Letters of John Calvin, Volume II
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Title: Letters of John Calvin, Volume II
Author: Jean Calvin
Editor: Jules Bonnet
Release date: April 23, 2014 [eBook #45463]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LETTERS OF JOHN CALVIN, VOLUME II ***
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* * * * *
LETTERS
OF
JOHN CALVIN
COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND
EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES
BY
DR. JULES BONNET.
VOL. II.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN AND FRENCH LANGUAGES.
PHILADELPHIA:
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, TREAS.,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District
of Pennsylvania.
CONTENTS.
1545.
LETTER PAGE
CXLIV. TO VIRET.--Unpopularity of Calvin--various advices, 15
CXLV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Exhortation to glorify God
amid poverty and persecution, 16
CXLVI. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Congratulations on the
constancy manifested by her in the midst of
trials--salutations from the suffering Idelette
de Bure, 19
CXLVII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Vanity of trust reposed
in the princes of this world--confidence in God, 20
CXLVIII. TO FAREL.--Captivity of Farel's brother--ravages
of the plague in Geneva, 22
CXLIX. TO VIRET.--Dispersion of the School at Geneva--
contests at Neuchatel on the subject of church
property--Calvin's opinion of Farel, 24
CL. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Prayers for his restoration
to health, 26
1546.
CLI. TO FAREL.--News from Germany--journey of the French
Ambassador to Geneva--details concerning the
condition of the town, 26
CLII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Calvin dedicates to him
one of his Commentaries, 29
CLIII. TO JOHN FRELLON.--Rupture of the relations between
Calvin and Servetus, 30
CLIV. TO FAREL.--Reply to various questions--terrible
threat against Servetus--imprisonment of one of
the leaders of the Libertins, 31
CLV. TO FAREL.--Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel--
report of the speedy arrival of the Emperor in
Savoy--dangers at Geneva--withering mention of
Francis I., 34
CLVI. TO VIRET.--Election of a minister at Neuchatel--
sickness of Viret's wife, 36
CLVII. TO VIRET.--Calvin invites his friend to repair to
Geneva after the death of his wife, 37
CLVIII. TO VIRET.--Renewed and more pressing invitation to
come to Geneva, 38
CLIX. TO THEODORE VITUS.--Indication of the various
documents wherein are set forth the opinions
of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper--earnest
desires for union and peace among the Churches--
condition of Geneva, 39
CLX. TO VIRET.--Instructions to Viret about a journey
to Geneva, 42
CLXI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Calvin's labours--the diet
at Ratisbon--the Church of Metz--the Reformation
at Heidelberg--_Apology_ for M. de Falais--
opinion regarding the sermons of Ochino, 43
CLXII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Advice regarding the
editing of the _Apology_--details of a loan
contracted for M. de Falais--news from Germany
and Italy--Farel and Viret at Geneva--death of
Juan Diaz, 47
CLXIII. TO FAREL.--Troubles at Geneva--imprisonment of the
several members of the family of Favre--account
of the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg, 52
CLXIV. TO AMY PERRIN.--Complaints regarding the conduct
of Perrin--firm and courageous declaration by
the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in
his duty unto death, 56
CLXV. TO FAREL AND VIRET.--Requests in favour of the
faithful in France, 58
CLXVI. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Expression of Christian
sympathy and condolence on occasion of the
illness of M. de Falais, 60
CLXVII. TO FAREL.--Excitement caused at Geneva by the
Representation of a Play, 61
CLXVIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Proposals of matrimony on
behalf of Viret, 63
CLXIX. TO VIRET.--Account of the steps taken relative to
his marriage, 65
CLXX. TO VIRET.--Fresh details regarding the projects for
his marriage, 65
CLXXI. TO VIRET.--Same subject as the preceding, 68
CLXXII. TO VIRET.--Breaking off of the match treated of in
the preceding letters, 68
CLXXIII. TO FAREL.--Violence of the family of Amy Perrin--
declamations of the wife of Froment against the
ministers of Geneva, 70
CLXXIV. TO FAREL.--Calvin's indisposition--literary
labours--apparent reconciliation with Perrin
and his family, 72
CLXXV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Recurrence to the
matrimonial projects of Viret--explanations on
various subjects, 74
CLXXVI. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Sad communication to be made
to M. de Falais--promise to send several
discourses, 76
CLXXVII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Congratulations on his
convalescence--uncertainty of prospects in
Germany--confidence in the all-powerful
protection of God, 77
CLXXVIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Excuses for Viret--uses
of sickness--various rumours concerning the war
in Germany--explanations on the subject of the
Supper, 79
CLXXIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Consolations on the death
of his sister, 84
CLXXX. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.--Assurances of affection for
herself and her husband, 85
CLXXXI. TO VIRET.--Statement of the expense of a visit to
Lausanne, on the occasion of Viret's marriage--
ecclesiastical difficulties at Berne, 86
CLXXXII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Military movements in
Switzerland--policy of the Cantons in reference
to the Emperor, 88
CLXXXIII. TO MADAME DE BUDÉ.--Calvin exhorts this lady to
leave France, and retire with her family to
Geneva, 90
1547.
CLXXXIV. TO THE AVOYER NŒGUELY.--Complaints of the
misconduct of several ministers in the Pays de
Vaud, 94
CLXXXV. TO FAREL.--Mission of Calvin in Switzerland--
dispositions of the various Cantons, 95
CLXXXVI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Search for a house for that
gentleman in Geneva--various details--mention
of Charles V. and Francis I., 97
CLXXXVII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Instructions regarding the
_Apology_--alarming rumours current at Geneva--
Calvin's confidence, 100
CLXXXVIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Disputes of M. de Falais
with Valeran Poulain--reports of the expected
arrival of the former in Geneva, 102
CLXXXIX. TO VALERAN POULAIN.--Severe reprobation of his
behaviour towards M. de Falais--reply to a
calumny directed against the Reformer, 104
CXC. TO VIRET.--Weakness of the Genevese magistracy--
expectation of Viret's arrival in Geneva, 106
CXCI. TO WOLFGANG MUSCULUS.--Anxiety regarding the
Churches of Germany--advice to Musculus, 108
CXCII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Steps taken at Basle to
retract a promise of marriage made to Valeran
Poulain, 110
CXCIII. TO FRANCIS DRYANDER.--Confused state of the
Church--hopes and fears for the future, 111
CXCIV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--The sending of a
minister--perplexities regarding anticipated
events in Germany, 113
CXCV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Information in regard to
a house--advice on the subject of a marriage
proposed for a relative of Monsieur de Falais, 114
CXCVI. TO VIRET.--Interview of Calvin with a senator of
Berne--advantage secured over the party of the
Libertins, 116
CXCVII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Recommendation of John de
Budé--uncertainty of the news from Germany, 118
CXCVIII. TO MONSIEUR DE BUDÉ.--He exhorts him to follow the
example of the rest of his family, and retire to
Geneva, 119
CXCIX. TO VIRET.--Citation before the Consistory of the
wife of Amy Perrin--case of Gruet--news from
Germany, 122
CC. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Solemn lessons afforded by
the sad occurrences in Germany--troubles in
Geneva--energetic attitude of Calvin, 125
CCI. TO VIRET.--Indecision of the Seigneurs of
Geneva--inflexibility of Calvin, 128
CCII. TO THE FAITHFUL OF FRANCE.--State of Germany--
details regarding the struggles of the Reformer
in the cause of the truth at Geneva, 129
CCIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Thanksgivings for the
happy deliverance of Madame de Falais--false
reports concerning the state of Geneva--details
regarding the publication of the _Apology_--
indisposition of Calvin, and his regret at being
separated from Monsieur de Falais, 132
CCIV. TO FAREL.--False report of Calvin's death--
proposition (query) by the wife of Amy Perrin--
calumnious accusation against Idelette de Bure--
journey of Farel to Geneva, 137
CCV. TO VIRET.--Mention of a letter from M. de Falais--
Emmanuel Tremelli--a book by Viret--journey of
Budé and Nicolas des Gallars to Paris, 139
CCVI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Dedication of the
_Apology_--mention of M. de Mommor--sickness
of Maldonado, 141
CCVII. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--Comments by Calvin on a work
by Bullinger--state of Germany and Italy--policy
of the Cantons, 143
CCVIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Return of Nicolas des
Gallars--stay of Farel and Viret at Geneva, 145
CCIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Re-assuring intelligence
on the state of Geneva--restoration of
Maldonado, 146
CCX. TO FAREL.--Sad state of the Republic--
discouragement of the Reformer, 147
CCXI. TO VIRET.--Rising at the Hôtel de Ville--heroic
bearing of Calvin--trust in God alone, 148
CCXII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Printing of _The
Apology_--troubles at Geneva, 150
CCXIII. TO VIRET.--Invitation to come to Geneva, 151
CCXIV. TO FAREL.--Publication of _The Antidote_--
statement regarding the condition of Geneva, 152
CCXV. TO THE FAMILY OF BUDÉ.--Consolations on occasion
of the Death of one of its Members, 154
1548.
CCXVI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Cost of printing of _The
Apology_--despatch of several copies, 157
CCXVII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Particulars regarding
his departure, and the purchase of a property
near Geneva, 159
CCXVIII. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--Brotherly explanations
regarding the difference on the subject of
the Communion, 160
CCXIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Obstacles to his
departure--delay of some months, 162
CCXX. TO FAREL.--Distressing condition of the Swiss
churches, 164
CCXXI. TO FAREL AND VIRET.--Disputes among the ministers
of Berne--and Calvin's journey thither, 165
CCXXII. TO VIRET.--Communications regarding affairs at
Berne, 166
CCXXIII. TO VIRET.--Ecclesiastical tyranny of the
Seigneurs of Berne--sojourn of Idelette de
Bure at Lausanne, 167
CCXXIV. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--New explanations regarding
the Supper--violence of some of the Bernese
ministers--Calvinism and Buceranism, 168
CCXXV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Preparations for the
marriage of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, his
relation, 173
CCXXVI. TO FAREL.--Uncertainty regarding the disposition
of the Cantons--stay of Monsieur and Madame de
Falais in Calvin's house, 175
CCXXVII. TO VIRET.--Embarrassment occasioned to Calvin
by the treacherous publication of one of his
letters to Viret, 176
CCXXVIII. TO A FRENCH SEIGNEUR.--Exhortation to come to
Geneva, that he might there serve the Lord
faithfully, 179
CCXXIX. TO THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET.--Duties imposed on
the Protector by the high office which he
holds--plan of a complete reformation in
England--preaching of the pure word of God--
rooting out of abuses--correction of vices
and scandalous offences, 182
CCXXX. TO FAREL.--Election of new magistrates at
Geneva--troubles in France--letter from Bucer, 198
CCXXXI. TO JOHN STURM.--Evidences of faith and Christian
steadfastness, amid the dangers that threaten
the Church, 200
1549.
CCXXXII. TO MADAME DE CANY.--Exhortation to a courageous
and honest profession of the truth, 201
CCXXXIII. TO MADEMOISELLE DE ....--Exhortations to
steadfastness in the faith--acknowledgment of
liberality, 205
CCXXXIV. TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF MONTBELIARD.--
Exhortations to discharge to the end their
ministerial duties, 208
CCXXXV. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--Hope of Union with the
theologians of Zurich--dedication of several
writings, 210
CCXXXVI. TO BUCER.--Consolations to be found in the study
of divine and everlasting truth, 212
CCXXXVII. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF BERNE.--Desire of
union between the Churches of Berne and Geneva, 214
CCXXXVIII. TO VIRET.--Death of Idelette de Bure, the wife
of Calvin, 216
CCXXXIX. TO FAREL.--Further details regarding the death of
Idelette de Bure, 217
CCXL. TO MADAME DE CANY.--Account of the instructive
death of Madame Laurent de Normandie, 219
CCXLI. TO VIRET.--Various particulars--recommendation of
Francis Hotman, Jurisconsult, 223
CCXLII. TO HENRY BULLINGER.--Pleading in favour of the
alliance of the Reformed Cantons with France, 225
CCXLIII. TO MADAME DE LA ROCHE-POSAY.--He exhorts her and
her companions to live in conformity with the
law of God, 229
CCXLIV. TO BUCER.--Encouragements and consolations--desire
for the conclusion of peace between France and
England--excesses of the ultra-Lutheran party
in Switzerland and Germany--agreement between
the Churches of Geneva and Zurich, 232
CCXLV. TO LADY ANNE SEYMOUR.--Thanks to the Duchess of
Somerset, the mother of Anne Seymour--
exhortation to perseverance in the true faith, 236
CCXLVI. TO FAREL.--Reply by the Protector of England to a
letter from Calvin, 238
CCXLVII. TO FAREL.--Imprisonment of two brothers of M. de
Falais--persecution in the Low Countries and in
France, 239
CCXLVIII. TO VIRET.--Negotiations in reference to the
publication of the _Consensus_--George, Count
of Montbeliard, 240
CCXLIX. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH.--Urgent
recommendation of the adoption of a fixed
formulary in the celebration of the Lord's
Supper, 241
CCL. TO BULLINGER.--Revisal of the Formulary--
persecutions in France, 243
CCLI. TO FAREL AND VIRET.--Letter concerning Vergerio--
history of Francis Spira, 245
CCLII. TO FAREL.--Criticism on a work by Farel, 246
CCLIII. TO VIRET.--First mention of Theodore Beza--poverty
of Calvin's colleagues, 248
CCLIV. TO JOHN HALLER.--A reformer's complaints on the
malevolence of the Bernese ministers, 249
CCLV. TO WOLFGANG MUSCULUS.--Prohibition of the Vaudois
Conferences--remonstrances on the intolerance of
the Bernese ministers towards those of France, 251
CCLVI. TO MONSIEUR DE SAINT LAURENS.--Statement of
leading articles of the Reformed Faith, 253
1550.
CCLVII. TO THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET.--Congratulations on
the royal favour shown to the Duke of Somerset--
use to be made of his influence for spreading
the Gospel in England, 257
CCLVIII. TO FAREL.--Tidings from Germany and England--
recommendation of a domestic, 262
CCLIX. TO FAREL.--Election of a new Pope, 264
CCLX. TO FRANCIS DRYANDER.--Counsels and encouragements--
collection of Commentaries on Isaiah by Des
Gallars, 265
CCLXI. TO NICOLAS COLLADON.--Settlement of the Colladon
family at Geneva, 266
CCLXII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.--Notice of a
publication attributed to Gruet, 268
CCLXIII. TO MELANCHTHON.--Controversies excited in Germany
by the establishment of _the Interim_--brotherly
reproofs, 270
CCLXIV. TO VIRET.--Hope of an early visit from Viret--
projected excursions in the neighbourhood of
Geneva, 275
CCLXV. TO FAREL.--Opinion regarding Vergerio--intelligence
regarding Bucer--letter to Melanchthon--disputes
with Berne--literary publications of Calvin, 276
CCLXVI. TO WILLIAM RABOT.--Exhortation to the study of the
Scriptures, 278
CCLXVII. TO FAREL.--Publication of the book on _Scandals_--
persecution by the King of France--Bucer's
discouragement, 279
CCLXVIII. TO FAREL.--State of religion in England--Calvin's
literary labours--arrival of Robert Stephens at
Geneva, 282
CCLXIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Misconduct of a servant
of M. de Falais, 285
1551.
CCLXX. TO HALLER.--Explanations on the subject of the
abolition of the great festivals at Geneva, 287
CCLXXI. TO VIRET.--Criticism of a mandate published by
the Seigneurs of Berne, 289
CCLXXII. TO RICHARD LE FEVRE.--Explanations regarding
various points of doctrine in dispute between
the Romish and the Reformed Churches, 291
CCLXXIII. TO VIRET.--Various particulars--literary labours
of Theodore Beza, 298
CCLXXIV. TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.--He exhorts him to
persevere in the work of the Reformation in
his kingdom--enumeration of abuses, ceremonies,
ecclesiastical elections--universities, 299
CCLXXV. TO BULLINGER.--He excuses the infrequency of his
letters, and urges the publication of the
_Consensus_, 304
CCLXXVI. TO BULLINGER.--Thanks for a document--dedication
of two commentaries to the King of England--
captivity of Bishop Hooper--movements of the
Emperor in Germany, 306
CCLXXVII. TO BULLINGER.--Mention of a letter to the Duke
of Somerset--re-opening of the Council of
Trent--symptoms of war in Europe, 308
CCLXXVIII. TO VIRET.--Death of Bucer and Joachim Vadian, 310
CCLXXIX. TO FAREL.--Renewed expressions of regret for the
death of Vadian and Bucer--controversies excited
by Osiander--numerous migrations to Geneva--
commencement of hostilities in Italy, 311
CCLXXX. TO A FRENCH GENTLEMAN.--Sickness of Theodore
Beza--Calvin's grief, 314
CCLXXXI. TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET.--Protestations of
attachment--reforms required in the Church of
England--squandering of the revenues of
benefices and of the universities, 315
CCLXXXII. TO VIRET.--Reply to the attacks of Pighius, and
of George of Sicily, 317
CCLXXXIII. TO THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL.--Arrest of a
minister from Neuchatel in France--steps for
obtaining his release, 318
CCLXXXIV. TO BULLINGER.--Edict of Chateaubriand, in
France--attacks on Calvin in Geneva, 319
CCLXXXV. TO THE MINISTERS OF SWITZERLAND.--Statement of
the controversy with Bolsec regarding Election, 322
CCLXXXVI. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.--Recommendations regarding
the dispute with Bolsec--request on behalf of
the Protestants of France, 326
CCLXXXVII. TO CHRISTOPHER FABRI.--Calvin's dissatisfaction
with the reply of the ministers of Bâle, and
the conduct of Monsieur de Falais regarding the
affair with Bolsec, 327
CCLXXXVIII. TO FAREL.--Recommendation of a schoolmaster--
complaints against the ministers of Zurich, 328
CCLXXXIX. TO LELIO SOCIN.--Refusal to reply to the curious
questions proposed to him by Socin, 330
1552.
CCXC. TO BULLINGER.--Thanks for the zeal manifested on
behalf of the faithful in France--complaints of
the conduct of the ministers of Zurich in the
affair of Bolsec, 331
CCXCI. TO FAREL.--Fresh complaints by Calvin against the
ministers of Zurich and Berne--his unpopularity
in the latter city--advices to Farel, 335
CCXCII. TO MADAME DE CANY.--Rigorous and inflexible spirit
of Calvin against heresy--praise of Theodore
Beza, 338
CCXCIII. TO BULLINGER.--Journey of Calvin and Farel in
Switzerland--steps in favour of the Reformed
in France--return to the affairs of Bolsec, 341
CCXCIV. TO CRANMER.--Agreement to the proposal for
assembling a General Synod for the more close
union of the Reformed Churches, 345
CCXCV. TO BULLINGER.--Fresh details regarding the
persecutions in France, 349
CCXCVI. TO THE FIVE PRISONERS OF LYONS,--MARTIAL ALBA,
PETER ESCRIVAIN, CHARLES FAVRE, PETER
NAVIHERES, BERNARD SEGUIN.--Information on
various doctrinal points, and assurances of
Christian sympathy, 350
CCXCVII. TO EDWARD VI.--Dedication of a new work, and
Christian exhortations, 354
CCXCVIII. TO CRANMER.--Calvin exhorts him to prosecute with
fresh zeal the reformation of the Church in
England, by purging it of the relics of Popery, 356
CCXCIX. TO JOHN LINER.--Thanks for the zeal manifested by
him on behalf of the prisoners of Lyons, 358
CCC. TO THE FRENCH CHURCH IN LONDON.--Exhortations to
harmony--Is it lawful to call Mary the Mother
of God, and to pray for the Pope? 360
CCCI. TO THE SEIGNEURS OF GENEVA.--Reply of Calvin to
the Syndics of Geneva in the case of Trolliet, 363
CCCII. TO FAREL.--Conspiracy of the Libertins--energy of
the Reformer--struggles of Viret at Lausanne, 370
CCCIII. TO VIRET.--Literary labours of Theodore Beza, 372
CCCIV. TO AMBROISE BLAURER.--Troubles at Geneva--sad
intelligence from France and Germany--steady
in the promises of God, 373
CCCV. TO MELANCHTHON.--Earnest desires for the
continuance of their mutual affection--disputes
with Trolliet--longing for agreement in doctrine
regarding the Communion and Election, 375
CCCVI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.--Rupture of Calvin with the
Seigneur, 381
1553.
