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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 35, 1640-1649

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 35, 1640-1649

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson


        
Release date: March 9, 2014 [eBook #45101]
                Most recently updated: October 24, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898, VOLUME 35, 1640-1649 ***

                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                         Volume XXXV, 1640-1649



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.


                      The Arthur H. Clark Company
                            Cleveland, Ohio
                                 MCMVI






CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXV


    Preface                                                            9

    Documents of 1640-1644

        The Dominican missions, 1635-39. Baltasar de Santa Cruz,
        O.P. [From his Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario
        (Zaragoza, 1693).]                                            25

        The Recollect missions, 1625-40. [Extracts from the works
        of Juan de la Concepción and Luis de Jesús.]                  59

        News from Filipinas, 1640-42. [Unsigned]; [Manila, 1641],
        and July 25, 1642                                            114

        Decree regarding the Indians. Felipe IV; Çaragoça, October
        24, 1642                                                     125

        Formosa lost to Spain. Juan de los Angeles, O.P.; Macasar,
        March, 1643                                                  128

        Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; Zaragoza, August 4, 1643      163

    Documents of 1644-1649

        Concessions to the Jesuits. Balthasar de Lagunilla, S.J.,
        and others; 1640-44                                          169

        Events in the Philippines, 1643-44. [Unsigned and undated.]  176

        Fiscal's report on Sangley licenses. Sebastian Cavallero
        [de Medina]; Manila, 1644                                    185

        Decree ordering reënforcements for the islands. Felipe IV;
        Zaragoza, September 18, 1645                                 196

        Erection of the college of Santo Tomás into a university.
        Felipe IV and Innocent X; 1644-45                            199

        Trade with English not desired. Council of State; Madrid,
        January 30, 1647                                             209

        Affairs in Filipinas, 1644-47. Fray Joseph Fayol (of the
        Order of Mercy); Manila, 1647                                212

        Decree regarding missionaries. Felipe IV; Madrid, September
        17, 1647                                                     276

        Early Franciscan missions. [Unsigned; written in 1649, and
        published in 1895.]                                          278

    Bibliographical Data                                             323






ILLUSTRATIONS

    Title-page of Historia de la provincia del Santo Rosario
    de Filipinas, tomo segundo, by Baltasar de Santa Cruz,
    O. P. (Zaragoça, 1693); photographic facsimile from copy in
    library of Harvard University                                     23

    Native women pounding rice in the province of Cagayán; from
    photograph taken by Otto Fischer, 1888; procured in Madrid        49
    Chart of part of the Philippines; photographic facsimile of
    a map taken from a Dutch MS. of 1662; from Dalrymple's Charts
    [London], 1778, ii, p. 74; from copy in the Library of
    Congress                                                    132, 133

    Rough sketch of Manila and its environs, ca. 1641; photographic
    facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias,
    Sevilla                                                          171






PREFACE


In the present volume, which covers the period 1629-49, the principal
topics are the missions of the religious orders and the hostilities
between the Spaniards and the Dutch in the eastern seas. The final
chapters in this conflict are the capture of Formosa by the Dutch, and
the successive defeats of their armed squadrons in contests with the
Spanish ships sent against them from Manila. In the loss of Formosa
the Dominicans are deprived of their flourishing missions there;
but this is compensated by the suppression of Collado's faction in
their order. The Recollect missions in Mindanao sustain some losses;
but one of the laborers therein, "Father Captain," sheds glory on
them by his bravery, skill, and devotion. The Franciscan missions
are in satisfactory condition; to their strictly religious work
they add the care of the hospitals and the lepers. The prosperity
of the islands has been greatly injured by the losses of galleons,
insufficient crops, the oppressive taxes laid on the Chinese traders,
and the great earthquake of 1645.

For the leading events in the history of the Dominican order in the
islands at this period, we resort to the pages of Santa Cruz's Historia
de la provincia del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), a continuation
of Aduarte's Historia, already presented in this series. Beginning
with 1635, Santa Cruz gives an account, more detailed than Aduarte's,
of the coming of Collado and the "Barbones" friars; and he adds the
punishment and tragic death of Fray Collado. In 1637, Fray Carlos Gant
is chosen provincial. Santa Cruz describes the island of Formosa,
its people, and the Dominican mission established among them. He
enumerates some of the mistakes and faults of Governor Corcuera,
with their evil results to the islands; of these, the event most
deplored by the Dominicans is the loss of Formosa (1642). The lives
and achievements of various missionaries of the order are related. In
1639 occurs an insurrection among the Cagayán natives, caused by
ill-treatment from the Spaniards: the latter are unable to subdue
these people, who take refuge in their mountains. In the same year,
both the galleons from Acapulco are wrecked, which inflicts heavy
losses on the islands. Santa Cruz copies the royal decrees relating
to Collado and the suppression of the congregation of San Pablo.

An account of the Recollect missions for the period 1625-38 is
furnished by Luis de Jesús, in his Historia de los religiosos descalzos
de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681). In 1625, Recollect missionaries
extend their work in northern Mindanao, Fray Juan de San Nicolás and
a companion. In the following year, the Moros, instigated by the noted
Corralat, attack the village of Cagaiang; but it is fortified, and its
people trained in military exercises, by the "fighting parson" of those
missions, Fray Agustin de San Pedro, who defeats the enemy. In 1631
the Indians of Caraga, ill-treated by the Spanish commandant there,
rebel; they kill him and some of the soldiers, and several of the
Recollect missionaries in Caraga; some others are saved by friendly
Indians. The natives of Butuan remain faithful to the missionaries,
notwithstanding the efforts of the insurgents to seduce them. One
of the fathers sails to Cebu to procure relief for the endangered
garrison at Tandag; this is promptly sent, and soon quells the
insurrection. Much consolation is afforded to the fathers in this
distressful period by the conversion of an outlaw Indian chief and his
hundred followers. Some mention is made of the persecutions in Japan,
and of the Spanish occupation and subsequent loss of Formosa. In
1635 the Recollects enter Romblón and its dependent islands, where
they labor bravely, but exposed to continual danger by the piratical
raids of the Moros. Several of those who occupy Cuyo and Calamianes
Islands are captured by those enemies, and become martyrs for the
faith. This account is supplemented by that presented by Juan de la
Concepción in his Historia general de Philipinas (Manila, 1788). He
follows Luis de Jesús somewhat closely, but adds an interesting
account of the missions begun by the Recollects in northern Mindanao,
which they are afterward obliged to abandon. Their "Father Captain"
(Fray Agustín de San Pedro) aids the Spaniards in the invasion (1639)
of the Lake Lanao district, which is fully described. After the Moros
are conquered for the time by the Spaniards, the Jesuits claim the
Lanao district as being their field, and the Recollects are excluded
from it. Another expedition is sent thither to build a fort on Lake
Lanao; when this is but half done, the Moros--naturally treacherous,
and further instigated by Corralat--attack it. The Jesuit priest at
Lanao sends to the Recollect "Father Captain" an entreaty for aid to
the besieged Spaniards; he responds quickly, and soon liberates them,
also conducting the troops safely to the seashore. The district,
however, is not restored to the Recollects--a result due, according
to Concepción, to the machinations of the Jesuits.

The notable events in the year ending July, 1641, are narrated by a
Franciscan at Manila. The Portuguese of Macao have been expelled from
Japan, many being burned at the stake; and thus is closed the traffic
which Macao had with Japan, to which that city owed its existence. A
terrible noise in the air has been heard throughout the islands
(afterward known to be caused by volcanic eruptions), which occasions
much fear among the people--especially since the Dutch have seized
the city of Malacca. News is sent to Manila of increased strength
and hostile plans on the part of the Dutch, who talk of capturing
that city; and they are even lying in wait near the Embocadero for
the Acapulco galleons. The bloody persecutions in Japan have left few
missionaries alive there; rumors regarding some have reached Manila,
and the writer mentions the martyrdoms of several others. He also
cites a letter from the Spanish governor of Ternate, asking for more
religious to carry on the mission recently begun in Celebes.

A short unsigned letter, dated July 25, 1642, states that the islands
are suffering from extreme drouth. The ship from Acapulco has come
safely, but narrowly escaping the Dutch who lay in wait for it. The
Portuguese from Macao profess loyalty to Castilla. The islands have not
suffered from the usual Moro raids; negotiations for peace are being
carried on in Mindanao, and Jolo is nominally at peace. A royal decree
(October 24, 1642) orders Corcuera to thank the Filipino natives for
their loyalty and zeal in the Spanish service.

A Dominican missionary who has labored in Formosa writes (March, 1643)
a detailed account of the seizure of that island by the Dutch. After a
five days' siege, the Spaniards surrender with their forts there. The
prisoners are sent to Jacatra (now Batavia), and afterward to Manila;
and the Dutch make strong establishments in Formosa. They also
search, but unsuccessfully, for gold mines there; and they treat
the natives harshly, so that the latter long for the Spaniards to
return. The writer proceeds to describe the great increase of power
which the Dutch have attained in the East; he enumerates the armed
fleet with which they are scouring the seas and securing control of
the rich trade of that region. All these, as well as their forts,
are furnished with abundance of supplies, of all kinds; and their
soldiers and sailors are well trained and disciplined. The value
of their commerce is almost incredible, and supplies Holland with
wealth to carry on the war in Europe against the Spanish power. The
Dutch aim to be masters of the entire Eastern archipelago, and are
planning to expel the Spaniards from the Philippines. To this letter
are appended extracts from Ferrando's Historia de los PP. Dominicos
and Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, which present additional
information. The former blames Corcuera, and the latter the Jesuits
and their schemes, for the loss of Formosa.

A letter from the king to Corcuera (August 4, 1643), reproves him
for saving money to the treasury by accepting "donations" of part of
their pay from persons in the royal service, orders him to favor and
protect the Indians, and asks for information as to ways and means by
which money may be raised for the buildings needed for the use of the
archbishop of Manila--for which contributions from private persons may
be received, provided these are strictly voluntary. Other paragraphs
of the letter approve Corcuera's course in certain minor matters,
and give him directions in others. In 1644, the Jesuit procurator for
Filipinas asks the king to confirm certain grants made by Corcuera
to the Jesuits at Manila; this petition is accompanied by a map,
and a copy of Corcuera's decree (September 1, 1640) granting the
Jesuits a certain piece of land.

A document unsigned and undated, but apparently the usual record
of the year's events sent from the Jesuit house at Manila, relates
the news for the year 1643-44. One of the Acapulco ships has reached
the islands in safety, bringing the new governor, Diego Fajardo. The
Dutch enemy have learned how incomplete are the defenses of Manila;
but Ternate has been strongly reënforced, which will curb their
arrogance. They have captured some of the Chinese trading vessels,
and Manila has therefore suffered great loss this year. There is a
serious rebellion in China; the king of that country is favorable
to the Jesuit missionaries, and permits them to preach and build
churches throughout China; and has entrusted to them the reform of
the Chinese calendar. Japan is closed to the Christian religion and
to European trade, excepting with the Dutch; and several martyrdoms
of missionaries have occurred there. The Portuguese at Macao have
seized the Spanish envoy from Manila, and all the other Castilians,
imprisoning and abusing them. Having sent the envoy to Goa, the ship
which carries him is captured by the Dutch, who treat him with great
kindness and courtesy. The Spaniards at Macao are finally sent to
Manila, but all their property is seized by the Portuguese. The Dutch
have seized Malacca, and made an unsuccessful attempt on Ceylon. The
Moros of Mindanao and Jolo profess to desire peace, but their promises
are considered unreliable. Drouth and a plague of locusts have almost
ruined the rice crop in the Philippines, and the Indians are suffering
from famine.

A very rare and possibly unique pamphlet (Manila, 1644) presents
the report of the royal fiscal at Manila on the licenses issued to
the Chinese to reside in the islands. The amount paid for these has
been increased by Corcuera, on his own responsibility, partly to raise
money for the fortifications of the city, partly to punish the Chinese
for revolting (as they did in 1639). The fiscal discusses this measure
from a legal standpoint, and shows that it is illegal. Corcuera had no
authority to increase the tax on the Chinese; there was no pressing
necessity to justify it; he should have obtained permission from the
king to do so; and he had already a sufficient fund for repairing the
fortifications, in the proceeds of the monopoly on playing-cards. If
more funds are necessary, they should be furnished by only the citizens
and permanent residents of Manila, not by foreigners and transients,
as are the Sangleys. Even had the new tax been justified, it was highly
impolitic; and in any case its proceeds should have been placed in
the general funds of the royal treasury, and subject to the orders of
the royal officials instead of the governor's--and for the sums spent
therefrom by Corcuera he should be held responsible. These new taxes
on the Chinese have injured and damaged the entire colony, since they
have prevented the Chinese from leaving the Parián to cultivate the
rice-fields and engage in fishing and other occupations; and those
who really pay the money received for these taxes are the seventy
citizens of Manila. In evidence of this, the fiscal cites the great
increase in prices of both commodities and labor, due to this new
tax on the Chinese.

A royal decree (September 18, 1645) orders the viceroy of Mexico to
send larger reënforcements of troops, to be levied among the vagabonds
and criminals of Nueva España. Letters from Felipe IV to his ambassador
at Rome and Pope Innocent X (December 20, 1644) secure a papal brief
(dated November 20, 1645) for the erection of the Dominican college
at Manila, Santo Tomás, into a university. A report of the royal
Council of State (January 30, 1647) relates to the attempt of the
East India Company of England to open trade with the Philippines,
which the Spanish government will not allow.

An interesting account of affairs in the islands from 1644 to 1647 is
presented in two rare pamphlets printed at Manila in 1647, written by a
royal chaplain in that city. After brief mention of the leading events
during the period of ten years preceding, he begins with the arrival
of Governor Fajardo (June, 1644) and the more important occurrences
of that year. In April, 1645, Dutch vessels off the Ilocos coast are
defeated by a few small Spanish ships. Soon afterward, the Acapulco
galleons bring goodly succor to the islands. With them comes the new
archbishop, who dies of sickness before reaching Manila. On November
30 of that year occurs the most destructive earthquake that has been
known in the islands since the Spanish conquest; Fayol describes this
in considerable detail. Manila is laid waste by it; and all the clergy
and religious immediately go about the city, to recover the bodies
of the dead and console the dying who are buried under the ruins. The
main buildings injured, and the extent of the damage done to each, are
enumerated. The prompt and vigilant measures of the governor prevent
any lawless acts, and afford security to the homeless refugees. Most
of the people leave the city, and encamp in the fields or on the
beach, where the priests follow them, hearing their confessions and
exhorting them to repent of their sins. Much havoc is wrought by the
earthquake in various other places in the islands, and the shocks and
disturbances continue for some time afterward, although much lessened
in force. Unfortunate Manila is next harassed by the Dutch, who equip a
fleet to attack it. Their first squadron is repulsed and defeated near
Mariveles by the Spanish force, which consists of the two Acapulco
galleons, manned with Manila's bravest men. These vessels are then
sent to San Bernardino Strait to protect the Acapulco galleons; there
they encounter another Dutch squadron, and, after guarding the strait
for a month, oblige the enemy to depart. The Spaniards go in pursuit,
and, overtaking the enemy near Marinduque, defeat them, with very
slight loss on the Spanish side; and two days later, near Mindoro,
they again rout the Dutch, afterward returning to Manila. Not long
afterward the Acapulco galleon is attacked by other Dutch ships,
not far from Manila Bay, but retreats to Cavite in safety; it is
then sent out again but this time escorted by an armada of all the
vessels obtainable in Manila Bay. Near Mindoro they defeat another
Dutch squadron; but as the winds have now become unfavorable for the
voyage across the Pacific, the "San Diego" puts back to Mariveles for
further orders. The Spanish flagship, again attacked by the Dutch,
repulses them; and this series of brilliant victories is celebrated
by a brilliant fiesta. A later galleon is lost in the port of Cagayan,
but the men and the silver are saved. Dutch vessels capture a Chinese
junk, and place aboard a prize crew; but the Chinese mutiny, and
kill all the Dutchmen. The trade with China still continues, but
considerably diminished by the Manchu invasion of that country.

The second relation by Father Fayol relates the incursions by the Dutch
in the summer of 1647. Early in June the enemy enter Manila Bay with a
large squadron, and finally bombard the city; but they are repulsed and
much damaged by the Spaniards, with but little loss to the latter. The
Dutch then commit some depredations along the bay shore; and later
assault the Pampango village of Abucay, where a large sum of money
belonging to some Chinese traders had been concealed. The Pampangos
resist bravely, but are finally defeated with much loss, owing to the
cowardice and inefficiency of the Spanish alcalde-mayor. The Dutch
again attack Abucay, but are repulsed by another Spanish officer,
and lose many men in the encounter. Two prisoners taken from the Dutch
give the Spaniards much useful information. The pamphlet closes with
a long eulogy of Venegas, the Spanish military commander.

A royal decree (September 17, 1647) gives Fajardo nominal instructions
regarding the missionaries, but sufficiently vague and ambiguous to
leave the governor at fault if affairs go wrong.

In an anonymous manuscript of 1649 is presented an account of the
Franciscan missions in the islands. This begins with a list of
the fifty-two convents of this order, with the number of natives
and of religious attached to each; most of these have buildings of
stone. The hospitals conducted by the Franciscans are enumerated,
with various details regarding the resources and management of each
one. Brief accounts follow of deaths of missionaries who have been
slain by Dutchmen or by various heathens. The establishment of Poor
Clares (nuns who form a branch of the Franciscan order) at Manila is
described; this convent is exceedingly poor since the earthquake. It
had sent some of its members to Macao to found a convent there;
but after the Portuguese rebellion these nuns are obliged to return
to Manila. Another section of this document relates various facts
regarding the islands and their natural features and products, and the
people. Then follows mention of the introduction of the Franciscan
order in the Philippines, the royal aid and patronage bestowed on
it, and its missions in Ternate, Macasar, and other remote islands;
also an account of some martyrdoms among its missionaries. It was the
Franciscans who took charge of the Christian lepers sent to Manila
from Japan. The notable linguists among the Philippine missionaries,
and their leading works, are enumerated. The writer ends by describing
some heroic deaths of missionaries, and some instances of baptism
conferred in unusual circumstances. Some additional information from
Concepción's Historia concerns the controversy of the Franciscans
with the bishop of Camarines.


    The Editors

    January, 1906.






DOCUMENTS OF 1640-1644


    The Dominican missions, 1635-39. Baltasar de Santa Cruz, O.P.
    [From his Historia del Santo Rosario.]

    The Recollect missions, 1625-40. [From the works of Juan de la
    Concepción and Luis de Jesús.]

    News from Filipinas, 1640-42. [Unsigned]; [1641], and July 25,
    1642.

    Decree regarding the Indians. Felipe IV; October 24, 1642.

    Formosa lost to Spain. Juan de los Angeles, O.P.; March, 1643.

    Letter to Corcuera. Felipe IV; August 4, 1643.


Sources: The first document is taken from Santa Cruz's Historia
del Santo Rosario (Zaragoça, 1693), pp. 1-23 (from a copy owned
by Edward E. Ayer). The second, from Luis de Jesús's Historia de
los religiosos descalzos de San Augustin (Madrid, 1681), pp. 69-71,
163-173, 184, 282-287, 294-298 (from a copy owned by Edward E. Ayer);
and Juan de la Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, v, pp. 163-179,
360-391 (from a copy in the possession of the Editors). The third,
from a MS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. The fourth,
from a MS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. The fifth, from
the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), ii, pp. 251-288; Ferrando's
Historia de los PP. Dominicos, ii, pp. 440-447; and Concepción's
Historia, vi, pp. 89-113. The sixth, from the "Cedulario Indico,"
in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.

