nous nous regardions nous mesmes, pour,
touchãt à la main cela mesme, rendre loüange au liberal donateur de
nos biens: Ie vous prie suiuons ce Soleil corporel, qui nous esclaire,
& l'accompagnons en son couchant, pour sçauoir, à qui par droicte
ligne de nous, il va donner le bon iour au delà de nostre Ocean, nous
ayant icy recommandé au repos de la nuict. C'est la nouuelle France,
ceste nouuelle terre, dy-ie, descouuerte premierement au dernier
siecle, par nos François, terre iumelle auec la nostre, subiecte à
mesmes influences, rangée en mesme parallele, située en mesme climat;
terre vaste, & pour ainsi dire, infinie: [ix] terre que nous saluons,
regardans nostre Soleil en son vespre: terre cependant, de laquelle
vous pourrez meritoirement dire, si vous considerez Satan en front,
& venant de l'Occident pour nous abbatre: _Deuant luy est vn Paradis
de delices, & derriere luy la solitude d'vn desert_: Car en pure
verité toute ceste region, quoy que capable de mesme felicité que
nous, toutefois par malice de Satan, qui y regne, n'est qu'vn horrible
desert, nõ guiere moins calamiteux pour la malencontreuse disette
des biens corporels, que pour celle, qui absoluëment rend les hommes
miserables, l'extreme nudité des parements, & richesses de l'ame: &
ne faut ja en accuser le sol, ou malignité de la terre, l'air, ou les
eaux, les hommes, ou leurs humeurs: Nous sommes tous faicts, & releuons
de mesmes principes: [x] Nous respirons soubs mesme eleuation de pole,
mesmes constellations nous temperent: & ne croy point, que la terre,
laquelle produit là d'aussi hauts, & beaux arbres que les nostres,
ne produisist d'aussi belles moissons, si elle estoit cultiuée, D'où
vient donc vne si grande diuersité? d'où ce tant inegal partage de
bon, & mal heur? de jardin & desert? de Paradis, & d'Enfer? Que
m'interrogerez-vous? Interrogez celuy, qui du Ciel aduisoit son peuple,
de considerer ceste tant opposite diuision entre Esaü & Iacob, freres
iumeaux, & comme cestuy-là estoit logé en l'air auec les dragõs, &
bestes sauuages; & cestuy-cy en la moüelle, & mammelle de la terre auec
les Anges.

[vi] Preface.

VERY appropriately (dear Reader) one of the earlier Prophets,
depicting to us allegorically, under the visible and historical
downfall of Judah, the horrible ravages, exterminations, and ruin
wrought by Satan, where his fury can have full sway, has said
emphatically: _Before him the land is a Garden of pleasure, and
behind him a desolate wilderness._ For truly, whoever will cast
his eyes over all the vast circumference of the earth, and will
consider the nations thereof which are illuminated by the Sun
of Justice, our Savior JESUS CHRIST; bedewed with his blood and
precious Sacrament; nourished by his grace and word; animated and
gladdened by his [vii] spirit; enlightened and governed by his
divine Offices, honored by his utterances and actual presence;
whoever, I say, will contemplate this, will have great reason to
cry out, _Beyond the infernal destroyer_, and, _Where he does not
extend, the earth is a Garden of delight_, where all blessings,
even temporal and worldly happiness, follow the people, the real
tree of life, our Redeemer, Jesus Christ, being planted in their
midst. On the contrary, if we turn aside our gaze, and look behind
this cursed tyrant, Lucifer, and upon the places where he has
exercised his intolerable cruelties, we shall find only destruction
and solitude, cries and lamentations, only desolation and the
shadow of death. Now we need not go out from our own hemisphere to
see and recognize [viii] this truth; Greece and Palestine confront
us, formerly as beautiful as Eden, to-day a mournful desert; but if
you wish that we should look upon our own country, that, having a
striking proof thereof, we may render praise to the liberal giver
of our blessings; I pray you let us follow this corporal Sun, which
gives us light, and accompany it to its setting, to learn to whom,
in a direct line from us, it goes forth to give good day across our
Ocean, leaving us here to the stillness of the night. It is new
France, this new land, first discovered in the last century, by our
countrymen, a twin land with ours, subject to the same influences,
lying in the same latitude, and having the same climate; a vast
country, and so to speak, infinite; [ix] a country which we greet,
facing our Sun at eventide: a land moreover, of which you may well
say, if you consider Satan opposite and coming up from the West
to smite us; _A Garden of delight lies before him, behind him a
solitary wilderness._ For verily all this region, though capable
of the same prosperity as ours, nevertheless through Satan's
malevolence, which reigns there, is only a horrible wilderness,
scarcely less miserable on account of the scarcity of bodily
comforts than for that which renders man absolutely miserable, the
complete lack of the ornaments and riches of the soul; and neither
the sun, nor malice of the soil, neither the air nor the water,
neither men nor their caprices, are to be blamed for this. We are
all created by and dependent upon the same principles: [x] We
breathe under the same sky; the same constellations influence us;
and I do not believe that the land, which produces trees as tall
and beautiful as ours, will not produce as fine harvests, if it be
cultivated. Whence, then, comes such great diversity? Whence such
an unequal division of happiness and of misfortune? of garden and
of wilderness? of Heaven and of Hell? Why do you ask me? Ask him,
who from Heaven counsels his people, to consider the so opposite
division between Esau and Jacob, twin brothers, the former cast out
to dwell with dragons and wild beasts; the latter in the lap and
bosom of the earth with the Angels.

Ceste consideration de vray est puissante, & deuroit occuper
d'admiration tous nos sentimens, [xi] nous retenãt en vne pieuse
crainte, & affectiõnée volonté de communiquer charitablement ce
comble de bi[~e] du Christianisme; qui nous vient si gratuitement au
rencontre: Car autrement certes il est facile à nostre benin Pere de
croiser ses bras comme fit Iacob, & mettre sa dextre sur le puysné,
& sa gauche sur le plus grand. O mon Dieu! où est icy l'ambition des
Grands? où la contention des forts? où la monstre des riches? où
l'effort des vertueux? y a-il champ de Marathon, ou lices Olympiques
plus propres aux courageux? où est-ce que la gloire d'vn Chrestien le
peut esleuer plus heureusement, que où elle apporteroit la felicité
corporelle tout ensemble, & la spirituelle à ses consorts; & ou comme
grand outil de Dieu, il feroit d'vn desert vn Paradis? où [xii] il
dompteroit les Monstres infernaux, & introduiroit la police, & la
milice du ciel en terre? où les generations, & generations à milliers,
& iusques aux derniers siecles beniroyent son nom & memoire sans cesse,
& le ciel mesme (qui se peupleroit de ses bi[~e]faits) se resiouyroit
des graces, & benedictions, versées dessus luy?

This consideration is certainly powerful, and ought to inspire all
our sentiments with admiration, [xi] keeping us in pious fear, and
in loving desire to benevolently impart this highest of all the
blessings of Christianity, which comes to us so gratuitously and
of its own accord. For otherwise it is certainly easy for our kind
Father to cross his hands as did Jacob, and put his right upon the
younger, and his left upon the elder. Oh, my God! where is here the
ambition of the Great? where, the contention of the strong? where,
the display of the rich? where, the endeavor of the virtuous?
is there a field of Marathon, or are there Olympian games, more
fitting to the brave? Where can the glory of a Christian more
successfully ennoble him, than there where it brings both bodily
and spiritual happiness to his brethren; and where, as one of God's
great instruments, he would make a Garden out of the wilderness;
where [xii] he would subjugate satanic Monsters, and would
introduce the order and discipline of heaven upon earth; where
generations upon generations, by thousands and to the remotest
ages, would forever bless his name and memory, and heaven itself
(which would be peopled by his good deeds) would rejoice at the
thanksgivings and blessings bestowed upon him.

Or c'est (amy Lecteur) l'ardent desir, & zele de voir ceste nouuelle
France, que ie dy, cõquise à nostre Seigneur: qui m'a fait prendre la
plume en main pour vous depeindre briefuement, & en toute verité ce que
i'ay recogneu de ses cõtrées. Il y a quatre ans, que i'y fus enuoyé
pas mes Superieurs: &, Dieu punissant mes pechez, i'en ay esté despuis
enleué par les Anglois, ainsi que ie raconteray cy-apres.

Now (dear Reader) it is this my eagerness and ardent desire to
see this new France converted to our Lord, which has made me take
my pen in hand to describe to you briefly, and in all truth, what I
have found out about these lands. It is four years since I was sent
there by my Superiors; and, as God's punishment for my sins, I was
taken away from there by the English, as I shall relate hereafter.

Relation de la Novvelle France, et le Voyage des Peres Iesvites en
icelle.

CHAPITRE I.

[1] QUEL PAÏS EST LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, & CEUX QUI PREMIEREMENT L'ONT
VOULU HABITER.

NOVS appellons Nouuelle France; les terres, & païs de l'Amerique, ou
Indes Occidentales, qui sont à l'autre bord de l'Ocean de Guienne, vers
le Soleil couchant, opposites à nous, & droictement correspondantes
en mesme ligne de l'Orient à l'Occident. [2] On leur a imposé ce nom
de Nouuelle France, pour deux raisons principalement. La premiere,
d'autant que (comme i'ay dit) ces terres sont paralleles à nostre
France, n'y ayant rien entre la Guienne & ces dictes contrées, sinon
nostre mer d'Occident, large en son plus estroict, de huict cens
lieües & d'auantage; En son plus ample peu moins de mille lieües ou
enuiron. La seconde raison est d'autant que ce païs a esté premierement
descouuert par les François Bretons, l'an 1504. Il y ja cent & onze
ans; Et qui despuis n'ont cessé de la frequenter. Les Normans de mesme
ont contribué à ce trauail des premiers; entre lesquels nous lisons,
que le Capitaine Thomas Aubert, Dieppois y fit voile, l'an 1508. & en
ramena des Sauuages du païs, lesquels il fit voir auec admiration, [3]
& applaudissement à la France. Deux ans auant luy le Capitaine Ieã
Denys de Honfleur auoit fait la mesme descouuerte; Mais par ce qu'il
n'en auoit rapporté que des poissons, & des cartes Geographiques, son
renom en est demeuré plus obscur, que de Thomas Aubert. Depuis l'an
1523. Iean Verazan courut toute la coste, dés la Floride iusques au
Cap Breton, & en prit possession au nom de François I. son maistre.
Ie croy que ç'a esté ce Iean Verazan, qui a esté le Parrain de ceste
denomination de Nouuelle France: Parce que Canada, (duquel nom aussi
on l'appelle communement) n'est point à proprement parler toute ceste
tenuë de païs, qu'ores on nõme Nouuelle France; Ains est celle tant
seulement, laquelle s'estend au long des riuages du grand Fleuue
Canadas, & [4] le Gelfe de S. Laurens; qui n'est seulement, que la
partie la plus Septentrionale de la Nouuelle France; ainsi qu'il vous
appert par la carte Geographique, que nous vous apposons icy.

Relation of New France, and the Jesuit Fathers' Voyage to that
country.

CHAPTER I.

[1] ON THE LOCATION OF NEW FRANCE, AND THOSE WHO FIRST ATTEMPTED TO
SETTLE THERE.

WE call New France,[1] the lands and countries of America or
the West Indies, which are upon the other shore of the Ocean of
Guienne,[2] towards the setting Sun, opposite us and lying directly
in the same line from East to West. [2] They have given it this
name of New France principally for two reasons. The first, because
(as I have said) these lands are parallel to our France, nothing
lying between Guienne and said countries, except our Western sea,
in its narrowest part more than eight hundred leagues wide; in
its widest, a little less than a thousand leagues, or thereabout.
The second reason is that this country was first discovered by
French Bretons, in the year 1504, one hundred and eleven years
ago, and since then they have not ceased to visit it. The Normans
also assisted in these early discoveries; among whom we read that
Captain Thomas Aubert,[3] of Dieppe, sailed in the year 1508, and
brought back from there some of the Natives, whom he exhibited
to the wonder [3] and applause of France. Two years before him,
Captain Jean Denys,[4] of Honfleur, had made the same discovery;
but, as he brought back only some fish, and Geographical charts, he
has not become so renowned as Thomas Aubert. After the year 1523,
Jean Verazan[5] skirted all the coast from Florida to Cape Breton,
and took possession of it in the name of his master, Francis I.
I believe it was Jean Verazan who was Godfather to this title of
"New France;"[1] for Canada (a name by which they also frequently
call it) is not, properly speaking, all this extent of country
which they now call New France; but it is only that part, which
extends along the banks of the great River Canada, and [4] the Gulf
of St. Lawrence;[6] this being only the most Northern part of New
France, as will be seen from the Geographical chart which we insert
herein.[7]

A Canada touche l'Acadie, ou pays des Souriquoys plus bas vers le Sud:
Et plus bas encores au delà de la Baye Françoise est la Norambegue.
De ces deux mots de Norambegue & de Acadie, il n'en reste plus aucune
memoire sur le pays; ouy bien de Canada, laquelle fut principalement
descouuerte par Iacques Cartier, l'an 1524. & puis par vn second voyage
dix ans apres l'an 1534.

Acadie, or the Souriquoys country farther South, is next to
Canada, and still farther down, on the other side of French Bay,
is Norambegue. Of these two words, Norambegue and Acadie, there
no longer remains any remembrance in the country;[8] yet there is
of Canada, which was discovered principally by Jacques Cartier in
1524, and then in a second voyage ten years afterwards in 1534.

Or dés le commencement de ces descouuertes, les François ont beaucoup
traicté du cultiuage, & habitation de ces deserts. (Deserts sont-ce
voirement, tout le pays n'estant qu'vne forest infinie.) [5] Aucuns
particuliers en sont encores venus iusques aux tentatiues, comme
Roberual & le Marquis de la Roche, & autres. Mais l'entreprinse la plus
haute diuulguée, & recente pour cest effect, a esté celle du sieur de
Monts Pierre du Gas, qui s'en est acquis grande recommandation. Iceluy
ayant fait vn assez notable fonds d'argent; & à cest effect associé
auc[~u]s Marchands de Roüen, de sainct Malo, & de la Rochelle; receut
de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, pleine puissance, & authorité
de Lieutenant de Roy sur ces dictes contrées dés le quarantiesme
degré d'eleuation, iusques au quarantesixiesme: car là aboutissoit la
puissance, qui luy estoit dõnée de disposer des terres; Ses priuileges
neantmoins de la traitte, & gouuernement s'estendoi[~e]t iusques au 54.
degré, ainsi qu'on [6] peut recognoistre par les lettres Royaux qui luy
en furent expediées. Par ainsi de ceste Commission du sieur de Monts,
il semble, qu'on aye prins occasion de retrecir les limites de la
Nouuelle Frãce; Car (comme nous auons dit) auparauãt elle s'estendoit
iusques à la Floride vers le Sud, là où maintenãt on la borne quasi
communement du trenteneufuiesme degré de latitude Australe, ainsi que
vous la voyez en nostre carte. Ses limites à l'Orient, sont nostre mer;
à l'Occident ce sera la mer de la Chine, si nous auons assez de valeur
& vertu: car autres bornes n'y a-il, qui soient certaines, le pays
estant infiny, & plus estendu dix & douze fois que n'est toute nostre
France.

Now ever since the first of these discoveries, the French have
been talking about cultivating and inhabiting these wildernesses.
(Wildernesses they certainly are, the whole country being but an
interminable forest.) [5] Certain individuals, such as Roberval and
the Marquis de la Roche, and others, have even attempted it.[9] But
the most widely known and latest voyage undertaken for this purpose
was that of sieur de Monts, Pierre du Gas, who has been very highly
commended for it. Having considerable money at his disposal, and
having associated with him for this object certain Merchants of
Roüen, of saint Malo and of la Rochelle, he received from the late
Henry the Great, of happy memory, full power and authority, as
Lieutenant of the King in these said countries, from the fortieth
to the forty-sixth parallel of latitude, for there ended the power
given him to dispose of lands. However, his rights of trade and
government extended to the 54th parallel, as [6] can be learned
from the Royal letters that were sent to him. Thus, by sieur de
Monts's Commission, it seems that they took occasion to narrow
down the boundaries of New France: for (as we have said) hitherto
it had extended as far South as Florida, while now it is generally
bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel of latitude, as
you see by our chart. Its Eastern boundary is our sea; its Western,
will be the China sea, if we have force and courage enough; as to
other boundaries, it has none which are definite, the country being
unlimited, and ten or twelve times more extensive than our entire
France.

Or le sieur de Monts ayant l'authorité & puissance cy-deuant dicte, &
assez bien muny, & accompagné [7] partit de France l'an 1604. iustement
cent ans apres la premiere descouuerte de ces terres, il s'alla loger
en la Coste de la Nõrembegue entre les peuples Eteminquoys, en vne
petite Isle, qu'il appella de saincte Croix: Mais le malheur l'y
accueillit: car il perdit de maladie vne grande partie de ses gens.

Now sieur de Monts, having the authority and power mentioned, and
being well equipped and [7] accompanied, left France in the year
1604, just a hundred years after the discovery of this country, and
went to live upon the Coast of Norembegue among the Eteminquoys
people, upon a small Island, which he called sainte Croix. But
misfortune overtook him there, for he lost a great many of his
people by sickness.

Et partant l'année suyuante, cõtrainct par la necessité, il changea
de demeure à Port Royal vers l'Est Suest, à quelques vingt six lieües
de là, en l'Acadie au païs des Souriquoys, là où il ne demeura que
deux ans, d'autant que les Marchands associez, voyants que leur mise
surmontoit la recepte ne voulur[~e]t plus tenir coup: Ainsi fallust,
que tous reuinssent en Frãce, ne laissans pour monument de leur
exploict, sinon deux alogements tous vuides, celuy de saincte [8]
Croix, & celuy de Port Royal; Et n'en rapportant autre guieres plus
grand fruict, que les Topographies, & descriptiõs des Mers, Caps,
Costes, & Riuieres, qu'ils auoient parcouru. Voilà tous les principaux
actes de nos dilig[~e]ces, iusques aux années 1610. & 1611. desquelles
nous parlerons tantost, quãd il nous y faudra conduire les Iesuites.
Mais au preallable, selon nostre promesse, & comme l'exige la condition
de nostre dessein, nous monstrerons l'Horoscope, & Geniture de ces
terres: Ie veux dire les aspects du ciel, sur icelles, leurs temps,
saisons, temperature, & qualitez.

