History of the Twelfth West Virginia Volunteer Infantry
by William Hewitt · English · Gutenberg #45233 · 440,843 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: History of the Twelfth West Virginia Volunteer Infantry
the part it took in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865
Author: William Hewitt
Release date: March 27, 2014 [eBook #45233]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/45233
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE TWELFTH WEST VIRGINIA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY ***
Transcriber's Note:
Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been
retained as printed.
Words printed in italics are marked with underscores: _italics_.
[Illustration: WM. HEWITT 1860]
[Illustration: WM. HEWITT, FIRST LIEUT. 1868]
[Illustration: WM. B. CURTIS, COLONEL]
HISTORY OF THE
Twelfth West Virginia Volunteer Infantry
The Part It Took in the War of the Rebellion
1861-1865
_By_
_WILLIAM HEWITT_
_Published by the Twelfth West Virginia Infantry Association_
To the Surviving Comrades and the Families of
the Fallen of the Old Twelfth this work is
Respectfully Dedicated
PREFACE
COMRADES:
You conferred upon me at our reunion, held at New Cumberland, in 1889,
the honor of selecting me to compile a history of the Twelfth. The
matter was taken into consideration afterward by me, and owing in part
to the magnitude, burden and difficulty of the proposed task, my
inexperience in this kind of undertaking, and because I believed that
there were other survivors of the regiment much better qualified to
write the history, it was concluded to forego the undertaking. But at
our next reunion, because Col. Curtis was disappointed that nothing
had been done in the matter of the history, and was anxious that it be
written, and for the reason that the comrades present again expressed
a desire that I should undertake the work, I promised to attempt it
and do the best I could. Laboring under the unavoidable difficulties
that it has been thirty years since the old Twelfth was making its
history in the field, the almost total lack of official records
pertaining exclusively to the regiment, and the uncertainty of memory
at this late day, I have tried with reasonable fidelity to fulfill my
promise. In reason more should not be expected.
If you, the survivors of the Twelfth, be pleased with the history,
this fact will be a sufficient reward for my labors; but, on the other
hand, if it shall not come up to your expectations, you should be
charitable to its faults and short comings, remembering that however
great its imperfections you, yourselves, are largely responsible, for
the task was not one of my own seeking, but was rather thrust upon me.
The plan aimed at in writing the history is to not go outside of our
own organization in what is related, except to give a brief account of
the operations of the various armies to which we belonged, and to
intersperse the work with incidents, anecdotes, and matters mainly
personal to the members of the regiment.
Whatever possible merit may be found in the history is largely due to
the assistance of comrades in furnishing valuable data. Some of them
were quite liberal in their contributions. And where there is failure
to make mention of incidents worthy of record, or of daring deeds of
individuals or detachments, it is because they were not known, or are
not remembered by the compiler. Reasonable effort was made to get all
such details. A card was inserted in various newspapers, and letters
were written to different comrades asking that they be furnished. If
comrades shall fail to find, as no doubt they shall, a record herein
of certain incidents worthy of mention, they will be forbearing toward
the historian when they consider that there is a number of such
matters herein given that they did not know of or have forgotten.
The comrades will all feel like thanking Mrs. McCaffrey, formerly Mrs.
Bengough, wife of the late Lieut. Bengough of the Twelfth, for the
vivid and stirring story of the capture, detention and final release
of herself and sister-in-law as prisoners by the Rebels, kindly
furnished for this history.
Surviving Comrades, this attempted record of the history of the old
Twelfth is now submitted to your charitable consideration, and may
your days be long, peaceful, pleasant and prosperous.
WILLIAM HEWITT.
June 20th, 1892.
INDEX
CHAPTER I.
The Circumstances Under Which the Twelfth Was Organized--The Character
of the Men Composing it--The Organization.
CHAPTER II.
March to Clarksburg--Marches and Operations in West Virginia in the
Fall of '62--Incidents.
CHAPTER III.
The Movement into the Shenandoah Valley--Stationed at Winchester Under
Gen. Milroy--Moved to Berryville--The Capture of Capt. Lapole--Joke on
Sergt. Porter--From Berryville to Clarksburg--The March Through
Charlestown.
CHAPTER IV.
The Battle of Winchester--The Retreat--The North Mountain Girl--
Halted at Bloody Run, Pa.--Marched to Bedford--Left Bedford for
Loudon--Milroy's Men Capture One of Lee's Trains and Many Prisoners--
Marched to Hagerstown--Anecdotes--Marched to Sharpsburg--Thence to
Martinsburg.
CHAPTER V.
Col. Klunk's Resignation Accepted--Troops Pass from the Army of the
Potomac to Grant--An Incident about Van and Tom--Capt. Bristor's
Capture of Spy--Capt. Moffatt's Capture of Gilmore's Men--Lieut.
Blaney's Observation--An Incident Concerning Adjt. Caldwell--Mrs.
Bengough a Prisoner--Her Story.
CHAPTER VI.
An Attack Expected--March to Maryland Heights--Incidents--Brigaded
with the Thirty-fourth Mass.--A Move up the Valley--Incidents--The
Return--Incidents--Followed by Early-Threatened Attack at Harper's
Ferry--Moved to Cumberland, Md.--Comrade Haney's Story--Gens. Kelly
and Crook Captured.
CHAPTER VII.
Under Gen. Sigel--March to Beverly, via Webster--March back to
Webster--The Story of the Camp on the Rebel Farm--The March up the
Valley--Two of Company C Captured--The Battle of New Market--Gen.
Sigel's Letter--Corpl. De Bee's Scout--An Incident--Comrades Miller
and W. C. Mahan as Prisoners--Their Stories.
CHAPTER VIII.
Sigel Relieved--Hunter in Command--The Lynchburg Campaign--The Battle
of Piedmont--List of Killed and Wounded--Marched to Lynchburg--
Anecdote--The Battle--The Retreat to the Kanawha--Hunter's Loss of
Artillery on Way--The Men Hard Pressed for Food.
CHAPTER IX.
Back in the Valley--Threatening Early on His Retreat from Washington
--Battle of Snicker's Ferry--Marched to Winchester--Battle of
Kearnstown--Our Retreat via. Martinsburg and Sharpsburg to
Halltown--An Incident--R. W. Mahan's Prison Trials--A Large Army
Concentrates at Halltown--The Wild-goose Chase Into Maryland.
CHAPTER X.
Sheridan in Command--The Move up the Valley--The Twelfth Charges Rebel
Skirmishers--Sheridan Retreats to Halltown--Early Demonstrates Against
Him--Early Withdraws--Sheridan Moves to Charlestown--The Fight at
Berryville--Grant's Visit to Sheridan--The Battle of the Opeguon
--Anecdote of Sheridan--Battle of Fisher's Hill--Pursuit of the
Enemy up the Valley--Destruction by Sheridan--He Falls Back to
Strasburg--Battle of Tom's Brook--Our Brigade Starts for Martinsburg
--Mosby Attacks an Ambulance Guard--The Twelfth Starts for the
Front--Early Shells Thoburn's Camp--The Battle of Cedar Creek--The
Twelfth on the Way to the Front--Sheridan on His Ride--Col. Thoburn
Killed--Capt. Phil Bier Killed--The Twelfth Marches to Cedar
Creek--Thence to Newtown.
CHAPTER XI.
The Army Moves Back to Kearnstown--Early Follows Far as Middletown
--Sheridan's Cavalry Drives the Rebel Cavalry--Early Returns to New
Market--Anecdotes--The Twelfth Moves to Stephenson's Depot--Salutes
for Gen. Thomas's Victories--The Twelfth Sent to the Army of the
James--Put into the Twenty-fourth Corps--The Opposing Pickets--Lieut.
Col. Northcott's Resignation--The Sinking of Rebel Gun Boats--Rebel
Deserters--The Peace Commission--Grant Reviews Our Corps--Gen. Turner
Commands the Division--It Moves to Aid Sheridan--Asst. Surg. Neil's
Lecture.
CHAPTER XII.
Part of Our Army Crosses the James--The Second Division at Hatcher's
Run--The Capture of Fort Gregg--The Enemy Evacuates Richmond and
Petersburg--The Pursuit--The March to Cut off Lee's Retreat--An
Incident--The Second Division and One Other Were the Infantry Forces
Cutting off the Retreat--The Surrender--Both Armies Cheer--Lieut.
McCord--The Col. and Citizen McLean Talk--An Incident--Marched to
Lynchburg and Back--Thence to Richmond--Some of the Boys Presented
with Medals--Mustered Out--Sent Home--Memorial--Conclusion.
CHAPTER I.
(1) The great War of the Rebellion had gone on for more than a year,
and had assumed proportions of a grand scale, dwarfing any other ever
fought on this continent, so far as there is any history; in fact,
making all other wars on this side of the ocean appear, by comparison,
to be Lilliputian in character; and so far as the magnitude of its
theater or geographical extent was concerned, the greatest war in the
history of the world.
(2) Previous to our great war it had been supposed that modern times
had only one man surely--possibly others--capable of efficiently
handling a hundred thousand men--Napoleon Bonaparte. But this mighty
conflict was developing more than one man fully able to command that
number of men in action; and at least one man capable of having a
general supervision over fully a million of men in the field. We were
exhibiting to the world new methods of warfare both on land and sea,
and showing it that we had the most effective and intelligent soldiers
in the world.
(3) Several hundred thousand men had been called into the field, armed
and equipped. Men and money had been lavishly expended. There was a
willingness on the part of the loyal people to spend the last dollar
and furnish the last man, if they could see any evidence of progress
on the part of our arms, or have any assurance of final success in the
suppression of the Rebellion.
(4) The war on the part of the Government, however, had been begun
with an entirely inadequate idea of the magnitude of the undertaking.
It is well known that one[1] high in the councils of the nation had
predicted before hostilities actually began that there would be peace
in sixty days, and even the good President seemed to think that all
the threatening aspect of affairs would pass away if a little time
were allowed for the passions of the people to cool. There seemed to
be a want of comprehension on the part of the loyal people generally,
and not less so on the part of those holding the reins of government,
of the terrible earnestness and deadly determination of those who had
taken up arms to disrupt the Government.
[1] Secretary Seward.
(5) Hence the first call for troops to cope with what was to prove to
be the most determined and formidable rebellion recorded in history,
was for only seventy-five thousand men, and what was worse, for only
the short terms of three months, as though the suppression of the
Rebellion was comparatively a trivial affair.
(6) There was some reason, however, aside from the supposed
sufficiency of the first call for troops, for not calling out a
greater force, namely, the lack of arms and other munitions of war;
but this excuse could not be offered for the deplorable blunder, which
all now can see, of making the term of the first enlistment only three
months, many regiments' time expiring when they were sorely needed.
(7) In the outset of hostilities and actual conflict of arms, there
was a remarkable lack of earnestness and the customary severity, which
is generally supposed to characterize grim-visaged war, shown by some
of our generals in the field. In some instances the first prisoners
were merely sworn to not take up arms again against the Government and
then let go--"a process," says Greeley in his _American Conflict_,
"about as imposing and significant, in their view, as the taking of a
glass of cider." This treatment of prisoners soon became a by-word and
jeering jest among the soldiers. It is related that during the Three
Months' service, when a comrade had captured a snake and was holding
it up by the tail, a fellow soldier called out to him to swear him and
let him go.
(8) There was great tenderness, too, in the beginning of the war,
shown by professed friends of the Union, for the people of those
States which assumed to be out of the Union; and for the people of the
States which were nominally within the Union, yet whose loyalty was of
an exceedingly questionable kind, as was manifested by their objecting
to the soldiers of our country marching under our common flag, setting
foot upon their soil. It was alleged by these professed friends that,
by treating the Rebels with severity, the people of the seceded States
would be so exasperated thereby that all hope of restoring the Union
would be forever destroyed. Just as though they were not already
inflamed to the highest pitch, and enraged to the last degree, when a
timid, halting policy of being afraid of hurting them, was only
bringing the Government into disrespect, encouraging the enemy, and
making more Rebels every day; and when a decided, vigorous course
toward the traitors was needed to sharply draw the line between the
enemies and friends of the Government.
(9) There was also a halting, half-hearted policy shown in the
disposition and handling of the eastern army--a dissipation of its
strength which resulted in bringing only little more, if any force, on
the Union side, than about one-half of the available strength in the
first battle of Bull Run, fought July 21st, 1861, and resulting in a
humiliating defeat, which defeat had the effect of stimulating and
vitalizing the Rebellion into tremendous vigor, and giving it high
hope and great energy.
(10) This defeat at the time was universally regarded as a great
calamity, though it is now seen, in view of the fact that it
necessitated the prolonging of the war, thereby compelling more
extreme and radical measures for the suppression of the Rebellion, and
consequently making a more substantial and durable peace, that that
reverse to our arms was a blessing in disguise.
(11) It was followed by the calling out of five hundred thousand more
troops, and the next spring, by General McClellan's dilatory, sluggish
and worse than abortive attempt to take Richmond with the Grand Army
of the Potomac. And this failure of this magnificent army tended to
still further encourage the Rebellion. At the end of that campaign the
Rebels were as full of the spirit of determination and as sanguine as
ever. And although some substantial progress had been made by our arms
in the Southwest, yet the results of the war so far were not
satisfactory, nor at all equal to the great expenditure of men and
money.
(12) Under this condition of affairs, and in this exigency, "Father
Abraham" called on July 1st, 1862, not for "three hundred thousand
more," but for six hundred thousand additional soldiers. And it was in
response to this call for more defenders of the Union that the Twelfth
West Virginia enlisted and was mustered into service along with the
other reinforcements, to do what it might to keep the Old Flag aloft,
and "that government of the people, by the people, and for the people
might not perish from the earth."
(13) The Twelfth was made up of exceptionally good material. The men
were mainly American born and native Virginians. They were a hardy,
robust, vigorous, self-reliant class of men, mainly from the farming
districts, of more than average size, many of them mountaineers. They
enlisted under trying and embarrassing circumstances, and in great
measure from patriotic impulses, their surroundings and circumstances
in many cases tending to lead them to join their fortunes with the
Rebel cause. It was a common thing for a West Virginia Union soldier
to have friends and relatives in the Rebel army, and in some cases for
brother to fight against brother.
(14) One of our faithful and efficient surgeons, of the Twelfth, F. H.
Patton, now having the important and responsible position of being in
charge of the Soldiers' Home at Dayton, Ohio, at a reunion at Wheeling
in 1886 paid the boys of the Twelfth the compliment of relating that
he was sometimes asked why it was that there were so few West Virginia
soldiers found in the Soldiers' Home at Dayton, and said that he
replied to that question, that the boys of West Virginia were a
self-reliant class of men, used to and feeling themselves fully
capable of looking after and taking care of themselves during the war,
and that he thought the same trait, characterizing them yet, of
looking out for themselves, accounted for so few West Virginia
soldiers being found in soldiers' homes.
(15) Another incident will further illustrate the character of the men
of this regiment. During the winter of 1864-5, the Tenth, Eleventh,
Twelfth and Fifteenth West Virginia regiments, along with some other
regiments, were sent from the Valley of Virginia to the Army of the
James, and organized into a small division, General T. M. Harris,
commander. This division was afterward known as the Independent
Division. It so happened that members of some of the regiments of the
corps to which our division was assigned were so inclined to desert to
the enemy when on the picket line, that it was not considered safe to
put those regiments on picket. Shortly after arrival, General Harris
was asked by his commanding officer if he would be responsible for his
men's deserting from the picket line. Harris replied that he would
guarantee that not a man of his would desert. His confidence was not
misplaced. The men were put on picket and not a man of the Twelfth
deserted. The same is true, it is believed, of the other regiments of
Harris's command. Of course the Twelfth, like other regiments, had its
deserters; but that class was long since weeded out, and those left,
the men in general, were determined to stand by the old flag to the
end of their enlistment. They would rather die than desert.
(16) The Regiment was made up from the counties named below, as
follows: Cos. A, B and C, in Marshall; Co. D, in Ohio County; Cos. E
and G, in Harrison; Co. F, in Marion; Co. H, in Taylor; Co. I, in
Hancock, and Co. K, in Brooke County.
(17) The Twelfth West Virginia Volunteer Infantry was mustered into
the United States Service August 30th, 1862, at Camp Willey on
Wheeling Island, and the organization completed as follows:
FIELD AND STAFF.
(Mustered in August 30th.)
Colonel--JOHN B. KLUNK Grafton
Lieut. Colonel--R. S. NORTHCOTT Clarksburg
Major--F. P. PIERPONT Harrisville
Adjutant--GEO. B. CALDWELL Wheeling
Quartermaster--N. U. THURBER Moundsville
Surgeon--JOHN FRIZZELL Wheeling
Asst. Surgeons {DWIGHT RUGGLES Moundsville
{S. P. BRYAN Limestone
Chaplain--THOMAS H. TRAINER Moundsville
NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.
Sergeant Major--JAS. W. DUNNINGTON Fairmont
Q. M. Sergeant--DAVID B. FLEMING Independence
Com. Sergeant--WM. A. SCOTT Fairview
Hospital Steward--CHARLES H. ODBERT Wheeling
Principal Musician--GEORGE HAMMOND Grafton
COMPANY A.
(Mustered in August 16th.)
Captain--HAGER TOMLINSON Moundsville
First Lieut.--T. S. MAGRUDER Moundsville
Second Lieut.--WILLIAM BURLEY Moundsville
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY B.
(Mustered in August 20th.)
Captain--MARTIN P. BONAR Rosby's Rock
First Lieut.--NATHAN S. FISH Rosby's Rock
Second Lieut.--JOHN C. ROBERTS Moundsville
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY C.
(Mustered in August 23rd.)
Captain--ERASTUS G. BARTLETT Rosby's Rock
First Lieut.--WM. L. ROBERTS Moundsville
Second Lieut.--JOHN B. LYDICK Rosby's Rock
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY D.
(Mustered in August 25th.)
Captain--W. B. CURTIS West Liberty
First Lieut.--WM. A. SMILEY West Liberty
Second Lieut.--DAVID M. BLANEY West Alexander, Pa.
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY E.
(Mustered in August 26th.)
Captain--CORNELIUS MERCER Clarksburg
First Lieut.--OSCAR H. TATE Clarksburg
Second Lieut.--JAS. R. DURHAM Clarksburg
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY F.
(Mustered in August 26th.)
Captain--AMOS H. PRICHARD Mannington
First Lieut.--THOS. A. FLEMING Fairmont
Second Lieut.--THOS. H. HAYMOND Fairmont
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY G.
(Mustered in August 27th.)
Captain--JAMES W. MOFFATT Shinnston
First Lieut.--VAN B. HALL Shinnston
Second Lieut.--ELAM F. PIGOTT Shinnston
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY H.
(Mustered in August 27th.)
Captain--J. H. BRISTOR Grafton
First Lieut.--DAVID POWELL Flemington
Second Lieut.--THOMAS H. MEANS Grafton
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY I.
Captain--R. H. BROWN Fairview
First Lieut.--JOHN H. MELVIN Fairview
Second Lieut.--THOS. W. BRADLEY New Cumberland
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
COMPANY K.
(Mustered in August 30th.)
Captain--THOMAS WHITE Wellsburg
First Lieut.--JOHN B. JESTER Wellsburg
Second Lieut.--J. R. BRENNEMAN Wellsburg
Five Sergeants, eight Corporals.
CHAPTER II.
(18) The Regiment did not remain long in Camp Willey. On the day after
its completed organization it was ordered to Clarksburg, W. Va., which
place was then threatened by a force under the Rebel General, Jenkins,
who was then on a raid through West Virginia. Clarksburg is an old
town, the county seat of Harrison County, situated on the Baltimore &
Ohio Railroad, and distant by rail 122 miles from Wheeling. Clarksburg
will be remembered by the great abundance, in its vicinity, of
blackberries during the early fall of that year. They were so
plentiful that there seemed to be enough for the Twelfth and the
citizens of the town, too.
(19) The regiment arrived by rail at Clarksburg September 2nd, and on
that day a detachment of four companies under command of Lieut. Col.
R. S. Northcott was ordered to Beverly, the county seat of Randolph
County, lying in a southeast direction, and distant from Clarksburg 60
miles. The detachment arrived at Beverly September 5th. This place is
a small town situated on the Tygarts Valley branch of the Monongahela
River, at the western base of Cheat Mountain.
(20) The remaining six companies under command of Col. John B. Klunk
were ordered September 4th to Buckhannon, W. Va., the county seat of
Upshur County, distant 28 miles. Buckhannon is pleasantly situated in
apparently a good country.