Translations: The first three documents are translated by James
A. Robertson; the fourth, by Victoria Peacock; the remainder, by Emma
Helen Blair.






THE DOMINICAN MISSIONS, 1635-39

Book one of Part two of the "History of the province of Santissimo
Rosario of Filipinas, Japon, and China, of the Order of Preachers." [1]




CHAPTER FIRST

Of the condition of the province in the year 1637, which is the first
year of this history


The time of a successive history, although it is continuous, is not an
indivisible unit. Consequently, it is necessary in this history to take
our course from two years previous, namely, that of 1635. That year
was the third of the first provincialate of the father-commissary,
Fray Domingo Gonçales. The intermediary chapter having been held on
April 6 of the said year, on St. John's day arrived two ships from
Nueva [2] España, the "Concepción," and "San Luis" with the situado. In
them came to govern these islands, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,
knight of the Order of Alcantara; the new governor brought much succor,
and many soldiers from Perù; for he had made his voyage by way of
those kingdoms. A band of twenty-two religious came to our province,
under the vicarship of father Fray Diego Collado. Their names are
as follows: the said father-vicar, Fray Diego Collado; father Fray
Guillelmo Cortet de Visiers, of Francia, afterward a glorious martyr
in Japon (treated in the first part, [3] book 2, chapter 61); father
Fray Juan del Moral, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at Cordova;
father Fray Miguel de Ozaraza, son of [the convent at] Victoria, a
glorious martyr in Japon, and of whom the same history treats at the
same place; father Fray Juan Mallen, son of [the convent of] Santa Cruz
el Real at Granada, a collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he
sailed; father Fray Antonio de Montesa, of the Canaria Islands; father
Fray Juan de los Angeles, son of [the convent of] Santo Domingo del
Campo at Zafra; father Fray Manuel de Berrio, son of [the convent of]
Santa Cruz at Segovia; father Fray Pedro de Messa, son of [the convent
at] Cordova, collegiate of Santo Tomas in Sevilla, whence he sailed;
father Fray Gabriel de Montenegro, son of [the convent of] San Pablo
at Cordova; father Fray Pedro de Chaves, son of [the convent of] San
Estevan at Salamanca; father Fray Juan Uguet, son of [the convent of]
Preachers at Valencia; father Fray Ignacio Muñoz, son of [the convent
of] San Pablo at Valladolid; father Fray Juan Cazor, a Frenchman;
father Fray Francisco de Hoyos, son of [the convent of] San Pablo at
Valladolid; father Fray Antonio de la Torre, son of [the convent of]
Regina Angelorum [i.e., Queen of Angels] at Sevilla; Fray Francisco de
Armella, an acolyte, from the province of Aragon; Fray Tomas Ramas,
an acolyte, son of [the convent of] San Vicente at Plasencia; Fray
Placido de Angulo, an acolyte, son of [the convent at] Xerez de la
Frontera; Fray Juan del Villar, an acolyte, from [the convent of]
San Pablo at Cordova; Fray Alonso de Villegas, a lay-brother, son
[of the convent of] San Pablo at Sevilla; Fray Francisco Gomez, a
lay-brother, son of [the convent of] San Domingo at Xerez. The above
are the ones who arrived, while father Fray Juan Tellez, a son of
[the convent at] San Lucar, was left in Mexico because of illness,
and came the following year. Father Fray Marco Nuñez, a son of [the
convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, died at sea. Under the shelter
of this mission came a student, who took the habit here, professed,
and was ordained; his name was father Fray Diego Rodriguez.

The band was received with as joyful demonstrations of consolation
as were the others. But considering the appearance of those who
came in that band, which was so strange to this province, the joy
was changed into wonder; for all of them wore long beards, a fact
which was an immediate portent of some great trouble as it was the
superscription of peculiarity. The first part, book 2, chapter 56
treats of this sufficiently; but, as it is so serious a matter, we have
thought best to repeat considerable and to add somewhat. Father Fray
Diego Collado, a native of Meazadas in Estremadura, and son of [the
convent of] San Estevan at Salamanca, a truly exemplary religious,
energetic in his ministry, and very zealous for the conversion of
Japon and China, was a minister of this province for some years in
Cagayan. But the devil--who, like an asp, converts the most medicinal
flowers into poison--availed himself of the zeal of this father to
divide the seamless and scanty garment of this holy province; and,
beginning to deface his government with less humility, created in his
breast thoughts of being the reformer of the province (a self-love,
at bottom, which was given shelter under the holy name of Virtue,
in order that it might become more pernicious and incurable),
by separating the congregation so that it should only be employed
in the missions of other kingdoms, without paying any heed to the
ministries to the Indians. He so arranged matters here, that from
Japon (where he was a minister for four years) serious difficulties
excluded him from that field of Christendom. Here also the superiors
sent him for religious to España. He went there and to Roma, where
he proposed to our most reverend father-general, Fray Serafino Sico,
that, inasmuch as this province was embarrassed with ministries to
Indians and assistance to Spaniards; and inasmuch as the missions of
China and Japon and other kingdoms were an employment which ought to
be their sole one: it would be a great service to God to have them
separate, by that most reverend father instituting a new congregation,
to apply themselves to this purpose, and this alone. They were to
have houses of their own, from among those which the order possesses
in these islands, where the languages could be learned without other
exercise than that of the said missions. The most reverend father
having examined and consulted regarding the new pretension, resolved
to demolish it; and, even angered at such a proposal, he deprived
the said father of his powers, ordered him to quit Roma, and not to
return again to discuss the matter further. The father obeyed, but it
happened that the father-general died in the year 28. In the year 29,
our most reverend father, Fray Nicolas Rodulfo was elected. Father
Collado sought an interview with him, and painted his scheme in such
colors that he obtained whatever he wished from him: the erection
of a new congregation, under the title of St. Paul the apostle; the
appointment of himself as the first vicar-general; and all things for
that necessary end, with great amplitude of power and authority. The
father went to España, and, first seeking the indispensable permission
of the royal Council of the Indias, and finding that innovations were
not resolved upon in those royal and most prudent courts, without
first hearing a report from the governors and their audiencias, and
that he was demanding an impossible thing, he concealed the facts of
the division, and only made public the mission to Filipinas and his
appointment as vicar. There was no difficulty in his obtaining the
favor, orders, and help of the king our sovereign, and despatches
from his royal Council, in order that he might conduct his band by
the usual way. The father came to terms with the twenty-four said
religious, and embarked with them. He always said, whenever any
necessity arose to say it, that the letters of the most reverend
father were so weighty and were so vigorously expressed that their
execution in the province would be accomplished without the slightest
difficulty. Father Fray Mateo de la Villa, procurator-general of
this province, resident at the court, sent private information of
whatever he could discover in regard to the business, proceedings,
and efforts, and of Father Collado, in the same vessel. The latter,
as a man of authority, of example and weight, and of experience,
had sufficient time in the course of two so long voyages to infuse
his opinions into the religious. That was an easy matter, because
of the lack of events contrary to the faith which they must give
him; and more so if, fearful of the dangers so often exaggerated,
of a ministry among the Indians, representations were made to them
of the glory of a martyrdom, truly fantastic without great exercise
of virtues, tears, and prayer. In this manner did he so bind them to
himself in this holy province, and under the disguise above mentioned.

He presented his letters, in which the lack of so essential a
part was immediately discovered. The matter was disputed, and the
father-provincial, then the reverend father-commissary Fray Domingo
Gonçalez, having briefly considered the matter, resolved upon a
severe remedy. Before considering other orders, his first was that
no permission was to be given the newcomers to say mass, unless they
shaved as did the others. Thereupon, taking better counsel, they
obeyed, and desisted from their attempts; and in a short time were
scattered throughout the province in order to study the languages
there, while the said Father Collado remained behind in the convent.

The new governor assumed his duties, and discharged them with close
circumspection, and was well obeyed and esteemed by all the inhabitants
of Manila, as well as those outside that city; for he was a man
of great capacity. But he began to advance new opinions, which are
not so safe a thing in these so remote lands, and are generally too
arrogant. The matter that caused greatest mischief, and even scandal,
was the violence with which he treated the archbishop of this city that
holy prelate, Don Fray Fernando Guerrero whose lamentable tragedy,
exile, and attending circumstances were heard in Europa not without
astonishment; and left this land so desolate that today it still
suffers, and has not yet dried its tears. Reason of state calls the
two opposite arms, the ecclesiastical and the secular, difficult to
adjust [to each other], and this is true; yet in the last analysis
they are arms of one body, and in order that they may live in peace,
they must aid and supplement [each other's] actions. If the secular
arm, which boasts itself a faithful vassal, has to move as our most
Catholic kings decree, it ought to make the ecclesiastical not its
feet but its crown, such as the Constantines and the Honorios made
it. And although there may be dangerous accidents, the science of the
physician who relies on one medicine, and that a desperate one, is not
very great. Such was the medicine of that time, and the Preachers,
having caused notable disturbances in those districts, were obliged
to perform their duties. Much more heavily did the hostility of the
governor weigh down upon Ours, for he, scenting or discovering at this
time the commission that our father Fray Diego Collado had brought
(which had been forgotten for nine months), summoned him, and awakened
him, so that he should again take up that commission. The governor
encouraged him to present himself to the royal Audiencia (not paying
any heed to the fact that it had not been passed by the Council),
as his Lordship was well inclined toward it and had authority to pass
it. Much persuasion was not necessary to obtain this result, with such
a father. Although affairs were in the greatest harmony, still the
spirit of the father was still rankling with the wound. Accordingly
he immediately made his presentation, and his Lordship decreed that
those letters should be obeyed; and assigning the houses of his
choice to Father Collado, declared that he would be protected in
them. The father named the best, and those best prepared for his
purpose, notwithstanding that some of them were ministries. Under
military protection he was given possession of the house at Binondoc,
the Chinese hospital, the Parián, Cassite [sc. Cavite], the house of
Lalo in Cagayan, and that of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints] of the
island of Hermosa. Consequently, the province was violently despoiled,
as well as the religious who were in those houses; and there was a
new and never before seen confusion in that community, the Indians
were angered, and the heathen were scandalized. The new congregation
of San Pablo, victorious in its contention, rejoiced. Some of them,
although few, made no disturbance. There were also two of the old
fathers who went to profess in the new congregation (for the most
healthy body has four distinct humors [4]). A distinct set of rules
were made. Although it was ordained for an honorable purpose, yet
truly, the observation of the rules of the province would perhaps aid
that purpose more. Some very holy and venerated rules were broken;
and at the end they did not pass one step in advance, but were on the
contrary given a great setback. But the true and affectionate mother,
who had given birth so gloriously amid so great travail, bewailed
inconsolably the division of her offspring, seeing that it was caused
by plots of the devil, so that the apostolic missions of those kingdoms
should be neither of the one nor of the other congregation. She had
recourse to the only refuge for her sorrows, namely, the most holy
image of the rosary, with continual prayer and litanies--an empirical
remedy whose virtue had been so proved by the Order (especially in
the protection from authorities ruled by passion). So was its efficacy
experienced in this instance; for after sixteen months, during which
time the pretended congregation of San Pablo lasted, the Lord worked
his miracles by the following means. Among the many who were grieved
at the archbishop's case, and its consequences--which succeeded one
another daily, with new causes for anxiety--one was our Fray Diego
Collado; for although he was protected by the governor, yet being
a religious full of zeal, necessarily such lawlessness struck him
full in the face. After warnings and sermons, seeing that nothing
was of avail, he was determined to write most fully to the king
of España, or to his Council, of these occurrences and significant
considerations. He sent his letter by the ship that sailed that year;
he must afterward have told what he had done, so that it came to
the ears of the governor. The latter summoned the said father, and,
talking to him in friendly manner, and excusing himself for what he
had done, said to him when he thought that the father was pliable:
"I am a friend to your Reverence, Father-vicar, and indeed you know
how I esteem you and how I have labored in your demand. I have learned
that your Reverence has written against me, and I am not surprised,
for your Reverence would not have been so excellent a religious had you
not done it. The letter is now on its way to España, but you will do me
the favor to give me the rough draft of it, in order that I may clear
up a doubt that I have, and for the satisfaction of your Reverence,
for you are charged with writing false things, that are unworthy
of a person of so great virtue." Father Collado seeing that he was
persuaded with so much affability, promised to do it. He took him
the rough draft, and his Lordship on seeing it was so indignant that,
after dismissing the father, he conjured up the greatest revenge that
he could. He had the father provincial immediately summoned (at that
time father Fray Carlos Clemente Gant), and restored to him all the
houses of the new congregation, which he held to be dissolved from that
time, since it lacked the previous authority of the royal patronage
and his consent. Thereupon, the order was executed on the instant,
namely, on September 6, 1637. The clouds cleared away, and the face
of the sun shone forth, glad and resplendent with peace. Therefore
thanks were offered to our Lord again and again; and to the most holy
Virgin of the Rosary (ever Mary of victory), they gave joyful worship
and a solemn and festival week. With this, when the royal decree
arrived in the following year (which will be found on the last leaf
of the first part), no further restoration was to be made, for it was
already made. The father provincial ordered Father Collado to undergo
penance then, and he observed, with example and humility, the laws of
perfect obedience. In order to remove the scruples that might arise,
he was retired to Cagayan, where he was to perform his penance. Having
remained there until the following year, 1638, when an order came from
his Majesty in the above mentioned decree to send him back to España,
on his return to Manila, in order to prepare for his journey thence,
he embarked in a dilapidated champan in company with some men of
the household of the alcalde-mayor of that province. They left under
a good wind, but they were struck by a heavy northwester next day,
before they doubled the cape of Boxeador, and the storm continued
to increase with such fury that they were unable to withstand it,
and the craft was driven upon a rocky reef. A lay-brother, one Fray
Francisco Luque, who had accompanied the father, leaped into the
water, together with an Indian, and got ashore. Father Collado was
about to follow him, for he was an excellent swimmer; but such were
the sufferings of the women and crew, who detained him that he might
confess them, that he resolved to die with them. But a few moments
after that, the boat yielded to another shock of the sea, and was
broken into splinters, and all perished. Of the two who reached the
shore, the lay-brother was killed, before he had gone far, by the
attack of a band of heathen Negritos, who inhabit those mountains
and whose solemn feasts are the killing of men. The lay-brother gave
up his life because of the innumerable arrows [shot at him]. It was
God's pleasure to let the Indian escape, and he related all the tragic
event. Such was the end of father Fray Diego Collado. [It is one of]
the secrets of God that he, after so many years of voyages--twice
to Filipinas, to España, and to Roma--should die at last within four
brazas of land, in a very small boat. But he was already freed from
his errors, and rendered obedient to his province; and he [died] in
so honorable occupation as that of the last consolation of so many
souls, for whose spiritual welfare he gave his life as a true brother.




CHAPTER II

Election of provincial in the person of father Fray Carlos Clemente
Gant, and events of that time.


The capitular fathers assembled in the convent of St. Dominic, May
2, 1637, and elected as provincial the reverend father Fray Carlos
Clemente Gant, an Aragonese, and son of the Preachers of Zaragoça. He
was an oldtime minister of Cagayan, had been definitor in the year
1633, and was elected provincial for the second time in 1648, of which
we shall treat hereafter. Honorable mention was made in that chapter
of some glorious martyrs whose lives and precious deaths were treated
in the first part of this history [i.e., Aduarte's Historia.]

Great deeds were performed at that time in the island of Hermosa,
and abundant harvests were gathered, as the field was white for the
harvest of the gospel. But it will be advisable for us to describe
first the characteristics of that island, which was not touched
upon in the first part. It deserves not to be passed by in silence,
for it was for sixteen years the glorious theater of our Spanish
arms and the greatest credit of these missions. [A description of
the island and its products follows. Of the inhabitants Santa Cruz
says:] As to the men they are tolerably clever; they are well-built
and light-complexioned, although ruddy in some districts. They are
valiant and strong, and greatly inclined to cutting off the heads
of their enemies, with which they make merry in their celebrations,
dances, and feasts. [5] They have no king, nor does their little
ability allow such a thing. They get along better by families,
where the father is the king. They have no idols or any other images
which they adore with outward reverence. The devil only holds them
deceived by many superstitions of chance, and of songs and flights of
birds, which are consulted in their difficulties. They sacrifice the
first fruits of everything [6] to their Berroas, which are certain
imaginary spirits there--to such an extent that, whenever they are
about to commence a new jar of wine, they first take out a few drops
and throw them outside, which constitutes their reverence. They
throw some grains of their morisqueta (which is their rice bread)
on the ground, and that is their grace. They do the same with the
rest of their food and drink. They have good characteristics; they
abominate theft and unchaste acts and accordingly watch out for
such very rigorously. They immediately kill the illegitimate child
and punish the parents severely. [7] Their provinces, languages,
and settlements are numerous. We found those people who came to us
in the city of San Salvador, which we founded, to be very sociable,
accommodating, and simple. Had God preserved us in that post, they
would have constituted a good work for us and a great company for the
advancement of empires so extensive as those which are near it. China
is less than thirty leguas away from it; Japon is eighty; Camboja,
Cochinchina, and Tunquin are one hundred and fifty leguas or two
hundred or somewhat more. But our Lord ordained that the Dutch enemy
should drive us out of so important a Plaza de Armas. Accordingly, what
pertains to us is to yield ourselves with humility, and to see whether
we can again open so suitable a door by making our lives better.

During those five years five fathers of our order lived in the convent
of Todos Santos [i.e., All Saints], which was the church of that city,
and their superior was father Fray Lucas Garcia. They were attending
with all fervor to their ministries--some of Spaniards, some of
Indians, and some of both--when Father Collado, vicar of the new and
lately-formed congregation, despatched father Fray Juan de los Angeles
[8] to take possession of that house for that congregation in the year
1636. As associate he assigned to him father Fray Miguel de Corena,
[9] who had gone over to the congregation from the province [of Santo
Rosario]. Those fathers, arriving there with their appointments and
the orders of the governor for the governor of that island, deposed
the vicar--although everything was adjusted amid great peace, and,
until the first despatch, they all lived together as the closest of
brothers. When opportunity offered, the former father-vicar, father
Fray Lorenço Arnedo, and father Fray Felipe del Espiritu Santo, a
Japanese, and Father Corena himself, who was unwell, went to Manila,
leaving the said father-vicar, father Juan de los Angeles, father
Fray Teodoro de la Madre de Dios, and father Fray Juan Garcia, for
it was not advisable to leave the land without ministers who had been
there some time. Father Fray Francisco Diaz (of whom a more detailed
relation will be given later) also did his work, and it was great. He
was an accomplished minister for China, and was detained in the island
of Hermosa at that time, for the following reason. He had left his
missions in the above kingdom to attend to the solution of certain
serious doubts, in company with father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria of
[the Order of] our father St. Francis. Going to the island of Hermosa,
it was determined that father Fray Antonio should go to Manila, and
that Father Diaz should await him there, which he did. Therefore,
as the latter could not remain idle, he employed himself during that
time in aiding his brothers, paying his score for lodging in works
of example and virtue.