CCCVII. TO MATHIEU DIMONET.--Exhortation to patience and
constancy under persecution, 384
CCCVIII. TO CHRISTOPHER FABRI.--Congratulations on the
subject of his approaching marriage--Calvin's
regret that he cannot be present at the
ceremony, 387
CCCIX. TO JOHN CHEKE.--Calvin apologizes for silence,
and enjoins him to use his influence with the
King for the advancement of the Gospel in
England, 389
CCCX. TO THE FIVE PRISONERS OF LYONS.--Exhortations to
constancy--mention of Oritz the Inquisitor, 391
CCCXI. TO EDWARD VI.--Recommendation of a French
gentleman, a prisoner for the sake of the
Gospel, 393
CCCXII. TO FAREL.--Serious illness and unexpected
recovery of Farel--Calvin's joy, 395
CCCXIII. TO CHRISTOPHER AND TO THOMAS ZOLLICOFFRE.--Last
steps in favour of the prisoners of Lyons, 396
CCCXIV. TO CRANMER.--He entreats his influence in favour
of the person already recommended to the King, 398
CCCXV. TO MONSIEUR DE MAROLLES.--Christian encouragement
and consolation, 399
CCCXVI. TO VIRET.--Extinction of all hope in regard to the
prisoners of Lyons, 401
CCCXVII. TO BULLINGER.--Assurances of respect and fraternal
affection, 402
CCCXVIII. TO THE FIVE PRISONERS OF LYONS.--He exhorts them
to steadfastness unto the end, in the assurance
of eternal joy reserved in heaven, 404
CCCXIX. TO MADAME DE CANY.--Expression of Christian
sympathy under trial, 408
CCCXX. TO THE PRISONERS OF LYONS.--He impresses on them
the duty of maintaining their confession of the
truth quietly and modestly, 411
CCCXXI. TO BULLINGER.--Expression of regret for the death
of the King of England--sad condition of the
German Churches, 414
CCCXXII. TO FAREL.--Arrest of Servetus, and institution
of the process against him, 416
CCCXXIII. TO DENIS PELOQUIN AND LOUIS DE MARSAC.--
Information regarding various controverted
points--exhortation to fidelity, even unto
martyrdom, 418
CCCXXIV. TO HIS DEARLY BELOVED THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH
OF FRANKFORT.--Request for the destruction of
the copies at Frankfort of the book of Servetus, 422
CCCXXV. TO VIRET.--Troubles at Geneva--Berthelier and the
chiefs of the Libertins are refused admission to
the Lord's Table, 423
CCCXXVI. TO BULLINGER.--Deep anxiety on account of the
condition of the English Churches--Conference
of the Swiss Churches in regard to Servetus, 425
CCCXXVII. TO SULZER.--Statement of the errors of Servetus,
and of the duty of the Christian magistrate to
repress them, 427
CCCXXVIII. TO A CAPTIVE LADY.--He consoles her under her
trials, and exhorts her to use every means to
secure her retreat to Geneva, 430
CCCXXIX. TO THE BELIEVERS IN THE ISLES.--Religious counsels,
and announcement of the sending of a minister, 432
CCCXXX. TO FAREL.--Acknowledgment of Farel's care for the
Church of Geneva, 434
CCCXXXI. TO FAREL.--Deliverance by the Swiss Churches
regarding Servetus--vain efforts of Calvin to
obtain a mitigation of his punishment, 435
CCCXXXII. TO MADAME DE PONS.--He encourages her to come out
of the spiritual bondage in which she is held, 436
CCCXXXIII. TO VIRET.--Recommendation of several English
refugees in Switzerland, 439
CCCXXXIV. TO BULLINGER.--Appeal to the Magistrates of
Zurich in reference to ecclesiastical
discipline--thanks for the aid afforded by
the ministers of that Church in the affair of
Servetus, 440
CCCXXXV. TO THE PASTORS AND DOCTORS OF THE CHURCH OF
ZURICH.--Account of the struggles at Geneva for
the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline--
appeal to the Pastors of Zurich for their
influence with the magistrates of that town, 442
CCCXXXVI. TO BULLINGER.--Fresh details regarding
ecclesiastical discipline--hope of speedy
realization--announcement of the publication
of a book against the errors of Servetus, 447
CCCXXXVII. TO FAREL.--Assistance afforded to the faithful
refugees in Switzerland--reply of the Churches
on the subject of ecclesiastical discipline, 448
CCCXXXVIII. TO AN ITALIAN LADY.--He exhorts her to withdraw,
by a voluntary exile, from the persecution and
idolatry reigning in Italy, 450
CCCXXXIX. TO A SEIGNEUR OF JERSEY.--Christian exhortations--
sending of a minister, 453
CALVIN'S LETTERS.
CXLIV.--TO VIRET.[1]
[1] The letters of the Cantons to the King, in favour of the Vaudois
of Provence, only served to irritate that monarch. He passionately
replied,--"The Vaudois have but received the just punishment
of their crimes. Besides, the Swiss have no more right to busy
themselves with what passes in my kingdom, than I have to make
inquiry into what they do at home."--_Histoire de la Confédération
Suisse_, vol. xi. p. 289. The failure of those proceedings
redounded to the discredit of Calvin with the people, as he had
been the instigator of them. His adversaries went about reiterating
everywhere that he had compromised the most valued interests of the
Cantons, by drawing upon them the enmity of the King of France.
Unpopularity of Calvin--various advices.
[GENEVA, _September 1545_.]
When a crowd of the godly had come hither, and I heard some things
which it was of great consequence you should know, I wished two of
them at once to set out for you. You will understand that Satan
seeks by every sort of artful contrivance to keep all men from
thinking of succouring these people, and to give a keener edge to
the ferocity of the King and courtiers, which is already more than
sufficiently whetted against them. The Swiss also are uncommonly
severe upon me, not only the pensionaries, but all those who have
no other wisdom than that of Epicurus, because, by my importunity,
I have drawn down upon their nation the hatred of the King. But may
there be nothing of such moment as shall retard us in the discharge
of our duty beyond what cannot be avoided.
Charles the schoolmaster, on whose account Sebastian abused me,
has deserted his post, induced by what prospect I know not. We
have appointed Francis his successor; but as he had received one
month's payment out of the salary of your school, it seemed the
more honourable course that he should previously request permission
and his discharge from the Bernese Council, a matter in which, as
I trust, there will be no difficulty. A maternal uncle also of our
colleague Peter sought a recommendation [for him,] which he brings
with him. If you think it called for, you will likewise lend the
aid of your suffrage. We have always found him an excellent and
ingenuous man, peaceable and modest. He is said, for instance, to
have laboured faithfully, and with success, in the vineyard of the
Lord in Provence.
Adieu; may the Lord be ever present with you.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CXLV.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[2]
[2] Letter without date, written at the same time as the following,
(September 1545.) Summoned in the name of the Emperor to leave
Strasbourg and return to Brabant, M. de Falais had not obeyed that
command. This refusal, in stirring up the imperial displeasure
against him, had exposed him, without defence, to the interested
denunciations of his enemies. The butt of most calumnious
accusations, he saw his character misunderstood, his name outraged,
his property put under sequestration, while he pined away himself--a
prey to sickness and discouragement.
Exhortation to glorify God amid poverty and persecution.
[_September 1545._]
MONSIEUR,--Although I do not know the state of mind or body in
which you are at present, nevertheless, I have good confidence in
God that, whether in health or sickness, he gives you strength to
overcome all the annoyance you may have to encounter. For you are
no novice in the fight, seeing that for a long time past the good
Lord has begun to prepare you for it; and nothing has happened to
you which you had not looked for beforehand. But it is time to
show in reality that when you have set yourself frankly to follow
Jesus Christ, you have not done so without being resolved to hold
fellowship with him at the cross, since he has done us that honour
to be crucified in us, to glorify us with himself. And there is
no doubt, even at the time when you were in your own mansion, and
in the peaceable enjoyment of your property, you would have had
the courage to quit everything had it so pleased him, and that you
were of the number of those who _use the things of this world as
not abusing them_, (1 Cor. vii. 31.) But, forasmuch as it is very
reasonable that one should be taught by experience to discern what
our affection is most set upon, you are to consider that it has been
our Lord's will to give you to many others for an example, and, by
this means, to glorify his name in you.
On the other hand, we know not what it is to part with everything
for the love of him, until he has brought us to the test. True it
is, that he who has taken off his affection from the goods of this
world has already sold all, and has made himself poor, so far as
depends upon himself; but the fruit and the proof of this spiritual
poverty are, patiently to endure the loss of worldly goods, and
without any regret, when it pleases our heavenly Father that we
should be despoiled of them. I do not set these things before you as
to one who is ignorant, or who has need of lengthy remonstrances,
but for the love that I bear you, of which God is my witness. I take
comfort along with you, as I also suffer in your person.
The time then is arrived when you must manifest that you reckon all
things no more than dung, that you may reach forward to Him who
not only has bestowed on you all his benefits, but also himself.
And since God has permitted that you should be disburdened of a
part of your worldly goods, you are to consider that he has clearly
perceived that, for the present, they would prove a useless fardel
for you. I say a part, albeit that, as it were, the whole has been
snatched away from you, yet, so that there remains, as I hope, an
abundance for your use. These whirlpools, however, which engulf the
whole world, have daily greater want than those whose substance they
have swallowed down.
In short, you have not been lessened one whit, seeing that our Lord,
while teaching you that your inheritance is in heaven, has made
provision for what might be useful for the life of the body, by
bestowing contentment upon you, and, as regards property, more than
was needful to make you contented. If the whole should be taken away
from you, there would yet remain the consolation to which we must
chiefly betake ourselves, namely, to yield ourselves up entirely.
It is certain, that having the Son of God, we suffer no injury in
being deprived of all else: for thus highly ought we indeed to prize
him. But further, since this kind Saviour has so benignly upheld
you, that while calling you to the fellowship of his cross, he has
provided for your worldly comfort, it is quite fitting that you
submit yourself to his good pleasure, and, besides, rejoice that in
being minished, so far as the world is concerned, you are thereby so
much the more exalted before him and his angels. For howsoever the
world strives, by all means, to bury Jesus Christ in ignominy, his
burial cannot be otherwise than glorious, not only in himself, but
also in his members. Let us therefore endure personal humiliation,
as shall seem good to him. But my letters would never come to an
end were I to follow out the drift of this discourse. Therefore,
Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I
pray our good Lord that he would so work in you now more powerfully
than ever, to make you despise all that is in the world, and to make
you breathe upwards direct to him with your whole heart, without
being turned aside by anything whatsoever, making you taste what is
the worth of the hope which he reserves for us in heaven; and that
it may please him to lighten your burden as regards the body, in
order that you may be all the better disposed, well to meditate upon
the favours he has bestowed upon you, and to take delight in them,
acknowledging the love which he has shewn you. My wife, who is sick
in bed, begs also to be humbly commended to your kind remembrance.
This bearer, who is of the better sort, and of the stamp such as
you require, will inform you more at large concerning our state.
Your humble brother, servant, and assured friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CXLVI.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.
Congratulations on the constancy manifested by her in the midst
of trials--salutations from the suffering Idelette de Bure.
FROM GENEVA, _this 18th September_ [1545.]
MADAME,--I have not leisure to write at such length as I willingly
would, on account of the state in which we are. The present letter
shall be solely to praise our good Lord for the trust which he has
bestowed on you, enlarging your heart in the midst of anxieties, by
which it might have been tried, without your having his comfort from
on high. Whatsoever may happen, if we have the patience to hearken
to our Saviour, he will always give us wherewithal to rejoice our
spirits, and will make us taste and feel, in a lively way, that
it is not in vain that he has promised to make us unconquerable
in tribulations. Now, then, learn in reality what that beautiful
promise is worth, that we are indeed happy, when all the world shall
speak ill of us, and shall hate us, and shall persecute us for his
name's sake. Therefore it is, that he has prepared you, long before
exposing you to danger. To this truth it is that you must now recur,
that you may acquiesce in it; and, indeed, he is actually leading
you thither by the hand.
Wherefore are we not together, to provoke Satan, by meditating upon
the things which may well cause us spiritual rejoicing, and give
us matter for glorying more than ever, even when we are utterly
discomfited according to the world's estimation? But I am aware
that you have no need of my fellowship in that; and besides, I say
so, more to content myself than because of your necessity. Above
all, understand that now the hour is come when you must shew what a
helpmeet you are to Monseigneur your husband, in such a sort that
he may always have occasion to bless God, as he has had hitherto,
for having provided him with such a support. I say this, because
I consider that it is the principal one that God has left him as
regards the creature, without having deprived him of all. I see
clearly, though absent, by what zeal you are urged forward to acquit
yourself of duty, and what trouble you take to employ yourself
therein. For which reason, what I now speak is not so much by way
of exhortation as, while congratulating, to uphold you in that good
courage which God has given.
I address to your care some reply which I have made to the sister
of Monseigneur, who is at Mons, to a communication which she sent
lately to the wife of Saint-André. If it seem good to you, you can
cause forward it to her, with this which I send to the sister of
Monsieur David. I submit the whole to your good discretion.
To conclude, Madame and very honoured sister, after having
affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and having also
presented to you the humble commendations of my wife, who lies sick
in bed, I entreat our good Lord to fill you with all grace, daily
to increase his glory in you, and to triumph in your constancy, in
order that finally we may be also partakers of his glory which he
has promised us.
Your servant and humble brother,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CXLVII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[3]
[3] This letter, without date, seems to have been written at the
same epoch, and under the same circumstances as the two preceding
letters.
Vanity of trust reposed in the princes of this world--confidence
in God.
MONSEIGNEUR,--I hope that, when these present shall reach you,
they will find you, by the favour of our kind Lord, in such state
of mind and bodily health as we desire, and likewise Madame your
wife. The news, however, which we have had of the sickness of both
has grieved us, and will do so until we receive other which may
gladden us. Besides, there is reason indeed that we should live and
that we should die to Him who has purchased, in order to be every
way glorified in us, and that we shew practically that we are his,
submitting ourselves entirely to him in true obedience, which is
not in our power to do without resigning and giving up our persons
to him, so that he dispose of them as shall seem good to himself.
If it please him to prolong life, we must prepare to see much
poverty in the Christian Church. We see the dispersion and complete
disorder there is in it at present. Hope of amendment there appears
none on the side of the world; for to befool one's-self in relying
upon princes, that is labour lost. They have, besides, so many
hindrances, that they have not leisure to think about what ought
to be the chief consideration of all. In short, they are entirely
taken up with their civil state, for the sake of which they will
persecute Jesus Christ, thinking that there is no other method of
maintaining it. It will be nothing new, however, if, though only for
shame's sake, they should make a pretence of applying a remedy for
such horrible confusion, on account of which both heaven and earth
cry out. Wherefore, it only remains for us to pray God that it may
please him to strengthen us with true constancy in the midst of
these scandals, in such a way that nothing may seduce us, but that
we may persevere always. And also, that he would look in pity upon
his Church, and put forth the hand to lift her up again, fulfilling
that which the prophet has said, that _seeing that he had no helper
among men, he has put forth the strength of his arm_, (Isa. lix. 16.)
In conclusion, let us employ ourselves in his service, labouring
without growing weary or losing courage, until he call us away into
that blessed rest where we have contentment in himself, delighting
ourselves in the labours we shall have undergone, receiving then the
recompense of reward which shall be there revealed to us.
Now therefore, Monsieur, after humble commendation to your favour
and that of Madame, I beseech the good Lord to uphold you in
real prosperity, continuing his graces in you, so that to the
end you may be instruments of his glory, and that he may be your
sanctification.
Your servant and humble brother ever,
CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CXLVIII.--To Farel.[4]
[4] Letter without date, and without conclusion, written during the
attack of the plague, under which the minister Geniston succumbed,
that is to say, in September 1545.
Captivity of Farel's brother--ravages of the plague in Geneva.
[_September 1545._]
You will hear sad news; for this person will inform you that your
brother Gautier[5] is lying in fetters, and in imminent peril of his
life. The very thing that I always feared, and that I foretold would
occur, has happened; and in this I regret that I have not proved a
false prophet. But of what avail are such complaints? With regard to
helping him, I do not know how far it is in the power of the Bernese
to do so, nor what, at this time, they may be willing to undertake.
You will know these things better than I. There is no hope of
obtaining any seasonable assistance from Germany, unless by means of
John Sturm, who, however well disposed he may be towards the cause,
is not, so far as things have gone, friendly to your brother. Would
that you had thought better, while there was time, of what it is to
offend a friend who deserved well. Besides, you are not ignorant of
the fact, that there are servile persons who wish, at this time of
the day, to approve their obsequiousness to the princes. Yet, if
you shall be of opinion that it will be useful to attempt something
in that quarter, your influence with Sturm himself is great. You
have, however, your own Bucer, to whom he never ventured to refuse
anything; but it is a long circuit. Let him, therefore, accelerate
the movements of the Bernese, lest the remedy come too late.
[5] Gautier Farel, brother to the Reformer. He was very soon
afterwards restored to liberty, contrary to all expectation.
We are surprised that we have had no announcement regarding
yourself. Viret made me aware of the resolution that had been come
to by the brethren; but, as far as I can gather from his letter,
nothing has been done in the Council. How long, therefore, will the
matter remain in doubt? Here, as you know, we are in great straits:
you are away from us; Matthæus is occupied in the hospital for those
who are suffering from the plague. In the meantime, while we are
calling upon you to come, we have lost our very excellent brother
and most faithful colleague Geniston.[6] What if the others should
likewise be taken away? What if one only should survive, [I myself?]
What if the ministers be shut up by themselves, through the absurd
superstition of our townsmen?--just as lately a large number was
within a little of being so confined. Consider, therefore, these
our difficulties, lest you put us off longer than is right. But
what Viret mentions that your people have added, viz: that you are
conceded to us, on the condition of our being able to bring about
the succession of Toussain, is certainly ridiculous; for what can
we do in that matter, or in what way shall we attempt the business?
The short of it is, we by no means prescribe a definite time, but we
desire you to use your utmost diligence to disengage yourself from
the place where you are, in order that you may forthwith repair to
us unfettered;[7] for we are now sadly in want of your presence, as
you may judge from our condition. The wife of Geniston is, at the
same time, in the death-throes, his little girl is wearing away, and
his little boy is now given over....