(21) The detachment under command of Col. Northcott marched from
Beverly September 13th for Webster, Taylor County, distant 42 miles,
arriving at the latter place the 15th. On this march the detachment
was followed by slaves, some half dozen, who were striking for
freedom, saying that they had run away because their master had
threatened to sell them. They seemed to attach themselves to Capt.
Brown's Company (I), and appeared inclined to remain with it during
the stay at Webster. One or two of these slaves were nearly white, and
some of the boys inclining to talk to and hang around them, Capt.
Brown concluded to get rid of them; so in a few days two of the boys
going to Grafton, a few miles distant, he sent them with the boys.
(22) When the boys got to Grafton, a train of Ohio soldiers was about
to start for Wheeling. One of the boys informed the colonel of the
presence of the slaves and their story, and asked him if he would take
them aboard of the train. He refused peremptorily. It looked blue for
getting them off in that way. However, the Twelfth boys in passing to
rear of the train--a long freight--caught sight of, as it appeared,
some of the non-commissioned staff in the rear car. They were told
what was wanted. One of them having an eye to the main chance, wanted
to know how much money would be given to take the "darks" on board. In
a few moments some money was paid, the Twelfth boys contributing in
part, and quickly and slyly the fugitives were hustled aboard; and a
little later the train was off. They were never heard of afterward. It
is to be hoped, however, that the sweets of freedom were not a
disappointment to them.
(23) The detachment left Webster on the 22nd and marched to
Clarksburg, distant 18 miles, arriving there the same day. It remained
at this place until October 1st, when it marched to Buckhannon,
rejoining the other companies there. There was considerable rejoicing
when the boys all got together again. In fact, the detachment met on
its arrival with quite an ovation, the band coming out to greet it
with stirring martial airs.
(24) The regiment remained at Buckhannon, doing guard and picket duty,
and drilling until the 19th. It was at this place that a drill-master
appeared, and he put the regiment through quite a course of drilling,
having it out every day practicing, while he stayed. Among the other
exercises, he practiced the regiment considerably on forming a correct
equipment. He would place the Sergeants, two from each company, in a
line, say ten steps in advance of the regiment; the Colonel or the
Major would then march the men forward to the line of the Sergeants;
and when a particularly good alignment was made in this way, the
drill-master was in the habit of remarking, to the amusement of the
boys, "I say, Colonel," or "I say, Major, that is a capital line."
(25) It is remembered that more than half of the companies, while
having company drill at this time and place, would, on moving by
different flanks on the march, in marching to the rear, have the order
of the men reversed, so that No. 1 was on the place of No. 2, and vice
versa. But it was never observed that this circumstance in any way
interfered with the efficiency with which the boys afterward moved
upon the enemy, or in case of an emergency, with the celerity with
which they could "limber to the rear," as one boy expressed it. A
little story, as "Father Abraham" would have said, relating to a later
period of the war, will perhaps be not impertinent in this place.
(26) We were in the Valley under Gen. Sheridan. The Twelfth and Fourth
West Virginia Infantry, under command of Lieut. Col. Northcott, had
been to Martinsburg, and was returning to the camp at Cedar Creek, on
a four-days' round trip. The Battle of Cedar Creek was fought while we
were on the return. It is a matter of history that the Army of West
Virginia, or the Eighth Corps, was surprised in that battle. It was
attacked before daylight, its works carried, and it put to rout almost
before it knew it. The men not captured "fled to the rear, as the only
thing they could do." In order to the better appreciation of the
story, it may be well to say that Gen. Sheridan had employed this
corps, doubtless on account of its celerity of movement, to flank the
enemy at both the Battle of Opequon and the Battle of Fisher's Hill.
The Twelfth and Fourth reached the camp at Cedar Creek with a supply
train on the forenoon after the battle. It should have been said that
these two regiments belonged to the Eighth Corps. Just as they were
getting into camp, while passing some of the Sixth Corps, one of the
latter yelled out, seemingly in allusion to the formers' flanking
movements, and its rout at Cedar Creek, "There goes some of that
d----d Eighth Corps. They are always running one way or the other!"
(27) On the 19th six companies under command of Col. Klunk marched to
Beverly, and November 1st they were rejoined there by the other four
companies. At this period of our service we had Sibley tents, which
were circular in form, having a center pole, and a hole at the top of
the center of the tent. They were capable of holding about sixteen
men. We had tin-plates, tin-cups, knives and forks, one of each for
each soldier, and a camp-kettle for, say each mess of ten or fifteen
men. We had also a mess-box, in which to pack the plates, etc., for
transportation. When in camp during pleasant weather the boys would
eat in the open air on tables erected for that purpose. In fact, there
was considerable style put on in the outset of the regiment's service.
It took time to pack mess-boxes, strike tents and get ready to march.
It took six wagons to carry the camp equipage. A large army having a
proportionate number of wagons would have had enough to seriously
embarrass it, and it might be, to whip it, in an engagement. Later
in the war, the last year or more, the camp equipage for the men
was reduced to a piece of shelter-tent and a tin-cup. This was a
deprivation, but it had its advantages, for the men did not have to
wait on the wagons, as they had to do sometimes when the camp equipage
was hauled; but they could pitch their tents and make their coffee
whenever and wherever they stopped, for they carried their tents and
tin-cups in which to make their coffee.
(28) At the time of this second march to Beverly, the regiment was
pretty nearly full, not having been reduced by sickness or otherwise,
there being not far from 800 men present for duty, and it made rather
a formidable showing on the route. The impression that it made at that
time upon a private soldier, as to its formidableness, may be here
spoken of. "I used to think," said he later in the war, when he had
had more experience, "that when I would take a survey of our regiment
on the march, from some point on the route, we were not likely to meet
any enemy that could withstand us." This shows that he, like thousands
of others, who were under a mistake in a less degree as to the
magnitude of the Rebellion, had a ridiculously inadequate idea of the
numerical strength of the enemy, or of the vastness of the force
necessary to overcome it, there being, if not just then, not long
afterward, the equal of more than a thousand such regiments required
to achieve that purpose.
(29) On our way to Beverly we passed over the battlefield of Rich
Mountain, the first view we had of the sad havoc of war. Quite a
number of Union and Rebel dead were buried here at the side of the
road. It was said that when our forces drove the enemy from this
position they found a trench dug at the side of the road over which
this inscription was placed: "TO HOLD DEAD YANKEES." But the trench
was utilized by filling it with dead Johnnys, about sixty of whom were
buried here. A few of our men belonging to Ohio and Indiana regiments
were buried in the corner of a garden nearby. The surrounding trees
gave evidence of the struggle at this place.
(30) The regiment as a whole remained at Beverly only a few days. The
stay at this place of the six companies first there was over two
weeks. The Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania Infantry and the Ninth West
Virginia Infantry were there with us at the same time. The
Eighty-seventh and the Twelfth were camped near together, a short
distance north of the town on the bank of the Tygart's Valley River.
Col. Hay of the Eighty-seventh was a very pleasant man, and a good
tactician; and while we were here used to drill the Twelfth; and a
friendship sprang up between his boys and ours that was strengthened
and never lost by after association in the same brigade or division.
(31) While we were at this town an unfortunate occurrence took place.
A detail of the Ninth West Virginia was on guard in the town with
orders to not allow any soldiers enter it without a pass. Some of the
Eighty-seventh boys undertook to force past the guards, when one of
the former was shot, it is not remembered whether fatally or not. When
the news of the shooting came to camp there was a great commotion,
like that of a disturbed hive of bees, in the camp of the
Eighty-seventh. The boys went rushing to their tents, many of them
from the river where they were washing clothes, to get their guns to
avenge the shooting of their comrade. The aspect of things looked
quite threatening for awhile. Finally, however, the officers of the
regiment managed to quiet the men down, and further trouble was
prevented.
(32) Sergeant Thomas J. Orr of Company D thus relates a couple of
incidents of our stay at Beverly:
(33) Provisions being a little short, our larders were sometimes
replenished from surrounding flocks and herds. An effort in this
direction came near being attended with serious consequences. Jake
McCormick of Company K concluded that bull-beef was a great deal
better than no beef; so he and a chosen comrade or two walked
deliberately down to the river, where a herd of cattle was quietly
grazing, and selecting the patriarch of the herd, proceeded to extreme
measures by shooting him to death, after which they dispossessed him
of his hide, quartered and divided him among their hungry chums.
Shortly an order was issued for Jake's arrest, but as the whole
regiment was _particeps criminis_, the authorities concluded that
it was too big a contract, and Jake escaped punishment, and went his
way rejoicing.
(34) On another occasion a fine flock of sheep was reported a mile or
two down the river. A squad from Company D concluded to sample the
mutton of that part of the country. Selecting a fine moonlight night,
and led on by Tegard and King, who located the flock, they soon
arrived at the objective point. But here a difficulty arose that they
had not anticipated. How would they get the sheep captured? For they
were wild as deer. After thinking the matter over and discarding many
proposed plans, King, who stuttered, said: "B-b-b-boys, I have it.
Tegard and I will go down to the lower end of the field, make a gap in
the fence, and the rest of you drive the sheep through. Tegard and I
will lie down just inside the gap and catch our sheep as they go
through." This being a feasible plan, the boys proceeded to carry
it into execution. Tegard and King laid down the fence and laid
themselves down just inside, to await coming events, or rather the
coming of the sheep. They had not long to wait; the sheep, frightened
by the other boys, made a drive for the gap in the fence, the largest
and strongest, of course in the van. Now here was where the fun
commenced. King was greedy and concluded that one would not be quite
enough for him; so he grabbed two of the first that came through by
the legs. Being large and strong, they dragged him a short distance
from the fence, where the rest of the flock would light on him as they
jumped through the gap. King held on to the mutton, but he was a sorry
looking King when he got straightened up. And an inventory being taken
of him, it stood something like this:
G. W. King + two sheep.
G. W. King + two black eyes.
G. W. King + countenance demoralized generally.
G. W. King - cap, coat and half his pants.
(35) After dressing three sheep the boys returned to camp in safety.
But it was fun to hear King tell the boys the next day in his
stuttering way how he got his black eyes.
(36) If there was anything a soldier would stake his all on, it was on
something good to eat; and this further remark is ventured while on
this subject: that there were members of the regiment who contented
themselves with Government rations, but if any article of food was
placed before them not found in "Uncle Sam's" bill of fare, they ate
what was put before them, asking no questions for conscience's sake.
(37) The circumstance of the killing of the bull is well remembered,
and it is not forgotten that the officers of the Twelfth, accompanied
by the owner of the bull, went through the camp pretending to search
the tents for that bull-beef, all the while trying to assume a serious
face; but at the same time betraying in their countenances a manifest
consciousness that the whole proceeding was a glaring farce. They did
not want very much to find any part of the remains of the defunct
bull. In fact, the whole performance gave the impression that it was a
vigorous attempt at "how not to do it" and that the undertaking was
succeeding admirably.
(38) Our stay at Beverly now came to a close. On November 5th three
companies, F, D and I, with a detachment of the Ringgold Cavalry, a
battalion of Pennsylvania troops under command of Major Pierpont of
the Twelfth, were ordered on a scout through Pocahontas and Bath
Counties, by way of Elkwater and Huntersville, to Monterey, the county
seat of Highland County, W. Va., where they joined the other companies
of the regiment, they, the latter, having started from Beverly one day
late, and marched a different route, through Pocahontas and Pendleton
Counties, under command of Col. Klunk, arriving at Monterey on the
9th.
(39) As there is no data at hand regarding events or incidents in
connection with the seven companies, on this expedition to Monterey,
the account given will relate exclusively to the three companies under
command of Major Pierpont.
(40) On this scout the detachments of the three companies and the
small cavalry force, traversed a section of country where Yankees had
not been seen before. The opportunities for foraging here were good,
and the boys improved them. One day an incident occurred that gave an
intimation of the licentiousness and hardships of war. A citizen was
met in the road. He wore a fur overcoat made of coonskin, and one of
the cavalry men made him take it off and surrender it to him. The
citizen passed on minus his overcoat, and in a predicament that should
have enabled him to realize, in some measure, the beauties of
secession.
(41) Camp was made one night at a place called Mingo Flats. While here
a laughable affair occurred, for the relating of which as follows
Sergeant Orr is drawn upon once more:
(42) There was not house room for all the command, so Company F and
part of each of the other two companies, D and I, went into a meadow
where there was a bunch of hay stacks. The men took the fence from
around the stacks, and built square pens four or five rails high,
leaving the side next the fire open. Then filling the pen up with hay
they placed rails over the top, and covered all with hay, making
excellent quarters for ten or a dozen boys.
(43) Capt. Prichard of Company F, and Lieut. Melvin of Company I, were
both with this squad. The former was very much opposed to foraging;
while the latter didn't care whether school kept or not, so they
didn't bother him too much, and he got enough to eat. There was also
in this squad a character of Company I we called "Nosey." Now it
happened that there was a drove of calves in the meadow. And after we
had our quarters prepared and fires built, some of the boys were
peering around to see if there was anything in view appropriable.
Among the number was "Nosey," who spied the drove of calves. Visions
of fresh veal at once began to dance through his brain. With "Nosey"
to think was to act. He made at once for the calves, selected his
veal, grabbed it by the tail, and then the circus began. The calf was
large and strong, but "Nosey" had a splendid hold. The calf broke for
the fires at a 2:40 gait, "Nosey" keeping on his feet as best he
could. Capt. Prichard, hearing the racket, drew his "cheese-knife,"
and ran out to intercept the culprit, whoever he might be. The first
thing he saw was "Nosey" and his calf coming at full speed, whom he
greeted with "Hold on, there! Hold on there!" "Nosey" replied: "I
will, by ----." Just then a member of Company D, catching on, snatched
an ax and relieved the breathless "Nosey" by tapping the calf gently
on the head. We had veal for supper.
(44) On the second day out we passed over the Elkwater battlefield,
where the Rebel Col. John A. Washington was killed. At Huntersville we
surprised a number of Johnnys, who were sleeping off heavy potations
of apple-jack, and took them along as prisoners, passing, on our way,
up Knap's Creek Valley in Pocahontas County, a section of country of
rich farm land, abounding in fine cattle and horses. It was a fine and
amusing sight to see Acting Quarter Master Lieut. Bradley of Company I
sailing over the broad meadows on horseback, endeavoring to capture
the splendid horses grazing on the luxuriant pastures there. Some of
the horses were too fleet to be captured, and maintained their
freedom.
(45) The boys fared well on this raid, getting milk, honey, apples,
etc., in abundance. The apples were buried in holes, as is frequently
done with potatoes. And it was a laughable sight to see the boys
fairly tumbling over each other, and almost standing on their heads,
as they dived into the apple holes, trying to not get left in their
attempts at getting a fair share of the apples.
(46) Sergeant Orr has the floor once more for the narration of an
incident said to have occurred here, for the truth of which, however,
he does not vouch. He tells it thus:
(47) "Two men of the expedition went into a house to get something to
eat. It happened that the male folks were all away from home, as was
generally the case in that section when the Yanks were about, leaving
only two single ladies of uncertain age in charge of the premises.
When our two Yanks made their appearance, the two ladies became
frantic with terror; and holding up their hands exclaimed, 'Take our
money, take everything we have, but do not harm us personally'! 'You
personally be damned,' said the Yanks, 'have you any corn-bread?' That
soothed them."
(48) On this raid of the three companies we captured 60 head of horses
and mules, 300 head of cattle, 41 prisoners and a wagon load of fine
butter on its way to Staunton, Va. The owner of the butter was sent to
Camp Chase. Where the bulk of the butter went is not known, but the
boys made use of some of it.
(49) We arrived at Monterey on the night of the 9th, rejoining here
the other seven companies, as before stated, which had accompanied an
expedition under command of Gen. R. H. Milroy, to this point. The
regiment remained here but one day, when we started on our return, by
way of Crab Bottom, resting one day there in the old Rebel winter
quarters. We resumed our march on the morning of the 13th, by way of
Franklin, the county seat of Pendleton County; thence by way of
Circleville and Hunting Ground Mountain, back to Tygart's Valley
River, five miles below Beverly, our starting point.
(50) A sad accident occurred while crossing the mountain. A member of
the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania, who was along with the expedition,
was accidentally shot by a comrade. His comrades attempted to carry
him, but they could not do so, and they were compelled to bury him on
the lonely mountain, using their bayonets to dig his grave.
(51) Leaving our camp below Beverly, we marched to Webster, on the
Parkersburg branch of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, where we arrived
on the 18th, marching a distance of 238 miles in fourteen days during
the most inclement season of the year, fording mountain streams,
swollen by melting snow and rain, many of the men barefooted, and the
roads half knee-deep with mud. It is not to be wondered at that many
of the men succumbed to this severe ordeal, and were candidates for
the hospital on our arrival at Webster.
(52) One more incident of this raid will perhaps bear relating. Some
of the boys took the measles on the route. On the return to Beverly a
sergeant was sent in charge of an ambulance containing four sick boys,
something in advance of the regiment, and over a different route, it
is believed, from that taken by it. One evening, the second out,
perhaps, after ascending and descending Cheat Mountain, the driver
halted the ambulance just at its base on the west side, where there
was a hotel.
(53) Now it happened that Gen. Milroy and his Adjutant General, Capt.
McDonald, if his name is not mistaken, were going to put up at that
hotel. The boys being quite sick, the Sergeant spoke to the landlord
to procure beds for them. He seemed reluctant to comply with the
request, and perhaps, to baffle the Sergeant, he told him to see Capt.
McDonald about the matter, saying it would be just as the Captain
said.
(54) It often is the case that a man holding an inferior rank or
position assumes an air of more importance, and more of "the insolence
of office," than do his superiors. This Captain was no exception to
this rule. In fact, he was a specimen of the type of fellows
represented by the fellow who was "a bigger [sic] man than old Grant."
So when the Sergeant spoke to him regarding the getting of the beds,
he put on a forbidding and repellant air and said sarcastically that
"he was not quarter-master." The Sergeant replied with somewhat of
offended dignity that he would not have come to him at all, only that
the landlord had referred him, the Sergeant, to him, the Captain.
(55) Here Gen. Milroy spoke up in a courteous and considerate manner,
quite in contrast with that of the Captain, saying "We do not assume
to have the disposition of the landlord's beds; they are entirely at
his own disposal. As for myself, I can sleep on the floor." The
Sergeant, being thus left to his own resources, secured those beds for
the sick boys.
(56) The regiment left Webster on the 19th, going over the Baltimore &
Ohio Railroad to New Creek, in Hampshire County, West Virginia,
distance 89 miles, arriving there the same day. There were other
troops besides the Twelfth. One of the regiments of these was the
Twenty-third Illinois Infantry, Col. Mulligan's regiment. This command
was made up almost if not entirely of men of Irish birth, Mulligan
himself being of that nationality. He was a fine, tall, erect man,
with a military air, and a general mien and bearing that would attract
attention anywhere. For this reason, and because of his national
reputation, no doubt, and, it may be, the circumstance that he wore a
green shirt, he attracted considerable attention from our boys.
(57) As the weather was now pretty cold, and severe winter was
approaching; and as we had established a camp here with
regularly-laid-out streets, it looked as though we might winter here.
But we staid here only three weeks. On the 11th of December our
regiment marched by way of Burlington and Petersburg to Moorefield,
the county seat of Hardy County.
(58) On the march to this place Lieut. Col. Northcott, stopping at a
house on the way between Petersburg and Moorefield and getting thus
behind the command, was taken prisoner by a Rebel scout. One of our
scouts, however, followed the Rebel and his prisoner, and recaptured
the Colonel, after, it was said, a severe hand-to-hand fight, in which
each scout surrendered alternately, the Union scout coming out final
victor.
CHAPTER III.
(59) At Moorefield the Twelfth was assigned to Gen. Cluseret's brigade
of Milroy's division, and on the 17th Gen. Cluseret started on an
expedition to Strasburg, Va., the Twelfth being part of his command.
We marched 26 miles the first day, camping on Lost River, four miles
from Wordensville. That night was cold and stormy. The wind blew so
that it made the soldiers' blankets flap as they lay under them trying
to get a little sleep, and it was so cold that in some cases they had
to get up in the night to go to the large fires they had made to get
warm. That night it froze so hard that the creek was frozen so as to
bear up a horse, but not quite the artillery. There was some
difficulty in getting it over the creek. It was to this bleak and
inhospitable place that the eccentric genius, "Barney" Wiles of
Company D, alluded when he spoke of "the place where fire froze and
turkeys chewed tobacco."
(60) The second day the command marched through Wordensville to Capon
Springs, 18 miles, encamping there for the night in the Mountain
House, a magnificent building of 410 well finished rooms, situated
right in the midst of rather a dense forest. Owing to the torturous
mountain roads we were close to this building before observing it.
