The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 2: Acadia, 1612-1614
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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 2: Acadia, 1612-1614
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release date: March 29, 2014 [eBook #45256]
Language: English
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THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS
VOL. II
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. II
ACADIA: 1612-1614
CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVI
COPYRIGHT, 1896
BY
THE BURROWS BROTHERS CO
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
_The Imperial Press, Cleveland_
EDITORIAL STAFF
Editor REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Translator from the French JOHN CUTLER COVERT
Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Translators from the Latin { WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE
{ JOHN DORSEY WOLCOTT
Translator from the Italian MARY SIFTON PEPPER
Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR
CONTENTS OF VOL. II
PREFACE TO VOLUME II 1
DOCUMENTS:--
IX. Lettre au R. P. Provincial, à Paris. _Pierre Biard_; Port Royal,
January 31, 1612 3
X. Missio Canadensis. Epistola ex Porturegali in Acadia, transmissa
ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis Jesu. _Pierre Biard_; Port Royal,
January 31, 1612 57
XI. Relation Dernière de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de
Potrincourt. _Marc Lescarbot_; Paris, 1612 119
XII. Relatio Rervm Gestarum in Novo-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 &
1614 193
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME II 287
NOTES 291
[Illustration]
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. II
I. Photographic facsimile of General Map, from _Les Voyages du Sieur
de Champlain_, (Paris, 1613) _Facing_ 56
II. Photographic facsimile of Map of Port Royal, from _Ibid_
_Facing_ 118
III. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Lescarbot's _Relation
Dernière_ 122
IV. Photographic facsimile of plan of Fort at Port Royal, from _Ibid_
_Facing_ 192
PREFACE TO VOL. II
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:
IX. The indefatigable Biard presents, herein, a graphic recital of his
work among the Acadian savages, and particularly his journeys into
the wilderness. His report of a trip with a party of Port Royalists
to French trading posts on the St. Croix and St. John rivers, to an
Etchemin town probably on the site of the present Castine, Me., and to
an English fishing station on the Kennebec, is full of interest.
X. Herein, Biard sends to the general of his order a full report
concerning: (1) New France, its physical characteristics, and its
aborigines; (2) the circumstances attending the opening of the Jesuit
mission in Acadia; (3) Fléché's work previous to the coming of the
Jesuits; (4) visits to savage tribes by Massé and himself, with
descriptions of conversions and baptisms, and a statement of the
conditions and prospects of spiritual work among the aborigines.
XI. Lescarbot's _Relation Dernière_ gives an account of Poutrincourt's
voyage to New France, in 1610; of the conversion and baptism of
the savage chief, Membertou, and others, by the priest, Fléché; of
Biencourt's return to France; and of the experiences of Poutrincourt at
Port Royal. The writer praises Poutrincourt for his exertions in Canada
in behalf of both religion and civilization; and urges that he should
be aided in his colonial enterprise, as a necessary basis for religious
work in this portion of the New World. He gives a list of the sponsors
of the baptized Indians, who included many of the French nobility
and clergy. The life at Port Royal is pictured in some detail; its
labors and privations are dwelt upon; and the customs of the natives
described. Lescarbot does not fail, although cautiously, to exhibit his
dislike of the Jesuits, and endeavors to show that their coming to Port
Royal involved delay and expense to the colonial enterprise, thereby
injuring Poutrincourt. Our author's closing chapter devoutly catalogues
the "Effects of God's Grace in New France;" he describes how Providence
cared for the colonists in their distress, saved them from shipwreck,
kindly disposed the savages toward them and the Christian religion, and
returned to the Frenchmen their ship, in time to prevent starvation.
The rescue of Aubry is also mentioned.
XII. The _Relatio Rerum Gestarum (1613 & 1614)_ opens with a
description of New France, its geography, its climate, its peoples
and their customs. The experience of the Jesuit fathers at Port Royal
is related at length, from their own point of view. A description is
given of the settlement of St. Sauveur, on Mount Desert Island, and its
destruction by the Virginian, Argall. Then follows an account of the
life of the Jesuit prisoners, in Virginia and England. The conclusion
is reached that, despite these drawbacks, the Jesuit mission in Canada
has made a hopeful beginning.
R. G. T.
MADISON, WIS., September, 1896.
IX
LETTRE DU P. BIARD
au R. P. Provincial à Paris
PORT ROYAL, Janvier 31, 1612
SOURCE: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au
Canada, pp. 44-76.
[44] Lettre du P. Pierre Biard au R. P. Provincial à Paris.
(_Copiée sur l'autographe conservé dans les archives du Jésus, à Rome._)
PORT-ROYAL, 31 janvier 1612.
MON REVEREND PERE,
Pax Christi.
S'il nous failloit entrer en compte devant Dieu et Vostre Reverence
du geré et negocié par nous en ceste nouvelle acquisition du Fils de
Dieu, ceste nouvelle France et Chrestienté, depuis nostre arrivée
jusques à ce commencement de nouvel an, je ne doubte point certes,
qu'en la sommation et calcul final, la perte ne surmontast les profits;
le despensé follement en offençant, le bien et sagement ménagé en
obeyssant, et le receu des talents, graces et tolerances divines,
le mis et employé au royal et amiable service de nostre grand et
autant bening Createur. Neantmoins, d'autant que (comme je croy) nos
ruines n'édifiroyent personne, et nos rentes n'establiroyent aucun,
il vaudroit mieux que pour le malacquitté, nous le plorions à part;
[45] pour le receu, nous imitions le metayer d'iniquité loué par
Nostre Seigneur en l'Evangile, sçavoir est que, faisant part à autruy
des biens de nostre Maistre, nous nous en faisions des amis, et que
communiquant à plusieurs ce qui est d'édification en ces premiers
fondemens de Chrestienté, nous obtenions plusieurs intercesseurs
envers Dieu, et fauteurs de cet œuvre. Mesme que ce faisant, nous
ne defrauderons en rien la debte, ainsy que fit le Censier inique,
baillant à plusieurs le bien de Nostre Maistre avec profit, et
peut-estre acquitterons par ceste œconomie une partie des redevances et
de leur surcroy. Ainsy soit-il.
[44] Letter from Father Pierre Biard to the Reverend Father
Provincial, at Paris.
(_Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of Jesus, at
Rome._)
PORT ROYAL, January 31, 1612.
MY REVEREND FATHER,
The peace of Christ be with you.
Were we compelled to give an account before God and Your Reverence
of our administration and our transactions in this newly acquired
kingdom of the Son of God, this new France and new Christendom,
from the time of our arrival up to the beginning of this new
year, I certainly do not doubt that, in the aggregate and final
summing up, the loss would exceed the profits; the foolish cost
of transgression, the goodness and wisdom of obedience; and the
reception of divine talents, graces, and indulgence would exceed
their outlay and use in the royal and agreeable service of our
great and so benign Creator. Nevertheless, inasmuch as (I believe)
no one would be edified by our losses, or greatly benefited by our
gains, it is better that we mourn our losses apart; [45] as to our
receipts, we shall be like the unjust steward commended by Our Lord
in the Gospels, namely, by sharing our Master's goods with others
we shall make them our friends; and in communicating to many what
is edifying in these early foundations of Christianity, we shall
obtain intercessors with God and supporters of this work. Yet in
doing this we shall in no wise diminish the debt, as did the wicked
Steward, giving out Our Master's goods with profit; but we shall,
perhaps, by this prudence acquit ourselves of a part of the dues
and interests. So be it.
Aujourd'huy, 22 Ianvier, 1612, neuf [huict] mois sont passez dés notre
arrivée en ceste nouvelle France. Peu aprés nostre arrivée, i'escrivy
l'estat auquel nous avons retrouvé ceste Eglise et Colonie naissante.
Voicy ce qui s'en est ensuivy.
To-day, January 22nd, 1612, eight[1] months have passed since our
arrival in this new France. Soon after that, I wrote you in regard
to the condition in which we found this infant Church and Colony.
Here is what followed:
Monsieur de Potrincourt s'en allant en France le mois de Iuin dernier,
laissa icy son fils Monsieur de Biencourt, ieune seigneur de grande
vertu et fort recommandable, avec environ 18 siens domestiques, et
nous deux prestres de la Compagnie. Or la tasche et travail de nous
deux prestres, selon nostre vocation, a esté, et icy dans la maison
et habitation en residant, et dehors en voyageant. Commençons, comme
l'on dict, de chez nous, de [46] la maison et habitation; puis nous
sortirons dehors.
When Monsieur de Potrincourt went to France last June he left his
son here, Monsieur de Biencourt, a young man of great integrity and
of very estimable qualities, with about eighteen of his servants
and us two priests of the Society. Now our duties and offices, in
accordance with our calling as priests, have been performed while
residing here at the house and settlement, and by making journeys
abroad. Let us begin, as they say, at home, that is, at [46] the
residence and settlement; then we shall go outside.
Icy donc nos exercices sont: dire messe tous les jours, la chanter
solemnellement les dimanches et festes, avec les Vespres, et souvent
la procession; faire prieres publiques matin et soir; exhorter,
consoler, donner les sacremens, ensevelir les morts; enfin faire les
offices de Curé, puisque autres prestres n'y a en ces quartiers que
nous. Et de vray, bon besoing seroit que fussions meilleurs ouvriers
de Nostre Seigneur; d'autant que gens de marine, tels que sont quasi
nos paroissiens, sont assez d'ordinaire totalement insensibles au
sentiment de leur ame, n'ayans marque de religion sinon leurs juremens
et reniemens, ny cognoissance de Dieu sinon autant qu'en apporte la
pratique connue de France, offusquée du libertinage et des objections
et bouffonneries mesdisantes des heretiques. D'où l'on peut aussy
veoir, quelle esperance il y a de planter une belle chrestienté
par tels evangelistes. La première chose que ces pauvres Sauvages
apprennent, ce sont les juremens, parolles sales et injures; et orriés
souvent les Sauvagesses (lesquelles autrement sont fort craintives et
pudiques), mais vous les orriés souvent charger nos gens de grosses
pourries et eshontées opprobres, en langage françois; non qu'elles en
sachent la signification, ains seulement parce qu'elles voyent qu'en
telles parolles est leur [47] commun rire et ordinaire passetemps.
Et quel moyen de remedier à cecy en des hommes qui mesprennent
(malparlent) avec (d'autant) plus d'abandon qu'ils mesprisent avec
audace.
Here then are our occupations: to say mass every day, and to
solemnly sing it sundays and holidays, together with Vespers, and
frequently the procession; to offer public prayers morning and
evening; to exhort, console, administer the sacraments, bury the
dead; in short, to perform the offices of the Curate, since there
are no other priests in these quarters. And in truth it would be
much better if we were more earnest workers here for Our Lord,
since sailors, who form the greater part of our parishioners
are ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having
no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor
any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they
bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and the
cavilings and revilings of heretics. Hence it can be seen what hope
there is of establishing a flourishing christian church by such
evangelists. The first things the poor Savages learn are oaths and
vile and insulting words; and you will often hear the women Savages
(who otherwise are very timid and modest), hurl vulgar, vile, and
shameless epithets at our people, in the French language; not that
they know the meaning of them, but only because they see that
when such words are used there is [47] generally a great deal of
laughter and amusement. And what remedy can there be for this evil
in men whose abandonment to evil-speaking (or cursing) is as great
as or greater than their insolence in showing their contempt?
A ces exercices chrestiens que nous faisons icy à l'habitation,
assistent aucune fois les Sauvages, quand aucuns y en a dans le port.
Ie dis, aucune fois, d'autant qu'ils n'y sont gueres stylés, non
plus les baptisés que les payens, ne sçachant gueres davantage les
uns que les autres faute d'instruction. Telle fut la cause pourquoy
nous resolusmes dés nostre arrivée de ne point baptiser aucun adulte,
sans que prealablement il ne fust bien catechisé. Or catechiser ne
pouvons-nous avant que sçavoir le langage.
At these christian services which we conduct here at the
settlement, the Savages are occasionally present, when some of them
happen to be at the port. I say, occasionally, inasmuch as they
are but little trained in the principles of the faith--those who
have been baptized, no more than the heathen; the former, from lack
of instruction, knowing but little more than the latter. This was
why we resolved, at the time of our arrival, not to baptize any
adults unless they were previously well catechized. Now in order to
catechize we must first know the language.
De vray, Monsieur de Biancourt, qui entend le sauvage le mieux de
tous ceux qui sont icy, a pris d'un grand zele, et prend chaque jour
beaucoup de peine à nous servir de truchement. Mais, ne sçay comment,
aussi tost qu'on vient à traitter de Dieu, il se sent le mesme que
Moyse, l'esprit estonné, le gosier tary, et la langue nouée. La cause
en est d'autant que ces sauvages n'ont point de religion formée, point
de magistrature ou police, point d'arts ou libéraux ou mechaniques,
point de commerce ou vie civile; et par consequent les mots leur
défaillent [48] des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais veues ou apprehendées.
It is true that Monsieur de Biancourt, who understands the savage
tongue better than any one else here, is filled with earnest
zeal, and every day takes a great deal of trouble to serve as our
interpreter. But, somehow, as soon as we begin to talk about God he
feels as Moses did,--his mind is bewildered, his throat dry, his
tongue tied. The reason for this is that, as the savages have no
definite religion, magistracy or government, liberal or mechanical
arts, commercial or civil life, they have consequently no words to
describe [48] things which they have never seen or even conceived.
D'avantage, comme rudes et incultes qu'ils sont, ils ont toutes leurs
conceptions attachées aux sens et à la matiere; rien d'abstraict,
interne, spirituel ou distinct. _Bon, fort, rouge, noir, grand,
dur_, ils le vous diront en leur patois; _bonté, force, rougeur,
noircissure_, ils ne scavent que c'est. Et pour toutes les vertus que
vous leur sauriez dire, _sagesse, fidelité, justice, misericorde,
recognoissance, pieté_, et autres, tout chez eux tout n'est sinon
_l'heureux, tendre amour, bon cœur_. Semblablement un loup, un renard,
un esquirieu, un orignac, ils les vous nommeront, et ainsy chaque
espece de celle qu'ils ont, les quelles, hors les chiens, sont toutes
sauvages; mais une beste, un animal, un corps, une substance, et ainsy
les semblables universels et genres, cela est par trop docte pour eux.
Furthermore, rude and untutored as they are, all their conceptions
are limited to sensible and material things; there is nothing
abstract, internal, spiritual, or distinct. _Good, strong, red,
black, large, hard_, they will repeat to you in their jargon;
_goodness, strength, redness, blackness_--they do not know what
they are. And as to all the virtues you may enumerate to them,
_wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitude, piety_, and others,
these are not found among them at all except as expressed in the
words _happy, tender love, good heart_. Likewise they will name to
you a wolf, a fox, a squirrel, a moose, and so on to every kind of
animal they have, all of which are wild, except the dog; but as
to words expressing universal and generic ideas, such as beast,
animal, body, substance, and the like, these are altogether too
learned for them.
Ajoutez à cecy, s'il vous plaist, la grande difficulté qu'il y a de
tirer d'eux les mots mesmes qu'ils ont. Car, comme ny eux ne sçavent
nostre langage, ny nous le leur, sinon fort peu, touchant le commerce
et vie commune, il nous faut faire mille gesticulations et chimagrées
pour leur exprimer nos conceptions, et ainsy tirer d'eux quelques noms
des choses qui ne se peuvent monstrer avec [49] le sens. Par exemple,
penser, oublier, se ressouvenir, doubter: pour sçavoir ces quatre mots,
il vous faudra donner beau rire à nos messieurs au moins toute une
aprés-disner, en faisant le basteleur; et encore, aprés tout cela, vous
trouverez-vous trompé et mocqué de nouveau, ayant eu, comme l'on dit,
le mortier pour un niveau, et le marteau pour la truelle. Enfin nous
en sommes là encore, après plusieurs enquestes et travaux, à disputer
s'ils ont aucune parolle qui corresponde droictement à ce mot _Credo_,
je croy. Estimez un peu que c'est du reste du symbole et fondemens
chrestiens.
Add to this, if you please, the great difficulty of obtaining from
them even the words that they have. For, as they neither know our
language nor we theirs, except a very little which pertains to
daily and commercial life, we are compelled to make a thousand
gesticulations and signs to express to them our ideas, and thus
to draw from them the names of some of the things which cannot be
pointed out [49] to them. For example, to think, to forget, to
remember, to doubt; to know these four words, you will be obliged
to amuse our gentlemen for a whole afternoon at least by playing
the clown; and then, after all that; you will find yourself
deceived, and mocked anew, having received, as the saying is, the
mortar for the level, and the hammer for the trowel. In short we
are still disputing, after a great deal of research and labor,
whether they have any word to correspond directly to the word
_Credo_, I believe. Judge for yourself the difficulty surrounding
the remainder of the symbols and fundamental truths of christianity.
Or tout ce discours de la difficulté du langage, ne me servira pas
seulement pour monstrer en quels efforts et ahan de langue nous sommes,
ains aussy pour faire veoir à nos Europeans leur felicité mesme civile:
car il est assuré qu'encore mesme enhanée,[I.] cette miserable nation
demeure touiours en une perpetuelle enfance de langue et de raison.
Ie dis, de langue et de raison, parce qu'il est évident que là où
la parolle, messagere et despensière de l'esprit et discours, reste
totalement rude, pauvre et confuse, il est impossible que l'esprit
et raison soient beaucoup polis, abondans et en ordre. Cependant ces
pauvres chetifs et enfants s'estiment [50] plus que tous les hommes de
la terre, et pour rien du monde ne voudroyent quitter leur enfance et
chetiveté. Mais ce n'est pas de merveille; car, comme j'ay dict, ils
sont enfans.
Now all this talk about the difficulty of the language will not
only serve to show how laborious is our task in learning it, but
also will make our Europeans appreciate their own blessings, even
in civil affairs; for it is certain that these miserable people,
continually weakened by hardships [_enhanée_],[II.] will always
remain in a perpetual infancy as to language and reason. I say
language and reason, because it is evident that where words, the
messengers and dispensers of thought and speech, remain totally
rude, poor and confused, it is impossible that the mind and
reason be greatly refined, rich, and disciplined. However, these
poor weaklings and children consider themselves [50] superior to
all other men, and they would not for the world give up their
childishness and wretchedness. And this is not to be wondered at,
for, as I have said, they are children.
Ne pouvans doncques pour encores baptiser les adultes, comme nous avons
dict, nous restent les enfans, à qui appartient le royaume des cieux;
ainsy nous les baptisons de la volonté des parens et soubs la caution
des parrains. Et en cette façon, en avons jà baptisé quatre, Dieu
mercy. Les adultes qui sont en extreme necessité, nous les instruisons
autant que Dieu nous en donne le moyen; et la pratique nous a faict
veoir, que lors Dieu supplée interieurement le défaut de son outil
externe. Ainsy, une vieille femme dangereusement malade, et une jeune
fille, ont esté receues au nombre des enfans de Dieu. La vieille est
encore debout; la fille est allée à Dieu.
Since we cannot yet baptize the adults, as we have said, there
remain for us the children, to whom the kingdom of heaven belongs;
these we baptize with the consent of their parents and the pledge
of the god-parents. And under these conditions we have already,
thank God, baptized four of them. We instruct the adults who are
in danger of death, as far as God gives us the means to do so;
and experience has shown us that then God inwardly supplements
the defects of his exterior instruments. Thus, an old woman,
dangerously ill, and a young girl have been added to the number of
the children of God. The woman still lives, the girl has gone to
Heaven.
Je vis cette fille de 8 a 9 ans, toute transie et n'ayant plus que
la peau et les os. Je la demanday à ses parens pour la baptiser.
Ils me respondirent que si je la voulois, ils me la donnoyent tout
à faict. Car aussy bien, elle et un chien mort, c'estoit tout un.
Ainsy parloyent-ils, d'autant que c'est leur coustume d'abandonner
entierement ceux qu'ils ont une fois entierement jugés incurables.
Nous acceptasmes l'offre, affin qu'ils vissent la difference du [51]
Christianisme et de leur impieté. Nous fismes conduire ce pauvre
squelette en une cabane de l'habitation, la secourusmes et nourrismes
à nostre possible, et l'ayant tolerablement instruite, la baptisasmes.
Elle fut appelée Antoynette de Pons, en memoire et recognoissance de
tant de benefices qu'avons receus et recevons de Madame la Marquise de
Guercheville; et laditte Dame se peut resjouir que jà son nom est au
ciel, car quelques jours aprés son baptesme, cette ame choysie s'envola
en ce lieu de gloire.
I saw this girl, eight or nine years old, all benumbed and nothing
but skin and bone. I asked the parents to give her to me to
baptize. They answered that if I wished to have her they would
give her up to me entirely. For to them she was no better than
a dead dog. They spoke like this because they are accustomed to
abandon altogether those whom they have once judged incurable. We
accepted the offer, so that they might see the difference between
[51] Christianity and their ungodliness. We had this poor skeleton
brought into one of the cabins of the settlement, where we cared
for and nourished her as well as we could, and when she had been
fairly well instructed we baptized her. She was named Antoynette de
Pons, in grateful remembrance of the many favors we have received
and are receiving from Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, who may
rejoice that already her name is in heaven, for a few days after
baptism this chosen soul flew away to that glorious place.
Ce luy aussy fut nostre premier né, sur lequel nous avons pu dire ce
que Ioseph prononça sur le sien, que Dieu nous avoit faict oublier
tous nos travaux passés et la maison de nostre Père. Mais à propos de
ce que les Sauvages abandonnent leurs malades, une autre occasion de
semblablement exercer la charité chrestienne envers ces délaissés, a eu
son issüe plus joyeuse, et profitable pour détromper ces nations. Cette
occasion fut telle.