Before going farther, it will be advisable for us to present a brief
summary of the incidents that concern the new governor of these
islands, in order that we may get through with him. It cannot be
doubted that a person of so many good qualities and one so noble had
a strong desire to do well, and, above all, since he was selected by
our Catholic monarch who confided to him in these islands the most
precious gem of his crown--a jewel that his most prudent grandfather
had given him, when in standing god-father to them in sacred baptism,
in the time of his monarchy, he was pleased that they should give
his name to the islands. That was a very well founded reasoning,
for considering their land, their climate, their location, and their
distances, proportions and neighbors, Alexander the Great did not
dream of placing his banners over an empire of greater reputation
[than these constitute]. Notwithstanding, then, the good intentions of
that knight [i.e., Corcuera], from that time they were obstructed by
so many untoward events that, although he governed nine whole years,
and had the good luck to return to España (a thing that no other
governor had done before him), and was there afterward governor of
Cordova, and governor of Canarias, where he died, still he left few
expressions of regret here for his departure--and, as says a Stoic,
posts and dignities bear the letter of recommendation on their
backs only. Few grieved over his absence, for he left the name of
governor truly disgraced. The year after his arrival (namely, 1636),
for reasons of state he sent no ship to España, although he should
have considered the common good and the only consolation of these
islands, which depends solely on the delicate thread of one poor ship
of commerce and relief. The next year he did send it, and it happened
to be received at Acapulco by a visitor, Quiroga, who ruined these
islands by his rigor, although they ought to be treated with greater
charity, for so many reasons. Our governor was over-zealous in the
suit with the archbishop and in his exile, and was merciless in
his decision--although the venerable prelate mounted to heaven, and
protected himself with a sacred monstrance in which was present the
person of God himself. But that did not avail the archbishop, for His
[Divine] Majesty allowed human power to achieve its end. The governor
proceeded with such passion in this holy province of ours that he gave
it the stroke most keenly felt, by dividing it, without awaiting any
order or authority. And although the Lord derived great glory from
it, still that knight manifested his own character in dividing so
holy a family, and again uniting it when that seemed fitting to him;
and by such actions he showed his scant appreciation of persons so
estimable, and whose profession is so sacred. In the wars that he
waged in Samboangan and Jolo, in which he participated personally,
it is certain that he did his duty as a brave soldier; and God gave
him honorable victories, which were of great consequence for humbling
those enemies. But they were very dear to us, for the best people of
these islands perished there, but rather as the result of their own
disorder than from the valor of others. In order that those sorties
might be made, presidios were dismantled, and others were weakened,
so that even at the present time [i.e., 1693] the islands have not
reached the period of convalescence. The thing that must grieve us
most is, that although our arms had possessed the greater part of
the island of Hermosa, as above stated, with so great reputation
for sixteen years--a possession which all the nations of the world
might well envy--command was given, in order to carry on these wars
[i.e., in Mindanao and Jolo], for three of the military companies in
its garrison to retire to Manila, leaving only one, composed of boys
and cripples, under the immediate control of the chief governor. On
that account it was necessary for our religious to abandon the place
where they lived outside (which was a village of considerable size),
and to live in the fort, crowded with the men. When the Dutch,
who were settled at the other point of the island, called Tayguan,
discovered that, they attacked us once; and, having better equipped
themselves, [attacked us] in the following year of 1642, and besieged
and defeated us with the loss of credit that can be understood
(although the conditions were honorable), after seven days of brave
resistance, and took our people in their ships to Manila. But this
caused the ruin of large Christian communities of Indians, and the
total downfall of the increased hopes which, in so advantageous a post
[as Hermosa], were continuing to grow, with greater effects in the
service of both Majesties. Later, in the year 1660, the Chinese won
that fort of ours and the land from the Dutch, so that that nation
possesses it in peace today. The misfortunes of the governor went
farther; and one of those years he despatched to our España the
galleon "Nuestra Señora de la Concepcion"--the richest one that has
ever been seen on that route and owned by citizens of this land (for
then they had not invented the pernicious art of sending [agents]
to buy here). It was in command of Don Juan Francisco de Corcuera,
the governor's nephew. Unfortunately it was wrecked during a storm,
at an island of the Ladrones, and the cargo was lost, as well as
the people--except some few who escaped by swimming, and afterward
ventured themselves in the open sea, in a small boat made in those
parts; and it was God's will to allow them to reach Manila. At that
time there was an insurrection of Sangleys--who hold in their grasp all
the manufactures and trades of this community, and through whose hands
passes all the bulk of the commerce. Consequently by the means of one
lash they all perished, while we ourselves were badly wounded. Clearly
our sins were the cause of all those calamities; but since the superior
officer derives the greater part of the glory in prosperous affairs,
there is sufficient foundation in adverse affairs for him to shoulder
a great part of the misfortunes--and more so when, rendering himself
inaccessible to counsel, he carries out his own resolution. Now his
residencia has been obtained by his death, and the residencia which
was taken here from him was not so mild that it did not cost him five
years of close imprisonment.

[The chapter closes with the narration of the happy death at the island
of Hermosa of the Portuguese lay-brother Fray Antonio de Viana, who
had taken the Dominican habit at Manila. He had labored five years
in the island.]




CHAPTER III

Of the intermediary chapter; and of some religious who are mentioned
in it as having died, leaving behind the reputation of virtue.


The intermediary chapter of the provincialate of father Fray Carlos
Clemente Gant was held in the convent of St. Dominic in Manila, May
15, 1639. [The deceased missionaries given mention in that chapter are
as follows: Jacinto de San Geronimo, who professed in the convent of
Santa Cruz at Carboneras in the province of España, and died in the
province of Itui, after a glorious life of labor. Geronimo Morer,
of the province of Aragon, who professed in the convent at Valencia,
and died at an advanced age in the missions of the Babuyanes; he had
charge there of about one thousand tributes in two villages. Juan de
Santo Tomas, who died September 5, 1638, one of the founders of the
province. Next morning early also died the lay-brother Juan de San
Dionisio, a native of Aguilar, who took the habit at the convent of
Escala Coeli (i.e., the Ladder of Heaven) at Cordova; he was known,
before his arrival at the Philippine province, as Juan de Heredia. He
joined the Philippine mission in 1590, and on reaching that land was
employed in various duties, among them that of nurse in the Chinese
hospital of San Gabriel.]

[Chapters iv and v deal with the life of Juan de Santo Tomas (alias
de Ormaza), one of the founders of the province of Santo Rosario,
and its fourth provincial. He was a native of Medina del Campo, and
his father was a noted jurist. The latter desiring his son to follow
in his footsteps, he was sent to the university of Salamanca; but the
youthful student, developing a taste for the religious life, prevailed
upon his parents to allow him to devote himself to religion. He entered
the Dominican convent at Valladolid, where he professed. The first
mission to the Philippines, which arrived there in 1587, found him
among its ranks. Arrived at the islands he was assigned to the missions
at Bataan, where he labored assiduously until the year 1600, when he
became provincial by unanimous vote. Shortly after the completion
of his term of office he was sent to Japan as vicar-general of the
Dominican missions there, and after several years there he returned
to Manila and resumed his old vicariate of Bataan. As old age came
on he retired to the convent of Manila, where he died at the age of
nearly ninety, on December 7, 1638. In the general chapter held in
Rome in 1644, he received mention for his good life and works.]




CHAPTER VI

Of the intermediary meeting of the year 1639, and events of that time


In the year 1639 was held the intermediary meeting in the convent
of St. Dominic in Manila, where besides the ordinary arrangements
some rules were enacted, although only a few. One of those rules was
much to the credit of holy Poverty: namely that no one could ask
permission to spend any money, even to the extent of a small sum,
unless he first declare the purpose of it to the superior. It was a
very happily conceived rule; for supposing that to each religious
is given whatever is religiously necessary for him in health and
in sickness, it is right and proper, if the alms of any mass come
into his hands--even though it be to give alms, or to aid religious
friends who are in other villages with some trifles, which they do
not possess--to tell it to the superior, and not to give any occasion
for Poverty to complain, even in slight matters.

In March of that year a very disastrous insurrection occurred in the
province of Cagayan, in some villages retired among some mountains,
called Mandayas (whose discovery and reduction to our holy faith is
treated in the first part, book 2, chapter 48; and which was due to our
Order, at the hands of father Fray Lorenço de Zamora, who accomplished
it all). The affair was so disastrous that it cost considerable blood
and not a few scandals (which are yet bewailed). The alcalde-mayor
of that province was Sargento-mayor Don Marcos Zapata, the son of an
auditor of this royal Audiencia. The alcalde, not paying much attention
to so noble a trust, or deceived by his own shadow--and, what is more,
by the example of the governor (who was, as we have said, very decided
in his opinions)--conducted his official duties by the method which
he calls "the short cut" (which only shows little cleverness) namely,
that of severity. (But this is an expedient which carries with it
innumerable inconveniences. We know that the heathen, who drew gods
out of the center of the earth, made Love a god, but it is not stated
that they made Cruelty a god. The reason is, that, although it seems
to one that he can do much by cruelty, he cannot do everything, as
can love. Consequently, cruelty lacks qualifications for being called
a god.) Following this his line of reasoning, the rigor of the said
alcalde was great. Although by order of the central government he had
made a fort with a new sentry-post, in the said Mandaya villages, and
had a suitable garrison of soldiers, yet so many were the burdens that
they put upon the shoulders of the wearied Indians for their support
that the latter considered themselves as conquered, especially because
of the ill-treatment that they experienced from the commandant of the
said fort. The mine of anger exploded, because the said commandant
punished one of the principal women, because she had displeased him,
by forcing her to pound rice for a whole day; she and her husband
were so angry thereat that they became the chief promoters of the
insurrection. The nearby villages, which were tormented by the burden
of the fort and the oppressions practiced by the soldiers, were invited
[to aid in the conspiracy]. They entered the sentry-post at ten on the
morning of March 6 with their arms, and killed the sentinel and others
who offered them some resistance. They went thence to the fort, and
breaking down the doors, or having them opened by the spies inside,
they killed about twenty unarmed and naked soldiers, who formed
the garrison; only five soldiers escaped, by hiding; but later, the
fire increasing, these perished. The Indians entered the convent,
and killed a Sangley, at the door of the cell of the father-vicar,
who had just been baptized that day (whose death, we must believe,
would be most fortunate for his soul). They showed respect to the
father-vicar and, all of them weeping with him on account of the bold
undertaking in which they found themselves involved, they embarked
him together with his clothes, the ornaments from the sacristy,
images, crosses, and books, and carried them down to a secure place,
from whence he went to the first convent. It was learned afterward
that they proceeded with their frenzied sacrilege, and burned the
church and the convent. Although the attempt has been made more than
once to obtain satisfaction, yet those people are so favored by their
inaccessible mountains that this effort has been abandoned, as it is
impossible to subdue them.

[A short description of the revolt of the Chinese follows (see
VOL. XXIX, pp. 208-258).]




CHAPTER VII

Continuation of the events of that year of 1639


On the seventh of August of that year, the desired news of two galleons
which were coming from Nueva España, with the situado of these islands,
arrived at Manila, which was decked in festival gladness [because
of the termination of the Sangley insurrection]. One cannot easily
imagine the general acclamation with which the news was received,
and the festive demonstrations which were made [tokens of joy] in the
hearts that were so full of mourning for the troubles of the above
related insurrection, and other incidents which still kept the copious
tears dropping from the eyes. Those were the results, doubtless, of
our great sins, which to this very day have converted our joy into
a tragedy, and a very painful one. For on the very day in which so
famous news arrived at Manila--namely, that the said two ships were
in Cagayan--because they had made a port badly sheltered, and had
not been able to better it in so many days, at that unseasonable
time so furious a tempest struck the same moorings, that all their
skill was of no avail to them, and the tempest drove them upon some
rocks, where both were miserably lost. Although it was God's will
that the money of the situado should be saved, and that registered as
belonging to private persons, as it was already ashore, all the other
things were lost--most of the infantry aboard, and all their goods,
silver, and merchandise. That amounted to a great treasure and was
the blood of this land gathered in those two hulks, and was so sadly
shed in our very sight. Patience, hardly cured from the past blows,
was much exhausted, when that misfortune became known. Its causes
were differently construed, for in such strokes grief has license
to arouse opinions, however little foundation they may have. But the
truth is that alleged above, namely, our sins, and no other--which,
in order to double their strength, are trying to leave us querulous
of others, the good abandoned, and the detection of our errors left
in uncertainty. He who would know what kind of a city Manila is, the
latitude in which our Lord located it, and its characteristics and its
strength, must not be governed by degrees, elevations, or charts, nor
by its gains (although these have been so great), but by its losses,
which are much greater and more continual; its site, looked on with
envy by all the nations of the world, especially by those surrounding
it who are as haughty as populous; its nourishment, which, as this is
the most remote part of the body of our España, when it arrives is at
least cold, however great the warmth displayed by the royal heart of
the Council of the Indias. Its governors are and have been excellent
Christians, and brave, for in this regard it has had good fortune. But
since the express from Madrid, even when it is swiftest, takes three
years, it is necessary that the government change its nature. Although
it is monarchical in its form, it lacks the quickness in its relation
to the heart and to the head which is the better life of its members,
so that without doubt it is most difficult to administer. Whence we
infer that this city, with its remote provinces, is one of the greatest
miracles that the providence of God has gathered in His temple, who
is preserving it supernaturally for His predestined ones, dispensing
with the order of secondary causes, to the no little glory of our
mother España. The latter is the instrument happily chosen for so
lofty an end. España, with so Christian generosity, spends annually
in its support a half million. That is the least thing, when one
considers the so many and so competent sons in both estates [i.e.,
secular and religious] as are those of whom España is continually
dispossessed, without hope of seeing them again. That does not happen
in any other part of America. Fortunate is the Catholic spirit of
the kings our sovereigns, who, following that honorable obligation,
so free from temporal interests, have advanced this royal proof of
the most Catholic zeal, and of a liberality without imitation among
all the monarchs of the world! And happy a thousand times those who
coöperate with their lives or their energy to so glorious an end!

Although the above-mentioned misfortune caused the loss of goods
and lives of so much value, the royal despatches of his Majesty were
saved, and the waves did not dare to profane their immunity. In the
despatches was a decree for the father provincial of this province in
regard to the division [of the province]--now buried in silence, but
which disturbed it so greatly. As that decree seems highly significant
of the care of our Catholic monarch, and of the warm place that his
humble province has in his royal breast, we have thought best to
insert it here. It is as follows:

"The King. To the venerable and devout father provincial of the
Order of St. Dominic of my Filipinas Islands: I have been informed, by
various relations which I have received, of the lack of peace and quiet
enjoyed by the religious of that province, because of the division made
in it, by virtue of letters which Fray Diego de Collado bore from his
general, and aid given him for it by my governor and captain-general
of those islands, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera. However the
said briefs ought not to have been executed, as they were not passed
upon by my royal Council of the Indias. Regarding rather the harmony
of the orders and the quiet of that province, and believing that
the said division will be the occasion for laxity in the order, I
have ordered my said governor and captain-general of those islands,
and my royal Audiencia resident therein, to suspend the said brief
and all others that the said Fray Diego Collado may have carried,
and not allow them to be executed; and that the division that has
been made in the provinces be annulled, and conditions remain as they
were before the said division. Therefore, I ask and charge you that
you on your part cause those provinces to assume the condition that
they had before the said division, and you shall immediately send
the said Fray Diego Collado to España. In order that this may have
effect, I am ordering my governor in a letter of this same date to
have transportation furnished to him for his return. You shall advise
me of what you shall do in execution of what I ask you, on the first
opportunity. Given at Madrid, February twenty-one, one thousand six
hundred and thirty-seven.


I the King

By order of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon"



This is the letter or decree written to the father provincial. In
the one which follows, although it contains so many things worth
considering, the clause rendering this province equal to the most
observant one of the order is the most noteworthy; so that those who
merit the possession of a mother who employs herself in the service
of God, and who is so well accredited with her prince, may console
themselves. In order that we may get through with this matter once
for all (which is not very savory), we shall insert here the other
decree of his Majesty written in regard to the same matter to the
royal Audiencia of Manila. The king our sovereign well shows in it the
care that we owe to him, for he expresses in that decree not only his
royal providence, but the anger that such innovations caused him. It
is as follows:

"The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of
Manila of the Filipinas Islands: In one section of a letter written
to me by you on June 12, 1636, you say that father Fray Diego Collado
of the Order of St. Dominic went to those islands in the former year
of 35, bearing letters from his general allowing him to take over
some of the houses owned by that order and found a new and distinct
province, the sole business of which is to send ministers for the
conversion of Japon. All of that carried with it great inconvenience,
both because of the injury that that order would receive by a division
of the province (which will bring about laxity in it, although that
province has hitherto been one of those in which the rules of their
order have been observed with the greatest strictness and punctuality),
and in sending ministers to Japon the said order has displayed so much
solicitude that rather has it been necessary to restrain it because
of the umbrage received thereby by that kingdom. That annoyance has
been the occasion for cutting off the trade with those islands; and
it was in great danger of being shut to the Portuguese of Macan, whom
the Japanese have threatened severely if it be found that religious
have gone to that kingdom from those islands, or from any other
part. Consequently, it was certain that father Fray Diego Collado gave
an inaccurate report to his general, and it was not advisable to carry
out the terms of his letters--of which you gave me an account, so that
I might have the evil corrected. The matter having been examined in my
royal Council of the Indias, by a letter of this date I have ordered
and charged you, my president--inasmuch as you did wrong in giving
aid to that father because the brief which he held had not been passed
upon by the said my Council--to cause this and all briefs which he had,
that had not been passed upon by the Council, to be suspended, and not
to allow them to be carried into effect. In regard to the division of
the provinces, they shall return to their former condition. In order
that my commands may have the due effect, I order you and my Audiencia
to assist in the fulfilment of the aforesaid decree, so that it may
be executed without any omission. When that is done, you shall advise
me of it at the first opportunity. Given in Madrid, February 21, 1638.


I the King

By order of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel Ocaña y Alarcon"


One can see in this not only his Majesty's favor toward us, directed
to the ends of the providence of God (who holds the hearts of kings
in His hands), but also the evil (which the Audiencia here regretted)
of the separation which was made, and the official report which was
made to the credit of this holy providence. And since at last they
see us near at hand, and the good reputation that our Lord has given
us here in His infinite goodness, those gentlemen are grieved at
seeing us suffer--since at that time we were in so great danger of
the destruction of this holy province; for giving it such a division
amounted to the same thing. But God returned to His cause later;
and as His divine mercies have been so abundantly revealed, greater
troubles can well be reckoned as well past.

[The following six chapters are comprised mainly of accounts of the
Chinese missions, and the lives of certain Dominicans.]






THE RECOLLECT MISSIONS, 1625-40


[In VOL. XXI (pp. 191-259) the history of the Recollect missions in
the Philippines, as related by Luis de Jesús (Historia general de
los religiosos descalzos del orden de los Hermitaños del gran Padre,
... San Augustin; Madrid, 1681) was presented for 1621-24. Below
follows the history of that author for 1625-38.]




DECADE FOURTH

Year 1625

CHAPTER FIFTH


The founding of the convent of Sevilla. Ours begin to preach the
gospel in Baiug and Malanao in the Filipinas. Father Fray Diego de
la Anunciation dies in a holy manner in Madrid.


[The first three sections of this chapter relate to Spanish affairs
entirely.]




IIII

Preaching of our religious in Bayug and Malanao


It had been decided by an intermediary chapter of that province of
Filipinas that our laborers should go to the district of Bayug and
the vicinity of Lake Malanao [i.e., Lanao], as there were many people
there, and hopes were entertained of gathering abundant fruit for
the Church. Since the minister of Cagaiang, to whom the visitas of
Bayug and the other villages belonged, could not go there, father
Fray Juan de San Nicolas was appointed, a man well known for his
invincible spirit, and his excellent procedure (howbeit at the cost
of many hardships) in reducing obstinate ones, as was proved in the
conquest of Cagaiang. Armed, then, with spiritual weapons, he went to
the village of Bayug, where he was known and where there were a few
Christians. He began to make much of the chief people, for if they are
once subdued, the conversion of the common people is not so difficult.