Making a sharp turn in the road, its grand proportions flashed upon us
suddenly, as if by magic. The water in these springs is quite warm,
and much steam was arising from it that cold weather.
(61) We had good quarters that night, having nice mattresses on which
to sleep. But we had to get up very early in the morning to resume our
march to Strasburg. Surgeon Bryon of the Twelfth, in a half-jocular
and half-earnest way, protested against getting up so early, saying
"It's not the ideal thing, and I don't believe in it--this thing of
getting up at midnight to stuff victuals and start out on a Rebel
hunt."
(62) After "stuffing victuals" we pushed out for Strasburg, a distance
of 18 miles, where the Rebel Gen. Jones was, with a small force, which
retired before the advance of Cluseret's brigade, leaving only his
rear-guard to skirmish with the advance, as it entered the town.
(63) Gen. Cluseret was a spirited, dashing Frenchman, who afterward
figured prominently in belligerent affairs in Paris, after its
evacuation by the Prussians, in the late Franco-Prussian War. And it
was a picturesque sight to see him in his corduroy pantaloons, on
nearing the town, dashing ahead of the infantry with a very small
body-guard, while some skirmishing was going on with the cavalry. Some
prisoners were taken here.
(64) On nearing Strasburg we got our first sight of the far-famed
Shenandoah Valley, which had already been the scene, so far in the
war, of some bloody battles, and was destined to be the scene of some
far more bloody. And at the same time we got our first view of the no
less famed Blue Ridge.
(65) We camped at Strasburg that night. This was a small town of quite
ancient appearance, situated on the north bank of the North Branch of
the Shenandoah River, and at the base of the Massanutten Mountain,
lying to the south. The next day the command marched six miles to
Middletown. We remained here until the 24th.
(66) Our movement from Moorefield had been a rapid one, and all
subsistence and camp equipage had been left behind, except what the
men could carry. So we had, in part, while at Middletown, to live off
the country, regular foraging details being sent out for the purpose
of getting subsistence, which were fairly successful. And we had to
extemporize such quarters as best we could, while staying at
Middletown. We built up rail-pens, filling them in and covering them
over with straw for quarters. They answered very well for that
purpose, as the weather was then quite fine for that season of the
year.
(67) On the 24th the command marched to Winchester, Va. For a little
while, until our tents arrived, we occupied the abandoned Rebel winter
quarters at that place, made of cedar brush. It appeared that when the
Johnnys vacated their quarters they were not entirely abandoned--we
found other occupants of them. It was here that we made our first
acquaintance with "grey-backs." We found them companions whose
acquaintance was hard to cut. They seemed to be no respectors of
persons. It was not an uncommon sight to see a Colonel with his shirt
off looking industriously for the little enemy, just the same as
though the said Colonel were a fellow of low degree. As Artemas Ward
would perhaps have said, he, the "grey-back," was a "little cuss," who
seemed to love war against the human species for its own sake, not
caring a continental whether he attacked a Union soldier or a Reb.
(68) When the regiment started on the raid by way of Strasburg, a part
of it was left behind at Moorefield. This detail of about 75 men, and
about the same number of the Tenth West Virginia Infantry, the latter
under command of Capt. Darnell of the latter regiment, and the whole
under command of Capt. J. W. Moffatt of Company G of the Twelfth,
struck tents and started for Winchester with a wagon train of supplies
for Cluseret's command, leaving Moorefield the 28th. At Wordensville,
four miles out, they were attacked by Rebel cavalry. The _Wheeling
Intelligencer_ of June --, 1865, in a sketch of the history of the
Twelfth, said of this affair: "They were attacked by about 300 of
Imboden's cavalry, and, notwithstanding the largely superior force of
the enemy, Capt. Moffatt repulsed them handsomely, driving them
several miles, and conducted the train safely to Gen. Cluseret at
Winchester."
(69) The _Intelligencer's_ statement regarding this affair is not
strictly correct, for the Rebels captured 52 horses from the train. No
blame attaches to Capt. Moffatt, however, as he was a brave and
faithful officer.
(70) After this attack and repulse Capt. Moffatt and his train-guard
had no further trouble. On the route they crossed the south branch of
the Potomac, passed through Romney, crossed Lost River, passed through
Blue Gap, crossed Capon River, and on the fifth day out, January 1st,
1863, arrived at Winchester, the train-guards of the Twelfth rejoining
here their regiment. This was the day on which the President's
Emancipation Proclamation was to take effect, but strange to say the
colored people of Winchester seemed utterly ignorant of the fact that
there was such a thing as any proclamation of freedom.
(71) One was struck with the number of colored people in this town
with white blood in them. They were of all shades of color, from, say
half white to nearly white. An incident in this connection is perhaps
deserving of a place. After we had been in Winchester for some time,
and had begun to get a little acquainted, Surgeon Bryan of the Twelfth
one day got into a conversation with a lady of the city, and,
pertinent to the subject of the conversation, remarked that he could
scarcely distinguish the negroes from the whites.
(72) "How is that," inquired the lady, "are the white people so dark?"
(73) "Oh, no;" he replied, "it is not that the whites are so dark, but
that the blacks are so white."
(74) To go back a little, some skillful maneuvers by Gen. Cluseret,
shortly after his arrival at Winchester from Strasburg, should be
mentioned. One day there seemed to be some signs of an attack by Gen.
Sam Jones. And it appeared as though our General wished to avoid, at
that time, an attack from the enemy; so he moved the bulk of his
brigade, consisting in all of about 2,500 men, over a ridge to the
north, a half mile distant, out of sight; then he brought them in view
again, on the ridge several hundred yards to the right, marched them
along the southern slope of the ridge, and passed over it out of
sight, at the same place as before. Thus making it appear that two
columns had crossed the ridge instead of one.
(75) This maneuver was calculated to deceive the enemy if he viewed it
from a distance, for some of our own men looking on from a distance,
thought we were getting reinforcements. Some of the citizens of the
town remarked afterward, it was said, that they thought that Gen.
Cluseret's strategic handling of his brigade on that occasion was well
done.
(76) Winchester at the time of our occupancy of it was a rather pretty
old town pleasantly situated, and of about 6,000 inhabitants. It was a
place of historic associations, among which may be named the fact that
it was the burial spot of Gen. Daniel E. Morgan of Revolutionary fame,
and it was destined to have still further historic associations.
(77) The citizens were almost universally disloyal; and the women
especially took particular pains, on our coming among them, to show
their hostility toward, and aversion for, the Yankees, by pulling
their veils over their faces on passing the men on the street, and
other like demonstrations. But time and association have their
influence, and after awhile these manifestations of dislike and enmity
almost entirely ceased. In fact, on entering their houses the women
would treat you courteously, and in some instances, it is remembered,
that they used, in a half pleasant, half tantalizing way, to sing for
and at us their Rebel songs, such as "The Bonny Blue Flag," etc., and
then apologetically ask us to not be offended at their doing so.
(78) The women here were notably handsome and fine looking, so much so
as to be the subject of remark among our soldiers to that effect. A
little incident may be here pertinently given. There was an old
colored woman in the town, who used to work for the boys. On one
occasion there was an allusion by some of them, in her presence, to
the fact that there was a general concurrence of opinion among both
officers and men that the white women of Winchester were quite
handsome. The old colored woman did not quite relish this compliment
to the white women, and said that if they were handsome in appearance
they were not pretty in disposition, adding, "Indeed, honey, they
could just cut your hearts out." Perhaps it was not without reason
that this negress entertained this opinion.
(79) There were more than 1,000 Rebel dead buried here, many of whom
had been wounded at the Battle of Antietam, and died of their wounds
at this place.
(80) This post was destined to be our winter quarters for the
remainder of the winter. We spent the time here in guard, picket and
fatigue duty, the latter duty being in part, work on the
fortifications; and in drilling, target practice, and an occasional
scout, filling in the interims growling, playing cards, corresponding,
reading the papers, and occasionally talking on politics and disputing
about the Emancipation Proclamation. Something about this last matter
will be mentioned further along.
(81) The arrival of the mail was always looked forward to with
especial anxiety and interest by the boys. So eager were they to hear
the news from home, some of the men in some of the companies, who
could not write, inducing others to help them in their efforts, so
applied themselves to learning to write that they were enabled to do
their own corresponding before the war was over. The army was in this
particular, as well as in some others, a good school for some of the
boys.
(82) Citizens used to come into camp at this place to sell pies,
cakes, etc., to the soldiers, and the boys would sometimes cheat them
shamefully. In one instance at least, a soldier passed a label taken
from a bottle of Perry Davis's Pain-killer for money. Where a peddler
of pies could not read and the boys paid in scrip they, in making
change, would very likely take more money than they gave. It is not to
be wondered at, in view of the simplicity and lack of intelligence on
the part of many of the whites of the South, that they manifested the
ignorance they did, implied in the question "What are you alls coming
down here to fight we alls for?"
(83) Even the citizens of apparently general intelligence seemed to
have very hazy ideas of the real nature of the war. On one occasion a
lady of Winchester, who did not seem to be of the ignorant class,
asked the question, "How long do you intend to carry on the war
against us?" and when told that the war would be prosecuted until the
people of the South submitted to the authority of the United States,
she seemed to regard the idea with horror and repugnance, and as a
thought not to be entertained for a moment, throwing up her hands and
exclaiming "Oh! Oh!"
(84) Possibly this lady's conception of the war, and that of thousands
of others in the South, was that it was a fight to satisfy a spite or
grudge, and after a sufficient revenge should be taken the war would
stop. They seemed to have very little idea of the deep devotion to the
old flag, on the part of the Union soldiers, and the loyal citizens
generally, that made them willing to stand by it at any sacrifice; and
perhaps no understanding of the demands of the future welfare of the
nation, requiring the maintenance of the Union, and appealing to all
Unionists to fight the war to a successful issue, if it was among
human possibilities.
(85) Our present occupancy of Winchester continued for three months.
During that time little of important interest took place. The cavalry
here had some brushes with the Rebel cavalry. On one or two occasions
some Pennsylvania cavalry (either the Twelfth or Thirteenth) was sent
down the valley from the direction of Strasburg, pell-mell into
Winchester by the Rebel cavalry, some of the former, in one instance
at least, losing their hats in their hasty retreat.
(86) A reference to a diary kept by one of the boys, under date of
February 27th, says that on that day our cavalry had an engagement
with the Rebel cavalry ten miles out on the Strasburg road, in which
our force was rather worsted, losing about 200 men.
(87) During March we received some reinforcements, three regiments and
a twelve-gun battery of Regulars. On March the 17th the voters of the
West Virginia troops marched to the nearest point of that proposed
State, to vote on the question of the adoption of the constitution.
(88) On the 27th we struck tents and marched to Berryville, about ten
miles distant. This was a small town, on the road to Harpers Ferry,
and near the Shenandoah River. Two days later two regiments, the Sixth
Maryland and the Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania Infantry, reinforced us at
this place.
(89) There were guerrillas, whose retreat was just across the
Shenandoah River in the Blue Ridge, that were very bold and annoying
at this place, frequently firing on the outposts. On the night of
April 8th they captured two cavalry pickets and five horses of our
command. On the night of the 21st a detail of 40 men under command of
Lieut. David Powell of Company H, all of the Twelfth, crossed the
river into Loudoun County, Virginia, and captured the desperate and
dangerous Capt. Lapole and seven of his men of these daring
guerrillas, bringing them in safe to camp as prisoners, receiving
therefore the hearty thanks and commendation of the commander of the
post at Berryville.
(90) A comrade tells the story of the capture as follows:
(91) While the Twelfth West Virginia Regiment lay at Berryville, Va.,
during the months of March and April, 1863, the pickets, outposts and
reconnoitering parties were constantly annoyed and harassed by
frequent attacks from guerrilla bands, under command of Capt. Lapole,
a noted desperado belonging to Mosby's command. Quite a number of men
had been killed by this Captain and his party. To capture them was no
trifling undertaking.
(92) Lieut. David Powell of Company H had been made provost marshal of
the command. In this position he had an opportunity to quiz and learn
from all parties who came to his office the whereabouts of Capt.
Lapole and his men. At length a negro man, name forgotten, came and
wished a permit to buy some sugar and coffee of the post Sutler.
(93) On inquiry Lieut. Powell learned that he was from the east side
of the Shenandoah River, where Capt. Lapole and his men always made
their escape after making their attacks. At once the Lieut. suspected
that the negro man had been sent to obtain the articles he desired,
and took him into a back room to question him. The negro stoutly
denied that he had been sent by Lapole or any of his men, but admitted
that he knew Lapole and quite a number of his men, and after close
questioning said that Capt. Lapole and seven of his men were at his
master's home and would remain there for the night.
(94) At this Lieut. Powell told him if he would give such information
as would lead to Capt. Lapole's capture he would give him $50. This
was increased to $80 by Gen. Milroy. The negro at once acceded to the
proposition, and agreed to join in the work of his capture, and
admitted that Capt. Lapole and his men had sent him for the coffee and
sugar. He was allowed to purchase his articles and return to his home,
with the understanding that if Capt. Lapole and his men remained at
his master's he would come to the eastern bank of the river and light
three matches in succession. Then someone would cross the river and
learn all the facts respecting Lapole and his men. At the appointed
time the lights flashed across the river and Lieut. Wycoff of the
First New York Cavalry crossed the river, and learned that Lapole and
his men were there at his masters and would remain all night.
(95) Lieut. Powell accompanied by Lieut. Thos. H. Means of Company H,
came to the river, and while there signals were displayed from an
upper window of a farm house, which display Lieut. Powell with a part
of his command, went to the house to put a stop to. On going to the
house he found quite a number of the fair sex collected, and a
bounteous supper prepared for the boys on the other side of the river.
(96) Lieut. Powell allowed his men to eat at the first table and then
after giving strict orders that no lights should be exhibited from the
house that night, he took from the house a negro guide and made for
the river again. But on his return, Lieut. Means and his men could not
be found, and no one dared to make a noise to call him.
(97) Presently he came across Lieut. Wycoff, who had secured a leaky
old boat and was waiting for Lieut. Powell and his men. As soon as
Lieut. Powell came he, Wycoff, told him what the negro had done and
said. At once Lieut. Powell entered the boat with three other
men--Samuel McDaniel and Harvey Haddox (the latter was afterward
killed in the assault on battery Gregg, in front of Petersburg, Va.)
as rowers of the boat. The other soldier was Elijah McIntosh, all of
Company H, (McIntosh died at Winchester, October, 1864, from an
overdose of morphine given him by a drunken doctor of the regiment.)
Then the oarsmen returned and brought two others over until there were
twenty-eight men in all on the east side of the river. With these
twenty-eight men Lieut. Powell pushed on to where Lapole and his men
were lodging for the night.
(98) McDaniel and Haddox took charge of the boat and started down the
river, which was fearfully high and rabid, and the night was so dark
that no one could see an object ten feet away. Thus three miles had to
be traveled down the river, before coming to the house where the men
sought, were to be found.
(99) Before reaching the house the chickens were crowing for day and
already the dawn of light was beginning to show above the mountain
height. (Blue Mountain.)
(100) The negro guide made a mistake and led to the wrong house, not
more than four hundred yards away. The noise here in bursting open the
door was loud, but fortunately not loud enough to waken the sentinel,
who, not more than twenty minutes before had been permitted by his
Captain to lie down and sleep, for he had announced the dawn of day
and all quiet.
(101) Lieut. Powell had divided his men into two sections--the first,
was to move on to the house, and then open order and quickly move
around the house, so as to enclose it. The other section was to rush
with all their force against the door, and if possible mash it in upon
the men who were sleeping on the floor. The first crash, the door flew
from its hinges and fell within upon the now frightened foe.
(102) Without firing a shot, the whole crew cried for quarter. A light
was struck and just as the light flamed up, one of the men fled up a
stair way. When pursued he was found close in by the side of a fat
chubby girl who had been sleeping alone upstairs. When requested to
come forth, he quickly obeyed and begged for quarter. The girl was
heartily scared. Some of the men were for capturing her, but on closer
view they decided that she was a woman and ought to be left to finish
her morning nap.
(104) All the prisoners, Capt. Lapole and seven men were properly
searched, their arms secured, and a rapid fall back upon the river was
made, where the two men with their boat was in waiting. Lieut. Wycoff
had also secured another boat.
(105) Lieut. Means and his men were on the other side; also, two
pieces of artillery were planted to secure a safe crossing of the
river, against an attack from Mosby and his men, who were only a mile
or so distant.
(106) Lieut. Powell saw all his men and his prisoners safely across,
then he the last of all, came across, having with his brave men,
accompanied one of the most daring feats of the war. The crossing of
the river alone, was one of the most perilous adventures one could
undertake.
(107) After crossing the river, and forming his men, Lieut. Powell
marched with his prisoners to Berryville, where he securely placed
them in the county jail, under a vigilant guard. He and his men
received the complimentary notice of Col. McReynolds, commanding post;
of Gen. R. H. Milroy, commanding at Winchester, Va., and of Gen.
Robert Schenck, who commanded the northern part of Virginia and of
Maryland.
(108) Lapole, the morning after his capture, proposed that if he could
be allowed fifty yards, and then a chance for escape, he would allow
six or eight men to shoot at him. But when told there were that many
men in the command who could kill a deer 100 yards running, he gave up
the matter as a dangerous undertaking.
(109) He was afterward tried by a military court at Fort McHenry at
Baltimore, and was sentenced to be hung, which sentence was executed
on the 8th of May, 1864, one year and one month after his capture.
(110) The negro who informed, was literally shot to pieces afterward,
by Lapole's comrades in their guerrilla warfare.
(111) The men who crossed the river and captured Lapole, did their
duty nobly. Not one of them failing in a single duty assigned them.
(112) It was a mortification to Lieut. Means, that he did not get to
cross the river and to share the danger with others.
(113) The men who participated in the capture of Lapole and his men,
were largely volunteers from the several companies of the regiment.
There was never any need of a detail when it was known that Lieut.
Powell was to command.
(114) A company of the Twelfth, on the night of the twenty-ninth went
out from camp a few miles to a house to capture some "bush-whackers"
supposed to be there; but they failed to get any.
(115) In this connection may be told a little joke on Sergeant James
Porter, who was of the detachment. There was a beautiful girl at the
house, whom the sergeant got to see, and with whose beauty he was it
seemed, much impressed. It appeared that the matter rested upon his
mind; and the next day, though a quiet man, he referred to her beauty
in evident admiration, saying, "Boys that was a mighty pretty girl
that we saw last night, and I have a notion to go back there."
(116) Our stay at Berryville now May ninth, came to a close. The
regiment at this date received orders to proceed to Clarksburg, W.
Va., to protect that place, which was threatened with an attack by a
rebel force under Gen. Jones, who was raiding the country about there
generally.
(117) We started on our march to Clarksburg in the afternoon, to go by
way of Harpers Ferry to take the cars there, to the former place. We
marched through that old town of Charlestown, W. Va., near Harpers
Ferry, which old town is destined to be historic, and a noted place
for long years to come, because of its association with the name of
John Brown, of Osawatomie, whose memory is world-wide. As showing the
extent of the name and fame of John Brown, an incident is here given
in substance, as related some years ago by the late Thomas Hughes,
"Tom Brown of Rugby," then ex-member of parliament.
(118) It was after our late Civil War that he, Thomas Hughes, was one
day walking along in London, not far from London bridge, when he heard
a sound of voices that arrested his attention. He listened and soon
discovered that the sound proceeded from a regiment of British
soldiers crossing the bridge singing, "John Brown's body lies
mouldering in the tomb," etc. In writing about this occurrence he
indulged in this reflection. That when such men as he should be
forgotten, the name of John Brown would still be remembered.
(119) It was perhaps between nine and ten o'clock at night--that night
in May--when we passed through the old town. The lights were out, the
streets deserted, the citizens apparently had retired for the night;
and the town seemed wrapped in slumber. There was nothing to disturb
the quiet of the night, and the solemn stillness of all about, but the
monotonous tramp, tramp of the soldiers as they marched; when suddenly
the quiet was broken; Company A, at the head of the regiment struck up
the song of "John Brown," and other companies taking it up soon all
were singing.
(120) Pretty soon windows were hoisted, shutters were thrown open and
lights flashed out on the streets. It seemed as if the citizens of the
old town were startled! Possibly they thought the spirit of John Brown
had come back from the spirit world to haunt them.
(121) A few years before the soldiers of Virginia was here to see that
John Brown should be hanged, that human servitude in the land might be
made more secure. Then the moral atmosphere of our land was murky with
greed, selfishness and prejudice. Men's understandings were perverted;
they called wrong right, and preached it as a holy thing. It was
almost true, that he had no friend, that dared proclaim the fact, and
that none were so poor as to do him reverence. Then, too, there were
distant rumblings of a coming storm, but the cloud on the horizon was
no larger than a man's hand.