This was also our firstborn, for whose sake we could say, as Joseph
did about his, that God had made us forget all our past hardships
and the homes of our Fathers. But in speaking of the Savages
abandoning their sick, another similar occasion to exercise charity
toward those who are deserted has had a more happy issue and one
more useful in undeceiving these people. This occasion was as
follows:
Le second fils du grand sagamo Membertou, de qui nous parlerons
tantost, appelé _Actodin_, jà chrestien et marrié, estoit tombé en
une griefve maladie. Monsieur de Potrincourt, s'en allant en France,
l'avoit visité, et, comme il est bon seigneur, l'avoit invité de se
faire porter en l'habitation, pour y estre medicamenté. Je m'attendois
à cela, qu'on [52] le nous apporteroit; mais on n'en faisoit rien. Ce
voyant, pour ne laisser cette ame en danger, je m'y en allay de là à
quelques jours (car il estoit à 5 lieuës de l'habitation). Mais je
trouvay mon malade en un bel estat. On estoit sur le poinct de faire
tabagie ou convive solemnel sur son dernier adieu. Trois ou quatre
vastes chaudieres bouilloyent sur le feu. Il avoit sa belle robe soubs
soy (car c'estoit en esté), et se preparoit à sa harangue funebre.
La harangue devoit finir en l'adieu et comploration commune de tous.
L'adieu et le deuil se clost par l'occision des chiens à ce que le
mourant ait des avants-coureurs en l'autre monde. L'Occision des chiens
est accostée de la tabagie et de ce qui suyt la tabagie, du chant et
des danses. Après cela, il n'est plus loysible au malade de manger ou
demander aucun secours, ains se doibt jà tenir pour un des manes ou
citoyens de l'autre vie. Je trouvay donc mon hoste en tel estat.
The second son of the grand sagamore Membertou, of whom we shall
speak by and by, named _Actodin_, already a christian, and married,
fell dangerously ill. Monsieur de Potrincourt, as he was about
to depart for France, had visited him; and being a kind-hearted
gentleman, had asked him to let himself be taken to the settlement
for treatment. I was expecting this suggestion [52] to be carried
out; but they did nothing of the kind. When this became evident,
not to leave this soul in danger, I went there after a few days
(for it was five leagues from the settlement). But I found my
patient in a fine state. They were just about to celebrate tabagie,
or a solemn feast, over his last farewell. Three or four immense
kettles were boiling over the fire. He had his beautiful robe under
him (for it was summer), and was preparing for his funeral oration.
The oration was to close with the usual adieus and lamentations
of all present. The farewell and the mourning are finished by the
slaughter of dogs, that the dying man may have forerunners in the
other world. This slaughter is accompanied by the tabagie and what
follows it--namely, the singing and dancing. After that it is no
longer lawful for the sick man to eat or to ask any help, but he
must already consider himself one of the "manes," or citizens of
the other world. Now it was in this state that I found my host.
I'invectivay contre cette façon de faire, plus de geste que de langue,
car pour la langue, mes interpretes ne disoyent pas la dixiesme partie
de ce que je voulois. Neantmoins le vieil Membertou, pere du malade,
conceut assés l'affaire, et me promit qu'on s'arresteroit à tout ce
que j'en dirois. Ie luy dis donc que pour l'adieu et deuil moderé, et
encores pour la tabagie, cela se pourroit tolerer; mais [53] que le
carnage des chiens, et les chants et danses sur un trespassant, et
beaucoup moins l'abandonnement d'iceluy, ne me playsoyent point; que
plus tost, selon qu'ils avoyent promis à Monsieur de Potrincourt, ils
l'envoyassent en l'habitation; qu'à l'ayde de Dieu, il pourroit bien
encore guerir. Ils me donnerent parolle d'ainsy faire le tout; ce
neantmoins, le languissant ne nous fut apporté que deux jours après.
I denounced this way of doing things, more by actions than by
words; for, as to talking, my interpreters did not repeat the tenth
part of what I wanted them to say. Nevertheless, old Membertou,
father of the sick man, understood the affair well enough, and
promised me that they would stop just where I wanted them to.
Then I told him that the farewells and a moderate display of
mourning, and even the tabagie, would be permitted, but [53]
that the slaughter of the dogs, and the songs and dances over a
dying person, and what was much worse, leaving him to die alone,
displeased me very much; that it would be better, according to
their promise to Monsieur de Potrincourt, to have him brought
to the settlement, that, with the help of God, he might yet
recover. They gave me their word that they would do all that I
wished; nevertheless, the dying man was not brought until two days
afterward.
Il prenoit des symptomes si mortels, que souvent nous n'attendions
sinon qu'il nous demeurast entre les mains. En effet un soir, sa
femme et enfans l'abandonnerent entierement, et s'en allerent cabaner
ailleurs, pensant que c'en estoit vuidé. Si pleut-il à Dieu tromper
heureusement leur desespoir; car, de là à peu de jours, il fut plein de
santé, et l'est encore aujourd'hui (à Dieu en soit la gloire); ce que
M. Hébert, Parisien et maistre en Pharmacie assés cognu, qui solicitoit
ledit malade, m'a souvent asseuré estre un vray miracle. De moi, je ne
sçay qu'en dire, d'autant que je ne veux affirmer ny le si ny le non
en ce dont je n'ay évidence. Cela scay-je, que nous mismes sur le dit
languissant un os des precieuses reliques du glorieux Sainct Laurens,
archevesque de Dublin en Hibernie, que M. de la Place, digne abbé
d'Eu, et Messieurs les Prieurs et Chapitre de laditte abbaye d'Eu nous
donnerent de leur grace pour convoyer nostre voyage en ces quartiers.
Nous [54] doncques mismes sur le malade de ces sainctes reliques,
faisant vœu pour luy, et depuis il emmeilleura.
His symptoms became so serious that often we expected nothing less
than that he would die on our hands. In fact, one evening, his wife
and children deserted him entirely and went to settle elsewhere,
thinking it was all over with him. But it pleased God to prove
their despair unfounded; for a few days afterwards he was in good
health and is so to-day (to God be the glory); which M. Hébert,
of Paris, a well-known master in Pharmacy, who attended the said
patient, often assured me was a genuine miracle. For my part, I
scarcely know what to say; inasmuch as I do not care either to
affirm or deny a thing of which I have no proof. This I do know,
that we put upon the sufferer a bone taken from the precious relics
of the glorified Saint Lawrence, archbishop of Dublin in Ireland,
which M. de la Place, the estimable abbé d'Eu, and the Priors and
Canons of the said abbey d'Eu, kindly gave us for our protection
during the voyage to these lands. So we [54] placed some of these
holy relics upon the sick man, at the same time offering our vows
for him, and then he improved.
Par cet exemple, Membertou, le pere du guery, comme j'ay dict cy
devant, fut fort confirmé en la foy, et à cette cause sentant le mal
dont depuis il est decedé, voulut aussy tost estre apporté icy; et
quoyque nostre cabane soit tant estroitte que trois personnes estant
dedans, à peine s'y peuvent-elles remuer, neantmoins si demanda-t-il
de grande confiance qu'il avoit en nous, d'estre logé dans l'un de nos
deux licts; ce qu'il fut pour six jours. Mais après, sa femme, fille
et brue estans venues, il cogneut bien de luy mesme qu'il falloit
tramarcher; ce qu'il fit, s'excusant fort, et nous demandant pardon du
continuel travail qu'il nous avoit donné jour et nuict en son service.
Certes le changement de lieu et traitement ne lui allegea pas son mal.
Par ainsy, le voyant sur son declin, je le confessay au mieux que je
pus, et luy après (c'est tout leur testament) fit sa harangue. Or en
sa harangue, entre autres choses il dict sa volonté estre d'avoir
sepulture avec ses femmes et enfants, ez-anciens monumens de sa maison.
Influenced by this example, Membertou, the father of the one who
had recovered, as I have said before, was very strongly confirmed
in the faith; and because he was then feeling the approach of the
malady from which he has since died, he wished to be brought here
immediately; and although our cabin is so narrow that when three
people are in it they can scarcely turn around, nevertheless,
showing his implicit confidence in us, he asked to be placed in one
of our two beds, where he remained for six days. But afterwards
his wife, daughter, and daughter-in-law having come, he himself
recognized the necessity of leaving, and did so with profuse
excuses, asking our pardon for the continual trouble he had given
us in waiting upon him day and night. Certainly the change of
location and treatment did not improve him any. So then, seeing
that his life was drawing to a close, I confessed him as well as I
could; and after that he delivered his oration (this is their sole
testament). Now, among other things in this speech, he said that
he wished to be buried with his wife and children, and among the
ancient tombs of his family.
Ie me monstray fort mal content de cecy, craingnant que les Françoys
et Sauvages ne prinssent de la suspicion qu'il n'estoit mort gueres
bon Chrestien. [55] Mais on m'opposa que telle promesse lui avoit esté
faicte avant qu'il fut baptisé; et qu'autrement si on l'enterroit en
nostre cimetière, ses enfans et amis ne nous viendroyent jamais plus
veoir, puisque c'est la façon de cette nation d'abhorrer toute memoire
de la mort et des morts.
I manifested great dissatisfaction with this, fearing that the
French and Savages would suspect that he had not died a good
Christian. [55] But I was assured that this promise had been made
before he was baptized, and that otherwise, if he were buried
in our cemetery, his children and his friends would never again
come to see us, since it is the custom of this nation to shun all
reminders of death and of the dead.
Je disputay contre, et avec moy M. de Biancourt (car c'est quasi mon
unique truchement), neantmoins en vain; le mourant demeuroit resolu.
Le soir assez tard, nous luy donnasmes l'extreme onction, puisque
autrement il y estoit assez preparé. Voyez l'efficace du sacrement:
le lendemain matin, il mande M. de Biancourt et moy, et de nouveau il
recommence sa harangue. Par icelle il declaroit avoir de soy mesme
changé de volonté; qu'il entendoit d'estre inhumé avec nous, commandant
à ses enfans de ne point pour cela fuyr le lieu comme infideles, ains
d'autant plus le frequenter comme chrestiens, à celle fin d'y prier
pour son ame et pleurer ses pechez. Il recommanda aussi la paix avec
M. de Potrincourt et son fils; que de luy, il avait toujours aymé les
Françoys, et avoit souvent empesché plusieurs conspirations contre eux.
De là à peu d'heures il mourut entre mes mains fort chrestiennement.
I opposed this, and M. de Biancourt, for he is almost my only
interpreter, joined with me, but in vain; the dying man was
obdurate. Rather late that evening we administered extreme unction
to him, for otherwise he was sufficiently prepared for it. Behold
now the efficacy of the sacrament; the next morning he asks for
M. de Biancourt and me, and again begins his harangue. In this he
declares that he has, of his own free will, changed his mind; that
he intends to be buried with us, commanding his children not, for
that reason, to shun the place like unbelievers, but to frequent
it all the more, like christians, to pray for his soul and to weep
over his sins. He also recommended peace with M. de Potrincourt and
his son; as for him, he had always loved the French, and had often
prevented conspiracies against them. A few hours afterward he died
a christian death in my arms.
C'a esté le plus grand, renommé et redouté sauvage qui ayt esté
de memoire d'homme: de riche [56] taille, et plus hault et membru
que n'est l'ordinaire des autres, barbu comme un françoys, estant
ainsy que quasi pas un des autres n'a du poil au menton; discret et
grave, ressentant bien son homme de commandement. Dieu luy gravoit
en l'ame une apprehension plus grande du Christianisme, que n'estoit
ce qu'il en avoit pu ouyr, et m'a souvent dict en son sauvageois.
"Apprend vistement nostre langue, car aussy tost que tu la sçauras
et m'auras bien enseingné, je veux estre prescheur comme toy." Avant
mesme sa conversion, il n'a jamais voulu avoir plus d'une femme
vivante; ce qu'est esmerveillable, d'autant que les grands sagamos
de ce païs entretiennent un nombreux serail, non plus pour luxure,
que pour ambition, gloire et necessité: pour ambition, à celle fin
d'avoir plusieurs enfans, en quoy gist leur puissance; pour gloire et
necessité, d'autant qu'ils n'ont autres artisans, agens, serviteurs,
pourvoyeurs ou esclaves que les femmes; elles soustiennent tout le faix
et fatigue de la vie.
This was the greatest, most renowned and most formidable savage
within the memory of man; of splendid [56] physique, taller and
larger-limbed than is usual among them; bearded like a Frenchman,
although scarcely any of the others have hair upon the chin;
grave and reserved; feeling a proper sense of dignity for his
position as commander. God impressed upon his soul a greater idea
of Christianity than he has been able to form from hearing about
it, and he has often said to me in his savage tongue: "Learn our
language quickly, for as soon as thou knowest it and hast taught
me well I wish to become a preacher like thee." Even before his
conversion he never cared to have more than one living wife, which
is wonderful, as the great sagamores of this country maintain a
numerous seraglio, no more through licentiousness than through
ambition, glory and necessity; for ambition, to the end that they
may have many children, wherein lies their power; for fame and
necessity, since they have no other artisans, agents, servants,
purveyors or slaves than the women; they bear all the burdens and
toil of life.
C'a esté le premier de tous les Sauvages qui en ces régions aye receu
le baptesme et l'extreme-onction, le premier et le dernier sacrement,
et le premier qui, de son mandement et ordonnance, aye été inhumé
chrestiennement. Monsieur de Biancourt honora ses obsèques, imitant
à son possible les [57] honneurs qu'on rend en France aux grands
Capitaines et Seigneurs.
He was the first of all the Savages in these parts to receive
baptism and extreme unction, the first and the last sacraments;
and the first one who, by his own command and decree, has received
a christian burial. Monsieur de Biancourt honored his obsequies,
imitating as far as possible the [57] honors which are shown to
great Captains and Noblemen in France.
Or, à ce que l'on craigne les jugemens de Dieu, aussy bien que l'on
ayme sa misericorde, je mettray icy la fin d'un françoys, en laquelle
Dieu a monstré sa justice, aussy bien qu'en celle de Membertou nous
recognoissons sa grâce. Celuy-cy avoit souvent esvadé le danger d'estre
noyé, et tout fraischement le beau jour de la Pentecoste derniére. Le
bénéfice fut mal recogneu. Pour n'en rien dire de plus, la veille de S.
Pierre et S. Paul, comme le soir on fust entré en discours des perils
de mer, et des vœux qu'on faict aux Saincts en semblables hazards, ce
miserable se print à s'en rire et moquer impudemment, se gaudissant
de ceux de la compagnie qu'on disoit en telles rencontre savoir esté
religieu. Il eut tost son guerdon. Le lendemain matin, un coup de vent
l'emporta tout seul dehors de la chaloupe dans les vagues, et jamais
depuis, n'est apparu.
Now, that the judgments of God may be feared as much as his mercies
are loved, I shall here record the death of a Frenchman, in which
God has shown his justice as much as he has given us evidence of
his mercy, in the death of Membertou. This man had often escaped
drowning, and only recently upon the blessed day of last Pentecost.
He showed but little gratitude for this favor. Not to make the
story too long, the evening before St. Peter's and St. Paul's day,
as they were discoursing upon the perils of the sea, and upon the
vows made to the Saints in similar dangers, this wretch began
impudently to laugh and to sneer, jeering at those of the company
who were said to have been religious upon such occasions. He soon
had his reward. The next morning a gust of wind carried him, and
him only, out of the boat into the waves, and he was never seen
again.
Mais laissons l'eau et venons à la rive. Si la terre de cette nouvelle
France avoit aucun sentiment, ainsy que les Poëtes feignent de leur
deesse Tellus, sans doubte elle eust eu un ressentiment bien nouveau de
liesse cette année; car, Dieu mercy, ayans eu fort heureuses moissons
de ce peu qui avoit esté labouré du recueilly nous avons faict des
hosties, et nous les avons offertes à Dieu. Ce sont, comme nous [58]
croyons, les premieres hosties qui ayent esté faites du froment de ce
terroir. Notre Seigneur par sa bonté les aye voulu recevoir en odeur
de suavité, et, comme dict le Psalmiste, _veuille donner benignité,
puisque la terre luy a rendu son fruict_.
But let us leave the water and come on shore. If the ground of
this new France had feeling, as the Poets pretend their goddess
Tellus had, doubtless it would have experienced an altogether
novel sensation of joy this year, for, thank God, having had very
successful crops from the little that was tilled, we made from the
harvest some hosts [wafers for consecration] and offered them to
God. These are, as we [58] believe, the first hosts which have been
made from the wheat of these lands. May Our Lord, in his goodness,
have consented to receive them as fragrant offerings and in the
words of the Psalmist, _may he give graciously, since the earth has
yielded him its fruits_.
C'est assés demeuré à la maison; sortons un peu dehors, comme nous
avons promis de faire, et racontons ce qui s'est passé par le pays.
We have stayed at home long enough; let us go abroad a little, as
we promised to do, and relate what has taken place in the country.
J'ay faict deux voyages avec M. de Biancourt, l'un de quelques douze
jours, l'autre d'un mois et demy, et avons rodé toute la coste dés
Port-Royal jusques à Kinibéqui, ouest-sud ouest. Nous sommes entrez
dans les grandes rivières de S. Iean, de Saincte Croix, de Pentegoet
et du sus-nommé Kinibéqui; avons visité les Françoys, qui ont hyverné
icy cette année en deux parts, en la rivière S. Iean et en celle de
Saincte-Croix: les Malouins en la riviere S. Iean, et le capitaine
Plastrier à Saincte Croix.
I made two journeys with M. de Biancourt, the one lasting about
twelve days, the other a month and a half; and we have ranged the
entire coast from Port Royal to Kinibéqui,[2] west southwest. We
entered the great rivers St. John, Saincte Croix, Pentegoët,[3] and
the above-named Kinibéqui; we visited the French who have wintered
there this year in two places, at the St. John river and at the
river Saincte Croix; the Malouins at the former place, and captain
Plastrier at the latter.[4]
Durant ces voyages, Dieu nous a sauvez de grands et bien éminents
dangers, et souvent; mais quoy que nous les debvions tousjours retenir
en la mémoire pour n'en estre ingrats, il n'est pas necessaire que
nous les couchions tous sur le papier, de peur d'être ennuyeux. Ie
raconteray seulement ce qu'à mon advis on orroit plus volontiers.
During these journeys, God often delivered us from great and very
conspicuous dangers; but, although we ought always to bear them in
mind, that we may not be ungrateful, there is no need of setting
them all down upon paper, lest we become wearisome. I shall relate
only what, in my opinion, will be the most interesting.
Nous allions voir les Malouins, sçavoir est, le [59] Sieur du Pont
le jeune, et le capitaine Merveilles, qui, comme nous avons dict,
hyvernoyent en la rivière S. Jean, en une isle appelée Emenenic, avant
contremont le fleuve quelques six lieues. Nous estions encore à une
lieuë et demye de l'isle, qu'il estoit jà soir et la fin du crepuscule.
Ià les estoilles commençoyent à se monstrer, quand voicy que vers le
Nord soudainement une partie du ciel devint aussy rouge et sanguine
qu'escarlate, et s'estendant peu à peu en piques et fuseaux, s'en alla
droict reposer sur l'habitation des Malouins. La rougeur estoit si
esclatante, que toute la rivière s'en teingnoit et en reluysoit. Cette
apparition dura demy quart d'heure, et aussy tost après la disparition,
en recommença une autre de mesme forme, cours et consistance.
We went to see the Malouins; namely, [59] Sieur du Pont, the
younger, and captain Merveilles, who, as we have said, were
wintering at St. John river, upon an island called Emenenic, some
six leagues up the river. We were still one league and a half from
the island when the twilight ended and night came on. The stars
had already begun to appear, when suddenly, toward the Northward,
a part of the heavens became blood-red: and this light spreading,
little by little, in vivid streaks and flashes, moved directly over
the settlement of the Malouins and there stopped. The red glow was
so brilliant that the whole river was tinged and made luminous by
it. This apparition lasted some eight minutes, and as soon as it
disappeared another came of the same form, direction and appearance.
Il n'y eut celuy de nous qui ne jugeast tel metheore prodigieux. Pour
nos Sauvages, ils s'escrierent aussy tost: _Gara gara enderquir Gara
gara_; c'est-à-dire, nous aurons guerre; tels signales denoncent
guerre. Neantmoins, et nostre abord cette soirée, et le lendemain
matin nostre descente fut fort amiable et pacifique. Le jour, rien
qu'amitié. Mais (malheur!) le soir venu, tout se vira, ne sçay comment,
le dessus dessous; entre nos gens et ceux de S. Malo, confusion,
brouillis, fureur, tintamarre. Ie ne doubte point qu'une mauditte bande
de furieux et [60] sanguinaires esprits ne voltigeast toute cette nuit
là, attendant à chaque heure et moment un horrible massacre de ce peu
de Chrestiens qui estions là; mais la bonté de Dieu les brida, les
malheureux. Il n'y eut aucun sang espandu, et le jour suyvant, cette
nocturne bourrasque finit en un beau et plaisant calme, les ombrages et
fantosmes ténébreux s'estant esvanouis en serenité lumineuse.
There was not one of us who did not consider this meteoric display
prophetic. As to the Savages, they immediately cried out, _Gara
gara enderquir Gara gara_, meaning we shall have war, such signs
announce war. Nevertheless, both our arrival that evening and our
landing the next morning were very quiet and peaceful. During the
day, nothing but friendliness. But (alas!) when evening came,
I know not how, everything was turned topsy-turvy; confusion,
discord, rage, uproar reigned between our people and those of
St. Malo. I do not doubt that a cursed band of furious and [60]
sanguinary spirits were hovering about all this night, expecting
every hour and moment a horrible massacre of the few Christians who
were there; but the goodness of God restrained the poor wretches.
There was no bloodshed; and the next day, this nocturnal storm
ended in a beautiful and delightful calm, the dark shadows and
spectres giving way to a luminous peace.