Leaving there the following year, forced by necessity, he
changed his dwelling place to Port Royal, towards the East
Southeast, some twenty-six leagues away, in Acadie or the
Souriquoys country. Here he remained only two years, for the
associated Merchants, seeing that their outlay exceeded their
receipts, no longer cared to continue the experiment. So they all
had to return to France, leaving nothing as a monument of their
adventure, except two dwellings entirely empty, that of sainte
[8] Croix, and that of Port Royal; and bringing no greater spoils
back with them, than the Topography and description of the Seas,
Capes, Coasts, and Rivers, which they had traversed. These are all
the chief results of our efforts up to the years 1610 and 1611, of
which we shall speak hereafter in conducting the Jesuits there.
But as a preliminary, according to our promise, and as the nature
of our purpose demands, we shall show the Horoscope and Geniture
of these lands, I mean their climate, their weather, seasons,
temperature, and conditions.

CHAPITRE II.

[9] DES TEMPS, SAISONS, & TEMPERATURE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

CES terres estant, comme nous auons dit, paralleles à nostre France,
c'est à dire, en mesme climat, & mesme eleuation, par reigle
d'Astrologie, elles doiuent auoir mesmes influ[~e]ces, mesmes
inclinations, & temperatures: car elles ne different en cela, que cõme
differ[~e]t entre nous par ex[~e]ple Grenoble, Vienne, & Bourdeaux,
Paris & Cornoaille, Marseille, & Bayõne, sçauoir est, [~q] seulem[~e]t
vn lieu est plus Ori[~e]tal, que l'autre; quant au reste, il a mesme
grandeur de iours, mesme aspect des estoilles, mesmes saisons, &
temperature. Vray est que la nouuelle France descend trois degrez [10]
plus bas vers le midy, que ne faict la nostre, laquelle s'arreste à
Fontarabie, c'est à dire, au 42. degré; là où la Nouuelle franchit
iusques au 39. pour le moins, & plus loin, s'il plaist à sa Majesté de
ne rien rabatre de ce que son predecesseur François I. auoit acquis.

CHAPTER II.

[9] ON THE WEATHER, SEASONS, AND TEMPERATURE OF NEW FRANCE.

THIS country being, as we have said, parallel to our France,
that is, in the same climate and latitude, by a principle of
Astrology it ought to have the same physical forces, deviations
and temperatures; for it does not vary in those particulars any
more than, for example, Grenoble, Vienne, and Bourdeaux, Paris and
Cornoaille,[10] Marseilles and Bayonne, vary among us; that is,
only as one place is farther to the East than the other; also, its
days are of the same length, its astral conditions the same, it
has the same seasons and temperature. It is true that new France
extends three degrees [10] farther south than ours does, which
stops at Fontarabie,[11] that is, at the 42nd parallel; while New
France extends at least to the 39th, and farther, if it pleases his
Majesty not to give up anything that his predecessor, Francis I.,
had acquired.

Neantmoins, quoy qu'en disent les Astrologues, si faut-il aduouër que
ce païs là (parlant vniuersellement, & cõme il est à ceste heure) est
plus froid que n'est nostre Frãce, & qu'il y a diuersité grande quant
aux temps & saisons de l'vn à l'autre: Dequoy les causes n'en estãs au
ciel, il les faut rechercher en terre. Ie tesmoignerai fidelem[~e]t
des effects lesquels i'ay experim[~e]té deux ans & demy continuels;
Ie dirois trois ans & demy, n'estoit que i'ay consumé presqu'vn an
à diuerses reprinses en nauigations faictes loin du Continent. Le
lieu [11] de ma plus longue demeure a esté Port Royal, presque à 45.
degrez de hauteur polaire. Là donc la neige nous arriuoit sur la fin
de Nouembre, & ne se fondoit iamais entierement dedans les bois, que
sur la fin de Feurier, s'il n'arriuoit, comme souuent, quelque grosse
pluye, ou quelque fort vent de Midy qui la fondist. Mais elle n'estoit
pas si tost fonduë qu'il en tomboit d'autre. Hors des bois, & au
descouuert elle n'y croupit guiere plus qu'en Frãce, mais il y nege
plus souuent que d'ordinaire en France: la plus haute nege, que i'y
aye veu ç'a esté d'vn pied & demy, encore non pas. Quand le Norouest
(qu'icy nous appellõs Galerne) se met en ses fougues, le froid y est
intolerable, mais cela ne dure que huict, ou dix iours pour le plus,
puis le temps s'adoucit pour vn espace, cõme en France; [12] & ne
seroit on non plus empesché de trauailler à quelque mestier, voire
d'aller & venir, qu'en France; si lon y estoit accommodé, comme en
France. Mais ce n'a esté qu'vne extreme pauureté de tout ce que i'y
ay veu. Des miserables cabanes ouuertes en plusieurs endroits: nostre
viure pois, & febues, encores bi[~e] escharsement; nostre boire l'eau
pure: les hardes, & habits de nos gens tous frippez; nos prouisions,
d'aller au bois du iour à la iournée, nos medicaments, vn verre de vin
aux bonnes festes; nos restaurans, quelque peu de chasse, ou de gibier
par bonnes auentures; le lieu inhabité, les chemins sans vestige aucun,
la chaussure du pied propre pour le foyer. Allez auec cela & dittes
qu'il ne fait point d'hyuer en Canada. Mais au moins ne dittes, que les
eaux n'y soyent fort [13] bonnes, & l'air fort salubre: car c'est de
vray chose merueilleuse comme nonobstant toutes ces miseres nous nous
sommes tousiours fort bien portés, estans tousiours pour le moins vingt
en nombre; Et si en trois ans n'en sont morts de maladie que deux tant
seulement, vn de S. Malo, & vn autre Breton: encores ce dernier mourut
plus à faute d'auoir vn peu de pain & de vin pour se restaurer, (tout
cela nous estant failly) que non pour atrocité de symptome; ou cruauté
de maladie.

Nevertheless, whatever the Astrologers may say, it must be
confessed that that country (generally speaking, and as it is at
present) is colder than our France, and that they differ greatly
from each other in regard to weather and seasons. The causes
thereof not being in the sky, we must seek them upon the earth.
I shall show accurately some experiments I made continuously for
two years and a half, I might say three years and a half, only I
consumed nearly a year at various times in voyages away from the
Mainland. The place [11] where I remained the longest was Port
Royal, almost on the 45th parallel of north latitude. Now at that
place the snow came towards the end of November, and it never
entirely thawed in the woods until about the last of February,
unless, as often happened, a heavy rain, or strong South wind
came to melt it. But no sooner did this snow melt than more fell.
Outside the woods, and in the open places, it did not last any
longer than it does in France, but it snows oftener there than
it usually does in France. The deepest snow I have seen in that
country was not quite a foot and a half. When the Northwest wind
(which we call here Galerne) lashes itself into a fury, the cold
there is insufferable, but it lasts only eight or ten days at the
most, then the weather becomes milder for a while, as it is in
France, [12] and people would no longer be prevented from going on
with their work, or even from going back and forth, as in France,
if they had the same accommodations we have here. But whatever I
saw here was extreme poverty. Some wretched cabins, open in many
places; our food, peas and beans, rather scarce in quantity; our
drink, pure water; the clothes of our people all in rags; our
supplies found in the woods from day to day; our medicine a glass
of wine on great holidays; our restoratives, perchance a trifle
from the chase of a little feathered game; the place uninhabited,
no footprints upon the paths, our shoes only fit for the fireside.
After this, go and say there is no winter in Canada. But at least
do not say that the water there is not [13] excellent, and the air
not healthful; for it is certainly wonderful that, notwithstanding
all these discomforts, we always kept our health, being never less
than twenty in number, and that in three years only two of us died
of disease, one a man from St. Malo and the other a Breton; yet the
latter died more for want of a little bread and wine to restore him
(there being a dearth of all those things) than from the gravity of
the symptoms or malignancy of the disease.

Que si nous nous souuenons comme Iacques Quartier perdit quasi toutes
ses gens, la fois qu'il hiuerna premierem[~e]t en ces pays; & comme de
mesme le sieur de Monts en perdit bien la moitié la premiere année de
S. Croix, & l'an suiuant, qui fut le premier de port Royal, encores
sentit-il grãd [14] dechet, moindre toutesfois, & puis moindre la
troisiesme année. De mesmes aussi que depuis à Kebec la premiere année
plusieurs fur[~e]t troussés, & non pas tant à la seconde. Cest amas
de mesmes accidents nous pourra seruir à recognoistre les causes des
maladies & de la santé, que tant diuersement nous auons senti. La
maladie commune a esté le Scorbut, qu'on appelle maladie de la terre,
les iambes, cuisses & face enflent; les leures se pourrissent, & leur
suruiennent de grandes excroissances, l'haleine est courbe, auec vne
fascheuse toux, les bras meurtris, & le cuir tacheté, toute la personne
languit auec grand ennuy, & douleur, sans rien pouuoir aualer, sinon
quelque peu de liquide. Le sieur Champlain philosophant sur cecy,
attribue la cause de ces maladies aux vapeurs [15] que ceux-là boiuent,
qui labourent, renuersent, & habitent premierement ces terres,
lesquelles n'ont iamais esté descouuertes du soleil. Son dire n'est
pas impertinent, ny sans exemples: neantmoins on peut opposer, que les
mariniers, qui ne vont qu'à la coste pour pescher, & ne defrichent
aucunes terres, ny ne les habitent: nonobstant souuent tombent en ce
mal, & sur tous les Bretõs. Car il semble que ce mal les va triant
d'entre tous les autres. Item, que nous, qui nous sommes bien portés,
comme i'ay dit, renuersions neantmoins prou de terres, & les euentions,
& si n'auons nous iamais sceu que c'estoit de ce mal, horsmis vn peu
moy, qui au secõd hyuer, que i'y ay passé deuins fort enfle auec vne
fieure, & alteratiõ incroyable: Mais i'eus tousiours les genciues, &
leures entieres, & [16] mon mal se perdit en dix, ou douze iours. Ie
croy bien, que cela y seruoit de beaucoup, que nostre logis n'estoit
point nouueau, & que tout estant essarté à l'entour de nostre habitatiõ
dés long t[~e]ps, nous auions l'air pur & libre. Et c'est à mon aduis
ce que Champlain a principalement voulu dire.

Let us recall how Jacques Quartier lost almost all his people,
the first winter he passed in this country; and also how sieur
de Monts lost about half of his the first winter at Ste. Croix,
and the following one, which was the first at port Royal, he also
experienced great [14] loss, but not so much, and the third year
still less. Likewise at Kebec, afterwards, several died the first
year, and not so many the second. This collection of incidents
will serve to show us the causes of sickness and of health, which
we have experienced so differently. The common disease was Scurvy,
which is called land disease. The limbs, thighs, and face swell;
the lips decay, and great sores come out upon them; the breath
is short, and is burdened with an irritating cough; the arms are
discolored, and the skin covered with blotches; the whole body
sinks under exhaustion and languor, and nothing can be swallowed
except a little liquid. Sieur de Champlain, philosophizing upon
this, attributes the cause of these diseases to the dampness
[15] inhaled by those who plow, spade, and first live upon this
ground, which has never been exposed to the sun. His statements
are plausible and not without examples; but they may be confronted
by the fact that sailors, who only go to the coast to fish, and
do not clear the land at all, nor live upon it, often fall ill of
this malady, and especially the Bretons, for it seems to pick them
out from all the others. Also, that we, who were well as I have
said, worked a great deal in the soil and out in the open air, yet
we scarcely knew what this evil was, except I myself, to a slight
degree, during the second winter, when I became very much bloated
from fever and extreme weakness; but my gums and lips were not
affected, and [16] my illness passed off in ten or twelve days. I
believe it was a great benefit to us that our dwelling was not new,
and that, the space around the settlement having been cleared for a
long time, we had a free and pure circulation of air. And I believe
that this is principally what Champlain meant.

I'en ay ouy d'autres, qui philosophoyent autrement, & non sans
Physique. Ceux-cy opinoyent, que le demeurer acroupy pendant vn long,
& sombre hyuer, tel qu'est celuy de Canada, auoit causé ce mal aux
nouueaux habitans. Que de toutes les gens du sieur de Monts, qui
premierement hyuernerent à Saincte Croix, onze seulement demeurerent
en santé. C'estoyent les chasseurs, qui en gaillards compagnons
aimoyent mieux la picorée, que l'air du foyer; [17] courir vn estang,
que de se renuerser paresseusement dans vn lict, de pestrir les
neiges en abbattant le gibier, que non pas de deuiser de Paris & de
ses rotisseurs aupres du feu. Aussi de vray quãd à nous autres, qui
auons tousiours esté sains à Port Royal; la disette, en laquelle auons
esté, nous a affranchi de deux grands maux; sçauoir d'excés au boire,
& au manger; & de faineantise. Car tousiours nous auions quelque bõ
exercice: nostre estomach d'autre part n'estoit point surchargé. Certes
ie croy que ceste oppiate nous a beaucoup serui.

I have heard of others, who argued differently, and not without
Logic. They believed that living inactive during a long and gloomy
winter, like that of Canada, had been the cause of this disease
among the new inhabitants. Of all sieur de Monts's people who
wintered first at Sainte Croix, only eleven remained well. These
were a jolly company of hunters, who preferred rabbit hunting, to
the air of the fireside; [17] skating on the ponds, to turning
over lazily in bed; making snowballs to bring down the game, to
sitting around the fire talking about Paris and its good cooks.
Also, as to us who were always well at Port Royal, our poverty
certainly relieved us of two great evils, that of excessive eating
and drinking, and of laziness. For we always had good exercise of
some kind, and on the other hand our stomachs were not overloaded.
I certainly believe that this medicine was of great benefit to us.

Reprenons nostre tasche des temps, & saisons. I'ay remarqué vne
fois les deux iours de Feurier 26. & 27. estre aussi beau, doux,
& printaniers qu'on en voye point en France enuiron ce temps-là;
neantmoins le troisiesme iour [18] suiuant il negea quelque peu,
& le froid reuint. En esté quelque fois le chaud y est autant, ou
plus intolerable qu'en France: mais il ne dure pas. Bien tost le
temps se broüille. Les arbres y fueill[~e]t plus tard qu'en France
pour l'ordinaire, & qu'ils n'ont fait ceste presente année 1614. Car
arriuant en Picardie sur la fin d'Auril, ie n'y ay pas trouué la
saison plus auancée. Encores me sembloit-il qu'en Canada tout poussoit
d'auantage. Et parlant vniuersellement, le temps, & saison de ce
pays-là, est du tout ressemblant à celuy que nous auons experimenté
ceste dicte année icy, à Paris, & en Picardie, horsmis quant aux brumes
& broüillars, ausquels ledit pays est plus subject. A Port Royal
nous n'en auions gueres l'Esté, sinon prés la coste de mer; mais aux
Etechemins & à Pentegoet ces [19] broüées tiennent souuent en Esté les
trois & quatre iours, c'est chose fort melancholique, & nous a donné
apprehension qu'elle ne permettroit point que nos moissons peussent
meurir; neantmoins nous auons trop d'arguments au contraire. Car à
Port Royal, qui est plus froid, & inegal, elles meurissent, & en ay
l'experience de trois ans. Item Champlain asseure qu'à S. Croix, qui
est en ceste mesme coste, (en vn endroit fort frilleux & nuageux)
toutesfois leurs bleds, & semailles vindrent à maturité.

Let us return to our discourse upon the weather and seasons.
I noticed once, that two February days, the 26th and 27th, were
as beautiful, mild, and spring-like as are those in France about
that time; nevertheless, the third day [18] after, it snowed a
little and the cold returned. Sometimes in summer the heat is as
intolerable, or more so than it is in France; but it does not last
long, and soon the sky begins to be overcast. The foliage appears
upon the trees later than it usually does in France, yet it has not
done so this year, 1614, for when I arrived in Picardie towards the
end of April, I did not find the season any more advanced there.
Indeed it seemed to me that in Canada everything sprouted sooner.
And, speaking in general, the weather and season over there are
just like what we have experienced here this year in Paris and
Picardie, except for the drizzling rains and fogs, which are more
common in that country. At Port Royal we had scarcely any during
the Summer, except near the coast. But among the Etechemins and
at Pentegoet, these [19] fogs often continue for three and four
days, a very discouraging thing, and we were afraid they would keep
our crops from ripening; nevertheless, we have too many arguments
to the contrary. For at Port Royal, which is colder, and more
changeable, they ripened, and I had a three years' experience
there. Also, Champlain asserts that at Ste. Croix, which is upon
this same coast (in a very chilly and cloudy location) their wheat
and other crops always ripened.

Voire, mais quelle peut estre la cause de ces frimas, & de ce plus
grand froid, que nous ne sentons d'ordinaire en France? Car il y a bien
à considerer, veu mesmes que la Norembegue, où estoit nostre habitation
de S. Sauueur, est autant Australe, que nos Prouinces, [20] qui le
sont le plus, la Gui[~e]ne, Languedoc, & Dauphiné. Si n'en faut-il
point assigner la cause aux montagnes. Car nous n'en voyons point là
de fort hautes, telles que sont nos Seuenes, Mesain, la Chartreuse,
& vne grande partie d'Auuergne, Velay, Dauphiné & Prouence, & seroit
hors de toute apparence que ce peu de haut pays, qu'on remarque en la
Norembegue, peust causer si grandes alterations en si vaste est[~e]duë
de Prouince; mesmes que le grand froid de ce pays là ne vient pas du
costé où plus y a de haut pays, qui est le Nordest, (ainsi que vous
pouués apperceuoir en la charte) ains du Noroüest, qui est tout plat.

But in truth what can be the cause of these hoar-frosts and
cold, so much greater than we usually have in France? For, it is
well to consider it, since even Norembegue, where our settlement
of St. Sauveur was located, is as far South, as our most Southern
Provinces, [20] Guienne, Languedoc, and Dauphiné. But we cannot
assign the cause to the mountains, for we have not seen any very
high ones there, such as our Sevenes, Mesain, Chartreuse, and a
large part of Auvergne, Velay, Dauphiné and Provence; and it would
be out of all question that so slight an elevation as is to be seen
in Norembegue, could cause so great a variation in such a vast
extent of country; also the great cold of that country does not
come from the coast, where the greatest elevations are to be found,
which is the Northeast (as you can see from the chart), but from
the Northwest, which is entirely flat.