(122) Today the storm of war had burst upon the land with threatening
fury. The whole country was turned into a field of war. There were
other soldiers on duty now. They were fighting to maintain the Union
of their fathers, "shouting the battle cry of freedom," and every step
they took was leading to the doom of slavery.
(123) The thunder and lightning of war was clearing the moral
atmosphere. Men saw things differently now; and while the men of the
old Twelfth, like many others, gave a sort of superficial disapproval
of the conduct of John Brown, deep down in their hearts, in these
perilous times which were anew trying men's souls, they felt an
admiration for the old hero who died bravely, in an insane attempt to
free from bondage a despised race; and hence, they sang with gusto the
John Brown war song, as they marched through that town in the Valley
which will suggest his name for generations to come.
(124) Considering the wonderful contrast between the spectacle of this
regiment's then singing the battle hymn whose refrain is, "But His
Soul Goes Marching On," and that which was to be seen there only a few
years before, the incident was a most extraordinary and impressive
one.
(125) On the eleventh, we arrived to within five miles of Clarksburg,
where the enemy had destroyed a railroad bridge. We got off the cars
here, got our dinner and marched the same day to Clarksburg. The Rebel
Gen. Jones made no attack on the place. During this stay at this
place, Mr. Nathaniel Wells, of Brooke county, brought tickets out from
Hancock county, for the soldiers of the latter to vote.
(126) We remained at this place doing picket duty, and drilling nearly
every day, with nothing particular occurring, until June second, when
we had orders to march, taking a freight train for Grafton on the
Baltimore and Ohio railroad, where we were paid on that day two months
pay. The next morning we took the cars at this place for Martinsburg,
arriving there the following night; and in the morning following, we
started on the march up the Valley Pike for Winchester, more than
"Twenty miles away" arriving on the fifth at that place. We camped on
the southwest of the town. Here at this time we drew shelter tents.
This appeared like getting down to business--looked like stripping for
a fight.
CHAPTER IV.
(127) The time for the taking place of important events was
approaching. The near future was pregnant with events for the Twelfth;
the time for the battle of Winchester under Gen. Milroy was not far
off. And an important crisis for the entire nation in the progress of
the war was almost at hand, involving the welfare of the country and
the better interests of mankind generally; for the battle of
Gettysburg, the greatest battle of the war, and the greatest battle
ever fought on American soil--a battle which is now regarded as the
turning point of the war, was about to be fought.
(128) We had now been in the service for nearly ten months and the
regiment, as a whole, had never been in an engagement. We sometimes
wondered whether we should ever get into a battle. It is safe to say
that most of the boys were anxious to see, at least, one fight; and
some of them were want to say somewhat boastfully, that they were
"spoiling for a fight." Any doubts, however, as to whether we were to
see a battle were soon to be dispelled; and the desire to see one, or
to be engaged in it, was destined to be more than satisfied, at a
later period.
(129) "Coming events cast their shadows before." There are frequently
harbingers of future occurrences; but the difficulty is to measure
their significance, and to know what is best to do in view of them.
There began to be signs of a coming conflict in this field of
operations. The next day after our return to this place we had orders
to lie on our arms the succeeding night; and the next night. Sunday,
the seventh, at 10 o'clock three companies, D, E, and I, were sent out
on the Strasburg road to reinforce the picket there. The three
companies stayed out till morning, when they returned to camp. Two
days later the situation was becoming more threatening. Companies F,
I, C, and H, under command of Col. Northcott were ordered out to
support, at night, a section of artillery, which at the time was
placed in position every night to be ready in case of an attack.
(130) In the morning, no enemy having appeared, the four companies
returned to camp. This day, the eleventh, Major Pierpont gave us a
farewell address, he having resigned as mayor, to accept the office of
adjutant general of West Virginia. He left much to the regret of the
Twelfth, being a general favorite.
(131) The bloody ordeal of a general battle for the whole command was
just now at hand. The next day the Eighty-seventh Pennsylvania with
some cavalry and artillery went out the Strasburg road five miles, and
ambushing a force of Rebel cavalry, they killed and wounded some fifty
of them, and captured about forty prisoners without the loss of a man
of the Eighty-seventh. The boys of that regiment came back in good
spirits saying, that they had "skunked them."
(132) That night four companies of the Twelfth were again ordered to
support a battery. They returned from doing that duty at 7 o'clock
next morning; but before they got their breakfast, the whole regiment
was ordered into line. After standing in line for awhile, we got
orders to fill our canteens with water and get one day's rations in
our haversacks; and about 11 o'clock we marched out on the Strasburg
road. At the same time, cannonading commenced on our left, which told
us the battle was on.
(133) We changed our position several times until we got into a piece
of woods. Here we were ordered to take off and pile up our knapsacks,
which we did. The Rebels were advancing a heavy skirmish line in
front; and soon were heard those peculiar sounds, the whistling of the
minnie-balls, to which the men afterward became quite accustomed. So
unaccustomed were they to the whistling sounds, that they began to
question among themselves as to what they were, some saying that they
were the sounds of flying bullets; others that they were not. An
officer hearing the talk said: "Boys those are bullets as sure as you
live." This assurance together with the increasing frequency of the
sounds, settled the matter in their minds; and they never afterward
had any doubts as to what it was, when they heard the whistle of
bullets.
(134) We opened on the advancing enemy, and for about an hour we kept
up a heavy fire. We held the Rebels in check in our front. After a
while Adjt. Caldwell reporting that the enemy was flanking us on our
right, Company A, under command of Lieut. Burley was ordered to form a
skirmish line, and move to that flank to protect it. The force there,
however, moving against us was too heavy to be kept back by one
company of skirmishes; so the Colonel ordered us to fall back behind a
small creek which position we held till dark.
(135) When we retired from the woods to the creek, the Colonel marched
us to the rear by file, instead of in line of battle, which latter
order under the circumstances, military tactics, it is taken, would
demand. We filed off the field by the left flank, and in doing so the
right had to march the length of the regiment before gaining a step to
the rear. It was while thus marching to the point of filing left to
the rear, Lieut. Bradley, of Company I, was shot dead. We left our
knapsacks in the woods, where we had unslung them. They, of course,
fell into the hands of the Johnnys, who, no doubt, examined them with
a good deal of interest. This, our first engagement, was the only one
in which we met with anything like a general loss of equipments.
(136) Col. Curtis, then Captain of Company D, used to tell this
anecdote concerning this day's fighting. There was an Irishman in his
company whose name was Tommy Burke, who, like his nationality in
general, was quick-witted and humorous. During the fighting in the
woods the hammer was shot off his gun, and about the same time he
missed his haversack, Tommy believed--no doubt correctly--that it had
been shot away too. Being thus completely knocked out as it were, he
turned to the Captain saying, with reference principally, it is
presumed to the loss of his haversack, "Captain, Captain, the bloody
Rebels have cut ahff my supplies."
(137) After dark we fell back from the creek to a stone wall at the
outskirts of town, when it began pouring down rain in torrents. At 2
o'clock in the morning, Sunday the 14th, we marched up into the
fortifications, remaining there till 7 o'clock. At this time while in
the fortifications, Lieut. Melvin of Company I, arrived from home,
showing that the rear was still open till near that Sunday morning, at
least.
(138) Our regiment was the first to go out of the fortifications that
morning. We took a position behind a stone wall between the Strasburg
and Romney roads, and about a mile from the main fort, which we held
till ordered back. A little later two companies as skirmishers took
position behind the stone wall we had just left. The left wing was
held in reserve, while the right supported a battery placed at about
900 yards from the Rebel lines.
(139) In front of this battery off to the southwest the Johnnys were
behind a stone wall. Our artillery did some very accurate shooting,
knocking several holes in the wall behind which the Johnnys were,
causing them, when the wall was struck, to scatter in a lively manner,
and thus affording for the time being, at least, great sport for our
boys, though they were quite worn out from want of sleep, having had
little or none the night before. Occasional shots from the enemy
reached this battery. It was one of these that struck and killed
Lieut. Beugough of Company F, who was lying sleeping at the time,
being overcome by want of sleep.
(140) About 5 o'clock P.M. the whole regiment advanced to the stone
wall. A half hour later the Rebels opened a tremendous fire with their
artillery, which heretofore, during the day had been quiet, on our
fortifications. The whole force then fell back to the forts, the
Rebels having shortly before this captured battery L, of the Regulars.
Thus practically ended this day's fighting. However, our siege guns
replied to the Rebel guns till about night, the roar of our heavy guns
being deafening.
(141) The Rebel artillery fire came from a ridge southwest of our
forts, and was directed seemingly to the flag staff of the main fort;
and when Gen. Milroy climbed the flag staff, as he did, in order to
get a view of the Rebel batteries, it may be, or to note the effect of
our fire, the boys cheered him lustily.
(142) Greeley in the _American Conflict_ says in regard to this
capture of Winchester by the Rebels, that our men took a prisoner
Saturday night the 13th, "who rather astonished Milroy by the
information that he belonged to Ewell's corps; and that Longstreet's
also was just at hand--the two numbering about 50,000 men."
(143) In regard to the operations of the next day, Sunday, 14th, he
says that at 4 P.M. they (the Rebels) made a charge up the Front Royal
road to the edge of town, but were repulsed. A little later they
opened fire from two eight-gun batteries on the northwest, hardly a
mile from town; and forthwith Ewell's infantry swept up to and over
our breast works, disregarding the fire of our guns, driving out the
110th Ohio with heavy loss, and planting their colors on our defenses.
Meantime, the city had been substantially invested on every side, and
was now virtually lost; though an attempt to storm the main fort from
the position first gained was repulsed.
(144) Referring to the foregoing alleged attempt to storm the main
fort, if there was any made, it was after dark. It is remembered that
there was heavy firing from the fort, on the northwest side, as though
the enemy was making an attack, but it never seemed quite clear that
he was, as it was so dark at the time that an object could be seen but
a short distance.
(145) At 1 o'clock A.M. Monday, 15th, Milroy held a council of war
which decided to evacuate our force of all arms being only 10,000, and
not all of it effective, against a corps of 25,000 and more if
necessary. The artillery was spiked, the harness cut up, the axles and
wheels sawed to pieces, and at 2 o'clock, the whole command began
moving out to evacuate the fort, the soldiers hastily breaking some
boxes of crackers (conveniently placed for the purpose) with the butts
of their muskets, and putting some of the crackers in their
haversacks, as they marched out.
(146) We started on the road leading to Martinsburg. A mile or two
from the fort, Gen. Milroy rode along the road past the men telling
them to push along; that he wanted to get as far out the road as
possible before daylight. The Twelfth was somewhere about the middle
of the line. Four miles from Winchester our advance was attacked by a
division of Rebels holding the road in our front. It was at this time
just breaking day. There was very heavy firing for about a half
hour--heavier than at any time during the two proceeding days.
(147) We were halted when fighting began in our front; and stood in
line seemingly waiting on orders, but none coming we filed to the left
of the pike, and started in the direction of North Mountain. It was
just here where we left the pike, that Lieut. Col. Northcott, getting
separated from the regiment, was captured. We encountered no enemy
until we got to the base of the mountain several miles distant. Here
we were fired upon by some Rebel cavalry, from a road running along
the base of the mountain. Company A, being at the head of the regiment
opened fire in return upon the Johnnys, pouring it in briskly, and
they soon got out of the way. We had now got outside of the Rebel
ring. None of our men were hit at this place.
(148) The One Hundred and Sixteenth Ohio, the First New York cavalry
and the Twelfth West Virginia, were the only regiments that came out
of the fight retaining their organizations. We lost no men as
prisoners except those who had in some way got separated from the
regiment; though our loss in prisoners was considerable, about 200.
Among these were, Lieut. Col. Northcott, Asst. Surgeon, F. H. Patton,
and Lieut. Henry F. Anshultz. Among the killed were, Lieut. Thomas W.
Bradley of Company I, and Lieut. John T. Beugough of Company F; and
among the wounded was Lieut. James R. Dunham of Company E.
(149) This fight at Winchester was a disastrous one for the Union
cause. Milroy lost between 3,000 and 4,000 men, all his artillery and
some 400 wagons, the troops coming out of it, retaining their
organizations, had only their small arms.
(150) It was an opinion entertained by many of Milroy's men, that this
disaster to our arms was largely compensated for, by the alleged fact
that his stubborn resistance at Winchester had so detained Lee in his
invasion of Pennsylvania, that Hooker and Meade were the better
enabled to concentrate their forces to protect Washington and meet him
in battle. There is seemingly not much in this view; for it was only a
part of Lee's army that was detained; the bulk of it kept moving on,
not being detained, in the least, by Milroy. Days after his rout the
enemy was still on the road south of Winchester, marching down the
Valley, as will appear further along.
(151) It was more than two weeks after Milroy's defeat that the battle
of Gettysburg was fought. He could have got out his entire command, if
he had started one day sooner. Considering the length of time after
the defeat, before the battle of Gettysburg took place, this detention
of the advance of Lee's army for only one day longer than was
consistent with his escape, was of not very great importance. Greeley
says, "Milroy's great mistake was holding on just one day too
long--his communications with Schenck and Halleck having already been
served." This will doubtless be the verdict of history. It was for
this blunder and its consequences, evidently, that he was relieved
from command of his army.
(152) Going back a little, Col. Curtis tells this story about Lieut.
Phil Bier of Company A, in reference to our being fired upon by the
Rebels at the foot of North Mountain. When our men began returning the
fire, some one shouted, "You are shooting the cattle." Lieut. Bier
replied, "D----n it! whoever heard of cattle shooting--give it to them
boys."
(153) In this connection it is proper to speak of the conduct of
Sergt. Henry Spear, of Company D, at this time. When we were fired
upon, some of the boys, not knowing, of course, the strength of the
enemy, and being taken by surprise, began shying off to one side of
the road into the woods. Sergt. Spear, however, walked toward the
Johnnys, so as to get a good view; and spying a fellow behind a fence,
took deliberate aim at him and fired. He got from behind the fence
quickly. Spear had unknowingly exchanged guns with a comrade at night
in the fortifications. He insisted that if he had had his own gun, he
would have shot the Johnny.
(154) In closing any reference to the fighting of our regiment at this
battle of Winchester, it is but simple justice to say that the manner
in which Company B, acquitted itself on the first day's engagement, as
skirmishers, called forth deserved praise.
(155) Here is an incident of our retreat copied almost verbatim from
an old letter written at the time, well worthy of a place. After we
had driven off the cavalry at the foot of the mountain, and were
ascending it along a road, through a sort of defile, near the top a
girl of some fourteen or fifteen years, barefooted, bareheaded, her
hair hanging loosely down over her shoulders came out from a humble,
unpretentious dwelling near by, and with a coolness and confidence
calculated, under the circumstances, to excite admiration, inquired
for the Colonel telling him that she thought it best to not take the
road he was on; that she had heard that the Rebels held it at the
point where it intersected the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, about 35
miles distant; and when inquiry was made of her as to whether she
could show us another route that was open, she said that she thought
she could.
(156) When the Colonel told her that we would burn their house if she
deceived us intentionally, and got us to take a road on which we would
be intercepted by the Rebels, she showed no alarm, and was not in the
least disconcerted. She went with us about four miles along a path on
the mountain crest, where we had to walk in single file. Striking
another road here, she left us. Before she left, however, each of
several officers gave her some money.
(157) This young heroine talked very rapidly--was not bold, but had a
simple confidence--and was not a bit afraid of the soldiers. Her hair
was blonde, her forehead high, she was intellectual in appearance, and
had native beauty of person. This mountain maid needed only a little
polish to make her highly attractive. It is to be hoped that she never
had to suffer at the hands of the Rebels for giving aid and comfort to
the enemy. The soldiers of the Twelfth who met her that morning on the
mountain will long remember her.
(158) We continued our retreat in a somewhat northerly direction,
camping at night in the mountain. At about midnight we renewed our
march and in the forenoon of the next day, crossed the Potomac into
Maryland, at a placed called Millstone point, wading the stream.
Passing on up the river five miles farther we reached Hancock on the
Baltimore and Ohio railroad about noon. The men, of course, by this
time were much exhausted from two or three days' fighting, little
sleep since the fight began three days before, little to eat for the
last day or two, and hard marching. It is believed that the men
generally, got something to eat here.
(159) The One Hundred and Sixteenth Ohio, which arriving on another
road, and portions of the First New York, and Twelfth Pennsylvania
cavalry, with some stragglers from various commands, joined us at this
place. Scouts reporting that some Rebel cavalry coming from the
direction of Martinsburg were going to receive them; but no attack was
made however. We stayed here till 10 o'clock at night, when we marched
to Little New Orleans, eighteen miles distant, arriving there sometime
the next day. We expected to take the car here for Cumberland, Md.,
but no cars came.
(160) We waited here till dark, when Col. Washburn of the One Hundred
and Sixteenth Ohio, receiving a dispatch from the colonel of the First
New York, that the enemy held Cumberland, we went a little back on a
hill and camped for the night in some woods. Having got some coffee,
meat and flour at Little New Orleans we managed to make out of these
articles a slim breakfast in the morning, and began our march for
Bloody Run, Pa., about thirty-five miles distant, arriving there the
19th.
(161) When we got into Pennsylvania we struck a new atmosphere. If
hitherto, when we were in the so-called Confederacy there was always a
feeling present, that we were out of our country, we now felt that we
were once more in the land of the "stars and stripes," the United
States of America. The people all along the road gave us a hearty
welcome, and freely gave us food. There was no danger of being
bush-whacked here, if you should chance to become separated from your
command.
(162) When we arrived at Bloody Run, we met Gen. Milroy there. This
meeting was the first knowledge we had, that he had escaped from
Winchester. He proceeded to reorganize his command, but was soon
relieved because of his disastrous defeat. The members of the Twelfth
generally, regretted very much to part with their brave old commander,
who was familiarly known in his command as the "Old Grey Eagle," as he
was a general favorite with them. They felt that he had been harshly
dealt with, considering that the last order he had received from Gen.
Schenck at Baltimore, commander of the department, communication being
soon thereafter cut off was to "hold the place until further orders."
They thought that his fault, if it was such, was in too literally
obeying orders.
(163) Col. Pierce of the Twelfth Pennsylvania cavalry being the senior
of the officers present, took command of the remnant of Milroy's
demoralized force after Milroy was relieved of his command; and Col.
Plunk of the Twelfth West Virginia, was put in command of the
infantry. We remained at Bloody Run till the 30th, when we marched to
Bedford, Pa., starting in the morning and passing up the Juniata
river, we arrived here about 1 o'clock P.M. of that day. Here we drew
blankets and clothing the first after leaving Winchester.
(164) We stayed at Bedford till July 3rd, when we had orders to march
starting in the direction of Gettysburg, but too late to participate
in the battle that was then going on there. We passed through Bloody
Run and Connellsburg, arriving at London, Franklin county, the 5th,
making a distance of about forty-five miles. Somewhere on the road
perhaps on the 4th, we got of a daily paper of the date of July 3rd,
which gave a vague, indefinite, unsatisfactory mention of the battle,
taking place at Gettysburg; which, of course, made us exceedingly
anxious for more news.
(165) Most of the infantry went on six miles farther to Mercersburg to
meet 200 or 300 of our cavalry who had captured a Rebel train of
wagons, with the guards, hauling wounded and plunder to the crossing
of the Potomac at Williamsport, Md. There were 110 wagons and
ambulances, and about 600 prisoners, half of whom were wounded in this
capture. The wagons were loaded up with quartermaster's stores, and
all kinds of plunder of which they had robbed the people on their
invasion. There were several thousand dollars worth of fine cloths,
cassimeres, silks, and etc., in whole bolts in this plunder.
(166) Hospitals were established at Mercersburg, and the Rebel wounded
were cared for. They were in a horrible condition, having been there
from three to five days without having had their wounds dressed. The
next day the infantry returned to London bringing back the unwounded
prisoners, about 300 in number, and the wagons and etc. The wagons,
ambulances and stolen goods were turned over to the quartermaster's
department.
(167) We remained at London until the 13th, when we were ordered at
3 o'clock A.M., to prepare one day's rations and get ready to march.
We started at 6 o'clock A.M., marching through Mercersburg and
Greencastle, we reached Hagerstown, Md., the next day. Passing through
the town, we camped about two miles south of it in the middle of the
afternoon, having marched thirty-two miles.