De vray, la bonté et prudence de M. de Biancourt parust fort emmy ce
fortunal de passions humaines. Mais aussy je recogneus assés que le feu
et les armes estans une fois entre les mains de gens mal disciplinés,
les maistres ont beaucoup à craindre et à souffrir de leurs propres. Ie
ne sçay s'il y eust aucun qui fermast l'œil de toute cette nuit. Pour
moy je fis prou de belles propositions et promesses à Nostre Seigneur,
de ne jamais oublier ce sien benefice, s'il plaisoit faire qu'aucun
sang ne fust respandu. Ce qu'il nous donna de son infinie misericorde.
In truth, M. de Biancourt's goodness and prudence seemed much
shaken by this tempest of human passions. But I also saw, very
clearly that if fire and arms were once put into the hands of badly
disciplined men, the masters have much to fear and suffer from
their own servants. I do not know that there was one who closed
his eyes during that night. For me, I made many fine propositions
and promises to Our Lord, never to forget this, his goodness, if
he were pleased to avert all bloodshed. This he granted in his
infinite mercy.
Il estoit trois heures aprés midy du jour suyvant, que je n'avois pas
eu encores loysir de sentir la faim, tant j'estois empesché à aller et
venir des uns aux autres. Enfin environ ce temps là, tout fut accoysé,
Dieu mercy.
It was three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day before I
had time to feel hungry, so constantly had I been obliged to go
back and forth from one to the other. At last, about that time
everything was settled, thank God.
Certes le capitaine Merveilles et ses gens monstrerent leur piété
non vulgaire. Car nonobstant cet heurt et rencontre si troublant, le
deuxiesme jour [61] d'après, ils se confesserent et communierent avec
grand exemple, et si, à nostre départir, ils me prierent instamment
trestous et par spécial le jeune du Pont, de les aller veoir et
demeurer avec eux à ma commodité. Ie leur promis d'ainsy le faire, et
n'en attends que les moyens. Car de vray j'ayme ces gens de bien de
tout mon cœur.
Certainly captain Merveilles and his people showed unusual piety.
For notwithstanding this so annoying encounter and conflict, two
days [61] afterwards they confessed and took communion in a very
exemplary manner; and so, at our departure, they all begged me very
earnestly, and particularly young du Pont, to come and see them
and stay with them as long as I liked. I promised to do so, and am
only waiting for the opportunity. For in truth I love these honest
people with all my heart.
Mais, départans un peu de pensée d'avec eux, comme nous fismes lors de
presence, continuons nostre route et voyage. Au retour de cette rivière
Sainct Jean, nostre voyage s'addressoit jusques aux Armouchiquoys. Deux
causes principales esmouvoyent à cela M. de Biancourt: la premiere,
pour avoir nouvelle des Angloys, et sçavoir si on pourroit avoir raison
d'eux; la seconde affin de troquer du bled armouchiquoys, pour nous
ayder à passer nostre hyver, et ne point mourir de faim, en cas que
nous ne receussions aucun secours de France.
But dismissing them from our thoughts for the time being, as we
did then from our presence, let us continue our journey. Upon
our return from this river Saint John, our route turned towards
the country of the Armouchiquoys. Two principal causes led M. de
Biancourt to take this route: first, in order to have news of
the English, and to find out if it would be possible to obtain
satisfaction from them; secondly, to buy some armouchiquoys corn to
help us pass the winter, and not die of hunger in case we did not
receive help from France.
Pour entendre la première cause, faut sçavoir que peu auparavant,
le capitaine Platrier de Honfleur, cy devant nommé, voulant aller
à Kinibéqui, il fut saisy prisonnier par deux navires angloys qui
estoient en une isle appelée Emmetenic, à 8 lieües dudit Kinibéqui.
Son relaschement fut moyennant quelques presents (ainsy parle-t-on
pour parler doucement) et la promesse qu'il fit d'obtemperer aux
prohibitions à luy faictes, de point negotier en toute [62] cette
coste. Car les Angloys s'en veulent dire maistres, et sur ce ils
produysoyent des lettres de leur Roy, mais à ce que nous croyons
fausses.
To understand the first cause you must know that, a little while
before, captain Platrier, of Honfleur, already mentioned, wishing
to go to Kinibéqui, was taken prisoner by two English ships
which were at an island called Emmetenic,[85] eight leagues from
Kinibéqui. His release was effected by means of presents (this
expresses it mildly), and by his promise to comply with the
interdictions laid upon him not to trade anywhere upon all [62]
this coast. For the English want to be considered masters of it,
and they produced letters from their King to this effect, but these
we believe to be false.
Or Monsieur de Biancourt ayant ouy tout cecy de la bouche mesme du
capitaine Platrier, il remontra serieusement à ces gens combien il
importoit à luy, officier de la Couronne et Lieutenant de son pere,
combien aussy à tout bon Françoys, d'aller au rencontre de cette
usurpation des Anglois tant contrariante aux droits et possessions de
sa Majesté. "Car, disoit-il, il est à tous notoire (pour ne reprendre
l'affaire de plus hault) que le grand Henry, que Dieu absolve, suyvant
les droicts acquis par ses prédecesseurs et luy, donna à Monsieur des
Monts, l'an 1604, toute cette région depuis le 40^{e} degré d'élévation
jusques au 46. Depuis laquelle donation ledit Seigneur des Monts, par
soy mesme et par Monsieur de Potrincourt, mon très-honoré pere, son
lieutenant, et par autres, a prins souvent reelle possession de toute
la contrée, et trois et quatre ans avant que jamais les Angloys ayent
habitué, ou que jamais on aye rien entendu de cette leur vindication."
Ceci et plusieurs autres choses discouroit ledit Sieur de Biancourt
encourageant ses gens.
Now, Monsieur de Biancourt, having heard all this from the mouth of
captain Platrier himself, remonstrated earnestly with these people,
showing how important it was to him, an officer of the Crown
and his father's Lieutenant, and also how important to all good
Frenchmen, to oppose this usurpation of the English, so contrary
to the rights and possessions of his Majesty. "For," said he, "it
is well known to all (not to go back any farther in the case) that
the great Henry, may God give him absolution, in accordance with
the rights, acquired by his predecessors and by himself, gave to
Monsieur des Monts, in the year 1604, all this region from the 40th
to the 46th parallel of latitude. Since this donation, the said
Seigneur des Monts, himself and through Monsieur de Potrincourt,
my very honored father, his lieutenant, and through others, has
frequently taken actual possession of all the country; and this,
three or four years before the English had ever frequented it, or
before anything had ever been heard of these claims of theirs."
This and several other things were said by Sieur de Biancourt to
encourage his people.
Moy, j'avois deux autres causes qui me poussoyent au mesme voyage:
l'une, pour accompagner [63] d'ayde spirituel ledict Sieur de Biancourt
et ses gens; l'autre, pour cognoistre et voir la disposition de ces
nations à recevoir le saint evangile. Telles doncques estoyent les
causes de nostre voyage.
As for me, I had two other reasons which impelled me to take this
journey: One, to give [63] spiritual aid to Sieur de Biancourt and
his people; the other, to observe and to study the disposition of
these nations to receive the holy gospel. Such, then, were the
causes of our journey.
Nous arrivasmes à Kinibequi, 80 lieuës de Port-Royal, le 28 d'octobre,
jour de S. Simon et S. Jude, de la mesme année 1611. Aussy tost nos
gens mirent pied à terre, desireux de veoir le fort des Angloys; car
nous avions appris par les chemins, qu'il n'y avoit personne. Or, comme
de nouveau tout est beau, ce fust à louër et vanter cette entreprise
des Angloys, et raconter les commodités du lieu; chacun en disoit ce
que plus il prisoit. Mais de là à quelques jours, on changea bien
d'advis; car on vid y avoir beau moyen de faire un contrefort qui les
eust emprisonnés et privés de la mer et de la riviere; item que quand
bien on les eust laissez là, si n'eussent-ils point jouy pourtant des
commodités de la riviere, puisqu'elle a plusieurs autres et belles
emboucheures bien distantes de là. Davantage, ce qu'est le pis, nous ne
croyons pas que de là à six lieuës à l'entour il y ayt un seul arpent
de terre bien labourable, le sol n'estant tout de pierre et roche. Or,
d'autant que le vent nous contrarioit à passer outre, le troisiesme
jour venu, Monsieur de Biancourt [64] tourna l'incident en conseil
et se delibera de recevoir l'ayde du vent, à refouler contremont la
riviere, pour la bien recognoistre.
We arrived at Kinibéqui, eighty leagues from Port Royal, the 28th
of October, the day of St. Simon and St. Jude, of the same year,
1611. Our people at once disembarked, wishing to see the English
fort, for we had learned, on the way, that there was no one there.
Now as everything is beautiful at first, this undertaking of the
English had to be praised and extolled, and the conveniences of
the place enumerated, each one pointing out what he valued the
most. But a few days afterward they changed their views; for they
saw that there was a fine opportunity for making a counter-fort
there, which might have imprisoned them and cut them off from the
sea and river; moreover, even if they had been left unmolested
they would not have enjoyed the advantages of the river, since it
has several other mouths, and good ones, some distance from there.
Furthermore, what is worse, we do not believe that, in six leagues
of the surrounding country, there is a single acre of good tillable
land, the soil being nothing but stones and rocks. Now, inasmuch
as the wind forced us to go on, when the third day came, Monsieur
de Biancourt [64] considered the subject in council and decided
to take advantage of the wind and go on up the river, in order to
thoroughly explore it.
Nous avions advancé jà bien trois lieuës, et le flot nous manquant
nous estions mis à l'anchre au milieu de la riviere; quand voicy que
nous descouvrons six canots Armouchiquois venir à nous. Ils estoyent
24 personnes dedans, tous gens de combat. Ils firent mille tentatives
et ceremonies avant que nous aborder. Vous les eussiez parfaictement
comparez à une troupe d'oyseaux, laquelle desire d'entrer en une
cheneviere, mais elle craind l'espouvantail. Cela nous plaisoit fort,
car aussy nos gens avoyent besoin de temps pour s'armer et pavier.
Enfin ils vindrent et revindrent, ils recogneurent, considererent
finement nostre nombre, nos pieces, nos armes, tout; et la nuict venuë,
ils se logerent à l'autre bord du fleuve, sinon hors la portée, du
moins hors la mire de nos canons.
We had already advanced three good leagues, and had dropped
anchor in the middle of the river waiting for the tide, when we
suddenly discovered six Armouchiquois canoes coming towards us.
There were twenty-four persons therein, all warriors. They went
through a thousand maneuvers and ceremonies before accosting us,
and might have been compared to a flock of birds which wanted to
go into a hemp-field but feared the scarecrow. We were very much
pleased at this, for our people also needed to arm themselves and
arrange the pavesade. In short, they continued to come and go; they
reconnoitred; they carefully noted our numbers, our cannon, our
arms, everything; and when night came they camped upon the other
bank of the river, if not out of reach, at least beyond the aim of
our cannon.
Toute la nuit ce ne fust que haranguer, chanter, danser; car telle est
la vie de toutes ces gens lorsqu'ils sont en troupe. Or comme nous
presumions probablement que leurs chants et danses estoyent invocations
du diable, pour contrecarrer l'empire de ce maudict tyran, je fis que
nos gens chantassent [65] quelques hymnes eclesiastiques, comme le
_Salve_, l'_Ave Maris stella_ et autres. Mais comme ils furent une
fois en train de chanter, les chansons spirituelles leur manquant,
ils se jetterent aux autres qu'ils sçavoyent. Estant encores à la fin
de celles cy, comme c'est le naturel du François de tout imiter, ils
se prindrent à contrefaire le chant et danse des Armouchiquois, qui
estoyent à la rive, les contrefaisant si bien en tout, que, pour les
escouter, les Armouchiquois se taysoient; et puis nos gens se taysans,
reciproquement eux recommençoyent. Vrayment il y avoit beau rire: car
vous eussiés dict que c'estoyent deux chœurs qui s'entendoient fort
bien, et à peine eussiés vous pû distinguer le vray Armouchiquois
d'avec le feinct.
All night there was continual haranguing, singing and dancing,
for such is the kind of life all these people lead when they are
together. Now as we supposed that probably their songs and dances
were invocations to the devil, to oppose the power of this cursed
tyrant, I had our people sing [65] some sacred hymns, as the
_Salve_, the _Ave Maris Stella_, and others. But when they once
got into the way of singing, the spiritual songs being exhausted,
they took up others with which they were familiar. When they came
to the end of these, as the French are natural mimics, they began
to mimic the singing and dancing of the Armouchiquois who were
upon the bank, succeeding in it so well that the Armouchiquois
stopped to listen to them; and then our people stopped and the
others immediately began again. It was really very comical, for
you would have said that they were two choirs which had a thorough
understanding with each other, and scarcely could you distinguish
the real Armouchiquois from their imitators.
Le matin venu, nous poursuyvions notre route contremont. Eux, nous
ayans accompagnez, nous dirent que si nous voulions du _piousquemin_
(c'est leur bled), que nous debvions avec facilité prendre à droicte,
et non avec grand travail et danger aller contremont; que prenant à
droicte par le bras qui se monstroit, en peu d'heures, nous arriverions
vers le grand sagamo Meteourmite, qui nous fourniroit de tout; qu'ils
nous y serviroient de guides, car aussy bien s'en alloyent ils le
visiter.
In the morning we continued our journey up the river. The
Armouchiquois, who were accompanying us, told us that if we wanted
any _piousquemin_ (corn), it would be better and easier for us
to turn to the right and not, with great difficulty and risk, to
continue going up the river; that if we turned to the right through
the branch which was just at hand, in a few hours we would reach
the great sagamore Meteourmite, who would furnish us with all we
wanted; that they would act as our guides, since they themselves
were going to visit him.
Il est à presumer, et en avons de grands indices, qu'ils ne nous
donnoyent ce conseil sinon en intention [66] de nous prendre aux
filets, et avoir bon marché de nous à l'ayde de Meteourmite, lequel ils
sçavoient estre ennemy des Anglois, et le conjecturoient l'estre de
tous estrangers. Mais, Dieu mercy, leurs embusches se tournerent contre
eux.
It is to be supposed, and there were strong indications of it, that
they gave us this advice only with the intention [66] of ensnaring
us, and making an easy conquest of us by the help of Meteourmite,
whom they knew to be the enemy of the English, and whom they
supposed to be an enemy of all foreigners. But, thank God, their
ambuscade was turned against themselves.
Cependant nous les creusmes; aussy partie d'eux s'en alloyent devant
nous, partie après, partie aussy avec nous dedans la barque. Neantmoins
Monsieur de Biancourt se tenoit tousiours sur ses gardes, et souvent
faisoit marcher la chaloupe devant avec la sonde. Nous n'avions pas
faict plus de demy lieue, quand, venus en un grand lac le sondeur nous
crie: "Deux brasses d'eau, qu'une brasse, qu'une brasse partout." Aussy
tost: Ameine, ameine, lasche l'anchre. Où sont nos Armouchiquois? où
sont-ils? point. Ils nous avoyent trestous insensiblement quittés. O
les traistres! ô que Dieu nous a bien aydés! Ils nous avoyent conduicts
aux pieges. "Revire, revire." Nous retournons sur nostre route.
However, we believed them; so a part of them went ahead of us, part
behind, and some in the barque with us. Nevertheless Monsieur de
Biancourt was always on his guard, and often sent the boat on ahead
with the sounding-lead. We had not gone more than half a league
when, reaching a large lake, the sounder called out to us: "Two
fathoms of water; only one fathom, only one fathom everywhere,"
and immediately afterward, "Stop! stop! cast anchor." Where are
our Armouchiquois? Where are they? Not one. They had all silently
disappeared. Oh, the traitors! Oh, how God had delivered us! They
had led us into a trap. "Veer about, veer about." We retrace our
path.
Cependant Meteourmite ayant esté adverty de nostre venue, nous courroit
au devant, et quoyqu'il nous vist tourner bride, si est-ce qu'il nous
poursuyvit. Bien valut à Monsieur de Biancourt d'etre plus sage que
plusieurs de son esquipage, qui ne crioyent lors que de tout tuer.
Car ils estoyent en grande cholere et en non moindre crainte; mais la
cholere faisoit plus de bruit.
Meanwhile, Meteourmite having been informed of our coming, came
to meet us, and, although he saw our prow turned about, yet he
followed us. It was well that Monsieur de Biancourt was wiser than
many of his crew, whose sole cry was to kill them all. For they
were as angry as they were frightened: but their anger made the
most noise.
[67] Monsieur de Biancourt se reprima, et ne faisant pas autrement
mauvaise chere à Meteourmite, apprit de luy qu'il y avoit une route par
laquelle on pourroit passer; qu'à celle fin de ne la pas faillir, il
nous donneroit de ses propres gens dedans nostre barque; qu'au reste
vinssions à sa cabane, il tascheroit de nous donner contentement.
Nous luy crusmes, et pensasmes nous en repentir; car nous passasmes
des haults et destroicts si perilleux que ne cuidions quasi jamays en
eschapper. D'effect, en deux endroits, aucuns de nos gens s'escrierent
miserablement que nous estions trestous perdus. Mais, Dieu mercy, ils
crierent trop tost.
[67] Monsieur de Biancourt restrained himself, and not otherwise
showing any ill-will toward Meteourmite, learned from him that
there was a route by which they could pass; that in order not to
miss it, he would let us have some of his own people in our barque;
that, besides, if we would come to his wigwam he would try to
satisfy us. We trusted him, and thought we might have to repent
it; for we traversed such perilous heights and narrow passes that
we never expected to escape from them. In fact, in two places some
of our men cried out in distress that we were all lost. But, thank
God, they cried too soon.
Arrivés, Monsieur de Biancourt se mit en armes, pour en cet arroy
aller veoir Meteourmite. Il le trouva en son hault appareil de majesté
sauvagesque, seul dans une cabane bien nattée le haut et bas, et
quelques quarante puissans jeunes hommes à l'entour de la cabane, en
forme de corps de garde, chacun son pavois, son arc et flesches à terre
au devant de soy. Ces gens ne sont point niais, nullement, et qu'on
nous en croye.
When we arrived, Monsieur de Biancourt armed himself, and thus
arrayed proceeded to pay a visit to Meteourmite. He found him in
the royal apparel of savage majesty, alone in a wigwam that was
well matted above and below, and about forty powerful young men
stationed around it like a body-guard, each one with his shield,
his bow and arrows upon the ground in front of him. These people
are by no means simpletons, and you may believe us when we say so.
Pour moy, je receus, ce jour là, la plus grande part des caresses;
car, comme j'estois sans armes, les plus honorables, laissans les
soldats, se prindrent à moy avec mille significations d'amitié. Ils me
conduysirent en la plus grande cabane de toutes; [68] elle contenoit
bien 80 ames. Les places prinses, je me jettay à genoux, et ayant faict
le signe de la croix, recitay mon _Pater_, _Ave_, _Credo_, et quelques
oraisons; puis, ayant faict pause, mes hostes, comme s'ils m'eussent
bien entendu, m'applaudirent en leur façon, s'escriant _Ho! ho! ho!_
Ie leur donnay quelques croix et quelques images, leur en donnant à
apprehender ce que je pouvois. Eux les baysoient fort volontiers,
faisoyent le signe de la Croix, et, chacun pour soy, s'efforçoyent à me
presenter ses enfans, à ce que je les benisse et leur donnasse quelque
chose. Ainsy se passa cette visite, et une autre que je fis depuis.
As for me, I received that day the greater part of the welcome;
for, as I was unarmed, the most honorable of them, turning
their backs upon the soldiers, approached me with a thousand
demonstrations of friendship. They led me to the largest wigwam of
all; [68] it contained fully eighty people. When they had taken
their places, I fell upon my knees and repeated my _Pater_, _Ave_,
_Credo_, and some orisons; then pausing, my hosts, as if they had
understood me perfectly, applauded after their fashion, crying _Ho!
ho! ho!_ I gave them some crosses and pictures, explaining them as
well as I could. They very willingly kissed them, made the sign
of the Cross, and each one in his turn endeavored to present his
children to me, so that I would bless them and give them something.
Thus passed that visit, and another that I have since made.
Or Meteourmite avoit respondu à Monsieur de Biancourt, que pour le
bled, ils n'en avoyent pas quantité; mais qu'ils avoyent aucunes peaux,
s'il luy playsoit de troquer.
Now Meteourmite had replied to Monsieur de Biancourt that as to
the corn he did not have much, but he had some skins, if we were
pleased to trade with him.
Le matin doncques de la troque venu, je m'en allay en une isle
voysine avec un garçon, pour là offrir l'hostie saincte de nostre
reconciliation. Nos gens de la barque, pour n'estre surprins, soubs
couleur de la troque, s'estoyent armez et barricadez, laissans place
au milieu du tillac pour les Sauvages; mais en vain, car ils se
jetterent tellement en foule et avec si grande avidité, qu'aussy tost
ils remplirent tout le vaisseau, jà peslemeslés avec les nostres. On
se mit à crier: Retire, retire-toy. Mais [69] à quel profit? Eux aussy
crioyent de leur costé.
Then in the morning when the trade was to take place I went to a
neighboring island with a boy, to there offer the blessed sacrament
for our reconciliation. Our people in the barque, not to be taken
by surprise under pretext of the trade, were armed and barricaded,
leaving a place in the middle of the deck for the Savages; but in
vain, for they rushed in in such crowds and with such greediness,
that they immediately filled the whole ship, becoming all mixed up
with our own people. Some one began to cry out, "Go back, go back."
But [69] to what good? On the other hand, the savages were yelling
also.
Ce fut lors que nos gens se penserent estre veritablement prins, et jà
tout n'estoit que clameur et tumulte. Monsieur de Biancourt a souvent
dit et redit, qu'il eut maintes fois le bras levé et la bouche ouverte
pour en frappant le premier crier, "Tue, tue;" mais que cette seule
consideration, ne sçay comment, le retinst, que j'estois dehors,
et par consequent que si l'on en venoit aux mains, j'estois perdu.