Les defenseurs des influences tiennent icy bon dans leur Casematte, &
auancent leurs armes defensiues estre tout, sçauoir est, [21] leurs
causes incogneuës; disants qu'il y a ie ne sçay quoy au ciel, qui
cause cest effect en ces terres: & semblablement le Drach, passant
par la mer Occidentale de ces regions, à l'endroit de la nouuelle
Albion, au dessous du destroict d'Auian, à 40. 42. & 44. d'eleuation
Septentrionale, il y trouua si grand froid, qu'il fust contrainct de
rebrousser chemin. De mesmes qu'au pays de Counibas, qui est en mesme
latitude au dedans des terres, les Espagnols y ont trouué de grandes
mõtagnes, & si grand froid, qu'ils n'y ont peu durer. Que ces pays là
sont à nostre Oüest, d'où les plus horribles froidures procedent, & que
ceste pourroit bien estre la cause de ces gelées, & gry-temps par vne
continuation d'air. Mais pourquoy, & en la nouuelle Albion, & au pays
de Connibas y glace-il si fort? On [22] n'en peut pas bien sçauoir la
cause, disent-ils, & faut croire qu'il y a certaines influences, que
nous ne descouurons pas. C'est bien certes bailler de fortes aisles
au froid, le nous faire venir de quatre, ou cinq cens lieuës. Car
ie croy qu'il y en a bien autant, voire plus, iusques à la nouuelle
Albion: cependant nous voyõs que souuent vne seule lieuë de pays &
encores moins, donne changement notable de chaud, & de froid, de clair
& d'obscur, de sec & d'humide, & toutes autres telles variations ainsi
qu'il est notoire. De plus cela est ridicule, apres auoir fait cinq
cents lieuës pour trouuer le froid en son giste, & cauerne originaire,
ne rencontrer sinon ie ne sçay quelles influ[~e]ces, qu'on ne peut
nommer, & certaines impressions occultes. N'eussiez vous pas plustost
fait desloger [23] ces aspects, impressions, & causes anonymes, &
absconses que vous dites sur Canada mesme, ou dessous elle, ou dedans,
que de les aller chercher si loing en vn pays où vous ne fustes iamais?

Here the defenders of silent forces hold themselves well
intrenched in their Fortress and simply advance their defensive
weapons, i.e., [21] their unknown causes, saying that there is
an inexplicable something in the sky which causes this effect
upon these lands: and also Drake, traversing the sea West of this
country, in the region of New Albion, below the strait of Auian, at
40°, 42°, and 44° North latitude, encountered such severe cold that
he was forced to turn back.[12] Likewise that in the Counibas[13]
country, which is in the same latitude in the interior of the
continent, the Spaniards found high mountains, and such severe
cold, that they could not remain there; that those countries,
from which comes the most severe cold, are West of us, and that
this might well be the cause of these frosts and fogs, through a
continuous current of air. But why, both in new Albion and in the
Connibas country, does it become so cold? We [22] cannot know the
cause thereof, they say, and must believe that there are certain
influences, which we do not discover. They must give the cold
rather strong wings to make it come to us from four or five hundred
leagues. For I believe there are as many and more than that, up to
new Albion; however, we often notice that a single league and even
less makes a noticeable difference in the heat and cold, light and
darkness, dryness and humidity, and all such other variations, so
much so that it is remarkable. Moreover, it is ridiculous, after
having gone five hundred leagues to find the cold in its native
lair, not to encounter anything except inexplicable influences,
which cannot be named, and certain mysterious agencies. Would you
not rather seek out [23] these aspects, agencies, and unknown and
hidden causes which you talk about, in Canada itself, either below
or within it, rather than to look for them so far away in a country
where you have never been?

Quant à nous, apres auoir prou disputé, nous n'auons trouué que deux
causes de la disproportion qu'il y a entre ce pays là, & cestui-cy,
quant au temps & saisons: l'vne est, que Canada est plus Aquatique: &
l'autre quell'est inculte. Car premierement si vous regardez mesmes la
charte Geographique, vous verrez ceste region estre fort entrecoupée de
seins & bayes de mer, & ses terres eschancrées d'eau, ell'est outre
plus fort arrousée de riuieres, & occupée de plusieurs estangs, &
lacs, ce qui seroit vn grand ornement, & commodité du pays s'il estoit
habité, mais aussi tout cela cause du [24] froid, & des bruisnes,
mesmement aux bords de la mer, & riuieres. Or nous n'auons iamais
demeuré autre part. Car nous ne sommes point entrés dedans les terres,
sinon par les moyen de la mer & des riuieres. L'Acadie autrement ditte
les Souriquoys, où est Port Royal, est quasi peninsule: aussi est elle
plus frilleuse, & plus inegale, que n'est la Norambegue, laquelle sans
doute est meilleure, & en toutes façons plus habitable, & plantureuse.

As to us, after having sufficiently discussed the matter, we found
only two causes for the difference between the two countries, as
to weather and seasons; one is that Canada has more Water, and the
other that it is uncultivated. For, in the first place, if you
merely look at the chart, you will see that this region is very
much indented with gulfs and bays, and that its lands, hollowed out
by the waters, are much more intersected by rivers, and occupied
by a number of ponds and lakes, which would be a great ornament
and convenience to the country if it were inhabited; but all this
also causes the [24] cold and fogs, as well upon the borders of the
sea and rivers. Now we have never lived anywhere else, for we have
not penetrated into the country except through the sea and rivers.
Acadie, otherwise called the Souriquoys, where Port Royal is, is
almost a peninsula; also it is more chilly and more variable than
Norambegue, which without doubt is better and in every way more
habitable and fertile.

La seconde cause du froid est toute semblable, sçauoir est la sauuagine
& friche du pays: car ce n'est tout qu'vne forest infinie: Partant le
sol ne peut estre de lõg temps eschauffé par le soleil, soit pource
qu'il a la crouste dure, n'estant iamais labouré, soit à cause des
arbres, qui l'ombragent perpetuellement, soit parce que la nege, [25]
& les eaux y croupissent long temps, sans pouuoir estre consumées. Par
ainsi de ces terres ne se peuuent esleuer, que des vapeurs froides,
mornes & relentes: & ce sont les bruines lors que le vent cesse, ce
sont aussi nos gelées cuisantes, lors que l'agitation & le souffle les
met en cholere. Là où si la terre estoit habitée, & cultiuée, outre que
d'elle, & des logis des habitans monteroyent des exhalations, c'est à
dire, des fumées chaudes, & seches: le soleil de plus la trouueroit
disposée à sentir ses rayons, & dissipper le froid, & broüillars: ce
qui nous estoit fort oculaire, & sensible. Car en ce peu que nous
auions labouré, tousiours la nege s'y fondoit plustost qu'autre part, &
de là d'ordinaire les broüees commençoyent à se dissiper, & peu à peu
s'esuanouïr.

The second cause of the cold is very similar; namely, the wild
and primitive condition of the land; for this is only a boundless
forest, and so the soil cannot be readily warmed by the sun, either
because it has a hard crust, never having been ploughed, or on
account of the trees, which cast upon it a perpetual shade, or
because the snow [25] and water stagnate there for a long time with
no possibility of being consumed. Thus, from these lands nothing
can arise except cold, gloomy, and mouldy vapors; and these are
the fogs when the wind ceases, and our piercing cold when they are
put in motion and blown into a fury. Whereas, if the land were
inhabited and cultivated, from it and from the dwellings of the
inhabitants would arise exhalations, that is, warm and dry fumes;
furthermore, the sun would find it prepared to feel its rays, and
to scatter the cold and fogs; this was very evident to us from
actual observation. For upon the small part which we ploughed,
the snow always melted sooner than upon the other parts, and from
there, the fogs usually began to scatter, and little by little to
disappear.

CHAPITRE III.

[26] DES TERRES, DE LEURS PEUPLES, & DE CE QU'Y ABONDE.

LES terres, à mon aduis, principalement en la Norambegue, sont aussi
bonnes qu'en France: cela cognoissez-vous à leur couleur noire, aux
arbres hauts, puissants, & droicts, qu'elles nourrissent, aux herbes &
foin aussi haut souuent qu'vn homme, & choses semblables. A S. Sauueur,
nous auions semé à la my-Iuin des grains, des pepins, des poix, des
febues, & toutes sortes d'herbes de jardinage. Trois mois apres, c'est
à sçauoir, à la my-Sept[~e]bre, nous reuinsmes voir nostre labourage:
le froment n'apparoissoit point (aussi auoit-il esté semé hors de
saison,) l'orge estoit espié, mais non pas meur, les pois & faisoles
bonnes parfaictement, mais encores vertes, les febues [27] n'estoyent
qu'en fleur: tout le reste estoit admirablement bi[~e] venu, mesmement
les oignons, & ciboules, les pepins auoyent ietté, les aucuns d'vn pied
tout entier, les moindres d'vn demy pied.

CHAPTER III.

[26] ON THE SOIL, TRIBES AND VEGETATION.

THE soil, it seems to me, principally in Norambegue, is as good
as that of France; you know this by its black color, by the high
trees, strong and straight, which it nourishes, by the plants
and grasses, often as high as a man, and similar things. At St.
Sauveur, in the middle of June, we planted some grain, fruit
seeds, peas, beans, and all kinds of garden plants. Three months
afterwards, i.e., in the middle of September, we returned to see
the results of our husbandry; the wheat had not come up (it was not
sown in season) the barley was tufted, but not ripe, the peas and
phasels perfectly good, but still green, the beans [27] were only
in blossom; all the rest had come up admirably, even the onions
and scallions; the fruit seeds had shot up, some a whole foot, the
lowest ones a half a foot high.

Ie vous ay dit cy deuant, que tout le pays n'est qu'vne perpetuelle
forest: car il n'a rien d'ouuert sinon les marges de la mer, les lacs &
riuieres & où le flux de la mer, & des riuieres se desbordants causent
des prairies, il y a quelques tels endroits bien beaux, & vastes en
herbage, & pasturages, comme est la Baye de Chinictou, & la riuiere de
Port Royal, & autres. Mais icy faut esuiter vne illusion, de laquelle
plusieurs par mesgarde sont abusez. Car oyants parler ceux qui
viennent de pays loingtains, & qui en racõtent les biens, & fertilité
prou souuent auec amplification, (car [28] ainsi pensent-ils deuoir
faire pour estre plus attentiuem[~e]t escoutez.) Ils estim[~e]t que ce
qu'on leur magnifie de ces pays, se trouue tout par tout abondamment.
Comme par ex[~e]ple, qui parlant de la Frãce diroit, Qu'il y a veu les
bois & forests n'estre to^{9} que chastagniers, or[~e]giers & oliuiers,
que poiriers & pommiers, tous si charges qu'ils en rõpoi[~e]t: certes
celui-là diroit vray, car il est ainsi. L'estrangier neantmoins
escoutãt y seroit trõpé: parce qu'il s'imagineroit qu'[~e] tous les
quartiers de la Frãce, ou en la pluspart, tout cela se trouue: Et ne
cõsidereroit pas, que les chastagniers sont en Perigord, à cent lieuës
des orangiers, qui sont en Prouence: & les pommiers sont au pays de
Caux en Normãdie, à cent lieuës des chastagniers, & à deux cents des
oliuiers. Or quand le pays est bien peuplé, & habité ainsi qu'est la
France, ceste recommandation [29] monstre grand heur, parce qu'au
moyen du charroy & commerce, on se communique toutes ces opulences;
mais en vn pays inculte & non ciuilisé, comme est Canada, il n'y a
guiere plus de difference, que s'il n'y auoit qu'vne chose en vn lieu.
Ie dy cecy parce que ceste prudence importe de beaucoup à ceux qui
vont defricher nouuelles contrées, ainsi que nous autres François y
allons volontiers à yeux clos, & teste baissée: croyants par ex[~e]ple,
qu'estants en Canada, & ayants faim nous ne ferons qu'aller en vn'
Isle, & là escrimãts d'vn gros baston à dextre, & à senestre, autant de
coups, autant arresterons nous d'oiseaux, desquels chacun vaudra bien
vn canart. Voila qui est bien dit, & ainsi l'ont fait nos gens plus
que d'vne fois, & plus qu'en vn lieu. Cela va fort bien, si vous [30]
n'auiés iamais faim sinon au t[~e]ps que ces oiseaux se trouuent en ces
Isles, & si lors mesme vous estiez proches d'eux. Car si vous en estes
à cinquante, ou soixante lieuës, que ferez-vous?

I have said before that the whole country is simply an
interminable forest; for there are no open places except upon the
margins of the sea, lakes, and rivers, and where meadows have
been made by the overflows of the sea and rivers; there are many
such places which are very beautiful, immense fields of grass and
pasture, like those near Chinictou Bay, and the river of Port
Royal, and others. But here we must avoid an illusion by which many
have been inadvertently imposed upon. For hearing those who come
from foreign countries tell about their wealth and fertility, very
often with exaggeration (for [28] thus they think they will get
a better hearing), they suppose that the things boasted about in
these countries are found everywhere in abundance. As, for example,
if some one were speaking of France, he might say that he had seen
groves and forests of nothing but chestnut, orange, olive, pear,
and apple trees, so loaded that they were breaking down; indeed, he
could say this truthfully, for it is so. But the stranger hearing
this would be deceived by it; for he would suppose that in all
parts of France, or in nearly all, he would find this condition of
things; not taking into consideration the fact that the chestnuts
are in Perigord, a hundred leagues away from the oranges, which are
in Provence; and the apples are in the region of Caux in Normandy,
a hundred leagues from the chestnuts and two hundred from the
olives. Now when the country is well peopled and settled, as France
is, this favorable representation [29] may show great good fortune,
for, by means of transportation and trade, all these riches can be
interchanged; but in an uncultivated and uncivilized country, like
Canada, it makes no more difference than if they only had one thing
in a place. I say this because prudence is of great importance to
those who go to clear new lands, as we Frenchmen are so willing
to go there with our eyes shut and our heads down; believing, for
example, that in Canada, when we are hungry, all we will have to
do is to go to an Island, and there by the skillful use of a club,
right and left, we can bring down birds each as big as a duck, with
every blow. This is well said, as our people have done this more
than once and in more than one place. It is all very well, if you
[30] are never hungry except when these birds are on the Islands,
and if even then you happen to be near them. But if you are fifty
or sixty leagues away, what are you going to do?

Pour reuenir à mon propos, il n'y a point de difficulté de rencõtrer vn
bon endroit en vne chose. Vn bon & bel haure: des belles prairies, vn
sol bien fecond; vne colline de bel aspect, vne agreable riuiere, ou
ruisseau, &c. Mais lotir vne place, où toutes les qualitez desirables
vniment se r'assemblent, ce n'est pas la bonne fortune d'vn homme
prattiquant, dit tres bien Aristote; ains le project & idee d'vn
sagement enquerãt: car en fin en la practique, le bõ sort & perfection
d'vne place, cõme d'vn homme, ce n'est pas que rien ne manque, ains que
rien d'essentiel, & principal ne manque. [31] C'est ce qui m'a fait
dire, que le tout consideré, le prenant tant pour tant, i'estime que
les terres de là, vaudroyent celles d'icy, quand elles seroyent bien
cultiuees: mais nous voudrions, que là tout fust en vn petit destroit:
ce que mesmes nous ne trouuons pas icy en vn bien ample Royaume, apres
si long temps de cultiuage.

To return to my theme. There is no difficulty in finding a place
that is good for one thing--a good and beautiful harbor; fine
meadows and a very fertile soil; a picturesque hill, a pleasant
river, or brook, etc. But to choose a place where all desirable
qualities are united, is not the good fortune of an ordinary man,
as Aristotle truthfully says, but the purpose and idea of a wise
investigator: for, after all, the uses, success, and perfection of
a place, as of a man, is not really that it be complete, but that
there be no lack of what is essential and important. [31] That is
why I say that all things considered, and taking it upon the whole,
I believe that the country over there will be worth as much as this
one, after it is well cultivated; but we should prefer that there
everything be in a small space, which we ourselves do not find here
in our extensive Kingdom, after so long a period of cultivation.

En plusieurs endroits nous auons trouué de la vigne, & des lambruches
meures en leur t[~e]ps. Ce n'estoit point le meilleur terroir où nous
les trouuiõs: c'estoit quasi sable, & grauier, s[~e]blable à celuy de
Bourdeaux. Il y en a beaucoup à la riuiere S. Iean à 46. d'eleuation,
là void on aussi plusieurs noyers & coudriers, & si le fõds de terre
n'y est guiere bõ. On ne trouue point autre sorte d'arbres fruictiers
en tout ce païs, ouy bi[~e] toute espece de sauuageons, & forestiers,
comme [32] chesnes, hestres, charmes, peupliers, &c. Et des cedres, au
moins que les François appell[~e]t cedres.

In several places we found the grape, and wild vines which ripened
in their season. It was not the best ground where we found them,
being full of sand and gravel, like that of Bourdeaux. There are a
great many of these vines at St. John river, in 46° of latitude,
where are to be seen also many walnut and hazel trees, and yet the
under layer of soil is not good there. No other kinds of fruit
trees are found in all this country; but there is every species
of wild shrub and forest trees, such as [32] the oak, beech, elm,
poplar, etc., and some cedars, at least what the French call
cedars.[14]

Si le pays estoit habité, il pourroit approfiter ses mines: car il y
en a vne d'argent en la Baye S. Marie, au rapport du sieur Chãplain: &
deux de beau, & franc cuiure, l'vne à l'entrée de Port Royal, & l'autre
à la Baye des mines: vne de fer à la riuiere S. Iean, & d'autres autre
part. Le gré, l'ardoise, la taille, le charbon de terre, & toutes
sortes de pierres n'y manquent pas.

If the country were inhabited there might be some profit made
from its mines; for there is a silver one at the Baye Ste. Marie,
according to sieur Champlain; and two of beautiful and pure copper,
one at the entrance to Port Royal, and the other at the Bay of the
mines; one of iron at the river St. John, and others elsewhere.
Sandstone, slate, mica, coal, and all kinds of stone are not
lacking.[15]

Toute ceste nouuelle France est diuisée en diuers peuples, chasque
peuple a sa langue, & sa contrée à part. Ils s'assemblent l'Esté pour
trocquer auec nous, principalement en la grande riuiere. Là aussi
viennent de bien loing plusieurs autres peuples. Ils trocqu[~e]t
leurs peaux de castors, de loutres, [33] d'eslants, de martres, de
loups marins, &c. contre du pain, pois, febues, pruneaux, petun,
&c. chauderons, haches, fers de fleche, aleines, poinçons, capots,
couuertes, & toutes autres telles commoditez, que les Frãçois leur
apportent. Aucuns peuples ont maintenant implacable guerre contre nous.
Comme les Excomminquois, qui sont ceux qui habitent au costé Boreal
du grand Golfe S. Laurens, & nous font de grands maux. Ceste guerre a
cõmencé (comme lon dit) à l'occasion de certains Basques, qui voulurent
faire vn meschant rapt: mais ils payer[~e]t bi[~e] leur maudite
incontinence, & non seulement eux, ains à leur occasion & ceux de S.
Malo, & beaucoup d'autres ont paty, & patissent beaucoup tous les ans.
Car ces Sauuages sõt furieux, & s'abandonnent desesperém[~e]t [34] à la
mort, pourueu qu'ils ayent esperance de tuer, ou mesfaire. Il n'y a que
trois peuples qui nous soy[~e]t familiers, & bõs amis. Les Montaguets,
les Souriquois, & les Eteminquois. Pour les Etechemins, & Souriquois
i'en suis tesmoin, car i'ay demeuré parmy eux, pour les Montaguets i'en
ay ouy parler. Quant aux autres peuples, il n'y a point de fiance.
Aussi les François ne les hantent, que pour descouurir leurs riuages, &
encores s'en sont-ils mal trouués, horsmis Champlain en ses dernieres
descouuertes contremont la grãde riuiere, qui ne s'en plaint point.