Dolomayor, [10] a man well affected toward the religious, was as
it were, the ruler of those people. He immediately surrendered his
children to baptism, although he remained in his blindness. For
all that, however, he did not fail to help Ours greatly. With
this good beginning, father Fray Juan endured his hardships with
equanimity; and he had much to endure, for the Indians do not give
alms. Consequently, it was necessary for the ministers to seek their
food in the mountains, with the trouble that can be imagined. They
continued to gain souls for God; but the heart of the zealous father
was pierced because the inhabitants of the other river near by,
called Lavayan, clung obstinately to their heathen rites, and refused
to receive the evangelical law. On that account the father resolved
to make a settlement in that district, in order that they might be
subdued by perseverance. He did so, and left his associate in Bayug.

We have already mentioned, [when speaking] of the foundation in
Cagaiang, [11] the great hostility that those of that village had
incurred, and the Mindanao Moros. The latter could not endure to have
our religious remain there, as they thought that it was the gateway by
which an entrance would be made into their lands. Because of them the
people of Cagaiang were so harassed continually that they could not
go out to cultivate their fields. Father Fray Augustin de San Pedro
[12] was prior of Cagaiang in the year 1626. He was so valiant a man
that, although he had been reared in the austerity and shelter of
religion from childhood, he knew how to make himself so feared by
those Mahometans that they called him "the Father Captain."

He surrounded the village with a high stockade, with its sentry-boxes
and towers for the sentinels who stood watch at night, by means of
which they were safe from the continual ambushes of the enemy. He
taught the Indians how to make sallies, to shoot, and to spy out those
who were in ambush, and in fine carried himself as the most skilful
captain. The tyrant Cachil Corralat was very angry that a small village
like Cagaiang should resist his power, and desired to finish it once
for all. He launched his fleet of more than thirty caracoas manned
by the best of his men and equipped with military supplies. The
preparation of the enemy was learned, and the father prior sent
to Caragha for some soldiers. Six soldiers and one hundred Indians
came. A sudden alarm was sounded, to call in those who were distant in
their fields. The enemy disembarked more than two thousand Moros in
order to attack the village; but they found so stout resistance that
they returned, fleeing in disgrace. All that gave great annoyance
to Corralat, and he was grieved to his very soul that the [Father]
Captain should be the one to check his boldness. Therefore, desirous
of seizing him, Corralat ordered ambushes to be set, and took other
means to secure his end.

That action was not kept hidden from the prudent father, who, caring
for the guard of the village, also forbade the people at times to
make sallies, that they might not fall into any of the many stratagems
arranged by the enemy, notwithstanding that he had frightened them from
the vicinity. Sometimes he sallied out on horseback, with unsheathed
sword, trampling many under foot, and causing the rest to flee in
terror. That military valor of father Fray Augustin is not to be
wondered at; for there are many examples of priests in Holy Writ
who fought like captains; and, in our España, many archbishops and
bishops have performed great exploits, opposing themselves, clad in
steel armor, in the field of battle to the barbarity of the enemies
of the faith; and our religious opposed the Mahometans, because he
was defending those whom he had converted to the law of God.

The misfortune was, that the said father having gone out to visit his
parishioners, the enemy--who were keeping close watch, and seeking
the manner in which they might enter the village--obtained their
opportunity in a certain part where the sentinels were careless; and,
attacking the convent, they pillaged it of what they found. Father
Fray Jacinto de Jesus Maria escaped, as by a miracle, through the
midst of the swords which the barbarians raised against him, even he
being quite careless inside his cell. The father prior grieved greatly
over that blow; but, like the courageous man he was, he supplied the
convent with furnishings and with what was most necessary for the
fortification of the place.

At that time the father prior of Bayug, Fray Juan de San Nicolàs, was
in Lavayan, whose inhabitants he was subduing with incredible labors;
for they refused to build him a church or a house, or to supply him
with food. He was supported by the fish caught by two Tagálog Indians,
servants of his, while he himself was obliged to pound his rice and
carry his wood. It was God's pleasure to soften the hardness of those
people, in a manner that appears ridiculous. I shall not hesitate to
refer to it, so that the divine Providence may be seen even in what
appears accidental.

Father Fray Juan de San Nicolàs fell sick of the fever, and found that
he must be bled. That took place upon the occasion of a visit from an
Indian chief. The latter was greatly surprised that the father allowed
himself to be bled. He asked the cause for it, and the father told
him that that was a good medicine for fevers, and that the Spaniards
were accustomed to its use. The Indian became quiet at that, but
returned the next day to see the second bleeding. Then after several
days he came with his hands to his head, and asked to be bled, as he
felt sick. The father endeavored to dissuade him, but he insisted so
much that the father had to order that he be bled. The barber, since
the chief had refused to sell him a fowl for food, or anything else,
thought to be revenged, and said that he would not bleed him unless
he gave him a fowl or two pullets. The Indian had to give it to him,
and although father Fray Juan laughed at the bargain, he was silent
and overlooked it all, as he got some food. Other Indians fell sick,
and were bled, paying for the bleeding in fowls. By that means the
fathers, who were suffering from severe fevers, were able to cure
themselves, God taking that means for the relief of his ministers,
who had no relief in any other way. Thus the Indians became fond
of them and many were baptized. Let us praise God in His infinite
wisdom, since He can bring about the salvation of souls by so homely
opportunities. Some curious things happened among those barbarous
people, but we shall omit them in order not to enlarge this narration,
and because those ministries were lost through the hidden judgments
of God, and with them the fruit that could be expected.

[The remainder of the chapter does not touch Philippine matters. The
sixth chapter is concerned with the life of Rodrigo de San Miguel or
Rodrigo de Aganduru Moriz (see VOL. XXI, p. 116, note 29, and p. 317,
note 79). The four following chapters of the fourth decade treat of
matters in Spain, Spanish America, and Japan (where the Recollects
also have their martyrs).]




DECADE FIFTH

CHAPTER FIRST

    The venerable father master, Fray Mateo Delgado, dies in a holy
    manner in the convent of Candelaria. Four religious suffer for
    the faith of Christ in the province of Caraghas. The venerable
    father, Fray Geronimo de la Resurreccion, the first vicar general,
    ended his exemplary life at the convent of Toledo.


[The first three sections of this chapter are taken up with the life
and work of Mateo Delgado, who labored in the American missions.]



IIII

Four of our religious suffer from the violence of the rebellious
Indians of Caragha


It has been said that the Caraghas Indians are fierce and warlike, and
can ill endure to be subject to the Spaniards. Having seen the little
or no reputation that had been gained with the Indians of the island of
Jolo--who, although they were paying tribute, rebelled; and whose many
depredations our soldiers could not check--the Caraghas were emboldened
to rise because of that rebellion and they did so. That insurrection
was begun in the year 1629, in which occurred many murders, thefts,
and insolences. It is not our purpose to enumerate them in detail;
but it does concern us to touch upon the many calamities that some
of our convents suffered, and the religious who governed them.

Captain Pedro Bautista went to the fort of Caragha, and, the land
being in great revolt, thought only of attending to his business and
of making raids. In the first raid he comported himself so badly toward
the Indians that they were very dissatisfied. Having arranged a second
raid in the year 1631, he left the fort on the fourth of July, taking
with him ten soldiers, the best that he had. The names of the latter
were Alferez Maldonado, Sergeant Gandaya, Sergeant Juan Rodriguez,
Sergeant Reyes, Sergeant Negrete, Luis de Alarcòn, Juan de Aguirre,
Juan Dominguez, Francisco de la Paz, and one other. Father Fray
Jacinto de Jesus Maria, prior vicar of the convent of Tago (whom
the rebellious Indians tried to kill in his cell at the convent of
Cagaiang, as has been related) went as chaplain of that fleet. One
Spaniard having been stationed in each ship, they reached Bapangano,
accompanied by all the chief people of that coast. They captured
sixteen slaves, and Dumblag, one of the Indian chiefs, seeing the
little advantage that could fall to him from that prize, freed seven
of them. [13] The fleet returned and, on arriving at Cheta, Captain
Pedro Bautista and father Fray Jacinto disembarked. It was learned
there that Dumblag had freed the seven slaves, whereupon the captain
resolved to arrest him. The chief resisted, and laid his hand on his
varalao to oppose the captain. The latter, angered, struck Dumblag
(who was a very great rogue, and had done many things for which he
deserved punishment) with his lance; the chief was placed in irons,
and his cause was put in writing. On the arrival of the other boats,
his relative Valintos landed, and went to visit the prisoner, who
complained because the former did not avenge him. Valintos was ashamed,
and resolved to kill the captain and father Fray Jacinto.

At that time the Spaniards were without their arms. Valintos went up to
the captain deceitfully, and treacherously stabbed him twice so that
he died. He asked for confession, and father Fray Jacinto set about
confessing him; but scarcely had he absolved him, when many Indians,
coming up, found father Fray Jacinto--who was now on his knees with
hands raised and eyes lifted toward the heavens, praying and asking
pardon of God for their sins, in payment of which he offered his life;
and he asked pardon for the aggressors of so many misdeeds. The Indians
gave him a lance thrust that passed through his body. He never moved,
and when the barbarians saw that, they wounded him again and again,
in the belief that he was not dead. But when they became aware that he
was no more, and saw that his eyes were opened and his hands raised,
they conceived so great fear that they did not dare go up to him. Thus
remained that blessed body until the tide came in and carried it away,
the sea giving him a more pious burial than those inhuman wretches
had given him death. It was God's plan to make the venerable father
terrible to the Indians at his death, so that they should not ill-treat
his remains. It is an indication that he enjoys reward in heaven for
having bravely given his life for God on the earth.

Then the Indians killed the Spaniards there. Father Fray Jacinto
could have escaped, but in order not to fail in charity he did not
care to preserve his life, and offered it to God, for whom he gave it
willingly--an action wondered at by the Indians, and still recounted
today with the same wonder. Father Fray Jacinto was a native of the
port of Cadiz in Andaluzia, his parents being Pedro de Molino and
Doña Isabel Lopez. He took the habit and professed in the convent of
San Nicolàs of Manila. [14] Having been ordained a priest, obedience
employed him in the instruction of the coast of Caragha. Giving an
excellent account of what was in his charge, he was appointed prior
vicar of the convent of Tago, where he comported himself to the great
satisfaction of all, until he gave his life for the service of God,
as has been related. His happy death occurred on the thirteenth of
July of that year.

Next day the rebels went to the river of Tago, in high spirits
because they had killed all the Spaniards in the fleet, and spent
three days in carousing. Mangabo ordered them to ring for a mass that
he desired to say. "Come," he said in derision, "to the mass of Father
Mangabo." The people assembled in the church of our convent. An Indian
woman, called Maria Campan, esteemed as one of good life dressed
herself and went through the aspersion, saying, when she sprinkled
the water, "I am Father Jacinto." Mangabo took a holy crucifix, and,
breaking off the arms, said: "God of the Castilians, fight with me;
come let us see whether you are as brave as I." And drawing his
varalao or cris, [15] he struck it crosswise through the face, and
cleft it. "That holy image," says father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo,
whose relation this is, and who passed through that insurrection,
in which he suffered many hardships and dangers, as we shall see
hereafter, "is in my possession." Then he threw down another holy
crucifix of greater stature, and cut it into bits with an ax, defying
it to fight. O Lord! what things dost Thou endure from men! Then the
convent and church were given over to pillage, and a servant of the
convent, named Diego Salingat, was killed.

Mangabo went to Tanda, and, reaching the convent on the nineteenth
of the same month, attacked it at midnight. Dacxa, an Indian chief,
who had refused to take part in that insurrection, hastened to the
defense of the fathers who were in the convent; but he was unable
to defend them, for father Fray Alonso de San Joseph, the prior's
associate, was attacked by the Indians and his head split by a blow of
the campilan. It was discovered afterward that Dacxa was treacherous,
and was taking part with Mangabo in the pillage. The blessed father
was a native of Villa-Cañas, although some make him a native of
Villa-Tobas, in La Mancha the land of Toledo. He professed in the
convent of Valencia, and went to Filipinas in the year 1622 with
father Fray Andrès del Espiritu Santo. He was a religious of great
humility and very observant, on account of which he was appointed
by the superiors prior of the convent of Baldag in the province of
Calamianes, where he gathered abundant fruit in the conversion of
those people. But as he was very near sighted, he had scruples lest
he could not perform his duty well, and finally conceived that he
was incapable of administering it or any other office with the care
of souls. Therefore he petitioned that he be allowed to resign, and
did so. He was permitted to resign, but rather for his consolation
than because he was judged incapable. He went to Manila, where he
gave himself up to the exercise of virtue, without any hindrance. His
superiors seeing that it was not expedient that so excellent a worker
should be idle, sent him to the convent of Tanda, so that he might
as an experienced associate, aid the prior.

The father teacher, Fray Juan de Santo Tomàs, was prior. Hearing the
attack of the barbarians from his retreat, and going outside, he saw
Dacxa, to whom he went and whom he asked for protection. The latter
in pity embraced the father and endeavored to save his life, but an
Indian came up and thrust the father through the body with a lance,
and he died on his knees. Then the Indians went to the convent and
sacked and profaned it as they had done to that of Tago, and finally
burned it.

[The above father was born in San Pablo de los Montes in the
archbishopric of Toledo. He took the Recollect habit in the convent of
Valladolid, where he became a close student. He went to the Philippines
in 1620 with Onofre de la Madre de Dios and other religious, where
he was appointed to found the convent of Cuyo, of which he was made
prior, being also made vicar-provincial of the other convents in the
islands. He was later appointed prior of the convent of Tanda, where
he was killed. His body, which was buried at some little distance
from the church, was given decent burial after seven years--when it
was disinterred for that purpose, being found to be wholly preserved
except at the tip of the nose.]

On the twenty-first of the same month of July, father Fray Pedro de
San Antonio, former prior of the convent of Bacoag, had left that
convent. The rebellious Indians, having heard that he was in Surigao,
a visita of the priorate, despatched Mañan Galan and other Indians
to kill him. They found him at the landing-place of Don Diego Amian,
reciting the canonical hours. One of them went to father Fray Pedro
dissemblingly, and told him that there were many enemies in the land
and that he had come to advise him of it. The blessed father asked
him certain questions in regard to it, to which the Indian replied
maliciously and with lies; and, at the instant when father Fray Pedro
turned his back, thrust him through with a lance. The father fell to
the ground, invoking the names of Jesus and Mary, with the utterance
of which he yielded up his spirit. Many Indians who were hidden came
up, took the blessed body, and dragging it thither threw it into the
river, with great joy and gladness.

That venerable father was a native of Granada in Andaluzia and went
to Filipinas with father Fray Rodrigo de San Miguel (of whom we have
already written at length). He greatly admired the exemplary conduct
of our religious, and asked for the habit in the convent of Manila,
where he professed. Behaving in a religious manner, he was assigned
to some missions, and enlightened the Bisayas with the light of the
evangelical word. He had assumed the dignity of the priorate of Bacoag,
at the time of the insurrection of the Caraghas, and at the time of
the events which we have related.




Year 1631

V

Mention of some dangers suffered by Ours in the insurrection of the
Caraghas Indians


The above were not the only dangers suffered by Ours in that
insurrection of Caragha; for the Indian chiefs, dividing into different
bands, went to various districts, not only to make those who were
quiet revolt, but to wipe out the Spaniards, to kill the religious,
and to destroy the convents, in their hatred for our holy faith.

July 22, the day of the Magdalene, the father teacher, Fray
Lorenço de San Facundo, was saying mass in the convent of Bacoag,
which was attended by the Spaniards, and the traitor Zancalàn (one
of the leaders of the revolt), and his wife Doña Geronima Moag,
and a dozen Indians. The father was disturbed at seeing them, and
having asked who those Indians were, and being answered that they
were the son and daughter-in-law of Mangabo, he calmed himself. In
their carousals the Indians had determined upon the murder, one
after another, of the three Spaniards there, and the two religious,
father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo, and his associate, a brother,
Fray Francisco de San Fulgencio; for these seemed many to them. They
killed the three Spaniards treacherously; and at the hour of vespers,
Zancalàn put in an appearance with seven Indians. Zancalàn went to
kiss the hand of father Fray Lorenço, who was just finishing the
burial of a dead woman. With other like courtesies the Indians
went up to see the convent, accompanied by the father teacher,
when one Indian seized him by the shoulders crying out to another:
"Strike him!" The father boldly wrenched himself loose, and shoved the
Indian against a post. Then he ran to jump through a window, where
they pushed him so that he fell on his back upon a piece of timber,
from which he sustained severe injuries. The house was in confusion;
various weapons were seized; father Fray Lorenço arose as well as
he was able, and fled to the landing-place. Three Indians followed
him with lances. An Indian went to him and said: "Father, take this
machete, that they may not kill thee." One of the three threw his
lance at the father. The lance passed through his tunic near his right
thigh, the father escaping that blow by jumping aside. He seized the
lance, and, with it and the machete, retired to the convent. When
he arrived, Zancalàn went out with lance and cuirass to kill father
Fray Lorenço. The latter defended himself skilfully, and entered the
convent, where brother Fray Francisco was defending himself with a
musket from the multitude who were attacking him.

Some feats of arms were performed, but we shall omit mention of them
for the sake of brevity. The two religious were taken prisoners,
and expected instant death in their captivity. Zancalàn gave them
a pledge to take them to his father Mangabo, although other Indians
wrangled with him demanding that he surrender to them the fathers,
in order that they might be sacrificed to their idols. The religious
heard all that with great fear, the peculiar effect of our natural
weakness. But after commending themselves very earnestly to God, they
became so brave that (as the said father teacher testifies in his
relation) already they were sorry that Zancalàn was defending them,
for they wished to offer their lives for our holy faith.

Thus imprisoned, they reached Tago on Monday, the twenty-eighth of
the same month of July, where they expected to be sacrificed--joyful,
for they were preparing to go to enjoy God. But (as father Fray Lorenço
remarks) the fruit could not have been ripe enough to present it at the
table of heaven. Mangabo was a huge man, of enormous strength, and of
a terrible temper--on account of which he was called "the Crocodile
of Tago." The fathers were quite sure that, as soon as they reached
his presence, they would be killed; but our good God, who can draw
water from the hard rock, changed the heart of the barbarian so that
he threw himself at the feet of father Fray Lorenço, kissing them and
his hands with great show of affection. He gave various excuses for
the murders of the fathers and the Spaniards which he had committed,
although all of them were frivolous, and said that the fathers should
have no fear, for they were under his protection, and that he would
defend them with his life. As assurance of that promise, he took an
oath in the following manner.

He asked for a varalao, and clutching it in his hands, he loosened
some breeches which he had made from an embroidered crimson damask
altar-cloth that he had stolen from the convent of Tanda. He wounded
himself twice below the stomach, drawing blood, which he ordered his
son Zancalàn to catch in a dish which contained wine. [16] He began
to swear and to invoke his divatas, with howlings so extravagant
that he was terrifying. He cursed himself in all ways [17] if he
should be found wanting in friendship to us, or in our defense, even
did he die for it. He drank some of the wine, and then put the dish
on his head, crying out in a terrible voice. He embraced father Fray
Lorenço, and placed his own turban on his head. Thus did he finish his
execrable and ridiculous oath, which they call sandugo, and which they
consider as inviolable. That oath was of no little use in defending
the religious, for when some of the other Indians once asked Mangabo
to sacrifice them, he replied that he would not discuss the matter,
that he would first fight anyone who tried to offend them. And he
did so, even driving the other chiefs from the place.

He took father Fray Lorenço to his house, and brought out Castilian
wine so that he and his associate might drink it, and two chalices,
one from the convent of Tanda, and the other from that of Bacoag. When
father Fray Lorenço saw these, much affected and weeping, he covered
them with the cloth wrapped about them, and said: "Father Mangabo,
since you have given me life, I beseech you not to use those chalices,
and that neither you nor any woman go near them, for I shall burst
with grief." Mangabo replied: "As you say, son," and ordered that
they be not uncovered, but that they be kept with veneration.