Dieu se servit de cette sienne bonne volonté, non seulement pour ma
sauveté, mais autant pour celle de tout l'esquipage. Car, comme tous
recognoissent bien à cette heure, si la folie eust esté faicte, jamais
aucun n'en fust eschappé, et les Françoys eussent esté descriés pour
jamays en toute la coste.
Then our people were sure they were captured, and there was nothing
but cries and confusion. Monsieur de Biancourt has often said and
said again, that several times he had raised his arm and opened his
mouth to strike the first blow and to cry out, "Kill, kill;" but
that somehow the one consideration that restrained him was that I
was outside, and if they came to blows I was lost. God rewarded him
for his good-will by saving not only me but also the whole crew.
For, as all readily acknowledge at this hour, if any foolish act
had been committed none of them would ever have escaped, and the
French would have been condemned forever all along the coast.
Dieu voulut que Meteourmite et quelques autres capitaines
apprehenderent le danger, et ainsy firent retirer leurs gens. Le soir
venu, et jà tous estans retirés, Meteourmite manda aucuns des siens
pour excuser l'insolence du matin, protestant que tout le desordre
estoit venu non de soy, ains des Armouchiquois; que mesmes ils nous
avoyent desrobé une hasche et une gamelle (c'est une grande escuelle de
bois), lequel meuble il nous renvoyoit; que ce larcin lui avoit tant
despleu qu'aussitost aprés l'avoir descouvert, il avoit congedié les
Armouchiquois; que pour luy, il avoit bon cœur, et sçavoit bien que
[70] nous ne tuions ni ne battions point les Sauvages de par deçà, ains
les recevions à nostre table, leur faisions souvent tabagie, et leur
apportions plusieurs bonnes choses de France, pour lesquelles vertus
ils nous aymoient. Ces gens, croy-je, sont les plus grands harangueurs
de toute la terre; ils ne font rien sans cela.
God willed that Meteourmite and some other captains should
apprehend the danger, and so cause their people to withdraw. When
evening came and all had retired, Meteourmite sent some of his men
to excuse the misconduct of the morning, protesting that all the
disorder had originated not with him, but with the Armouchiquois;
that they had even stolen a hatchet and a platter (a great wooden
dish), which articles he herewith returned; that this theft had
so displeased him that immediately after discovering it he had
sent the Armouchiquois away from him; that, for his part, he was
friendly towards us and knew very well that [70] we neither killed
nor beat the Savages of those parts, but received them at our table
and often made tabagie for them, and brought them a great many
nice things from France, for which courtesies they loved us. These
people are, I believe, the greatest speech-makers in the world;
nothing can be done without speeches.
Mais, d'autant que j'ay faict icy mention des Anglois, quelqu'un peut
estre desirera de sçavoir leur adventure, laquelle nous apprismes en
ce lieu. Il est doncques ainsy, que l'an 1608 les Anglois commencerent
à s'habituer en l'une des embouschures de ce fleuve Kinibéqui, ainsy
que nous avons dict cy devant. Ils avoyent lors un conducteur fort
honneste homme, et se comportoit fort bien avec les naturels du
païs. On dit neantmoins que les Armouchiquois se craignirent de tels
voysins, et à cette cause firent mourir ce capitaine que j'ay dit.
Ces gens ont ce mestier en usage, de tuer par magie. Or la seconde
année 1609 les Anglois, soubs un autre capitaine, changerent de façon.
Ils repoussoient les Sauvages sans aucun honneur; ils les battoyent,
excedoyent et mastinoyent sans beaucoup de retenue: partant ces pauvres
malmenés, impatiens du present, et augurants encores pis l'advenir,
prindrent resolution, comme l'on dict, de tuer le louveteau avant
qu'il eust des dents et griffes plus fortes. La commodité leur en fust
un jour, que [71] trois chaloupes s'en estoyent allées à l'escart en
pescherie. Mes conjurez les suyvoient à la piste, et s'approchans
avec beau semblant d'amitié (car ainsy font ils le plus de caresses
où plus y a de trahison), ils entrent dedans, et au signal donné,
chacun choysit son homme et le tua à coups de cousteau. Ainsy furent
despeschez onze Angloys. Les autres intimidés abandonnerent leur
entreprise cette mesme année, et ne l'ont point poursuyvie depuis, se
contentans de venir l'esté en pescherie en cette isle d'Emetenic, que
nous avons dit estre à 8 lieuës de leur fort encommencé.
But as I have spoken here of the English, some one perhaps will
wish to hear about their adventure, which was related to us in
this place. So here it is: In 1608 the English began to settle at
one of the mouths of this Kinibéqui river, as we have said before.
They had then as leader a very honest man, who got along remarkably
well with the natives of the country. They say, however, that the
Armouchiquois were afraid of such neighbors, and so put the captain
to death, as I have said. These people make a practice of killing
by magic. But the second year, 1609, the English, under another
captain, changed their tactics. They drove the Savages away without
ceremony; they beat, maltreated and misused them outrageously and
without restraint; consequently these poor, abused people, anxious
about the present, and dreading still greater evils in the future,
determined, as the saying is, to kill the whelp ere its teeth
and claws became stronger.[5] The opportunity came one day when
[71] three boat-loads of them went away off to the fisheries. My
conspirators followed in their boat, and approaching with a great
show of friendliness (for they always make the greatest show of
affection when they are the most treacherous), they go among them,
and at a given signal each one seizes his man and stabs him to
death. Thus were eleven Englishmen dispatched. The others were
intimidated and abandoned their enterprise the same year; they
have not resumed it since, being satisfied to come in the summer
to fish, at this island of Emetenic, which we have said was eight
leagues from the fort they had begun building.
A cette cause doncques, l'excès commis en la personne du capitaine
Platrier par lesdicts Angloys ayant esté perpetré en cette isle
d'Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt se delibera de l'aller recognoistre,
et y laisser quelque monument de revindication. Ce qu'il fit dressant
sur le havre une fort belle croix, avec les armes de France. Aucuns de
ses gens luy conseilloyent qu'il bruslast les chaloupes qu'il y trouva;
mais, comme il est doux et humain, il ne le voulut point, voyant que
c'estoyent vaisseaux non de soldats, ains de pescheurs.
So, for this reason, the outrage to which captain Platrier was
subjected by these English having been committed upon this island
of Emetenic, Monsieur de Biancourt decided to go and reconnoitre
it, and to leave there some memento in assertion of his rights.
This he did, erecting at the harbor a beautiful cross bearing the
arms of France. Some of his crew advised him to burn the boats
which he found there; but as he is kind and humane he would not do
it, seeing they were fishermen's boats and not men-of-war.
De là, d'autant que la saison nous pressoit, estant jà le 6 novembre,
nous tournasmes nos voiles pour retourner à Port-Royal, passant à
Pentegoët, ainsy que nous avons promis aux Sauvages.
Thence, as the season was advancing, it being already the 6th of
November, we turned our ships towards Port Royal, stopping at
Pentegoët, as we had promised the Savages.
[72] Pentegoët est une fort belle riviere, et peut estre comparée à la
Garonne de France. Elle se descharge dans le Golfe françois (baie de
Fundy) et a plusieurs isles et roches à l'endroit de son embouschure;
de maniere que si on ne monte fort avant, on estime que ce soit
quelque grand sein ou baye de mer, là où on commence manifestement à
recognoistre le lict et cours de riviere. Elle a son large d'environ 3
lieuës à 44 et demy degré de l'Equateur. On ne peut deviner quelle est
la Norembegue des anciens, si ce n'est celle cy: car autrement et les
autres et moy, nous enquestans de ce mot et lieu, n'en avons jamays peu
rien apprendre.
[72] The Pentegoët is a very beautiful river, and may be compared
to the Garonne in France. It flows into french Bay [the bay of
Fundy] and has many islands and rocks at its mouth; so that if you
do not go some distance up, you will take it for a great bay or arm
of the sea, until you begin to see plainly the bed and course of
a river. It is about three leagues wide and is forty-four and one
half degrees from the Equator. We cannot imagine what the Norembega
of our forefathers was, if it were not this river; for elsewhere
both the others and I myself have made inquiries about this place,
and have never been able to learn anything concerning it.
Nous doncques, ayans advancé dans le courant de cette riviere trois
lieuës ou plus, rencontrasmes un autre beau fleuve appellé Chiboctous,
qui du nord-est vient se jeter dans ce grand Pentegoët.
When we had advanced three leagues or more into the current of the
river we encountered another beautiful river called Chiboctous,
which comes from the northeast to discharge its waters into the
great Pentegoët.
Sur le confluant des deux rivieres, y avoit la plus belle assemblée des
Sauvages que j'aye point encore veue. Ils estoyent 80 canots et une
chaloupe, 18 cabanes et bien environ 300 ames. Le plus apparent Sagamo
s'appelloit Betsabés, homme discret et fort moderé; et, sans mentir, on
recognoist souvent en ces Sauvages des vertus naturelles et politiques
qui font rougir quiconque n'est eshonté, lorsqu'en comparaison ils
regardent une bonne partie des Françoys qui viennent en ces quartiers.
At the confluence of these two rivers there was the finest
assemblage of Savages that I have yet seen. There were 80 canoes
and a boat, 18 wigwams and about 300 people[6]. The most prominent
Sagamore was called Betsabés, a man of great discretion and
prudence; and I confess we often see in these Savages natural and
graceful qualities which will make anyone but a shameless person
blush, when they compare them to the greater part of the French who
come over here.
[73] Aprés qu'ils nous eurent recogneus, ils demenerent grande joye le
soir à leur accoustumée, par danses, chansons et harangues. Et nous,
bien ayses d'estre en païs d'asseurance; car entre les Etechemins, tels
que sont ceux cy, et les Souriquois, tels que sont ceux de Port-Royal,
nous ne nous tenons sur nos gardes non plus qu'entre nos propres
domestiques, et Dieu mercy nous ne nous en sommes pas encores mal
trouvez.
[73] When they had recognized us they showed their great joy
during the evening by their usual demonstrations; dancing, singing
and making speeches. And as for us, we were very glad to be in a
country of safety; for among the Etechemins, as these are, and the
Souriquois, as are those of Port Royal, we are no more obliged to
be on our guard than among our own servants, and, thank God, we
have never yet been deceived in them.
Le jour suyvant, j'allay visiter les Sauvages, et y fis à mon
accoustumé, ainsy qu j'ay dict de Kinibéqui. Cela y fut de plus, qu'eux
m'ayans dict y avoir quelques malades, je les allay visiter, et comme
prestre, ainsy qu'est porté dans le Rituaire, recitay sur eux les
sainct Evangile et Oraisons, donnant à un chacun une croix pour se la
pendre au col.
The next day I went to visit the Savages, and followed my usual
custom, which I have described in speaking of Kinibéqui. But there
was more to be done here, as they told me they had some sick; I
went to visit them; and as priest, it being thus ordained in the
Ritual, I recited over them the holy Gospel and Orisons, giving to
each one a cross to wear around the neck.
Entre les autres j'en trouvay un à leur mode estendu auprés du feu, les
yeux et visage fort estonnés, suant à grosse goutte de la seule teste,
qui à peine pouvoit parler, en un grand acces. Il me dirent qu'il
estoit malade dés quatre mois, et que comme il apparoissoit, il ne la
feroit pas longue. Or ne sçay-je quelle estoit sa maladie; si elle
venoit seulement par intervalles, ou non, je n'en sçay rien: tant y a
que le 2. jour d'aprés, je le vis dans nostre barque sain et gaillard,
ayant sa croix pendue au col, et me fit recognoissance d'un fort bon
visage, [74] me prenant par la main. Je n'eus moyen de luy parler,
d'autant que lors on faisoit la troque, et à cette cause le tillac
estoit tout remply des gens, et tous les truchemens empeschez. De vray
je fus fort ayse que la bonté de Dieu commençoit à faire sentir à ces
pauvres et abandonnées nations n'y avoir que tout bien et que toute
prosperité au signe de la saincte et salutaire Croix.
Among others I found one stretched out, after their fashion, before
the fire, wonder expressed in his eyes and face, great drops
standing out upon his forehead, scarcely able to speak, so severe
was the attack. They told me that he had been sick for four months
and, as it appeared, he could not last long. Now I do not know what
his malady was; whether it only came intermittently or not I do not
know; at all events, the second day after that I saw him in our
barque, well and happy, with his cross around his neck. He showed
his gratitude to me by a cheerful smile [74] and by taking my hand.
I had no means of speaking to him, as the trading was then going
on, and for this reason the deck was full of people and all the
interpreters were busy. Truly I was very glad that the goodness of
God was beginning to make these poor and abandoned people feel that
in the sign of the holy and salutary Cross there was every good and
every blessing.
Enfin, pour ne redire souvent le mesme, et en cet endroit et en tous
les autres où nous avons pû converser avec ces pauvres gentils, nous
avons tasché de leur imprimer quelques premieres conceptions de la
grandeur et verité du Christianisme, autant que les moyens s'en
addonnoyent. Et pour le sommaire en un bloc, celuy a esté le fruict
du voyage: nous avons commencé de cognoistre et estre cogneus; nous
avons prins possession au nom de l'Eglise de Dieu de ces regions icy, y
asseants le throsne royal de nostre Sauveur et Monarque Iesus Christ,
son sainct autel; les Sauvages nous ont veu prier, celebrer, prescher
par nos discours, les images et croix, la façon de vivre et choses
semblables, (ils) ont receu les premieres apprehensions et semences de
nostre saincte foy, lesquelles s'esclorront et germeront abondamment,
s'il plaist à Dieu, quelque jour, y survenant un plus long est meilleur
cultivage.
Finally, not to continue repeating the same story, both in this
place and in all others, where we have been able to talk with these
poor gentiles, we have attempted to impress upon them some of the
simplest conceptions of the grandeur and truth of Christianity, in
so far as our means would permit. And to sum it up in a word, this
has been the result of our journey. We have begun to know and to
be known, we have taken possession of these regions in the name of
the Church of God, establishing here the royal throne of our Savior
and King, Jesus Christ, his holy altar; the Savages have seen us
pray, celebrate the mass, and preach; through our conversations,
pictures, and crosses, our way of living, and other similar things,
they have received the first faint ideas and germs of our holy
faith, which will some day take root and grow abundantly, please
God, if it is followed by a longer and better cultivation.
[75] De vray aussi, tel est quasi le principal fruict que nous faisions
pour encores icy mesmes à Port-Royal, jusques à ce que nous ayons apris
le langage. Cependant cela nous console de veoir ces petits Sauvageois,
encores que non chrestiens, porter neantmoins volontiers, quand ils se
trouvent icy, les cierges, les clochettes, l'eau benite et autre chose,
marchans en bel ordre aux processions et enterremens que l'on faict.
Ainsy s'accoustument-ils à estre chrestiens, pour en son temps le bien
estre.
[75] And indeed such is about all we are accomplishing, even here
at Port Royal, until we have learned the language. However, it
comforts us to see these little Savages, though not yet christians,
yet willingly, when they are here, carrying the candles, bells,
holy water and other things, marching in good order in the
processions and funerals which occur here. Thus they become
accustomed to act as christians, to become so in reality in his
time.
Il ne seroit besoin sinon que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre
Seigneur, et n'empeschassions pas tant de graces d'iceluy sur nous
et autruy, par tant de péchés et indignité. Quant à moy certes, j'ay
grande occasion d'en battre bien rudement ma poictrine, et tous ceux
qui ont le zele de charité en debvroyent bien estre touchés au cœur.
Nostre Seigneur, par sa saincte misericorde et par les prieres de sa
glorieuse mere et de toute son Eglise celeste et militante, en veuille
estre fleschy à compassion!
No need is felt except that we ought to be better workers for Our
Lord, and ought not to divert from ourselves and others so many of
his blessings by our many sins and great unworthiness. As for me,
truly I have good reason to severely reproach myself; and all those
who are imbued with earnest charity ought to be deeply touched in
their hearts. May Our Lord, by his sacred mercy, and by the prayers
of his glorious mother and of all his Church; both heavenly and
militant, be moved to compassion!
Particulierement je supplie Vostre Reverence et tous nos RR. PP. et
FF. de vouloir se ressouvenir, en vos meilleures devotions, et de
nous, et de ces pauvres ames, esclaves miserablement soubs la tyrannie
de Satan. Qu'il plaise à ce bening Sauveur [76] du monde, la grace
duquel personne ne previent et de qui les liberalités sont tousjours
par dessus nos merites, qui luy plaise, dy-je, regarder enfin d'un œil
pitoyable ces pauvres nations, et les retirer tost dans sa famille, en
l'heureuse franchise des fortunés enfans de Dieu. Ainsy soit-il.
Particularly I beg Your Reverence and all our Reverend Fathers and
Brothers to be pleased to remember in your most earnest devotions
both us and these poor souls, miserable slaves under the tyranny of
Satan. May it please this benign Savior [76] of the world, whose
grace is denied to no one, and whose bounty is ever beyond our
merits, may it please him, I say, to look down with a pitying eye
upon these poor tribes, and to gather them soon into his family, in
the happy freedom of the favored children of God. Amen!
De Port-Royal, ce dernier de Ianvier 1612.
Cependant que j'escrivois ces lettres, le navire qu'on a envoyé pour
nostre secours, est Dieu mercy arrivé sain et sauf, et dans iceluy
nostre Frere Gilbert du Thet. Celuy pourra sçavoir l'aise qu'en avons
receu et recevons, qui aura cogneu les dangers et necessités où nous
estions. Dieu soit beny. Amen.
De V. R. filz et serviteur
bien humble en Nostre Seigneur.
PIERRE BIARD.
NOTES:
[I.] Vieux mot employé pour signifier exténué de travaux.
From Port Royal, this last day of January, 1612.
While I was writing these letters, the ship which was sent to our
assistance has, thank God, arrived safe and sound, and in it our
Brother Gilbert du Thet. He, who knows the dangers and necessities
we were in, will appreciate the joy we felt and that we feel at its
arrival. God be praised. Amen.
Of Your Reverence, the son and very
humble servant in Our Lord.
PIERRE BIARD.
FOOTNOTES:
[II.] An old word used to signify weakened by hard
labor.--[Carayon.]
[Illustration: CARTE GEOGRAPHIQVE DE LA NOVVELLE FRANSE FAICTTE PAR LE
SIEVR DE CHAMPLAIN SAINT TONGOIS CAPPITAINE ORDINAIRE POVR LE ROY EN LA
MARINE.
REDUCED FACSIMILE OF GENERAL MAP, DRAWN BY CHAMPLAIN IN 1612, FROM _Les
Voyages du Sieur de Champlain_ (PARIS, 1613).]
X
BIARD'S EPISTOLA
ex Portu-regali in Acadia
Januarii 31, [1612]
DILLINGEN: MEYER'S PRESS, n. d.
SOURCE: Reprinted from O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 1.
_Missio Canadensis_
EPISTOLA
ex
Portu-regali in ACADIA
transmissa
Ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis IESV
A. R. PETRO BIARDO ejvsdem Societatis
[Illustration]
_Secundvm exemplar emissum in_ ANNUIS LITTERIS _Anni_ CIↃ. IↃC. XI
DILINGÆ.
Ex Typographéo Mayeriana, apud Melchiorem Algeyer.
_Canadian Mission_
LETTER
from
Port Royal in ACADIA
sent
To the General of the Society of JESUS by Reverend PIERRE BIARD of the
same Society
_According to the copy published in the_ ANNUÆ LITTERÆ _of the year
1611_
DILLINGEN.
From Meyer's Press, at Melchior Algeyer's.
[iii] Lectori.
_POSTQUAM Patres Societatis_ Jesu _malevolentiam inimicorum suorum
vicerant et in_ Galliam _reversierant, vocari videbantur aliò ad
labores suos fructuosè collocandos._
[iii] To the Reader.
_AFTER the Fathers of the Society of_ Jesus _had overcome the
ill-will of their enemies and again been admitted into_ France,[7]
_they felt themselves called to other fields for the fruitful
employment of their labors._
_Multa erat in_ Novâ Franciâ _messis, ubi incolæ pene belluarum more
sine Numinis cognitione vivebant._
_A rich harvest was offered in_ New France, _where the natives
lived almost like animals, without any knowledge of God._
_Illûc igitur missi fuerunt duo Societatis sacerdotes, Patres scilicet_
Petrus Biardus _et_ Enemundus Massæus, _qui in_ Acadiam _pervenerunt
22 Maii, Anno Salutis 1611. Septem per menses ibi commoratus_, [iv] P.
Biardus _hanc epistolam, Superiori suo transmisit._
_To that country, accordingly, were sent two priests of the
Society, Fathers_ Pierre Biard _and_ Enemond Massé, _who reached_
Acadia _on the 22nd of May, 1611. After remaining there seven
months_, [iv] Father Biard _sent this epistle to his Superior._
_Quatuor velluti in capita hæc litera divisa est, & narrat:_
1º. _Quid sit_ Nova Francia, _qualis regio, qui in eâ populi, quique
mores._
2º. _Quo modo, quibusve auxiliis aut successu, Societas missionem illá
in regione consecuta sit._
3º. _Quonam in statu rem Christianam his in locis offenderit Societas._
4º. _Quid a missionariis hactenus effectum seu potius attentatum sit._
_The letter is divided, as it were, under four heads, and relates:_
_1st. What New France is, the nature of the country, what tribes
inhabit it, and their customs._
_2nd. In what manner, with what help and with what success the
Society secured a mission in that country._
_3rd. In what condition the Society found the Christian religion in
this region._
_4th. What has been done by the missionaries thus far, or rather
what has been attempted._
_Licet epistola sub finem habeat:_ ultimo die Januarii CIↃ. IↃC. XI.