All this new France is divided into different tribes, each one
having its own separate language and country. They assemble in the
Summer to trade with us, principally at the great river. To this
place come also several other tribes from afar off. They barter
their skins of beaver, otter, [33] deer, marten, seal, etc., for
bread, peas, beans, prunes, tobacco, etc.; kettles, hatchets, iron
arrow-points, awls, puncheons, cloaks, blankets, and all other
such commodities as the French bring them. Certain tribes are now
our implacable enemies, such as the Excomminquois, who inhabit
the Northern coast of the great Gulf of St. Lawrence and do us
a great deal of harm. This warfare was begun (as they say) when
certain Basques tried to commit a wicked outrage. However, they
paid well for their cursed incontinence, but not only they, for on
their account both the St. Malo people and many others suffered,
and still suffer a great deal every year. For these Savages are
passionate, and give themselves up [34] to death with desperation,
if they are in hopes of killing, or doing any one an injury. There
are only three tribes which are on good terms of friendship with
us, the Montaguets, the Souriquois, and the Eteminquois. I myself
can witness to the friendship of the Etechemins and Souriquois, for
I have lived among them, and for the Montaguets I have heard others
speak. As to other tribes, no confidence can be placed in them. The
French have nothing to do with them except to explore their coasts,
and even then they are badly treated, although Champlain does not
complain of these savages at all, in his latest explorations up the
great river.

Cest'amitié & fidelité desdits peuples enuers les François a paru
remarquablement apres nostre desroute faicte par les Anglois, ainsi
qu'ouyrez. Car eux l'ayants sceu s'en vindr[~e]t à nous, de nuict, [35]
& nous cõsoloy[~e]t au mieux qu'ils pouuoyent, nous presentãts leurs
cauots, & leur peine pour nous conduire où nous voudrions. Ils nous
offroyent encores, que s'il nous plaisoit de demeurer auec eux, ils
estoyent trois Capitaines Betsabes, Aguigueou & Asticou: desquels vn
chacun pr[~e]droit pour sa part dix de nostre troupe, (puis que nous
restions trente,) & nous nourriroit iusques à l'an suiuant, quand les
nauires Françoises arriueroyent à la coste, & qu'en ceste façon nous
pourrions repasser en nostre pays sans tõber aux mains de meschãts
Ingrés. Car ainsi appell[~e]t-ils pour dire les Anglois. Ce n'estoyent
point mines, ou pieges à nous surprendre: car vous entendrés cy apres
le bon traictement qu'ils firent au P. Enemond, & à sa troupe, & à
Port Royal durant trois hyuers, qu'on a eu bon [36] besoin d'eux, on
les a experimenté fideles & secourables. Que si leur dessein eust esté
de nous mesfaire, les belles & opportunes occasions ne leur ont pas
manqué.

This friendship and fidelity of the said tribes was especially
noticeable after our rout by the English, as you will hear. For,
as soon as they heard about it, they came to us at night, [35]
and consoled us as best they could, offering us their canoes and
their help to take us anywhere we wished to go. They also made the
proposition, that if we wanted to live with them, there were three
Captains--Betsabes, Aguigueou and Asticou,[16] each one of whom,
for his share, would take ten of our band (since there were thirty
of us left), and would take care of us until the following year,
when the French ships would arrive upon the coast; and that in
this way we should be able to go back to our own country without
falling into the hands of the wicked Ingrés, as they call the
English. These were not false pretenses nor snares to entrap us,
for you will hear farther on of the good treatment received from
them by Father Enemond and his band; and at Port Royal during three
winters, when we had great [36] need of them, how faithful and
reliable we found them,--although, if they had intended to do us
any harm, excellent and convenient opportunities for doing so were
not wanting.

CHAPITRE IV.

DU NATUREL DES SAUUAGES, DE LEURS HABITS, HABITATIONS, & VIURE.

LE naturel de nos Sauuages est de soy liberal, & point malitieux: ils
ont l'esprit assez gaillard & net, quant à l'estime, & iugement des
choses sensibles, & communes & deduisent fort gentiment leurs raisons,
les assaisonnant tousiours auec quelque iolie similitude. Ils ont fort
bonne memoire des choses corporelles, cõme de vous auoir veu, des
qualitez d'vne place, où ils auront esté, [37] de ce qui aura esté
fait devãt eux, despuis vingt & trente ans, &c. Mais d'apprendre par
coeur, là est l'escueil: il n'y a moyen de leur mettre dans la caboche
vne tirade rengée de paroles. Ils n'ont point de barbe, autant peu les
hõmes que les f[~e]mes, horsmis quelques vns plus robustes, & virils.
Souuent ils m'ont dit, [~q] nous leur semblions du commencem[~e]t fort
laids, auec nos cheueux, aussi bien sur la bouche que dessus la teste:
mais peu à peu ils s'accoustument, & nous commençons à ne plus leur
paroistre si difformes. Vous ne sçauriez recognoistre les ieunes garçõs
d'auec les ieunes filles, sinon à la façon de se ceindre. Parce que les
femmes se ceign[~e]t dessus & dessous le ventre, & sont plus couuertes
que les masles: elles sont aussi d'ordinaire plus parées de matachias:
c'est à dire, de [38] chaines, & affiquets, & semblables parures à leur
mode: à ce que vous sçachiez que par tout telle est la nature du sexe,
amoureuse d'embellissem[~e]t. Vniuersellem[~e]t parlant ils sont de
taille vn peu moindre que nous, principalem[~e]t quant à l'espaisseur:
Belle toutesfois & bien prinse, comme si nous demeurions en l'estat
qu'auons à l'age de vingt & cinq ans. Vous ne r[~e]cõtreriez point
entr'eux vn v[~e]tru, bossu, ny contre-fait: ladres, gouteux, pierreux,
insensés, ils ne sçauent que c'est: ceux d'entre nous qui sont tarez,
comme borgnes, lousches, camus, &c. sont aussi tost remarqués par eux,
& mocqués largement, specialem[~e]t par derriere, & quand ils sont
entr'eux: car ils sont bons compagnons, & ont le mot & sobriquet à
commandement, fort aises quand ils se pensent auoir occasion de [39]
nous mespriser. Et certes (à ce que ie vois) c'est vne contagion dont
personne n'est exempte que par la misericorde de Dieu: que de se trop
estimer soy-mesme. Vous verriez ces pauures barbares, nonobstant leurs
si grands manquements de police, de puissance, de lettres, d'arts &
de richesse: neãtmoins tenir si grãd compte d'eux, qu'ils nous en
dépris[~e]t beaucoup, se magnifiants par dessus nous.

CHAPTER IV.

ON THE CHARACTER, DRESS, DWELLINGS, AND FOOD OF THE SAVAGES.

THE nature of our Savages is in itself generous and not malicious.
They have rather a happy disposition, and a fair capacity for
judging and valuing material and common things; deducing their
reasons with great nicety, and always seasoning them with some
pretty comparison. They have a very good memory for material
things, such as having seen you before, of the peculiarities
of a place where they may have been, [37] of what took place
in their presence twenty or thirty years before, etc.; but to
learn anything by heart--there's the rock; there is no way of
getting a consecutive arrangement of words into their pates.
They have no beards, the men no more than the women, except some
of the more robust and virile. They have often told me that
at first we seemed to them very ugly with hair both upon our
mouths and head; but gradually they have become accustomed to
it, and now we are beginning to look less deformed. You could
not distinguish the young men from the girls, except in their
way of wearing their belts. For the women are girdled both above
and below the stomach, and are less nude than the men; also they
are usually more ornamented with matachias, that is, with [38]
chains, gewgaws, and such finery after their fashion; by which
you may know that such is the nature of the sex everywhere, fond
of adornment. Generally speaking, they are of lighter build than
we are; but handsome and well-shaped, just as we would be if we
continued in the same condition in which we were at the age of
twenty-five. You do not encounter a big-bellied, hunchbacked, or
deformed person among them: those who are leprous, gouty, affected
with gravel, or insane, are unknown to them. Any of our people
who have some defect, such as the one-eyed, squint-eyed, and
flat-nosed, are immediately noticed by them and greatly derided,
especially behind our backs and when they are by themselves.
For they are droll fellows, and have a word and a nickname very
readily at command, if they think they have any occasion to [39]
look down upon us. And certainly (judging from what I see) this
habit of self-aggrandizement is a contagion from which no one is
exempt, except through the grace of God. You will see these poor
barbarians, notwithstanding their great lack of government, power,
letters, art and riches, yet holding their heads so high that they
greatly underrate us, regarding themselves as our superiors.

Leurs habits sont chamarrés de peaux, que les femmes passent, &
conroyent du costé, qui n'est pas velu: elles conroyent souuent les
peaux d'elan de tous les deux costés, comme nostre buffetin, puis le
barricolent de peinture en forme de passements bien ioliment, & en
font des robes: de ces mesmes peaux elles leur font des souliers, &
des greues. Les masles ne portent point de hauts [40] de chausses,
parce que (disent-ils) cela les entraue trop, & met comme aux ceps, ils
portent seulem[~e]t vn linge an deuãt de leur nature, l'Esté ils vsent
fort de nos capots, & l'Hyuer de nos couuertes de licts, lesquelles
ils s'accommodent en chamarre les redoublants: ils s'aident aussi fort
volontiers de nos chapeaux, souliers, bonnets de laine, chemises, &
du linge, pour nettoyer leurs enfants de maillot, car on leur trocque
toutes ces denrees contre leurs peaux.

Their clothes are trimmed with leather lace, which the women
dress and curry on the side which is not hairy. They often curry
both sides of elk skin, like our buff skin, then variegate it very
prettily with paint put on in a lace-like pattern, and make gowns
of it; from the same leather they make their shoes and strings.
The men do not wear [40] trousers, because (they say) they hinder
them too much, and place them as it were, in chains; they wear
only a piece of cloth over their middle; in Summer they often wear
our capes, and in Winter our bed-blankets, which they improve with
trimming and wear double. They are also quite willing to make use
of our hats, shoes, caps, woolens and shirts, and of our linen to
clean their infants, for we trade them all these commodities for
their furs.

Quelque part qu'ils soyent arriués; la premiere chose c'est de faire
du feu, & se cabaner, ce qu'ils ont faict dans vn heure, ou deux:
souuent en demy heure. Les femmes vont au bois, & en apportent des
perches, lesquelles on dispose par en bas en rond à lentour du feu;
& par en haut on les enfourche entr'elles pyramidalement, [41] de
maniere qu'elles se reposent l'vne contre l'autre droit au dessus du
feu; car là est la cheminée. Sur les perches on iette des peaux, ou
bien des nattes, ou des escorces. Au pied des perches dessous les peaux
se mettent les sacs. Toute la place à l'entour du feu est ionchée de
fueilles de pin, à fin de ne sentir l'humidité de la terre: dessus les
fueilles de sapin ils iett[~e]t souu[~e]t des nattes ou des peaux de
loup marin aussi delicates que le velours; là dessus ils s'estendent à
l'entour du feu ayant la teste sur leurs sacs. Et ce qu'on ne croiroit
pas, ils sont tres-chaudement leans dedans à petit feu, voire aux plus
grandes rigueurs de l'Hiuer. Ils ne se caban[~e]t point, qu'aupres de
quelque bonne eau, & en lieu de plaisant aspect. En Esté leurs logis
changent de figure: car ils les font larges & longs, [42] à fin d'auoir
plus d'air; aussi les couurent-ils lors quasi d'escorces, ou de nattes,
faictes de roseaux tendres, & sont beaucoup plus minces & delicates
que les nostres de paille, si artistement tissuës, que quand elles
pend[~e]t, l'eau coule tout au long, sans point les percer.

Arrived at a certain place, the first thing they do is to build a
fire and arrange their camp, which they have finished in an hour
or two; often in half an hour. The women go to the woods and bring
back some poles which are stuck into the ground in a circle around
the fire, and at the top are interlaced, in the form of a pyramid,
[41] so that they come together directly over the fire, for there
is the chimney. Upon the poles they throw some skins, matting or
bark. At the foot of the poles, under the skins, they put their
baggage. All the space around the fire is strewn with leaves of
the fir tree, so they will not feel the dampness of the ground;
over these leaves are often thrown some mats, or sealskins as soft
as velvet; upon this they stretch themselves around the fire with
their heads resting upon their baggage; And, what no one would
believe, they are very warm in there around that little fire, even
in the greatest rigors of the Winter. They do not camp except near
some good water, and in an attractive location. In Summer the shape
of their houses is changed; for then they are broad and long, [42]
that they may have more air; then they nearly always cover them
with bark, or mats made of tender reeds, finer and more delicate
than ours made of straw, and so skillfully woven, that when they
are hung up the water runs along their surface without penetrating
them.

Leur viure est ce que la chasse, & la pesche leur donnent: car ils ne
labourent point: mais la prouidence paternelle de nostre bon Dieu,
laquelle n'abandonne pas les passereaux mesmes, n'a point laissé ces
pauures creatures, capables de luy, sans prouisiõ cõuenable, qui leur
est comme par estape, assignee à chasque lune, car ils cõtent par
Lunes, & en mett[~e]t treze en l'an: Par exemple donc, en Ianuier
ils ont la chasse des loups marins: car cest animal, quoy qu'il soit
aquatique, fraye neantmoins [43] sur certaines Isles enuiron ce
temps. La chair en est aussi bõne [~q] du veau; & de plus ils font de
sa graisse vn'huyle, qui leur sert de sausse toute l'annee, ils en
r[~e]plissent plusieurs vessies d'orignac, qui sont deux ou trois fois
plus amples & fortes que les nostres de porc; & voila leurs tonneaux
de reserue. En ce mesme mois de Feurier, & iusques à la my-Mars, est
la grande chasse des Castors, loutres, orignacs, ours (qui sont fort
bons) & des caribous, animal moitié asne, moitié cerf. Si le t[~e]ps
leur dit, ils viuent lors en grand' abondance, & sont aussi fiers que
Princes & Roys; mais s'il leur est contraire, c'est grãde pitié d'eux,
& souuent meurent de miserable faim. Le temps leur est contraire, quand
il pleut beaucoup, & ne gele pas; parce que lors ils ne peuuent chasser
ny aux eslans, ny aux [44] castors. Item: quand il nege beaucoup, &
ne gele pas là dessus, car ils ne peuuent pas mener leurs chiens à la
chasse, pource qu'ils enfonc[~e]t dedans, ce qu'ils ne font pas eux,
parce qu'ils s'attachent des raquettes aux pieds à l'aide desquelles
ils demeurent dessus: si ne peuuent-ils tant courir qu'il faudroit, la
nege estãt trop molle. Autres tels miserables accidents leur arriuent,
qui seroyent longs à raconter.

Their food is whatever they can get from the chase and from
fishing; for they do not till the soil at all; but the paternal
providence of our good God, which does not forsake even the
sparrow, has not left these poor creatures, worthy of his care,
without proper provision, which is to them like fixed rations
assigned to every moon; for they count by Moons, and put thirteen
of them in a year. Now, for example, in January they have the seal
hunting: for this animal, although it is aquatic, nevertheless
spawns [43] upon certain Islands about this time. Its flesh is
as good as veal; and furthermore they make of its fat an oil,
which serves them as sauce throughout the year; they fill several
moose-bladders with it, which are two or three times as large and
strong as our pig-bladders; and in these you see their reserve
casks. Likewise in the month of February and until the middle of
March, is the great hunt for Beavers, otters, moose, bears (which
are very good), and for the caribou,[17] an animal half ass and
half deer. If the weather then is favorable, they live in great
abundance, and are as haughty as Princes and Kings; but if it is
against them, they are greatly to be pitied, and often die of
starvation. The weather is against them if it rains a great deal,
and does not freeze; for then they can hunt neither deer nor [44]
beavers. Also, when it snows a great deal, and does not freeze
over, for then they cannot put their dogs upon the chase, because
they sink down; the savages themselves do not do this, for they
wear snowshoes on their feet which help them to stay on top: yet
they cannot run as fast as would be necessary, the snow being too
soft. They have other misfortunes of this kind which it would be
tedious to relate.

Sur la my Mars le poisson commence à frayer, & monter de la mer en haut
contre certains ruisseaux, souuent en si grand' abondance, que tout
en formille. A peine le croiroit, qui ne l'auroit veu. On ne sçauroit
mettre la main dans l'eau, qu'on ne rencõtre proye. Entre ces poissons
l'eplan est le premier: cest eplan est deux & trois fois plus grand
que [45] n'est le nostre de riuiere: apres l'eplan suit le harenc à la
fin d'Auril, & au mesme temps les outardes arriuent du Midy, qui sont
grosses cannes au double des nostres, & font volontiers leurs nids
aux Isles. Deux oeufs d'outarde en valent richement cinq de poule. A
mesme termoyement vient l'estourgeon, & le saumon, & la grande queste
des oeufs par les Isletes, car les oiseaux pescherets, qui sont là en
tre[=s] grande foison, pondent lors, & souuent couur[~e]t de leurs
nids ces Islettes. Dés le mois de May iusques à la my-Septembre, ils
sont hors de tout esmoy pour leur viure: car les mouluës sont à la
coste, toute sorte de poisson & coquillage; & les nauires François auec
lesquels ils trocquent; & sçauez vous s'ils entendent bien à se faire
courtiser. Ils tranchent des freres auecques [46] le Roy, & ne leur
faut rien rabattre de toute la piece. Il faut leur faire des presents,
& les bien harãguer auant qu'ils accordent la traicte; & icelle
faicte, faut encores les Tabagier, c'est à dire, les banqueter. Alors
ils danseront, harangueront & chanteront _Adesquidex, Adesquidex_,
Sçauoir est, qu'ils sont les bons amys, alliés, associés, confederés, &
comperes du Roy, & des François.