(168) The battle of Gettysburg had been fought, the Rebels had met "a
bitter crushing defeat," and "the Army of the Potomac had won a clean,
honest, acknowledged victory." Lee's army had retreated as far as the
Potomac; but when it reached there it found its pontoons gone, they
having been destroyed by some of our forces, sent up from Harpers
Ferry for that purpose and the river was so high from recent rains
that it could not be forded. Lee was compelled to halt until he could
restore his means of crossing. In the meantime the Army of the Potomac
had come up and was again facing its old enemy. Gen. Meade, however,
was hesitating to make an attack, when he received orders from
Washington to do so, and accordingly he would have attacked the Rebels
the day, the 14th, we of the remnant of Milroy's army passed through
Hagerstown in the vicinity of which place the two armies confronted
each other; but on the previous night, Lee got his army across the
river; not however, without considerable loss, Kilpatrick having,
after a sharp engagement, captured 1,500 of the Rebel rearguard. If
there had been a battle there, as Meade expected, it is more than
probable that the Twelfth would have been on the ground in time to
have engaged in it.
(169) Here is an anecdote of Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania, heard at
the time of his retreat, that should not be lost. A Rebel officer, as
Lee was marching north through the state stopped at a private house
for some purpose. The woman of the house with some curiosity asked him
where they were going, which presumably, he did not know, and would
not have told if he had known. But he replied, "We are going to
Boston." The woman said to him, "You'll get 'Boston' before you get
back."
(170) When Lee's army was retreating the same officer stopped at the
same house and reminded the woman that he had stopped there before,
saying to her, "Madam, I have just called to say that we got
'Boston.'"
(171) The next day after Lee crossed the Potomac, the First Corps of
the Army of the Potomac passed our camp en route to Harpers Ferry.
They had been on the go marching and fighting for about a month, with
no time to do any washing or to get new clothes; and, of course, they
were covered with dust and dirt, and were hard looking generally. A
large part of Milroy's men had new uniforms and were pretty bright and
clean looking, and the First Corps boys tantalizingly called us Sunday
soldiers.
(172) The Sixteenth, we of Milroy's late command, marched to
Sharpsburg, Md., ten miles distant. Some time during the latter part
of July, while we were at Sharpsburg, Capt. W. B. Curtis of Company D,
received his commission as major of the regiment, to rank as such from
June 17th, 1863.
(173) This vicinity is Maj. Curtis's birth place, having been born
here April 18th, 1821. He migrated from here in 1827 to West Virginia.
He recognized the old log house in which he was born. It was pierced
with cannon balls in several places during the battle of Antietam. He
met several of his relatives who were loyal and made him welcome,
while we remained here.
(174) Maj. Curtis on the receipt of his commission was immediate put
in command of the regiment, as the Lieutenant Colonel was still held a
prisoner of war, and the Colonel was in command of a brigade. For more
than two weeks we remained at this old village, which is indeed, a
very old one apparently; there being one or more old-style churches in
it gone into disuse, and tumbling down. It is historically interesting
too, as being the scene of the bloodiest battle (at the date of it)
ever fought on American soil, the battle of Antietam; and is today the
site of one of the great National Soldiers cemetery.
(175) On August 4th, we were ordered to Martinsburg, W. Va. We started
in the morning and marched to Harpers Ferry, a distance of ten miles,
took the cars there which carried us to within two miles of
Martinsburg, they being prevented from going any further by reason of
the railroad's having been torn up by the enemies, got out of the cars
when they stopped and marched the rest of the way to town in the
evening and camped for the night.
(176) In the morning we moved our camp to a pretty lawn of some five
acres at the edge of town, filled with fine young shade trees, the
property of the Hon. Chas. James Faulkner, who held in all about 800
acres of valuable land adjacent to town. As the weather was very warm
we wanted to camp on this lawn to get the benefit of the shade there.
No doubt our doing so was not altogether agreeable to Mrs. Faulkner
and daughters who still occupied the fine mansion at the rear of the
lawn. But as Mr. Faulkner had seen fit to join his fortune with that
of the Rebellion, it was hardly any part of our business to be
consulting his interests, or the wishes of his household, though Mrs.
Faulkner used to claim to be a good Union woman. She protested that
she was such, to the Union soldiers, at least, fortifying this claim
on one occasion, by saying that she "would not give a cent for a woman
that did not have a mind of her own--would you?" Subsequent events
seemed to show that the lady did protest too much.
(177) Martinsburg at this time was a thrifty town of several thousand
inhabitants, situated in the Shenandoah Valley on the Baltimore and
Ohio railroad, and was noted for the general loyalty of its
inhabitants. There was always an air of welcome to us about the place.
CHAPTER V.
(178) Col. Klunk during the time the regiment was straggling about in
the Cumberland Valley, sent in his resignation, upon the plea of
sickness in his family, and while stationed at Martinsburg he received
notice that it had been accepted. This left the regiment with Major
Curtis as the only field officer with it, Lieut. Col. Northcott being
still a prisoner.
(179) Our regiment remained on the Faulkner lawn until the 25th, when
we moved our camp to the northwest side of the town, where the other
troops were encamped. We stayed at Martinsburg about two and a half
months. While we were here Quartermaster Gen. Meigs inspected the
troops at this place. Also while at this place there was a grand
parade and review of the troops on the occasion of the presentation of
a flag to the First New York Cavalry. Col. McReynolds of that regiment
making on that occasion a short speech.
(180) September 25th, fifty men of the regiment were detailed to cook
rations for the troops passing from the Army of the Potomac to Gen.
Grant's army at Chattanooga. The next day part of the Eleventh Corps
passed through by rail going to join Grant. The next day after that,
Gen. Howard, commander of the Eleventh Corps, passed over the railroad
following his troops. A salute was fired in his honor as he passed.
One day later some more troops from the Army of the Potomac (part of
the Twelfth Corps) followed on after the others.
(181) While we were at this point a considerable number of the boys of
the Twelfth got furloughs. Pertinent to the subject of furloughs may
be mentioned here an incident of the many illustrating the humors of
camp life. There were two brothers in Company I, Van and Tom. While we
were in Pennsylvania during Lee's invasion of that state, Van became
sick and we left him behind on leaving there; and during our stay at
Martinsburg Tom, not having heard from Van, and not knowing whether he
was alive or not, became uneasy about him. So he made an application
to get a furlough to go to hunt his brother up; but he failed to get
it. Some days after this Tom, it seemed, had been in too close
proximity to some fellow who had been looking on the wine, when it was
red (or something of that kind) getting a sniff perhaps of his breath,
and Tom's sensibilities were somewhat aroused. In this condition Tom
got to thinking about the case of Van, and becoming somewhat desperate
he said that he was going to apply again for a furlough to hunt him
up. Adding that if he did not get one he would go anyhow. "I'm going
by thunder," said he, "I don't care if the war stops!"
(182) It happened that Tom's second application failed. He thought
better of it, and concluded that he would not go without a furlough
and the war went on. It should be said that in due time Van returned
to the regiment.
(183) Referring to a diary kept by one of the boys of the Twelfth, it
is seen that a number of prisoners was captured "near North Mountain"
on October 16th. These are doubtless the prisoners referred to by Maj.
Bristor, then Captain of Company H, in the following account, after
his first telling about the capture of a Rebel captain, a spy.
(184) I was in command of the post at Kearneysville, Jefferson county,
West Virginia, for about two months during the summer and fall of '63.
While in command at that post a loyal citizen came to my headquarters
about 11 o'clock one night and informed me that the Rebel spy Capt.
Anderson was at a farm house some three miles distant, and near Col.
Porterfield's house. I at once had sixteen of my men wake up, and
called for two men to volunteer to go on a very hazardous expedition.
To my surprise the entire sixteen volunteered to go. I was not very
much surprised, however, for my men were always ready for duty when
called upon.
(185) I selected two of the youngest of the Sixteenth, whose names I
believe were James P. Murphy and William Watkins, I then started these
two men directing them to follow the citizen to the house where
Anderson was, about a mile beyond our outer pickets. The men were told
by their guide that he thought Anderson was in a certain room. The two
brave young soldiers carefully and quietly worked their way into the
room, up to the bed where Anderson was sleeping, and demanded his
surrender, before he knew a Union soldier of a soul was near him. They
forbade his speaking a word above a low whisper, at the risk of his
life. They took him out of the house without ever waking the family,
and brought him to my quarters about 3 o'clock in the morning.
(186) When they awoke me I questioned the prisoner who was represented
to me as a Rebel spy, and he claimed to be a private citizen from
London county Virginia, and said that he was coming the next day to
give himself up. I asked him why he would give himself up if he was a
private citizen. He replied that he had got a Yankee suit from a
friend and he thought that he had better come and tell me about it for
fear that he might be taken for a spy or something.
(187) But he was identified by citizens of that county (Jefferson) as
a spy, whose name was Anderson. I sent him to Martinsburg, and turned
him over to Col. McReynolds, who was then in command at that point. He
sent him to Fort McHenry where he (Anderson) was tried, and, I have
been informed hanged.
(188) A few nights after this, one of the "Louisiana Tigers," who had
been disbanded on account of their officers not being able to do
anything with them, was strolling about through the country foraging
and etc., and finally got caught in the dark, and when at a house near
that of Col. Porterfield, in which neighborhood Maj. Gilmore was
camped, he inquired the way to his camp. The lady being a Union woman,
directed him right towards my camp. He came to my outerpickets, and
one of them came into camp with him talking all the time as if he, the
picket, was a Rebel. A corporal by the name of A. H. Hull, brought him
in.
(189) As soon as the Rebel came to my quarters, everything being
rather gloomy and dark, he thought he knew my voice, calling me
Captain, taking me for a Rebel captain. I talked to him and asked him
if he had not been lost, and he said he had and impressed his delight
in getting back to camp, for he wanted to go the next night on that
expedition to blow up Back Creek bridge "and send a lot of Yankees to
hell," expecting by blowing up the bridge to cause the Baltimore and
Ohio railroad train to pitch headlong into the creek, as it thundered
along, with all on board unconscious of their danger, and thus cause
great loss of life. I told him that I would see that he should go.
(190) This Rebel was somewhat intoxicated and gave the whole thing
away. Just as I finished telling him that he should go along with the
party, the 4 o'clock train from the east blew its whistle. The
prisoner laughed, and said he knew he was in the hands of the Yankees,
but thought he would see how much he could fool them or draw them on.
I said, "all right my good fellow you have drawn us on and we shall
draw Maj. Gilmore on."
(191) He told me during the conversation that Gilmore was to take
thirty men and he was to be one of them and blow up Back Creek bridge.
I placed him under close guard, and soon as daylight came I sent a
message to Col. McReynolds giving him all the essential details of the
foregoing account, and asked him to send a detachment of men
sufficient to capture Gilmore's men; requesting him also to send an
officer of the Twelfth West Virginia regiment in charge of the
detachment; and if my memory serves me rightly, he sent Capt. Moffatt,
of Company G.
(192) Our men got to the bridge about two hours before Gilmore's band
came and were secreted or in ambush, when they arrived and began to
drill holes in the abutments of the bridge. At this our men hollowered
out, "What are you doing there, you Rebel sons of b----h's?" They
surrendered to our men. The captures were four lieutenants,
twenty-five men, and thirty-one horses. Major Gilmore it seems, had
stayed at a neighboring house to get something to eat, and his orderly
or adjutant was there also. So we captured all that were at the
bridge. Lieut. Billings of Shepherdstown, W. Va., was one of the
prisoners.
(193) The First New York Cavalry reported this capture, and their
regiment got the credit of it, when not a man of that organization,
except one, who went along as a messenger or orderly, was in the party
making the capture.
(194) During the latter part of September going back a little, the
Eighty-Seventh Pennsylvania, the One Hundred and Twenty-Second and the
One Hundred and Twenty-Third Ohio regiments, at this point, were
ordered to join the Army of the Potomac. The Eighty-Seventh had been
in the same command with the Twelfth for about a year. There had
always been a friendly feeling between the two regiments, so the night
before the former left for the Army of the Potomac, some of the boys
from it came over to bid our boys good-bye--and it was good-bye
forever for some in either command.
(195) The election for governor of Ohio was soon to take place, and
the Eighty-Seventh boys having learned that a considerable number of
the above named Ohio troops, say a tenth, were going to vote for
Valandigham for governor, were not at all pleased that they should do
so. One of the Eighty-Seventh apparently having been indulging in a
little strong drink, was especially vehement against those Ohio boys
so disposed to vote. He threatened what the boys of his regiment would
do in case they were to remain here, and those Ohio boys should so
vote, not knowing that the Ohio troops alluded to were, as well as his
own regiment ordered to the Army of the Potomac. He urged our boys to
use violent means against any of the Ohio boys at this point, who
should vote for Valandigham for governor. This hostility toward those
disposed to vote for him, was because of his political cause with
respect to the war and its prosecution.
(196) Our boys by this time had become substantially a unit in
sentiment so far as the political war policy of the administration was
concerned. All wrangling concerning it had ceased. And right here may
be given a strikingly significant and truthful observation, made
perhaps not far from this time, by Lieut. Blaney, of Company D,
showing the rapid evolution of ideas, the swift progress and
revolution of the sentiment of the time and more especially the potent
virtue of the knock down argument, to which class of dispution, war
preeminently belongs. Because of the justice, truth and significance
of this remark, it should not be omitted from this record, imperfect
though it must necessarily be.
(197) In conversation Lieut. Blaney observed: "I have noticed that our
boys have never objected to the Emancipation proclamation since being
in a battle." This remark was true, it is believed, without an
exception.
(198) If the war had never come these soldiers many of them, would
doubtless never have been convinced of the justifiableness of
emancipation in that contingency. But being brought into battle, and
thus required to do as best they might, what they could do to settle
the issues involved by the knock down argument in its last and dire
extremity--the employment of the bludgeon of war; and seeing their
comrades falling around them, light quickly struck in on their minds
with a telling force. The conversion was as sudden it seems, as that
of Paul spoken of in the scriptures. They suddenly saw, in this death
struggle, that anything that the enemy was opposed to; that whatever
would tend to weaken or cripple him; that any means justified by
civilized warfare to conquer the enemy they should favor and employ;
and hence the prejudice, the tradition and the education of years were
swept away as if by a flash of lightning, when the ordeal of battle
came. There was no longer on the part of the boys any considerate
regard for the interests of the enemy, nor any further objection to
the emancipation of the negroes.
(199) Another incident of the war illustrating how fast men learned
during the war, may as well as not be given here, although it occurred
at a later period. Adjt. G. B. Caldwell, in a conversation one day
regarding the employment of negroes as soldiers said: "When I went
into the service at first I thought that it would be a humiliation and
disgrace to me if I had to serve in an army where negro soldiers were
employed;" but now, said he, "I have come to the conclusion that they
have as good right to be killed as I."
(200) It is very probable that Adjt. Caldwell might have spent all his
days, if the times had been peaceful, without ever having changed his
views in regard to the matter of making soldiers of negroes, although
he is a man of quick perception. But just as it is said of men in a
drowning condition that all the events of their past lives come
quickly before them; so in time of war and the peril of battle, men's
minds are quickened, common-sense asserts itself and men perceive
quickly the wisdom or unwisdom of that which in the piping times of
peace, they would not see at all.
(201) On September 28th, we were paid two months' pay, this being $13
per month for the privates, or $26 for the two months. This was always
a welcome event with the soldiers. They had money now to spend with
the sutler; but their money did not go far in buying from him. Canned
peaches were, if not just at this time, later in the war $1.25 and
tomatoes $1.00 per can.
(202) While we were here at Martinsburg, the boys or many of them, who
were taken as prisoners at Winchester, a few months before, were
returned to the regiment, being ordered by the government to take up
arms again, although they had been let out of prison only on parole,
and not exchanged. This action was taken by the authorities at
Washington in retaliation for the conduct of the Rebel authorities in
putting the prisoners taken and paroled by Gen. Grant at Vicksburg,
back into the field again, without their having been exchanged.
(203) While the boys of the Twelfth, who were captured at Winchester,
were held as prisoners they were kept at Richmond, Va., and although
they were not held long until they were paroled, their experience of
prison life was not such as to invite another trial of it. In the
language of the west they had "got all they wanted of it." Before any
of our boys had ever been prisoners, some of them used sometimes to
threaten, when it was difficult to get furloughs, that they would,
when a chance offered allow themselves to be taken prisoners,
expecting in that case to be soon paroled and then sent home from the
camp, as paroled prisoners on furlough. But after the prisoners
returned to the regiment, having had a taste of prison life among the
Rebels, and related its hardships to their comrades there was no
longer any talk among the boys of allowing themselves to be captured
in order that they might in that way get a furlough.
(204) As before written Lieut. Beugough, of Company F, was killed in
the battle of Winchester on Sunday, June 14th, 1863. Shortly after
this his widow in company with another lady, went to Winchester to
recover the body. The two women were arrested as spies. The
interesting story of their capture and release, is thus related by the
then Mrs. Beugough, now as then, living in Pittsburgh, leaving out her
preliminary sketch of a trip from Fairmont, W. Va., to Pittsburgh in
March, 1863:
TWO WOMEN OF THE WAR.
(205) Some months later, I learned of the death of my husband, Lieut.
J. T. Beugough, who was killed during the three days fight at
Winchester. F. P. Pierpont, Adjutant General of West Virginia, sent me
a telegram to that effect and accompanied by my sister-in-law, Miss
Celia Beugough, principal of the High School in Toledo and sister of
the present pension agent at Pittsburgh, Harry Beugough, left
Pittsburg for Winchester to recover the body. My late husband had been
a lieutenant under Gen. Milroy and during the battle the firing having
ceased in his direction, being tired, he with his command lay down to
rest; as he slept he was killed by a sharpshooter.
(206) Arriving at the headquarters of Gen. Mulligan on New Creek, Va.,
we were assigned quarters in a big building, which we subsequently
discovered was occupied as a barracks by the soldiers, and we awoke
during the night to find the room filled with men. Celia was greatly
excited, but I calmed her fears and tucking our heads under the quilt
we weathered the storm until the soldiers filed out in the morning.
Mulligan furnished us with a pass into the rebel lines, and assured us
he had personal friends among the Confederates, who would see that we
were properly treated.
(207) After walking a few miles night overtook us, and we put up at a
house, the proprietor of which agreed to take us to Winchester for
$20. In the morning we got into a buggy, I drove the horse he
following on horse back to bring back the rig. It was a long hot ride,
and with nothing to eat but cherries we were almost starved. Our
escort would not approach the town nearer than three miles, he was
afraid of losing his horses, so we footed it.
(208) I had been in Winchester before, and boarded at a house opposite
the government corral, and we thought if we could find the place, we
might be accommodated for the night. But alas, for human hopes, and
happiness, we discovered there were many roads leading into
Winchester; that we had lost our bearings and were at sea. What should
we do? We dare not make inquiry, and it being about 7 o'clock in the
evening we had to conclude quickly. Entering the town we found it full
of rebel soldiers. They paid no attention to us, so we wandered about
for some time without success. Finally we met a boy about 10 years
old, and asked him the name of the street on which the corral was
situated, "Where the Yanks used to keep their horses?" he
interrogated, "Oh, that's away up yander" and pointing with his index
finger out into the right he showed us the way. We were a long time
finding the place, and when we did, how changed; the corral was
tenantless, and the house we expected to lodge in presented a deserted
appearance. With fear and trembling we knocked at the door and were
admitted.
(209) The lady knew me, but was uncommunicative. She gave us lodging
and a supper and breakfast of salt junk, for which we paid a fancy
price. In the morning we pursued our mission. We found our way to the
headquarters of Gen. R. E. Lee, who gave us a pass to the
fortifications for the purpose of disinterring the body, and one to
the hospital for a squad of our prisoners to rebury it in the
cemetery. The General told us the body could not be shipped, as the
railroad between Winchester and Martinsburg had been torn up.
(210) Having obtained the passes (which I still have in my possession)
the General required us to report at his headquarters after our work
had been accomplished--disobedience in this respect caused us much
suffering and imprisonment in Castle Thunder, Richmond.
(211) We buried the body in the cemetery and went to our boarding
house. It was evening and a sad one for us; our hostess had changed
considerably since morning--she refused us anything to eat, saying
there was nothing in the house. We had money, but were afraid to go
out to purchase, so in lieu of anything better, we went outside and
sat on the doorstep. We sat there for some time, when we observed a
man across the street, close to the corral, dressed in surgeon's
uniform. We thought he tried to arrest our attention, but were afraid
to encourage him; he disappeared for a time around the corner, and as
suddenly appeared this time on our side of the street and passing
close, dropped a note, which we read in our room, by a light of a rag
burning in a saucer of grease. He stated in the note that he was
Lieut. McAdams of a Pennsylvania regiment, the number of which I
cannot recall, that he was a prisoner, but not a surgeon, having
borrowed the uniform in order to serve us; we were prisoners and would
be treated as spies. "I will bring you tea and hard-tack from the
hospital about 9 o'clock tonight." He kept his promise dropping the
tea and crackers as he had the note. We never saw nor heard of McAdams
since. He was a man between 30 and 35 years of age, heavy set, with
sandy hair.