Then Mangabo arose and took a holy bronze crucifix which Zangalàn had
taken from father Fray Lorenço, under the impression that it was gold,
saying, "I am keeping this your God until the time when we two go to
Manila." "Keep it," the father said to him, "for He will preserve you
if you respect Him; but if you do not respect Him He will confound you,
for He is God of Heaven and earth." Then Mangabo brought out another
holy crucifix, with its arms cut off and its head split in twain, as
above said, and father Fray Lorenço, falling on his knees before it,
kissed it, weeping and sighing, and kept it for his own consolation.

Then Maria Campan (mentioned above) went out and brought back in a
small casket the chrismatories of the convent of Tago; and father
Fray Lorenço, opening it, saw that nothing was lacking. He wrapped
them in a cloth and charged her to keep them and not to open them,
saying that he would give her six pesos for them, although they did
not have so much money. Father Fray Lorenço could ransom none of it,
for he was without money.

[The holy chrismatories finally render Maria contrite; for, fleeing
from the Spaniards up a river, and having the phials with her, a huge
crocodile thrusts its head into the boat, seizes the phials and makes
off without committing other damage, which so works upon the mind of
the woman that she lives afterward as a good Christian.]

Finally, Mangabo said to father Fray Lorenço: "Son, I see that you
are sick" (he had been seriously injured by the fall of which we have
made mention above). "If you wish to go to be treated at the fort
of the Spaniards, I will have you taken there, and you shall leave
Brother Francisco here, so that he may protect us, if the Castillas
(so they call the Spaniards) come. Remember your father, and aid
him when you are able." Father Fray Lorenço thanked him, and was
taken in a boat to the fort of Caragha. Thus did God preserve the
life of that religious, to whom, if the crown of martyrdom was not
conceded, at least he was quick to suffer for the faith; and in fact
he endured great hardships for the love of the Lord. His associate,
Fray Francisco, was ransomed afterward. He rendered excellent service
while he was a prisoner, in the pacification of the rebellious Indians.



Year 1631

VI

Continuation of the matter of the last chapter, with some cases by
way of example

Valintos (the same one who had killed Captain Pedro Bautista) went
to the river of Butuan with an order to kill father Fray Juan de San
Augustin, prior of the convent of Ilaya in the village of Linao. He
carried many letters to the chiefs, urging them in the name of
Corralat (of whom we have spoken before, and of whom there will
be more to say) to have the fathers killed. An influential Indian
woman heard of the matter, and since she was the petty queen of that
river and very devoted to father Fray Juan de San Augustin, who was
a holy religious, she had so much authority that it sufficed to keep
those of the village faithful, and they resisted the letters brought
by Valintos. In order to assure the life of the said father prior,
Fray Juan de San Augustin, she made him take boat and go to Butuan
to join the fathers in the convent there. Thus was he delivered from
the danger of losing his life.

Almost the same thing happened in the village of Butuan, where the
letters of Valintos were received urging the inhabitants to rise
and kill the religious. But the Butuans were so faithful that they
would not consent to the evil. On the contrary, reading the letters
in public, they cried with one voice that they would die before they
would permit one hair of the fathers to be harmed. Then forming in
a procession, men, women, and children went to the convent in tears,
and bewailing the troubles that they were all suffering. The religious
said: "Children, here we are at your disposition. Do what you will
with us, for God our Lord so orders it." At this all the people cried
out and said with tears in their eyes: "Fathers, be of good cheer,
for we will all die before anyone offends you." They said that with
emphatic oaths, whereby they showed the great love and respect that
they held for the fathers. The chiefs remained in the convent with
their families and possessions. Endeavor was made to advise Zibù,
so that help might be brought; and the father prior, Fray Jacinto de
San Fulgencio, went [for that purpose].

Valintos, having seen the bad outcome to his treacherous plans in
Butuan, returned in a rage, and the religious were safe. However,
although so many of them were good, some restless Indians (especially
the fiscal of the village) rebelled, and without having any occasion
therefor, killed the porter of the convent and another Indian. Had not
the chiefs hastened to their defense, father Fray Diego de Santa Ana,
the associate of the father prior, would have been in danger.

The other revolted villages, taking umbrage at the faithfulness of the
Butuans, tried to find means to kill the religious, so that thus the
Butuans might be obliged to conform to their rebellion. He who tried
hardest was Manàn Galàn, an Indian chief of the village of Albucay,
who went to Sampongan to discuss the matter with the Samponganos. An
Indian, who was intimate with the fathers, one Sumulay, was chosen
[for that mission]. He was well instructed, but, his wiles having been
perceived, the Butuans quickly seized their arms to fight any and all
enemies who should appear. The fathers were taken to the mountains
for greater security, and the traitor Sumulay tried to finish the
affair personally. He went, under pretense of friendship, to seek the
fathers in the mountains; but, his evil design being recognized, he
was seized, and confessing his guilt was placed under surveillance,
and finally deprived of life. Following the example of the Butuans,
other villages maintained the faith, and defended their fathers who
sowed the seed of the gospel in so rude a land, amid so many dangers
to their quiet and life, opposing themselves to the sowing of tares
that the common enemy always endeavors to introduce into the harvests
of the Church.

The father prior of Butuan, Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio, when
sailing to Zibù to solicit aid, passed by the island of Camigi, a
visita of the district of Cagaiang. He stopped there and was in great
danger of being murdered by the insurgents, who were going about in
bands committing piracies and watching the sea, so that the fort of
Tanda might not be aided. Although that fort was in great danger,
the valor of its garrison defended it. The father prior advised the
fathers of Cagaiang and Baiug so that they might take precautions,
and [told them] that he was going to get aid. That advice was very
important for the restraining of the Indians of Baiug and Cagaiang,
since they knew that the negotiations which they had with the Caraghas
and Mindanaos were known.

The said father prior having arrived at Zibù, the aid was prepared,
and was sent under Captain Juan de Chaves as commander of the fleet,
who was accompanied by good infantry. The father prior also went with
that fleet. They reached Bacoag, where the convent above mentioned was
situated, which was one of the best on that coast. Their hearts were
pierced to see so many dead and half-decayed bodies, and they buried
them. Entering the church, they saw the images profaned and cut into
bits. The latter were gathered together by father Fray Jacinto.

The fleet proceeded on its way, and reached the fort of Tanda, whose
occupants congratulated themselves again and again at being freed
from danger. The pacification of the insurgents was negotiated, in
which father Fray Jacinto worked mightily. The latter was overjoyed
at having aided the land which was so afflicted. That was a great
service which he rendered to God and to our Catholic monarch, who have
been able to employ our Recollects in this to advantage. With that
aid and some more which was sent from Manila, the insurrection which
had caused so much noise and wrought so much ruin was put down. Our
convents were restored and other religious no less zealous and earnest
succeeded those who had died so gloriously for the faith.

[The Recollects, worthy of their great master St. Augustine, do
not waver in their spiritual conflict, but ever keep the sword of
the faith turned toward the enemy. "Various incidents occur during
that insurrection," one of them being that the Indian who had killed
father Fray Alonso de San Joseph has the arm that had struck that
fatal blow bitten off by a crocodile; but he afterward repents and
becomes a good Christian. Likewise the Indian who had killed father
Fray Pedro de San Antonio dies repentant, having given himself up to
justice. A chief in Bacoag orders his rice to be cooked with portions
of a demolished crucifix, which in burning emits a different colored
flame than ordinary wood, without being consumed. "Four Indians ate
of the rice," but immediately burst. Another crucifix thrown into
the fire does not burn, and is rescued by a devout Indian woman after
one of the arms has been broken off, and is preserved as a precious
relic by the father to whom she gives it.]

There were many wild and barbarous people in the mountains of Bacoag
and Bolor, who lived by theft and murder. Many efforts had been
made to reach those Indians in order to reduce and punish them, but
all failed. They were ruled by an Indian named Salimbong, a man of
considerable wisdom, prudence, and understanding, who kept them very
well in hand. The insurrection occurred, and while the ministers of
the gospel were wandering about abandoned and afflicted, God consoled
them with the conversion of that Indian. It happened as follows:
the father teacher, father Fray Lorenço de San Facundo--freed now,
as above related, from his prison--left Bacoag in order to bury
the dead, and get together the possessions that had remained in the
convent. On the following day when the father reached the convent,
the Indian Salimbong appeared to him with one hundred companions,
and said that he was disabused of his errors and wished to become a
Christian. The religious, who knew his good understanding and wisdom,
was surprised. He asked him many different questions in order to prove
his spirit. He found Salimbong ready, and baptized him and all his
men. That conversion was cried far and wide and was of great use in
the pacification of many villages, which with the protection of that
Indian will furnish much room for further work.

[On June 22, 1632, a report is made before the archbishop ad interim,
Pedro de Arce, of the murders of the Recollect missionaries, and
their other trials. Two authorized copies are made of the report
"one of which was presented to the royal Council of the Indias in
the year 1635, and the other is preserved in the archives of the
congregation of our convent at Madrid."]

[The following section (vii) is an account of the life and death of the
first vicar-general of the order, Geronimo de la Resurreccion. Chapter
second is concerned with the order in Japan and the martyrdoms of
some of the workers there. In section ii occurs the following:]

The blessed father Fray Francisco [de Jesus] was not satisfied with
giving spiritual life to those whom he was converting and baptizing [in
Japon], but he also gave them the girdle of our father St. Augustine,
making them confriars and religious of the fourth order (as the
confriars of the said girdle are), [18] so that enlisted under the
banner of so great a captain and doctor they might be armed to fight
and to suffer even to the point of giving their lives to the Lord who
gave them rebirth in baptism. And from this circumstance it happened
that the blessed father could write from the prison of Bomurà in a
letter to the father provincial of Filipinas under date of October
six, 1630, that more than three hundred confriars of the girdle had
suffered, besides many others whom the Observantine fathers have.

The venerable father Fray Francisco de Jesus also makes mention, in
his letter written from Nagay, of the island of Hermosa, urging and
entreating the father provincial to send religious there to found
a convent in the island, by which to facilitate the road to Japon,
and help to those [missionaries] in that country. He was moved to ask
that, because he had heard that the governor had gained possession
of the island.

We shall relate what happened in that particular now that we have the
opportunity. The governor of Filipinas, Don Alonso Faxardo de Tença,
was considering that the Dutch were infesting those seas and hindering
the trade and commerce of Manila and China. He thought that it would
be expedient to seize the island of Hermosa and fortify it, in order
to check the depredations that the enemy were committing; for one can
reach China from that island in one night. It was a good resolution,
but Don Alonso Faxardo died soon afterward, and the whole plan came
to naught.

The following year Don Fernando de Silva went to govern the Filipinas
Islands. He knew and approved the design of his predecessor, and
prepared a fleet. In short, tracing out a plan on the ground, he
established a city and a fort, with a garrison of three hundred
Spaniards. Sites were assigned to the orders in Manila, so that
they could found convents. Captain Carreño took possession of
ours. Afterward, Don Juan Niño de Tabora began to govern, and as
he considered the enterprise a good one, he tried to complete it. He
prepared a fleet, and took religious so that they might establish their
houses. Two of Ours went in company with Admiral Don Andrès Esqueta,
namely, father Fray Antonio de la Madre de Dios, and his associate. But
God did not choose that the enterprise should be carried out; for on
the cape of Boxeador a norther scattered the fleet, and the voyage
ceased. Then the Dutch took the said island, to the sorrow of all,
both as it was so important and because it was the first island of
that archipelago that the Spaniards have lost.

[Chapters iii, iv, and a portion of v, treat of Recollect affairs
in Spain and America. Chapter v contains the following in regard to
the Philippines:]



II

Our religious enter the islands of Romblòn to preach the holy
gospel. Some of our rules are reformed by apostolic authority.


This year [1635] our religious entered the islands of Romblòn--or,
as they are called, "Las Isletas" [i.e., "the Islets"]. That district
belonged to the seculars who were subject to the bishopric of Zibù,
and their beneficed incumbent was at that time Francisco Rodriguez
the relator. [19] He, becoming weary of going about daily with his
possessions on his back; and fleeing from the enemy, entered into
negotiations with the father provincial of Filipinas, Fray Joseph
de la Anunciacion, saying that he would give him that district in
exchange for a suitable chaplaincy. Those islands were a station and
gateway, so to speak, for the visitas of the Bisayas which were in
our charge, and also in the path of the navigation from Manila to
Zibù. The documents having been made ready, the father provincial
sent father Fray Pedro de San Joseph, alias de Roxas. The island of
Romblòn is the chief place of that district, and as visitas it has
the islands of Zubuyàn, Tablas, Simara, Bantòn and Bantoncillo. The
people are honest, pacific, docile, and very intelligent. They trade
in the products of the land--oil, goats, swine, wine, and bonete
[i.e., bonote]. They have a great abundance of domestic animals. They
construct ships, build houses, and make other things of wood with
great skill, all of which they take to Manila, as well as to other
places, to sell. Consequently, as a rule, those who apply themselves
to work are prosperous. All these things have a serious counterweight,
namely, the enemy; for there is scarcely a year in which the enemy
are not seen in that district, where they commit many depredations,
burn villages and churches, and capture a great number of Indians.

That was experienced by the said father prior, Fray Pedro de San
Joseph, as soon as he took possession; for hearing that the enemy
were coming, he had barely time to escape to the mountains, saving
his person, but without time to save anything else. The enemy entered
Romblòn, sacked the village, burned the church and convent, captured
a few persons, and then returned. Those disasters are experienced
nearly every year. Amid such hardships do our religious administer
the sacraments to the faithful, and subdue the infidels to the faith,
exposing their lives valiantly for that purpose. [The remainder of
this section concerns the change of rules allowed by Pope Urban VIII
(December 15, 1635).]

[Chapters vi and vii are occupied with the captivity and deaths of
the Recollect missionaries captured in 1636 by the Moros, who attack
the islands of Cuyo and Calamianes--which has been already related
in previous volumes. A few extracts from Luis de Jesús's account are
added here, as containing further information.]

[Pages 285-286:] The enemy, delighted at the capture of the fathers
(which was their principal aim), tried to capture the religious of
Dinay under the pretense of peace, even commencing to treat for
it. But their design having been discovered, the fathers retired
to the mountain, and consequently, the enemy could capture no more
than the things that could not be taken to the mountain with the
fathers--a quantity of wax, a tribute paid by the natives to the
encomenderos. They captured seven women and one man, and killed
another from whom they learned that the fathers had retired. They
went to look for them but did not find them. Thence they went to
other islands where they did what damage they could.

At the end of six months, during which they were employed in pillaging
considerable property, and in capturing more than six hundred and
fifty persons, besides the old whom they killed because they were
useless, the fleet returned quite at its leisure, committing all the
depredations possible. The barbarians took the religious along naked
and fed them on a trifle of dirty rice. Their bed was a wretched mat
without any other shelter, and they were exposed to the inclemencies
of the weather, and ill-treated by word and deed. Sometimes they
were offered wealth and beautiful women to abandon the faith. Those
were attacks by which the valor of the blessed fathers was proved,
for their life was a continual martyrdom. But the soldiers of Christ
were happy, for they employed their lives in suffering for love of
Him. They preached the evangelical law to the barbarians and censured
their vices and blindness. All that was the same as throwing wood
on the fire of their fury, to make them devise means to conquer the
strength of the invincible religious.

[In chapter eighth are recounted the holy deaths of the three Recollect
fathers, Fray Juan de San Antonio, Fray Francisco de Santa Monica, and
brother Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, which occur in the year
1638. The first, a native of Mexico who had professed in the Manila
convent, had been seized by one Dato Achen, of Jolo, an adherent of
Corralat. After four years of cruel captivity, during which temptations
of the flesh are offered him in order to make him deny the faith and
he is subjected to all sorts of abuse, the father dies triumphant. The
second father is killed by the Moros in his convent of Divail of which
he was prior. The third Recollect meets death from the Sangleys whom
he has severely censured in the island of Cuyo.]

[The ninth chapter is devoted to the conversion and Christian life
of Clara Calimàn, a native woman of the village of Butuàn, who is
given the rank of beata (beatas being women who live in religious
retirement, although not known as nuns), by the Recollects.]

[The Recollect Juan de la Concepción relates the uprising of the
Caragas (Hist. de Philipinas, v, pp. 163-179); but he follows Luis
de Jesús very closely, doing little more than rewrite the latter's
account. A few paragraphs from La Concepción are here added.]

10. Various councils were held in the fort of Tandag, in order to
decide upon the means and method of subduing and pacifying these
insurgents; it was decided that it was necessary to take arms and to
punish them. But they did not have sufficient forces for it, for the
province was so thoroughly in rebellion, and so committed thereto
by the murders of the fathers and Spaniards. It was determined by
unanimous vote to call on Zebu for help, and father Fray Jacinto de
San Fulgencio went to obtain it. He informed the alcalde-mayor and
commander of the fleet of Pintados of the condition of the province
of Caraga--namely, that there were various squadrons of boats along
the coasts to prevent help from being taken into the fort; and that
the fort was now in the last extremity, and in danger of having
to surrender because of hunger. The commander prepared a suitable
fleet in quick order; he sent some excellent infantry, and gave the
command of it to Captain Don Juan de Chaves. The above-mentioned
father Fray Jazinto also embarked in the fleet. This armada was to
keep the insurgents busy until more forces could be sent from Manila,
and the matter was reported to the captain-general there.

11. That fleet reached Basuag, then a prominent coast village. The
Spaniards experienced the keenest sorrow at seeing so many corpses,
already half decomposed; they stopped there to bury these, and then
proceeded on their voyage and arrived at Tandag. There they freed
the presidio from its danger and those who were in it. Then for
a time they tried to pacify the people by mild means; but as soon
as a suitable reënforcement arrived from Manila, they immediately
meditated punishment--especially on the principal leaders of the
revolt, but pardoning in his Majesty's name all those of the common
people who presented themselves in submission. Mangabo was included
in that list and number; but the religious, bound to his cause,
defended him with ardor, and interested themselves, as his children,
so that their father should not be punished. The Spaniards consented
to it and pardoned him, and that pardon was of great service to the
province of Caraga. Mangabo, dissuaded from his errors, and thankful
for such benefits, was converted to our holy faith and received
baptism. As he was so greatly feared throughout the country, that
was quite sufficient to pacify the entire province, and the fugitives
returned to their respective villages, which they formed as before.

12. Noteworthy conversions followed at this juncture, the noise of
arms. Most exemplary punishments were seen and experienced from
heaven on the aggressors, and singular portents in the profaned
and destroyed images. An idolatrous Indian, in sport of an image
of the crucified Christ, threw it into the fire; he observed with
wonder that the fire, respecting the image, did not burn it. The
barbarian took it from the fire and, buffeting it about, threw it
down with great violence so that one of its arms was broken. A devout
Christian Indian woman took the holy image, and kept it with great
care. After the pacification she gave it to father Fray Jacinto to
whom she gave a minute description of the affair. The father made
a solemn investigation of it and many witnesses confirmed it and
confessed her declaration to be true. The father took that holy
Christ to Manila, the following year, and presented it to Governor
Don Juan Niño de Tavora. He received it with singular devotion and
tenderness, and determined to replace it in its oratory with great
ceremonies. Father Fray Jazinto tried to get the governor first to
repair the image and supply the missing arm by another. That most
Christian gentleman replied: "No, Father, it must remain as it is
for my confusion, since my sins treated Him thus." With such pious
and kind reflections did he excuse the impiety of the barbarians
in actions so sacrilegious. Presidios were erected and fortified,
in order to keep the country pacified. Thus through their fear of
the soldiers, and with the punishments so present before their eyes,
those villages were kept, and remain even to the present, in entire
quiet. However, they have become much diminished because of the many
natives who have withdrawn because of the severities and persecutions
practiced by the Moros, from which that province has suffered so much.