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[6] The minister, Louis de Geniston, following the noble example
of Pierre Blanchet, cut off by the plague in 1543, had, of his own
accord, offered himself for the service of the hospital set apart
for those afflicted with the plague. He fell under it, a victim of
his devotedness, in September 1545. His wife and two of his children
were carried off a few days afterwards by the scourge, which almost
wholly depopulated several quarters of the city.
[7] There exists (Imp. Lib. _Recueil Hist., de France_, vol. xix.)
a piece entitled _Lepida Farelli Vocatio_. In that letter Calvin
vigorously urges his friend to repair to Geneva, by calling to mind
the religious violence with which he was himself detained there,
by the voice of Farel, at the time of his first entrance into that
city in 1536. "Do you expect that I should thunder as you were wont
to do, when you wished forcibly to draw me hither?" The urgencies
of Calvin were fruitless, and the Church of Neuchatel retained, for
twenty years longer, the services and the indefatigable activity of
Farel.
CXLIX.--TO VIRET.
Dispersion of the School at Geneva--contests at Neuchatel on the
subject of church property--Calvin's opinion of Farel.
_24th October 1545._
We shall wait until you either restore Francis to us, or send
Erasmus. As, meanwhile, the school is dispersed,[8] you must make
haste. If both of these courses appear to you tedious, or attended
with difficulty, briefly signify so to us; for I will send for
a person from Strasbourg, who, in my opinion, will be suitable,
although I would rather have taken one from this quarter. With
regard to the _assistant-teacher_, I do not venture upon anything,
because it will be more satisfactory that the person who has the
superintendence of the school shall have the unfettered power of
selecting whom he chooses.
[8] The plague had dispersed the regents and students of the
College of Geneva, and Calvin was labouring at the re-organization
of that establishment. He had already proposed to the Council, in
March 1545, to call to Geneva the celebrated Maturin Cordier, _as
president of the regents_; but this proposal ended in nothing, and
Maturin Cordier remained at Lausanne.
I had excused myself to Farel, but he remains fixed in his
purpose.[9] It would not only be ridiculous, but bordering on
imprudence, to undertake to correct in the Neuchatelese a vice which
here we are not able to cure. I had given it as my advice, that it
would be better to draw up a memorial, in which the Princes should
promise that they would be always ready to make restitution, if an
agreement could be come to regarding legitimate administration. In
the next place, I advised them, under this pretext, to put a stop
to those profane alienations, in order that the matter might be
left undecided until a more favourable time. Farel replies, that
the authority of the Princes will not avail much. What confidence
then will our letter produce? He further urges me to enter into
communication with Bucer, in order to obtain from the Council of
Strasbourg a letter to the Council of Berne to this purport:--That
it had been pointed out to them that the Neuchatelese did very wrong
in squandering the goods of the Church; and that it was the duty of
the Bernese to check this license. He hopes that a letter of that
nature would also do good at Berne. I, on the contrary, hardly think
that the people of Strasbourg would write such a letter, as they
would be afraid of increasing the sore. In the next place, if they
should write, do we not know that their admonition would be laughed
at? And, although the Bernese were in the highest degree desirous to
remedy this fault of the Neuchatelese, with what face could they set
about it? I have to implore that they will not venture to reprehend
in others that which they pertinaciously defend as lawfully done by
themselves. I may therefore say of Farel what Cicero said of Cato,
"That he acts indeed with good judgment, but in counsel does not
always shew the best." The cause of this is chiefly, that being
carried away by the vehemence of his zeal, he does not always
discern what is expedient, and either does not foresee dangers, or
despises them; and there is to be added the evil, that he cannot
bear with patience those who do not comply with his wishes. But what
could I do? for I will not be induced to undertake anything which I
think will be of injurious tendency.
[9] Farel was then at strife with the Seigneury of Neuchatel, on the
subject of the administration of ecclesiastical property.
Christopher will tell you about Champereau,[10] and I will write
when the matter has come to an end. Adieu, most excellent brother,
and most sincere friend. I have not yet had an opportunity of
meeting Amédée. I will, however, fulfil your commission.--Adieu,
again, including your wife, aunt, and brothers. The co-presbyters,
my wife, and the neighbours respectfully salute you.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 111.]
[10] Rebuked on the ground of his morals, this minister had been
banished to a country parish, and having refused to submit to the
entire Consistory, he had received his dismissal.
CL.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Prayers for his restoration to health.
FROM GENEVA, _this 26th of October_ [1545.]
MONSEIGNEUR,--I hope that, according to what Antony Maillet has
latterly informed us, you are better in body and mind than usual,
for which I thank our good Lord, beseeching him fully to confirm
you; for I doubt not but the sickness has left a long trail of
feebleness. But He who has begun to raise you up, will perfect, as I
hope, what he has begun by his infinite goodness, as well to grant
the prayers of his servants as to shut the mouth of the wicked, so
that they take not occasion to say that you have been overcome by
their temptation; for you are aware that they want not great colour
for their blasphemy. Therefore, God will shew them that he has
fitted you to receive still greater assaults, if there is need; and
in the meanwhile, will grant us the favour to enjoy a longer time
of you to our singular consolation. When we shall have tidings from
yourselves, they will rejoice us still more.
In the meantime, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your
kind favour and that of Madame, and having presented to both of you
the kind remembrances of a woman brought back to life, I beseech our
gracious Lord to have you always in his holy keeping, multiplying
his graces in you daily, to the glory of his name.
Your humble brother, servant, and entire friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLI.--TO FAREL.
News from Germany--journey of the French Ambassadors to
Geneva--details concerning the condition of the town.
GENEVA, _26th January 1546_.
There is nothing from your brothers since they passed through this
place. I briefly indicated my opinion to Viret about the choice of a
colleague for you. I am afraid that further delay may involve a long
train of inconveniences, which I should wish to be guarded against.
Feron, our brother,[11] so far as I see, will never have quiet of
mind until he is translated elsewhere. I had made mention of him to
Viret, but it will be for you to consider the matter.
[11] Minister of the Church of Geneva; deposed, a few years
afterwards, on account of the irregularities of his life.
My brother brought back no news from Germany, except that
the Ratisbon Assembly pretends that our party continue their
deliberations at Frankfort,[12] and the confident report of a
league, or at least a friendly alliance, between your party and
the King. The Emperor was also said to be laid up with gout in the
feet or hands. The King's ambassador in that quarter, when passing
through, supped with me. We talked together familiarly, for he
acknowledges being under some obligation to me. I again, however,
urge you to beware lest our friends prove too compliant. I point
to the license that prevails over the whole kingdom, of taking
cruel measures against the godly. We will await the issue. You are
aware that the Pope is now busying himself that, by means of false
pretences, a council may be held at Trent; we do not, however, hear
that there is to be a full convocation.
[12] Alarmed at the first movements of the Council of Trent, and
the perils to which the good understanding between the Pope and the
Emperor might subject the Reformation, the Deputies of the League of
Smalkald had reassembled at Frankfort. But their union was not so
solid as the gravity of the occasion demanded. The Elector of Saxe
and the Landgrave of Hesse were influenced by different political
views; but they were both alike disposed to seek the alliance of the
Kings of France and England, as well as of the Protestant Cantons
of Switzerland, that they might withstand the storm that menaced
them.--Sleidan, l. xvi., and Robertson, vol. iv. B. vii. p. 234.
London, 1851.
I wish that even one day could be given to a conference on our
affairs. As this, however, is for the present impossible, do not
needlessly vex yourself, should many reports be spread abroad.
There was, indeed, a time when we were on our guard, when our party
appointed sentinels for the gates, and were usually more careful
in keeping watch.[13] But they inconsiderately gave a signal of
alarm, without my knowledge, however, and when I had not the
smallest suspicion that anything of the kind would take place.[14]
Seizing the opportunity, our neighbours [the Bernese] run to our
aid, and most unreservedly offer their assistance. No one had any
suspicion of kindness so obliging. Our friends make no communication
to me, and after speeches had been made backwards and forwards,
an agreement is come to between the parties. Shortly afterwards,
there arrives a new embassy with the most monstrous commissions.
The captain of the garrison, proffered by the Bernese, with his
proposals, having met with a refusal, has quitted the city.[15] I
am now aware how many various reports are everywhere circulated,
but I see no danger. Should you hear anything, deny confidently the
existence of any sort of alliance between us. For presently, when
they become ashamed of themselves, they will have recourse to the
old arts, saying that they are unjustly defamed, &c. I can hardly
persuade our friends that there is need of deeds on our side; nor is
this wonderful, for in other things they act foolishly in spite of
my remonstrances. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute for
me, in the kindest manner, all your co-presbyters and your family.
May the Lord direct all of you by his Spirit, and preserve you safe.
[13] "Upon the intelligence that the Duke of Savoy has retaken two
strongholds in Piedmont, and that he is collecting a body of troops,
resolved to continue to work at the fortifications."--_Registers of
Council_, 28th December 1545.
[14] "Oath exacted of all private individuals, of fidelity
to the Seigneury, and of their readiness to live and die for
liberty."--_Registers of Council_, 7th January 1546.
[15] The Seigneurs of Berne, eagerly seeking every opportunity of
establishing their influence at Geneva, had offered to guard the
city, and to protect it against all foreign attacks. This proposal
was discarded, as tending to compromise the independence of the
Republic.--_Registers of Council_, 11th January 1546.
The impostor who had undertaken to carry Bucer's letter to you,
stopped at Montbeliard, nor would he ever have conveyed it to you,
had not my brother purposely set out for that place, because he had
in his keeping another of far greater moment. He is a worker in gold
by trade, but a fellow who is deserving of the gallows.
I am so far convalescent as to be able for preaching and lecturing,
but am kept busy with arrears.[16]
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[16] We read, in the _Registers of Council_ of the 29th of January
of this year:--"Calvin having been ill, the Seigneury present to him
ten crowns. On his recovery, he returns the money to the Council,
who cause it to be expended in the purchase of a tun of wine for
him, thus leaving him no alternative but to accept it."
CLII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[17]
[17] Calvin had just dedicated to M. de Falais his Commentary on the
First Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians. The epistle dedicatory
is of the 22d January 1546. The name of M. de Falais--sad example
of the fragile nature of human affections!--was effaced ten years
afterwards from the preface of this Commentary, and replaced by the
name of the Marquis of Vico.
Calvin dedicates to him one of his Commentaries.
[_January 1546._[18]]
[18] _On the back_, in the hand of M. de Falais--'Received the 6th
February 1546.'
MONSEIGNEUR,--Since my written letter, I have changed my mind,
touching the epistle dedicatory of my Commentary, because it is
a great trouble and difficulty to be forced to fill up so many
pages and no more; I therefore send it altogether, nevertheless,
with this condition, that it shall not be printed but by your
command. Wherefore, I enclose it in the present letter, in order
that Vendelin[19] may not have it but from your hands. Should it
not appear fitting that I address it to you, I shall make a new
one, on being advertised to that effect. As for the rest, do not
be astonished if I speak with brevity of you, for I would fear to
touch some thorns in entering further on the subject. But according
as circumstances will bear it, we can, should it so please God, on
a second impression, discourse fully and say all that there shall
be need for. Howbeit, I would greatly desire, if it might so please
God, to be with you for three or four days, to confer by word of
mouth rather than by writing. Possibly it is folly on my part to
think that my presence can be of any service to you. But why so?
while the power may be wanting, affection makes me speak thus. These
wishes, however, are more easy to form than to fulfil. So let us be
content with what God gives us.
[19] Printer in Strasbourg.
Yesterday we had news here of the defeat of four thousand English by
five hundred light horse. But it is from France.[20]
[20] The French were then besieging the town of Boulogne, occupied
by the English. The peace between the two rival monarchs of France
and England, was signed the year following.--De Thou, lib. i. ii.
Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me anew to your kind
favour, and that of Madame, I pray always our Lord that he would
uphold you in his glory.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLIII.--TO JOHN FRELLON.[21]
[21] The following is the address of this letter, taken from the
original in the archives of the old Archbishopric of Vienne, and
first published by the Abbé d'Artigny,--_A Sire Jéhan Frellon,
marchand libraire demeurant à Lyon, en la rue Mercière, enseigne
de l'Escu de Coulongne_. The mysterious personage who is pointed
at in this letter, is no other than Michael Servetus--seven years
before the trial which was to attach so fatal a celebrity to his
name. Settled as a physician at Vienne, in Dauphiny, he kept up
a correspondence with Calvin, under the cover of John Frellon,
and he had just sent the Reformer an extract of the work which
was in preparation under the title of _Christianismi restitutio_,
expressing at the same time the desire of coming to Geneva. Then it
was, that Calvin wrote to Farel the letter which has been so often
cited, where this passage occurs, "Servet has lately written to me,
and has added to his letter a large volume of his own delirious
fancies.... _If it may be agreeable to me, he undertakes that he
would come hither. But I will not interpose my assurance of his
safety, for if he shall come, provided that my authority is of any
avail, I shall not suffer him to depart alive._"*--Letter of the
13th February 1546. We know how that terrible threat was realized
seven years afterwards.
*Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literis adjunxit longum volumen
suorum deliriorum... _Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recipit.
Sed nolo fidem meam interponere, nam si venerit, modo valeat mea
authoritas, vivum exire non patiar._
Rupture of the Relations between Calvin and Servetus.
_This 13th of February 1546._
SEIGNEUR JEHAN,--By cause that your last letter was brought to me
at my going away, I had not leisure to reply to what was inclosed
therein. Since my return, at the first leisure that I have had, I
have been quite willing to satisfy your desire; not that I have had
great hope of late of being profitable to a certain person, judging
from the disposition in which I see him to be; but in order to try
once more if there shall be any means of bringing him back, which
will be, when God shall have wrought in him so effectually, that he
has become entirely another man. Since he has written to me in so
proud a spirit, I would fain have beaten down his pride a little,
speaking more harshly to him than is my wont; but I could scarcely
do otherwise. For I do assure you that there is no lesson which is
more necessary for him than to learn humility, which must come to
him from the Spirit of God, not otherwise. But we must observe a
measure here also. If God grants that favour to him and to us, that
the present answer turns to his profit, I shall have whereof to
rejoice. If he persists in the same style as he has now done, you
will lose time in asking me to bestow labour upon him, for I have
other affairs which press upon me more closely; and I would make a
matter of conscience of it, not to busy myself further, having no
doubt that it was a temptation of Satan to distract and withdraw me
from other more useful reading. And therefore I beg you to content
yourself with what I have done in the matter, unless you see some
better order to be taken therein.
Wherefore, after my commendation to you, I beseech our good Lord to
have you in his keeping.
Your servant and hearty friend,
CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.
[Printed--_Nouveaux Mémoires de l' Abbé d' Artigny_, tom. ii. p. 70.]
CLIV.--TO FAREL.
Reply to various questions--terrible threat against
Servetus--imprisonment of one of the leaders of the Libertins.
GENEVA, _13th February 1546_.
You will be at ease regarding your brothers since you received the
letter of Claude. The messenger who brought it asked whether mine
would be ready when I returned from sermon, after three o'clock.
I replied in the negative; but I bid him dine at my house with my
wife, as I myself had been invited to dine with Macrin. I promised
to be with him immediately after dinner, to make a brief reply.
He did not come [to my house,] but hurried away without waiting
a moment, so that I was confounded by so sudden a departure. And
yet the youth had not appeared to me to behave badly in general.
I trust the reflection may occur to your brothers, that they have
been thus extricated from all their difficulties by the hand of
God, in order that they make the greater haste [in the work.] It
did not become the Israelites, when a way was opened up to them, to
show remissness in immediately girding themselves for flight.[22]
Such would have been the burden of my epistle had not the messenger
deceived me; but I am confident that they are burning with ardour
of their own accord. I now come to your own contests.[23] If the
ungodly still occasion you some trouble, when that letter shall
arrive, I have briefly expressed in it what I think should be
your mode of proceeding. I should wish, however, the matter to be
discussed _viva voce_; and that, thereupon, the result, or something
like it, be committed to writing. You will perhaps smile because
I suggest nothing out of the common, as you looked for something
recondite and elevated at my hands; but I do not wish, nor, besides,
is it right to be fettered by your estimate of me. I had rather,
however, be foolish by so writing, than by my silence lead you to
suppose that your entreaties were neglected by me. If nothing can
be effected by reasoning, and in this lawful way, the Bernese must
be privately prevailed upon not to allow that wild beast to go out
of its den. I do not sufficiently comprehend your meaning regarding
a treaty, unless it be, as I conjecture, that you are turning your
thoughts to some sort of alliance, with a view to your receiving the
assistance of the Bernese; and that just as they guard the liberty
of the people by the law of the state, so they may protect ministers
in their office by some title which commands respect. If that be
provided for, I do not disapprove of [the alliance.] Bear in mind,
that recourse should be had to those extraordinary remedies only
when there is the exculpatory plea of an ultimate necessity. In the
next place, be very cautious lest anything you do be such as may
injure your interests in time to come. You may have greater cause of
regret in that you once received aid, and were parties to a compact,
than if you were to remain in your original servitude. Marcourt has,
without doubt, already promised a place for himself; for he publicly
proclaims that he does not regard the consent of the brethren,
since he is desired, both by magistrates and people, and he has no
doubt but that they are indignant against you. Finally, since he
prematurely discloses the wickedness of his character, he must be
repulsed by all artifices, lest he rise to a position in which he
is able to perform what he threatens. With regard to those who gave
out that we were establishing here a permanent seat of despotism,
under colour of defence, let us suffer this rumour to spread on both
sides. Their impudence has been met with civility and mildness,
so that they ought to be ashamed of themselves.[24] I trust that
they will keep quiet. I seek, as far as I am able, to persuade our
friends to remain unconcerned. Servetus lately wrote to me, and
coupled with his letter a long volume of his delirious fancies, with
the Thrasonic boast, that I should see something astonishing and
unheard of. He takes it upon him to come hither, if it be agreeable
to me. But I am unwilling to pledge my word for his safety, for if
he shall come, I shall never permit him to depart alive, provided my
authority be of any avail.[25]
[22] Decimated by the most cruel persecution, the faithful of
Dauphiné, the native country of Farel, had inquired of the
ministers of French Switzerland, whether it was lawful for them
to have recourse to flight, in order to escape the fury of their
adversaries. Numerous refugees had already settled at Geneva.--See
vol. i. p. 473.
[23] Ecclesiastical embroilments with the Seigneury of Berne.
[24] See letter of the 26th January, p. 28, note 2.
[25] See the preceding letter. It appears that relations between
Calvin and Servetus continued in a state of interruption, as is
proved by the following passage of a letter of Calvin to Viret,
dated 1st September 1548:--"I think I once read to you my answer
to Servetus. I was at length disinclined from striving longer with
the incurable obstinacy of a heretic; and, indeed, I ought to have
followed the advice of Paul. He now attacks you. You will see how
long you ought to persist in rebutting his follies. He will twist
nothing out of me henceforward."--_Library of Geneva_, Vol. 106.