(212) Between 12 and 1 o'clock that night, we stole out of the house,
climbed the back fence and made for the Romney Road. It has been said
we should always hope for the best, and at the same time be prepared
for whatever presents itself. When we found ourselves out in the open
country terror seized us and brought us to a realization of the
situation. The chill of the night, caused us to shiver, so we
quickened our steps in the direction of the hill and the fort.
(213) We could see over the misty landscape, the Confederate flag
floating proudly from its battlements. We knew the Romney Road lay
back of the fort, so we climbed the hill, which was littered with the
bodies of horses, mules, cannon balls and unexploded shells which had
fallen on the soft hill side and lay in pockets made by the feet of
the artillery horses in drawing Early's guns into position.
(214) The haze subsided and one constellation after another
appeared--that bright luminary, the moon, waded her way through now
and then gliding behind a cloud, leaving the stars on duty, there
appearing with new lustre, covered the battle field with a silver
sheet. All nature seemed to be opened to our eyes, and in harmony with
the surroundings. The night was painfully quiet, the only audible
sound we heard, was the lullaby sung by a little stream that meandered
down the hill--the night birds were silent, and we fancied we could
hear the dripping of the dew. We seemed to wander in a charmed
atmosphere, and would not have been surprised if Mab and her Peri's
had come forth.
(215) A little to the left stood the guns like so many sentinels with
their yawning black mouths--we intended to pass them but they looked
so devilish that we were afraid and took the longest route to avoid
them. We passed the fort and descended the hill, often looking back to
see if the guns were following. The moon neared the shore of the sky;
the shadows deepened and Celia declared the trees were walking, she
being a good elocutionist declaimed--"Night showeth knowledge unto
night. There is no speech nor language, their voice is not heard; yet
their sound goeth forth to all generations."
(216) We sat down and huddled close together--we fancied a mythical
presence and thought we saw forms coming out of the recesses of the
mountains. The wind stirred the dying embers of distant camp fires
into flame, and a lurid glare lit the heavens like a flash, and then
all was dark. It was near morning and the soft faint streaks of
daylight glimmered through the right. We arose and drew near the base
of the hill--in the distance we could see the long, narrow but
extremely picturesque Romney road, with its widely scattered,
antiquated houses. We sat down behind a clump of bushes, and almost
scared the lives out of a flock of birds--they flew out in the
myriads, circling our heads in mingled confusion, chattering wildly,
but soon flew away leaving us in possession of the field.
(217) As the day advanced, the sun rose, penetrated the mist, dried
our dewy clothes, and evoked from the flowers their morning fragrance;
we strolled about gathering bunches of white and purple larkspur--as
we culled we neared the road. We were on the lookout for pickets, when
a rifle shot rang out clear and sharp, followed by other shots in
quick succession; as they ricocheted in and out of the mountain
passes, reverberated over the hills and through the valleys, we
thought a whole regiment was firing. Then we heard the shrill but
musical notes of the bugle, and knew there was infantry and cavalry at
a distance.
(218) We retraced our steps following a cow-path that wound round the
hill, thinking to gain the road indirectly, but were mistaken, and
taking a more direct route, found ourselves in the presence of three
pickets, playing cards. We were not much surprised as they had been
uppermost in our minds for we had wandered the hill all night to avoid
them. With renewed courage, bonnets swinging on our arms and carrying
our posies, we passed by acting as unconcerned as possible. We were
not interrupted--at least we were on the Romney Road.
(219) We walked about five miles and being hungry approached a white
house enclosed within an open fence with a long line of trees in
front, loaded with blood-red cherries. This was the home of Betty
Jenkins, a pleasant faced motherly woman of about 40 years. She
welcomed us, and we examined a large wheel, that stood in front of the
mantel, with a hank of white yarn around it; there was a smaller one
in the corner, which was used for spinning. These wheels were a
novelty to us, and we exhibited so much ignorance as to their use,
that Betty became suspicious.
(220) When we told her we were northern women, she was nearly
frightened out of her wits and was afraid to give us any help. We told
her we were almost starved; she then told us to go up stairs to a
retired room and she would find food. Betty managed to get us a good
meal and we remained there that night. With the first glimmer of dawn
we were on deck. Betty prepared breakfast, and we all three parted
crying.
(221) When we were at a distance from the house, we looked back, and
there stood Betty, leaning over the gate, shading her eyes with her
hand waving farewell. Dear, friendly Betty, we never heard of her
again. The beauty of the morning raised our spirits, the fresh and
invigorating air gave us strength. The sun rose in all his majesty and
gilded the mountain ranges. In the distance we saw glittering water
walled around by hills. The scenery was surpassing in grandeur and
sublimity. The trees were full of buds, and their liquid notes filled
the air; spotted lizards and little squirrels ran along the fence
rails; brown rabbits scurried across the meadows; the partridge called
"Bob White;" and the perfume of the honey-suckle scented the air. The
fields were covered with wild flowers, tall red poke-berry stalks
ornamented the fence corners, and berry bushes were white with
blossom. The ravines were covered with dark velvety moss, and silver
streams of murmuring water ran zig-zag through clumps of willows.
(222) We had walked about 12 miles, when we met a man riding on a big
bay horse, lank and lean, with a bulged out pair of saddle bags--he
seemed friendly but we paid no attention. As we rounded a bend in the
road we heard dogs barking at no great distance, and knew we were near
a farm house. The house was situated below the level of the road, with
a running stream in front, the bosom of which was covered with ducks,
geese and goslings. We descended the long stairway leading down from
the pike, and entered the house. There we found a very old man and a
tall woman, the latter playing deaf and dumb, afraid to say anything
to strangers. We asked for food; the old man brought out a piece of
table linen, in which he tied up meat, bread and cheese. Our
Evangelist carried the bundle to the top of the steps, and told us how
far and what way we must go before we would meet Mulligan's scouts.
(224) Turning off the road we sat on a log and ate ravenously.
Resuming our journey we found our commissary stores a burden and threw
them away. The heat was oppressive and the dust suffocating, so we
turned off the high way and sought the cool forest, but we were afraid
of snakes and the sharp twigs cut our blistered and swollen feet. We
tried to wear our shoes but could not. We clambered over rocks, logs
and low thick brush, which made it tiresome, and again were forced to
take the high way. We limped painfully while we tramped, ankle deep in
dust, under a burning sun.
(225) We waded the north and south branches of the Potomac. The water
was low but transparent, and the river bed stony. We amused ourselves,
while laving our blistered feet, gathering beautiful stones of many
colors, which we afterwards threw away--they grew burdensome. Twice we
came to where roads or paths converged, and were at a loss to know
which one to take, but Celia, remembered the scriptural injunction
that the straight path was the right path--therefore we turned neither
to the right nor to the left.
(226) We saw a house in the distance and a few matronly cows and sheep
in a field, whose acquaintance we tried to make, but they would have
none of it, and throwing their tails in the air ran off bellowing--the
poor frightened sheep scattered and hid in the bushes. We entered the
house and found an old man plaiting a straw hat and a woman making
cherry pies. They had little to say, but gave us milk and pie. The pie
had neither shortening nor sugar--the top crust was burned while the
bottom was dough. We drank the milk and went on.
(227) About 3 o'clock we encountered a heavy rain storm, accompanied
with thunder and vivid lightning, and were wet through, but
fortunately the storm did not continue long and the sun coming out in
all his heat, soon dried our clothes. We were, now about 18 miles from
Winchester, four miles from the Cacapon bridge and nine miles from
Mulligan. We hobbled along as best we could for about two miles, when
we came to a house on the roadside, enclosed by a dilapidated fence. A
pump and wooden drinking trough stood in front, but there was no
appearance of horses having quenched their thirst at the trough for
some time, the ground being unbroken around it. A clucking hen
strutted noisily about, and a tribe of guineas set up a fearful cry of
alarm, as we approached. A man and woman were hanging over the garden
gate quietly chatting, but as soon as they saw us, they seemed
alarmed, particularly the woman. She eyed us carefully and impudently
whispering something to her companion. We noticed the agitation and
felt uneasy.
(228) We had walked about 20 miles but the meanderings of the road
added a greater distance. It was late in the day, and the absence of
cattle and fowl noticeable. We anticipated trouble and shied into the
woods. We did not make much headway on account of the dense growth of
trees, but we persevered and at last came to the Cacapon water. We
made a detour and found a tree fallen across the stream. It was high
from the water and Celia could not cross it. I coaxed and entreated,
but all to no purpose. The river was full of water snakes and the
banks lined with villainous looking frogs. We found fault with each
other, and Celia resisting my entreaties, blamed me for the escapade,
and she quoted scripture to fit the crime, for she was full of
texts--"He that cometh not in by the door, but climeth up some other
way, the same is a thief, and robber." I saw the point and we laughed
and crossed the bridge.
(229) We were 22 miles from Winchester, and five miles from Mulligan
scouts. We had proceeded about 50 yards on the other side of the
bridge, when we were halted by a handsome young cavalry officer,
Lieut. Bell, nephew of Gen. Bell of the C.S.A. He touched his cap
and accosted us--"Good evening ladies, have you got a pass?"
Travel-stained foot-sore, faces blistered, hungry and utterly
wretched, we hung our heads, but gave no answer--we were too
miserable.
(230) The daylight faded slowly, the night grew chilly and the wind
stirred the bending grass. The setting sun shot slanting spikes from
the golden west, through the trees and across the road. The cavalry
horse stood at a distance pawing the dust, and clanking his
equipments, every now and then lifting his head with a majestic air,
looked toward his rider, who stood with bowed head rubbing the buttons
up and down with his fingers, which adorned the front of his cavalry
jacket. It was June--the sun had set, the shadows deepened, and the
katy-dids had almost ceased their rasping.
(231) There we three stood, in the gloom of approaching night, with no
sound to break the silence, except the lonely quavering notes of the
forest birds. Bats flitted to and fro and circled our heads--the owl
hooted, and fire flies lit the ravines. We buried our feet in the dust
that he might not see their nakedness, and with heart-rending sobs,
cried as we had never cried before. We were captured and we knew that
meant on to Richmond.
(232) Lieut. Bell told us we had been arrested as spies by order of
Gen. R. E. Lee. We begged we should not be made walk back, for we
thought we would have to tramp the whole road over again. He assured
us such would not be the case, that he would take us to a house in the
woods, owned by a Mrs. Smith, where Miss Bell, his sister, would
search us. Having walked about half a mile, we came to a defile in the
mountains, which rose very high on either side, with an opening at the
top large enough to see a patch of sky, studded with misty stars. Our
captor told us these mountains were covered with perpetual snow and
ice. In this gap lived Mrs. Smith, with whom we were to remain for the
night.
(233) The house was two storied, painted white, and backed close to
the mountain. The windows were vine covered and here and there a
glimmer of light shone through making the green look greener. Opposite
the house and on the other side of the gap, close to what had once
been a barn, stood a lot of unsheltered wagons, buggies and stage
coaches in a dilapidated condition.
(234) At the sound of approaching foot steps Mrs. Smith appeared in
the door, with a grease-saucer light, and behind her an old aunty,
with her head bound up in a yellow bandana. Dinah was greatly agitated
when she saw us approach in the shadows, and throwing up her hands
exclaimed. "Fo de lord, misses, dey is de Yanks!" We knew my aunties
remarks, we had been anticipated.
(235) Mrs. Smith was a neat little dark-eyed woman, with hair and
complexion to match her eyes. She wore a gray flannel dress of her own
weaving, cotton material being out of the question. She was greatly
impoverished, and told us her husband used to run a line of stages,
but the Yanks had taken their horses--there was not a man about the
place, they were in the Confederate Army; that auntie and she had
rolled the snow into big balls during the winter, and dumped them into
the ice house--that ice water was the only luxury she had. We drank
some of it and were refreshed. After supper we were assigned to a
comfortable room, with a good bed in it, of which we stood in need. In
the morning we were furnished with water and other necessary toilet
articles. After making ourselves presentable we wet a lot of letters
in the basin and rubbed them into pulp, that they might not be found
in our possession, when Miss Bell would search us--we mixed the pulp
with wood ashes on the hearth, until all trace was obliterated. We
were searched, but nothing was found upon our person. We got the
letters from wounded Union soldiers in the Winchester hospital.
(236) Next morning after breakfast Lieut. Bell and a lot of troopers,
made their appearance with a squeaky wagon, drawn by two half-starved
mules. He apologized for the conveyance, saying nothing better could
be had. After bidding good-bye to Mrs. Smith and Dinah we got into the
wagon and were soon on our way back to Winchester. We had not
proceeded far, when a wheel slid off, almost throwing us out of the
wagon. Our driver with a hickory linch pin and some assistance
repaired the damage. We traveled all day and at night put up at an
inn, where the roads divided in different tracks.
(237) Our cavalry picketed their horses in a field nearby, that they
might eat grass, there being neither oats nor hay to give them. Our
guard told us their horses were starving and had already become too
weak for effective duty.
(238) After supper we were given a comfortable room furnished with an
old-fashioned bed, decorated with high-colored hangings; a picture of
Washington relieved the wall; three chairs, a rocker and a
dragon-legged table completed the furnishment. A purple wistaria
covered the window and climbed to the roof. Our guard slept on the
soft side of the porch, first exacting a promise from us that we would
not try to escape. We promised, and being as tired as they, slept the
sleep of youth.
(239) In the morning, furnished with conveniences, we made our toilet,
while our gallant cavalrymen made theirs at the horse trough. After a
scanty meal of corn bred, rye coffee and sorghum molasses, the lady of
the house announced all was in readiness for our departure. She bade
us a friendly good-bye and we took the road again. We traveled slowly,
and as we neared Winchester we found fence, bush, and tree limbs
ornamented with old clothes, which had been taken from the battle
field and dyed butter-nut. The scenery was not improved by the
accession. Finally we reached Winchester and Gen. Lee's headquarters.
The General was not in, but the room was filled with officers of all
grades and rank. Uninvited we seated ourselves and listened to a
tirade from Maj. Bridgeford on spies in particular and Yankee women in
general. We were too miserable to reply. Celia reminded me that we
were in the hands of the Philistines, and might as well hang our harps
on the willows, for how could we sing in that strange land.
(240) We waited an hour or more, when we heard the clatter of horses
hoofs outside, a dismount and Gen. Lee entered, tall, graceful,
refined and haughty. Touching his cap and bidding us "good morning" he
reprimanded us for our disobedience, ending with the announcement that
we must go to prison. Major Bridgeford made out the necessary papers,
Gen. Lee signed them, and then, on to Richmond, guarded by cavalry.
(241) We passed a hapless night and in the morning took the stage for
Staunton, Va. We traveled up the Shenandoah Valley and saw Gen. Lee's
whole army, as they marched down the Shenandoah, and on to Gettysburg.
(242) When we got hungry, our guard picked cherries for us, and begged
slap-jacks and bonny-clabber from the surrounding farm houses, some of
which we exchanged with a wounded rebel, riding on the top of the
coach, for maple molasses.
(243) When we came to Mount Jackson, the coach stopped at a tavern,
kept by a brother of the man, who shot Col. Ellsworth. It was a
beautiful spot. The inn was old but picturesque, and built on a little
rise. A couple of wide-spreading-trees espaliered across its front. At
the side of the house, a row of oleanders contracted their bloom with
the green of the foliage, and a cypress vine, trained on strings,
covered the windows. A gourd vine clambered up and over the wood shed,
almost concealing the door, and compelling, Julius, himself to double
himself when he went in and out for wood. Our host was a long-jawed,
dark-skinned man, and had little to say, but his wife made up for the
deficiency. She flew at us in a rage, called us names and likened us
to a lot of thieving Yankee soldiers, who she said, had stolen her
chickens and robbed her onion bed. She refused us anything to eat, and
said we should not sleep in her house that night. We made no answer,
allowing her to have her way. We went out into the orchard and sat on
a bench under an apple tree, where a robin perched on the top-most
limb cheered us with his sweetest evening song.
(244) A genuine southern mammy with her kinky hair, plaited and tied
in wads and knots, stood over a big iron kettle stirring soap. She
looked askance at us, not daring to speak, but we knew by her actions
that we had her sympathy. Having sat there about an hour, Mrs. Jackson
remorseful and relenting asked us in to supper.
(245) When bed time came we were given a large square room (with a
bare floor) lighted with a tallow dip. A low post bed, two chairs and
a looking glass completed the furnishment, with the exception of two
pictures, lacking resemblance to anything we ever saw, hung upon the
whitewashed walls. In the morning we breakfasted and then set out for
Staunton. It was a lovely day, the blossoms of summer and green of the
foliage were very attractive. The beauty of the valley was beyond
description, with its silvery pools and trickling streams, moss
covered rocks and hedges of wild roses. The song birds whistled and
thrilled, and the unceasing notes of the insect tribes filled the
woods.
(246) At Staunton we were comfortably housed, but had nothing to eat.
We should have gone supperless to bed, but for the shrewdness of a
colored chambermaid who, under pretense of making the bed, got into
our room, and without a sign of recognition began to beat the pillows,
spread the quilts and make a fuss generally. She attracted our
attention by the unusual length of time it took her to perform the
work. She gave us a significant look and passed out.
(247) The guard who paced up and down the hall way looked in to see if
all was right, locked the door and we were alone for the night. We
examined the bed and found about a dozen biscuits under the quilts and
pillows, and a quart bucket full of tea under the bed.
(248) In the morning we informed our guard of the inhospitable
treatment, and he sent the provost marshal to look after us. He
immediately ordered the hotel keeper to bring us down to the table,
which he did, but he took revenge by putting us at a little table in
the centre of the dinning room making us the cynosure of all eyes.
When we had eaten Celia wrote with a piece of crayon, "Yankee Table"
on our table, which was considered audacious by the regular boarders.
(249) Before leaving the hotel, we gave the chambermaid, who had
befriended us, a $1 greenback, the ribbon off our hat and a pair of
gloves. We traveled by rail from Staunton to Richmond. When the train
stopped at different stations, we were almost suffocated by the crowd
that scrambled up the sides of the car and poked their heads through
the windows to see what Yankee women looked like.
(250) When we arrived at Richmond, we were obliged to walk some
distance from the station to Castle Thunder, being followed by the
curious of both sexes. We were taken into the Provost Marshal's office
where we found the prison authorities selecting nine captains to be
hung, in case the Federal government hanged Fitzhugh Lee. Capt. Rowand
of the Virginia cavalry was one of them. The Captain came down with
us, and when we entered the Provost Marshal's office, he was greeted
by Maj. Turner of Libby prison, with the cheering announcement, "Well
Captain you are just in time to draw your death out." Whether he drew
it or not, we do not know, for we were marched out into a tunnel-like
passage and up a rickety pair of stairs into a cell, 12 by 15 feet,
with no furnishment. There was one window of many small panes, with a
large sill, which we used for a seat.
(251) Maj. Alexander, commander of the prison, frequently cautioned us
to keep our heads inside the window for fear we might be shot. There
were other women prisoners in the Castle, but they were waiting to be
sent through on the next truce boat, there being no charges against
them. Among them was Mrs. Surgeon McCandless, of Morgantown, W. Va.
(252) We were searched by an old white headed man, whom the prisoners
called "Anti-Christ;" he did not take our money some $75 or $80. We
afterwards heard the old man was hung with the Wirtz gang.
(253) An order came from the Confederate authorities to send the other
women home. Major Alexander told them to be ready to leave early next
morning at the same time asking for the Beugough women. We answered to
our names, when he informed us we were held as spies and would be
forwarded to some place in South Carolina, for safe keeping. We cried
bitterly when the other women left.
(254) Towards evening the Major bettered our condition; he sent us a
mattress, pillows and covering, and two colored women to wait upon us.
We slept little that night, feeling horribly alone. The moonlight
flooded the room; we got up and looked out over the James river; we
wondered what our friends were doing at home, if they thought of us,
and if we should ever see them again. We asked permission to burn the
gas all night, and it was granted. Then the lapse of time had its
effect, and we adjusted our lives to suit the situation.
(255) The food we got was not nourishing. It consisted of bread and
coffee made of porched rye. We paid $14 in green backs for a pound of
tea. It was poor in quality, but we preferred it to the rye.
(256) A Chaplain visited us every day, and always left Bibles. We
asked him if he could not find some other literature; in a few days he
returned bringing a beautifully illustrated volume of "Don Quixote."
He must have given us up for lost souls for he never came again. We
read the book over and over--criticized it and quarreled over the
criticisms.