[La Concepción recounts (ut supra, pp. 360-391) the fortunes of the
Recollect missions in northern Mindanao, especially in the region of
Lake Lanao. His narrative is sufficiently different from that of Luis
de Jesús to be given in full.]




CHAPTER XV

Wars and conquests in the lake of Malanao


1. Inland from the coast which faces Bohol on the north of Mindanao,
and in the latter island, is located the lake of Malanao. [20] Its
shape is triangular; one of its angles extends about four leguas
eastward, another southward for three, and the third and longest
of all, westward. Its shores contain many small villages, where
live about six thousand inhabitants, although united to them is
the district of Butig, with about two thousand warriors. Through
this route they communicate with the Mindanaos, a circumstance
which renders them formidable. The land is sterile, and yields no
other products than rice and a few edible roots. Their clothing is
wretched, for cotton is scarce. All their textiles are of lanote,
a sort of wild hemp--not that it is that plant, but it resembles it
because of the fibers, which they obtain from a wild banana [i.e.,
abacá], to which they impart a blue color. This constitutes their
greatest gala attire. Heavy storms of wind and water are experienced
on this lake, and are called mangas by sailors. [21] [Here follows a
description of this peculiar form of storm--the waterspout--which was
much dreaded because of its fury and ravages.] This lake furnished
much convenience to the Mindanaos for their incursions, as the ports
nearest to our islands were easily reached by it. For since the deep
bay of Panguil penetrates far inland, and is quite near their lands,
they thus save many leguas of navigation--about one hundred--and a
rough coast. With such activity do they make a jest of the efforts
that were assured by the presidio of Zamboangan, with their resort
to more easy piratical raids. Since the said presidio was of no use
for this, it became necessary to devise another remedy.

2. For a complete understanding of the matter, we must make a
considerable step backward. The Augustinian Recollects had been
governed by vicar-provincials, who either selected certain appointed
individuals, if the nominations did not arrive in time from España,
or had the latter put into execution when they came sufficiently
beforehand. It was not a very stable government, nor the most suitable
for their administrations, as it was not constituted in regular form
as a province. This reform was obtained with the aid of his Catholic
Majesty, and the Recollects were erected into a congregation, having
or being assigned a vicar-general as superior prelate. At that time
the provinces were divided, and this province of Philipinas was
one of those which obtained the indult. They received their formal
despatches and met in chapter, in which the first provincial elected
was father Fray Onofre de la Madre de Dios, his election occurring
February six, one thousand six hundred and twenty-four. This religious
was a native of Perpiñan in the county of Rosellon, and a son of the
convent of Zaragoza. The Recollects drew up their triennial acts or
constitutions: namely, that the religious living in the missions
should observe the regular rules of the convents, with matins at
midnight, even should there be but one priest, that they should learn
within one year the language of the natives to whom they minister;
and that they may not receive guests into their convents, unless
it be the governors, bishops, religious, and alcaldes-mayor. It was
resolved that ministers should go to the district of Bayug, and that
they should extend their labors to the lake of Malanao, which was a
stronghold of heathendom, but great were the hopes inspired by their
excellent arrangements. Father Fray Juan de San Nicolas, an invincible
man and one accustomed to such labors, was chosen to forward the
gospel there. He went to the village of Bayug, where, gaining the
good-will of the influential people, he was well received and treated
with respect. One Dolomoyon was, as it were, superior of all those
natives. He was a man of excellent qualities, and immediately sent
his children to learn the catechism. Although he remained a heathen,
he favored Christianity greatly. The father went from that village to
Layavan, another settlement on the shore of another river that was
located near by. There he did not find the same response, but the
people were more obstinate in their heathen rites. That forced him
to put forth greater efforts, in order to effect an establishment in
that district. Leaving the care of Bayug to his companion, he went
on to Langaràn, a move that facilitated the conquest of the lake.

3. This aroused animosity in Corralat, the prince of Mindanao; for
if that district were to be converted, he would be greatly hindered
in his piratical raids. He began to harass the village of Cagayan,
so that the inhabitants could not go out freely to till their fields
and care for their crops. Consequently, the province of San Nicolas
established father Fray Pedro de San Agustin [22] as missionary in that
district. He was a person born for military undertakings. His native
place was the city of Valladolid and he was the son of Portuguese
parents. He had studied philosophy and theology at Salamanca, but
his inclination led him to read books of military deeds, in which
his taste found a particular pleasure; and he became very expert
in architecture, gunnery, and a great part of what is taught in
military practice. He made use of these qualifications and talents by
establishing and erecting the fort of Linao in the province of Caraga,
an advanced outpost among the heathen and Moros. Its structure was
well tested, for it resisted many assaults. He excellently instructed
the Indians whom he converted, in this natural method of defense, and
its utility has been proved in its always having been preserved. Then
this father went, after the new election, to Cagayan. That district had
before been tributary to Corralat, and the latter keenly resented its
change of religion from that of its prince; therefore, he was always
harassing them with wars and hostilities, in order to recover his
power over them. As soon as father Fray Agustin assumed that charge,
he exercised his skill in fortifying the village. He surrounded it
with a stout stockade, well proportioned in its outlines, defending its
curtains by communications of bulwarks. In the middle he raised another
small redoubt, as a place of retreat in case of a sudden invasion. He
disciplined the natives in the management of arms, and inspired them
with courage, so that they should not turn coward in time of danger,
or be intimidated by a multitude, which could not overcome them if
they were thoroughly accustomed to firearms. In fact, they resisted
excellently the surprises attempted by Corralat, who attacked them
often with many men, and obliged him to retire with heavy loss.

4. Corralat in his pride keenly resented the stout resistance of so
small a village, and resolved to invade it with superior forces. He
sent a squadron of thirty large boats to attack it, with a force of two
thousand Moros who were to land; and he ordered that all the people
of Cagayan should be put to the sword. Father Fray Agustin heard of
that order through his spies, and he made extensive preparations for
defense. He sent to Caraga for aid, and they gave him six soldiers
and one hundred Indians. He drilled the Indians in making sallies and
in handling their arquebuses. The hostile fleet arrived in sight of
the village, which awaited them very confidently and under arms. The
Moros disembarked, and attacked the village, but experienced resistance
that they had not expected. They attempted to make assaults by various
places, but everywhere found the same vigilance and defense. Seeing
the impossibility [of taking the village], and that they had lost a
considerable number of men in the assaults, they resolved to retire in
order. As soon as father Fray Agustin perceived that, he sallied forth
with his Indians, sword in hand. He attacked them, courageously and
caused the retreat to become a disorganized rout, in which but very
few escaped. Thus the father gained a complete victory out of almost
universal ruin. Corralat could not contain himself when he heard of
the loss. His wrath was all concentrated against the father, and he
planned to seize him by means of ambushes. The brave minister was not
unaware of this, and well did he look after the safety of the village,
and especially that of his own person, inasmuch as he was beset with
so many snares, and as he had to do generally with a treacherous
race. His duties obliged him to go to visit his parishioners who were
scattered in various adjoining villages. The Malanaos, who were vassals
of Corralat, and whom the latter had prepared to attack the village,
improved their opportunity. They succeeded in entering the village at
a point where the sentinels were careless. Many Indians were killed
in the surprise, the sacristy was profaned, and the enemy pillaged
as much as possible, until the invaded villagers, aroused, were able,
by rallying their men, to repel the foe with arms. Father Fray Agustin
grieved greatly over that reverse. At his return he hastened to repair
the havoc committed against divine worship, and to render the village
still more strongly fortified, so that it might remain free from such
surprises. The people themselves desired to obtain satisfaction from
those of the lake. Indians of courage were selected, and they went
to invade the enemy in their own land, in order to take vengeance
on them for their treacherous insults. They found no opposition on
their march. One village was sacked and burned, and sufficient booty
was found there to recompense the losses of Cagayan. They returned
to the latter village without having received any hurt, and the lake
of Malanao was left so intimidated that that enemy never returned to
Cagayan during the rule of father Fray Agustin.

5. Those raids could not be very much to the liking of the Jesuit
fathers, in whose district was comprehended the lake of Malanao. Their
affairs in Dapitan and Zamboangan having been made safe by this
time, they set their hearts on the possession of that lake. They
could not complain of the introduction of the Recollect fathers,
since they themselves had abandoned all that lake and left it without
ministers. To this end they inspired Governor Corcuera with the idea of
one adequate expedition, in order to finish once for all, if possible,
with the Moros--or at least to check their pride, which was occasioning
so much trouble to the islands. He charged the commander Almonte,
for that purpose, to withdraw all his operations from Corralat and
from the king of Bubayen with his fleet, in order to undertake the
invasion of the lake. The jurisdiction at Iligan and Dapitan was in
charge of Captain Don Francisco de Atienza y Vañez, a gentleman from
Toledo, and one very useful for such enterprises as he was a tried
warrior. The expedition of Malanao was entrusted to him. He was to
make it by means of soldiers from his presidios and Indians from his
province. By virtue of those orders, he chose fifty good soldiers and
eight hundred volunteer Caragas of courage. As father Fray Agustin
(whom his military prowess had gained the sobriquet of "Padre Capitan")
was famous because of his deeds, the alcalde-mayor, in order to ensure
the success of his measures, decided to take the father in his company,
that he might avail himself of all his experience. The father had gone
to Butuan, where he was in charge when these orders arrived with Don
Francisco de Atienza. The latter broached his plans to the father,
to which the father immediately agreed, as it fitted so well his
martial spirit.

6. Between the two, the means most suitable for the expedition were
discussed; and they agreed that the force prepared was sufficient
to subdue all the lake. Since it is navigable, and its banks are
swampy and cut up by more than fifty rivers, the undertaking would
have to be conducted on the water. Consequently, it was determined to
construct six boats, [each] capable of holding fifty or one hundred
men, which were to be carried in sections on the shoulders of the
men, until they reached a point where they could be made effective,
where they could be put together easily and quickly. They made haste
in this mode of construction, and went with all that equipment to
the village of Bayog. They resolved to follow the way to Balooy--a
path indeed more severe and more tedious; however, that seemed more
suitable to them, for the way by that route led through the villages
of friends. Although they were only neutrals, their own advantage
did not fail to concur in this expedition. Dato Dolo Moyon, filled
with passion to revenge an intended marriage which had been repelled
with contempt by the inhabitants of the lake, joined them. That union
was very pleasing to our people, for it brought them additional arms
and men, and gave them a retreat and sufficient aid in that dato's
village. At that place their march was retarded by showers of rain. The
Malanaos abandoned their individual interests, and united for the
common defense to the number of about six thousand armed men. They
were not without some few firearms. The stay of our men in Balooy
caused many of the Malanaos to abandon the camp, as being a people
suddenly collected without any preparation for their maintenance; and
without pay it is difficult, if not impossible, to keep those people a
considerable time in the field and under military discipline. Noting
that desertion, the chiefs of the lake sent their ambassadors to our
camps, who offered the captain some wretched presents in the name of
the assembly of their chiefs. The ambassadors, treating in order the
matters with which they were charged, asked the Spaniards to go back,
and said that they were proposing those expedients quietly and in a
friendly spirit, in order to avoid greater damages; for, should the
Spaniards try to tempt fortune by pressing forward, only a remnant of
their men would escape death, and the undertaking would be costly and
disgraceful. The captain answered them frankly and discreetly that it
was better to die at their hands, for that would be an honored death,
than dishonorably to retain life by retreating like cowards. He advised
them to look closer to their own interests, in time, and to decide
whether it was more useful to them to secure these in a friendly way,
or to sacrifice them for their liberty. By this reply the Malanaos
understood the firm resolution of the Spaniards, and that it meant
their ultimate destruction. They discussed the matter in council;
and the opinions were various; some believed in submission, others in
liberty. The former urged a compliant submission until such time as,
the danger having been removed, they could throw off their subjection
without so much risk. Others did not approve such astute schemes;
for, if the Spaniards were to gain control of the lake, they would
establish and build presidios there, and would have war craft on
it, with which they would entirely rule the natives, at their own
pleasure. They said that it was more important to resist than to
allow their entrance. That dilatory resolution gave our troops time,
so that they came in sight of the lake on April four, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-nine, avoiding the passes which the enemy
had fortified. The latter did not dare to lose sight of the lake,
in order that they might have a safe retreat with their boats when
assaulted. That precaution was of use to our people; for, when the
Moros were discovered by our men, and attacked, they abandoned their
camp and many arms, and fled in their boats.

7. Thereupon our Captain Atienza put his portable fleet together,
which he made navigable in twenty-four hours. He went to attack
several boats, which were keeping to leeward under the shelter of a
fort; but scarcely did they perceive themselves to be attacked, when
they fled to the shore and abandoned their canoes. Our men burned the
only village on that coast, by name Vato. The night caused them to
retire; but on the following day, making use of the abandoned boats,
to about the number of forty, they turned their prows toward the
most populous shores. Peaceful ambassadors went out to meet them,
and offered submission in tribute and vassalage. Our captain accepted
that surrender, and suspended the rigors of war. In execution of it,
the registration of the inhabitants was immediately undertaken;
and fifty villages, governed by four datos or chiefs, subject to
Corralat were listed. They all rendered obedience to the king of
España, and there was declared in the list to be two thousand and
nine families. The number of families was much greater, but the
registration was not carried on with exact rigor, our commander
purposely displaying mildness with a cloak of tolerance, to those
who hid their numbers. The agreement regarding the tribute was
made, leaving to the supreme governor the decision of the amount and
kind. They were not to receive preachers, masters, or pundits of the
Mahometan religion; but were to receive preachers of the evangelical
law, and to erect churches for the ceremonies of the Christians and
the true worship. As surety for all the above, they gave as hostages
their brothers and children, who were to be sent to Manila.

8. In consequence of these treaties, holy baptism was administered by
the Recollect fathers (who were the only chaplains) to more than two
hundred persons. Their administration--together with that of other
old-time Christians, who had been made about the said lake through
the zeal of those religious--was taken charge of by the minister of
Bayug. Father Fray Agustin was of the opinion that a fort ought to
be constructed at a suitable site on that lake, in order to obviate
the easy danger of an insurrection from people so perfidious, and
that it should be well supplied with the necessities; but that,
if that was not done, the expedition was without any result. For,
as soon as the Spaniards retired, Corralat would immediately hasten
up to their relief, and stir up the Malanaos; and, as they were
defenseless and inclined to revolt, that would be obtained without
much resistance. It was most important [said the father] to have
there an established force and ministers. Such delay was not pleasing
to the Spaniards; and accordingly, as superior orders were lacking,
they excused themselves. Thereupon, the fleet resolved to retire,
taking with them seventeen Christian captives, and redeeming some
sacred ornaments. They took from the people their firearms--five versos
and thirty-seven arquebuses and muskets--thinking that by that means
peace was a settled thing.

9. Before leaving the lake, Captain Atienza sent a despatch to
General Almonte, who was commanding officer of all the conquest,
informing him of his successful enterprise. Almonte, in order to take
possession of the new jurisdiction, and to assure more completely
the submission of the natives, sent a troop of seventy Spaniards
and five hundred Visayans under charge of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro
Fernandez de el Rio, and, under the latter's orders, Captain Juan de
Heredia Hermastegui. That commandant crossed the lands of Corralat,
being opposed by the fierce nation of Butig, and forcing a passage
with his arms at the cost of many lives of the enemy. Captain
Atienza met him with his whole squadron, whereupon the Malanaos,
seeing so many Spaniards upon them, were even more intimidated;
they gave more security for their agreements, and the registration
proceeded more effectively. Father Pedro Gutierrez came with the
troop of Sargento-mayor Don Pedro; and he gave notice that that
conquest belonged to the Society, and that the Recollect fathers
had meddled in it. But the latter had been given sufficient title
for their introduction into that conquest by the inattention of
the Jesuits, besides the fact that for that same reason, they had
been given spiritual jurisdiction by the bishop of Zebu. If the
Jesuits were occupied in greater undertakings, they ought to have
abandoned those which they considered less profitable to the care
of those religious [i.e., the Recollects] who did not pay so much
attention to these considerations of advantage. The fact that such
territories were without ministers would influence the bishop of Zebu,
Don Fray Pedro de Arze; and he would give them rightly to those who
would occupy them, notwithstanding the great anxiety of the Society
for the absolute possession of Mindanao. That desire does not give
them the right, nor the fact that St. Francis Xavier had been in the
island--although this latter is not made sufficiently clear, for the
time when [he was there] does not appear from his voyages, nor does
the reason appear from his letters. The same reasons would lead the
royal Audiencia to give the possession when it was governing. Why,
if they were so importunate to govern the island and declared such
to be their right, did they not fill it with ministers? Now, indeed,
Father Gutierrez came forward, and asked the sargento-mayor for the
possession of the lake, and the latter gave it to him in the name
of his governor. Thereupon, the father having taken possession of
it, returned to Mindanao on the third day with the sargento-mayor,
who also went back to his general quarters. Captain Don Francisco
de Atienza fortified the village of Bayug with stockades, left his
adjutant to defend it, and retired to his province of Caraga.

10. Father Fray Agustin greatly regretted that the result of a so
fortunate expedition should be solely entrusted to the heathenism of
those barbarians, who upon seeing themselves free from subjection
to the presidio that was planned and proposed, would undoubtedly
reclaim their liberty; and would strongly arm themselves to defend
it, and the conquest would be more serious and difficult. He would be
no less influenced by the way in which he had been despoiled of that
administration by the hurried possession taken by Father Gutierrez,
who uselessly fatigued his Majesty's troops for this purpose. These
interests moved him to undertake a trip to Manila, accompanied by
several Malanao chiefs. They presented themselves to the governor,
and requested aid against the forces and approaches of Corralat,
saying that these could only be restrained by a well-garrisoned fort,
which could protect those who should submit and render obedience; but
that without this provision all things were in danger. The reports
of Captain Atienza, who desired to assure his glorious results,
confirmed these representations. The governor was delighted at
prostrating so hostile enemies, and did not delay in the provision
for all that looked toward such an end. He immediately agreed to the
establishment of the presidio, and determined to send troops for its
garrison and defense. The representations of the Jesuits prevented
that expedition, for they alleged that the spiritual administration
of Malanao belonged to them, as it was included in the territory
granted to them with sufficient formalities; that the introduction
of the Recollect fathers therein was an intrusion to be condemned;
that no right was conceded to the latter because Malanao, as well as
the villages of its immediate neighborhood, had been deserted by its
ministers, as they [i.e., the Jesuits] had been occupied in greater
undertakings; and that they would attend to it at present, as they
had a supply of ministers. A formal verbal process proceeded, and
the Jesuits obtained a favorable decision. Thereupon, the province
of San Nicolas was excluded from the lake, from Bayug, Layavan,
and Langaran. Consequently, father Fray Agustin betook himself
again to his mission of Butuan, and the chiefs his companions to the
lake--sad and furious at not having obtained the concession of those
fathers, for whom they had (and even to our times) preserved a great
affection and love. The last representation in which they begged the
same thing from the superior government was in the year one thousand
seven hundred and thirty; but it was not conceded to them, as it was
territory granted to the Society; and the latter always resisted such
a change, notwithstanding that the demarcation was very doubtful.