_ia quidem aut error in anno est, aut P._ Biardus _secundum stylum
veterem scripsit, nam debit esse annus_, CIↃ. IↃC. XII.
_Although, the end of the letter reads: the last day of_ January,
1611,--_either there is an error in the year, or Father Biard wrote
according to the old style, for the year ought to be 1612.[8]_
[5] Missio Canadensis.
REVERENDE IN CHRISTO PATER,
Pax Christi.
VOCAT NOS huius anni CIↃ.IↃC.XI. instans iam atqʒ vrgens exitus ad
recognoscendum coram Paternitate vestra principium, quo primùm Societas
in has nouæ Franciæ regiones delata est: multorum quoque beneficiorum
cumulus, quo nos diuina largitas in his & auspicādis, & sospitādis
initijs prosecuta est, hoc exigit, vt in hoc tanquam temporum anníque
portu actionum nostrarū, & tanquam velificationis seriem relegētes,
Chariss: Patres Fratrésqʒ nostros inuitemus, & ad gaudium pro ijs,
quæ feliciter [6] in nobis diuina manus operata est, & scilicet ad
gemitum pariter & orationem pro ijs, quæ in animorum salute procuranda,
segniter ipsi nequitérque multa deliquimus. Quod enim diutius antè
Societas multísqʒ conatibus intenderat, vt aliquam suis laboribus
posset huic quoq; siluaticæ genti opem & lucem Euangelio inferendo
affere, id hoc ipsa demum anno videtur, vt in tenui exiguóque principio
satis feliciter, próque desiderio esse assecuta.
[5] Canadian Mission.
REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST,
The peace of Christ be with you.
The end of this year 1611, which is already so rapidly drawing
near, invites me to write to your Reverence in acknowledgment of
its beginning, in which our Society first penetrated into this
territory of new France. The profusion of blessings and favors
which the divine bounty has bestowed upon us while undertaking and
sustaining this infant enterprise, requires that in this haven, as
it were, of time and of the year we should, reviewing the course
of our actions and the occurrences of our voyage, invite our dear
Fathers and Brothers to share both in our rejoicing for those
things which the hand of God has happily [6] effected through us,
and, too, in our mourning and our prayers for our delinquencies and
inefficiency in seeking the salvation of souls. The object sought
by the Society for a long time previously and with many efforts,
that it might in some degree impart help and light to this savage
people also by its labors in bringing the Gospel among them, it
seems at last to have attained in this year, with a small and
slight beginning indeed, yet auspiciously and in accordance with
its hopes.
Atque hoc scilicet mihi iam narrandum est, exponendúmqʒ vestræ
Paternitati, quæ & quanta sit hæc messis animorum, quidvé à magno
Patrefamilias datum nobis hactenus, quid etiam porrò dandum speretur.
Sed vt commodissimè tota mihi narratio decurrat, neq; decurrentem,
vt fit, multa effugiant, in quatuor videtur velut capita rei totius
expositio esse diuidenda. Exponā ergo primùm, quæ sit hæc noua
Francia, quæ regio, qui populi morésque: tum deinde quomodo, quibusvé
tandē auxilijs, aut successu Societas missionem in has regiones [7]
obtinuerit. Tertiò quonam in statu rem Christianam in his terris
offenderimus. Postremò quid à nobis effectum hactenus, seu potiùs
quid attentatum sit ad diuinam gloriam. Hæc mihi videtur esse posse
commodissima & sufficiens narrandorum omnium expositio.
This also I must narrate and explain to your Reverence, of what
nature and how numerous is this harvest of souls, and what has
hitherto been given to us by our Heavenly Father, and what further
gifts we may hope for in the future. But to facilitate my whole
narration, and to obviate the possible omission of many details in
its course, I think it best to divide the whole matter under four
heads. I shall therefore first describe new France, the country,
the natives, and their customs; next, in what manner, and with what
help, and with what result, our Society secured a mission to this
country; [7] thirdly, in what condition we found the Christian
religion in this region; and, finally, what has been accomplished
by us thus far, or rather what has been attempted for the glory of
God. This appears to me a very convenient and sufficient summary of
all I am to tell.
Atque vt à capite ordiar explicémque primùm, quænam sit hæc Noua
Francia, quod solum, quivé ritus gentis, credo non solùm Paternitati
vestræ iucundum, sed nobis quoqʒ necessarium, regionem vniuersam
accuratiùs describere. Nam cùm hic nobis ad laborandum campus
assignatus, certum est, non posse nos à vestra paternitate dirigi
pro occursuum varietate, nisi ea fines, adfractus viarum, viciniorum
locorum distantiam, statum gentis & rerum, noverit.
And, in order that I may begin at the beginning and explain first
what sort of a land New France is, the nature of the country and
the customs of the natives, I think it will be not only a pleasure
for your Reverence, but also a necessity for ourselves that the
whole territory be rather accurately described. For, since this
is the field assigned to us for our labors, it is certain that
your reverence cannot direct us in accordance with our varied
needs without a knowledge of the extent of the country, of the
impediments to travel, of the distance of neighboring settlements,
and of the condition of people and things.
Præterea tot video à Geographis antiquis errores tenebrásque in hanc
cognitionem induci, vt nisi à nobis succurratur rerum non auditoribus
sed spectatoribus, non possit non in nostris itineribus & vestigijs
persequendis haud minùs à veritate, quàm à corpore cogitatio
peregrinari. [8] Norumbegam illi nobis nescio quam, vrbésque & castella
nominant, quorum hodie ne vmbra quidem aut ipsa vox extant.
Besides, I find this matter involved in so much error and darkness
by the older Geographers, that unless we, who know these things
not from hearsay only, but are eyewitnesses thereof, come to the
rescue, it is impossible that the mind, in tracing our footsteps
and our journeys, should not wander as far away from the truth as
it has to do from the body. [8] They speak of a certain Norumbega
and give the names of cities and strongholds of which to-day no
trace or even report remains.
Verùm quod polliciti sumus exequamur. Noua Francia, vti nunc Galli
vsurpant, regio illa est trans Oceanum Gallicum, quæ à quadragesimo
primo gradu vsque ad quinquagesimum secundum latitudinis, aut etiam
quinquagesimum tertium procurrit.
However, let me fulfill my promise. New France, as the French now
call it, is that territory across the French Ocean which extends
from the forty-first to the fifty-second, or even fifty-third
degree of latitude.
Scio ab alijs multò latiùs fines regionis porrigi, ab alijs coarctari
angustiùs, sed ego hîc non disputo: id solùm expono, quod nunc vti dixi
communiùs vsurpatur, vel quod hoc terrarum Gallorum nauigationibus ab
aliquot iam annis maximè frequentatum & vindicatum est, vel quod illud
idem ferè antiquæ Franciæ parallelū æqualiter eam ab occidente respicit.
I know that some extend the boundaries of this region much farther,
while others restrict them more narrowly, but I am not arguing this
point; I merely explain what is, as I have said, the prevailing
interpretation of them, either because this part of the country has
been for many years past particularly explored and claimed by the
French, or because the parallels bounding this western region are
almost the same as those of old France.
Hæc igitur Noua Francia oram habet sanè multifariam, sinubus marinis
fluminibùsque exesam, an fractuosam & recurrentem. Sinus duo sunt
maiores, [9] vastíque; alter is, qui S. Laurentij gurges; alter, qui
Francius appellatur.
New France has an exceedingly varied sea-coast, indented by bays
and rivers, broken and irregular. There are two principal bays [9]
of vast size, one called the gulf of St. Lawrence, the other French
bay.
Námque à quadragesimo septimo gradu, vsque ad quinquagesimum primum,
tellus velut gremium aperit; siue ad accipiendum introrsus Oceanum,
siue ad exonerandum magnum flumen Canadan. Atque hic gurges S.
Laurentij dicitur, cuius in introitu ingens illa adiacet insula,
quam terras nouas Galli, Barbari Praesentis appellant moluarum
piscatu celeberrima; oram sinûs fluminísque tenent Aquilonem versùs
Excomminqui, siue, vt vulgus indigetat, Excōmunicati. Fera gens est,
& vt dicitur Anthropophaga, quanquam & hi olim satis diu pacificè cum
Gallis agitârunt, nunc irreconciliabiles cum his inimicitias exercent.
Sequuntur interiùs, occidentem versùs Algonquini, pòst Montagnesij,
intimi sunt ad capita ipsius magni fluminis Canadæ, Irocosij, qui etiam
latè Austrum versus protenduntur.
Indeed, from the forty-seventh degree as far as to the fifty-first,
the land opens its bosom, as it were, to receive the Ocean into
it, or to facilitate the outflow of the great Canadian river. This
gulf is known as the gulf of St. Lawrence, in the mouth of which
lies that enormous island which the French call newfoundland, the
Savages Præsentis [Plaisance];[9] it is famous for its cod-fishery;
the shores of the gulf and the rivers are occupied toward the
North by the Excomminqui, or, as they are commonly called, the
Excommunicated.[10] This tribe is very savage, and, it is said, is
addicted to Cannibalism; although once in very peaceful relations
with the French for a considerable length of time, it is now on a
footing of irreconcilable enmity. There follow, in the interior,
toward the west, the Algonquins; then the Montagnais; those
dwelling at the head-waters of this same great Canadian river are
the Irocois, whose territory also extends far to the South.
Atque hi ferè Irocosij noti sunt Gallis duntaxat ob perpetua bella,
quæ cum Montagnesijs, & Algonquinis fœderatis [10] & amicis populis
geruntur. Iam verò Austrum versùs terra ab hoc S. Laurentij sinu
paulatim vsque ad quadragesimum tertium gradum excurrit, vbi rursus
altero sinu maximo inciditur, quem Francicum appellant. Hic gurges
terras vastè exedens, seséque Aquilonem versùs & S. Laurentij sinum
incuruans, velut Isthmum efficit; Isthmúmque adiuuat S. Ioannis
longissimum flumē, quod orsum ab ipsa propemodum ora magni Canadæ in
hūc sese Francicum gurgitem exonerat. Continet hic Isthmus leucas
admodū quingentas circuitu suo, eúmque occupant Soriqui populi. In hoc
Isthmo portus regalis est, vbi nunc degimus, ad gradum latitudinis
quadragesimum quartum cum besse. Sed habet portus ostium suum (ne
quis fallatur) non in Oceanum ad orientem obuersum, sed in sinum
eum, quem dixi Francicum: ad Occidentem & septentrionem à fluuio
Sancti Ioannis vsque ad fluuium Potugoët, atque adeò vsque ad flumen
Rimbegui habitant Etheminquenses. Habet Rimbegui ostia sua sub gradu
quadragesimo [11] tertio cum besse. Nec procul est Chouacoët, quod
alterum est latus siue brachium terræ, quod sinum Frācicum excipit.
Námque ad orientem est illud, quod promontorium sabulosum nominamus:
ad Occidentem Chouacoët; vtrumque ad quadragesimum tertium eleuationis
gradum, cùm tamen inter hoc atque illud centum leucarum intercapedo
sit: à fluuio Rimbegui[IV.] vsque ad quadragesimum gradum latè
possident, qui Armouchiqui appellantur. Atque hæc ferè partitio est
regionis: itáque si numeres, populi erunt septem, linguâ inter se ac
studijs discrepantes; Excommunicati, Algonquini, Montagnesij, Irocosij,
Soriqui, Etheminquenses, & Armouchiqui. Sed ex ijs nec Excommunicati,
nec Irocosij, nec Armouchiqui multum Gallis noti sunt. Reliqui quatuor
in firmam iam videntur cum ijs amicitiam & cōsuetudinem coaluisse.
Pernoctant ipsi nobiscum, nos cum ipsis vagamur, venamur, viuimus
sine armis, sine metu; & quod adhuc apparuerit, sine periculo. Caussa
frequentandi piscatio fuit Moluarum, [12] quibus hoc mare abundat,
& pellium permutatio. Nam cùm ære, ferro, cānabe, lanâ, frugibus,
atqʒ omni ferè artificio Barbari careant, hæc à Gallis accipiunt.
Ipsi contrà, qui vnicus thesaurus est, pelles retribuunt. Est autem
regio tota magnam partem perfrigida. Caussæ sunt plures; vna quòd
valde aquosa est; nam præterquam quòd vndique ferè mari alluitur,
fluminibus præterea & stagnis lacubúsque maximis abundat. Insulæ ita
frequentes sunt, vt ora tota ijs intercisa, & tanquam baccata sit.
Hinc sequitur nimirum, vt pruinosa sit, & tamē ventosa, sed flatu non
nisi ferè algido. Altera est caussa frigoris, quòd inculta sit; nam
cùm latè omnia silua vna contineat, nihil mirum est, si vix vnquam
possit humus calefieri. Adde his, si placet, caussam tertiam, montes
videlicet niuosos ac perpetuò rigentes, quibus dicimur ab Occidente ac
Septentrione procul obuallari.
These Irocois are known to the French chiefly for the perpetual
warfare which they maintain against the Montagnais and Algonquins,
allied [10] and friendly tribes. To the South, however, the coast
gradually advances up to the forty-third degree, where once more it
is interrupted by a very large bay called French bay. This gulf,
advancing far into the interior, and bending toward the North and
the gulf of St. Lawrence, forms a sort of Isthmus; and this Isthmus
is completed by the St. John, a very long river which, taking its
rise almost at the very banks of the great Canadian river, empties
into this French bay. This Isthmus has a circuit of fully five
hundred leagues and is occupied by the Soriquois tribe. In this
Isthmus is port royal, where we are now sojourning, lying on the
parallel of 44° 40'. But this port (to obviate misunderstanding)
is not on the Ocean lying eastward, but on that gulf which I have
called French bay. To the West and north, from the river of St.
John to the river Potugoët,[3] and even to the river Rimbegui,[2]
live the Etheminqui. The mouth of this river is in latitude 43°
40'. [11] Not far distant is Chouacoët,[11] which is the other
shore or arm embracing French Bay. For to the east lies what we
call cape sable, while Chouacoët lies toward the West; both are on
the forty-third parallel, though they are separated by an interval
of a hundred leagues. From the Rimbegui[III.] river to the fortieth
parallel the whole country is in the possession of the tribe called
the Armouchiquois. Such is the distribution of the territory.
The tribes amount to seven in number, differing from each other
in language and character: the Excommunicated, the Algonquins,
the Montagnais, the Irocois, the Soriquois, the Etheminqui and
the Armouchiquois. But of these neither the Excommunicated, nor
the Irocois, nor the Armouchiquois are well known to the French.
The remaining four tribes appear already to be united in firm
friendship and intimacy with them. They stay over night among us;
we rove about with them, and hunt with them and live among them
without arms and without fear; and, as has thus far appeared,
without danger. This intimacy arose partly from association while
fishing for Cod, [12] which abound in these waters, and partly
from trading in furs. For the Savages, who have neither copper,
iron, hemp, wool, vegetables nor manufactured articles of any kind,
resort to the French for them, giving in return the only thing of
value they have, namely, furs. This whole region is for the most
part very cold, owing to various causes. In the first place, the
country is a very wet one; for, besides being washed on almost
every side by the sea, it abounds in rivers and ponds and large
lakes. Islands are so numerous that the whole shore is cut up by a
confused procession of them, as it were. Moreover, though a land
of frost, it is very windy, the wind being nearly always a cold
one. Another cause of cold is the wildness of the country; for,
being covered on every side by one continuous forest, it naturally
follows that the soil hardly ever becomes really warmed through.
A third cause is the mountains, covered with snow and perpetual
frost, which are said to wall us in far away to the North and the
West.
Certè quidem ab ea parte non nisi gelu perflamur & niuibus. Alioqui
sanè facies regionis est peramœna, pluribus [13] locis hospitem
inuitans ac bene pollicens; & quod apparuit, si colatur, non infœcunda.
Indigenæ rari sunt. Etheminquenses mille capita numerare non possent,
nec multò plus Algonquini simul & Montanenses iuncti: Soriqui duo
millia non conficerent: Itaque summùm quatuor capitum millibus tam
vasti terrarum & littorum tractus non tenentur, sed percurruntur. Gens
enim est vaga, siluestris, & sparsa, vt quæ venatu solo & piscatu
viuat. Imberbes feré, & quidem statura cōmuni, vel paulò breuiore ac
graciliore quàm nostri, at non degener tamen aut indecora; color non
multùm fuscus, faciem vulgò pingunt, & in luctu atrant. Iuris amantes,
ac vim latrociniùmque perosi. Quod sanè mirum est in hominibus, qui
lege ac magistratu carent. Sui enim quisque dominus est ac vindex.
Sagamos quidem habēt, hoc est bellorum ductores, sed quorum omnino
precarium sit imperium, si tamen imperium appellandum est, vbi nulla
est necessitas parendi. Sequuntur vel exemplo, vel vsu, vel affinitatis
[14] aut generis conciliatione inducti, nonnunquam etiam certè cuiusdam
potentiæ auctoritate: bella populatim gerunt, ob illatas priuatis
iniurias. Genus totum vindictæ auidum; & vt barbarum, in victoriâ
insolens, captiuorum capita tanquam opima spolia & torques magno gaudio
circumferunt.
We certainly get nothing from that quarter but piercing winds and
snow-storms. Elsewhere, however, the appearance of the country is
very pleasing, and in many [13] places inviting to the settler and
quite promising; and, as experience has shown, it is not unfruitful
if cultivated. The natives are not numerous. The Etheminqui number
less than a thousand, the Algonquins and the Montagnais together
would not amount to much more, the Soriquois would not amount to
two thousand. Thus four thousand Indians at most roam through,
rather than occupy, these vast stretches of inland territory and
sea-shore. For they are a nomadic people, living in the forests
and scattered over wide spaces, as is natural for those who live
by hunting and fishing only. They are nearly all beardless and of
average stature, or even a little shorter and more slender than
we, but not degraded nor ill-favored in appearance; their color is
not very swarthy; they commonly paint their faces, and, when in
mourning, blacken them. They love justice and hate violence and
robbery, a thing really remarkable in men who have neither laws nor
magistrates; for, among them, each man is his own master and his
own protector. They have Sagamores, that is, leaders in war; but
their authority is most precarious, if, indeed, that may be called
authority to which obedience is in no wise obligatory. The Indians
follow them through the persuasion of example or of custom, [14] or
of ties of kindred and alliance; sometimes even through a certain
authority of power, no doubt. They wage war as a tribe on account
of wrongs done to a private individual. The whole race is very
revengeful and, after the fashion of savages, insolent in victory,
carrying about the heads of their captives as trophies and spoils
of victory.
Et quidem dicuntur humanis carnibus non abstinuisse, ídque etiamnum
perhibentur & Excommunicati & Armonchiqui facere: verum ab ijs, quorum
est cum Gallis consuetudo, tantum scelus procul abest.
They are even said to have been addicted to the eating of human
flesh, and the Excommunicated and Armouchiquois tribes are said to
have the same practice even now. Those, however, who are intimate
with the French are far from being guilty of so great a crime.
Religio tota certis incantationibus, choreis, & veneficijs constat;
nimirum vt aut necessaria vitæ conquirant, aut inimicos amoliantur;
suos habent Autmoinos, hoc est veneficos, qui malū Dæmonem consulant
de vita & morte, futurorúmque euentis; & quidem sese illis mala
bellua præsentem sæpe sistit, vt ipsi asserunt, vindictam annuit,
renuítque, mortem inimicorum suorumvé, venationem prosperam, & cetera
eiusmodi ludibria, quorum vt ne quid desit, [15] etiam somnijs fidem
habent: si fortè super placito & bene auspicante somnio euigilauerint,
consurgunt, vel de nocte concubia, & omen cantu ac choreis sequuntur.
Templa, ædesvé sacras, ritus, cæremonias, disciplinam nullam habent,
vti nec leges aut artificia politiamvé vllam, præter certos mores &
consuetudinem, quorū sunt retinentissimi. Si quem Veneficus respondit
ad certā diem moriturum, is deseritur ab omnibus; quin ipse adeò miser,
vtpote iam mortis certus, vltro sibi inediam atque omnium incuriam
indicit, credo ne videatur contra fatum pugnare.
Their whole religion consists of certain incantations, dances
and sorcery, which they have recourse to, it seems, either to
procure the necessaries of life or to get rid of their enemies;
they have Autmoinos, that is, medicine-men, who consult the evil
Spirit regarding life and death and future events; and the evil
spirit [great beast] often presents himself before them, as they
themselves assert, approves or disapproves their schemes of
vengeance, promises them the death of their enemies or friends, or
prosperity in the chase, and other mockeries of the same sort. To
make these complete they [15] even have faith in dreams; if they
happen to awake from a pleasing and auspicious dream, they rise
even in the middle of the night and hail the omen with songs and
dances. They have no temples, sacred edifices, rites, ceremonies or
religious teaching, just as they have no laws, arts or government,
save certain customs and traditions of which they are very
tenacious. If the Medicine-man predicts that a certain person will
die before a fixed date, this man is deserted by all; and, in his
misery, feeling certain of impending death, he voluntarily condemns
himself to suffer hunger and complete neglect, apparently that he
may not seem to contend against fate.
Quin etiam si fortè ad præstitutam diem, vt sæpe fit, moribundus non
videatur, pro se quisqʒ proximi vrceis frigidæ in ventrem miseri
inuergendis celerant mortem. Hæc pietas est Sathanæ mancipijs: ita
quoque nimirùm, quia semper fallax est, diuinus nunquam fallit; quāquam
natio ista deceptrix aruspicum multum iam de auctoritate suá ab aduētu
Gallorum amisit; passimque nunc quiritantur suos iam Diabolos viribus
exidisse, [16] præut quidam ferūt Patrum suorum fuisse temporibus.