(257) One day we saw a long line of rebel soldiers driving a large
drove of cattle along Cary street; each soldier had a hoop-skirt about
his neck, and everything conceivable in shoes, dry goods, and notions
tied to each hoop. Then we learned the battle of Gettysburg had been
fought, and the captured cattle belonged to Pennsylvania. After that
our fare was varied with fresh beef--once we got a dried apple pie,
baked without shortening, on a saucer, but it tasted better than any
pie we had ever eaten before or since.
(258) Shortly after the hoop-skirt brigade had passed, about 1,000
Yankee prisoners were marched up the same street and housed in an old
building opposite Castle Thunder. They were given meat and bread. One
of the men after eating his meat threw the bone out on the pavement,
the guard instantly fired into the crowd, taking the arm off a fine
looking man, without provocation. We saw him carried to the hospital
on a stretcher, the blood streaming through canvas on to the pavement.
John Brown, of Allegheny, present post commander of 128, was among
that crowd of prisoners.
(259) We received frequent visits from people of note. Our greenbacks
were borrowed to show to Jeff Davis, Gov. Wise, Judah P. Benjamin and
Maj. Turner--they were promptly returned.
(260) One day Maj. Alexander told us he had been ordered to go on
active duty. He was a sea captain and had been put in charge of the
prison on account of having his leg broken. When the war broke out the
Major run a cargo of ammunition into a rebel post, instead of turning
it over to Uncle Sam. He was imprisoned for it in Fort Lafayette,
where he broke his leg by jumping from a port hole; he finally got
into the Confederate lines and was placed in command of Castle
Thunder. The Major told us there was to be a clearance of prisoners
and said, "I should like to have you both put on the exchange list,
Gen. Winder, called "Hog" Winder by the prisoners, gives a feast
tonight, and before the festivities are over he will be in a very
moist condition. Now, if we can give him the exchange list at this
juncture, he will sign it without reading and you shall be ready for
the truce boat in the morning." The scheme was a success, and we slept
none that night. About 2 o'clock in the morning 1,000 of our prisoners
were marched from Libby en route for City Point and halted in front of
the Castle. While they stood there Lotta Gilmore, a southern girl,
imprisoned in Castle Thunder, sang the "Moon Behind the Hill," and was
answered by one of the prisoners in line who sang, "When This Cruel
War Is Over." We encored the minstrel, and asked what name and
regiment. He called out "Massachusetts," and we replied
"Pennsylvania," and immediately received three rousing cheers.
(261) Lotta Gilmore was imprisoned because her lover had counterfeited
Confederate currency--he had shown the money to her, but she refused
to testify against him, and was imprisoned for contempt of court.
(262) Bell Boyd, of rebel spy fame, visited the prison dressed in male
attire, and was introduced as Lieut. Warry.
(263) There was a Col. Dunham of some New York regiment, imprisoned
opposite to our cell, but at a distance. We could see him through the
chinks in the board partition. We sent him a note written on one of
the fly leaves of "Don Quixote," and gave Washington, the colored
hunch-back one dollar to deliver it; he rolled it in his shirt sleeve,
and when he swept Dunham's cell, gave it to him. Dunham left Richmond
the same morning we did.
(264) About 3 o'clock in the morning Maj. Alexander made his
appearance, we had not retired that night, and told us to make ready,
as soon as possible to take the train for City Point. We made
ourselves as presentable as our limited wardrobe would allow, but
realized that we were laughing stocks. Celia's hat was faded and
battered and out of shape; mine had been gray, but now it was no color
at all, and without a particle of trimming, having given the ribbon to
the colored chambermaid at Staunton. Our shoes, bearing the name of
"Schmertz Pittsburg" were down at the heel and out at the sides; our
stockings minus feet, and our hands bare; we had traded our last pair
of gloves for a piece of pie. Our faces resembled boiled lobster in
color, never having recovered from the tramp along the Romney Road,
nor the long ride up the Shenandoah.
(265) The colored women brought us four fresh laundried skirts. We
each took one giving the others to the women, and a $2 greenback
apiece. We wrote good-bye to the Chaplain on the fly leaf of "Don
Quixote," also thanked him for the book and the comfort it had given
us. We inscribed a farewell stanza of our own composition, (Celia
composing one half and I the other) in Major Alexander's log book,
placing both books with care on the window sill--that seat we had so
often sat upon and looked out on the James, in our loneliness. We bade
the colored women an affectionate adieu, for they had comforted us to
the best of their ability, and we were attached to them, then passed
down the dark and gruesome rickety prison stairs, out into the
culvert, and freedom. When the fresh morning air wafted over our
faces, we staggered against the wall--we were dreadfully weak, but
visions of home and friends gave us renewed strength and we soon
revived.
(266) Maj. Alexander escorted us to the train, bidding us good-bye,
and gave us a letter to be delivered at City Point, where an exchange
of prisoners took place. We embarked on a U.S. vessel, and sailed down
the Chesapeake. We passed Hampton Roads, and Fortress Monroe and saw
the masts of the sunken Cumberland, above the water, in Hampton Roads.
(267) We landed at Annapolis, stopping at a hotel there about a week,
boarding being furnished us without price, and thence to Baltimore.
(268) The morning after our arrival in that city, we started out to
deliver Alexander's letter. We were instructed how to find the man;
given a description of him, and told to give him the letter and ask no
questions. We were to remain in the place designated until we found a
man answering the description in the middle store of a block on a
certain street. We went to the place and paced back and forth through
the store, asking no questions; finally when about to despair, we
noticed a man answering the description in every respect, seated on a
chair on the edge of the pavement, in front of the store. He was
evidently a Hebrew. We delivered the letter and the man took it, read
it attentively, changed color several times, but made no comment. He
finally wrote a brief epistle and handed it to us and directed us to
present it at a certain place. We did so and at the place were given
transportation to Pittsburg. We stopped for refreshments at different
places, and nowhere were we asked for money for services rendered.
(269) We arrived at the Union depot in December, before Christmas, and
reached home by a round-about route; we did not care to face the
public in our city, as we were ashamed of our appearance. We sent no
word that we were coming, but walked in unannounced. Father and mother
were panic-stricken and could not believe their own eyes. Our friends
and neighbors, for miles around came to see us and ask questions. The
"fatted calf" was killed and a general rejoicing took place. We were
the lionesses of the day. Once again in Pittsburg, I received work as
a compositor at Haven's under James M. McEwen.
(270) Two years after leaving Richmond, Alexander walked into Haven's
care worn and penniless. He said he had been included in the sentence
against Wirtz, but had escaped. I had a difficult time in getting Mr.
McEwen to make peculiar promises, before I should introduce Alexander;
finally he promised, and the introduction took place. A look of
astonishment overspread his face when he found out who his new
acquaintance was, but they were "Masons" and Alexander was introduced,
during his stay in Pittsburg, to other members of that order, and
found means to get to England. In the meantime amnesty being granted,
he came back to the states, and resumed his former calling.
_LOTTIE BEUGOUGH M'CAFFREY._
CHAPTER VI.
(271) During our stay at Martinsburg up to October 18th, there was
little, if anything, of importance in a military way took place. We
spent our time in doing picket duty, drilling and etc. On that day
however, Imboden attacked the Ninth Maryland Infantry at Charleston,
killing the Adjutant and capturing a considerable part of the command.
(272) An attack was somewhat looked for at this point in this same day
and Col. Pierce in command here, made every preparation to meet it,
but none was made. In the evening our regiment and a battery were
ordered to Harpers Ferry. We marched to Shepherdstown, about half way,
and encamped for the night. We bivouacked on the streets of the town.
A little incident occurred here showing the beauties of soldier life.
One of the boys in lying down for the night, placed the strap of his
haversack under his head, so that if anyone should try to steal his
haversack, he would likely know it. In the night he was awakened by a
jerk of something from under his head, and he found that his haversack
was gone. It was a very dark night, and an object could be seen
scarcely any distance; but he heard something rattling on the
pavement. He followed this sound, and found that a hog was making an
attempt to confiscate his rations, the rattling being made by the tin
cup fastened to the haversack. By a vigorous charge on the enemy the
rations were recovered and the soldier went back to renew his nap. It
needs hardly be said that if there were any hogs in America that were
d----d hogs, that was one of them.
(273) Shepherdstown, situated on the bank of the Potomac was at that
time a dull, sleepy old town, the quietude of which was quite
suggestive of the proverbial saying, "All quiet on the Potomac." This
saying was applicable to the place at that particular time; though no
doubt, it had been often awakened before, and was afterward, from its
wonted drowsiness by "the cannons' opening roar" being only three or
four miles from the Antietam battle ground, the center of a region of
battle fields, and itself the scene of one or more fights.
(274) We continued our march in the morning through rain and mud, and
arrived at Harpers Ferry at 3 o'clock P.M. We crossed the Potomac here
on the railroad bridge and camped on Maryland Heights, which are close
to the Potomac, not leaving but little more room than enough between
its base and the river, for the canal and the Baltimore and Ohio
railroad (which latter in going east crosses into Maryland from West
Virginia at this point) to pass.
(275) Just opposite these heights nearby, looking south on London
Heights. The Shenandoah river on the southeast side of the valley
skirts these latter heights and forms a junction with the Potomac at
Harpers Ferry. The Potomac then flows on east through the defile
between the two heights. The Maryland Heights command, in a military
sense, Harpers Ferry, which lies between the two rivers at their
junction. From these heights is a fine view up the Valley for many
miles. At this time there was a company of Massachusetts heavy
artillery stationed on them. They had a siege gun planted there,
throwing a hundred pound shell, pointing in the direction of Harpers
Ferry, which was capable of shelling an enemy coming down the valley,
and approaching the town anywhere within three miles of it.
(276) These Massachusetts boys were true to the traditions and
preferences of their section in thinking that a dish of baked beans
was the very cream of good things. The following little incident
illustrates this fact. It shows that they looked forward to the stated
time when they should have their favorite dish with joyous
anticipation: One day one of the Twelfth boys overheard one of the
artillery boys talking to a comrade. The talk had been of no especial
interest to him, the one talking, when suddenly a thought seemed to
strike him, which aroused him to considerable enthusiasm. He said:
"Let me see--this is Wednesday, tomorrow is Thursday, and the next day
Friday, when, by gahge! we are going to have baked beans."
(277) Gen. Sullivan commanded the troops here. We were brigaded with
the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts. This regiment was under very strict
regimental discipline. Each officers tent when in camp, had a sentinel
placed in front of it; and no private soldier was allowed to enter his
tent without first getting permission. No intercourse was held between
the officers and privates, only on business. They had not seen any
service only guarding the railroad. They were finally equipped with
arms and etc. and neatly uniformed; and the style displayed, soon
convinced the boys of the Twelfth, according to Col. Curtis, then
major, that they, the Thirty-fourth, considered them, the Twelfth
boys, a lot of rude mountaineers that were not their equals. But an
opportunity was soon given to test that matter, so far as fast
marching and roughing it generally were concerned, to their entire
satisfaction.
(278) No disparagement of the Thirty-fourth, is intended by the
foregoing remarks. The men of that command were brave soldiers, and
their colonel, Col. Wells, was a brave capable and careful officer.
There was probably little or no difference in bravery between the
Eastern and Western soldiers. Gen. Sheridan thought, after seeing both
European and American armies in action, that while the latter were no
braver than the former, they, the American soldiers were the most
intelligent, resourceful and efficient soldiers in the world. And
because the Western soldier was more used to the handling of arms, and
for the reason that the hardships and varied experience of frontier
life had produced in him a ready adaptability to necessities, he was
perhaps a little more distinctively American in the quick
resourcefulness, in the rough and rugged requirements of war, than was
her more delicately reared Eastern brother.
(279) No doubt those Massachusetts boys thought their colonel was too
rigid in maintaining the exclusiveness he did on the part of his
officers. Gen. Grant says of Gen. Buell: "He was a strict
disciplinarian and perhaps did not distinguish sufficiently between
the volunteer, who enlisted for the war and the soldier who serves in
time of peace." This seems to have been the trouble with Col. Wells.
"One system," says Grant, "embraced men who risked life for principal,
and other men of social standing competence, or wealth and
independence of character. The other includes, as a rule, only men who
could not do as well in any other occupation."
(280) The Twelfth remained on the Heights, with the exception of a
movement up and down the Valley, for about two and a half months,
doing picket duty and working on fortifications there. At least this
was the work of part of the regiment. However, on November 5th, we
marched across the river to Harpers Ferry to hold the camp of the
Thirty-fourth Massachusetts one day and night while that regiment was
on a scout to Charleston and back. We moved onto the Heights again the
next morning, the Thirty-fourth having returned to their camp.
(281) Gen. Sullivan having been ordered to make a demonstration
against Staunton, Maj. Curtis received orders on the night of the 9th
to have the Twelfth furnished with three days' cooked rations, and
forty rounds of ammunition to the man, and be ready by dawn on the
next day to march up the Valley to make the demonstration.
(282) This movement was apparently made with a view to drawing troops
from Richmond to protect Staunton, and as a diversion in favor of Gen.
Stoneman, who started December 6th, from Knoxville, Tenn., with three
mounted brigades, led by Burbridge and Gillem, and moved along the
Virginia and East Tennessee railroad to Marion, Va., where Gillem
struck the Rebel Gen. Vaughn, the Sixteenth chasing him 30 miles into
Wytheville; capturing 200 men, eight guns and a large train; then
moved on along the railroad as far as Max Meadows, Va. Our force and
that of Stoneman would thus, in our movements tend toward each other.
On this expedition Stoneman captured in all 500 prisoners, destroyed
the lead works 15 miles east of Wytheville, destroyed on his way back
to Knoxville the valuable and costly saltworks at Saltville, Va., and
made other material captures, and destructions, including destruction
to some extent of the railroad.
(283) At the appointed time the Tenth, our regiment marched from the
Heights across to Harpers Ferry, where we joined the Thirty-fourth
Massachusetts with four pieces of Indiana battery under command of
Capt. Minor. The force moved early in the morning of this day under
command of Col. Wells, he being the senior officer in the command. The
route was through Charleston at which place we were joined by the
First New York, the Fifth Maine, the Twenty-First Pennsylvania, and
Cole's Maryland Battalion, which reinforcements were all cavalry. In
addition to this, there were added to the artillery strength at this
place, two 12-pound brass pieces.
(284) A rather short march was made that day, as the Thirty-fourth had
started with heavy knapsacks of clothing, blankets, and etc., to keep
them comfortable, as the command had neither tents nor shelter of any
kind to protect the men.
(285) Camp was made that night between Charleston and Berryville. The
next morning the advance was given to the Twelfth. They started off
whistling "Yankee Doodle" and keeping step to the music at a lively
gait. Berryville was passed through, and coming to the Opequon Creek
beyond, Col. Wells ordered the command to halt until a temporary
bridge should be made. The boys of the Twelfth, who had frequently had
such obstacles to overcome, soon set the Thirty-fourth boys an example
of how to get on the other side of a creek, by plunging into this one
and wading across. Col. Wells exclaimed to Major Curtis, "What kind of
men have you? They don't seem to care for water or anything else." The
Major replied: "They are used to that kind of work."
(286) The Twelfth boys marched on rapidly, in order to give the
Massachusetts regiment a lesson in marching and about 12 o'clock the
wagon master came galloping up to the front and requested Col. Wells
to slacken up the speed, as the men of the Thirty-fourth were all
giving out, emptying their knapsacks of blankets and extra clothing,
and climbing into the wagons and artillery carriages to ride. The
order was given to proceed on a slower march, which was done.
(287) This plan of rather slow marching pursued by Col. Wells going as
he did at the outset at the rate of about sixteen miles a day, is to
be commended. It showed him to be considerate and careful of his men.
Men ought not to be marched from twenty to thirty miles per day,
unless there were some special urgency for so doing. But it often
happened that the various commands to which our regiment belonged,
would march considerably over twenty miles a day, when no apparent
reason existed for so doing. Those responsible for this had marching
being mounted did not seem to realize what a heavy drain it was on the
energy of the men to carry about thirty pounds, including arms
equipments and etc., all day on a hard march, or to appreciate how
heavy this weight would become before the end of a day's long march.
(288) Surgeon F. H. Patton, in charge of the Soldiers' Home at Dayton,
O., in a recent interview said that most of the inmates there were
afflicted with heart trouble; and he attributed this fact to over
exertion during the war. Assuming this to be true, it is believed that
much if not most of this heart trouble is attributable to
unnecessarily hard marching.
(289) On this second day's march--the command passed through
Winchester from which place the regiment, being in Gen. Milroy's army,
was routed in the preceding June, by Lee's army and camped two miles
from town. While here some of the Twelfth boys took the opportunity of
looking over the battle field, and saw where some of their comrades
had fallen and been buried, with only a little earth thrown upon them.
The third day the command marched to Strasburg and remained there four
days.
(290) Some of the comrades tell of a trick one of the Twelfth boys
played on a citizen at this town, during this stay here. He, the
soldier, some how had got hold of a watch chain made of imitation gold
dollars. The chain was formed by linking these dollars together. He
separated them by removing the links. No doubt with a view to catching
a victim, this soldier one day was carelessly toying with his gold
dollars in the presence of a citizen, when the eye of the latter
caught a sight of the seeming coin. The citizen immediately asked the
soldier what he would take for it. The latter played the indifferent
dodge--seemed like he did not care whether he sold his coin or not;
but finally said that as he would spend his money anyhow, he would
exchange it dollar for dollar, for "greenbacks." The citizen promptly
handed over the required treasury notes, putting the bogus coin in his
pocket with the remark that he would "salt that down." Very probably
he would discover later that it was the man instead of the money that
was "salted."
(291) Cheating tricks, such as this are not to be approved of course;
but a faithful though imperfect record, demands that incidents of this
character as well as those of a more creditable kind, should be given.
(292) On the night of the 16th, while still at Strasburg, it began
raining. In the morning, the command marched to near Woodstock, the
rain still falling. In the evening the rain turned to sleet. Camp was
made in the woods where part of the timber was pines or cedars and in
the night some of the men, who had put up their gum blankets to
partially protect themselves from the falling sleet, had to move their
quarters on account of the sleet breaking the limbs of the trees above
their heads, making it unsafe to stay where they were. Of course, this
disagreeable weather was very trying on the endurance and patience of
the men. Having relation to this trying severity of the weather this
story is told. There was a soldier in the Twelfth, who was familiarly
known as "Kid." He, it seemed got very much disgusted with the bad
weather, prevailing at this time; and by reason of his patience and
endurance being sorely tried, he began to curse the war in general;
and wound up with saying in a mainly jocular and slightly serious
manner, that so far as he was concerned the Johnny's might have their
Confederacy.
(293) The next day, however, the sun came out bright and the day was
comparatively beautiful; and some of the boys remembering what "Kid"
had said the day before reminded him of it saying, "Kid, how do you
feel about it today? Are you willing today to give the Johnnys their
Confederacy?" "No." said "Kid," "I'll be damned if I am; I'll try them
a hustle for it first." "Kid" was a good soldier. He faithfully
performed his duty to the end of the war. He was in at the final
"hustle" at Petersburg and Appomattox, and saw the flag of treason go
down before the flag of our country, to be hoisted no more forever, it
is hoped.
(294) On the 18th, the command continued its march going short
distances each day until the afternoon of the 20th, when Harrisonburg,
about 100 miles from Harpers Ferry was reached. At the bridge across
the North Fork of the Shenandoah, which was crossed the day before,
the 19th, forty men of the First New York cavalry were left to guard
it. In the evening of the day Harrisonburg was reached, the command
was formed in line of battle, on account of a report that the Rebels
were coming; but no attack was made. However, Gen. Early, with a
division, a force many times that of ours was near and the object of
the expedition (the drawing of the Rebels' attention and the
withdrawing of troops toward us from Richmond, to enable our troops in
other fields to successfully accomplish their purposes) having been
gained, the command after dark that night started to retrace its steps
down the Valley, reaching New Market by 4 o'clock next morning,
distance 18 miles.
(295) Here is an incident which it may be thought should have a place
here: On our return down the Valley, perhaps at New Market, a woman
stuck her head out of a house and shouted, "You're running again are
you?" It appears that the boys received this taunt good-naturedly no
doubt thinking that it was a pretty good joke. The average American is
proverbially good-natured; and can often enjoy a sarcasm or joke at
his own expense. Perhaps there never was a man before in which there
was less of hereditary clannish or personal hate involved than in
this. This was true especially of the Northern soldier. This lack of
personal enmity was often shown by the good-natured sociable chats the
soldiers of the two armies would have when they would get together,
those of the one side being prisoners, for instance.