11. Corcuera determined, after the hostilities had been quieted, that
the infantry captain Don Pedro Bermudez de Castro should go with fifty
Spaniards and five hundred Indians from Bohol, to fortify the lake,
and preserve what had been gained; or to employ themselves in its
recovery, if it had suffered any disturbances. The governor gave the
captain the hostages who had been detained to assure confidence, after
having treated them kindly and given them presents, in order that the
surrender might be more voluntary. The Jesuit fathers went with that
contingent of troops, the superior being Father Diego Patiño, and his
associate Father Gregorio Belin. They accompanied Captain Vermudez to
the lake to make the fortification that had been determined, and the
permanent presidio wherever it should prove most suitable. They did not
find the lake so peaceful as Captain Atienza had left it. The natives
thought of nothing less than the subjection and the tribute paying of
vassalage; and as soon as they had recovered from the fright into which
that invasion had thrown them, then they overthrew all the crosses and
burned the small buildings that had served as churches. Their fury
was still more excited when the chiefs returned without the beloved
pledges of the hostages who had been given up; for, considering
these already dead or captive, they burned to avenge them. That fury
was somewhat assuaged when the new troop gave them their brothers
and children, who spread abroad the kindness of the governor. But
that was not sufficient to overcome the course of their mistrust;
they were somewhat appeased, but all was only pretense, in order to
conceal their hostile minds. They tried to quiet our suspicions,
and showed themselves repentant for what had happened. They aided
with their labor as far as necessary in the building of the fort,
but their falsity was soon apparent. Suddenly they suspended their aid
and failed in their intercourse as friends, and busied themselves in
the preparation of obstacles and injury [to our people]. Their former
decision had been rebuked by Corralat; and he, being an astute man,
told them that such submission was arrant nonsense, and he brought
forward cogent arguments, which excited their fears and distrust. He
told them that they did not know to what that surrender bound them, and
that it was nothing else than a toilsome slavery under the domination
of the Spaniards. He bid them look at the nations subjected to us,
and these would be seen to be reduced to extreme misery. Let them
contemplate the Tagálogs and the Visayans, whom any Spaniard whatever
could trample under foot; and if they were not of better stuff than
these, they must not expect better treatment. They would be obliged
to row, to toil at the shipbuilding, and on other public works, and
would only experience severe treatment in doing these. With these
commonplace arguments, and without reflecting on the tyrannical
dominion of Corralat, the latter reduced those unhappy creatures
to the last stage of desperation. He offered to give them his aid,
and to employ the strength of his kingdom in their defense--[saying
that] even if the Spaniards were successful, it meant only the loss
of harvests for one year, but that they would obtain their liberty at
that small cost. All found it advisable. Manindin, the petty king of
Butig, recognized that, if the Spaniards were masters of the lake,
his authority was in danger. Corralat, surrounded in all parts,
and pressed by our arms, beheld his greatness very much reduced to a
very few leguas of coast. It was important to him that the diverted
undertakings should have no effect in any part, so that time and
expenses should cause them to desist. Consequently, these chiefs
so stirred up those of the lake that they agreed to resist with all
their power.

12. They carried their agreement into execution, and attacked the fort
with so great fury that they imagined that they were going to defeat
the Spaniards completely. They besieged the fort with all the severity
of war. They made their circumvallation, which they set with stakes and
ravelins at intervals, for the defense of their precincts. The fort
was then half-finished, and the captain rallied as well as he could
to its defense. He met the necessity as a prudent and valiant man,
so that he obliged the natives to try other artifices. They built
upon the lake some high towers on rafts, which they moored with a
rattan cable, which held an anchor that was fastened to the ground,
which they were able to do easily under cover of the night. They had
another cable, arranged similarly, across the lake. With the first
one, without any possibility of their being discovered, they hauled
or pulled until they reached the proper position, whence they could
discharge their firearms with effect. That being done, they retired
beyond the range of the fort to load their pieces, and then returned
to the combat with the same industry. The operation of bomb-vessels
in the bombardment of any city or castle is no different. It is an
ingenious invention, but not without great risk. Although truly those
small castles built upon the rafts were very ingenious, they could
not be of great resistance. Neither can we persuade ourselves that our
artillery would remain quiet; and even if it did, the Moro scheme was
very imperfect, because they accomplished nothing by such artifice. The
captain and his men resisted valiantly, and unceasingly. But they
were afflicted by another most invincible enemy, namely, the lack
of provisions. If the Malanaos were to continue in their obstinacy,
they would at last conquer the Spaniards through hunger. However,
the continual fatigue by day and night was not inconsiderable, and
must necessarily at the last sap their forces, and even first finish
them all; for the bombardment was killing some of them.

13. Such reflections forced the Spaniards to have recourse to other
avenues. They sent a despatch to Caraga to the alcalde-mayor, and
another to Butuan to father Fray Agustin, asking them to aid them in
that conflict without delay. The more significant despatch was that
from Father Belin to the father at Butuan. In it he declared that
it was impossible to endure, and that those at that lake would all
perish. He begged the father for God's sake, for whom he had sacrificed
himself to reduce and conquer it, to aid them with the greatest force
of that district; for their remedy consisted in his Reverence. He said
that the enemy had captured three boats from them, and, all the roads
to the beach being cut off, it was impossible to get help in. One who
attempted to bring help had been cut off by so great a force of Butig
and of the men of Corralat, in an ambush of more than four thousand
Moros, who threw the rearguard and the vanguard into disorder; and
that the father himself had gone out when they heard the shots, with
men to protect the convoy. With his aid the Moros were put to flight
after having killed some Spaniards and men of Bojol. By that means
they succeeded in getting some loads of rice into the fort, enough
to supply them for a month if they only had one meal per day. But so
great a multitude of Moros were coming to take part in the blockade
that, if he did [not] succor them, it was impossible for them not to
perish. "Father," said he, "let your Reverence forget your grievances;
and I give you my word, on my profession [i.e., as a priest], to
so influence the governor and my order that your Reverence and your
holy associates will obtain what you have so labored for. Consider
the honor of the king of España, the obligations with which you were
born, and the charity which obliges you on this occasion to come
to the succor of this troop, unfortunate in not having merited your
Reverence's company. Without it, surely, Captain Don Francisco would
not have had the good fortune that he had and obtained, although he
opposed leaving a presidio here. Father, there is danger in delay. I
petition your Reverence, for the love of God and that of His Mother,
and I hope for a great aid from all, etc. March nine, one thousand
six hundred and forty. Your Reverence's servant,


    Gregorio Belin"


14. This despatch reached Butuan at a time when the alcalde-mayor,
Atienza, was there. Each one received his letter. Attentive to the
urgency of the danger, they arranged a speedy relief expedition. The
"Padre Capitan," Fray Agustin, and the alcalde-mayor set out in that
expedition with what men they could gather on the spur of the moment,
marching across mountains and conquering innumerable difficulties,
at the cost of immense hardships. Finally, they reached their
destination, making a jest of the passes filled with the enemy when
they came within sight of the besieged presidio. The fort was so beset
that its occupants no longer had any hopes of relief; for the Moros,
seeing their inventions of the rafts frustrated, arranged on land some
strong carts mounted on four wheels, which they filled with straw and
dry grass. They pushed these carts near the fort, and setting fire to
that combustible material, continued their bombarding under cover of
that heavy smoke. That would have proved so offensive to the besieged,
and much worse had the fire caught the fort, that they would have
been obliged to burn or surrender. But before those contrivances were
finished, the universal hunger which was weakening their stomachs was
proving more cruel than they; for the magazines contained only wine
for the masses, and hosts. They determined to take the last communion,
and to give up their lives to such ravage, on the twenty-ninth day
of so desperate a siege. The sight of the two captains rejoiced the
fort. They undertook to break up the siege. Arranging their troops in
order and drawing them up in military array, they attacked sword in
hand, and with so great valor and spirit that they caused the position
to be evacuated in less than two hours, and freed that presidio,
which was well near its ruin, from all the enemy.

15. Once masters of themselves, the Spaniards discussed a bloody
vengeance. They fitted up a boat, together with the other one that
they had captured. Then sailing out on the lake, they were joined by
some large boats, so that they formed a considerable squadron, with
which they attacked the settlements. Those settlements were deserted,
because all had taken to the mountains, after ruining their houses
and destroying their fields. It was a warning, to all, of the little
advance that the war made when they thus yielded the field to the
soldiers. Captain Vermudez, having been despatched, finished burning
and destroying the little that had remained. In order not to expose the
troops to another and more severe siege, he considered that expense
and fatigue as a useless thing, and determined to retreat, and with
those arms and stores to fortify Bayug. He left the arrangement of it
to the skill of father Fray Agustin, who so conducted the retreat in
the marches of the men and in the transportation of the artillery,
that he did not lose a single man, although there were ambushes and
dangerous passes. For so brilliant a feat, Father Belin and Captains
Atienza and Vermudez compared him in their letters to the heroes most
renowned in valor and military skill, so much did they accredit his
conduct. Had it not been a scheme of the Jesuits, these achievements
would have led to his remaining with Captain Vermudez; and the fort
would have been completed, and his fame alone would have subdued these
Moros. But the Jesuits caused such troubles that the well-planned
and extensive arrangements of the superior government were of none
effect. Therefore he descended to the seashore with all the men,
and they erected a fort upon the bar of the river of Iligan. The men
of the garrison were left in charge of Adjutant Francisco Alfaro,
a man of valor and experience, who was accustomed to fighting with
the Moros. Captain Vermudez returned to Manila to make a full report
of occurrences to the governor, and the necessity of the final
decision. The matter rested at this point for the time being.






NEWS FROM FILIPINAS, 1640-42

    A true account by the discalced religious of the convent of
    St. Francis of Filipinas, to be sent to the reverend fathers
    and superiors of the order; containing in substance all that
    happened in those parts and in Japon from the month of June, 1640
    to the twenty-sixth of July in 1641. Notable miracles; glorious
    martyrdoms; discoveries of new provinces, rich and fertile;
    likewise news from the governor of Terrenate, and other matters.


The Japanese have expelled from their kingdom all the Portuguese
of Macan who were there trading, notifying them that they were not
to return, under pain of death and loss of property. It seemed to
the Portuguese of Macan that Japon would change its decree if they
carried assurance from Filipinas that no religious would be sent to
Japon. With this embassy prominent persons came to Manila, in the name
of the city of Macan, to whom the archbishop, the governor, and all
the authorities and religious orders conceded, if not all that was
asked, at least what seemed to them sufficient for the purpose. This
probably would have been satisfactory, had the disposition of the
people of Macan been consistent; but while the question of what ought
to be done was still being debated in Manila, they, without waiting
for the final decision, departed for Japon (so the fullest account
says). Upon arriving in that country, the Japanese inflicted death,
which is regarded as that of martyrs, upon sixty or more persons who
sailed the ship of the embassy, burning them and the goods that they
carried. Thirteen or fourteen persons of the most ordinary class were
spared, that they might carry the news to Macan. Thus was closed the
traffic which that city had with Japon, which kept Macan alive and
to which it owed its existence.

In the year 41 on the fourth of January, at nine o'clock in the
morning, in all parts of these islands, the noise in the air of
musketry, artillery, and war drums was very distinctly and clearly
heard; and in whatever town or place it was heard, it seemed to be
about half a legua distant. This has given much cause for reflection,
because, although they say there has been a loud noise from a
volcano which was in a state of eruption in the kingdom of Mindanao,
[23] that does not seem to be a satisfactory explanation. Since
the various parts of the islands are so distant and separated, and
the wind must necessarily carry the sound to some parts, and drive
it away from others, it does not seem possible for the sound to be
alike everywhere. Among the common people it is considered a prodigy,
and causes not a little dread--especially on account of the Sangley
still being exasperated at the deaths and punishment of his people
in the insurrection of last year; and because the said Sangleys have
made friends with the Dutch, who are powerful in these parts by the
seizure of Malaca. [24]

During the month of May of this year, news arrived from reliable source
that the said city of Malaca had been taken--some say through famine
[of the besieged]; while others say it would not have been taken had
there not been traitors within the city, who delivered it up. This
was a great loss; and in writing of it the governor of Terrenate,
Don Francisco Suarez de Figueroa says:




Paragraph from the letter of the governor of Terrenate

"The latest news is that the enemy, the Dutch, have conquered Malaca
with twenty-five ships, with which they surrounded it. Some slanderers
say that the enemy could not have taken it had there not been traitors
within who delivered it up--and I understand that it was known who
they were, through letters by certain persons from Macazar who went to
that city. This is the greatest loss that has been suffered in these
parts. It is also said that by August next twenty-five ships will
come here, and that they are to go to Manila; of this I am notifying
the governor, that he may exercise vigilance. It is very necessary to
strengthen the defenses of the fort at Hilohilo, and to garrison it
with a hundred men, as it is there that the enemy goes first before
sailing to Manila." Thus writes the Governor of Terrenate.




Paragraph from the letter of father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria

In regard to the fears that were prevalent, Father Antonio de Santa
Maria, lecturer in theology and a trustworthy religious, wrote from
Macan the following paragraph:

"During the month of August last it was said in M [blank space in
original; probably "Macao that a"] grand mandarin of war, Yguan
by name, intended to go to Manila to avenge the deaths of his
countrymen. He was a notable pirate, but is now said to be a friend
of the Dutch, though he formerly gave battle to them and sometimes
burned their ships. He has with him a number of negroes, fugitives
from Macan, who understand very well the management of firearms. It
would not be a mistake to be on the lookout for them, and be supplied
with provisions and munition, because the Dutch are very arrogant. In
China they have lost their fear of the Spaniards; and Filipinas, when
I left there, were without men or vessels. Thus it would be seen that
this colony is actively threatened from all parts and has great reason
for fear. With the insurrection and war of the Sangleys, and with the
previous wars in Mindanao and Joló, the largest and best part of the
troops were destroyed; and those who were left are occupied in many
garrisons." Here ends the quotation from the letter of Fray Antonio.

The three Dutch ships which, the governor of Terrenate wrote, had
started for these islands about the eighth of April, arrived at
the Embocadero and cape of Espiritu Santo on the twenty-seventh of
said month; and thus far we know not whether they have set out from
there. On the other hand, daily advices come of the great vigilance
with which they scour those waters in various parts, in order to
seize the ships that are going or coming from Nueva España--for
which purpose they have a patache which goes ten leguas to sea in
the direction of the parallel of eleven and one-half degrees, which
is the route by which the ships [from Nueva España] must come. They
also have others, five or six lanchas or small boats, with which they
run from place to place in order to give warning to the galleons that
are in port. While this colony was in the distress that this emergency
must cause, our Lord was pleased to bring the ship from Nueva España
this year, miraculously, from among its enemies without their seeing
it. It made port outside the Embocadero, at a place called Borongan,
on the second of July this year; and on the nineteenth of the said
month a Spaniard arrived in this city with a letter from a father
of the Society, in which he announced that the ship had arrived that
day. He said that it came with Don N. Pacheco as commander and that the
commander who went from here had died; and that many of our religious
were coming, and others of St. Augustine. Thus and thus writes the
said father of the Society, because another had written it to him;
it is now one week that we have been waiting for the packets and
advices, and today, the twenty-sixth of July, we have no news of
a soul that had been aboard the ship, nor even a letter from that
place. Our perplexity begins anew, and some even doubt whether the
ship has reached land. If it has arrived, God brings this city help,
which will be a great defense for the future. And if on account of
our sins it may not arrive, little hope is entertained for aid if the
enemy come; and much more is he to be feared should he ally himself
with the Sangleys. May God prevent this, as He can.




Another paragraph from the letter of father Fray Antonio de Santa Maria

"They say also that the following prodigies have occurred in the
kingdom of China. In Pequin, where the court is, they say there was
a dense darkness for the space of three days; cinders rained in other
parts. The earth gushed forth blood, and a quantity of it was caught
in vases. A bell in one of their temples rang of its own accord;
and the rocks, when struck with blows, sounded like the beat of
drums. Two or three towns, not many days' journey from Macan, were
swallowed up by the earth with their people and buildings. And even
now in another town, not far from there, they say that serpents are
coming out of the sea--very large and hideous, with horns--and with
their assault they overthrow the buildings and houses, and slay the
people; and that returning to the water they again come out, make a
capture, and immediately return to the sea."

Besides the above-mentioned news from Japon concerning our religious,
the said father Fray Antonio, while drawing up authentic information
on behalf of our order, writes in his letter the following paragraph:

"In the year 1637, they also say, there were in Japon some three or
four religious of the Order of St. Francis who traveled through that
country to the remotest regions of the kingdom on the far north,
to a province of the said kingdom of Japan called Canga. [25] It
is said that the emperor commanded that the tono, or petty king,
of that province be notified that he should be most vigilant and
careful that no Christian whatever should enter his lands; and that
he responded to the emperor that quiet reigned in his territory, and
that there was no necessity to treat his vassals harshly. This petty
king, they say, is an uncle or relative of the true king of Japon,
who has disappeared. [26] This I saw in one of the relations written
by the Portuguese there in Japon."

I have just completed the official statements regarding our martyrs,
and have finished transcribing them; two copies of them I send now,
the other I will carry or send to your Lordship. The martyrs of whom
this report is made are: Fray Luys Gomez, Fray Gabriel, Fray Juan
Torrilla, Fray Gines de Quesada, and Fray Geronimo de la Cruz--who
is that Japanese priest who, when I came from Spain, was in that
church of the Japanese (in our war of Dilao [27]) at the side of,
or a little behind the well. The holy Fray Luys Gomez is one of those
who in former years were summoned by the emperor in order to question
them about our holy faith; he was eighty-four years of age and had
spent forty in Japon. He died hanged in a cave, head down, with two
Japanese helpers [dogicos], in company with Father Sebastian Viera,
and four other native helpers of theirs. In the official account
which the Society drew up about their father, our Fray Luys is also
included. The holy Fray Gabriel de la Madalena, or Fonseca, after
having suffered the torture of hot water was burned alive, in company
with Fray Geronimo, a Japanese, in the little cottage of the latter,
on the third of September, 1632; Fray Luis, on the sixth of June,
1634. Marvelous things, enough to fill a large book are related of Fray
Gabriel. It is common knowledge that when he prayed he was many times
raised above the ground, and that he often disappeared for a time from
the eyes of those present. From various small herbs that he gathered
he made medicines, with which he wrought miraculous cures. While he
was being burned, they say, he rose in the air two cubits [codos],
and while praying in the mountains this was an ordinary occurrence.

Besides the conversions in China and Japon, the Lord has revealed,
through the medium of his servants the sons of our father Saint
Francis, another and by no means small multitude of people who
desire with all sincerity to receive holy baptism, and to attain
the knowledge of the truth--regarding whom the governor of Terrenate
already mentioned says, in the following paragraph taken from one of
his letters:




Paragraph from the letter of the governor of Terrenate

"Father Fray Juan Iranço, [28] who is in Manados, [29] states,
in a letter which he has written to me, that there have been
discovered more than fifty villages, large and small; that the
people are numerous, for, counting men, women, and children, they
number more than fifteen thousand. In this estimate he falls short,
for the Spaniards who are there have told me that there are more
than a hundred thousand souls, who desire to be Christians. In this
connection I wrote to the governor last year, but his Lordship did
not answer me in regard to this, nor about many things which I have
written concerning the government. Reverend Father, for the love of
God, agitate this with the governor, and send religious. The soil is
fertile, the people are extremely industrious, of stout build, and
white. Rice and other grains abound. I am now sending a champan with
twelve Spaniards, and a religious of the order to accompany and aid
Father Juan Iranço. The latter sent thirteen or fourteen Indian chiefs
of Manados, in order that they might return to him as Christians; they
were baptized in this convent of San Antonio, and are now returning
in this champan. They made a great feast on the day when they were
baptized, dressing themselves with their shirts arranged after the
Spanish fashion. All this, and the conversion of Manados and Tabuca,
have been very fully described by father Fray Francisco Chavarria
and the other religious who are here and in Manados and Tacuba,
to whom I refer as being religious of exemplary life."