In the middle of March, fish begin to spawn, and to come up from
the sea into certain streams, often so abundantly that everything
swarms with them. Any one who has not seen it could scarcely
believe it. You cannot put your hand into the water, without
encountering them. Among these fish the smelt is the first; this
smelt is two and three times as large as [45] that in our rivers;
after the smelt comes the herring at the end of April; and at the
same time bustards, which are large ducks, double the size of ours,
come from the South and eagerly make their nests upon the Islands.
Two bustard eggs are fully equal to five hen's eggs. At the same
time come the sturgeon, and salmon, and the great search through
the Islets for eggs, as the waterfowl, which are there in great
numbers, lay their eggs then, and often cover the Islets with their
nests. From the month of May up to the middle of September, they
are free from all anxiety about their food; for the cod are upon
the coast, and all kinds of fish and shellfish; and the French
ships with which they traffic, and you may be sure they understand
how to make themselves courted. They set themselves up for brothers
of [46] the King, and it is not expected that they will withdraw
in the least from the whole farce. Gifts must be presented and
speeches made to them, before they condescend to trade; this done,
they must have the Tabagie, i.e. the banquet. Then they will dance,
make speeches and sing _Adesquidex, Adesquidex_, That is, that they
are good friends, allies, associates, confederates, and comrades of
the King and of the French.

Le gibier d'eau y abonde; celuy de terre non, sinon à certain temps les
oiseaux passagiers comme outardes & oyes grises & blãches. On y trouue
des perdrix grises, qui ont vne fort belle queuë, & sont deux fois
plus grosses que les nostres; on y voit force tourtes, qui viennent
manger les frãboises au mois de Iuillet. Plusieurs oiseaux de proye &
quelques lapins & leuraux.

Water game abounds there, but not forest game, except at certain
times birds of passage, like bustards and gray and white geese.
There are to be found there gray partridges, which have beautiful
long tails and are twice as large as ours; there are a great many
wild pigeons, which come to eat raspberries in the month of July,
also several birds of prey and some rabbits and hares.

[47] Or nos sauuages sur la my-Septembre se retirent de la mer, hors
la portée du flux, aux petites riuieres, où les anguilles frayent &
en font prouision, elles sont bõnes & grasses. En Octobre & Nouembre
est la seconde chasse des castors & des eslans: & puis en Decembre
(admirable prouidence de Dieu) vient vn poisson appellé d'eux _ponamo_,
qui fraye sous la glace; Item lors les tortues font leurs petits, &c.
Tels donc mais en bien plus grand nombre sont les reuenus, & censiues
de nos Sauuages, telle leur table & entreti[~e], le tout cotté &
assigné chasque chose en son endroit & quartier. Iamais Salomon n'eust
son hostel mieux ordonné & policé en viuandiers, que le sont ces
pensions & les voicturiers d'icelles. Aussi vn plus grand que Salomon
les a constitués. A luy soit gloire à tout'eternité.

[47] Now our savages in the middle of September withdraw from the
sea, beyond the reach of the tide, to the little rivers, where
the eels spawn, of which they lay in a supply; they are good and
fat. In October and November comes the second hunt for elks and
beavers; and then in December (wonderful providence of God) comes a
fish called by them _ponamo_,[18] which spawns under the ice. Also
then the turtles bear little ones, etc. These then, but in a still
greater number, are the revenues and incomes of our Savages; such,
their table and living, all prepared and assigned, everything to
its proper place and quarter. Never had Solomon his mansion better
regulated and provided with food, than are these homes and their
landlords. But then a greater one than Solomon has made them; to
him be the glory through all eternity.

[48] Pour bien iouyr de ce leur appanage; nos syluicoles s'en vont sur
les lieux d'iceluy auec le plaisir de peregrinatiõ & de proumenade,
à quoy facilement faire ils ont l'engin, & la grande commodité des
cauots qui sont petits esquifs faicts d'escorce de bouleau, estroits &
resserrés par les deux bouts, comme la creste d'vn morion; le corps est
en façon de berceau large, & ventru; Ils sont lõgs, de huict, ou dix
pieds; au reste si capables, que dans vn seul logera tout vn mesnage de
cinq, ou six personnes auec tous leurs chiens, sacs, peaux, chauderons
& autre bagage bien pesant. Et le bon est qu'il prennent terre, où
leur plaist, ce que nous ne pouuõs faire auec nos chaloupes ou bateaux
mariniers; parce que le cauot le plus chargé ne sçauroit cueillir demy
pied d'eau, & deschargé il est si [49] leger, que vous le souspeseriés
facilement, & transporteriez de la main gauche; si viste à l'auiron
qu'à vostre bel-aise de bon temps vous ferés en vn iour les trente, &
quarente lieuës: neantmoins on ne voit guieres ces Sauuages postilonner
ainsi: car leurs iournees ne sont tout que beau passetemps. Ils n'ont
iamais haste. Bien diuers de nous, qui ne sçaurions iamais rien faire
sans presse & oppresse; oppresse di je, parce que nostre desir nous
tyrannise & bannit la paix de nos actions.

[48] In order to thoroughly enjoy this, their lot, our foresters
start off to their different places with as much pleasure as if
they were going on a stroll or an excursion; they do this easily
through the skillful use and great convenience of canoes, which
are little skiffs made of birch-bark, narrow and closed at both
ends, like the crest of a morion; the body is like a large hollow
cradle; they are eight or ten feet long; moreover so capacious
that a single one of them will hold an entire household of five
or six persons, with all their dogs, sacks, skins, kettles, and
other heavy baggage. And the best part of it is that they can
land wherever they like, which we cannot do with our shallops or
sailing boats; for the most heavily-loaded canoe can draw only half
a foot of water, and unloaded it is so [49] light that you can
easily pick it up and carry it away with your left hand; so rapidly
sculled that, without any effort, in good weather you can make
thirty or forty leagues a day; nevertheless we scarcely see these
Savages posting along at this rate, for their days are all nothing
but pastime. They are never in a hurry. Quite different from us,
who can never do anything without hurry and worry; worry, I say,
because our desire tyrannizes over us and banishes peace from our
actions.

CHAPITRE V.

LA POLICE & GOUUERNEMENT DES SAUUAGES.

ON ne peut auoir plus de police, que de Communauté, [50] puis que
police n'est autre, que l'ordre & regime de la Communauté. Or ces
Sauuages n'ayants point grande Communauté ny en nõbre de personnes,
puis qu'ils sont rares, ny en biens, puis qu'ils sont pauures, ne
viuans qu'au iour à la iournee, ny en lien & conionction, puis qu'ils
sont espars, & vagabonds, ils ne peuuent auoir grande police. Si ne
peuuent-ils s'en passer, puis qu'ils sont hõmes & associés. Celle
donc qu'ils ont, est telle. Il y a le Sagamo, qui est l'aisné de
quelque puissante famille, qui par consequent aussi en est le chef &
conducteur. Tous les ieunes gents de la famille, sont à la table &
suitte d'iceluy; aussi est-ce à luy d'entretenir des chiens pour la
chasse, & des cauots pour les voituriers, & des prouisions, & reserues
pour le mauuais temps, & voyages. Les ieunes gens le [51] courtisent,
chassent, & font leur apprentissage sous luy, incapables de rien auoir
auant qu'estre mariés: car lors seulem[~e]t ils peuuent auoir chien &
sac: c'est à dire, auoir du propre, & faire pour soy, toutesfois ils
demeurent encores sous l'authorité du Sagamo, & le plus souuent en
sa compagnie, comm'aussi plusieurs autres, qui manquent de parents,
ou encores qui de leur propre gré se rangent sous sa protection, &
conduicte, pour estre foibles d'eux-mesmes, & sans suitte. Tout ce
donc que les garçons conquest[~e]t, appartient au Sagamo: mais les
mariés ne luy en donnent qu'vne partie, que si ces mariés se departant
d'auecques luy, cõm'il le faut souuent pour la commodité de la chasse,
& du viure, retournants apres ils payent leur recognoissance, &
hommage en peaux, & [52] semblables presents. A ceste cause il y a des
querelles, & des ialousies entr'eux aussi bien qu'entre nous, mais non
pas si atroces. Quand quelqu'vn par exemple commence à s'emanciper, &
faire le Sagamo, quand il ne r[~e]d point le tribut, quand ses gents
le quittent ou que d'autres les luy soustrayent; & comm'entre nous,
aussi entr'eux y a des reproches & mespris, cestuy-là n'est qu'vn demy
Sagamo, c'est vn nouuellement esclos, comm'vn poussin de trois iours,
la creste ne luy faict que de naistre: c'est vn Sagamochin, c'est à
dire, vn Aubereau de Sagamo, vn petit nain. Et à celle fin que vous
sçachiés que l'ambition a son regne encores dessous le chaume, & les
roseaux, aussi bien que dessous les toicts dorés: Et qu'il ne faut
point no^{9} tirer beaucoup l'aureille pour appr[~e]dre ces leçons.

CHAPTER V.

THE POLITY AND GOVERNMENT OF THE SAVAGES.

THERE can be no more polity than there is Commonwealth, [50] since
polity is nothing else than the regulation and government of the
Commonwealth. Now these Savages not having a great Commonwealth,
either in number of people, since they are few; nor in wealth,
since they are poor, only living from hand to mouth; nor in ties
and bonds of union, since they are scattered and wandering; cannot
have great polity. Yet they cannot do without it since they are men
and brethren. So what they have is this. There is the Sagamore, who
is the eldest son powerful family, and consequently also its chief
and leader. All the young people of the family are at his table and
in his retinue; it is also his duty to provide dogs for the chase,
canoes for transportation, provisions and reserves for bad weather
and expeditions. The young people [51] flatter him, hunt, and serve
their apprenticeship under him, not being allowed to have anything
before they are married, for then only can they have a dog and a
bag; that is, have something of their own, and do for themselves.
Nevertheless they continue to live under the authority of the
Sagamore, and very often in his company; as also do several others
who have no relations, or those who of their own free will place
themselves under his protection and guidance, being themselves weak
and without a following. Now all that the young men capture belongs
to the Sagamore; but the married ones give him only a part, and if
these leave him, as they often do for the sake of the chase and
supplies, returning afterwards, they pay their dues and homage in
skins and [52] like gifts. From this cause there are some quarrels
and jealousies among them as among us, but not so serious. When,
for example, some one begins to assert himself and to act the
Sagamore, when he does not render the tribute, when his people
leave him or when others get them away from him; then as among us,
also among them, there are reproaches and accusations, as that such
a one is only a half Sagamore, is newly hatched like a three-days'
chicken, that his crest is only beginning to appear; that he is
only a Sagamochin, that is, a Baby Sagamore, a little dwarf. And
thus you may know that ambition reigns beneath the thatched roofs,
as well as under the gilded, and our ears need not be pulled much
to learn these lessons.

[53] Ces Sagamies se partagent la region, & sont quasi distribuees par
bayes, ou riuieres. Par exemple, en la riuiere de Pentegoet vn Sagamo;
vn autre à celle de S. Croix; vn autre à celle de S. Iean, &c. Quand
ils se visitent c'est au recepuant de bien-veigner, & faire tabagie
à ses hostes, autant de iours qu'il peut; les hostes luy font des
presents: mais c'est à la charge que le visité reciproque, quand ce
vient au départ, si le visitant est Sagamo, autrement non.

[53] These Sagamies divide up the country and are nearly always
arranged according to bays or rivers. For example, for the
Pentegoet river there is one Sagamore; another for the Ste. Croix;
another for the St. John, etc. When they visit each other it is the
duty of the host to welcome and to banquet his guests, as many days
as he can, the guests making him some presents; but it is with the
expectation that the host will reciprocate, when the guest comes to
depart, if the guest is a Sagamore, otherwise not.

C'est l'Esté principalem[~e]t qu'ils font leurs visites, & tiennent
leurs Estats: ie veux dire, que plusieurs Sagamos s'assemblent, &
consultent par entr'eux de la paix, & de la guerre, des traictés
d'amitié, & du bien commun. Il n'y a que lesdits Sagamos, qui ayent
voix en chapitre, & qui harenguent, ne fussent quelques vieux, &
renommés [54] _Autmoins_, qui sont comme leurs Prestres, car ils les
honnorent fort, & leur donn[~e]t seance la mesme qu'aux Sagamos.
Il arriue quelque fois, qu'vn mesme est tout ensemble & _Autmoin_
& _Sagamo_, & lors il est grandement redouté. Tel a esté le renõmé
Membertou, qui se fit Chrestien, ainsi que vous ouyrez bien tost. En
ces assemblées donc, s'il y a quelques nouuelles d'importance, comme
que leurs voisins leurs veul[~e]t faire la guerre, ou qu'ils ayent tué
quelqu'vn, ou qu'il faille renouueller alliance, &c. Lors messagers
volent de toutes parts pour faire la plus generale assemblée, qu'ils
peuuent de tous les confederez qu'ils appellent _Ricmanen_, qui sont
quasi tous ceux de mesme langue. Neantmoins souuent la confederation
s'est[~e]d plus loin, que ne faict la langue, & contre [55] ceux de
mesme langue, s'esleuant quelquefois des guerres. En ces assemblees
ainsi vniuerselles se resout ou la paix, ou trefue, ou guerre, ou rien
du tout, ainsi qu'arriue souuent és deliberations, où y a plusieurs
testes sans ordre, & subordinatiõ, d'où lon se depart plus confus
souuent & des-vny qu'on n'y estoit venu.

It is principally in Summer that they pay visits and hold their
State Councils; I mean that several Sagamores come together
and consult among themselves about peace and war, treaties of
friendship and treaties for the common good. It is only these
Sagamores who have a voice in the discussion and who make the
speeches, unless there be some old and renowned [54] _Autmoins_,
who are like their Priests, for they respect them very much and
give them a hearing the same as to the Sagamores. It happens
sometimes that the same person is both _Autmoin_ and _Sagamore_,
and then he is greatly dreaded. Such was the renowned Membertou,
who became a Christian, as you will soon hear. Now in these
assemblies, if there is some news of importance, as that their
neighbors wish to make war upon them, or that they have killed some
one, or that they must renew the alliance, etc., then messengers
fly from all parts to make up the more general assembly, that
they may avail themselves of all the confederates, which they
call _Ricmanen_, who are generally those of the same language.
Nevertheless the confederation often extends farther than the
language does, and war sometimes arises against [55] those who have
the same language. In these assemblies so general, they resolve
upon peace, truce, war, or nothing at all, as often happens in
the councils where there are several chiefs, without order and
subordination, whence they frequently depart more confused and
disunited than when they came.

Leurs guerres ne se font quasi que de langue à langue, ou de pays à
pays, & tousiours par surprinse & trahison. Ils ont l'arc & le pauois,
ou targue, mais ils ne se mett[~e]t iamais en bataille rãgée, au moins
de ce que i'en ay peu apprendre. Et de vray ils sont de leur naturel
paoureux & coüards, quoi qu'ils ne cessent de se vanter, & facent
leur possible d'estre censés, & auoir le nom de Grand coeur. _Meskir
Kameramon_, Grand coeur chez eux, c'est toute vertu.

Their wars are nearly always between language and language, or
country and country, and always by deceit and treachery. They have
the bow and the shield, or buckler, but they never place themselves
in a line of battle, at least from what I have been able to learn.
And, in truth, they are by nature fearful and cowardly, although
they are always boasting, and do all they can to be renowned and to
have the name of "Great-heart." _Meskir Kameramon_, "Great-heart,"
among them is the crowning virtue.

[56] Si les offenses ne sont pas de peuple à peuple, ains entre
compatriotes, & combourgeois, lors ils se battent par entr'eux pour les
petites offenses, & leur façon de cõbat, est cõm'icy celle des femmes,
de se voler aux cheueux: saisis par là, ils se luitt[~e]t & secoüent
d'vne terrible façon, & s'ils sont fort esgaux, ils demeureront tout
vn iour voire deux sans se quitter iusques à ce qu'on les separe, & de
vray pour la force du corps, & bras, ils nous sont esgaux, le prenant
de pareil à pareil, & si sont plus adextres à la luicte, & plus agiles
à courir: mais ils n'entendent point à l'escrime des poings. I'ay veu
vn de nos petits garçons faire fuir deuant soy vn Sauuage plus grãd
que luy d'vn pied: quãd se mettant en posture de noble combattant,
il fermoit le pouce sur les doigs, luy disant, Approche: [57] mais
aussi, quand le Sauuage pouuoit le happer par le tronc du corps, il luy
faisoit crier mercy.

[56] If the offenses are not between tribes, but between
compatriots and fellow-citizens, then they fight among themselves
for slight offenses, and their way of fighting is like that of
women here, they fly for the hair; holding on to this, they
struggle and jerk in a terrible fashion, and if they are equally
matched, they keep it up one whole day, or even two, without
stopping until some one separates them; and certainly in strength
of body and arms they are equal to us, comparing like to like; but
if they are more skillful in wrestling and nimble running, they do
not understand boxing at all. I have seen one of our little boys
make a Savage, a foot taller than himself, fly before him; placing
himself in the posture of a noble warrior, he placed his thumb over
his fingers and said, "Come on!" [57] However, when the Savage was
able to catch him up by the waist, he made him cry for mercy.

Reueuant à mon propos les petites offenses querelles sont facilement
appaisees par les Sagamos & communs amis. Et certes ils ne s'offensent
guieres, qu'on sçache. Ie dy qu'on sçache. Car nous n'en auons rien
veu, ains tousiours vn grand respect, & amour entr'eux. Ce qui nous
donoit vn grãd creue-coeur lors que nous tournions les yeux sur nostre
misere. Car de voir vne assemblee de François sans reproches, mespris,
enuies, & noises de l'vn à l'autre, c'est autant difficile, que de voir
la mer sans ondes, ne fust dedans les Cloistres & Conuents, où la grace
predomine à la nature.

Returning to my subject. The little offenses and quarrels are
easily adjusted by the Sagamores and common friends. And in truth
they are hardly ever offended long, as far as we know. I say, as
far as we know, for we have never seen anything except always great
respect and love among them; which was a great grief to us when we
turned our eyes upon our own shortcomings. For to see an assembly
of French people without reproaches, slights, envy, and quarrels
with each other, is as difficult as to see the sea without waves,
except in Monasteries and Convents, where grace triumphs over
nature.

Les grandes offenses, comme si [58] quelqu'vn auoit tué vn autre, s'il
luy auoit desrobé sa femme, &c. C'est à l'offensé de les venger de sa
propre main: ou s'il est mort, c'est à ses plus proches parents, ce
qu'arriuant personne ne s'en remuë, ains tous demeurent contents sur ce
mot, _habenquedouïc_, il n'a pas commencé, il le luy a rendu: quittes
& bons amis. Que si le delinquant, repentant de sa faute desire faire
sa paix, il est receu d'ordinaire à satisfaction, moyennant presents &
autres reparatiõs conuenables.

The great offenses, as when [58] some one has killed another,
or stolen away his wife, etc., are to be avenged by the offended
person with his own hand; or if he is dead, it is the duty of the
nearest relatives; when this happens, no one shows any excitement
over it, but all dwell contentedly upon this word _habenquedouïc_,
"he did not begin it, he has paid him back: quits and good
friends." But if the guilty one, repenting of his fault, wishes
to make peace, he is usually received with satisfaction, offering
presents and other suitable atonement.