More than fifteen days have now elapsed since Cartelier[26] was
imprisoned, for having, at supper in his own house, raged against
me with such insolence as to make it clear that he was not then in
his right senses. I concealed what I felt, but I testified to the
judge that it would be agreeable to me were he proceeded against
with the utmost rigour of the law. I wished to go to see him. Access
was prohibited by decree of the Senate; and yet some good men accuse
me of cruelty, forsooth, because I so pertinaciously revenge my
injuries.[27] I have been requested by his friends to undertake
the part of intercessor. I refused to do so, except on these two
conditions, viz: that no suspicion should attach to me, and that the
honour of Christ should remain intact. I have now done. I abide the
judgment of the Council.--Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend.
We all salute you and your sisters. You will convey to the brethren
the best salutations in my name, and that of my brethren in the
ministry. May God ever bless you and prosper your labours.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Imp. Library, Coll. Dupuy._ Vol. 102.]
[26] One of the most violent members of the party that combated the
influence and institutions of the Reformer at Geneva.
[27] Calvin shewed himself, on more than one occasion, disposed to
forgive personal injuries, as the Registers of Council testify:--"A
woman having abused M. Calvin, it is directed that she be consigned
to prison. Liberated at the request of the said M. Calvin, and
discharged with a reproof."--12th December 1545.
CLV.--To Farel.
Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel--report of the speedy
arrival of the Emperor in Savoy--dangers at Geneva--withering
mention of Francis I.
GENEVA, _20th February 1546_.
I specially congratulate you and all your friends, yea, ourselves
also, and the whole Church of Christ, that the Lord has unexpectedly
stilled all tumults, by restraining the ungodly. Viret had already
requested me to be prepared at all points in case there should be
need of my presence, and assuredly I should not have been behind;
but God is twice to be praised, who by his own counsel has adjusted
matters that were in so great confusion. We acknowledge that he was
present with you when he opened up to you that plan of admonishing
the heads of the citizens. We again acknowledge a memorable work
of his, in having given to you those who of their own accord were
disposed to act well towards you. I feel confident that the matter
has been brought to a conclusion in harmony with the desire of all
good men. If our service be desired, you know that we are all yours.
I now hourly expect your brothers. May the Lord restore them to us
safe and with good fortune.[28] A confident report is spread abroad
here of the arrival of the Emperor. I hold it for certain that a
passage across will by no means be opened up to him without a bloody
conflict. It cannot be doubted, that even though our neighbours were
willing that we should be left exposed to the danger of becoming the
prey of the conqueror, they would nevertheless find it necessary
to guard their own territories; although I do not know why our
party have so soon become careless, unless they wished to subject
themselves to their sway, and thus save themselves from other
masters. It is a hard condition that you must give up your liberty
in order to secure allies as defenders.[29] Our party erred in one
particular, that they made too violent a reply. But what could I
do? On me, nevertheless, the odium redounds, though I strove with
great vehemence to prevent the ground of it; but I have bid adieu
to the perverted judgments of men. I pass on to another subject.
Matters will go more severely with Cartelier, because he mixed
up with myself part of the Senate. After that I have respectably
enough discharged the duty of clemency, I have resolved to halt. The
malevolent will heap obloquy upon me, but if there be an opportunity
of replying, I have the means of stopping their mouths. No one
certainly will allege that any word less than fair fell from me, for
among good and bad I have endeavoured to extenuate his offence. The
Parliament of Paris, as I hear, now wages war with fire and faggot
against Christ.[30] It is indeed certain that a great multitude of
the godly are everywhere held in bonds. Sardanapalus,[31] meanwhile,
in the midst of his courtezans, feeds his fancy with victories. May
the Lord have respect to his Church!
[28] See p. 22, note 2.
[29] Allusion to the Bernese and to their pretensions of ruling
Geneva under cover of the Alliance.--See p. 28, note 2.
[30] The year 1546 was especially remarkable for the great
persecutions that arose within the bounds of the jurisdiction of
the Parliament of Paris. Meaux, Seulis, Orleans, reckoned numerous
martyrs. One named Jean Chapot of Dauphiné, colporteur of Geneva,
arrested at Paris, was condemned to death, after having undergone
the most cruel tortures. He had his tongue cut out before he was
cast into the flames. "The dispersion," says Beza, "was widespread,
but it led to the great advancement of many churches which were
built up of the stones of that ruin."--_Hist. Eccl._ tom. i. p. 82.
_Histoire des Martyrs_, pp. 170, 177.
[31] Francis I., King of France.
Adieu, most upright brother in the Lord, together with all your
fellow-ministers, whom you will respectfully salute in my name, and
in that of the brethren. May Christ ever direct you all by right
counsel, and bless your auspicious endeavours.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
To the four Presidents of the citizens, special compliments in my
name. May the Lord bless them exceedingly.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLVI.--TO VIRET.
Election of a minister at Neuchatel--sickness of Viret's wife.
GENEVA, _22d February 1546_.
I learned from Farel's last letter, that the commotions at Neuchatel
were allayed. And I now feel assured that the matter of the choice
of a pastor is concluded; for it had at length been agreed that
the ministers should promise on oath to nominate in good faith the
person whom they deemed most suitable. It was already considered
as almost certain, that Christopher would be the man, provided the
Bernese would part with him;[32] and there is hope that they will
offer no objection. Farel wrote that the good cause had been not a
little aided by the Consul Wateville.
[32] On the death of the minister Chaponneau, the people of
Neuchatel wished to have in his room Christopher Fabri, minister of
Thonon: they accordingly asked him from the Seigneury of Berne, who
with a good grace conceded him to them.--Ruchat, vol. v. p. 299.
Had they invited us as brethren, I should have been ready at any
hour. But I rejoice especially, that you were of more service than
you thought you would be; for all loudly assert that your arrival
was highly advantageous.
I see that Textor does not hold out much further hope of your wife.
You need no more words to admonish you to hold yourself ready to
bear with moderation the issue, whatever that may be. Would that I
also could fly thither, that I might alleviate your sorrow, or at
least bear a part of it![33] But so long a ride would cause me pain.
I rather advise, should matters happen otherwise than as we wish,
that you come hither for a few days.--Adieu, most sound-hearted
brother, along with your wife and family. The Lord comfort and
strengthen you all. Amen.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[33] We again find marks of the same solicitude in a letter of
Calvin to Viret of the preceding month. "Adieu, with your wife,
whose health we will commend to the Lord. Be assured that we are not
less solicitous about her than if she were the wife or daughter of
each of us. The Lord keep you and sustain you with the consolation
of his Spirit."--(January 1546,) Vol. 106, from Geneva.
CLVII.--TO VIRET.[34]
[34] Viret was at that time plunged into the deepest affliction. He
had just lost, after a long illness, his wife, Elizabeth Turtaz,
of Orbe, with whom he had lived for many years in a godly union.
The grief which he felt on that occasion is expressed, in a very
touching manner, in a letter written many years afterwards to
Calvin:--"I was so completely dispirited and prostrated by that
arrow of affliction, that the whole world appeared to me nothing but
a burden. There was nothing pleasant, nothing that could mitigate
my grief of mind."--_Calv. Epist. et Resp._, p. 53. The friends of
Viret, and especially Farel and Calvin, lavished upon him, during
that trial, marks of the tenderest and most brotherly affection.
The familiar correspondence of Calvin furnishes us with precious
revelations in this respect.
Calvin invites his friend to repair to Geneva after the death of
his wife.
GENEVA, _8th March 1546_.
Come, on this condition, that you disengage your mind not only
from grief, but also from every annoyance. Do not fear that I
will impose any burden upon you, for through my means you will be
allowed to take whatever rest is agreeable to you. If any one prove
troublesome to you, I will interpose. The brethren, also, make the
same promise to you as I do. I will also be surety that the citizens
do not interfere with your wishes.
I know not what I ought to imprecate on the wretches who had spread
a report of your death. Never did a letter from you arrive more
opportunely. Although your death was announced, yet as mention was
made of poison, Textor was already in the midst of preparations
for the journey, that he might speed to Orbe on fleet horses. A
great part of the brethren were present, all overwhelmed with deep
affliction. Shortly afterward your letter made its appearance, and
such exultation instantly broke forth, that we were hardly masters
of our senses. It was fortunate that we did not pass a night of
sorrow, else I should not have borne it without danger. But why do
I detain you, and not rather incite you to hasten hither as quickly
as possible? Adieu, brother and most agreeable friend. Salute
respectfully the brethren James, Ribitti, Hubert, Cordier, Celio,
Francis, Merlin. The Lord protect you and the remainder of your
family.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 111.]
CLVIII.--TO VIRET.
Renewed and more pressing invitation to come to Geneva.
_15th March 1546._
I have hitherto delayed writing to you, because I daily expected
you to come hither, as you had promised; nor should I have written
even now, as I remain in the same state of expectation, were it not
that I might incite you to hasten your journey; for I wonder why it
is that you thus put off from day to day. I remember that John de
Tournay[35] told me that you had a horse; but why not rather come by
boat? Unless David has sold his [horses,] that difficulty could be
easily got over, although I believe that one may now be more easily
procured than it could have been eight days ago, for fewer couriers
have passed this way during these days. Make haste, therefore, that
you may recruit a little, and gather heart again with us; for people
from your quarter say that you are half dead. Since I can draw you
out by no other inducement, I make the announcement, that you shall
have no letter from me until you come. Quick, then.--Adieu. Salute
all friends. May the Lord shortly bring you in safety to us.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[35] Nephew of Viret, and minister in the Pays de Vaud.
CLIX. TO THEODORE VITUS.[36]
[36] To the most honourable Doctor Theodore Vitus, most faithful
Minister of Christ at Nuremberg.
Theodore Vitus, (Dietrich de Weit,) a distinguished theologian,
friend of Luther and Melanchthon, preached the Gospel with great
success in the city of Nuremberg, his native place, and was worthy
of the esteem and affection of Calvin, not more on account of his
learning than his moderation. He died in 1549. Melanchthon wrote, at
the foot of his portrait, the following verses:
Ingenii monumenta sui, sed plura Lutheri
Edidit; his poterunt secla futura frui.
--[Melch. Adam, _Vitæ Theol. Germ._ pp. 199, 200.
Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the
opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper--earnest desire
for union and peace among the Churches--condition of Geneva.
GENEVA, _17th March 1546_.
Your letter gave me the greater pleasure, as I had not ventured
to look for it, for it was my part to draw a letter from you by
being the first to write. But that you, without being called upon,
should of your own accord have anticipated me, I take as a proof
of your greater friendship towards me. If, however, you would know
the reason of my not writing, I refrained more from modesty than
negligence. And generally the testimony of Philip [Melanchthon]
is with me sufficient; but when no great familiarity intervenes,
the crooked policy of the times sometimes makes me apprehensive.
Wherefore, I am the more grateful to you for having removed every
scruple. I greatly rejoice, also, to find that my pamphlet, _De
Coenâ_, has met with your approbation.[37] It was written in French
ten years before. When, without my knowledge, it had been already
translated into Latin by two individuals, I at length consented to
its publication, being afraid, in fact, that some worse version
might forestall it. A style of instruction, simple and popular, and
adapted to the unlearned, shews what my purpose was from the first;
for I usually write more carefully for those acquainted with Latin.
I laboured, however, not only faithfully to express my views, and
reduce them within a brief compass, but also to unfold them lucidly,
and without technicalities. Since then the _Institution_, having
been revised, was again given to the public, in which, unless I
am mistaken, I expound and more fully confirm the same doctrine,
under a different form of expression, and with somewhat greater
development. I at length also published a _Catechism_, which is
trustworthy and pertinent evidence of the kind of doctrine with
which the common people are imbued by me. Would that the people
of Zurich, as you say, were willing to give their assent to that
confession![38] I do not think Luther is so unyielding but that
there might easily be an agreement, and they do not, withal, venture
to disapprove of my views. The chief obstacle to their giving a
public assent to my doctrine is, that being pre-occupied by a
meaning, once and now for a length of time prescribed to them, they
so stick to their customary forms as to admit nothing new. But if
you consider the tyranny manifested by certain of the adverse party
in the attempt to force the world, not only into their peculiar
views, but also into a prescribed form of words, the furious
insolence they shew, what commotions they excite,--the moderation
as well as rectitude by which you are characterized, will lead you
to condemn in the matter the absurd conduct of those parties, not
less than the people of Zurich. May the Lord by his Spirit dispose
us all to true moderation. You know that I am not in the habit of
complaining when there is no ground for it; nor do I doubt but that
you yourself, as might be expected from your eminent piety, sigh in
secret over the same evils, while it is not in your power to remedy
them. With respect to the assurances you give me regarding yourself,
I wish you in turn to believe, that I am and always will be your
sincere friend and brother. I now, with many others, request you
to go on strenuously, and make no halt in your progress, until you
have handed over to us Genesis completed.[39] For as Luther has just
grounds for congratulating himself in having found such an artist to
polish his works, so others experience how advantageous the labour
is to the public. I may have wished, however, that you had been more
sparing in your mention of the Sacramentaries, because I see that
the minds of some are thereby exasperated, of whom there was a hope
that they would be brought to moderate views. It will be for you to
consider what may be more conducive to that end. I will be satisfied
if you take my warning in good part, whether or not you act upon it.
The Ratisbon Assembly will indeed bring forth smoke for us, which
the Lord will soon dispel.[40]
[37] The following is the passage of the letter of Vitus to Calvin
to which he here refers:--"I have read your short address to the
people on the Sacrament of the Supper, and I approve of your calling
the bread and wine signs in such a sense that the things signified
are in reality present. Would that they who leave only the naked
signs, might be led by you to adopt that view!"--_Calv. Epist. et
Resp._, Amst., p. 37.
[38] This desire was happily realized some years afterwards, by the
adoption of a common symbol on the Supper, approved alike by the
theologians of Zurich and Geneva.
[39] Vitus lent useful aid to Luther in the revision of his
different writings, and rendered a real service to the Church by
collecting and offering to the public the Commentaries of Luther on
the Prophet Micah, and the first eleven chapters of Genesis.--Melch.
Adam, _Vitæ Theol. Germ._
[40] The Conference opened by the Emperor at Ratisbon, and to which
Bucer had been summoned, was a mere feint to divert men's minds, and
to transfer the decision of the points at issue to the Council of
Trent.
Here we are tranquil unless the Emperor molest us. Some suspect
him of having an eye on Burgundy, with the view of threatening
the kingdom of France from that quarter, while he would harass
Provence by means of the young Duke of Savoy, and send in the
English from the other side. I hold myself under the protection
of God alone when I see that we are not far from certain danger.
Adieu, most honoured sir, and most sincere friend. May the Lord
Jesus ever guide and direct you by his Holy Spirit, and bless your
labours. All my colleagues respectfully salute you. To yours also
you will convey the highest respects in my name, and in that of my
colleagues.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. Copy, Library of Zurich, Coll. Simler._ Vol. 59.]
CLX.--TO VIRET.[41]
[41] Viret, yielding to the entreaties of Calvin, went to Geneva
towards the end of March, and there received the most honourable
marks of public affection. We read in the Registers of Council, of
date the 2d April 1546,--"Grand reception given to Farel and Viret,
who had just arrived at Geneva."
Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva.
GENEVA, _26th March, before supper_.
The person who delivered yours to me did not know whence it came.
I thus received it somewhat later than I wished. I attended to the
wish you expressed, that a suitable horse, and one without show,
should be sent to you. It would, however, have been sent off sooner,
had I not told our people beforehand that you could not leave
your place of residence before the morning discourse. I certainly
could have wished, if your letter had arrived in time, that you
had been sent for sooner. But I supposed that you had set out with
Christopher: for that was the reason why I gave you no letter by the
messenger belonging to my household. If, after preaching, you can
come as far as Nyon, you will be here on Monday before supper; but
take care lest you fatigue yourself. You had better come to Nyon on
Monday. We shall have you with us in good time, if we get you well.
Salute all the brethren.
May the Lord bring you to us safe and in good spirits.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXI.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Calvin's labours--the diet at Ratisbon--the Church at Metz--the
reformation at Heidelberg--_apology_ for M. de Falais--opinion
regarding the sermons of Ochino.
[_April 1546._][42]
[42] _On the back_, in the handwriting of M. de Falais,--Received
the 16th of April 1546.
MONSEIGNEUR,--I thank you for the care which you have of my health,
anxious that I would not overburthen myself, in straining a point
to write to you, when I am not in a fit state to do so. But had I
only to write to you, it would be to me a very easy labour, if that
can be called toil wherein one only finds pleasure. The difficulty
arises from the annoyances and interruptions of the train of
thought which intervene, to break off a letter in the midst twenty
times over, or even more, beyond all bounds. As regards health, I
was much more feeble when I wrote to you a while ago than I am at
present. But being in a good state of general bodily condition, I am
unceasingly tormented with a heaviness, which, as it were, suffers
me not to do anything. For, besides the sermons and lectures, there
is a month already gone in which I have scarce done anything, in
such wise that I am almost ashamed to live thus useless. But if it
please God, of his goodness, to make use of me, he will release me
and allay this ill, which holds me so fast that I cannot set about
any labour of importance, to employ the leisure which he gives me.
Nevertheless, he does not cease to exercise me by some means or
other, in order that I may not grow rusty through laziness. If,
however, he does not graciously restore me to a better condition, I
am not likely ever to get on horseback. Even more than that, were
I ever to be sent for, I could not stir out of the house in such a
state. But, as you observe, they let me alone, from fear of setting
astir the frantic blockheads; and on my side, I willingly give up
the diets to those who have a liking for them, as for any good
they do.[43] I am glad that our Lord has put you out of pain as
regards Norberg. As for what remains to be done, you will have an
opportunity of considering what it ought to be, having been informed
by Jéhan de Rochefort, and after having established your case, as it
can be done, in coming forth out of Egypt and out of Babylon. It is
like what is said by Moses and by Ezekiel,--_in much stir and with
haste_. I hope, should it so please God, that all is over by this
time. I would not have you to be too much astonished at the length
of time you have been in receiving letters from him, considering the
length of the journey. But if God has been so gracious to him, and
to you also, as to make a way of escape out of danger, he will not
have tarried so long on the way as not to be, by this time, on his
return. Thus, being at rest in regard to that matter, you will take
counsel for the future.
[43] A new diet had been assembled at Ratisbon, for the pacification
of the religious troubles of Germany. That assembly opened in the
month of June 1546, in presence of the Emperor, and like those which
had preceded, concluded without any result whatsoever.
As to Constance, I had not spoken to you, but that your present
abode did not please you. When the crisis comes, however, Strasbourg
is more suitable, and I like it better, were it not for the reason
which you allege.
In Metz,[44] I see a great evil, the want of guidance and of cordial
interest, albeit that these are rather two evils. But God will find
the remedy. We must try every method which he presents to us, and
even stir up ourselves, where the means appear to be wanting. And
whereas I know that you have no need to be exhorted not to spare
yourself, I forbear to do so.
[44] The Protestants of this town, feebly supported by the league of
Smalkald, and intimidated by the presence of the imperial legate,
devoted to the Roman Catholic clergy, had already lost the rights
which had been guarantied to them by the accord of 1543, and so
found themselves deprived of the exercise of public worship and of
the pastorate.--(See a letter of Myconius to Calvin, 13th November
1543. _Calv. Epist. et Responsa_, Amst. p. 26.)
I am not at all amazed, if Master Peter Alexander is bold, having
his chin thus held above water, and that besides he is quite
accustomed at Heidelberg to hear that doctrine already for a long
time past.[45] He is even well aware that he has no other means
for advancing himself. Thus it is no wonder if he takes advantage
of it where there is no danger at all. But I see quite well that
he is not an over-confident man, were it only by his conclusions.