(296) So the boys in the case of the above incident showed no sign of
cherished hate or any illnatured personal resentment toward the Rebel
woman for her taunt. Sharp thrusts like this coming from Rebels, were
sometimes met, however, with more than counter balancing thrusts. For
instance, one time while our regiment was at Winchester the winter
previous, a rather large guard having gone out some three or four
miles with some wagons to get fire wood, a woman sarcastically said to
the boys, "It takes a good many Yankees to get a little wood." "Yes,"
replied some one, "it does, but it would take a whole army of Rebels
to get wood up North."
(297) After remaining five hours at New Market the march was resumed
and continued till evening, when the force camped. Just after dark the
rear guard was fired on from across the Shenandoah by some
bushwhackers, causing the troops to be ordered into line; but it was
soon learned that there was nothing serious. There was no further
disturbance during the night. The next day on the way down the Valley,
400 Rebel cavalry charged on our rear guard at Woodstock; but some
well directed shots from a section of artillery sent them back flying.
Camp was made that night at Strasburg.
(298) Starting from here the next morning the command reached (in two
days) Harpers Ferry, the 24th, a distance of 48 miles. The command on
its retreat averaged about 25 miles per day. This was hard marching,
but there was reason for it. Col. Curtis says that Gen. Early was in
close pursuit; as far as Winchester and that it needed no rear guard
to keep up the stragglers.
(299) Col. Wells managed this expedition skillfully, choosing a good
position every night for his camp. Besides making an effective
diversion in favor of Gen. Stoneman operating along the Virginia and
Tennessee railroad, the command captured 68 prisoners. This march up
and down the Valley in severe winter weather, was very hard on the
men, they having to sleep on the ground, without tents or shelter of
any kind, but they stood it fairly well.
(300) Early remained at Winchester till the 31st, when he advanced
upon Harpers Ferry threatening an attack upon that place. Our regiment
by daylight that morning crossed over to Harpers Ferry. Maj. Curtis
having received orders the night before to move his command from
Maryland Heights to that place early in the morning. We marched to the
camp of the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, which was stationed on that
side of the river, where we remained all day. There was no attack
however. It rained all of this day. At night we camped with the
Thirty-fourth.
(301) On the morning of January 1st, 1864, which will be remembered by
all old soldiers as the cold New Year's day, the mercury being 23
degrees below zero at Harpers Ferry. Maj. Curtis was ordered in
connection with the other troops at this place to form the Twelfth in
line of battle on Bolivar Heights, just back of Harpers Ferry, to
protect it from the assault expected to be made by Early. The regiment
was placed on the top of the Heights. It being so very cold, it was
impossible for the men to stand in line without freezing; and they
were allowed to stack arms, break ranks, build fires and stand around
them, or run backward and forward to keep from freezing.
(302) The entire day was spent in this position and night coming on
without the enemy's appearing, the command was withdrawn to within our
works. The Twelfth returned to the camp of the Thirty-fourth, some of
our companies quartering in vacant houses, in which fires were built
making it decidedly more pleasant than standing in line in the bitter
cold air. When early in the morning, information was received that
Early had concluded that it was too cold to fight, and had withdrawn
his army from our front and gone back up the Valley, our regiment
returned to its quarters on Maryland Heights. It was so cold that New
Year's night that, it was so reported, six of the First New York
cavalry's teamsters were frozen to death. This same night a part of
the Sixth corps passed by Harpers Ferry on the railroad on its way
from the Army of the Potomac to Martinsburg, and through the day (the
second) a brigade of the same corps got off the cars here and went out
to Halltown, some four miles distant. No doubt, Early's movement down
the Valley had caused these troops to be sent to his department.
(303) On the 4th, Maj. Curtis received orders to proceed immediately
with the Twelfth by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad to Cumberland,
Md., and report to Gen. B. F. Kelly, who was in command there. He,
Kelley, fearing that Early would make a movement against Cumberland,
had requested that the Twelfth be sent to him to assist in defending
the place in that contingency. Six companies got off on the route
during the afternoon of that day, and arrived at Cumberland in the
early part of the night. The other four companies did not get started
from Harpers Ferry till 10 o'clock that night, being delayed in
getting their baggage from camp. They had only one car to the company,
(freight car) and they were so crowded that there was scarcely room
for the men to sit. They reached Cumberland at 10 o'clock the next
day. The regiment was furnished with very comfortable quarters, such
as it had not had before during its service. One-half the companies
was quartered in what was known as the old Shriver Mill, and the other
half in a large hospital. There being plenty of room here in this
latter building, the boys had free swing to work off their surplus
energy, and some of them for a day or so after being quartered in it,
spent part of their time trying their skill in dancing.
(304) Major Curtis, on our arrival here received an order from Gen.
Kelley to have the Twelfth furnished with four days' cooked rations,
forty rounds of ammunition, lie upon their arms and be ready to move
at a moment's warning. The order was complied with and the boys
expected every minute to hear the bugle call to fall in; but none came
and no further orders were received from Gen. Kelley to prepare for
battle. Early having concluded, no doubt, the weather being so very
cold to go back to his winter quarters, and wait until it moderated
before engaging in further field operations.
(305) The Twelfth remained here doing guard and picket duty during the
months of January, February and March. On January 23rd, we received
two months pay, and the same day the officers of the regiment met and
by a formal vote recommended the appointment of Major Curtis as
colonel of the Twelfth, and on the 26th, he received his commission as
Colonel, to rank as such from this latter date, vice J. B. Klunk, who
had resigned, Lieut. Col. Northcott still being a prisoner of war.
Capt. R. H. Brown of Company I, on February 6th, was commissioned
Major of the regiment, in accordance with the recommendation of the
officers of it.
(306) Many of the boys still cherish tender recollections of the old
mill and the hospital we were camped in at Cumberland and the good
times we had at that place. Many agreeable acquaintances were formed
here by the boys, which in some instances ripened into enduring
friendship. The gay Lieutenant away from scenes of strife turned his
attention to more peaceful and congenial pursuits, while some of the
boys were not slow to imitate and emulate his example, in endeavoring
to reduce the Confederacy to submission by arts long known and long
practiced--those by which the hearts of the fair Rebels were attempted
to be captured.
(307) Paper collars soft bread, soft drinks, some not so soft, soft
interviews and a large correspondence were some of the luxuries
enjoyed at this place. Occasionally some enterprising member of the
Twelfth fired with zeal, or something else, would interview the
provost guard and inspect the interior of the old depot, used as a
guard house; which diversion taken with the picnics had with the canal
boatmen, served to vary the monotony incident to soldier life.
(308) At this point may be given a story told by J. H. Haney of
Company K. about a trick played by some of the boys of his company
upon a landlord of this city during our encampment there. The story as
well as is remembered is about as follows: Some of the boys of the
aforesaid company, persuading themselves that the water of the place
did not agree with them, or that their stomachs needed a stimulus in
order that they might be able with some relish to partake of their
usual ration of salt pork and hard tack, concluded that they would go
early one morning to a hotel near the railroad station, kept by a man
named Kelly, and try the virtue of his tangle foot. When the boys got
to the hotel the landlord was still in bed. One of them suggested that
they be patient and not wake him. In the meantime this same soldier
reconnoitered to the rear of the building and discovered a string of
mackerel there on a porch. He came back and told what he had seen,
suggesting to a comrade that the fish might be made available for the
drinks. He acted immediately on the suggestion and went and got them
intending to try the experiment.
(309) It was not long till the landlord was out of bed. The boys
walked into the bar-room with the fish saying that they had had for
some time mackerel issued to them, and that they had got very tired of
them; and wanted to know if the landlord would not treat the crowd for
the string they had brought. The landlord, being a clever Irishman
promptly said that he would, setting out the bottle, and throwing the
string of fish out on the porch. They took their dose of corrective
when looking out of the door, they saw another boy, with whom the
water did not agree directing his steps toward the hotel.
(310) One of the boys in the bar-room went out and met him, telling
him of the mackerel on the porch, and wanted to know what was to
hinder their being traded for the drinks. That was hint enough. It was
not long, until the first were in possession of the new comer, and
pretty soon he walked into the bar-room with them. The rest of the
boys assumed an air of surprise, and said, "Hello! you are here are
you? and got fish too?" Yes their mess had more of them than they
wanted and he thought that he would see if the landlord would trade
him a drink of "red-eye" for this string. The landlord obligingly
agreed to do so; and the drinks the second time were gotten for the
same fish, the landlord again throwing them out on the porch without
discovering the trick.
(311) This trick was played successfully three different times that
morning when the boys concluded that they would go to camp. They
started but had not got far when the landlord called out "Hello!
boys." They thought, "Now we are in for it--now we will get a
blessing!" But the landlord saw the humorous side of the matter, and
so he said, "Come back boys. Any man that is darned fool enough to buy
his own fish three times ought to stand treat." So they went back and
got the fourth drink as the result of their fish deals.
(312) Coming as the story does from Hen Haney, it is not by any means
to be regarded as a "fish story." He avers that the boys who took in
"the landlord" were not bummers, but rather genteel fellows who did
what they did in spirit of fun rather than otherwise; that they all
had been, since the war, well doing and prosperous men. After the
paymaster paid them, they went back and paid the landlord for the
drinks; and he being a jolly Irishman looked upon the Company K boys
after that as being "the broths of boys."
(313) While the regiment was at Harpers Ferry some officers and
sergeants were detailed and sent to their respective sections of
country to recruit. A number of the recruits obtained, came to us
while we were at Cumberland. The older soldiers in some cases called
these recruits in a jesting way "conscripts." Though the recruits, as
a rule had not seen any service, the time was not far off when they
were to see plenty of it, and all distinction between themselves and
the soldiers longer in the service should be lost. Gen. Grant was soon
to be placed in command of the armies of the United States; and
instead of the lack of unity or co-operation and persistency of
effort, that hitherto had characterized the operations of our armies,
there was destined to be, as far as possible, a co-operation of
movement and a vigorous, persistent "hammering away" on the part of
all our forces. The fighting of the present year was to be bloodier
than ever, especially in Virginia. While heretofore, for instance, one
or two considerable engagements were as many as took place in the
Valley during a year, the present year was to witness six or eight
hard battles there. And the Twelfth had in store for it four or five
times as much fighting during the coming fifteen months, as it had it
in all its previous service.
(314) Going back a little, on January 27th, Gen. Milroy arrived in the
city putting up at the Revere House, and the next day the Twelfth was
marched to his place of stopping when he made us a short speech.
(315) In the forepart of February, Col. Curtis received orders to take
the regiment and go into camp on a hill west of the city, which was
done, and while remaining here having very light picket and guard duty
to perform, and working on fortifications, the Colonel found time to
thoroughly drill the regiment in battalion drill, the manual of arms
and dress parade. It became very efficient in drill and in the manual
of arms.
(316) February 2nd, the Rebels made a dash in on the railroad and
burned a bridge seven miles east of here. A few weeks later McNeil's
and Woodson's men under the command of Jesse McNeil dashed into
Cumberland at night and captured and brought off Generals Crook and
Kelly, and Capt. Thayer Melvin, Gen. Kelley's adjutant general. This
was a very daring feat.
CHAPTER VII.
(317) March 12th, Maj. Gen. Franz Sigel arrived here and took command
of the department. During this month the arrangement was made for the
raid against Lynchburg, Gen. Sigel to command the force in person, to
be moved it was first intended from Webster, near Grafton on the
Baltimore and Ohio railroad but as finally decided from Martinsburg up
the Valley. He carefully inspected the troops here intended to go on
the expedition. In his inspection which was minute and almost
individual in character, he passed closely along the lines of men,
looking sharply into their eyes, apparently to see if there was fight
there.
(318) On a Sabbath day shortly after Sigel's arrival here. A few weeks
later McNeil's and Woodson's men parade, he and his staff rode up to
the camp and quietly took position behind the Colonel, and witnessed
the efficiency with which the men executed the orders given them; and
when the parade was over Gen. Sigel rode up to the Colonel and
complimented the regiment on its high attainment in drill, stating
that he had no idea that there was so well drilled a regiment in that
department.
(319) Lieut. Col. Northcott, having recently rejoined the regiment,
from being a prisoner in Libby prison, on the occasion of a dress
parade on the 27th, gave us a short speech. Gen. Sigel was also up to
the camp at the time and spoke briefly to the regiment. Officers and
men were all pleased to see the Lieutenant Colonel once more with the
regiment; and he no doubt, was no less glad to exchange life in a
Rebel prison for his accustomed duties with the boys.
(320) Adjt. Gen. Pierpont, our former Major between whom and the
Twelfth, there had always been a strong, mutual attachment came from
Wheeling on April 2nd, to pay the regiment a visit and greet his late
comrades again.
(321) The next day, the 3rd, the regiment was ordered to proceed to
Webster, W. Va., by the way of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, where
a force was concentrating to start on the expedition against
Lynchburg, by the way of Beverly to Staunton, Va., at which place it
was to form a junction with Gen. Crook's forces, moving from the
Kanawha Valley. Gen. Sigel ordered the Twelfth to start in the advance
with 250 head of cattle in their charge for the soldiers to subsist
upon. The regiment succeeded in getting the cattle through to Beverly
42 miles from Webster. This being the first opportunity the members of
the regiment had of playing the part of "cow boys" they performed the
task with the zeal of novices and had a jolly time of it. We found the
Tenth and Eleventh West Virginia and the Twenty-eighth Ohio infantry
at Beverly.
(322) By the time the Twelfth had arrived at this place with the
cattle, Sigel was convinced that it would be impossible to get his
artillery through on this route; and he changed the plan of moving
against the enemy, to marching up the Valley. We stayed here two
nights and one day, when the regiment was ordered to return
immediately to Webster with the cattle. We, on the return, reached
Philippi, the 11th. Four companies C, E, G and I, remained here a few
days under the command of Maj. Brown. The rest of the regiment went to
Webster with the cattle, in the morning. This was a hard and worse
than useless march of 84 miles from Webster to Beverly and back. The
weather was very rainy and we had to march through deep mud well
mixed, by the driving of 250 head of cattle over the road. The boys
talked sarcastically about it, saying that they did not understand it,
but that they supposed this movement was strategy.
(323) On our return in passing through Belington, a small town between
Beverly and Philippi, a lieutenant, who was in command of the post
there asked Col. Curtis where he intended to camp that night. The
Colonel informed him that in coming out he had noticed a farm that was
supplied with a long high fence of new rails; and that was the point
he intended to make as it would give the boys an opportunity of
conveniently getting good fuel to keep up ample fires. The Lieutenant
replied, "That is the very place you should go into camp. You can't
punish them half enough, they are the meanest d----d Rebels in the
state. They assisted a gang of Rebel soldiers in capturing a large
train of wagons loaded with commissary and quartermaster stores, on
their way to Beverly taking all the goods and horses, and burning the
wagons."
(324) The regiment proceeded to the point designated and went into
camp along the line of fence. One of the young men of the family came
to us while arrangements were making for camping. He looked as though
he had just left Mosby's gang of guerrillas. The Colonel approached
him and inquired if he could procure some straw for the men to sleep
on, stating that the ground was damp and cold, and he would like to
make them as comfortable as possible since they had no tents or
shelter of any kind. He replied: "No, we have nothing of the kind on
the farm. Everything has been taken from us, and we have been
compelled to cut the limbs from the trees to browse our cattle on to
keep them from starving." Of course, the young man expected that this
statement would be accepted as the truth.
(325) However, the Colonel concluded knowing the capacity of the
Twelfth boys to make themselves comfortable, that they could be
trusted to take care of themselves; and that there was not much
likelihood that they would sleep on the bare ground that night. This
conclusion was justified about one hour after the camp was located. At
that time a line of men could be seen with great bundles of straw
coming into camp.
(326) Before this the Colonel had walked to the house to get quarters
for himself and Surgeon Bryon. He procured a room from the old lady.
She appeared to be boss of the ranch. He inquired of her if she would
sell him some meat, as he had been informed by the cook of his mess,
that the supplies of meat was about exhausted. She replied: "No, we
have not a bit of meat for our own family."
(327) About 8 o'clock at night there was a racket out at the chicken
roost. The chickens were fluttering and squalling as though the owls
had attacked them. The old lady's daughter ran out to learn what had
caused the disturbance, and returned very shortly saying: "Mam, them
Yankees are stealing all our chickens." The boss of the ranch ordered
the Colonel to go out and stop the men from stealing her chickens. He,
very obediently complied with the orders, and returned pretty soon
reporting that he failed to see anyone about the chicken roost and
took his seat. About an hour afterwards, the same racket of fluttering
and squalling was repeated. The girl ran out again, and after making a
general inspection of the chicken roost ran back and exclaimed: "Mam,
them infernal soldiers have stole every chicken we have but old
speck." And then the old sharp-nosed thin visaged Boss, with a tongue
apparently loose at both ends, rattled her slang at the Colonel at a
terrible rate, calling him and his men all kinds of vile names. But
her troubles did not end here.
(328) The next morning just at day break the Boss rushed into his bed
room, and seizing him by the shoulders and shaking him shouted: "Get
up, your men have stolen all my meat." He replied: "Why, Madam, you
told me you had no meat about your house." "Yes," said she, "but I
had, and your men have undermined my smoke house and took all I had."
He informed her that she had done wrong in telling him a falsehood in
saying that she had no meat. She should have asked for a guard to
protect it. She then demanded that a guard be sent to search the
regiment to see if it could be found. This was done, and the guard
returned in due time, reporting that he had thoroughly searched the
camp and no meat could be found. He may have made a correct report;
nevertheless, when the Colonel joined his mess for dinner that day, he
found a very fine roast of ham prepared for the meal. But he could not
learn where it came from.
(329) While the four companies before named were at Philippi, there
was a considerable amount of government revenue stamps stolen. It
seemed conclusive that some soldier had done the deed; and Maj. Brown
had a careful and earnest search made of every man of the four
companies, but the stamps were not found. The officers and men
generally of the detachment were indignant that any one of the Twelfth
had committed such a crime, feeling that it brought dishonor upon the
whole command. They would have been pleased if the guilty one should
have been found and properly punished. Many months afterward, it is
said, it became pretty generally known who had done the deed.
(330) The detachment, on the 20th, marched to Webster, joining there
the rest of the regiment, and the next day in accordance with orders
the regiment marched to Grafton, taking the cars there to go by the
way of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad to Martinsburg, arriving there
the 22nd, in the evening, and camped near the First Virginia infantry
camp. We remained at Martinsburg several days, and there were
inspections and a general review of all the troops here. In the
meantime there was organized in the second brigade, consisting of the
Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, the Fifty-fourth Pennsylvania, the First
Virginia, and Twelfth West Virginia under command of the gallant Col.
Joseph Thoburn.
(331) We had now got started on a season of hard campaigning which was
to run into the late fall. We were about to start up what had hitherto
been in the main and what was to continue to be for a time, with some
bright exceptions, the Valley of defeat and humiliation; but which was
in the end to be the Valley of glorious victory for the arms of the
Union.
(332) The 28th, the command received orders from Gen. Sigel,
commander, to be ready to march at 8 o'clock in the morning with five
days' rations in our haversacks. We set out on the march in the
morning at the appointed time on the Winchester pike, and marched to
Bunker Hill, ten miles distant, and remained there till May 1st, when
we marched through and to a point about two miles beyond Winchester.
All along the pike from Martinsburg to Winchester on the march between
the two towns, could be seen the graves of soldiers of the one or the
other side who had fallen as victims of the cruel, bloody, wicked war.
There was perhaps not a mile of the whole route over which we passed
along which there could not be seen a soldier's grave; and at
Winchester there were thousands buried. Everywhere could be seen the
destructiveness and paralyzing effects of the war. Fences were torn
down, farms were stripped of live stock, high grass was growing up to
the edge of the towns, and it seemed as if the country was deserted by
its inhabitants. Everything and the condition of things generally were
object lessons teaching of the baleful effects of war.
(333) On this day we passed through the historic and memorable old
town of Winchester and camped about two miles beyond the town. The
next day we had brigade drill under the supervision of Gen. Sigel. We
remained here about a week during which time the organization of the
army was completed. Our stay here afforded the boys of the Twelfth an
opportunity to walk over the old battle ground of the Winchester
battle fought on our side under Gen. Milroy. The boys examined the
scene of the battle with considerable eager curious interest.
(334) While we were at this point, there were extra precautions taken
against a surprise. Strong picket forces were kept out, five companies
being sent out on some of the roads, at least, and orders were given
to keep one-third of the men up at night all the time, showing that
Gen. Sigel was a vigilant careful commander. This alertness and these
precautions indicated that we were drawing near the enemy, and gave a
hint of coming clash of arms, which indeed was not far in the future.
(335) The command on the 9th, moved up
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