Mortuorum ita cum corpore sepeliunt memoriam, vt ne nomen quidem
deinceps audire sustineant. DEI quidem vnius supremi tenuem quandam
habent cognitionem, verumtamen affectibus & vsu deprauati nihilo
seciùs, vt dixi, Cacodæmonem etiam colunt; ob vitæ commoda, algoris
& inediæ patientes sunt supra modum. Octo, decem dies, si fors ita
exigat, feram ieiuni persequūtur, summis niuibus frigoribúsqʒ tum
maximè ardet venatio. Et tamen hi ipsi Boreâ, vt sic dicam, & crystallo
nati, vbi semel sub suis tugurijs cum præda consederunt, inertes
illico, & cuiusuis laboris impatientes fiunt: feminis mandant omnia:
hæ præter onerosam liberorum educationē, gestationémque, insuper feram
ex eo loco vbi ceciderit, aduehunt: hæ lignatum & aquatum eunt hæ
supellectilem conficiunt, curántque: cibos apparant, feras excoriant,
pelles fullonis arte conficiunt, vestimenta consuunt, piscantur &
conchas maximè ad cibum legunt, sæpe [17] etiam venantur: hæ canoas,
hoc est cymbulas miræ celeritatis è cortice compingunt, tuguriola, vbi
& quando pernoctandum est, ædificant: denique præter laboriosiorem
venationem & bella nihil aliud quidquam viris est pensi. Hac de caussa
plures ferè vxores quisque habet, Sagami maximè, vt qui potentiam
suam & concursum pluriū tanquam clientium tueri nequeant, non solùm
sine pluribus liberis, qui valeant ad terrorem & gratiam, sed etiam
sine pluribus mancipijs, quæ necessaria vitæ officia & exequantur
& tolerent. Nam feminas mancipiorum loco habent, tractántqʒ. Inter
se mirificè liberales sūt, nihil quisquam aut fortunarum, aut sibi
habere sustineat, quin partem maximā astantibus eroget, quin etiam qui
Tabagiam agit, vt loquūtur, hoc est qui conuiuio alios excipit, non
accumbit ipse cum reliquis, sed ministrat, neqʒ partem aliquam dapis
residuam sibi facit, sed distribuit omnia, ita vt famem cogatur eo die
conuiuator pati, nisi quis inuitatorū, ex eo quod sibi superfuerit,
miseratus ei [18] retribuat. Et similis apparuit sæpe liberalitas in
Gallos aliquo casu oppressos. Nam erga reliquos, aut hîc aut in nauibus
agentes didicerunt à nobis non facilè quicquā gratis dare. Pedunculos
capitis quæsitant, & in delicijs habent. In mendicando & postulando
importunissimi sunt, & qui esse solent mendicorū & inopū mores, falsi,
obloquutores, assētatores, vani. Gallos quidē atqʒ omnes gentes cùm
semel saturi sunt, longè despiciunt, irridéntqʒ clanculum omnia;
etiam religionē, quam susceperint. Tuguriola sua vbiuis facilè ac
raptim sudibus ramificè ædificant, & aut cortice aut pellibus aut etiā
tegete cōtegunt. Ignis in medio extruitur. Sed hæc iam satis supérque
de regione & hominibus, maximè cùm accuratam regionis Chorographiam
mittam; ex quo vno intuitu, quidquid de terrarum & maris situ dixi,
liquidò apparebit.
If, however, he does not appear to be in a dying condition by
the time predicted, his friends and relatives even hasten his
death by pouring jars of cold water over his stomach. Such is the
piety of these servants of Satan. Thus, no doubt because he is
always deceitful, the soothsayer never appears to deceive himself;
although this lying race of prophets have lost much of their
authority since the coming of the French, and now universally
complain that their Devils have lost much of their power, [16] if
compared with what it is said to have been in the time of their
Ancestors. They so completely bury the very remembrance of the dead
with their bodies that they will not even suffer their names to be
mentioned afterwards. Of the one supreme GOD they have a certain
slender notion, but they are so perverted by false ideas and by
custom, that, as I have said, they really worship the Devil. To
obtain the necessaries of life they endure cold and hunger in an
extraordinary manner. During eight or ten days, if the necessity
is imposed on them, they will follow the chase in fasting, and
they hunt with the greatest ardor when the snow is deepest and
the cold most severe. And yet these same Savages, the offspring,
so to speak, of Boreas and the ice, when once they have returned
with their booty and installed themselves in their tents, become
indolent and unwilling to perform any labor whatever, imposing
this entirely upon the women. The latter, besides the onerous rôle
of bearing and rearing the children, also transport the game from
the place where it has fallen; they are the hewers of wood and
drawers of water; they make and repair the household utensils;
they prepare food; they skin the game and prepare the hides like
fullers; they sew garments; they catch fish and gather shellfish
for food; often [17] they even hunt; they make the canoes, that is,
skiffs of marvelous rapidity, out of bark; they set up the tents
wherever and whenever they stop for the night--in short, the men
concern themselves with nothing but the more laborious hunting and
the waging of war. For this reason almost every one has several
wives, and especially the Sagamores, since they cannot maintain
their power and keep up the number of their dependents unless they
have not only many children to inspire fear or conciliate favor,
but also many slaves to perform patiently the menial tasks of every
sort that are necessary. For their wives are regarded and treated
as slaves. These Savages are extremely liberal toward each other;
no one is willing to enjoy any good fortune by himself, but makes
his friends sharers in the larger part of it; and whoever receives
guests at what they call a Tabagie does not himself sit down with
the others, but waits on them, and does not reserve any portion
of the food for himself but distributes all; so that the host is
constrained to suffer hunger during that day, unless some one of
his guests takes pity on him [18] and gives him back a portion of
what remains over from his own share. And they have often shown
the same liberality toward the French, when they have found them
in distress. For they have learned from us that, toward others
than these, whether here or in the ships, nothing is readily given
away. They hunt after the lice in their heads and regard them as a
dainty. They are most importunate beggars and, after the fashion
of beggars and needy people, they are hypocritical--contradicting,
flattering and lying to achieve their ends. But when once they have
gotten their fill they go off, mocking the French and everybody
else at a distance and secretly laughing at everything, even the
religion which they have received. They set up their tents easily
and quickly in any place with branching stakes, which they cover
either with bark or skins or even with mats. The fire is built in
the middle. But this is enough, and more than enough, regarding the
country and the people, especially as I send an accurate Map of the
region, a single glance at which will make clear whatever I have
said regarding the geography of land and sea.[12]
NVNC ad id venio, quod secundo loco proposui, vt scilicet explicem,
quanam tandem via Societas missionem in hanc prouinciam obtinuerit.
Et quidem nostri [19] Burdigalenses pro suo animarum zelo à multis
retro annis huc respectârant, huc intenderant, vt miseræ nationi opem
ferrent: sed pios eorum & ardentes conatus, quos periculi facies non
terreret, diu subsidiorum ad agendum inopia frustrata est. Restituta
demum in Galliam Societate, agere seriò per P. Cotonum cum Magno
Henrico cœperunt, sibi vt liceret in his quoque regionibus laborare,
& amplexus est Rex Societatis amans tam piam & propensam voluntatem,
sed nihilominus tamen vtilibus consilijs longa adhuc & odiosa mora
interuenit. Nulli adhuc Galli regionem incolebant, commorandi animo, &
qui antè à Rege missus fuerat, explorandi tentandíque caussâ, alienus
à sacris nostris erat, & ijs postmodum rebus, non solùm infectis, sed
etiam prope desperatis domum in Galliam redijt: iussit tamen Princeps
inuictus ne desponderemus animum, mittendi solùm destinarentur,
moniturum se cùm maturum foret; atque adeò vt arrha quædam esset
sponsionis, pecuniam ex eo tēpore in [20] viaticum assignauit. Sed
hæc agentibus, ecce pij Regis funesta mors intercedit. Nō defuit DEVS
sub idem anni tempus: ad nouum regem nuntij rediêrunt ab eo, qui anno
superiore in has sibi terras coloniā depoposcerat.
Now I shall enter upon my second topic and explain by what means
the Society finally secured the sending of a mission to this
province. It is true that our adherents at [19] Bordeaux, in their
zeal for the saving of souls, had looked forward to this, and
had aimed at this for many years back, namely, at bringing help
to this wretched race. But their pious and ardent efforts, which
recoiled before no danger, were long frustrated by lack of means
for prosecuting them. When our Society was at last re-admitted
into France, they began to negotiate in earnest with Henry the
Great, through Father Coton, to obtain permission to labor in
these regions also, and the King, so full of good-will toward
our Society, espoused this pious and important project; but,
nevertheless, the taking of active steps was preceded by a long and
vexatious delay. No Frenchmen as yet inhabited this region with the
purpose of settling here, and such as had been sent by the King as
explorers and in a tentative way, being indifferent to our holy
aims, had soon returned to France, leaving these things not only
unaccomplished but even almost hopeless. But our Prince, undeterred
by these considerations, bade us be of good heart, and promised,
if we would but designate those who were to be sent, that he would
let us know when he deemed the time opportune; and, as an earnest
of his promise, from that time forward he assigned to us a sum of
money for the [20] voyage. But at this point, unhappily, occurred
the tragic death of the King. Yet at this very season GOD came to
our help. Some messengers came to the new king from the man who
last year solicited the royal permission to found a colony in this
country.
Is est Ioannes Biencurtius, vulgò Potrincurtius, nobilis & magni animi
vir. Ergo accepta occasione agitur cum Regina Regente Maria Medicæa,
maximæ pietatis heroina, vt quæ maritus tanta virtute destinâsset,
per eam efficerentur, daretur locus duobus è Nostris in eâ naui,
quæ proximè huc esset ventura. Annuit Regina, munificéque respondit
desiderio. Ergo statim ex Aquitania euocatus Sacerdos vnus, alter ex
ipsa Francia desumptus. Sed ecce rursum moras, rursum sese Sathanas
excitat. Dieppâ erat soluendum, & ea nauis, quæ huc vela faciebat ita
erat mercatoribus Hæreticis obnoxia, vt sine ipsis commouere se non
posset. Ergo ij simul ac Nostros vident, negant enimuerò præcisè sese
passuros, vt rudens expediatur, si Iesuitæ nauigaturi sint. Obtenditur
[21] Reginæ imperium, interponitur etiam Gubernatoris auctoritas.
Itur, reditúrque ad Reginam, & ab ea literæ, mandatáque afferuntur,
sed obstinationem hæreticam, vt Ecclesiæ, ita nec Regum frangit
aut permouet auctoritas. Hæc peruicacia benignissimorum Principum
illustriorē pietatam fecit. Namque Antonia Pontia Marchionissa
Guercheuilia matrona clarissima, & vt appellant, filiarum Reginæ
gubernatrix, vbi has tricas audijt, pro suo in DEVM & Societatem
amore, non dubitauit à maximis quibusqʒ totius curiæ eleemosynam
petere eo nomine, vt victâ hæreticorum contumaciâ Iesuitis liceret in
has terras proficisci. Nec difficile ei fuit, in pia caussa suapte
sponte propensam Catholicorum Principum benignitatem allicere: breui
summa confecta est librarum quatuor millium. Ea & hæreticorum repulit
iniquitatem, & Nostros in nauim non iam vt hospites, sed vt magna ex
parte Dominos, potentésqʒ imposuit. Ita nimirum Christus, vt solet, per
hostium impugnationem cōfirmauit suos, [22] per iniquitatem auxilijs
necessarijs instruxit, & per machinationes, atque opprobria è tenebris
atque ignobilitate vindicauit: ipsi gloria in sæcula. Amen.
This man is Jean Biencourt, commonly called Potrincourt, of noble
birth and a magnanimous man. Accordingly, seizing this opportunity,
we made overtures to the Queen Regent, Marie de Médicis, that most
pious and exalted lady, begging her to execute what her husband
had so piously purposed by giving a place to two of our Fathers
in the ship which was to sail shortly for this place. The Queen
assented, and responded to our request most liberally. Accordingly
one Priest was immediately summoned from Aquitaine, and another was
chosen in France. But lo! Satan rouses himself again, and again
interposes new delay. We were to sail from Dieppe, but the ship
that was to bear us to this country was so completely under the
influence of Heretical merchants that it could not stir without
their consent. Accordingly, as soon as they saw our Priests they
refused outright to let the ship sail if the Jesuits were to embark
in it. The order of the [21] Queen was alleged, and the authority
of the Governor was interposed. Recourse was had to the Queen, and
letters and orders were obtained from her; but even Royal authority
is, like that of the Church, unable to break or bend heretical
obstinacy. This stubborn resistance lent all the more lustre to the
piety of our benignant Rulers. For Antoinette de Pons, Marchioness
de Guercheville, a most illustrious lady, and governess to the
daughters of the Queen, on learning these petty hindrances did
not hesitate, in her love for GOD and for our Society, to ask in
his name for aid from some of the greatest men in the council of
this realm, that the contumacy of the heretics might be subdued
and the Jesuits permitted to sail to this land. Nor did she have
any difficulty in gaining the good-will of the Catholic Princes,
inclined of their own accord to sympathize with this holy cause;
in a word, the sum of four thousand livres was collected. This
not only put an end to the iniquitous resistance of the heretics,
but gave our Priests the influence of Masters rather than of mere
passengers in the ship. Thus, no doubt Christ, as usual, has
strengthened his own followers through the attacks of enemies;[22]
through their iniquity he has furnished aid to his own children and
protected them from the darkness and the baseness of their foes,
even through their intrigues and insult; his be the glory forever
and ever. Amen.
Dieppâ soluimus incommodissimo tempore, vigesimo sexto Ianuarij Anni
huius CIↃ.IↃD.XI. Nauis erat non magna, & haud satis instructa,
nautæ ex magna parte hæretici; & vt hyeme in procelloso mari, multis
grauissimísqʒ tempestatibus perfuncti sumus, tenuítqʒ nauigatio
menses ipsos quatuor. Ex quibus apparet, quàm multa omnis generis
perferenda fuerint. Certè alter nostrûm magnam itineris partem
æger, debilitatúsque iacuit. Conati tamen sumus consueta Societatis
munia exhibere. Manè ac vespere ad orationem vectores conuocabantur
quotidie: festis etiam officia quædam Ecclesiastica decantabantur;
sæpe habebantur cohortationes piæ, interdum nonnullæ cum hæreticis
disputationes: iurandi cōsuetudo & verborū lasciuia reprimebatur. Non
omittebantur multa simul humilitatis, simul charitatis exempla.
We sailed from Dieppe in a most unfavorable season, on the 26th
of January, of this year 1611. The ship was not large and was
insufficiently equipped; the sailors were mostly heretics. As it
was winter and the sea was stormy, we encountered many severe
tempests and the voyage lasted four whole months, from which
it is apparent how many sufferings of every kind we underwent.
Indeed, during the greater portion of the voyage one or the other
of us lay sick and debilitated. Yet we attempted to discharge
the usual duties, of our Society. Morning and evening, every
day, the passengers were called together for prayer; on holidays
certain Ecclesiastical services were held, pious exhortations were
frequently made, and sometimes disputations with the heretics
took place. The habit of swearing and using obscene language was
repressed. Nor were there wanting many examples of humility and of
charity.
[23] Denique illud DEI beneficio obtentum est, vt Hæretici, qui nos
antè velut monstra è suorū videlicet ore Ministrorum reputabant, non
solùm agnouerint suorum in hac re impostorum malitiam, sed etiam
multis postea locis laudum nostrarum prædicatores extiterint; hic ergo
summatim fuit noster in has terras ingressus.
[23] Finally, with GOD'S blessing, we brought the Heretics, who,
evidently through the preaching of their own Pastors, regarded us
as monsters, to recognize the malice of these impostors in this
matter, so that they afterwards on many occasions stood up to
proclaim our praises. Such, in brief, was our voyage to this land.
SEQVITVR iam ex initio propositis tertium, nimirum vt exponatur, quonam
tandē loco rem Christianam his in locis offenderimus. Certé ante hoc
tempus vix vnquam à Gallis vacatum fuit conuertēdis incolarum ad
Christum animis. Obstabant multa. Nam & peregrinabantur huc tantùm, non
cōmorabantur: & qui commorari voluerunt, tam aduersis conflictati sunt
casibus, vt ei rei dare operam sanè multam non potuerint. Deuehebantur
duntaxat interdum nonnulli in Galliam, ibíq; baptizabantur, sed ijdem
vt nec satis instituti, & à pastoribus destituti, simul ac in has oras
remigrauerant, ad solita prorsus & vsitata reuoluebantur. Appulimus
huc nos [24] vigesimâ secundâ Maij, ipso sacro Pentecostes die, anni
huius CIↃ.IↃC.XI. Quo duntaxat anno is, quem sæpius appellare necesse
est, D. Potrincurtius ad sedes hîc domiciliúmqʒ figendum peruenerat,
secúmqʒ Sacerdotem sæcularem aduexerat. Is Sacerdos per eum annum
dicitur capita ferè centum baptimo initiauisse; in his celebrem inter
Sagamos, & de quo nos infra plura dicemus, Henricum Membertou cum
familia vniuersa, hoc est cum tribus liberis iam cōiugibus. Sed, vt
fit, cùm nec Sacerdos ipse, nec alius quisquam linguam nôsset, nisi
quātum attinet ad vitæ & mercimoniorum necessitatem, erudiri videlicet
neophyti non potuerunt.
NOW FOLLOWS the third of the topics proposed in the beginning--the
setting forth, namely, of the condition in which we found the
Christian religion in this country. Certainly before this time
scarcely any attention has ever been given by the French to
converting the souls of the natives to Christ. There have been many
obstacles. For the French only wandered through these regions, but
did not remain here, and those who wished to remain were harassed
by so many calamities that they assuredly could not give much
thought to this matter. Some natives, it is true, were occasionally
brought to France and baptized there, but these not being
sufficiently instructed, and finding themselves without shepherds
as soon as they returned to these shores, immediately resumed their
former habits and traditions. We landed here [24] on the 22nd of
May, on the holyday of Pentecost of this year 1611. In this very
same year Sieur Potrincourt, whom I shall have occasion to mention
several times, had come here to establish himself permanently, and
had brought a secular Priest with him. This Priest, it is said,
baptized nearly a hundred persons during the year, among them one
of the most celebrated of the Chiefs, of whom we shall have to
speak again later, Henry Membertou, with his whole family, that is,
three children already married. But, since neither this Priest nor
any one else knew their language, save so far as pertains to the
merest necessities of intercourse and trade, the neophytes could of
course not be instructed in our doctrines.
Baptismum accipiebant velut sacrum aliquod signum similitudinis &
confœderationis cum Gallis. De Christo, de Ecclesia, de Fide ac
Symbolo, mandatis DEI, oratione ac Sacramentis vix quidquam nouerant,
ignari & crucis efformandæ, & ipsius nominis Christiani. Itaque nunc
vulgò sciscitantibus nobis, Christianus es? negat optimus quisque, [25]
scire se quid rogetur. Mutata interrogatione quærentibus, baptizatus
es? Annuit vero ac propemodum sese iam Nortmannum pronuntiat; nam
Gallos ferè omnes Nortmannos appellitant. De cætero nulla omnino in
Christianis à Gentilium ritu mutatio. Iidem mores, consuetudo & vita,
idem chorearum, rituum, cantuum, atque adeò veneficiorum vsus, prorsus
antiqua omnia. De vno DEO & bonorum retributione docti sunt aliqua, sed
quæ se ipsi semper ita audiuisse & credidisse profiteantur. Sacellum
reperimus vnum valde angustum & miserum, sed nec profectò reliqua
habitatio, vt in principijs, aut valde laxa aut commoda est.
They accepted baptism as a sort of sacred pledge of friendship and
alliance with the French. As regards Christ, the Church, the Faith
and the Symbol, the commandments of GOD, prayer and the Sacraments,
they knew almost nothing; nor did they know the sign of the cross
or the very name of Christian. So, even now, whenever we ask any
one, "Are you a Christian?" every one of them answers that he does
not understand what [25] we are asking him. But when we change
the form of our question and ask, "Are you baptized?" he assents
and declares himself to be already almost a Norman, for they call
the French in general Normans. In other respects there is almost
no change from the religion of the Gentiles to Christianity. They
keep up the same manners and traditions and mode of life, the same
dances and rites and songs and sorcery; in fact, all their previous
customs. Concerning the one GOD and the reward of the just, they
have learned some things, but they declare that they had always
heard and believed thus. We found one little chapel here, a very
small and poor one, but the other dwellings also, as is to be
expected among new settlers, are by no means large or commodious.
Vnica hîc adest D. Potrincurtij familia, sine feminis capita sumus
viginti. Nos duo é Societate tuguriolum habemus ligneum, in quo vix
positâ mensâ commouere nos possumus. Et reliqua sunt huic certè
habitationi ac nostræ professioni, hoc est, paupertati cōsentanea.
Vtinam ab humilibus principijs exurgat aliquādo, & efflorescat salus
animorum; [26] huc incumbimus, sed vt languidi cultores non magno
successu, qualis tamen, quantúsque is fuerit, hoc mihi iam narrandum
est, quoniam id iam explicui, quod tertium erat ex propositis,
videlicet quonam in statu vineam hanc seu potiùs virgultum offenderimus.
Sieur Potrincourt's family is the only one here; without the women
we number twenty. We two of the Society have a wooden cabin in
which we can scarcely turn around when we have a table in it.
And everything else is certainly in keeping with our dwelling
and our vocation in life, that is, poverty. God grant that from
these humble beginnings may rise and greatly flourish the work of
salvation; [26] to this we bend all our efforts, though, as we are
but feeble workers, with no great success. What the nature and
extent of this success has been I must now relate, since I have
already treated my third topic, namely, the description of the
state in which we found this vineyard, or rather this wildwood.