What is worse, he makes a stupid blunder in this, that he says, the
swearing an oath is forbidden by God; and that with a blasphemy,
inasmuch as he attributes authority to Saint Paul to permit what has
been prohibited by his Master; but these are matters for the civil
magistrate to decide.
[45] In the year 1546, the Palatinate witnessed the accomplishment
of a great religious revolution. The Elector, Frederic II., yielding
to the wish of his subjects, proclaimed the establishment of the
Reformation, and the abolition of the old worship in his states. The
chief instrument of that revolution was the minister Paul Fagius,
the disciple of Capito.--Sleidan, _Comment._ lib. xvi. p. 266. De
Thou, lib. ii. c. 3.
_The Apology_ would be much better drawn up where you are than
at a distance. This I say not to exempt myself, but inasmuch as
I think that such is the case; for I am quite ready to undertake
the employment. So also would Master Peter Viret, but his style of
writing would not be altogether suited to such an argument, owing
to his want of conciseness. And for myself I would have to bite
my nails in more than a hundred passages, if we could not confer
together so as to resolve by common accord what might be fit to
say or to omit. Nevertheless, we shall take care to meet your wish
whenever you shall have come to a determination upon the whole
case and the state of your affairs. Howbeit, I have retained no
memorandum of the particulars beside me. What I have told you about
the Emperor, was not so much to find fault with what has been done,
as to set forth the reason why it ought not to be inserted so as
to be seen. I praise our Lord that the present of my Commentary is
agreeable to you. In conformity with your answer, our brother sent
his translation to Vendelin, addressing the preface to you, in order
that having seen it beforehand, you may judge what course shall
appear to you to be expedient.
The request which I made to you so affectionately, not to separate
your household from the French Church,[46] was not founded upon any
report, but solely upon a passage of your letter where you signify
that you were in course of doing so, not perceiving any amendment in
that quarter. It suffices, that I am aware of your intention, so as
not to be further troublesome to you on that score. I see indeed the
reasons you may have, but I take into view the scandal which would
thence arise. All is well, since you have condescended to my request.
[46] The French Church of Strasbourg, of which Calvin had been
pastor during his exile from Geneva.
I would desire, Monseigneur, that the hundred crowns [escus] might
be sent to the lady, and they would be returned to you forthwith,
sending to the Ladies de Tilly what is resting due to them, since
the father shews himself such a one as he is. I would earnestly
wish, that in disposing ourselves willingly and patiently to bear
the cross, we were framing our shoulders to such a charge. But these
are matters about which we shall better talk together than we can
write.
I pray you to hold me excused, if I do not as yet signify my opinion
of the translation of the Sermons of Messire Bernardino.[47] I may,
however, speak a word in your ear, that they are more useful in
Italian than in other languages, were it not that the name of the
man is of use; and then there is such a variety of minds, that it is
not amiss to endeavour to draw some of them by that means. Of the
translator, I shall let you know my opinion, please God, in a few
words shortly.
[47] Introduced by Calvin to Myconius, Ochino made but a very short
stay at Bâle, where those writings made their appearance which have
been such a blot upon his memory. In 1545 he went to Augsbourg,
where he became minister to the congregation of Italian refugees
until the epoch of the _Interim_, which was the cause of his
betaking himself to England. His leanings toward heterodoxy were
veiled from the eyes of every one, except perhaps the clear-sighted
discernment of Calvin, who valued his abilities, without having
an entire confidence in the solidity of his doctrines. The
ever-recurring changes of his unsettled life led him, at a later
period, to class himself with the sect of the anti-Trinitarians.
His discourses, so much admired by Cardinal Bembo, and the Emperor
Charles V. himself, are less remarkable for their purity of doctrine
than for the warmth of feeling and the poetical flash of the style.
They have been printed under the following title: _Prediche di
Messer Bernardino Ochino_, 1543, and reprinted on several occasions;
but we are not aware of any translation, whether Latin or French.
See Schelhorn, _Ergötzlichkeiten_, tom. iii. pp. 2022, 2161, 2166,
and pp. 2174-2179.
As touching the _apology_ of the ladies,[48] I think, Monseigneur,
you have my opinion of it signified already in brief, at least I
would here declare it, that the author has not observed what the
Latins call _decorum_. For the course of procedure is unbefitting
the individuals. Everybody will not perceive this, only those who
have their wits about them. This is the reason why I have retained
it beside me.
[48] The sisters of M. de Falais.
The letters of Diaz[49] were not needed to shew me on what authority
you had opened those which he might write to me. For you have
sufficient authority without any one else giving it to you. I
humbly thank you for the offer which you have so kindly made for
the baptism of our child.[50] And now, Monsieur, to conclude, after
having humbly, and with all possible kindly affection, commended me
to your good favour and that of Madame, and having also presented
the humble salutations of my wife, I pray our good Lord to guide you
always as he has done, shewing himself the true protector both of
you and of all that concerns you.
Your humble brother, servant, and ever your entire friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
[49] Juan Diaz, originally of Cuença, in Spain, studied letters at
the University of Paris, and was distinguished, amid the scholars of
his nation, "by superior learning, adorned with pure morals, great
mildness, prudence, and benignity." Initiated in the knowledge of
the Gospel, he left Paris and visited Geneva, Bâle, Strasbourg,
where he acquired the friendship of Bucer, whom he accompanied into
Germany. The Jesuit, Malvenda, a stout defender of Popish idolatry,
having made vain efforts to lead him back to the Romish Church,
the adversaries of Juan Diaz planned a most detestable conspiracy
against his life, and, on the 27th of March, he was assassinated
by order of Alphonso Diaz, his own brother, who had come from Rome
in order to the accomplishment of this execrable outrage, the
instigator of which remained unpunished.--See the record of this
odious fratricide in Sleidan, and _Histoire des Martyrs_, pp. 162,
168; and Letter CLXIII.
[50] Calvin had this year a child by his wife, Idelette de Bure,
which died in the birth.
CLXII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Advice regarding the editing of the _Apology_--details of a loan
contracted for M. de Falais--news from Germany and Italy--Farel
and Viret at Geneva--death of Juan Diaz.
_16th April 1546._
MONSEIGNEUR,--You see here what I have done desiring to comply with
your wish.[51] That it shall altogether satisfy you I shall not
venture to promise myself. It will be quite enough for me if you
have the persuasion that I have not failed from lack of good-will.
Indeed, I fear you may not find that which you had looked for. But
it is not reasonable that I bear the blame of the too great credit
which I may have with you. If I had been in a right frame, and had I
had leisure, possible it is that I might have done better. But since
these two things have been wanting to me, I pray you that you may
please hold me as excused. It would not have cost me very much to
fill up a much larger extent of paper; but I have studied brevity,
thinking that nothing could be better, considering the personage
to whom the writing is addressed. It did not occur to Saint André
that it wanted anything, except that, on having come to the passage
about your retirement, you might insist upon deducting separately
in detail the travelling expenses which you had incurred up to that
time. I had, indeed, thought of another conclusion to be urged, but
because I did not well know how to keep within bounds, I have let
it alone. You will exercise your own discretion as to adding an
article to that effect, if you think fit, namely, with regard to the
property, which you did not venture to make any other request to him
about, fearing that it would be trouble thrown away, to speak to him
about the property before being reinstated in his good graces, and
also because that is the thing you most of all desire and prefer to
anything else. In any event, let it please him to have regard to
such a family, and not allow himself to be led by those who only
seek its destruction. I know not whether it would be of advantage
to your brothers[52] to make mention of them. You will consider
about that. Towards the end, it would be needful to add an express
clause, to remove the suspicion that you had too great regret,
declaring that for the honour of God you bear the loss patiently,
beseeching God that he would always make you sensibly aware of the
work of Jesus Christ, and of the benefits bestowed on you by him, so
as to reckon all things but loss and dung in comparison of him. If
you determine to enter upon the subject of the property, it appears
to me that it would be advisable to mention it thus briefly; I have
explained the reason why I have not done so.
[51] At the request of M. de Falais, Calvin had prepared an apology
for his Lordship, which was to be presented to the Emperor at the
Diet of Ratisbon. This memorial, drawn up at first in French,
then translated into Latin, and along with a profession of faith,
containing valuable details for the history of M. de Falais, has
the following title:--_Apology of the very Illustrious Lord James
of Burgundy, of Falaise, and of Breda, wherein he has wiped away
the accusations wherewith he has been branded in the sight of the
Imperial Majesty, and sets forth the Confession of his Faith._ This
morceau has been published by the Amsterdam editor at the end of the
letters of Calvin to M. de Falais.
[52] M. de Falais had five brothers. Those alone of whom mention is
made in the letters of Calvin, are John, Seigneur de Fromont, and
Peter, Pronotary apostolic, who had embraced the Reformation.
But to proceed, Monseigneur, I have detained the man who has brought
me your last, hoping that he would be the messenger to carry you
this answer. But, at the end of six days, there has occurred a
sudden piece of business to Sire Nicolas the present bearer. I
have thereupon sent away the other, delivering to his care the two
young children, because he could not have arrived so soon. He has
been sufficiently admonished, not so much by me as by the others,
to settle and choose some manner of livelihood; but I see clearly
that he is not yet tired of running about. That arises in part from
his too great simplicity,--for he has no great head-piece. Some
clodpole, scarcely wiser than himself, had whispered in his ear
in passing, that I would be quite able to recommend him to Berne,
and put him in the way of his becoming a preacher. I have done
everything to repress such an expectation: but he does not leave
off his roving about; and although he seems to approve an advice
when offered to him, immediately afterwards he begins to do the same
thing again. I am sorry for it, for in other respects, I find him
well disposed, and without malice.
As for the business of Sire Nicolas, the case is thus:--He had no
means of squaring his accounts, but in taking the place which had
been adjudged in hypothec to another preferable creditor, having
struck off some pieces for law expenses. Thus he would have been
excluded, had he not undertaken to reimburse the other party. What
is worse, he who held the security was himself under hypothec
elsewhere, in danger that his property might be sold, and needed
to re-assure his interest therein. The subject is well worth what
the said Nicolas has bargained for. The hardship was for him,
that he would have had to pay seven hundred crowns before next
Easter, and also that it is too large for him. But the necessity
made him forget all that. It is true that he has to receive from
Sire Antony Sieglessen a sum in satisfaction thereof, but he fears
that it may not be ready at so short a term, seeing that he will
have to transact with people who have no pity. In that perplexity,
he has thought that if, peradventure, Antony de Sieglessen might
not so readily be forthcoming with that which he has to receive
from him, you would afford him some assistance, for a month, or six
weeks' delay, on his giving you the security of Sire Antony and the
place, on good and equitable terms. When he asked advice of me, I
requested him to try all means before having recourse to you, which
he had already indeed determined, as he told me, but that it was his
last remedy. In any event, however, he would bring you letters of
assurance over the place. To this I have not agreed, fearing lest it
might appear to you that it would have the effect of protracting a
settlement, promising to him to assure you that the responsibility
lies not with himself but with me.
I have wished much to make this statement to you, Monseigneur, on
purpose that you should be informed, that he did not rashly go
beyond his authority, but that he had been constrained thereto; in
order also, that when he could nowise do without your help, you
might the more be induced to aid him. I can indeed assure you, that
there will be no risk, for the assignment is quite valid. And if
money were to be had here, he would not need to stir out of the
house. But the country is stripped so bare of money, that it is
lamentable, the more so that there is more due to him at Strasbourg
than he has need for. I do not take upon me to ask it of you, for
that is not my business. In so far as I have endeavoured to remove
the doubts which might prevent you, I hope you will take it in good
part, and that you will not ascribe it to importunity. Besides that,
it is my duty, for I have been the cause, along with Monsieur David,
of involving him in this anxiety. For we made the first purchase in
his absence, because the said Monsieur David was fully resolved from
that time forward to complete the transaction.
I believe that you have been otherwise informed of the death of the
Marquis of Guasto.[53] We are not aware what the Emperor intends to
do, except that people are coming from Naples toward Genoa. One can
scarce think that he would go so far for pastime as to Argiers. And,
indeed, I believe, that considering himself secure upon the side
of France, and leaving the English to occupy the King's attention,
having fully ordered everything to his own advantage in Germany, he
would not make a mere feint of going to Argiers.[54]
[53] Alphonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Guasto, governor of the Milanese,
and one of the ablest generals of Charles the Fifth. He died in 1546.
[54] The Emperor, in 1544, had undertaken a disastrous expedition
against the town of Argiers. The military movements which were then
going forward in Italy, were intended to cover his real projects of
attack against the Protestant princes of Germany.
Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret, in passing from hence,
have requested me to present you their humble commendations. They
have been here eight days to my great comfort, except in so far as
they have made me put off my excusing myself to you. I am glad of
your well-disposedness, and principally for your cheerfulness, and
also because I hope that it will prove a means of our seeing you. We
shall, in the meanwhile, however, pray God, that he would restore
you from better to better, albeit that we must not look, neither you
nor myself, to be ever of much worth in this world.
We have made Saint-André preacher, at which possibly you will be
amazed. He did not look for it; and I believe also, that at the
first move his courage would not have inclined him that way. But we
have made conscience of it, seeing his zeal and readiness, not to
leave him always idle. I hope that God will make use of him for the
profit and upbuilding of his Church. He has not been brought to it
without a struggle, but perceiving that the call was from on high,
he has not resisted it.
To conclude, Monseigneur, after having presented the humble
commendations as well of myself as of my wife to your kind favour
and to that of Madame, I shall supplicate our good Lord to have you
always in his protection, guiding you with a view to his honour, as
he has done hitherto, and shewing himself so powerful in you, that
we may always acknowledge the fruit of that great victory with which
Jesus Christ consoles us.
Your humble servant and brother in our Lord Jesus,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
When I had finished these presents, I received the sad news of the
death of good Diaz.[55] But it so happens, that the unhappy Papists
shew more and more that they are led by the spirit of their father,
who has been a murderer from the beginning.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
[55] See the following letter.
CLXIII.--TO FAREL.[56]
[56] The Ecclesiastical Ordinances, digested by Calvin and adopted
by the councils of the republic, daily encountered the keenest
opposition in the heart of a party which reckoned at its head men
belonging to the most distinguished families among the Genevese.
The Consistory and Councils together took care that the laws
were rigidly enforced, and checked improprieties without respect
of persons. The Captain-General, Amy Perrin, the Syndic Corna,
and several other persons, having, contrary to the prohibitions,
danced in a private house, "It is ordained," as is contained in the
Registers of 12th April 1546, "that they all be imprisoned;" and
with regard to the wife of Amy Perrin, who spoke insolently to the
Consistory, that she also be imprisoned, and be required to find
security. Perrin, to avoid undergoing the punishment pronounced
against him, had recourse to the pretext of a journey to Lyons; but
he was incarcerated on his return. The Syndic Corna acknowledged
his fault, and, after a deposition of some days, he was reinstated
in his office. The minister, Henry de la Mare, was deposed, for
having been present at the ball, and taken the side of the dance and
dancers against the Consistory. See REGISTERS OF COUNCIL, April 1546.
Troubles at Geneva--imprisonment of the several members of the
family of Favre--account of the assassination of John Diaz at
Neubourg.
[_April 1546._]
After your departure the dances caused us more trouble than I
had supposed. All those who were present being summoned to the
Consistory, with the two exceptions of Corna and Perrin, shamelessly
lied to God and us. I was incensed, as the vileness of the thing
demanded, and I strongly inveighed against the contempt of God,
in that they thought nothing of making a mockery of the sacred
obtestations we had used. They persisted in their contumacy. When
I was fully informed of the state of the case, I could do nothing
but call God to witness that they would pay the penalty of such
perfidy; I, at the same time, however, announced my resolution of
unbaring the truth, even though it should be at the cost of my
own life, lest they should imagine that any profit was to come
of lying. Francisca also, the wife of Perrin, grossly abused us,
because we were so opposed to the Favres.[57] I replied as seemed
proper, and as she deserved. I inquired whether their house was
inviolably sacred, whether it owed no subjection to the laws? We
already detained her father in prison, being convicted of one act
of adultery,[58] the proof of a second was close at hand; there
was a strong report of a third; her brother had openly contemned
and derided the Senate and us. Finally, I added, that a new city
must be built for them, in which they might live apart, unless they
were willing to be restrained by us here under the yoke of Christ;
that so long as they were in Geneva, they would strive in vain to
cast off obedience to the laws; for were there as many diadems in
the house of the Favres as frenzied heads, that that would be no
barrier to the Lord being superior. Her husband had meanwhile gone
to Lyons, hoping that the matter would be silently buried. I thought
that they should be forced to a confession of the truth by an oath.
Corna warned them that he would by no means suffer them to perjure
themselves. They not only confessed what we wished, but that they,
on that day, danced at the house of the widow of Balthazar. They
were all cast into prison. The Syndic was an illustrious example of
moderation; for he publicly spoke against himself and the whole herd
so severely, that it was unnecessary to say much to him. He was,
however, severely admonished in the Consistory, being deposed from
his office until he gave proof of repentance. They say that Perrin
has returned from Lyons; whatever he may do, he will not escape
punishment. Henry was stripped of his office with our consent.
With him there fell out a ludicrous enough altercation. He had
admitted that what had been taken down from the witnesses was true.
Meanwhile he had recourse to the defence, 'Against an elder admit no
accusation unless before two or three witnesses.' I inquired whose
saying this was,--'Out of thine own mouth I judge thee, worthless
servant;' for that now the case did not lie in the trustworthiness
of the witnesses, but in his confession. Besides, when he repudiated
the witnesses, that he was pressed by the dilemma, either his
confession was true or it was false: if true, there was no further
ground for hesitation; but if he had said what was false, he was to
be held as answerable for perjury, because he had sworn to something
different from the reality. It therefore came to this, that he might
say that he had spoken falsely and without regard to principle.
When he said that it was unfair that he should be pressed by one
who ought to have been his defender, I inquired by what obligation
I was bound to him to defend a bad cause, for that I had taken no
oath to the Franciscan faction. Much was said to the man, backwards
and forwards, but the result was, that he departed loaded with
the reproach and odium of all. Being deprived of his ministry, he
was, at the same time, thrust into prison, whence, however, he was
liberated in three days. There he was a strenuous patron of the
dances, that he might embitter, as far as was in his power, the
hatred towards me of those who were already more than sufficiently
alienated from me. But whatever Satan may essay by the like of him,
he will afford a striking example. For two things are already matter
of public talk, that there is no hope of impunity since even the
first people of the city are not spared, and that I show no more
favour to friends than to those opposed to me. Perrin with his wife
rages in prison; the widow is absolutely furious; the others are
silent from confusion and shame.
[57] At the head of the opposition to the ministers were observed
the different members of the family of Francis Favre, a dissolute
old man, and father-in-law of Amy Perrin. Francisca, his daughter,
wife of the latter, made herself remarkable by the violence of her
invectives against the Consistory. "They remonstrated with her, and
made no more account of herself and her father than of the lowest
in the city. Being again interrogated whether she would name the
dancers, twice replied, that she would rather submit to punishment,
and be dragged before all the justices, than appear before the
Consistory."--Notes Extracted from the _Registers of the Consistory
of Geneva_, by the late Syndic Cramer, 4te, 1853.