Ils ne sont nullement ingrats entr'eux, ils s'entredonnent tout. Nul
oseroit esconduire la priere d'vn autre, ny manger, sans luy faire
part de ce qu'il a. Vne fois que nous estions allés bien loin à la
pesche, passerent par là cinq ou six femmes, ou filles bien chargées &
lasses: nos gents par courtoisie, [59] leur donnerent de leur prinse,
ce qu'elles mirent cuire tout aussi tost dans vn chauderon, que nous
leur prestasmes, à peine le chauderon boüilloit, que voicy vn bruit,
que d'autres Sauuages estoyent là qui venoy[~e]t, alors nos pauures
femmes à s'enfuir viste dans les bois à tout leur chauderon demy cuit:
car elles auoyent bonne faim. La raison de la fuite estoit pour-autant
que si elles eussent esté veuës, il eust fallu par loy de ciuilité,
qu'elles eussent faict part aux suruenants de leur viande, qui n'estoit
point trop grande. L'on rit bien alors; & plus encores quand elles
apres auoir mangé, voyants lesdits Sauuages venus aupres de nostre feu,
firent semblant de n'y auoir pas touché, & de passer tout ainsi, que si
elles ne nous eussent point veu au parauant, elles dirent à nos gents
[60] tout bas où c'est qu'elles auoyent laissé le chauderon, & eux
comme bons compagnons, cognoissans le mystere sçeurent bien seruir aux
belles mines, & pour mieux aider au jeu, les pressoyent de s'arrester &
gouster vn peu de leur pesche, mais elles ne voulurent rien faire, tant
elles auoyent de haste, disants, _coupouba, coupouba_, grand mercy,
grand mercy. Nos g[~e]ts respondir[~e]t: Or allez de part Dieu, puis
qu'auez si grand haste.

They are in no wise ungrateful to each other, and share
everything. No one would dare to refuse the request of another, nor
to eat without giving him a part of what he has. Once when we had
gone a long way off to a fishing place, there passed by five or
six women or girls, heavily burdened and weary; our people through
courtesy [59] gave them some of our fish, which they immediately
put to cook in a kettle, that we loaned them. Scarcely had the
kettle begun to boil when a noise was heard, and other Savages
could be seen coming; then our poor women fled quickly into the
woods, with their kettle only half boiled, for they were very
hungry. The reason of their flight was that, if they had been seen,
they would have been obliged by a rule of politeness to share with
the newcomers their food, which was not too abundant. We had a good
laugh then; and were still more amused when they, after having
eaten, seeing the said Savages around our fire, acted as if they
had never been near there and were about to pass us all by as if
they had not seen us before, telling our people [60] in a whisper
where they had left the kettle; and they, like good fellows,
comprehending the situation, knew enough to look unconscious, and
to better carry out the joke, urged them to stop and taste a little
fish; but they did not wish to do anything of the kind, they were
in such a hurry, saying _coupouba, coupouba_, "many thanks, many
thanks." Our people answered: "Now may God be with you since you
are in such a hurry."

CHAPITRE VI.

DE LEURS MARIAGES & PETIT NOMBRE DE PEUPLE.

AV cõtraire de nous, ils font en leurs mariages, non que le pere
donne doüaire à sa fille pour la loger auec quelqu'vn; ains [61] que
le poursuiuant face de bons, & beaux presens au pere, à ce qu'il luy
donne sa fille pour espouse. Les presents seront proportionnément à la
qualité du pere, & beauté de la fille; des chiens, des castors, des
chauderons, & haches, &c. Mais la façon de courtiser, est bien sauuage:
car l'amoureux dés qu'il se professe pour tel, n'oseroit regarder la
fille, ny luy parler, ny demeurer aupres d'elle, sinon par occasion,
& lors il faut qu'il se commande de ne la point enuisager, ny donner
aucun signe de sa passion, autrement il seroit la mocquerie de tous,
& sa fauourie en rougiroit. Apres quelque temps, le père assemble la
par[~e]tée, pour auec eux deliberer de l'alliance. Si le recherchant
est de bon aage; s'il est bon, & dispos chasseur, sa race, son credit,
sa gaillardise; & s'il leur aggrée, ils luy [62] allongeront, ou
accourciront, ou conditionneront le temps, & façon de sa poursuitte,
ainsi qu'ils aduiseront, au bout duquel temps pour les nopces y aura
solemnelle Tabagie & festin, auec harangues, chants, & danses.

CHAPTER VI.

ON THEIR MARRIAGES, AND SPARSENESS OF POPULATION.

CONTRARY to our custom, in their marriages the father does not give
a dower to his daughter to establish her with some one, but [61]
the lover gives beautiful and suitable presents to the father, so
that he will allow him to marry his daughter. The presents will be
in proportion to the rank of the father and beauty of the daughter;
dogs, beavers, kettles, axes, etc. But they have a very rude way
of making love; for the suitor, as soon as he shows a preference
for a girl, does not dare look at her, nor speak to her, nor stay
near her, unless accidentally; and then he must force himself not
to look her in the face, nor to give any sign of his passion,
otherwise he would be the laughingstock of all, and his sweetheart
would blush for him. After a while, the father brings together the
relatives, to talk over the match with them,--whether the suitor is
of proper age, whether he is a good and nimble hunter, his family,
his reputation, his youthful adventures; and if he suits them, they
will [62] lengthen or shorten, or make stipulations as to the time
and manner of his courtship as they may think best; and at the end
of this time, for the nuptials there will be solemn Tabagie and
feasts with speeches, songs and dances.

Selon la coustume du païs, ils peuuent auoir plusieurs femmes,
neantmoins la pluspart de ceux que i'ay veu n'en ont qu'vne: plusieurs
des Sagamos pretendent ne se pouuoir passer de ceste pluralité, non ja
pour cause de luxure (car ceste nation n'est point fort incontinente,)
ains pour autres deux raisons, l'vne à fin de retenir leur authorité,
& puissance ayants plusieurs enfans; car en cela gist la force des
maisons, en multitude d'alliés, & consanguins: la seconde raison est
leur entretien & seruice, qui est grand, & penible, puis qu'ils ont
grande famille & [63] suitte, & partant requiert nombre de seruiteurs &
mesnagers: or n'ont ils autres seruiteurs, esclaues, ou artisants que
les femmes. Les pauurettes endurent toute la misere & fatigue de la
vie: elles font & dressent les maisons, ou cabannes, les fournissent
de feu, de bois & d'eau, apprestent les viandes, boucannent les
chairs & autres prouisions, c'est à dire les seichent à la fumée pour
les conseruer; vont querir la chasse ou ell' a esté tuée, cousent &
radoubent les cauots, accommodent & tendent les peaux, les conroyent
& en font des habits, & des souliers à toute la famille; vont à la
pesche, tirent à l'auiron: en fin subissent tout le trauail, hors celuy
seulement de la grande chasse: outre le soin & la tant oppressante
nourriture de leurs petits. Elles emmaillottent leurs enfans [64] sur
des petits ais, tels que sont ceux qui pend[~e]t aux espaules des
crocheteurs de Paris, les aisles en estãt ostees. Ces ais pend[~e]t à
vne large courroye attachée à leur front, & ainsi chargees de leurs
enfans s'en vont à l'eau, au bois, à la pesche. Si l'enfant crie elles
se mettent à dansotter & chanter, bersants ainsi leur petit, lequel
cessant de plourer, elles poursuiuent leur besongne.

According to the custom of the country, they can have several
wives, but the greater number of them that I have seen have only
one; some of the Sagamores pretend that they cannot do without
this plurality, not because of lust (for this nation is not very
unchaste) but for two other reasons. One is, in order to retain
their authority and power by having a number of children; for
in that lies the strength of the house, in the great number of
allies and connections; the second reason is their entertainment
and service, which is great and laborious, since they have large
families and [63] a great number of followers, and therefore
require a number of servants and housewives; now they have no other
servants, slaves, or mechanics but the women. These poor creatures
endure all the misfortunes and hardships of life; they prepare and
erect the houses, or cabins, furnishing them with fire, wood, and
water; prepare the food, preserve the meat and other provisions,
that is, dry them in the smoke to preserve them; go to bring the
game from the place where it has been killed; sew and repair the
canoes, mend and stretch the skins, curry them, and make clothes
and shoes of them for the whole family; they go fishing and do the
rowing; in short, undertake all the work except that alone of the
grand chase, besides having the care and so weakening nourishment
of their children. They bind their babies [64] upon little slats
like those which hang from the shoulders of street-porters in
Paris, with the wings taken away. These slats hang from a broad
strap fastened to their foreheads; thus burdened with their
children, they go to the water, to the woods, and to fish. If the
child cries they begin to dance and sing, thus rocking their little
one, and when it stops crying they go on with their work.

Pour ces raisons doncques aucuns Sauuages veulent defendre leur
Polygamie, allegans outre ce, qu'ils viendroyent autrement à
defaillance par extreme paucité; ignorants la benediction du mariage
Chrestien. Et partant est digne de plus grande loüange ce leur insigne
Membertou, qui quoi qu'il ait esté le plus grãd Sagamo, le plus suiuy,
& le plus redouté qu'ils ay[~e]t eu de plusieurs siecles, [65] si
n'a-il voulu auoir plus que d'vne femme à la fois, mesmes estant Payen,
iugeant par instinc naturel, que ceste pluralité estoit & infame, &
incommode à raison des riottes, qui en sourdent tousiours, tãt entre
les femmes, qu'entre les enfans de diuers licts.

So for these reasons some of the Savages try to defend their
Polygamy, further alleging that otherwise there would be an
extinction of the family for lack of descendants; ignoring the
blessings of Christian marriage. And therefore their renowned
Membertou is worthy of greater praise, because although he was the
greatest Sagamore, the most followed, and the most feared, that
they had had for several centuries, [65] yet he did not care to
have more than one wife at a time; although a Pagan, judging from
instinct that this plurality was both infamous and troublesome, on
account of the quarrels which always arose from it, as much among
the wives as among the children of different mothers.

Or les femmes, quoy qu'elles ayent tant de peine, comme i'ay dit, si
n'en sont elles pas plus cheries. Les maris les battent comme plastre,
& souuent pour bien leger subject. Vn iour certain François osa tancer
quelque Sauuage, à cest'occasion: le Sauuage luy repliqua en cholere.
Et quoy? Mais as-tu que voir dans ma maison, si ie bats mon chien? La
comparaison estoit mauuaise, la response estoit aiguë. Peu de diuorces
arriuent entr'eux, & (comme ie croy) peu d'adulteres. Si la femme
s'oublioit en cela, ie ne pense pas qu'il [66] y allast de moins que de
la vie de tous les deux adulterans. La faute des filles n'est pas tant
estimée, ny elles ne perdent point pour cela de trouuer party; c'est
tousiours honte neantmoins.

Now these women, although they have so much trouble, as I have
said, yet are not cherished any more for it. The husbands beat
them unmercifully, and often for a very slight cause. One day a
certain Frenchman undertook to rebuke a Savage for this; the Savage
answered angrily: "How now, have you nothing to do but to see into
my house, every time I strike my dog?" The comparison was bad, the
retort was keen. Few divorces occur among them, and (as I believe)
little adultery. If the wife should so far forget herself I do
not believe that it [66] would be less than a matter of life and
death to the two adulterers. The immorality of the girls is not
considered so important, nor do they fail for this reason to find
husbands; yet it is always a disgrace.

Quant à l'exterieur habit, port & facon, les femmes & filles sont
fort pudiques & honteuses, les hommes aussi ne sont point impudens,
& sont fort mal edifiés, quãd quelque fol François ose se iouër auec
leurs femmes. Certain esceruelé s'estant vne fois licentié en cela,
ils vindrent aduiser nostre Capitaine qu'il reprimast ses g[~e]ts,
l'aduertissant que celuy n'auroit pas beau jeu, qui le recommenceroit,
qu'on l'estendroit par terre. On dresse tousiours vne cabane à l'escart
pour les femmes, qui ont leurs mois, car ils les estim[~e]t estre alors
contagieuses.

As to their dress, demeanor, and manners, the women and girls are
very modest and bashful; the men also are not immodest, and are
very much insulted, when some foolish Frenchman dares to meddle
with their women. Once when a certain madcap took some liberties,
they came and told our Captain that he should look out for his men,
informing him that any one who attempted to do that again would not
stand much of a chance, that they would kill him on the spot. They
always put up a separate cabin for the women when they have their
menses, for then they believe them to be infectious.

Ils s'estonnent & se plaignent [67] souu[~e]t de ce que dés que les
Frãçois hantent & ont commerce auec eux, ils se meurent fort, & se
depeuplent. Car ils asseurent qu'auant ceste hantise, & frequentation,
toutes leurs terres estoyent fort populeuses, & historient par ordre
coste par coste, qu'à mesure qu'ils ont plus cõmencé à traffiquer
auecques nous, ils ont plus esté rauagez de maladies: adjoustans, que
la cause pourquoy les Armouchiquoys se maintiennent en leur nombrosité,
c'est à leur aduis, parce qu'ils ne sont point nonchalants. Là dessus
ils alambiquent souuent leur cerueau, & tantost ils opinent, que les
François les empoisonnent, ce qui est faux: tantost qu'ils donnent
du poison aux scelerats, & peruers de leur natiõ, pour s'en seruir à
l'exequution de leur malice. Ceste posterieure coniecture n'est pas
sans [68] exemple: car nous auons veu du reagal, & du sublimé entre
leurs mains, lequel ils disoyent auoir acheté de certains Chirurgiens
François, à fin de faire mourir tous ceux qu'il leur plairoit, & se
vantoyent l'auoir ja experimenté sur vn captif, lequel (disoyent-ils)
estoit mort vn iour apres la prinse. Autres se plaignent qu'on leur
desguise souuent, & sophistique les marchandises, & qu'on leur vend
des pois, febues, prunes, pain, & autres choses gastees? & que c'est
cela qui leur corromp le corps, & dont s'engendr[~e]t les dysenteries
& autres maladies, qui ont coustume de les saisir en Automne. Ceste
raison de mesme ne se propose pas sans productiõ d'exemples, dont ils
ont esté souuent sur le poinct de rompre auecques nous, & de nous
faire la guerre. Certes il y auroit bon besoin de [69] pouruoir à ces
meurtres execrables, par remedes conuenables si lon en pouuoit trouuer
aucun.

They are astonished and often complain [67] that, since the
French mingle with and carry on trade with them, they are dying
fast, and the population is thinning out. For they assert that,
before this association and intercourse, all their countries were
very populous, and they tell how one by one the different coasts,
according as they have begun to traffic with us, have been more
reduced by disease; adding, that the reason why the Armouchiquois
do not diminish in population is because they are not at all
careless. Thereupon they often puzzle their brains, and sometimes
think that the French poison them, which is not true; at other
times that they give poison to the wicked and vicious of their
nation to help them vent their spite upon some one. This last
supposition is not without [68] foundation; for we have seen them
have some arsenic and sublimate which they said they bought from
certain French Surgeons, in order to kill whomsoever they wished,
and boasted that they had already experimented upon a captive, who
(they said) died the day after taking it. Others complain that
the merchandise is often counterfeited and adulterated, and that
peas, beans, prunes, bread, and other things that are spoiled
are sold to them; and that it is that which corrupts the body
and gives rise to the dysentery and other diseases which always
attack them in Autumn. This theory likewise is not offered without
citing instances, for which they have often been upon the point of
breaking with us, and making war upon us. Indeed there would be
great need of [69] providing against these detestable murders by
some suitable remedy if one could be found.

Neantmoins la principale cause de toutes ces morts & maladies n'est
pas ce qu'ils disent: ains c'est à leur honte; que l'Esté nos nauires
venus ils ne cessent de plusieurs sepmaines s'engorger outre mesure
de plusieurs viandes non accoustumés auec oisiueté, d'yurongner, & au
vin adiouster encores l'eau de vie; dont n'est pas de merueille si
despuis l'Automne suiuant, il faut qu'ils endurent des trenchées de
ventre. Ceste nation est fort peu soucieuse de l'auenir, ainsi que tous
les autres Americains, qui iouyssent du present: & ne sont poussez au
trauail, que par la necessité presente. Tandis qu'ils ont dequoy, ils
font tabagie perpetuelle; chants, danses & harangues: & s'ils sont
[70] en troupe, n'attendez pas autre chose; il y a lors belles treues
par les bois. Parler de reserue s'ils ne sont en guerre, sont propos
de sedition. Ils auront faim l'Hyuer, leur dirés vous: _Endriex_,
vous respondront: c'est tout vn; nous l'endurons facilement: nous
passons les sept & huict iours, voire les dix aucunefois sans manger,
si n'en mourons point pour cela. Toutesfois s'ils sont à part, & où
leurs f[~e]mes puissent estre creuës (car les femmes sont par tout
plus mesnageres) ils feront aucunesfois des magasins pour l'Hyuer, où
ils se reserueront quelques chairs boucanées: quelques racines, du
gland espeluché en noyaux, quelques pois, ou febues, ou pruneaux de
la trocque, &c. La façon de ces magasins est telle. Ils mettent ces
prouisions dans des sacs qu'ils enueloppent dans des [71] grandes &
amples escorces; lesquelles ils suspendent en l'air aux branches de
deux ou trois arbres, liées par ensemble, à ce que les rats ny les
autres bestes, ny l'humidité de la terre, ne les endommage. Voila leurs
magasins. Qui les gardera? eux s'en allants: car s'ils demeuroyent,
leurs magasins iroyent bien tost par terre; ils s'en vont doncques
autre part iusques au temps de famine: Telles sont les gardes, qu'ils
y mettent. Aussi de vray ceste nation n'est point larronnesse. Pleust
à Dieu, que les Chrestiens, qui vont à eux ne dõnassent en cela point
de scandale. Mais auiourd'huy si on soupçonne aucun Sauuage d'auoir
desrobé, aussi tost il vous mettra deuant le nez ceste belle defense.
_Nous ne sommes point larrons, comme vous, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro
derquir._

Nevertheless the principal cause of all these deaths and diseases
is not what they say it is, but it is something to their shame;
in the Summer time, when our ships come, they never stop gorging
themselves excessively during several weeks with various kinds
of food not suitable to the inactivity of their lives; they get
drunk, not only on wine but on brandy; so it is no wonder that they
are obliged to endure some gripes of the stomach in the following
Autumn. This nation takes little care for the future, but, like
all the other Americans, enjoys the present; they are not urged
on to work except by present necessity. As long as they have
anything, they are always celebrating feasts and having songs,
dances and speeches; if there is [70] a crowd of them you need
not expect anything else; there are then some fine truces in the
woods. To speak of restraint, when they are not at war, is equal
to proposing a riot. If you tell them that they will be hungry in
the Winter: _Endriex_, they will answer you, "It is all the same to
us, we shall stand it well enough: we spend seven and eight days,
even ten sometimes, without eating anything, yet we do not die."
Nevertheless, if they are by themselves and where they may safely
listen to their wives (for women are everywhere better managers),
they will sometimes make some storehouses for the Winter, where
they will keep smoked meat, roots, shelled acorns, peas, beans, or
prunes bought from us, etc. The storehouses are like this;--They
put these provisions in sacks, which they tie up in [71] big
pieces of bark; these they suspend from the interlacing branches
of two or three trees so that neither rats nor other animals,
nor the dampness of the ground, can injure them. These are their
storehouses. Who is to take care of them when they go away? for,
if they stay, their stores would soon be consumed; so they go
somewhere else until the time of famine. Such are the only guards
they leave. For in truth this is not a nation of thieves. Would to
God that the Christians who go among them would not set them a bad
example in this respect. But as it is now, if a certain Savage is
suspected of having stolen anything he will immediately throw this
fine defense in your teeth, _We are not thieves, like you, Ilinen
auio aciquoan guiro derquir_.