PERVENIMVS huc (sicut antè numeratum est) vigesimâ secundâ Maij. Itaque
non multo plus hodie, quàm septem menses hic commorati sumus. Per hoc
igitur tempus, & domi aliqua gesta sunt, & foris. Domi primùm dedimus
operam, vt pro nostris viribus officium Ecclesiasticum ne deesset. Nam
Sacerdos ille, qui huc ante nos aduenerat, à nostro statim aduētu in
Galliam sua ipse sponte & pro veteri desiderio remigrauit. Dominicis
festísque diebus solemnem missam & vesperas decantamus, cohortamur,
& nonnunquam procedimus, ipsis etiam nostrorum siluicolarum pueris
cereos, vrceos, aut aliud quid pium, quando hîc adsunt, præferentibus.
Ita enim paulatim nostris ceremonijs assuescunt. Solemnior ea processio
fuit, qua [27] sanctissimum Sacramentum festo ipsi die cumtulimus. Ipse
enim D. Potrincurtius sedulitatem in eo nostram collaudauit, sicut &
in sacello, quantum potest, in tanta paupertate coornando. Et quoniam
animaduertimus eos, qui antè baptizati essent, vix aliud quidquam cum
baptismate, nisi periculum maius suscepisse, prolectationem illam
proiectionémqʒ ad baptisma quomodocumqʒ offerendum reiecimus, in eóque
perstamus, ne quis adultus ante necessariam suæ fidei professionísque
cognitionem initietur. Ita cùm adhuc ignari linguæ simus, neque
per vllum interpretem enuntiare sacra nostra, aut scriptis mandare
potuerimus, quantacumque in eo sit opera, vti sanè posita est plurima
cursus nimirum Euangelij in his hactenus hæret vadis ac syrtibus.
Id suademus, vt infantes ad nos lustrandi afferantur, quod etiam
DEI beneficio iam cœpit fieri. Duos baptizauimus, & tertiam puellam
circiter nouennem. Hæc puella non magis morbo, quàm esurie neglectúque
contabescebat; solet enim hæc natio facilè desperare medicinam, [28]
& desperatos prorsum abijcere, vt antè dictum est. Ergo hanc ita
depositam à cognatis deposcimus ad baptismum, illi verò perlibenter
eam nobis concedere, non ad baptismum solùm, sed etiam ad voluntatem,
vt quæ, inquiebant, instar iam esset canis mortui. At nos, vt specimen
daremus Christianæ pietatis, in separatum eam transtulimus tuguriolum,
ibíqʒ eam aluimus & curauimus ipsi sedulò, institutámque quantum
extremo periculo conflictanti necesse esset, abluimus aquâ salutari.
Nono demum pòst die abeuntem ad superos læta spe sumus prosecuti, cùm
gauderemus cœlo iam nonnihil nostri laboris placere. Lætior exitus in
alio fuit, sed exemplum non dissimile charitatis: hic est, secundò
genitus celebris illius Sagami Membertou, quem antè diximus primū
omnium Soricorum nostra sacra suscepisse.
WE ARRIVED here, as already noted, on the 22nd of May. Accordingly,
we have now sojourned here a little more than seven months. During
this period we have accomplished some work both at home and
abroad. Our first efforts we expended at home, so that, as far as
it lay in our power, there might be no interruption of Religious
services. For the secular Priest who had preceded us here,
immediately on our arrival, of his own free will and in accordance
with a long-cherished desire, had returned to France. On Sundays
and holydays we celebrate solemn mass and vespers; we preach and
sometimes have processions, the boys of our children of the forest
carrying before us, when they are present here, tapers and censers
and other sacred utensils. For thus, little by little, they become
accustomed to our ceremonies. Our procession was, however, a more
solemn one on the day of Corpus Christi when we carried about the
[27] blessed Sacrament. Sieur Potrincourt himself praised highly
our efforts in this, as well as in adorning our chapel as much as
we could, in spite of our great poverty. Since we have observed
that those who had been previously baptized had gotten scarcely
anything else through their baptism than increased peril, we have
restrained this eager inclination to administer this sacrament
without discrimination, and we insist that no adult person shall
receive it until he has the necessary understanding of his faith
and his profession. So, as we have thus far been ignorant of the
language and have been unable to explain our doctrines through any
interpreter, or to commit them to writing, howsoever great a labor
that may prove--and it will certainly prove a great one--the course
of the Gospel is, up to this point, embarrassed by these shoals and
quicksands. We try to persuade the savages to bring their babes to
us for baptism; and this, with GOD'S blessing, they are beginning
to do. We have baptized two boys, and a girl about nine years
old. This girl was wasting away as much from hunger and neglect
as from sickness; for this people very readily despair [28] of
relief in sickness, and, as previously stated, soon abandon those
whose recovery is deemed hopeless. Thus, when this girl was given
up by her relatives, we asked that she be given us for baptism.
They very willingly gave her to us, not only for baptism but to
dispose of at our pleasure as being, they said, no longer of more
value than a dead dog. But we, to show them an example of Christian
piety, carried her to a separate cabin and there fed her and cared
for her; and, after teaching her as much as was necessary for one
struggling with death, we cleansed her with the saving waters. On
her death, nine days later, we entertained the glad hope that our
labor had found some favor in heaven. We soon found opportunity for
another deed of charity not dissimilar to this, though its result
was more auspicious. This was in the case of the second son of that
famous Chief Membertou, whom I have already mentioned as having
received our doctrines first of all the Soriquois.
Huius ego filium extremo iam discrimine periclitantem inuisi: reperio
pro more veteri de ipsius bonis tabagiam, hoc est epulum solemne,
vt scilicet post epulas non sicut Iacob benediceret suis, [29] sed
valediceret, ac deinde cōclamaretur, & cōclamato canes præmitterentur
ad interitū. Increpaui ego, vt potui, per interpretē paganicos hos
mores in iam Christianis. Benignè respōdit pater ipse Membertou
neophytos se esse, verum imperarem; in mea potestate esse omnia. Negaui
ego licitam esse illam occisionē canum, aut deplorati derelictionem;
choreas, cantusvé funestos ægroto ipso inspectāte mihi non placere;
ipsam alioqui tabagiam, & piam in extremis agētis consalutationem ac
mandata permisi. Responderunt omnes sibi hoc satis esse, reliqua sese
reiecturos. Cæterum D. Potrincurtij nomine ipsos inuitaui, vt ægrū
in ipsius ædes deportarēt (aberat enim valde procul) sperare nos de
misericordia DEI fore, vt conualescat, quò tandē intelligant falsas
atqʒ impias esse, aut momorū suorū, hoc est fatidicorū denunciationes.
Paruerunt illi, atqʒ ad nos depositum triduo pòst, hoc est semianimē
detulerunt. Quid multa? Fecit dextera Dñi virtutem: non est mortuus,
sed vixit; & nunc incolumis narrat opera [30] Dñi. Hoc exemplo commotus
senior ipse Membertou cum eam invaletudinem sensisset, quæ postrema
illi fuit, deportari ipse vltro, ad nos voluit, atqʒ adeò in nostrum
ipsorum tuguriolū, & si placet, in lectum ipsum alterius nostrū. Ibi
decumbentem quinqʒ dies prosecuti sumus omni nō solum officio, sed
etiam famulatu. At sexto die cùm iam vxor eius aduenisset, & cerneret
ipsa vix alteri nostrū, quo miserè humi decubaret, locum esse in
tuguriolo derelictū, aliò suapte sponte demigrauit, vbi & piam mortē
obijt. Certè hunc reperimus (quippe Domini primitias ab hac gēte)
præter cæteros mirabiliter solitū intrinsecus adeò moueri, multò vt
ipse plus de nostra fide conciperet, quàm quantū potuisset auditione
accipere. Itaqʒ solebat ipse crebrò dictitare, valde optare se, vt citò
linguā nossemus. Continuò. n. postquam id perdidicisset, se futurū apud
gentem suam cœlestis verbi ac doctrinæ prædicatorem. Dederat ipse in
mādatis, vt antiquo in monumēto cū demortua prius familia (quā sciebā
paganicè obijsse) [31] sepeliretur. Ego rē improbaui, veritus scilicet,
ne vel Galli, vel etiā Gētiles hoc interpretarētur in fidei nostræ
iniuriā. Sed ille hoc respōdebat: ita sibi promissū fuisse, antequā
Christo nomen daret, fore, vt locus cōsecraretur, & exemplū proferebat
ex anteactis non dissimile; alioqui. n. cōtrà se vereri, si nostro in
cœmeterio humaretur, ne sui deinceps locū refugerent, atqʒ ita nunquā
ad nos redirent. Opposui ego contrà, ̄q potui, & mecū is, quo ferè solo
vtor interprete, D. Biencurtius, fili^{9} D. Potrincurtij. Discessi
mœstus: nihil. n. disputando profecerā. Extremā nihilominus vnctionem,
ad quā paratus erat, non denegaui. Valuit vis Sacramēti: postridie D.
Biencurtiū, mêqʒ magnopere aduocat, docet audiētibus omnib^{9} mutatā
sibi sententiā, velle se nobiscū humari, suísqʒ ̄pcipere, ne ideo locū
refugiant ex veteri errore, quin poti^{9}, è Christiani populi sapiētia
magis ob eam ipsam caussam locū adament, frequenténtque; ad pias
videlicet pro ipso preces effundēdas.
I went to visit this chief's son, who was already at death's door.
I found that, in accordance with their old custom, they were
holding a tabagie, that is, a solemn feast for the distribution of
his property, so that after the entertainment he might, not like
Jacob give them his blessing, [29] but might bid them farewell,
after which they were to bewail his death and then to offer up
a sacrifice of dogs. I rebuked as well as I could, through an
interpreter, these pagan usages among a people who were already
Christians. The father himself, Membertou, answered mildly that
they were but neophytes; that I had but to command and that
everything lay in my power. I said that this slaughtering of dogs
was wrong, as well as this abandonment of the sick man for whom
they were mourning; I added that these dances and death-songs, in
the very presence of the sick man displeased me, though I permitted
them to hold their tabagie elsewhere, as well as to visit the dying
man and learn his last wishes. All replied that this was enough
for them, and that they would dispense with the rest. Moreover, in
the name of Sieur Potrincourt I invited them to transport to his
house the sick man (who was at a very great distance), and said
that we hoped, with GOD'S mercy, for his recovery, so that they
might thus learn at last that the predictions of their medicine-men
or prophets are false and impious. They obeyed, and the third day
after brought to us the sufferer, whose life they had despaired
of, in a half-dying condition. God's right hand exerted its power;
he did not die, but lived, and now, completely recovered, relates
what [30] God has done for him. Moved by this example, the elder
Membertou himself, when he began to suffer from that sickness which
was to be his last, desired of his own accord to be brought to us
and to be received into our own cabin, and even, if it pleased us,
to occupy one of our beds. He lay there five days, during which we
performed every friendly and even every menial office. But on the
sixth day, when his wife had also come, and when she saw that there
was scarcely room left for one of us to find a wretched couch on
the ground in our cabin, he, of his own accord, went elsewhere,
and there died a pious death. We found, indeed, that this man (the
first fruits of the Lord among this people) was, beyond all others,
wont to be so wondrously moved within, that he apprehended much
more of our faith than he could have learned from hearing us. Thus
he used to say frequently that he ardently desired that we might
soon know his language. He said that as soon as he had learned
them thoroughly he would become the preacher of this heavenly word
and doctrine among his people. He himself had commanded that he
should be buried in the ancient burial-place of his family, with
those who were already dead (who, I knew, had died as pagans).
[31] I opposed this, fearing, of course, that the French and even
the Gentiles might interpret this as an affront to our faith. But
he answered that it had been promised him, before he gave himself
to Christ, that this place should be consecrated; and he cited a
past example of something of the sort, adding that he feared, on
the contrary, that if he were buried in our cemetery his people
might thenceforth avoid the place and thus never return to us. I
opposed all the reasons I could, and so did Sieur de Biencourt, the
son of Sieur de Potrincourt, he being almost my only interpreter.
I went off sadly, for I had accomplished nothing by arguing.
Nevertheless, I did not refuse him the extreme unction, for which
he was prepared. The power of the Sacrament manifested itself; the
next day he called eagerly for Sieur de Biencourt and myself, and
told us in the hearing of all the others that he had changed his
mind, and wished to be buried in our cemetery; and to teach his
people that they should not avoid the place in accordance with
their old and erroneous notion, but rather, with the wisdom of a
Christian people, should love and frequent it, in order to utter
pious prayers for him.
Pacem deinde cum Nostris iterum, [32] iterúmque commendauit, méqʒ adeò
præeunte ac manum regente, singulis suorum pio more benedixit: nec lōgè
pòst extinctus est. Funus curatum magna ad exemplum pompâ. Et certè diu
inter hos populos tantæ auctoritatis Sagamus nō fuit. Quo magis est
mirum, quomodo in eo semper inuictus consilio perstiterit, etiam ante
conuersionem, ne plures vnquam simul vxores habere vellet.
Then he recommended to them again [32] and again to maintain peace
with us, and also piously gave his blessing to certain of his
people, I dictating the words and guiding his hand. A short time
after, he died. We deemed it well to celebrate his funeral with
great pomp. And certainly there has for a long time been no Chief
of such great authority among these people. What is still more
remarkable is that he always adhered firmly to his resolution never
to have more than one wife at a time, even before his conversion.
Atque hæc domi gesta, nunc exeamus foras. Lustraui ego cum Domino
Biencurtio magnam totius regionis partem, hoc est totum id, quod
antiqui Norumbedam appellabant, flumina etiam ingressus sum præcipua.
Fructus is extitit, vt & cognosceremus, & cognosceremur; ipsique
siluatici, qui nunquam antea Sacerdotē, aut sacra nostra viderant,
inceperint aliquid nostra de Religione apprehendere. Vbicumque ac
quoties potuimus, infiniti pretij hostiam obtulimus Omnipotenti DEO,
vt scilicet altari, tanquam sede sua posita, inciperet hoc sibi
dominium seruator hominum vendicare; terrerētúrque ac fugarentur [33]
vsurpatione sua laruales tyranni. Et astiterunt frequenter Barbari
magno semper silentio ac reuerentiâ. Inuisebam postea ipsorum casulas,
orabam, ægris manus imponebam, cruciculas æneas aut imagunculas
donabam, ipsisqʒ de collo suspendebam, & quæ poteram diuina insinuabam.
Excipiebant illi omnia perlibenter, signúmque Crucis me ducente
conformabant, feréqʒ omnes pueri etiam me longè prosequebantur, vt
ipsum sæpius iterarent. Semel contigit, vt quem ægrotum altero antè
die inuiseram, propemodúmque depositum audieram, pòst cernerē vegetum,
hilarémque, cruce sua gloriantem, & mihi vultu manúque gratulantem,
vt suspicio magna sit, non solùm opem crucis sensisse, verum etiam
agnouisse. Si quando in Gallicas naues incidebamus, vt sæpe incidimus,
monita salutaria dabantur pro loci & temporis opportunitate: interdum
etiam vectores expiabantur. Semel maxima quædam complurium mala, &
animorum fortunarúmque labes auersa est per DEI gratiam: semel item
[34] exitium certissimum, cædésque non paucorum. Reconciliatus quoque
magni quidam Iuuenis & animi & spei. Is quòd sibi à D. Potrincurtio
timeret, annum iam vnum cum Siluicolis eorum more atque vestitu
pererrabat: & suspicio erat peioris quoque rei. Obtulit eum mihi DEVS,
colloquor, denique post multa Iuuenis sese mihi credit, deduco eum
ad D. Potrincurtium, non pœnituit fidei datæ, pax facta est maximo
omnium gaudio, & Iuuenis postridie, antequam ad sacram Eucharistiam
accederet, suapte ipse sponte à circumstātibus mali exempli veniam
petijt. Iam verò vti superuacaneum est de nauigantibus dicere, quòd
multa pericula mirabiliter euaserint; ita & de hîc commorantibus, quòd
multa sustineant. Quod aqua bibatur, nulla querela est: siquidem cœpit
iam nobis ante sex hebdomadas ita panis deficere, vt nunc detur in
hebdomadam, quod antè dabatur in vnum diem. Nauim expectamus subsidio
venturam. Interim Pistores ac Fabri magno scilicet nomine atque antiquo
viuimus, & [35] incidimus quibus vterque in grauem ægritudinem, sed
Dominus supposuit manū suam. Nam neque id diu fuit, & semper altero
decumbente, alter stetit. Experimur sanè, quantum sit onus vitæ
necessitas, dum lignatum, dum aquatum imus, dum coquimus ipsi nobis,
dum indumenta aut lauamus, aut reficimus, dum sarcimus tugurioli
labes, dum in reliqua corporis cura necessariò detinemur. Inter hæc
dies nobis, miserè, noctésque depereunt; illa nos spes consolatur ac
sustentat, fore, vt qui subleuat abiectos DEVS, vilitatem ipse nostram
pro sua quandoque misericordia non despiciat. Quamquā certè dum in
subsidiorum inopiam, dum in asperitatem regionis & gentis mores, dum
in difficultates rerum, & coloniæ constituendæ, dum in mille pericula
obicésqʒ vel maris vel hominum intendimus, somnium & idea Platonica
videtur quod conamur. Demonstrarem hoc sigillatim, nisi hoc esset cum
Hebræis exploratoribus magis pro humanis viribus, quàm pro diuino
auxilio, nec minus ex [36] animi languore, quàm ex rei veritate
dicere: Terra hæc deuorat habitatores suos; nos locustæ sumus, cùm hic
monstra sint de genere Giganteo. Sed enim tamen, quanticunque sint hi
Gigantes, præualebit ille Dauid in funda & lapide, qui conculcat terram
in fremitu suo, & in furore obstupefacit gentes; ille IESVS hominum
Seruator, qui benefacit terram & perficit eam, quantumcunque infirmata
sit; ille verò, ille, vti speramus, benignitatis ac potentiæ suæ ducet
esse, vt quod vaticinatus est Isaias, _Exultet solitudo & floreat sicut
lilium_: quemadmodum sapientiæ paritérqʒ potentiæ suæ reputauit id,
quod cernimus, vt cultissima imperia, atque omnibus elata viribus, &
gloriâ; suæ cruci atque humilitati subiugarentur. Amen ita sit. Atque
hoc nostrum votum adiuuent comprecatione sua cœlites omnes, atque in
primis cœlitum Regina & præses; adiuuet Ecclesia vniuersa, speciatímque
Ecclesiæ pars illa, cui Paternitas vestra nutu diuino iam diu præest,
Societas, votum meum; adiuuet oro atque obsecro [37] Paternitas vestra
omni ope, suámque nobis ad id benedictionem pijssimam, si placet,
largiatur. E portu Regali in noua Francia vltimo die Ianuarij Anni
CIↃ.IↃC.XI.
_Vestræ Paternitatis filius ac
seruus indignus_
PETRVS BIARDVS.
NOTES:
[IV.] _Sic._ pro Kinibequi.
Such are the things achieved at home; let us now consider what has
been done elsewhere. I have explored with Sieur Biencourt a large
part of this whole region--all that portion, namely, which the
old geographers called Norumbega, including the principal rivers.
The result is that not only have we come to know the country, but
also to be known ourselves, and the savages, who had never before
seen a Priest or the rites of our Religion, have begun to learn
something concerning it. Wherever and whenever we could do so,
we offered the priceless host to the Omnipotent GOD, so that the
altar might be as a seat dedicated to the savior of men, whence
he should begin to extend his dominion among this people, while
their own hobgoblin tyrants are stricken with terror and driven
[33] from their usurpation. The Savages have often been present,
always profoundly silent and reverent. Afterwards I would visit
their huts to pray and to lay hands on the sick; I gave them
little crosses of brass, or images, which I hung about their necks,
and as far as possible I infused some religious notions into their
minds. They received all these things very gladly, they made the
sign of the Cross under my guidance, and nearly all the boys
followed me a long distance in order to repeat it oftener. Once it
happened that a savage whom I had visited a couple of days before,
finding him sick and almost given up by his friends, as I heard,
met me rejoicing and well, and glorying in his cross, manifesting
his gratitude toward me with hands and countenance, so that I
strongly suspected that he had not only experienced the help of
the cross but even recognized it. Whenever we fell in with French
vessels--and this often happened--salutary counsels were given
to the men, in accordance with time and place; sometimes, too,
the passengers made their confession. Sometimes calamities that
threatened the welfare and fortune of many were averted through
the grace of GOD; sometimes, too, [34] certain destruction and the
slaughter of no small number. We have also succeeded in reclaiming
a certain Young Man[13] of great courage and hope who, through fear
of Sieur de Potrincourt, has roamed about for a whole year with
the Savages, adopting their ways and dress--not without suspicion,
too, of something worse. The LORD brought about a meeting between
us. I spoke with him, and at last he confided himself to me. I
brought him to Sieur de Potrincourt; he did not repent of having
placed faith in me; peace was made, to the great joy of all, and
next day the young man, before receiving the holy Eucharist, of
his own free will begged the pardon of those who surrounded him,
for his evil conduct. But as it would be superfluous to speak of
the many perils so miraculously escaped by our vessels, so would
it be to speak of the many sufferings of those who sojourn here.
We make no complaint of having to drink water; as for bread, in
less than six weeks the supply ran so short that now no more is
allowed for a week than formerly for a single day. We are awaiting
a ship that is to bring supplies. In the meantime, as Bakers and
Artisans, a great and ancient quality withal, [35] we continue
living here, but we have each fallen seriously ill; however, the
Lord sustained us with his hand. For this did not last long, and
whenever one of us was sick the other was well. We feel, indeed,
how great a burden it is to attend to all these household duties,
in going for wood and water, in cooking, in washing and mending our
clothes, in repairing our cabin, and in giving the necessary time
and attention to other material cares. Thus our days and nights
wretchedly slip away; but the hope consoles and sustains us that
GOD, who raises up those who are cast down, will some time in his
mercy not despise our unworthiness. Though, certainly, when we
consider our lack of resources, the trying nature of the country,
and the manners of the natives, the difficulties incident to our
undertaking and those incident to the establishing of a colony, the
thousand perils and impediments interposed by the sea or by our
fellow men, our enterprise seems but a dream and a Platonic idea.