[58] "That the father-in-law of Amy Perrin, who has committed
adultery, be also imprisoned, and put upon his trial."--_Registers
of Council._ Ibid.
Diaz, the Spaniard, whom you saw here, Viret, at the house of Des
Gallars, and who, setting out from Neuchatel for Germany, had
passed through with the two Senarclens, was most cruelly put to
death. When the Emperor was said to be approaching, he had repaired
to Neubourg, a town under the rule of Duke Otho Henry. From that
place he wrote to me on the 13th of March. He had a brother at Rome
of the name of Alphonso, who came thither with the express design
of making away with this godly man. They conferred together for
some days. When Juan observed that he was of no service, he left
Alphonso. The latter, pretending that he had forgotten something,
sends a servant to recall his brother, and put him to death in the
house. He followed him to the house, nor did he believe the domestic
that the slaughter had been perpetrated until he himself had viewed
the corpse. Then he hurried off on fleet horses to the county of
Tyrol.[59] Duke Otho sent the prefect of the palace to demand that
he should be given up to punishment. Unless Ferdinand be willing to
throw into confusion all things, both human and divine, he must of
necessity avenge so base and abominable an outrage. For the prefect
has at the same time surrendered himself a prisoner.
[59] See the whole of this narrative in the _Histoire des Martyrs_,
from the tract of Claude de Senarclens: _Vera Historia de Morte
Joannis Diazii Hispani._ 1546.
Adieu, dearest brethren; may God ever protect you. Salute all
friends. You, Farel, will convey to the heads of the citizens my
best greeting. I wish that I could one day creep your length, in
whatever way it might be possible.--All ours salute you.
[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._--Opera, tom. ix. p. 38.]
CLXIV.--TO AMY PERRIN.[60]
[60] Letter without date, of which the original French is lost.
It is here reproduced from the Latin translation inserted in
the collection of the published Latin letters of Calvin, with
restoration of date, April 1546.
Amy Perrin, one of the earliest hearers of Farel and Froment at
Geneva, contributed powerfully to the disenthralment and reformation
of his native country. At one with the Reformers in the abolition
of the ancient worship and in the proclamation of the new, which
he regarded as the security for the independence of Geneva, he
broke with them the moment they undertook to correct manners, after
having reformed beliefs. He then became the head of that party of
undisciplined children of Geneva, "who wished to live according
to their own inclination, without suffering themselves to be
restrained by the words of the preachers," and whose triumph led to
the banishment of the ministers, (1538.) Commissioned, two years
afterwards, to negotiate their recall, he appeared to be reconciled
to Calvin, and to submit to the institutions of the Calvinistic
discipline; but the submission could not be lasting, and we again
find him, in 1545, along with Pierre Vandel and the two Bertheliers,
at the head of the party that must needs continue to strive with the
ministers, until their total defeat, (May 1555.) Of an irascible
temperament, of easy and frivolous manners, Amy took pleasure in
fêtes, and in appearing in public magnificently dressed. Being
accused (see the preceding letter) of having taken part in unlawful
dances, he refused to compear before the Consistory, incurred,
with his wife, the just rigours of the Seigneury, and became the
implacable enemy of Calvin, who, in a letter at once moderate and
powerful, essayed in vain to bring him back to the path of obedience
and duty.
Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin--firm and courageous
declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in
his duty unto death.
[_April 1546._]
I should willingly have met you, Lord Captain, had it not appeared
to me that a different course was expedient. You will have an
opportunity of hearing the reason from me at a proper place and
time. I could have wished, however, that you had appeared at the
Consistory, by way of example to others. As in that respect you did
not do your duty, because you had perhaps not been warned, I desired
you at least to be present at the close of the meeting to-day, that
the Syndic Corna and I might there discuss the matter with you.
What there was to prevent you I do not see. But this I wish you to
consider, that we can not enjoy weight for weight with an unequal
balance; and if impartiality must be observed in the administration
of human law, any departure from it cannot be tolerated in the
Church of God. You yourself either know, or at least ought to
know, what I am; that, at all events, I am one to whom the law of
my heavenly Master is so dear, that the cause of no man on earth
will induce me to flinch from maintaining it with a pure conscience.
I cannot believe that you yourself have any other end in view,
but I observe that no one has his eyes wide enough open when the
case is his own. As far as I am concerned, I desire, in this very
matter, to consult not only the edification of the Church and your
salvation, but also your convenience, name, and leisure; for how
odious would be the imputation which is likely to fall upon you,
that you were apparently free from and unrestrained by the common
law, to which every one is subject? It is certainly better, and in
accordance with my zeal for your welfare, to anticipate the danger
than that you should be so branded. I have heard, indeed, what has
proceeded from your house, viz., that I should take care lest I
stir up a slumbering fire, lest what occurred before should again
take place, in the course of the seventh year. But these speeches
have no weight with me; for I did not return to Geneva either for
the sake of leisure or of gain, nor will it again grieve me to be
constrained to leave it. The convenience and safety of Church and
State made me willing to return; and if measures are now being taken
against me alone, I should wish it to be said, once for all, to all
who think me troublesome, "What you do, do quickly." But yet, the
unworthy treatment and ingratitude of some parties will not cause
me to fail in my duty, and I will lay aside that devoted attachment
to this place only with my last breath, of which I take God as my
voucher. Nor will I ever so far yield to the humours of any other
individual, as hereafter to dispense with his personal attendance.
These observations do not refer to you, but to that member of your
family that is nearest to you. Nor do I write them with the view of
spreading quarrels, but that it may be manifest with what firmness I
am about to proceed, whatever may happen. I am especially desirous
to impress upon you the necessity of earnestly seeking to acquire
the primary virtue of obedience to God, and respect for the common
order and polity of the Church. May the Lord protect you by his own
defence, and discover to you how greatly even the stripes of a
sincere friend are to be preferred to the treacherous blandishments
of others!--Adieu.
Your attached and sincere brother,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]
CLXV.--TO FAREL AND VIRET.[61]
[61] Menaced by a common peril, and having equally to resist the
pretensions of Charles V. to universal rule, the King of France and
the Protestant Princes of Germany had resumed negotiations, that
must seemingly issue in a lasting treaty. This treaty of alliance
was for long the object of the prayers and the hopes of Calvin, who
reckoned upon extracting from it advantageous results to the French
Protestants, and an implicit toleration for churches until then
subjected to the most violent persecutions. He pressed Farel and
Viret, one or other, to repair to Germany, to hasten the progress of
negotiations and determine the conditions of the alliance.
Requests in favour of the faithful in France.
GENEVA, _1st May 1546_.
This pious brother is a citizen of Uzés,[62] a place where many
have been utterly ruined by the severity of the ungodly. They have
all agreed to try whether any succour is to be found among the
Germans. I replied, that I had somewhat greater hope to-day, in that
our princes have shewn, by clear indications, their aversion from
imprisoning. I had, besides, been reminded that there was a certain
person at Worms, sent by the Dauphin, who makes many promises. I am,
indeed, aware of the hollowness of courts, but there will be no harm
in making trial. I should not have refused what they strenuously
insisted upon, viz., that I should undertake this journey, were I
not still a prisoner, so slow is the process of my convalescence.
I hardly know what progress I have hitherto made towards recovery,
unless that my sufferings are allayed.[63] I have, therefore, left
this duty to one of you. Whoever of you finds it convenient will
provide the expenses. As you, Viret,[64] are on the eve of setting
out for Berne, it is right that our friend Farel be relieved by
you of this burden, if the Senate give its permission. But if you
shall not be free to go, Farel himself, I know, will spare neither
himself nor his age; certainly otherwise he will be absolutely
indispensable. Wherefore, if leave of absence be denied to Viret,
take care you do not fail, Farel, for I have almost given a pledge
in your name to the brethren. It remains with you, therefore, to
fulfil the pledge, even though it were given rashly. Moreover,
because, from the present state of the kingdom, it would be in vain
to ask of the King what he ought to do of his own accord, we have
judged that he must at least be required to undertake the commission
of inquiry. This, again, will be equivalent to interdicting the
Parliaments from engaging in it. In the next place, he must be asked
to nominate extraordinary impartial judges. If this is obtained,
a great step will be made. To aim at anything beyond this would,
as I said, be superfluous. If the Chancellor is disposed to favour
us, all will be well.[65] But as he is timid and tardy, we must see
to it that he is vigorously urged on. Accordingly, not less pains
must be taken in these secondary matters than in those of prime
importance. But abjuration is always to be expressly excluded; for
we do the work of Satan, if we open up a path to the godly whereby
they may be permitted to abjure Christ. I diligently commend the
whole matter, first to Master James Sturm, whose authority in the
conventions is of the highest order; in the next place to Bucer,
that he may stimulate those whom he can; again to Sturm and Dr.
Ulrich, that they may also interpose the weight of their personal
influence. The affair itself will give you counsel. You are not,
however, tyros. May the Lord prosper his journey who shall
undertake this sacred cause.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[62] Is this Uzés a small town of Languedoc, now comprised in the
department of Gard? Beza and the historian of the martyrs furnish us
with no information on this point.
[63] Desirous of rendering assistance to Calvin during his illness
and recovery, the Seigneurs of Geneva decided upon allowing him an
attendant at the public expense.--_Registers of Council_, 4th March
1546.
[64] Viret was on the point of repairing to Berne, in order
to discuss certain matters relative to the ordinances of the
Reformation in the Pays de Vaud.--Ruchat, vol. v. p. 298.
[65] After the disgrace of the Chancellor Poyet, this high office
was filled by François Olivier, Seigneur of Louville, President
of the Parliament of Paris. He resigned in 1550, and again became
Chancellor in 1559, in order to give his sanction to the lamentable
executions of Amboise, which he survived only for a short time.
CLXVI.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.
Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of
the illness of M. de Falais.
FROM GENEVA, _this 21st of June_ [1546.][66]
[66] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais: "Received the
22d July." This note, taken in connection with the beginning of the
next letter to M. de Falais, settles the date of the present one.
MADAME,--Notwithstanding that the addition which you have made to
your letter has marvellously saddened me, yet nevertheless it was
kind to have informed me of it, for that will serve to bestir us, so
that we may pray to God with so much the better heart, as danger is
to be feared.[67] And, indeed, I had already heard somewhat thereof
by Monsieur Dallein, and Master Peter Viret has confirmed it to me.
Beside that in praying to God to look down with pity upon us in this
strait, we must look patiently for an outlet such as he shall please
to send; and whichsoever way he disposes thereof, that we may be
prepared to bear with it in suchwise that it must effectually appear
how obedient we are to him. Bethink yourself, also, how by that
wearisome sickness and so many relapses, our Lord admonishes you,
before the blow, so to strengthen you, that you may not be taken by
surprise, whatever may happen. However the event may be, I do well
believe that for all that, although he may get the better of it, we
must not count, neither he nor myself, upon a long sojourning here
below. And possibly you also may very soon after follow us. But,
after all, I do not give up hope of more gladsome news.
[67] M. de Falais was at the time dangerously ill.
To conclude, Madame, after having humbly commended me to your good
graces, I pray our good Lord to have ever his eye upon you, and to
make you know it by experience for your consolation, increasing in
you all those graces with which his children ought to be enriched.
Your humble brother, servant, and old friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
My wife presents you her humble commendations.
[_Orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXVII.--TO FAREL.[68]
[68] Certain persons having obtained from the magistrate permission
to act in public a _Morality_, entitled, _The Acts of the Apostles_,
which had received the approbation of the ministers; one of them,
named Michael Cop, less conciliatory than his colleagues, preached
a very violent discourse in the church of St. Peter, and said that
the women who should mount the theatre to act that farce, would be
_shameless creatures_. These words stirred up a great tumult in the
city, and Calvin required to put forth all his influence to quiet
the agitation, and to preserve the life of his imprudent colleague.
The plays were celebrated in presence of Viret. "It is ordained,"
say the Registers of Council, "that booths be erected for our
seigneurs, that they may comfortably witness the representation of
the _Acts of the Apostles_."--1st July 1546. It does not appear,
however, that these representations were frequently repeated. "Upon
the remonstrances of the ministers," we read in the Registers,
"resolved to delay the representations of the theatre to a less
calamitous time."--July 1546. Ruchat, vol. v. p. 313. The minister
inculpated was not Abel Poupin, as Ruchat relates, but Michael Cop,
as the Registers attest.
Excitement caused at Geneva by the Representation of a Play.
GENEVA, _4th July 1546_.
Our plays narrowly escaped being converted into tragedy. When the
senate had asked my opinion, I said that I would make no reply
unless concerning the common resolution of the brethren. The
brethren having been heard, I replied, that for many reasons it did
not seem to us expedient that the games should be proceeded with,
and at the same time I explained the grounds of our opinion. I said,
however, that we did not wish to oppose them, if the senate held out
for them. When the day was coming on, Michael, (who had done so once
before,) instead of preaching, inveighed against the actors; but
so vehement was this second invective, that a concourse of people
straightway made towards me with loud shouts, threats, and what
not. And had I not by a strong effort restrained the fury of some
of them, they would have come to blows. I endeavoured in the second
discourse to appease their exasperation, observing moderation, for
I judged that he had acted imprudently in having at an unseasonable
time chosen such a theme for declamation. But his extravagance was
the more displeasing, since I could by no means approve of what he
had said. He maintained it to be true; I firmly denied it. There
were some of the brethren who encouraged the man in his obstinacy.
About nine in the evening, I was told that a hundred or thereabouts
would meet on the following day in the council-room. I immediately
called the brethren together: we came to the resolution that we
ought to accompany Michael. He was hardly suffered to go out along
with me. I bring him to the place of meeting; meanwhile I order
the others to be sent for. His accusers indicate their refusal
to speak while we are present; for they said they had no concern
with me, beyond that they regarded me with reverence, and were
therefore unwilling to enter into any dispute with me. I strenuously
insist that the cause is common, until it appear that Michael has
erred in his duty. We are ordered to withdraw to separate sides of
the house; from the opposite party arise seditious shouts; they
threateningly assert that they would have killed Michael were it
not that they revered me. To restrain the tumult, he was detained
in the council-room, but in a respectful manner. On the following
day, by the favour of the Lord, we quieted all disturbances; for
Abel,[69] by the esteem in which he is held, and I by my authority,
prevailed with the actors. The senate, however, was on our side. I
was so far displeased with it, that it was not more courageous and
spirited, for as usual it behaved too timidly; the result is, that
the games are now going on. Viret is present as a spectator, who has
again returned, according to arrangement, with a view to restore our
furious friend to sanity.[70]
[69] The minister, Abel Poupin, exerted his interest with the actors
to appease the tumult excited by his colleague.
[70] It is seen by this instance, that Calvin was not so stern as to
proscribe public games and amusements that harmonized with decency.
"He himself made no scruple in engaging in play with the seigneurs
of Geneva; but that was the innocent game of the _key_, which
consists in being able to push the keys the nearest possible to the
edge of a table."--Morus, quoted _Hist. de la Suisse_, vol. xi. p.
356.
Of your brothers I hear absolutely nothing. There is with you one
Elie Limousin by name, a native of Rochelle, who has now in a
third letter asked me to certify to you what I have known of his
former life. Pious people who come from that district declare that
he was an upright man, and of honourable life, and also that he
was unmarried when he removed thence to us. There is no reason,
therefore, why any suspicion of this nature should be a hindrance
to his marriage. You will apologize for my not having replied to
him, and also for having so cursorily gone over to you what perhaps
demanded a longer discourse. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and
most sincere friend. Salute respectfully all the brethren; there is
no salutation from any one here to you or them, as no one knew I
was going to write except Nicolas, the father-in-law of a brother,
who came in. May the Lord be ever present with you, and bless your
sacred labours.
[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 43.]
CLXVIII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Proposals of matrimony on behalf of Viret.
GENEVA, _4th July 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--You see, by the date of the other letters, what
a length of time they have lain by me since they were written,
forasmuch as the bearer could not find means to fill his
letter-case; whereof I wished to inform you, fearing that you might
suppose that he had kept them up for such a length of time in his
own hands. We are in great anxiety for news concerning you, on
account of the rumour which is abroad. The Lord graciously vouchsafe
that you may have matter wherewith to gladden us. Now, however,
since the bearer has been tarrying for a while, I have taken upon
me, Monsieur, to make a request of you. You know that our brother
Viret is about to marry. I am in as great anxiety about it as
himself. We have plenty of wives here, both at Lausanne and at Orbe;
but yet there has not hitherto appeared a single one with whom I
should feel at all satisfied. While we have this matter in hand, I
would beseech you earnestly, if you have remarked any one in your
quarter who appears to you likely to suit him, that you would please
let me know of it. I have not thought fit to apply to any other than
yourself, seeing that every one has not the prudence which is herein
required. You may reply to me, that I am at least acquainted with
some one in your neighbourhood; but I shall not venture to breathe a
word before having your opinion, which you can tell me in one word,
for I shall hold your silence for a _non placet_.[71] I have not
felt the least difficulty in addressing you privately in regard to
this, although the subject may be rather delicate, for the necessity
of the case would excuse me, were I even somewhat importunate,
because there was no one else in whom it appeared safe to confide;
and I am well aware that, for your part, knowing of how much
consequence the marriage of such a man is for the Church of God,
you would not spare yourself any pains therein. Indeed, I would not
hinder your acting directly for him, supposing that a suitable party
can be found there; but in regard to asking advice, I have taken for
granted that you will allow me that liberty.
[71] Allusion to a sister of M. de Falais.
In conclusion, Monseigneur, after having commended me to your kind
favour with such affection as that wherewith I love you, I pray our
good Lord to have always a care of you, guiding you in suchwise that
you may be more and more serviceable for the advancement of his
glory.
Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXIX.--TO VIRET.
Account of the steps taken relative to his marriage.
_13th July 1546._
Think of what you are going to do, and then write to me again what
resolution you have come to. The more we inquire, the more numerous
and the better are the testimonies with which the young lady is
honoured. Accordingly, I am now seeking to discover the mind of her
father. As soon as we have reached any certainty, I will let you
know. Meanwhile, do you make yourself ready. This match does not
please Perrin, because he wishes to force upon you the daughter
of Rameau. That makes me the more solicitous about pre-occupying
the ground in good time, lest we be obstructed by having to make
excuses. To-day, as far as I gather, he will enter upon the subject
with me, for we are both invited by Corna to supper. I will gain
time by a civil excuse. It would tend to promote the matter if I,
with your permission, should ask her. I have seen her twice; she is
very modest, with an exceedingly becoming countenance and person. Of
her manners, all speak so highly that John Parvi lately told me, he
had been captivated by her. Adieu; may the Lord govern you by his
counsel, and bless us in an undertaking of such moment.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXX.--TO VIRET.
Fresh details regarding the projects for his marriage.
GENEVA, _15th July 1546_.
Three days ago, towards the conclusion of supper, mention was made
of your marriage, which I had foretold you would be the case.