Reuenants à la paucité de ce [72] peuple, il y a encores des autres
raisons d'icelle, ceste-cy principalement: qu'en vne vie tant inegale,
si disetteuse, & tant laborieuse, le naturel luy peut durer, s'il
n'est bien fort; & le fort mesme y reçoit des accidents souuent, &
heurts irremediables. Leurs femmes aussi à cause du grand trauail ne
sont pas si fecondes: car c'est le plus, si elles enfantent de deux
en deux ans. Aussi ne pourroyent elles nourrir leur fruict, si elles
accouchoy[~e]t plus souuent; veu mesmes qu'elles alaictent leurs enfans
iusques à trois ans, si elles peuu[~e]t. Leur couche ne dure guieres,
deux heures: souuent en chemin elles se deliurent, & vn peu apres
reprendront leur trauail comme deuant.

Returning to the sparseness of the [72] population, there are still
some other reasons for it; this being the principal one, that
in a life so irregular, so necessitous and so painful, a man's
constitution cannot hold out unless it be very strong, and even
then he is liable to accidents and irremediable injuries. Their
wives, on account of their heavy work, are not very prolific, for
at most they do not have children oftener than every two years,
and they are not able to nourish their offspring if they have them
oftener, as they nurse them for three years if they can.[19] Their
confinement lasts hardly two hours; often the children are born on
the march, and a little while afterward the mothers will go on with
their work as before.

Ie me suis enquis souuent, combien grand pourroit estre le nombre de
ce peuple: I'ay trouué par [73] la Relation des Sauuages mesmes, que
dans l'enclos de la grande riuiere, dés les Terres Neufues iusques
à Chouacoët, on ne sçauroit trouuer plus de neuf ou dix mill'ames.
Regardez la carte, & ie vous en donneray le denombrement. Tous les
Souriquoys 3000. ou 3500. Les Eteminquois iusques à Pentegoët 2500.
Dés Pentegoët iusques à Kinibequi, & de Kinibequi iusques à Chouacoët
3000. Les Montaguets 1000. Voila enuiron dix mill'ames, & ie crois que
c'est pour le plus. Les autres peuples ne nous sõt pas cogneus. Aduisez
combien veritablement, & emphatiquement a parlé le S. Esprit par la
bouche d'Isaye de ces pauures Sauuages dispersez, soubs la metaphore
propre & conuenable d'vn grãd vergier, ou parterre sauuagin, &
forestier. _Il ne fait que florir encores, sur le temps de la recolte_,
[74] dit-il, _Il germe, quand il deuroit estre venu à maturité: Il
le faut lors émonder, & tailler; C'est pourquoy ses fruicts sont
delaissez aux oyseaux des montagnes & bestes de la terre: Les oyseaux
jucheront sur luy tout l'Esté; & toutes les bestes de terre hyuerneront
sur luy._ Car certainement, ce pauure peuple, comme vn grand plan de
sauuageons mal nez, & de mauuaise venuë, quand par le laps & experience
des siecles, il deuroit estre venu à quelque perfection des arts,
sciences, & raison: Qu'il en deuroit auoir produict fruict abondant
en philosophie, police, moeurs, & commoditez de la vie; qu'il deuroit
estre ja disposé à la maturité du S. Euangile, pour estre recueilly
en la maisõ de Dieu: voila qu'on ne le voit sinon chetif & rare,
donné la pasture des corbeaux, hiboux & cocus infernaux: & la curee
maudite des renards, [75] ours, sangliers, & dragons spirituels. O
Dieu de misericorde! n'aurez vous point pitié de ce desastre? Ne
ietterez-vous point vos yeux de douceur sur ce pauure desert? Benin,
& pieux laboureur, faictes que la prophetie, qui suit se verifie en
nous en nostre âge. _En ce t[~e]ps là present sera apporté au Seigneur
des Armées par le peuple rompu, & deschiré, par le peuple terrible,
apres qui n'en y a point d'autre; La nation attendãte, attendante,
& mesprisee, de qui les fleuues ont gasté la terre; au lieu où est
inuoqué le nom du Seigneur des Armées à la montagne de Sion._ Ainsi
soit-il.

I have often wondered how many of these people there are. I
have found from [73] the Accounts of the Savages themselves, that
in the region of the great river, from Newfoundland to Chouacoët,
there cannot be found more than nine or ten thousand people. Look
at the chart and I will give you the enumeration of them. The
Souriquoys, in all, 3000, or 3500. The Eteminquois to Pentegoët,
2500. From Pentegoët to Kinibequi and from Kinibequi to Chouacoët,
3000. The Montaguets, 1000. This is about ten thousand souls, and I
believe it is the highest number. The other tribes are not known to
us. Consider how truly and emphatically the Holy Spirit has spoken
through the mouth of Isaiah about these poor scattered Savages,
under the fitting and appropriate comparison of a great orchard
or garden, wild and uncultivated. He says: _At the time of the
harvest there are still nothing but buds,_ [74] _At the time of the
ripening, they are springing up: Then must he cut off the sprigs
with pruning hooks: Therefore the fruits are left to the fowls
of the mountain, and to the beasts of the earth; the fowls shall
Summer upon them, and all the beasts of the earth shall winter
upon them._ For in truth this people, who, through the progress
and experience of centuries, ought to have come to some perfection
in the arts, sciences and philosophy, is like a great field of
stunted and ill-begotten wild plants, a people which ought to have
produced abundant fruits in philosophy, government, customs, and
conveniences of life; which ought to be already prepared for the
completeness of the Holy Gospel, to be received in the house of
God. Yet behold it wretched and dispersed, given up to ravens,
owls, and infernal cuckoos, and to be the cursed prey of spiritual
foxes, [75] bears, boars, and dragons. O, God of mercy! wilt thou
not have pity upon this misery? Wilt thou not look upon this poor
wilderness with a favoring eye? Kind and pious husbandman, so
act that the prophecy which follows may be fulfilled upon us and
in our time. _In that time shall a present be brought unto the
Lord of Hosts from a people rent, and torn in pieces, a terrible
people, after which there hath been no other; A nation expecting,
expecting, and trodden under foot, whose land the rivers have
spoiled; to the place of the name of the Lord of Hosts, the mount
Sion._ Amen.

CHAPITRE VII.

[76] DE LA MEDECINE DES SAUUAGES.

IL est asseuré, que les disettes grandes suffoquent l'esprit, &
l'oppressent de leur importun & tyrannique seruice, en sorte qu'à
peine peut-il reuenir à soy iamais, ou se regaillardir en quelques
gentiles considerations: non pas mesme songer aux autres moindres
necessitez pour leur aller au deuant, ou les alleger; preoccupé
tousiours & violenté par les plus fortes. Nous voyons cecy en nos
pauures Sauuages, lesquels pour ne viure qu'au iour à la iournée, &
par consequent tousiours asseruis à la crainte de la faim, premiere, &
plus forte necessité de toutes, n'ont moyen de cultiuer leur esprit en
la recherche des [77] sciences; non pas mesme de se pouruoir des ars,
& industries pour l'aisance, & ameliorement de la vie, ny pour fournir
aux autres defauts, quoy que bien pressants. A ceste cause donc ils
manquent non seulement de toutes lettres & beaux artifices; ains aussi
(chose miserable) de medecine, soit pour l'entretenement de leur santé,
soit pour le secours de leurs maladies, sinon en ce peu que ie diray.

CHAPTER VII.

[76] ON THE MEDICINE OF THE SAVAGES.

IT is true that great poverty stifles the spirit, and overwhelms
it with its importunate and despotic sway, so that it can seldom
turn to itself, or revel in agreeable meditations, nor even dream
of something better to prevent or lighten it, being always absorbed
in and possessed by the greatest needs. We see this in our poor
Savages, who live only from hand to mouth, and hence are always
subject to the fear of hunger, first and strongest of all wants;
they have no opportunity of developing their minds in the pursuit
of [77] knowledge; not even of providing arts and trades for the
relief and amelioration of life, nor to satisfy other wants however
pressing. Now for this reason they not only lack all literature
and fine arts, but also (unfortunately) medicine, whether for the
preservation of their health, or for the cure of their diseases,
except the little that I shall describe.

Ils entretiennent leur santé (l'Esté principalement) par l'vsage des
estuuées & sueurs, & du baigner. Ils se seruent aussi de friction,
apres laquelle ils s'oignent tout le corps d'huyle de loup marin.
Ce qui les rend fort fascheusement puants à qui n'y est accoustumé.
Neantmoins ceste onction faict, que le chaud & le froid leur en sont
plus tolerables, que leurs [78] cheueux ne sõt prins par les bois,
ains glissent, que la pluye & mauuais temps ne leur nuit à la teste,
ains coule en bas & iusques aux pieds. Item, que les moucherons (qui
là sont cruels en Esté, & plus qu'on ne croiroit) ne les tourmentent
point tant és parties nuës, &c. Ils vsent aussi du petun, & en boiuent
la fumée, de la façon commune en France. Cela leur profite sans
doute, voire leur est du tout necessaire, veu les grandes extremitez
qu'ils endur[~e]t de froid & mauuais temps, de faim, & de repletion
ou saturité, mais aussi beaucoup de maux leur en aduiennent; à cause
de leur excés en cela, c'est tout leur deduit quãd ils en ont, & de
certains François aussi bien que d'eux, qui s'y accoquinent, tellement
que pour boire de ces fumées, ils vendroyent leur chemise. Tous leurs
deuis, [79] traictés, bien-veignements, & caresses se font auec ce
petun. Ils se mett[~e]t en rond à l'entour du feu, deuisants, & se
baillants le petunoir de main en main, & s'entretenants en ceste façon
plusieurs heures auec grand plaisir. Tel est leur goust, & coustume.

They keep themselves well (principally in Summer) by the use of
hot rooms and sweat boxes, and by the bath. They also use massage,
afterwards rubbing the whole body with seal oil, causing them to
emit an odor which is very disagreeable to those not accustomed to
it. Nevertheless, when this oiling process is over, they can stand
heat and cold better, and their [78] hair is not caught in the
branches, but is slippery, so that rain and tempest do not injure
the head, but glide over it to the feet; also that the mosquitoes
(which are very vicious there in Summer, and more annoying than
one would believe) do not sting so much in the bare parts, etc.
They also use tobacco, and inhale the smoke as is done in France.
This is without doubt a help to them, and upon the whole rather
necessary, considering the great extremes of cold and bad weather
and of hunger and overeating or satiety which they endure; but
also many ills arise from it, on account of its excessive use. It
is the sole delight of these people when they have some of it, and
also certain Frenchmen are so bewitched with it that, to inhale
its fumes, they would sell their shirts. All their talks, [79]
treaties, welcomes, and endearments are made under the fumes of
this tobacco. They gather around the fire, chatting and passing the
pipe from hand to hand, enjoying themselves in this way for several
hours. Such is their inclination and custom.

Or ceux qui professent entre eux la medecine, sont les mesmes, qui
maintiennent l'estat de la Religion, sçauoir est, les _Autmoins_, qui
en charge representeroyent nos Prestres d'icy, & nos Medecins. Mais
en verité, ils ne sont Prestres, ains vrais sorciers; ny Medecins,
ains Triacleurs mensongers, & trompeurs. Toute leur science est en la
cognoissance de quelque peu de simples laxatifs, ou astringents, chauds
ou froids, lenitifs, ou corrosifs, pour le foye, ou pour le roignon;
& le hasart de bonne fortune, voila tout. [80] Mais leurs malices,
& tromperies sont grandes, desquelles ie vous presenteray icy vn
eschantillon; vous asseurant n'y auoir rien de feint, ou controuué en
tout ce que ie vous en raconteray, quoy qu'il semble incroyable.

Now those among them who practice medicine, are identical with
those who are at the head of their Religion, i.e. _Autmoins_, whose
office is the same as that of our Priests and our Physicians.
But in truth they are not Priests, but genuine sorcerers; not
Physicians, but Jugglers, liars, and cheats. All their science
consists in a knowledge of a few simple laxatives, or astringents,
hot or cold applications, lenitives or irritants for the liver or
kidneys, leaving the rest to luck; nothing more. [80] But they are
well versed in tricks and impositions, of which I shall give you a
sample, assuring you that I have not misrepresented or fabricated
anything of all that I shall tell you, although it may seem
incredible.

Le Sauuage se sentant mal extraordinairement, se couche tout au long du
feu: lors on dit; _Ouëscouzy. Ouëscouzy._ Il est malade. En son temps
on luy donnera sa part de ce qu'on aura rousty, boüilly, ou trainé par
les cendres; tout ainsi qu'aux autres, car de luy chercher ou apprester
quelque chose de particulier, ils n'en ont point l'vsance. Si donc le
malade mange ce qu'on luy aura baillé, bon prou luy face; sinon, lon
dira, qu'il est bien malade. Et apres quelques iours (si lon peut) on
mandera querir l'_Autmoin_, que les Basques appellent _Pilotoys_, c'est
à dire, sorcier. [81] Or ce _Pilotoys_ ayant consideré son malade, le
souffle, & resouffle auec ie ne sçay quels enchantements; vous diriés
que ces vents pectoraux doiuent dissiper la cacochymie du patient.
Que s'il voit apres quelques iours, que pour tout son boursoufflement
le mal ne disparoit point, il en trouue bien la cause à son aduis,
c'est dit-il, pour-autant que le Diable est là, au dedans du malade,
le tourmentant, & empeschant la guerison. Mais qu'il faut l'auoir le
mauuais, l'enleuer de force, & le tuer. Lors tous se preparent à ceste
heroique action, que le tuer Belzebut: Et l'_Autmoin_ les aduertit
d'estre bien sur leurs gardes: car il se peut bi[~e] faire que cest
audacieux se voyant mal mené par luy, se ruë sur quelqu'vn de la
troupe, & l'estrangle là. Pour ceste cause il distribue à chascun son
acte de la [82] fable: mais elle seroit trop longue à raconter, car
elle dure bien trois heures.

A Savage, feeling very ill, stretches himself out near the fire:
then they say: _Ouëscouzy, Ouëscouzy_, "he is sick." When his
turn comes, they give him his share of whatever they have boiled,
roasted, or dragged over the coals, just the same as the others,
for they are not accustomed to seek or prepare any special food for
him. Now if the sick man eats what is given him, it is a good sign;
otherwise, they say that he is very sick, and after some days (if
they can) they will send for the _Autmoin_, whom the Basques call
_Pilotoys_; i.e., sorcerer.[20] [81] Now this _Pilotoys_, having
studied his patient, breathes and blows upon him some unknown
enchantments; you would say that these chest winds ought to dispel
the vitiated humors of the patient. If he sees after some days,
that notwithstanding all his blowing the evil does not disappear,
he finds the reason for it according to his own ideas, and says it
is because the Devil is there inside of the sick man, tormenting
and preventing him from getting well; but that he must have the
evil thing, get it out by force and kill it. Then all prepare for
that heroic action, the killing of Beelzebub. And the _Autmoin_
advises them to be upon their guard, for it can easily happen that
this insolent fellow, seeing himself badly treated by him, may hurl
himself upon someone of the crowd, and strangle him upon the spot.
For this reason he allots to each one his part of the [82] farce;
but it would be tedious to describe, for it lasts fully three hours.

Le sommaire est, que le Iongleur enfoüit dans vn creux bien profond en
terre vne cheuille, à laquelle il attache vne corde. Puis ayant fait
diuers chants, danses & hurlements sur le trou, & sur le malade, qui
n'en est pas loin, tel qu'il y en auroit assez pour estourdir vn homme
bien sain; il prend vn' espee toute nuë, & s'endemene si furieusement
çà & là, qu'il en suë à grosses gouttes par tout le corps, & baue
comm'vn cheual. Sur quoy les spectateurs estant ja intimidés: luy d'vn
effroyable & vrayement energumenique ton, redouble ses denontiations,
& mugissements, qu'on se garde, il est en fougues le Satan, il y a du
grand danger. A ce cry les pauures abusez deuienn[~e]t pasles, [83]
à demy morts comme linge, & tremblent comme la fueille sur l'arbre.
En fin cest affronteur s'escrie d'vn autre accent plus gaillard.
_Il en a le maudit cornu: Ie le vois là tout estendu aux abois, &
pantelant dedans la fosse._ Mais courage; il le faut auoir du tout,
& l'exterminer entierement. Adonc le monde present bien-aise, & tous
les plus robustes de grande ioye se iettent à la corde pour enleuer
Satan, & tirent, tirent. Mais ils n'ont garde de l'auoir: l'Autmoin
ayãt trop bi[~e] fiché la cheuille. Ils tir[~e]t encore vn' autrefois
tant qu'il peuu[~e]t, mais pour neant. Tandis le Pilotoys de temps en
temps va descharger ses blasphemes dessus la fosse, & faisant semblant
de donner à l'ennemy d'enfer de grandes estocades, deschausse peu à
peu la cheuille, laquelle en fin à force de tirer s'arrache, apportant
[84] auec soy quelques badineries, que le charlatant auoit attachée au
bout, comme des ossements pourris de mouluë, de roigneures de peaux
chargées de fiente, &c. Alors ioye par tout; il a esté tué le meschant
Lucifer. _Nepq. Nepq._ Tenez, en voyez-vous les marques? O victoire!
vous guerirez, malade; Ayez bonne esperance, si le mal n'est point plus
fort que vous: ie veux dire, si le Diable ne vous a ja blessé à mort.