I might set forth all these things one by one, if this were not to
imitate the Hebrew explorers, and rather with regard to our human
strength than to God's help, and no less through the [36] faintness
of our own hearts than in accordance with the truth of things, to
say: "This land devours its inhabitants; we are locusts, while
there are here monsters of the race of Giants." But yet, however
great these Giants be, that David with the sling and stone shall
prevail against them, even he who tramples the earth under foot in
his anger, and in his rage strikes terror into the senses of men;
that JESUS, the Savior of mankind, who blesses the world and leads
it toward perfection in spite of all its shortcomings; he, even he,
as we hope, will deem it a thing worthy of his love and his power
that, as Isaiah prophesied, _The solitude should exult and blossom
like a lily_; even as he deemed it good in his wisdom and his power
that, as we see, the most civilized empires in the height of power
and glory should receive the yoke of his cross and his humility.
Amen, so be it. And may all heaven with its prayers further this,
our hope, and above all the glorious Queen of heaven; and my own
prayers be aided, too, by the universal Church and especially by
that portion of the Church over which, in accordance with God's
will, your Reverence has so long presided--the Society; and I
also pray and beseech [37] your Reverence to further it with all
possible aid, and to be pleased to bestow on us toward this end in
all charity your benediction. From port Royal, in new France, the
last day of January, 1611.
_The son and unworthy servant
of Your Reverence_
PIERRE BIARD.
FOOTNOTES:
[III.] _Sic._ for Kinibequi.--[O'Callaghan.]
Index rerum ac nominum nunc primùm huic Epistolæ adjunctus
ACADIA, _duo Societatis Sacerdotes illuc missi sunt_ iii
_et ibi preveniunt_ 26
_Algonquini gerunt bella perpetua cum Irocosiis_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_et Montagnesii iuncti, multo plus mille capitum numerare non
possunt_ 13
_Anthropophagi, Excominqui et Armonchiqui perhibentur esse_ 9, 14
_Aquitaniâ euocatus, Sacerdos ad Novam Franciam proficiscitur_ 20
_Armonchiqui terram possident â fluvio Kinibequi vsque ad
quadragesimum gradum_ 11
_Anthropophagi perhibentur_ 14
_Automoinos, vel veneficos, Barbari consulunt_ 14
_Baia Fundij._ vide, _Sinus Francicus_.
_Baptismum velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis Barbari
accipiunt_ 24
_Barbari lege ac magistratu carent_ [40] 13
_Barbari quomodo vivunt_ 13
_bella populatim gerunt_ 14
_nec templa nec ædes sacras habent_ 15
_cum corpore memoriam ac nomen mortuorum sepeliunt_ 16
_Cacodæmonem colunt_ 16
_tenuem cognitionem Dei habent_ 16
_nonnulli in Galliam deuehuntur et ibi baptizantur_ 23
_centum in Novâ Franciâ baptizati sunt_ 24
_velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis baptismum accipiunt_ 24
_Gallos Nortmannos appellant_ 25
_canes immolant cum mors cuivis suorum appropinquet_ 28
_Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ tribuum nomina_ 9
_Novæ Franciæ numeri ac nomina_ 11, 13
_pelles unicus thesaurus_ 12
_vultus color et mores_ 13
_in quo constat religio_ 14
_in conviviis consuetudo_ 17
_infantes baptizantur_ 27
_P. Biardus invisit casulas_ 23
_Bella Barbari populatim gerunt_ 14
_Biardus, P. Petrus, in Acadiâ mittitur_ iii
_casulas Barbarorum invisit_ 33
_magnam Norumbegæ partum lustrat_ 32
_quemdam iuvenem D. Potrincurtio reconciliat_ 34
_Biencurtius, Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ deposcit_ 20
(vide _Potrincurtius_).
_Biencurtius D. Potrincurtij filius, interpretis vices gerit_ 31
_magnam Norembegæ partem cum P. Biardo lustrat_ [41] 32
_Cacodæmonem Barbari colunt_ 19
_Canadæ, Irocosii degunt ad capita magni fluminis_ 9
_S. Ioannis flumen orsum suum habet propemodum ora fluminis_ 10
_Canes, Barbari imminente morte assueti sunt immolare_ 28
_Patres Societatis hunc morem increpant_ 29
_Canoæ e cortice compinguntur_ 17
_Chorographiam Novæ Franciæ P. Biardus proponit mittere_ 18
_Choucaoët brachium est terræ quod sinum Francicum excipit_ 11
_Color Barbarorum_ 13
_Conviviorum apud Barbaros consuetudo_ 17
_Cotonus P. veniam obtinet ut Societas Iesv in Novâ Franciâ
laboret_ 19
_Dei, Barbari habent tenuem cognitionem_ 16
_Dieppam, duo Iesuitæ eunt ad conscendendum_ 20
_et solvunt ab hac portu_ 22
_Etheminquenses inter S. Ioannis et Kinibequi fluvios habitant_ 10
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_mille capita numerare non possunt_ 13
_Excominqui fera gens est et Anthropophaga_ 9
_Excommunicati, nomen vulgus Excominquorum_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 9, 11
_Anthropophagi perhibentur_ 14
_Expositio seu capita hujusce Epistolæ_ 6
_Flumina Novæ Franciæ_ 9, 10
_Fœmina apud Barbaros_ 16
_locum mancipii tenet_ 17
_Francici sinûs positio_ [42] 10
_Galli, quæ regio ab illis Nova Francia usurpatur_ 8
_Novæ Franciæ regionem non incolant_ 19
_Galliam, Barbari devehuntur et baptizantur_ 23
_Gallis, Irocosii et Armonchiqui non multum noti sunt_ 11
_Gallorum numerus in Acadiâ_ 25
_Geographi antiqui erroribus pleni_ 7
_Guerchevilia, Marchionisa, pro Patribus Societatis navem emit_ 21
_Gurges S. Laurentii_ 9
_Hæretici in navem Iesuitas recipere nolunt_ 20
_Henricus Rex, veniam dat Societati in Novâ Franciâ laborandi_ 19
_mortuus est_ 20
_Infantes Barbarorum baptizati_ 27
_Insula Præsentis, Terra Nova Barbaris appellatur_ 9
_Insulæ in Nova Francia frequentes sunt_ 12
_Irocosii ad capita magni fluminis Canadæ iacent_ 9
_perpetua bella cum Montagnesiis et Algonquiniis gerunt_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_Isthmum, gurges S. Laurentii et sinus Francicus efficiunt_ 10
_Kinibequi flumen._ vide _Rimbequi_.
_Latitudo Novæ Franciæ_ 8
_Leucas quingentas Isthmus continet_ 10
_Linguæ indigenarum Patres Societatis ignari_ 27
_Massæus, P. Enemundus, in Acadiam mittitur_ iii
_Medicæa Maria, regina regens, Societati Iesv patrocinatur_ 20
_mandat ut Patres in navem recepti sint_ [43] 21
_Membertou, Henricus, Sagamus Soricorum, cum familia ejus,
baptizatur_ 24
_filius ejus ægrotus deportatus est in ædes D. Potrincurtii_ 28, 29
_Sagamus, moritur_ 30
_magnâ pompâ sepulitur_ 32
_Moluarum, Terra nova celeberrima piscatu_ 9
_Montagnesii, ubi habitant_ 9
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_Montes Novæ Franciæ nivosi et perpetuò rigentes sunt_ 12
_Mores Barbarorum_ 13, 16
_Mortuorum memoriam ac nomen Barbari cum corpore sepeliunt_ 16
_Nomina Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ_ 9
_Nortmannos, Barbari Gallos appellant_ 25
_Norumbega nihil est quam umbra et vox_ 8
_Norumbegæ P. Biardus magnam partem lustrat_ 32
_Nova Francia, quæ sit regio_ 8
_numeri ac nomina tribuum Barbarorum in_ 11
_quare regio perfrigida est et valdè aquosa_ 12
_Societas Iesv permissionem obtinet laborare in_ 19
_Novæ Franciæ chorographia à P. Biardo facienda_ 18
_Novam Franciam Patres Societatis appellunt ad_ 24
_Numerus Gallorum in Acadiâ_ 25
_Panis in Portu-regali cœpit deficere_ 34
_Patres Societatis Iesv in Portu-regali degunt_ 10
_necessitates ac onera eorum_ 35
_Pedunculos Barbari in deliciis habent_ 18
_Pelles unicus thesaurus Barbarorum_ 12
_Pontia, Antonia._ vide _Guerchevilia_
_Pōtugoët fluvius_ [44] 10
_Portus-regalis latitudo ac situs_ 10
_Patres Societatis ibi perveniunt_ 26
_Potrincurtius, D. Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ poscit_ 20
_in Novam Franciam pervenit_ 24
_familia ejus unica est in Acadiâ_ 25
_Patrûm sedulitatem collaudat_ 27
_filius ægrotus Membertou deportatus est in ædes ejus_ 29
_Potrincurtio D. quidam iuvenis reconciliatus est_ 34
_Præsentis insula_ 9
_Promontorium Sabulorum_ 11
_Puella baptizatur_ 27
_moritur in Sacerdotum tuguriolo_ 28
_Religio Barbarorum_ 14
_Rimbequi (seu potius Kinibequi) flumen_ 10
_Sacerdos secularis centum ferè Barbaros in Novâ Franciâ baptizat_ 24
_in Galliam remigrat_ 26
_Sagami sunt bellorum ductores sed imperium eorum precarium est_ 13
_S. Ioannis flumen sese in Francicum gurgitem exonerat_ 10
_S. Laurentii gurges_ 9
_Sinus Francicus_ 10
_Societas Iesv, quanam viâ missionem in hanc provinciam obtinet_ 18
_permittitur in Novâ Franciâ laborare_ 19
_evocat duos Sacerdotes ut ibi proficiscantur_ 20
_impedimenta quæ eis afferuntur_ 21
_patres in Portum-regalem perveniunt_ 24, 26
(vide _Patres_).
_Somniis Barbari fidem habent_ [45] 15
_Soricorum Sagamus Henricus Membertou_ 28
_Soriqui ubi habitant_ 10
_tribus Novæ Franciæ_ 11
_duo millia non conficiunt_ 13
_Tabagia, convivium apud Barbaros vocatur_ 17
_Tabagiam, apud Barbaros mos est moribundis facere_ 28
_Templa nulla Barbari habent_ 15
_Terra nova, nomen suum apud Barbaros_ 9
_Tuguriola fœminæ ædificant_ 17
_quomodo ædificantur_ 18
_Venefici apud Barbaros_ 14
_potestas eorum_ 15
_Vultus Barbarorum_ 13
An index of matters, persons and places now for the first time added
to this Letter
[_Figures refer to original pagination.--Ed._]
ACADIA, _two priests of the Society are sent thither_ iii
_and arrive there_ 26
_Algonquins wage perpetual war with the Irocois_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_and the Montagnais together cannot much exceed a thousand in
number_ 13
_Cannibals, the Excomminiqui and Armouchiquois are said to be_ 9, 14
_Aquitaine, a Priest departs for New France, summoned from_ 20
_Armouchiquois occupy the region from the Kinibequi river to the
fortieth parallel_ 11
_are said to be Cannibals_ 14
_Autmoins, or medicine-men, the Savages consult_ 14
_Bay of Fundy_, vide _French Bay_.
_Baptism is accepted by the Savages as a sign of confederation with
the French_ 24
_Savages, they have neither laws nor magistrates_ [40] 13
_Savages, how they live_ 13
_wage war as a whole people_ 14
_have neither temples nor sacred edifices_ 15
_bury the name and memory of the dead with their bodies_ 16
_worship the Evil Spirit_ 16
_have a slight notion of God_ 16
_some brought to France and baptised there_ 23
_a hundred are baptized in New France_ 24
_receive baptism as a sign of confederation with the French_ 24
_call the French Normans_ 25
_sacrifice dogs when one of their people is about to die_ 28
_Savages of New France, names of the tribes_ 9
_of New France, their numbers and names_ 11, 13
_hides their only treasure_ 12
_their faces, color, and manners_ 13
_in what their religion consists_ 14
_their custom at their feasts_ 17
_infants baptized_ 27
_Father Biard visits their huts_ 33
_Wars, the Indians wage war as a people_ 14
_Biard, Father Pierre, is sent to Acadia_ iii
_visits the huts of the Savages_ 33
_explores a large part of Norumbega_ 32
_reconciles a certain young man with Monsieur de Potrincourt_ 34
_Biencourt, Jean de, asks for colonists for New France_ 20
vide _Potrincourt_.
_Biencourt, son of Potrincourt, serves as interpreter_ 31
_explores with Father Biard a large part of Norumbega_ [41] 32
_Evil Spirit, the Savages worship the_ 19
_Canada, the Irocois live at the head-waters of the great river
of_ 9
_the St. John river takes its rise near the river of_ 10
_Dogs, the Savages at the approach of death are accustomed to
sacrifice_ 28
_the Fathers of the Society blame this custom_ 29
_Canoes constructed out of bark_ 17
_Chart of New France, Father Biard proposes to send_ 18
_Chouacoët is a promontory jutting into French bay_ 11
_Color of the Savages_ 13
_Feasts, customs of, among the Savages_ 17
_Coton, Father, obtains permission for the Society of Jesus to labor
in New France_ 19
_God, the Savages have a slight knowledge of_ 16
_Dieppe, two Jesuits go there to embark_ 20
_and sail from this port_ 22
_Etheminqui, live between St. John and Kinibequi rivers_ 10
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_cannot number a thousand_ 13
_Excominqui, a fierce tribe, and Cannibals_ 9
_Excommunicated, the, common appellation of the Excominqui_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 9, 11
_are said to be Cannibals_ 14
_Explanation, or heads of this Letter_ 6
_Rivers of New France_ 9, 10
_Women among the Savages_ 16
_fill the place of slaves_ 17
_French bay, its position,_ [42] 10
_French, what country is called by them New France_ 8
_do not settle in the country of New France_ 19
_France, Savages brought there and baptised_ 23
_French, the Irocois and Armouchiquois little known to_ 11
_French, their number in Acadia_ 25
_Geographers, old, full of errors_ 7
_Guercheville, Marchioness de, buys a ship for the Fathers of the
Society_ 21
_Gulf of St. Lawrence_ 9
_Heretics refuse to receive the Jesuits into their ship_ 20
_Henry, King, gives the Society permission to labor in New France_ 19
_his death_ 20
_Infants of the Savages baptised_ 27
_Island of Præsentis [Plaisance], Newfoundland is called by the
Indians_ 9
_Islands are numerous in New France_ 12
_Irocois located at sources of great river of Canada_ 9
_wage perpetual war with the Montagnais and Algonquins_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_Isthmus, gulf of St. Lawrence and French bay form_ 10
_Kinibequi river_, vide _Rimbequi_.
_Latitude of New France_ 8
_Leagues, the Isthmus measures five hundred_ 10
_Language of the natives, the Fathers ignorant of it_ 27
_Massé, Father Ennemond, sent to Acadia_ iii
_Médicis, Marie de, queen regent, extends her favor to the Society
of Jesus_ 20
_orders the Fathers to be received into the ship_ [43] 21
_Membertou, Henry, chief of the Soriquois, is baptized with his
family_ 24
_his son being sick, is carried to the house of Monsieur de
Potrincourt_ 28, 29
_the Chief dies_ 30
_is buried with great pomp_ 32
_Cod-fish, Newfoundland celebrated for the taking of_ 9
_Montagnais, where they dwell_ 9
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_Mountains of New France are covered with snow and perpetual
frost_ 12
_Manners of the Savages_ 13, 16
_Dead, they bury their memory and name with them_ 16
_Names of the Savages of New France_ 9
_Normans, the Savages call the French_ 25
_Norumbega is only a shadow and a name_ 8
_Norumbega, Father Biard explores a large part of_ 32
_New France, what sort of a country_ 8
_number and names of its Savage tribes_ 11
_why the country is very cold and wet_ 12
_Society of Jesus obtains permission to labor in_ 19
_New France, its chart to be made by Father Biard_ 18
_New France, the Jesuit Fathers land in_ 24
_Number of the French in Acadia_ 25
_Provisions at Port Royal become scarce_ 34
_Priests, the Jesuit, live at Port Royal_ 10
_their needs and cares_ 35
_Lice, the Indians regard them as a dainty_ 18
_Peltries, the only treasure of the Indians_ 12
_Pons, Antoinette de_, vide _Guercheville_.
_Potugoët river_ [44] 10
_Port Royal, latitude and location_ 10
_the Jesuit Priests arrive here_ 26
_Potrincourt, Sieur Jean de, asks for colonists for New France_ 20
_arrives in New France_ 24
_his family is the only one in Acadia_ 25
_praises the zeal of the Fathers_ 27
_the sick son of Membertou is brought to his house_ 29
_Potrincourt, Sieur de, certain young man reconciled with_ 34
_Præsentis [Plaisance] island_ 9
_Sable, Cape_ 11
_Girl baptized_ 27
_dies in the cabin of the Priests_ 28
_Religion of the Savages_ 14
_Rimbequi (or rather Kinibequi) river_ 10
_Secular Priest, baptises nearly a hundred Savages in New France_ 24
_returns to France_ 26
_Sagamores are leaders in war, but their authority is precarious_ 13
_St. John river empties into French bay_ 10
_St. Lawrence, gulf of_ 9
_French Bay_ 10
_Society of Jesus, in what way it obtained the sending of a mission
to this province_ 18
_is permitted to labor in New France_ 19
_summons two Priests to go there_ 20
_the impediments put in their way_ 21
_the fathers arrive at Port Royal_ 24, 26
vide _Priests_.
_Dreams, the Savages have faith in_ [45] 15
_Soriquois, their Sagamore Henry Membertou_ 28
_where they live_ 10
_a tribe of New France_ 11
_do not number two thousand_ 13
_Tabagie, feast among the Indians is called_ 17
_Tabagie, a custom among the Savages held for the dying_ 28
_Temples, the Savages have none_ 15
_Newfoundland, its name among the Savages_ 9
_Tents, the women set them up_ 17
_how they are constructed_ 18
_Medicine-men among the Indians_ 14
_their power_ 15
_Aspect of the Indians_ 13
[Illustration: [_Facsimile of map of Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du
Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613)._]
A. Le lieu de l'habitation.
B. Iardin du Sieur de Champlain.
C. Alleé au trauers les bois que fit faire le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
D. Ile à l'entrée de la riuiere de l'Equille.
E. Entrée du port Royal.
F. Basses qui assechẽt de basse mer.
G. Riuiere sainct Antoine.
H. Lieu du labourage où on seme le blé.
I. Moulin que fit fair le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
L. Prairies qui sont innōdées des eaux aux grandes marées.
M. Riuiere de l'Equille.
N. La coste de la mer du port Royal.
O. Costes de montaignes.
P. Ile proche de la riuiere sainct Antoine.
Q. Ruisseau de la Roche.
R. Autre Ruisseau.
S. Riuiere du moulin.
T. Petit lac.
V. Le lieu où les sauuages peschent le harang en la saison.
X. Ruisseau de la trutiere.
Y. Allée que fit faire le Sieur de Champlain.]
XI
LESCARBOT'S RELATION DERNIÈRE
de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt
PARIS: JEAN MILLOT, 1612
SOURCE: Reprinted from original in Harvard College Library.
RELATION
DERNIÈRE
DECE QVI S'EST
PASSÉ AV VOYAGE
DV SIEVR DE POVTRINCOVRT
en la Nouuelle-France
depuis 20. mois ença.
_Par_ MARC LESCARBOT _Aduocat
en Parlement._
[Illustration]
A PARIS,
Chez IEAN MILLOT, deuant
S. Barthelemy aux trois Couronnes.
_M. DCXII._
AVEC PRIVILEGE DU ROY.
LAST RELATION
OF
WHAT TOOK PLACE
IN THE VOYAGE MADE
BY SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT
to New France, twenty
months ago.
_By_ MARC LESCARBOT, _Advocate in
Parliament._
PARIS:
JEAN MILLOT, opposite St. Barthelemy, at
the Three Crowns.
_MDCXII._
BY ROYAL LICENSE.
Relation Dernière de ce qvi s'est passé av voyage dv sieur de
Poutrincourt en la Nouuelle-France depuis 20. mois ença.
PREFACE.
LE proverbe ancien est bien veritable, que les Dieux nous vendent
toutes choses par labeur. Ceci se reconoit par experience ordinaire
en plusieurs choses, mais particulierement au fait duquel nous avons
à parler: auquel donne sujet par ses incomparables vertus le sieur de
Poutrincourt, de qui les labeurs plus que Herculeans ont dés y a long
temps merité vne bien ample fortune, & y eust donné attainte au temps
de nos troubles derniers, s'il n'eust esté trop entier à maintenir le
party qu'il auoit embrassé. Car le Roy le tenant en personne assiegé
dans le chateau de Beaumont [4] lui voulut donner le Comté dudit lieu
pour se rendre à son service. Ce qu'ayant refusé, il le fit toutefois
peu après gratuitement voyant sa Majesté reduit à l'Eglise Catholique
Romaine. Vray est que nostre feu Roy HENRI le Grand l'auoit obligé en
vne chose, c'est d'avoir rendu par sa bouche ce temoignage de lui,
qu'il estoit vn des plus hommes de bien, & des plus valeureux de
son royaume. Suiuant quoy aussi apres noz guerres passées, lui qui
naturellement est porté aux entreprises difficiles, fuiant la vie
oisive, auroit recherché l'occasion de faire plus que devant paroitre
son courage, honorer son Prince, & illustrer sa patrie. Ce qu'il
auroit fait par la rencontre du sieur de Monts, lequel en l'an 1603,
entreprenoit le voyage de la France Nouvelle & Occidentale d'outre mer,
auec lequel il se ioignit pour y r
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