But Dominic Arlot, whose assistance I had employed, presently
interrupted the conversation; for he said that the matter was
completed. On hearing this our friend instantly sprung up from
table, and, in his usual way, gave reins to his indignation; for,
says he, his whole body shaking, "Will he then marry that girl of
low connections? Could there not be found for him in the city one
of better family? Whoever have been the originators or abettors of
this business, I regard them as vile and infamous. Of a brother and
sister I am thus unwillingly compelled to speak." I, in reply, say,
"I could not be the originator of it, inasmuch as the young lady
was unknown to me. I acknowledge that I was a promoter of it, and,
indeed, the principal one; but that the matter is finally settled,
as Dominic has asserted, is not true, beyond this, that I have gone
so far in it that to draw back would be dishonourable. In that there
is nothing for me to be ashamed of." His fury was thus turned into
laughter. But he again began to grow hot, because the matter had
been concealed from him by you. He was especially inflamed with a
foolish jealousy, because Corna confessed that you and he, while
riding, had talked over the thing together. "Is it even so?" he
proceeded to say to Corna. "Was it for this I attended him along
with you, that he might in the most insulting manner shut out from
his counsels the most attached friend he has in the world? [for] I
would cheerfully prefer him to myself."
I objected that he himself drew a false conclusion, since you had
not disclosed your mind even to Farel. He was, therefore, again
pacified, though he talked of the daughter of Rameau, whom he
extolled in an extraordinary manner. I nodded assent to all the
encomiums, that I might remain firm in regard to the other party.
Consider, now, whether it be expedient for you to come into the city
disengaged. For there will be a hateful apologizing, if they proceed
to obtrude her upon you. I know how dangerous even it may be to
give a promise before the natural disposition of the girl has been
ascertained. I am full of anxiety, nor can I easily clear a way for
myself. I think, however, that this course would not be ridiculous.
Suppose you consent to my asking the young lady in your name, the
condition being added, that before the betrothal takes place, you
are to meet her, that we may give some certain promise. They will
thus not dare to press you. Write in return, therefore, by the
earliest possible messenger what your views are, although, at the
same time, I give it as my advice that you should not delay long,
but come on an early day. Of the lady, I hear nothing that is not
highly pleasing. In her father and mother, also, there is nothing
blamable. I am the more confirmed, when I see that our opponents
have nothing to carp at beyond this, that it was impossible for them
to frighten us from our purpose. There are some things about the
daughter of Rameau which I fear; nevertheless, as it is your own
affair, you will be free to choose. I will never, however, allow
that there is any man on earth who has greater concern about his own
matters than I have about the present.
This youth came to us from Italy, with the view of giving his
attention to sacred literature, if a situation had been found such
as he had hoped for. But as he has been disappointed, he wished,
before he returned home, to pay you a visit. I have observed in him
a truly good disposition. You will say a few words to confirm him
in the fear of the Lord, and in reverence for his teaching.--Adieu.
May the Lord direct you by his counsel, and bless you in a
recommendation of so much moment. Salute respectfully all the
brethren.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
Forgive me for not having, some time ago, sent to you this letter
by our treasurer--I mean Bucer's, for, as the messenger brought it
open, I thought that it had been already read by you and Farel.
Afterwards, he reminded me that not even Toussain had read it.
You will therefore send it to Farel, as soon as you shall have
an opportunity. I am surprised that Bucer was not aroused by the
murderous outrage so greatly to be execrated, which the Emperor
perpetrated when he struck off the heads of the principal senators
at Ratisbon. I am also surprised that he has made no mention of the
incendiaries, but I set it down partly to his engagements. The other
matter he has perhaps passed over on purpose, because he did not
dare to commit everything to writing in these dubious times.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXXI.--TO VIRET.
Same subject as the preceding.
[_July 1546._]
Only say the word, the thing is settled. I should never have been
in such haste, had I not been stimulated by so many remarkable
testimonies. But nothing gave me a greater impulse than the desire
to be freed from those embarrassments of which you are aware.
Adieu, again.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXXII.--TO VIRET.[72]
[72] The project of marriage, developed in the two preceding
letters, not having been realized, Viret turned his attention in
another direction; and a passage in his will, preserved in the
Archives of Geneva, informs us that he espoused, in his second
marriage, Elizabeth Laharpe, daughter of a French refugee of
Lausanne. This marriage was celebrated in October or November 1546,
and the nuptial benediction was pronounced by Calvin himself, who,
in a subsequent letter, (of the 3d December,) makes allusion to the
journey which he had accomplished, in order to be present at the
nuptials of his friend.
Breaking off of the match treated of in the preceding letters.
GENEVA, _25th July 1546_.
What I wrote to you, by the treasurer, regarding the settlement
of the matter, was told to me by Peter Ursier, whom I was then
employing as negotiator; because I was unwilling to say anything
myself, until I had received a more definite commission. But
after reading your letter, I waited on the father and daughter,
that I might be absolutely certain of success. As soon, however,
as reference was made to a change of residence, the father took
exception to it, on the ground that something different had been
promised him. I said that no promise to that effect had been made
with our knowledge; and, moreover, that I had carefully enjoined
Peter Ursier not to cajole them by such promises. I pointed out
how absurd it would be if we were to leave our churches to follow
whither our wives called us; that a marriage consummated under such
a condition would be an unhappy, because an unholy, alliance, that
would not pass without punishment falling on both you and the girl;
finally, that you would never be prevailed upon to afford the first
example of so disgraceful a practice, and, therefore, that it was
in vain to make the request. I added, that Lausanne was not so far
distant from this as to prevent his daughter from being with him
as often as might be necessary; that it would, likewise, be more
satisfactory to have daily to congratulate his absent daughter than
constantly to see and hear her weeping and bewailing the cruelties
of her husband, which he observed was the case with so many. He
requested space for deliberation, and, at the end of three days, he
replied, that he was unwilling to send his only daughter from home.
I felt greatly indignant at being so deluded by the folly of those
in whom I trusted. I restrained myself, however, and dissembled my
anger. But I do not need to offer any more lengthened excuse to
you, as I am free from all blame. We may accordingly turn to some
other quarter. Christopher spoke to me of a certain widow, who, he
asserts, pleases him admirably. If such is the case, I am at rest,
and leave it. But if not, indicate your mind. We shall very shortly,
also, have a messenger from Strasbourg.--Adieu, brother, and most
sincere friend. Salute all the co-presbyters very affectionately.
May the Lord preserve you all safe, and direct you by his Holy
Spirit even to the end.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
Excuse me for not writing by the female servant of Petronilla, for I
was not then fully aware of the state of the case; in other words,
there was still a gleam of hope.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXXIII.--TO FAREL.
Violence of the family of Amy Perrin--declamations of the wife
of Froment against the ministers of Geneva.
GENEVA, [_1st September 1546._]
Although the letter was not in every respect to my mind, for I was
afraid that its undue harshness might hurt so delicate a stomach,
I took care to have it forwarded, but in such a way that he should
not know that I had seen it.[73] For this person conveyed it to
his house as if it had been intrusted by you to himself. Should
he thunder after his peculiar fashion, his bolts will die away in
mere clatter. I not only appear before him, but almost obtrude
myself upon him; only, I observe a mean, that I may keep in mind
the place I hold; nor is this done on my own account, but because
the man, being accustomed to adulation, would abuse my modesty,
to the derision of Christ. I therefore despair of him, unless God
apply a remedy. His wife is an unnatural fury. The widow N. is
so shamelessly wanton, that you would say she is quite youthful.
Then, having an evil conscience, she is excited by every word that
is spoken before the congregation, and discharges upon us at home
the venom she harbours. She has manifested towards you, however,
marvellous good-will; for she took to her house your two nephews,
when they were dangerously ill, and treats them as her own sons.
This kind office deserves a liberal meed of thanks, which you will
not omit to convey to her, whenever a messenger shall present
himself. She is so opposed to all of us, that I believe Cæsar[74]
himself is not more of an enemy; and yet, I confess I do not know
what cause is to be assigned for this, unless that she shamelessly
undertakes the defence of all her crimes.
[73] At the request of Calvin, Farel had written a letter to Amy
Perrin, in order to calm his resentment, and lead him back to the
good path. The message of Farel, like that of Calvin himself, was
without effect, and the quarrel between the Reformer and his old
friend, now his adversary, became daily more confirmed and violent.
[74] A term frequently employed by Calvin to designate Perrin, with
the adjunct of a derisive epithet,--_Cæsar our comedian_.
I am now going to give you a humorous story. The wife of Froment[75]
lately came to this place. She declaimed through all the shops, and
at almost all the cross-roads, against long garments. When she knew
that I was aware of it, she excused herself by alleging that she
had said with a smile, that we were either unbecomingly clothed,
to the great detriment of the Church, or that you taught what was
erroneous, when you said that false prophets could be distinguished
by their long vestments. When I was rebutting so stale a calumny,
she began to ascribe even to the Holy Spirit what she had directed
against us. What is the meaning, said she, of that passage of the
Gospel, "They will come to you in long garments?" I replied, that I
did not know where that sentence was to be found, unless, perhaps,
it might occur in the gospel of the Manichæans; for the passage of
Luke xx. 45, is as follows: "Beware of the Scribes, who desire to
walk in long robes," but not, "They will come to you," &c., which
she had interpolated from Matthew vii. [15.] Feeling that she was
closely pressed, she complained of our tyranny, because there was
not a general license of prating about everything. I dealt with the
woman as I should have done. She immediately proceeded to the widow
of Michael, who gave her a hospitable reception, sharing with her
not only her table, but her bed, because she maligned the ministers.
I leave these wounds untouched, because they appear to me incurable
until the Lord apply his hand. We are to celebrate the Supper on
the next Lord's-day. You may thus form a judgment of the straits by
which I am encompassed. Would that it could be celebrated without
me, even on condition that I should creep to you on my hands! I
wish that the verse of Terence would occur to your brothers, "To
lose in time is to make gain." I have admonished them, but they do
not make the haste I wished. They may bear, however, for a short
time the delay that has taken place, although it is disagreeable to
us.--Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute respectfully, in
my name, all the brethren, your family, and the godly citizens. May
the Lord preserve you, and always direct you by his Spirit! Amen.
[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._--Opera, vol. ix. p. 38.]
[75] See note 1, vol. i. p. 343. It appears, from this passage,
that Froment was not at that time settled in Geneva. He was called
thither a short time afterwards to assist Francis Bonivard in
digesting the Chronicles of the city.
CLXXIV.--TO FAREL.
Calvin's indisposition--literary labours--apparent
reconciliation with Perrin and his family.
GENEVA, _2d October 1546_.
Not to beguile you by a vain hope, I may say that I do not think I
shall come to your place before winter; for having once experienced
the inconvenience of a voyage, I shall not venture again to commit
myself to the waters. A good part of the journey would thus fall
to be accomplished on foot, for the jolting of a horse is not
only hurtful to me, but the rubbing also is dangerous. I am not
acquainted with the physician of whom you speak, nor do I rightly
understand what druggist you blame, unless, as I conjecture, you
hint at Francis. What Textor may now think I do not know, except
that he was too stringent in his prescriptions. For by involving
himself in the lawsuits of his father, he has woven, in his native
place, a Penelope's web that will have no end. Meanwhile, you
see him complaining that he was deprived of my advice. But this
peevishness of the good man must somehow or other be tolerated
by us. As you exhort me to write, I wish I had more leisure
occasionally, and more robust health. I have now, however, set
myself in earnest to the Epistle to the Galatians.[76] I am not
free in the matter of publication, as far at least as the Epistles
of Paul are concerned. You once heard from me when I was at
Strasbourg, that Wendelin laid me under obligations by services of
such a nature, that I should be constrained to charge myself with
ingratitude unless I offered this work to him. For at the time of
my greatest straits, he expended on my behalf above forty golden
pieces, and he was not less prompt in his assistance in taking
charge of my domestic affairs, than if I had hired him for the
express purpose of superintending them. I am, therefore, now not at
liberty to refuse him the Epistles. If I should write anything else,
it will rather be published here, and yet Des Gallars could find no
one to undertake to bring out two short treatises he had composed.
Before, however, I subject my writings to any risk, I shall retain
a copy. I left off for a time a short treatise, _De Scandalis_,[77]
that I had begun, because the style did not flow so freely as I
wished, nor have I a mind to resume it, until I shall have completed
the Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. I had lately some
conversation with our friend Perrin. If he perform what he promised,
matters will not be at the very worst.[78] Penthesilæa, while in
her outward deportment she affects a wonderful friendship, rages
within doors in a terrible manner. I observe that you have written
to her. I shall call for her on the earliest opportunity. I shall
then discover what effect your letter has had.--Adieu, brother and
most sincere friend. May the Lord be ever present with you, always
protect you, and render your labours prosperous! I wrote to the
ministers of Berne. If you desire to know the contents of the letter
Viret, I think, retained a copy. My wife reverently salutes you, as
also Des Gallars, Feron, my brother, (for since I received yours I
have not seen the others.) The best greeting to the brethren and
friends, and to your whole family.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
I had no talk with Perrin about your letter. I was unwilling to
touch that sore, until it should have been somewhat mollified by
the lapse of time. If there is any news, provided it be certain, let
us immediately know, I pray you.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
[76] The Commentaries on the four Epistles of St. Paul to the
Galatians, the Ephesians, the Philippians, and the Colossians, were
not published until 1548, by the bookseller Girard, of Geneva. Is
there a previous edition of the Commentary on the Galatians? We are
not aware of any.
[77] This, one of the most remarkable of the works of Calvin,
appeared only in 1550.
[78] This apparent reconciliation was without satisfactory result.
Perrin could not tolerate, nor Calvin sacrifice, the right of
censure vested in the Consistory, and which the excesses of the
_Libertins_ daily rendered more necessary. "Complaints to the
Council by M. Calvin regarding the dissoluteness of the youth, there
being nothing more common in the city than acts of debauchery and
licentiousness."--_Registers of Council_, 11th October 1546.
CLXXV.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Recurrence to the matrimonial projects of Viret--explanations on
various subjects.
FROM GENEVA, _this 4th of October 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--While hour after hour I was on the lookout for James
on his return from Lyons, to reply to you by him, I was amazed the
other day when my brother told me that he had passed through without
speaking with me. And now it happens that I must write you very
much in haste, because of the sudden departure of the bearer. It is
very true I was told of it yesterday, but it was at eight o'clock
at night, when my megrim troubled me so severely, that it was with
great pain I could open my mouth. This morning I thought that he
would be gone away, until at the end of the sermon, he told me that
he would wait a quarter of an hour to oblige me; wherefore, I must
beg of you to excuse the brevity.
As to the affair of the individual for whose sake I have made the
request, he has replied to me, thanking you very humbly for the
kind affection you have shewn him; that he would desire above all
things to have communication with the party, fearing lest, from
the want of a mutual understanding, they might not assort so well
together in future. Besides, while these troubles last, it appeared
to him that the journey could not be well undertaken, and I am much
of that opinion; for thereby there would be some danger of a long
protraction of the affair, and this is by no means your intention,
which I find very reasonable. As for the rest, there is no sort of
hindrance arising from health; but I find this to be an annoyance,
that a matter, uncertain at any rate, should be kept for so long in
suspense, although I do not find fault with his request, considering
the reasons which he has alleged to me for it, that it is necessary
that the wife he shall take may be informed beforehand of some
domestic charges which he is obliged to bear. Besides, love requires
previous acquaintance, and the household affairs never go on well
without a private mutual understanding, and a settlement of the
conditions required on both sides. The mischief is, the waiting for
that length of time; and besides, I do not see any great object to
be gained by it. I pray God that, in any event, he would well order
it.
About the book,[79] it strikes me that I have told you enough
already of what occurred to me, and therefore I do not comprehend
wherefore you ask my opinion anew, unless it might be to shew
it to him. Besides, he will take it better, methinks, if it may
please you, to shew him the passage of my letter on that point,
the more that I speak therein more freely, not knowing the author.
Nevertheless, if it appears to you that there is somewhat more to be
said, when you shall please to inform me of it, I will follow your
advice.
[79] M. de Falais had sent Calvin a theological work by a certain
Denis de la Roche, requesting his opinion of it.
Furthermore, Antony Maillet has written to me, that he had spoken
to Peter Telsen, and tells me that the twelve crowns which Master
Valerand has disbursed, are to be refunded to you, although I need
not be in very much haste about it, but suit my own convenience.
I know not whether he has done so by mistake, but if he has still
twelve crowns to pay, Peter Telsen must have laid out twice as much
as he ought; for I have sent you twelve crowns by my brother, the
which you have told me you had received. Notwithstanding, if Peter
Telsen have failed to do so, I would not that you should be the
loser, albeit I know not for what purpose he can have employed the
money; but as to that, it will be my business to settle with him.
Before saying a word about it, I was desirous to know the truth. I
pray you, then, that you may please let me know whether, besides the
twelve crowns which my brother returned to you, there has a still
further sum of like amount gone out of your purse. Seeing that they
have roused so much indignation down there, I see not what hinders
you to publish your _Apology_, and it seems to me very fit that you
do so. Nevertheless, I say what I think about it without prejudice.
The rest remains still in the pen, for the bearer has not given me a
long enough time. And thus, Monseigneur, after commending me humbly
to your kind favour and that of Madame, I pray our good Lord to have
you always in his keeping, vouchsafing you grace in suchwise ever to
walk, that he may be ever more and more glorified in you. I render
thanks to him for that he hath set you up again, but I beseech of
him to increase you in strength daily, until you are completely
restored. My wife presents her humble commendations.
Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXXVI.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.
Sad communication to be made to M. de Falais--promise to send
several discourses.
FROM GENEVA, _this 19th of October_ [1546.]
MADAME,--Forasmuch as you informed me by your last, that you sent
me therewith the letter of Monsieur de Fresne, I feared that the
bearer had not done his duty in taking proper care of what had been
committed to him. But he has assured me that he had received nothing
else but what he has delivered to me. Wherefore, I guess that it
has been left behind by neglect. I believe that your intention in
sending it to me, was in order to have my advice how to inform
Monsieur of it.[80] Now, as he must be made aware of the news, I
could have no hesitation in opening up somewhat of the business,
whenever he shall be in a good humour, and then telling him all
about it. Except when he is ailing, he is not a man that lets
himself be overcome by sadness, and who does not know how to make a
profitable improvement of the grace which God vouchsafes him for his
consolation.
[80] Allusion to the death of one of the sisters of M. de Falais,
which they had not ventured to communicate to him.
He has put me in mind that you were complaining lately of Monsieur
enjoying himself all alone in the reading of my Commentary.[81] You
request me also to have some thought of those who only understand
French, that they also may partake, and you ask for my sermons.
Well, if there had been a demand for putting them forth, I would
indeed have set about it in good earnest; but that will not be
this year. However, if God bestow grace to finish the Epistle to
the Galatians, which ought to be summary, I have the framework of
something of a treatise which shall speak French as well as Latin,
that may prove somewhat useful, as I hope.
[81] The Commentary on the First Epistle of Saint Paul to the
Corinthians, dedicated to M. de Falais.
After having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and
presented the humble salutations of my wife, I beseech our good Lord
to have you in his safeguard, making you more and more serviceable
for the advancement of his kingdom.
Your servant and humble brother,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXXVII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Congratulations on his convalescence--uncertainty of prospects
in Germany--confidence in the all-powerful protection of God.
FROM GENEVA, _this 19th of October 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--I believe that you have received my last letter, by
which you will have understood that yours had been delivered by
Alexander, but somewhat tardily. I give thanks to our good Lord
affectionately for the news which Madame has communicated to me of
the recovery of your health. I hope that it may please Him, who has
begun so well, that in the spring you will feel yourself so nimble
that you will not know how to restrain your merriment, so as to
make up for past time. We shall look for that, and for all else, as
it shall please him of his infinite goodness to allot, having good
expectance that the rage which the Court of _Malines_ has vented
upon you will pass off in smoke.[82]
[82] The confiscation of the property of M. de Falais had been
pronounced by the Court of Malines. That decree had been submitted
to the confirmation of the Emperor.