The sum and substance of it is that the Juggler hides a stick
in a deep hole in the ground, to which is attached a cord. Then,
after various chants, dances, and howls over the hole, and over the
sick man, who is not far away, of such kind that a well man would
have enough of it to deafen him, he takes a naked sword and slashes
it about so furiously that the sweat comes out in great drops all
over his body and he froths like a horse. Thereupon the spectators,
being already intimidated, he, with a frightful and truly demoniac
voice, redoubles his roars and threats that they must take care,
that Satan is furious and that there is great peril. At this cry
the poor dupes turn pale [83] as death, and tremble like the leaf
upon the tree. At last this impostor cries out in another and
more joyous tone: "_There is the accursed one with the horn: I
see him extended there at bay and panting within the ditch._ But
courage, we must have him all and exterminate him entirely." Now
the audience being relieved, all the strongest with great joy rush
for the cord to raise Satan, and pull and pull. But they are far
from getting him, as the Autmoin has fastened the stick too well.
They pull again as hard as they can, but without success, while the
Pilotoys goes, from time to time, to utter his blasphemies over the
hole; and, making as if to give great thrusts to the diabolical
enemy, little by little uncovers the stick which, at last, by hard
pulling, is torn out, bringing [84] with it some rubbish, which
the charlatan had fastened to the end, such as decayed and mouldy
bones, pieces of skin covered with dung, etc. Then they are all
overjoyed; wicked Lucifer has been killed. _Nepq. Nepq._ Stop, do
you see his tracks? Oh victory! You will get well, sick man; be of
good cheer, if the evil is not stronger than you, I mean, if the
Devil has not already given you your deathblow.

Car icy est la derniere Scene de la farce. L'Autmoin dit, que ja le
Diable estant tué, ou bien blessé, ou du moins dehors, ie ne sçay, ou
bien loin: Il reste à sçauoir s'il aura point laissé le malade blessé
à mort. Pour deuiner cela il faut qu'il songe: aussi a-il bon besoin
d'aller dormir: car il est fort trauaillé: cependant il gaigne temps
pour voir les crises de la maladie. [85] Ayant bien dormy, & songé, il
reuoit son malade, & selon les prognostiques, qu'il recognoit, il le
prononce deuoir, ou viure, ou mourir. Il n'est ja si sot de dire, qu'il
viura, s'il n'en a des prorretiques asseurez: Il dira doncques qu'il
mourra, par exemple dans trois iours. Or oyez maintenant vne belle
façon de verifier ses propheties. Premierement le malade dés qu'il est
ainsi iugé à mort ne mange point, & lon ne luy donne rien plus. Que si
le troisiesme iour venu il ne meurt point encores, ils disent, qu'il y
a ie ne sçay quoy du Diable, qui ne le permet pas expirer à son aise:
par ainsi on s'en court à l'ayde: Où? A l'eau. Quoy faire? En apporter
des pleins chauderons. Pourquoy? Pour la luy verser toute froide dessus
le v[~e]tre, & ainsi luy esteindre toute chaleur vitale si aucune [86]
luy reste. Il faut bien qu'il trespasse le troisiesme iour, puis que
s'il ne veut mourir de soy, on le tuë.

For this is the last Scene of the farce. The Autmoin says, that
the Devil being already killed, or seriously hurt, or at least gone
away, whether very far or not, I do not know, it remains to be
seen if he has given a death wound to the patient. To guess this
he will have to dream; indeed he is in great need of sleep, for he
has worked hard. Meanwhile he gains time to observe the crisis of
the disease. [85] Having slept well and dreamed he looks again at
his patient and, according to the symptoms which he observes, he
declares that he is either to live or to die. He is not so foolish
as to say that he will live, if the symptoms are not encouraging.
He will then say, for instance, that he will die in three days.
Hear now in what a fine fashion he verifies his prophecies. In the
first place the sick man, since he has been thus appointed to die,
does not eat, and they no longer offer him anything. But if he does
not die by the third day, they say that he has something of the
Devil in him, I know not what, which does not permit him to die
easily, so they rush to his aid. Where? To the water. What to do?
To bring kettles full of it. Why? To pour the cold water over his
navel, and thus extinguish all vital heat, if any [86] remain to
him. He is indeed obliged to die the third day, since if he is not
going to do it of himself, they kill him.

Le Pere Enemõd Massé se rencontra vne fois en vn tel badinage, & en
conuainquit manifestement la piperie, & fausseté. Mais on ne sçauroit
dire combien peut la coustume, & l'authorité ja preiugée, encores
mesmes contre les demonstratiõs oculaires. Car toutes vos raisons, &
apportez-en mille si vous voulez, sont biffées, par ce seul traict,
qui leur est en main. _Aoti Chabaya_, c'est (disent-ils) la façon de
faire des Sauuages. Vous vsez de la vostre, nous de la nostre. Chacun
prise ses merceries, mais en despit de ces malencontreuses predictions
Autmoinales nous en auons veu par la grace de Dieu, qui sont eschappez
& reuenus en santé, par le bon soin & [87] cure des François, comme
_Membertou_, que Monsieur de Potrincourt retira d'vne toute telle mort,
& despuis de nostre temps son fils _Actodin_. Ce qui a grandement
decredité ces desastrez Magiciens, & a ouuert les yeux à ceste pauure
Gentilité, à la grande gloire de nostre Sauueur, & consolation de ses
seruiteurs.

Father Enemond Massé once found himself in the midst of this kind
of foolery, and demonstrated to them plainly the trickery and
falsity of it. But it is impossible to tell to how great a degree
custom and influence can prejudice, even in the presence of ocular
proof. For all your arguments, and you can bring on a thousand of
them if you wish, are annihilated by this single shaft which they
always have at hand, _Aoti Chabaya_, (they say) "That is the Savage
way of doing it. You can have your way and we will have ours;
every one values his own wares." But in spite of these lugubrious
Autmoinal predictions, we have seen some who, by the grace of
God, have been saved and have recovered their health, through
the good care and [87] nursing of the French, as for instance
_Membertou_, whom Monsieur de Potrincourt delivered from just such
a death as this; and in our time his son, _Actodin_; which has
greatly discredited these baleful Magicians, and has opened the
eyes of these poor Heathen, to the great glory of our Savior, and
satisfaction of his servants.

Pour la cure des playes, les Autmoins n'y entendent guieres plus:
car ils ne sçauent que succer la blesseure & la charmer, y apposant
quelques simples au rencontre de la bonne auenture. Cependant la cõmune
opinion est, qu'il faut faire plusieurs & bons presents à l'Autmoin,
à celle fin qu'il aye meilleure main: car, disent-ils, cela y fait
beaucoup en toutes sortes de symptomes. Les mesmes Pilotoys ont aussi
ce priuilege, que de receuoir de tous, & de ne [88] dõner à personne;
Ainsi que s'en venta vn faux vieillard, audict P. Enemond Massé. C'est
vne belle exemption de taille, que ceste-là: Ne rien donner, & receuoir
tout.

In regard to the cure of sores, the Autmoins know no more; for all
they can do is to suck the wound and charm it, applying to it some
simple remedies at random. However, the general impression is, that
they must make many and valuable presents to the Autmoin, so that
he may have a more skillful hand: for they say that that counts a
great deal in all kinds of diseases. Likewise the Pilotoys have
also this privilege, that of receiving from all and [88] giving to
none, as a wicked old man boasted to Father Enemond Massé. This is
a fine exemption from taxes, indeed: Give nothing and take all.

CHAPITRE VIII.

DE LEUR TESTAMENT, LEURS OBSEQUES, & ENTERREMENT, & DE LEUR RELIGION.

LE malade ayant esté iugé à mort par l'Autmoin, ainsi que nous auons
dit: Toute la parentée, & les voysins s'assembl[~e]t, & luy, au plus
haut appareil qu'il peut, fait la harangue funebre: recite ses gestes,
donne des enseignements à sa famille, recommande ses amis: en fin, dit
à Dieu. Voyla tout leur testament: Car de dons, ils n'en font point,
ains tout au contraire de nous, les suruiuants [89] en font en mourant,
ainsi qu'ouyrez. Seulement faut excepter la Tabagie, parce qu'elle
est vne rubrique generale qu'il faut obseruer par tout, à fin que les
ceremonies soyent selon le droict.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON THEIR WILLS, FUNERAL RITES, AND BURIALS, AND ON THEIR RELIGION.

THE sick man having been appointed by the Autmoin to die, as we
have said, all the relations and neighbors assemble and, with the
greatest possibles solemnity, he delivers his funeral oration: he
recites his heroic deeds; gives some directions to his family,
recommends his friends: finally, says adieu. This is all there is
of their wills. As to gifts, they make none at all; but, quite
different from us, the survivors [89] give some to the dying man,
as you will hear. But we must except the Tabagie, for it is a
general injunction which must be observed everywhere, so that the
ceremonies may be according to law.

Doncques, si le mourãt a quelques prouisions, il faut qu'il en face
Tabagie à tous ses parents, & amis. Cependant qu'elle cuit, les
assistants luy font reciproquem[~e]t leurs presents en signe d'amitié,
des chiens; des peaux, de flesches, &c. On tue ces chiens pour les luy
enuoyer au deuãt en l'autre monde. Lesdits chiens encores seru[~e]t à
la Tabagie, car ils y trouuent du goust. Ayant banqueté, ils commencent
leurs harengues de commiseratiõ, & leurs Adieus pitoyables, que le
coeur leur pleure, & leur saigne de ce que leur bon amy les quitte,
& s'en va; mais qu'il s'en aille hardim[~e]t puis [90] qu'il laisse
de beaux enfans, qui seront bons chasseurs, & vaillants hommes: &
des bons amis, qui bien vengerõt les torts qu'on luy a faicts, &c.
Ce train dure iusques à ce que le trespassant expire, ce qu'arriuant
ils iett[~e]t des crys horribles, & est chose furieuse, que de
leurs Nænies, lesquelles ne cessent ny iour, ny nuict, quelque fois
dur[~e]t toute vne sepmaine; selon que le defunct est grand, & que les
complorants ont de prouision. Si la prouision defaut entierement, ils
ne font qu'enterrer le mort, & different ces obseques, & ceremonies à
vn autre temps, & lieu, au bon plaisir du ventre.

So if the dying man has some supplies on hand, he must make
Tabagie of them for all his relatives and friends. While it is
being prepared, those who are present exchange gifts with him in
token of friendship; dogs, skins, arrows, etc. They kill these
dogs in order to send them on before him into the other world. The
said dogs are afterwards served at the Tabagie, for they find them
palatable. Having banqueted they begin to express their sympathy
and sorrowful Farewells; their hearts weep and bleed because their
good friend is going to leave them and go away; but he may go
fearlessly, since [90] he leaves behind him beautiful children, who
are good hunters and brave men: and good friends, who will avenge
his wrongs, etc. They go on in this way until the dying man expires
and then they utter horrible cries; and a terrible thing are their
Nænias [funeral dirges] which continue day and night, sometimes
lasting a whole week, according to how great the deceased is, and
to the amount of provisions for the mourners. If there are none at
all, they only bury the dead man, and postpone the obsequies and
ceremonies until another time and place, at the good pleasure of
their stomachs.

Cependant tous les parents & amis se barboüillent la face de noir: &
prou souuent se peignent d'autres couleurs; mais c'est pour se faire
plus beaux & iolis; le noir leur est mar[~q] du dueil & tristesse.

Meanwhile all the relatives and friends daub their faces with
black, and very often paint themselves with other colors; but this
they do to appear more pleasing and beautiful. To them black is a
sign of grief and mourning.

[91] Ils enterrent leurs morts en ceste façon. Premierement ils
emmaillottent le corps, & le garrotent dans des peaux; non de son
long, ains les genoux contre le ventre, & la teste sur les genoux tout
ainsi que nous sommes dans le ventre de nostre mere. Apres, la fosse
estant faicte fort creuse, il l'y logent, non à la renuerse ou couché
comme nous: ains assis. Posture en laquelle ils s'aim[~e]t fort, & qui
entr'eux signifie reuerence. Car les enfans, & ieunes, s'assient ainsi
en presence de leurs peres & des vieux qu'ils respectent. Nous autres
nous en rions, & disons, que c'est s'asseoir en guenon, eux prisent
ceste façon & la trouuent commode. Depuis le corps logé, & n'arriuant
pas à fleur de terre pour la profondeur de la fosse; Ils voutent
laditte fosse auec des bastons, à celle [92] fin que la terre ne
retombe dedans, & ainsi couurent le tombeau au dessus. Si c'est quelqu'
illustre personnage, ils bastissent vne forme de Pyramide, ou monument
à tout des perches liées par ensemble: aussi cupides de gloire en
cela, que nous en nos marbres, & porphyres. Si c'est vn homme, ils y
mettent pour enseignes & marque son arc, ses flesches, & son pauois: Si
vne femme des cueilliers, des _matachias_, ou iouyaux, & parures, &c.

[91] They bury their dead in this manner: First they swathe the
body and tie it up in skins; not lengthwise, but with the knees
against the stomach and the head on the knees, as we are in our
mother's womb. Afterwards they put it in the grave, which has
been made very deep, not upon the back or lying down as we do,
but sitting. A posture which they like very much, and which among
them signifies reverence. For the children and the youths seat
themselves thus in the presence of their fathers, and of the old,
whom they respect. We laugh at them, and tell them that way of
sitting is the fashion with monkeys, but they like it and find it
convenient. When the body is placed, as it does not come up even
with the ground on account of the depth of the grave, they arch the
grave over with sticks, so [92] that the earth will not fall back
into it, and thus they cover up the tomb. If it is some illustrious
personage they build a Pyramid or monument of interlacing poles; as
eager in that for glory as we are in our marble and porphyry. If it
is a man, they place there as a sign and emblem, his bow, arrows,
and shield; if a woman, spoons, _matachias_ or jewels, ornaments,
etc.

I'ay pensé m'oublier du plus beau: c'est qu'ils inhument auec le
defunct tout ce qu'il a, comme son sac, ses fleches, ses peaux, &
toutes ses autres besongnes & bagage, & encores ses chiens, s'ils n'ont
esté mangés. Voire les viuants y adioustent encores plusieurs telles
offrandes pour amitié. Estimés par là, si ces bonnes [93] gens sont
loing de ceste maudite auarice, que nous voyons entre nous; laquelle
pour auoir les richesses des morts, desire & pourchasse la perte, &
trespas des viuants.

I have nearly forgotten the most beautiful part of all; it is that
they bury with the dead man all that he owns, such as his bag, his
arrows, his skins and all his other articles and baggage, even his
dogs if they have not been eaten. Moreover, the survivors add to
these a number of other such offerings, as tokens of friendship.
Judge from this whether these good [93] people are not far removed
from this cursed avarice which we see among us; who, to become
possessed of the riches of the dead, desire and seek eagerly for
the loss and departure of the living.

Ces obseques ainsi faictes, ils s'en fuyent du lieu, & hayssent deslors
toute la memoire du mort. S'il arriue, qu'il en faille parler, c'est
sous vn autre nom nouueau. Comme par exemple le Sagamo Schoudon, estant
mort, il fut appellé le Pere; Membertou nommé le grand Capitaine. Et
ainsi du reste.

These obsequies finished, they flee from the place, and, from that
time on, they hate all memory of the dead. If it happens that they
are obliged to speak of him sometimes, it is under another and a
new name. As for instance, the Sagamore Schoudon[21] being dead,
he was called "the Father" [Père.] Membertou was called "the great
Captain," and so on.

Or toute leur Religion, pour le dire en vn mot, n'est autre qu'és
sorceleries & charmes des Autmoins, tels que nous vous auons recité
cy deuant, parlants de leurs maladies. Ils ont beaucoup d'autres
semblables sacrifices faicts au Diable, pour auoir bonne fortune [94]
à la chasse, pour la victoire, pour le bon vent, &c. Ils croyent
aussi aux songes, à fin que nulle sorte de folie ne leur manque.
Aussi, dit-on, que souuent ces Necromantiens de Pilotoys prouoquent
des spectres, & illusions aux yeux de ceux qui les croyent, faisants
apparoistre des serpents & autres bestes, qui entrent & sortent de leur
bouche tandis qu'ils harenguent: & plusieurs autres semblables traicts
de Magicien. Mais ie ne me suis iamais rencontré en tels spectacles.
On nous donnoit aussi à entendre deuant qu'arriuer là, que le malin
esprit tourm[~e]toit sensiblem[~e]t le corps de ces pauures g[~e]ts
auãt le baptesme, & non apres; ie n'ay rien veu de tout cela, ny ouy
dire estant sur le lieu, quoy que ie m'en sois fort enquesté. Ce que
ie mets icy, à fin de rembarrer les [95] faux tesmoins de Dieu, comme
les appelle S. Paul: c'est à dire, ceux qui racontent des faux miracles
pour honnorer Dieu. Combien que l'escriuain du factum, qui a controuué
tel mensonge, n'auoit pas dessein d'honnorer Dieu, en auançãt ces
miracles: ains de charger les Iesuites cõm[~e]t que ce fust.

Now all their religion, to speak briefly, is nothing else than
the tricks and charms of the Autmoins, as we have related before
in speaking of their illnesses. They have many other similar
sacrifices which they make to the Devil, so they will have good
luck [94] in the chase, victory, favorable winds, etc. They believe
also in dreams, that no kind of nonsense may be wanting to them.
Furthermore, they say that the Magic of the Pilotoys often calls
forth spirits and optical illusions to those who believe them,
showing snakes and other beasts which go in and out of the mouth
while they are talking; and several other Magical deeds of the
same kind. But I never happened to be present at any of these
spectacles. We were given to understand before we went there, that
the evil spirit greatly tormented the bodies of these poor people
before baptism, but not afterwards; I saw nothing of all this,
nor heard of it while I was there, although I inquired into the
matter very carefully. I put this down here in order to confute
the [95] false witnesses of God, as St. Paul calls them; namely,
those who relate false miracles in order to glorify God; to show
that the writer of the memoir,[25] who has forged such a lie, does
not intend to glorify God in advancing these miracles so much as to
charge that they were manufactured by the Jesuits.

Les Sauuages m'ont bien souuent dit, que du temps de leurs Peres, &
auant la venuë des François, le Diable les mastinoit fort, mais qu'il
ne le faict plus maintenant, comm'il appert. Membertou aussi m'a
asseuré qu'estant encores Autmoin (car il l'auoit esté, & fort celebre)
le Diable s'estoit apparu souu[~e]tesfois à luy: mais qu'il l'auoit
quitté, ayant fort bien cogneu qu'il estoit meschant, parce qu'il ne
commandoit iamais que de mal faire. Voila tout ce que i'en ay peu
apprendre.

The Savages indeed have often told me that, in their Fathers' time,
and before the coming of the French, the Devil tormented them a
great deal, but that he does not do it any more, as it appears.
Membertou has assured me that when he was still Autmoin (for he
was one, and very celebrated too), the Devil appeared to him many
times; but that he had avoided him, knowing well that he was
wicked, because he never commanded him to do anything but evil. Now
this is all I have been able to learn on this subject.

[96] Ils croyent vn Die

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