I believe that it will soon be time to sound a retreat for both
camps.[83] I pray God so to direct the whole that the upshot may
prove for the advancement of his own honour. I am better pleased
that he makes war upon that unhappy tyrant with his own hand, than
otherwise. For if we were to attempt anything of importance, I
should always fear the fatal consequences of the presumption. We
have never yet heard what has become of that harebrained fellow,
the Count de Buren,[84] whether he has passed on with his army, or
whether he has been driven back. Howsoever it may be, _it is not the
multitude nor the arm of flesh that can prevail_.
[83] The sentence which put the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave
of Hesse to the ban of the Empire, 20th July 1546, was the signal
for war in Germany. The Imperial army, and that of the Protestant
Princes, observed one another for several months, on the banks
of the Danube, without the one being able to obtain any decisive
advantage over the other. But the troops of Charles the Fifth were
decimated by want and sickness while there was an overabundance in
the camp of the confederates.
[84] Maximilian d'Egmont, Count de Buren, a valiant and adventurous
captain. He brought a powerful reinforcement to Charles the Fifth
from the Netherlands, and he executed that difficult operation with
the most happy success.
Master Valerand is returning; you shall know better from him the
whole state of your affairs. Howbeit, I see no other means, unless
you yield somewhat on your side, until God opens up a better. You
will know who this bearer is, and his purpose in going to you.
Because I believed his determination to be right, I have not desired
to turn him back from it.
To conclude, Monseigneur, after my humble commendation to your kind
favour, I shall pray our good Lord to have ever his hand stretched
out to guide you by his grace.
Your servant, humble brother and entire friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
My wife also entreats to be always humbly commended to your kind
favour.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXXVIII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Excuses for Viret--uses of sickness--various rumours concerning
the war in Germany--explanations on the subject of the Supper.
FROM GENEVA, _this 16th of November 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--Although I was expecting a letter from you from day
to day, I could not let this messenger go away without writing,
to make some reply to your last. I shall begin upon the subject
of the little book which you sent me. Having read my answer, and
the opinion I had of it, you have mentioned to me the name of the
author; and because he is somewhat opinionative, you request me
to let you know my mind about it, in order that you may tell him
on his return the opinion you have formed. Your words are these,
"The author is Denis de la Roche, who has requested of me that I
would send it you privately. In consequence of this I feel puzzled
how to set about finding fault, for I fear he will suspect that
the criticism comes from you, and he is a little proud, and withal
tenacious of his own views. Inasmuch as you have known him longer
than I, write me your advice, so that upon his return I may be able
to tell him the judgment which I have come to, when he shall ask me
for it."
You must hold me excused in this matter. I know not how to proceed
therein, since I have already shortly stated to you my opinion in
regard to it. If you ask me for a lengthened discussion, I could not
do it so well as when it was fresh in my recollection; and indeed I
have doubtless forgotten part of what I formerly wrote. What made me
doubtful as to your drift, was that it seemed to me you were asking
me to do over again what I had already done. And even now I do not
comprehend wherefore you would have a new declaration of my opinion,
unless you were dissatisfied with the first. It would be very
difficult for me to discuss in detail the things which have escaped
me. For I have retained but a confused idea of the general argument,
and of some points here and there.
As concerns the marriage in reference to which I have put you
in requisition,[85] I beseech you, Monseigneur, to believe what
I shall tell you, for I shall recount the pure truth without any
dissimulation whatever. The reason which induced me to write you
about it was, that a party had been proposed here who was no wise
suitable for him. But on account of the forwardness of some of
those who had meddled in the affair, we had very great difficulty
in getting the proposal set aside. And so, to break the blow, it
was my earnest desire to have found some one in another quarter;
for there would have been less envy and jealousy had he taken
one from a distance, as we have already had ample experience in
the murmurs which some have made when we would not follow their
leading-string. I assure you, however, that he has not been making
indirect application elsewhere. But without reference either to
her whom you kindly named in your reply, nor yet to any other, I
have thought it advisable, under the circumstances of the case, to
recommend the man to you. Then you know the first letter loitered
long upon the way, before we had any news from you, which was the
occasion of my writing again, and that at his own instance, although
I did not comprehend very clearly why. For in the meantime, from
what I have since learnt, he had a proposition from another quarter.
Nevertheless, after receiving tidings from you, I communicated with
himself, and the result was such as I have told you, without feigned
civility or double-dealing. Since then, I have understood that the
proposal about a widow was still under consideration, although to
this hour I know not how it stands. And so far was I from meddling,
that knowing in this town of a widow as well endowed as I could
have wished for myself if God had so far afflicted me as to have
deprived me of my helpmate,[86] and that there was a necessity for
my marrying again; on considering the other proposals which were
under consideration, I have not felt inclined to bring forward her
name. And notwithstanding, I have no doubt whatever that it would
prove an admirable match for him. But all the more that I refrained
from active friendly interference, it was sufficient for me to
commit him to God, and to let the stream find its own channel. You
see how I have thanked you without hypocrisy, now that I have set
before you the difficulties that I have had here. And I do not think
that there was any want of honesty in the man for whom I spoke;
indeed I might venture to assure you of it. But purposes change in
a few hours. Seeing the present position of matters, I did not like
to communicate to him anything of what was contained in your letter.
I shall not trouble you with long excuses; and besides, it is well
that the thing has not taken wind. Wherefore, if you think fit,
consider the whole matter as if it had never been mooted. Meanwhile,
your goodwill toward me must not be buried out of mind, nor toward
the man who is principally concerned in the affair. For I assure you
that he was truly grateful for your interference, and I know that
he has it imprinted on his heart, although it was attended with no
result.
[85] For Peter Viret. See preceding letters to M. de Falais, pp. 63
and 74.
[86] Calvin lost his wife, Idelette de Bure, in the beginning of
April 1549, and never married again. His Latin correspondence
contains two beautiful and touching letters to Viret and to Farel
(7th and 11th April) on that sad event. They will be found reprinted
in this collection.
With regard to the money which has been laid out on account of our
child, that you may not be further troubled about it, Antony Maillet
will settle the amount. And now, please God, I shall do my duty,
thanking you most affectionately that you have been pleased to have
patience until the settlement could be made.
Since the _Apology_ has not yet gone forth, it is very desirable to
have the news which Master Valeran[87] may bring along with him.
And, indeed, over and above the circumstance which has befallen in
your particular case, the general declaration which the man has made
against the whole cause, well deserves that the style should be
altered, and that some additions be interwoven. And seeing that God
has allowed you to wait so long, he will so end all as to instruct
you the more certainly.
[87] Valeran Poulain, of Lille, who was at a later period minister
of the French Church at Frankfort.
Although I have indeed heard of a man having been seized at Berne
for poisoning and fire-raising, nevertheless, I have so little
correspondence in that quarter, that I have heard nothing of it but
upon common report. On which account I did not care to say much to
you about it. If it be really so as has been related to you, I must
acknowledge that it is a good thing that God is more concerned about
my life than are my neighbours.
Although your weakness may be protracted, it is much that you go
on steadily, though by slow degrees, in the way of amendment. And
when I consider the complaint, I feel that there is still greater
reason to be well content. Notwithstanding, we shall not give over
praying to God that it would please him to confirm you entirely,
with thanksgiving that he has brought you back from the brink of
the grave. Besides, I hope, from present appearances, that he is
minded yet to make use of you in health, since he has employed you
in sickness. For although laid powerless upon a bed, we are by no
means useless to him, if we testify our obedience by resigning
ourselves to his good pleasure,--if we give proof of our faith by
resisting temptation,--if we take advantage of the consolation which
he gives us in order to overcome the troubles of the flesh. It is in
sickness, especially when prolonged, that patience is most needful;
but most of all in death. Nevertheless, as I have said, I confide
in this good God, that after having exercised you by sickness he
will still employ your health to some good purpose. Meanwhile, we
must beseech him that he would uphold us in steadfast courage, never
permitting us to fall away because of lengthened on-waiting.
Howsoever doubtful the retreat of Renard[88] may be, it is
nevertheless no small matter, that instead of reaching the point
aimed at, which would have been his great advantage, he has made a
crablike movement backwards. And from what we have heard, he has
left behind the marks of the persecution of God's hand. I am much
better pleased that God should cut off his finger than we his arm.
Not that that is not still God's work, which he performs by us,
but I always fear so much the effect of glory, that I rejoice the
more when it is plainly the doing of the Lord. And the unhappy man
has likewise still greater occasion to feel uneasiness at heart.
Whatever may come of it, I think that I have only spoken the truth,
after the news of his departure, in writing what follows:--Whither
is he going? Whither is he gone? What will become of that wicked
man?--By thus driving him away, God has at least lowered his pride.
[88] The Emperor Charles V. See note 2, p. 78.
A report is afloat, which troubles and plagues more than it
astonishes me. It is that Maurice has entered into an understanding
with him to ruin his own cousin and his father-in-law, and in the
end to ruin himself;[89] for Satan must assuredly have got entire
possession of him. We shall await, however, whatsoever shall please
God, prepared to accept all that shall please him.
[89] Maurice of Saxony, cousin of the Elector John Frederic, and
son-in-law of the Landgrave of Hesse, unworthily betraying the cause
of the Confederates, concluded a secret treaty with the emperor,
to whom he took the oath of fidelity, and who guarantied to him in
return the spoils of his father-in-law.
Concerning the advice which you require of me, whether it were
expedient to refresh the memory of the ambassadors: before I had
an opportunity of writing to you, the time to do so had gone by; I
therefore rather held my peace, not so much from forgetfulness as
from this consideration: _Ne pluvia post messem_.
There is one point, however, that I think I have forgotten, namely,
the complaint they make, that it appears I would shut up the
body in the bread alone. I know not where they have dreamed that
dream. In several treatises I speak of that matter, but chiefly
in the _Institution_, in the _Catechism_, in the _Commentary on
Corinthians_, and in the manner of administration of the Lord's
Supper. In the _Supplication_ I have only touched upon it very
lightly. Besides that, I have written a little book upon the
subject, in which I believe a reader of sound judgment will meet
with nothing to find fault with. But here is their mistake: many
think that we make no distinction between the sign and the truth
signified, unless we separate them entirely, to make God like a
mountebank, who exhibits delusive representations by sleight of
hand. It is our duty, however, to proclaim, that this comes by the
craft of Satan, who only seeks to bewilder the understanding, that
he may render our labours of no avail. Let us therefore pray to
God that he would bestow increase by his grace, so that our labour
may not be in vain. Such examples ought to incite us thereto, and
likewise to admonish us, not to think that we have done some great
thing by merely having written.
Monsieur, having presented the humble commendations of myself, as
well as of my wife, to your kind favour, and also that of Madame, I
pray our good Lord, that it would please him ever to preserve you in
his holy protection, strengthening you in all might by his Spirit,
making his glory to shine forth in you ever more and more.
I beg to be excused for faults, for I have not been able to revise
the present letter, being engrossed by headache with which I have
been seized. Our friend and brother, Des Gallars,[90] also humbly
commends himself to you, and sends you a distich which he has
composed upon Renard. We greatly desire to have some news. If the
war did not give holiday to the printing-presses, I would have sent
Vendelin the _Galatians_; but since the _Corinthians_ lie quiet in
his desk, there is no need for my being in any hurry.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
[90] Nicolas des Gallars, of Paris, (M. de Saules,) the friend and
secretary of Calvin, and one of the most distinguished ministers
of Geneva. He was sent as pastor to the Church at Paris in 1557,
reappointed in 1560 to the French Church of London, assisted the
following year at the conference at Poissy, was named minister of
the Church of Orleans, and became, in 1571, preacher to the Queen of
Navarre. We have several of his works mentioned by Senebier, _Hist.
Litt._, tom. i. p. 341.
CLXXIX.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Consolations on the death of his sister.
FROM GENEVA, _this 20th of November 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--The day before Camus arrived, I had written to you,
as well as to others, by a young tailor of Picardy; but because I
was not certain whether they had as yet informed you of the death
of Madame your sister,[91] I did not venture to mention it. Now I
have rejoiced, and have thanked God with my whole heart, perceiving
by the letter of Madame that you had at once taken your stand upon
the point whereon I would have founded my principal argument, if I
had wished to console you. And, indeed, you have much occasion for
gratitude on account of the grace which God has vouchsafed to her,
and to you also. For seeing that her husband had waxed so cold, the
good lady would have been in an unhappy captivity had she remained
longer in the world, and would only have languished her life away.
On your part, you would not have had it in your power to lend her
a helping hand, nor to solace her sorrows; and so you never could
have thought of her without regret and vexation. God, therefore,
has had pity upon you and her, in thus providing, and above all, in
preventing the dangers into which she might have fallen in a long
career, by reason of the frailty which is in us. And we have yet
a better ground of further consolation, that it will not be long
ere we find ourselves together again. Meanwhile, let us think of
preparing ourselves to follow her, for the time will soon come. But
I like much better to congratulate you, seeing that our Lord has
already put these things in your heart, than to labour in recalling
them to your memory. The other news which Camus has told me about
you, has also cheered me to await the time when God will bring to
pass what he has put into so good a train.
[91] Helène de Falais. She had married Adrien de L'Isle, Seigneur de
Trénoy.
Monseigneur, after humble commendations to your kind favour, and
having presented the humble remembrances of my wife, I pray our good
Lord to have you ever in his safeguard, to strengthen you in body
and in spirit, so as always to make you more abound in his service.
Your humble servant and bounden friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
I assure you that you make me desire the arrival of the spring-time
more than I would otherwise have done. Our brother Des Gallars
commends himself also very humbly to your kind favour.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXXX.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.
Assurances of affection for herself and her husband.
FROM GENEVA, _this 20th of November 1546_.
MADAME,--Having been made aware that Monseigneur had been informed
of the death of his sister, I have only given him one word on the
subject, knowing beforehand from yourself that he has no need of
long consolation, seeing that God, without human means, has put into
his heart that which cannot fail to alleviate his sadness.
As for my promise, to which you hold me bound, I shall discharge
myself of it, when God shall have vouchsafed me the means wherewith
to do so. But I am astonished that you should even hint at the
reward which my said Lord intends for me, as if I were looking to
that, and had not other considerations in the discharge of my duty
to him. The love and reverence which I may well bear toward him in
our Lord are so strong, that I am very sorry that I cannot devote
myself more to his and your service, to shew what is in my heart.
Howbeit, I beseech you not to take amiss what I have now said, for
I have had no other feeling than the fear that you may not place
such reliance upon me as I desire. Besides, I do not mean to make
any complaint which deserves a reply; for it is quite enough for me
that you have neither entertained a doubt nor a suspicion which has
induced you to mention it.
Now therefore I shall make an end, after having humbly commended me
to your kind favour. I pray our good Lord to have you always in his
holy protection, guiding and governing you after his own good will,
so as to glorify his holy name in you.
Your humble servant and good brother for ever,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]
CLXXXI.--TO VIRET.
Statement of the expense of a visit to Lausanne, on the occasion
of Viret's marriage--ecclesiastical difficulties at Berne.
GENEVA, _3d Dec. 1546_.
Two letters of Bucer were delivered to me after a short interval. I
send both of them to you, although they may contain almost nothing
which you have not learned from other sources. With regard to
the King of France, I think that he will shortly be brought to
give some assistance with money to our party--the only thing that
is sought from him. It is, moreover, in the highest degree, his
interest to distract the attention of Charles by another war.[92]
I have enjoined Peter Textor to pay to you sixteen crowns; for
although I had ten with me when I came to the marriage, it escaped
my memory. But here is a greater lapse of memory; when I had found
them laid aside in my desk, I stood still for some time, not knowing
whether I had ever seen them before. Raymond came upon me, who
reminded me of the fact, that he had given them to me by order of
Antony Maillet. You will therefore add this sum to the former. In
the other six [crowns,] I am afraid that I have made a mistake; for
they may possibly belong to my brother. For as a teacher of Orleans
was in his debt, he arranged that payment should be made by the son
of Bruno. He had lately received five [crowns.] You will therefore
retain these until I shall have learned with certainty from Saint
André, whether they ought to be given to you or to my brother.
[92] This diversion, dictated to the King of France by sound
politics, was not effected, and Francis I. remained a peaceable
spectator of events, whose necessary tendency was to secure, by the
defeat of the Protestant party in Germany, the ascendency of Charles
V. in Europe.
Sulzer lately wrote to me that matters had reached an extremity.[93]
He implores our aid. I consulted with the brethren. As we could
discover no plan of procedure in circumstances so perplexed, and
almost desperate, I repaired to Nyon. I became aware that they
had committed much more grievous errors than the letters contain
any mention of. They are not, in my opinion, fighting for a cause
that is good in every respect. All see that their proceedings are
preposterous; and yet when we also see that everything is going to
ruin, with what conscience shall we be silent? I asked Nicolas,[94]
whether he thought that a letter from us would be of any service? He
gave a trembling and hesitating consent to our writing. Should a
messenger present himself in good time, I wish that you also would
intimate your opinion; thereafter consider whether it be not time to
press for obtaining a Synod.
[93] The ministers of Berne were divided by incessant disputes on
the subject of the Supper. Sulzer and certain of his colleagues
inclined to the Lutheran view, which Erasme Ritter combated; and
by an abuse of power, that was not uncommon at that period, the
Seigneury of Berne claimed to determine by itself the sense of the
controverted dogma, the settlement of which ought to have been
remitted to a Synod.--Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 225, 226.
[94] The senator, Nicolas de Zerkinden, friend of Calvin and prefect
of Nyon.
Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend, along with your wife, whom
you will respectfully salute in the name of all ours, as well as
James and the rest.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]
CLXXXII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.
Military movements in Switzerland--policy of the Cantons in
reference to the Emperor.
FROM GENEVA, _this 8th of December 1546_.
MONSEIGNEUR,--I have nothing to write you at present, except that
we are waiting to see what will be done by the Swiss.[95] All is in
readiness at Berne as if to start at any moment, the captain, his
council, officers, soldiers, chosen and commissioned; a second order
sent, to be ready to march, with artillery and baggage. Their army
consists of ten thousand men. I believe they would not have delayed
so long, if there had not been an impediment which holds them as
it were tied by the leg. For it is now about a year since all the
cantons agreed that none should leave the country to engage in war,
without the consent of the rest. Now there is fear that the Papists
may be urged to invade the country while it is depopulated, under
colour of breach of treaty; which if the King of France had only
thrown in a word, would have happened a long time ago,--namely, had
he called the Papists to enter his service, which ours would have
readily agreed to do. Thus would the one side have spoken German to
Charles, the others Italian or Picard.
[95] The Roman Catholic and Reformed Cantons, solicited, the former
by the emperor, the latter by the Protestant princes, to take
part in the struggles of which Germany was the theatre, had both
observed a strict neutrality. But the Seigneury of Berne having
received information that military movements were taking place in
Franche-Comté, then under the rule of the Spaniards, summoned ten
thousand men to arms, and occupied the passes of the Jura. That
measure, which arose out of the pressure of circumstances, would
perhaps have brought about a division among the confederates, and
serious complications from without, if the treachery of the Elector
Maurice had not hastened on the course
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