This is a summary of the information from here, concerning the
conversions as well as the state of these islands. May God our Lord
dispose all things as best pleases Him, for His greater glory and
for the good of all Christianity.

(Transcribed from the original letter in Ciudad de los Angeles [i.e.,
Puebla de los Angeles, in Mexico].)


All this country has been afflicted, not only by the great drouth
that prevails--for there has been no rain for eight months, which
occasions excessive heat; and the rice, the usual food in this
country, cannot be sown, and a great famine is feared--but because
four Dutch ships are in the passage through which comes the succor
from Mexico, the soldiers, silver, and other supplies; and as news
[of the galleon] did not come, some misfortune was feared. But on the
thirteenth of July God was pleased that it should make port in safety,
leaving the Dutchmen hoaxed; it did not arrive at the port of Cavite,
but at another, at a distance of three days' journey by land, and it
could not reach Cavite until September. With the ship came the news
of the revolutions in Portugal and Cataluña, a very unfortunate and
dangerous affair. The Portuguese who were here from Macan went to
the governor, and on the part of that city rendered anew obedience
to King Filipo Fourth (whom may God preserve). They declared that in
no event would they accept the Portuguese revolt, and that, in case
India joined the said rebellion, they would always desire to remain
under the protection of Castilla; and documents to this effect were
drawn up in due form. May God be pleased to quiet those great tumults,
and give peace to Christian people!

The usual enemy from Mindanao, Burney, Jolo, and Camucon, did not
inflict any damage on the islands this year, because they did not
sally out in force; but much trouble is feared for the coming year,
on which account negotiations for peace are being conducted with
the Mindanaos. For, although we have four forts in that island,
it is so large that its people go out to plunder without our being
able to stop them entirely. Joló is now at peace, for which much aid
was rendered by Father Francisco Colin, provincial of the Society,
who went to visit those islands; but I do not know whether the peace
will last. The Christian villages of Mindanao and Jolo are very
gradually being brought to a peaceable condition; and as those people
are devoted Moors [i.e., Mahometans], the gospel makes little headway
among them. Nevertheless, there are some conversions all the time; and
at least the children will be good Christians. [Here follow reports
of the news from the other countries named in the title.] This is a
summary of the matters of which I have present information. Manila,
July 25, 1642. [30]






DECREE REGARDING THE INDIANS


The King. To Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia therein: I commanded the issue
of a decree of the following tenor:

"The King. To Don Sevastian Hurtado de Corcuera [here follow his titles
as above], or to the person or persons in whose charge the government
may be: it has been noticed in my royal Council of the Yndias that
the Indian natives of the province of Pampanga, those of Camarines,
and the Tagálogs have rendered service, and still do so, with much
affection and loyalty, ever since they were first conquered, without
any of them having rebelled; that they serve in war together with
the Spaniards, with extraordinary vigilance; and that they likewise
serve in that city [i.e., Manila] as oarsmen and pioneers, on all
occasions when armed fleets are equipped, with both their persons and
their property--especially the Pampangos and the Tagálogs. And because
it is just that they should know how much I value their fidelity and
watchfulness, I have thought best to ordain and command to you (as I
do) that, since these things are so, you shall be especially mindful
of the said Indians of the three provinces above mentioned, and give
them much encouragement, for this purpose summoning their chief men--in
order that they may always continue to serve me with the same zeal,
fidelity, and affection as they have hitherto displayed. Dated at
Madrid on the fifteenth of July in the year one thousand six hundred
and thirty-six.


I the King

By command of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon"

And now on the part of Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, permanent
procurator-general for that city of Manila, he has reminded me that
by the decree here inserted I commanded that you should summon the
headmen of the Indian natives of those islands, and in my royal name
thank them for the willingness with which they have always aided my
royal service, as is more fully set forth in the said decree; and
that more than ten thousand of them served me on the occasion of the
Sangley insurrection, with much valor and good-will, seconding the
citizens of that city. He declares that they deserve that I should
reward them, in order to encourage them to continue their service
when occasion shall offer; and entreats that I will be pleased to
command the issue of a decree giving them much praise, since it is
very desirable to give them prompt encouragement, that they may also
serve and conduct themselves with so great loyalty and faithfulness in
other so pressing emergencies. He asks that you will relieve them,
and exempt them from some of the many burdens that they carry;
for thus they will be encouraged to render me service. The matter
having been discussed in my royal Council of the Yndias, considering
how just it is to honor, favor, and reward them, in order that they
may render greater and more willing obedience to all that shall be
ordered to them for my service, I command that you immediately summon
the headmen of the Indians, and make known to them in my behalf the
esteem that I have for them personally for the courage, affection, and
good-will with which they have rendered assistance when emergencies
have arisen, and especially in the Sangley insurrection, by which
I consider myself well served. You shall give them thanks for this,
and favor and reward them in all possible ways, endeavoring to secure
their relief, convenience, and comfort. Such is my will; and I shall
especially appreciate all that you shall accomplish for their relief
and honor. Dated at Çaragoça, on the twenty-fourth of October in the
year one thousand six hundred and forty-two.


I the King

By command of the king our sovereign: Don Gabriel de Ocaña y Alarcon
Signed by the Council.






FORMOSA LOST TO SPAIN

    Brief relation of the loss of the island of Hermosa; of the
    strength and puissance which the Dutch enemy now has in those
    parts of Yndia; and of his designs and intentions after having
    made peace with the Portuguese, and having therefore ceased to
    wage war against them in those regions of Yndia.


It is well known that it is the great desire of the Dutch enemy, which
he has always had, to make himself master of Yndia and its riches,
in order with these to continue and push forward his revolt [against
Spain], and to encourage attacks against the armies of the king our
sovereign--who so justly wages war against the Dutch, in order to
bring down their arrogance and destroy their wild heresies. These
desires have been very evident, since they have set themselves to
the task, and--God permitting this for our sins--have already seized
much territory in Yndia; and hardly is there a coast in that country
where they have not settled and fortified themselves, enjoying its
riches. In especial, they have now, in recent years, seized the city
of Malaca, a port and passage that is necessary and very useful for
going from Yndia to Great China and Japon; and in Ceilan [i.e., Ceylon]
they captured a stronghold called Punta de Gali, and, near the bar of
Goa, a carrack (a large galleon) which was coming from the kingdom of
Portugal, despatched after the insurrection. Besides this, they seized
near the same bar a patache which was coming from Macao with ivory,
and two hundred cates of gold, and other rich goods; and now they
actually occupy a post near Goa, and are expecting to make themselves
masters of all Yndia (unless our Lord shall intercept their designs),
by means of this unstable peace which they have now made with the
Portuguese. It is very plain that such is the case; for when the order
came from Holanda to the Dutch to establish peace with the Portuguese,
the former replied to the captain-general and those of his council to
the Prince of Orange, and to the Company, saying that peace was not
expedient for them in Yndia, because affairs were in such condition
that they were confident that Yndia could be conquered within four
years. Thereupon, reply was sent to them that, notwithstanding this
argument, they should negotiate the said peace, because that was
expedient at this time for the liberty of their native land--since,
the king of España having his attention thus diverted in Portugal,
the Dutch could find therein the opportunity to set their country free.

And not only has this their insatiable and lawless desire extended
to making themselves masters of Yndia, as has been already stated,
but they are eager to gain possession of what belongs to the crown of
Castilla--the city of Manila, Terrenate, Hermosa Island, and other
places--in order that thus they may remain alone and more free to
enjoy the produce and benefit of all the islands and kingdoms of those
regions. The truth of this is made evident by their frequently coming
to Manila with many galleons--twenty-two, twenty-four, or twenty-five;
but they did not succeed very well there. On that account, and because
they recognized that our strength was considerable, and since they were
occupied in Yndia against the Portuguese, they withdrew for several
years, and returned no more to Manila until now. At present they have
become fat on the labor of others, and are disengaged in Yndia; and,
knowing well that Manila has not much strength, they intend to wage a
very grievous war, carrying it on by weakening our forces, in order
thus more safely to make themselves masters of the city and possess
its wealth--which, they say with much glee, is very great. With this
object, they have come to the Embocadero, during the last two years
of 41 and 42, to await the ships which come from Nueva España. In this
year of 43 they were going again to the same place, with more ships and
forces, and with much caution; but, if they are not able to capture
the galleons, they will try to burn them with their own old ships,
which they take with them for this purpose. Moreover, this year they
are going to try to intercept the succor to Terrenate; and last year
they seized the island of Hermosa with a strong force, almost all
[the posts] at one time. This was something almost incredible to
those who have seen their strength and power in recent times; and
it was all done with the object of afterward attacking Manila with
the aid of the Sangleys--with whom, as I was told by a trustworthy
person in Jacatra, the Dutch had secret negotiations for an assault
on Manila. This is so certain that afterward, while I was in the
kingdom of Malaca, visiting the king, a letter came to him from the
Dutch. It was written in the Portuguese language, and he caused it
to be read in my presence and that of some Castilians and Portuguese
who were there. After complaining of the king because he had aided
the people of Amboino, the Dutch said in this letter that they had
already taken the island of Hermosa from the Castilians; and that in
a short time they would drive the latter from Maluco and the Manilas
([their name] for the Filipinas Islands).

Commencing, then, our relation, and first as regards the loss of
Hermosa Island, I say that it was and is a certain and notorious
fact that the Dutch enemy, carried away by his evil desire and
damnable intentions (as at the beginning has been stated), attacked
Hermosa Island about September in the past year of 1641; [31] and,
not being able to capture it, since God had blinded and hindered
him, remained more obstinate and hardened in his first object and
pretension. Accordingly, he desisted only until the following year,
1642, and about August he returned with a stronger force--so large a
one that with it he could overcome ours; and so he seized the island,
and made himself master of it, which occurred thus.

Having obtained a foothold, the said Dutch enemy spent part of
April and almost all of May in that year, with two champans and a
round sailing vessel called "filipote" [i.e., flyboat], near the
headland which they call Punta del Diablo, in sight of our forts,
[32] awaiting the succor which about that time was to come from
Manila. They retired to the river of Tan-Chuy, with a prize which
they made there, a small champan from China, which came from that
kingdom to Hermosa Island to carry supplies and merchandise; in it was
traveling a religious of St. Dominic, in the garb of a Sangley. With
this prize, and for another reason, that a sharp north wind suddenly
arose, they retired, as I have said, to Tan-Chuy. Just at this time
came the succor which the governor of Manila was sending; this ship,
arriving at the cape called Santa Catalina, received news that the
enemy was expecting it. On this account, our people took refuge in
the port of San Lorenzo, as they carried orders from Manila to do so,
in case they encountered enemies. They remained there seven or eight
days, until, having received information from the island that the
enemy had gone away, they left that port, and pursuing their voyage,
entered our harbor and fort.

Afterward (but not until the thirteenth of the month of August), one
afternoon at nightfall there arrived at our port a little champan,
so small that it made the Spaniards wonder at it when they saw it
approach. This vessel came, despatched in all haste, from the island
that they call Isla de Pescadores, which is twelve leguas from the
Dutch fort. In that island is an excellent harbor, in which the great
galleons of the Dutch anchor, because they cannot make an entrance
at their forts on account of the shallow water there. The little
champan came for the sole purpose of warning an infidel Sangley named
Gui-nu--who was captain of a champan that had arrived not long before
from Manila, to get wheat and cloth to carry to that city--that
the Dutch were ready to attack Hermosa Island within four or five
days. For this they had five ships, with five hundred Dutchmen,
and large supplies of provisions, besides other ships which had not
yet arrived; accordingly, word was sent to Gui-nu to leave our port
at once. He who wrote and sent the despatch, who was a friend of
the said Sangley, told him further to go away at all events, since
the enemy was coming, not as in the previous year, but with a much
greater force; and therefore it seemed to the writer that the Dutch
would seize the island without fail.

With news so reliable as this, and with the information obtained from
the Indians, the governor was persuaded of its truth, and that the
enemy was returning with the strength and force that was stated;
besides, he had heard of it in letters from Manila. Accordingly
he immediately took measures to put himself in as good a state of
defense as possible. As he was warned by Indians from the river of
Tan-Chuy that this year the enemy would come from the east side,
where there is a low sand-bank which extends from the sea to the
harbor, and on it is a fort or small tower, not very strong, he
ordered two pieces of artillery to be placed on an eminence which
commands the said tower. While they were finishing this fortification,
on the nineteenth of the month of August, the armada of the enemy
appeared in sight. This was composed of four large ships, a patache,
a large champan, and a flyboat; and besides all these vessels there
were four other ships which had not arrived. Each vessel trailed two
faluas astern, besides other and smaller boats which they carried
for landing their men. On that day when the enemy appeared, about
twelve or one o'clock, they stood inshore with the largest ship and
the patache, making for the eminence to which our men had retired;
but they tried to protect themselves from our artillery behind a
small hill that stood there, in order thus to land their men more
easily and safely. But as they could not shelter themselves as fully
as they wished, on account of the currents which drove the ships
beyond the hill, the artillery of our stronghold (the commander of
which was Don Martin de Arechaga) compelled the enemy to retire to the
sea--the chief pilot of their ship and other men having been killed,
as the Dutch afterward told us. The ship being pierced with three or
four cannon-balls, they retreated; on seeing this, the governor sent
what men he could spare to the lookout station.

That night the enemy remained at anchor in the place to which they
had retreated, until the morning of the next day. Then, having held
a council, they set sail, and all five of their sailing-vessels
directed their course toward the low sand-bank I have mentioned,
which is at the eastern side of the island, in order to attempt a
landing there, as we had already been informed. But the flagship,
on approaching and reconnoitering the narrow entrance, saw that it
had a new defense and guard in the tower below. The commander of this
tower, who was Alférez Diego Felipe, commanded that a cannon-shot be
fired; the enemy, seeing by this that they were recognized and their
designs forestalled, and that now they could not gain any advantage
there, turned the flagship back toward the sea, where the rest of the
ships were waiting for it. Having reached their station, the Dutch
commander called another council of the leaders and captains; the
upshot of this was, that, considering that their antagonists there
were already on the defensive, they should make an attack at once,
come what might, as they knew very well, through the Sangleys, how
many men we had. For even if they lost many of their own men they
were not in absolute need of so many [as they had], and they might
kill our men with but little loss; and, the lookout once gained,
all would be theirs, for they would have such an advantage over us
that they could always injure us, without our being able to harm them.

Their consultation being concluded about one o'clock, they forthwith
proceeded to take men with the faluas from two of the ships, which
remained with a few men, and with the champan and the flyboat, to
guard the entrances to the harbor; and the three other ships, with many
small boats which they carried for this purpose, approached near the
land, behind the shelter of the hill, where they would be entirely
out of the range of the artillery in our stronghold. Having cast
anchor there, they proceeded to send ashore their soldiers with the
faluas and small boats, landing them at the edge of the sea, because
they feared some of our musketeers who were on land. On this account,
having embarked the men [in the boats], they rowed rapidly toward the
shore, and meanwhile kept the field clear, from the ships, with their
artillery and musketry, while their trumpets sounded the attack. Thus
they came to land, where our men awaited them--twelve of our Spanish
soldiers, eight Pampangos, and thirty or forty Indian natives [i.e.,
of Formosa] who were bowmen. The governor had resolved to send this
number of men into the field, and no more, for he suspected that the
enemy would attempt to land more troops in another place. Our men made
a brave stand, and went down to the shore, and killed many of the
enemy as they landed, on account of the latter coming, as they did,
so crowded together in their boats. Thus our men fired their guns
at a crowd, and some used three balls at one shot; and the Indian
bowmen, who were very skilful, also inflicted much damage on the
Dutch, all the more as they came boldly on. They followed out their
design until they landed their men; and then, as they were numerous
and our men few, they steadily gained the upper hand and wounded
some of our soldiers. Thereupon the latter began to retreat slowly,
three of their men being seriously wounded--one of whom remained on
the field, where he soon died; the two others made their way as best
they could to the fort, where one died and the other recovered.

Thus the enemy proceeded to ascend the slope until they succeeded
in obtaining possession of the lookout and the height, where they
immediately stationed more than three hundred white men; this gave
opportunity for the rest of their men, five hundred more, to disembark
and come to land. Then they set up their tents, in a place where they
could store much food, and immediately sent ashore all their supplies,
on the side from which it could not be seen from our forts. Afterward
they also sent ashore much artillery and a mortar; of these pieces
they carried two to the lookout station--cannons of eight and ten
pound balls--and with other small pieces with which they bombarded us,
not only in the stronghold, but in the great fort below. Their balls
reached everything, on all sides, and everything was visible and
uncovered from the lookout station; this was very evident, since a
cannon-ball [struck] the parapet of the fosse belonging to the great
fort, and passed on, carrying away a stone from the cavalier of San
Sebastian in the same fort.

Affairs being now in the said condition, we continued to make ready
our retirade, [33] and were expecting that the enemy would begin
with baskets [i.e., filled with earth] or would be fortified in
some other manner in order to make an assault; but this did not
occur, as they made no fort at the lookout, which would rise above
the land about. However, on the side next the sea they made on the
mountain a large esplanade, from which they fired the cannons; and,
this done, they opened in the mountain itself two mouths, as it were,
in the shape of trenches, through which they brought the cannons to
bear, and bombarded us openly, while from our retirade we could not
discover their men or more than barely see the mouths of the cannon
in their artillery.

After this manner the war lasted five days, until the day of the
glorious apostle St. Bartholomew, the twenty-fourth of August, when
they bombarded and overthrew the wall of our retirade--which we had
finished building, but it was not finished inside, nor did it contain
any lodgings. As the Dutchmen afterward said, they fired that day,
with the two cannon and from the fleet, one hundred and eight times;
it was so arranged that while the cannon were being loaded there
was no cessation of firing from all the musketry--which they had
stationed at the top of the lookout, in files, directing the men to
shelter themselves behind the hill, and to load their muskets while
the artillery was at work. This they did so incessantly that it
seemed to be the Judgment Day; and they gave no respite to our men,
who were few in number and worn out with fatigue.

The wall being now thrown down, and many men being slain--among
them Alférez Juan de Valdes, a very valiant soldier--and many others
wounded, and the rest of the troops being exhausted with the incessant
fighting for five days and nights, and a palisade which we occupied
having been broken into with iron bars: the enemy formed four troops
for assaulting the retirade. This they did, and entered without
ladders, since the walls were thrown down, as I said. This being
perceived from above by our men, some of these, of the baser sort,
fled through the gate; while others leaped over the wall, on the
side next our fort, which they succeeded in reaching. Others who were
above with Captain Valentin de Arechaga, fighting with the enemies,
and, as they say, retreating, drove the enemy back on their haunches;
and thence they retreated to the fort below. Two others, Spanish boys,
hid themselves--one in the powder-house, the other in a water-tank;
the enemy slew the former, thinking that he intended to set fire to
the powder, and the other they took captive.

Being now masters of the retirade, they trained a cannon from it (for
they had no other left), mounted, against our men; and at the same
time they sent a white flag with one of their men, demanding that,
since they now held all the place as their own, we should surrender,
since there was still opportunity to escape with our lives. He said
that if we did not yield there would be no advantage for us in doing
so, and there would be nothing to expect but death. The governor
received this envoy, for he saw that what they said was true, and that
we had no hope or refuge in the world, nor could even hope to delay the
catastrophe; and he considered that by not accepting their proposal he
was exposing to death more than four hundred innocent souls--children,
women, servants, roadmakers, and soldiers--and that the soldiers did
not amount to forty effective men. He saw that there was no hope of
doing more than to die for the sake of dying; but if relief could be
hoped for by any means, or he could see any indication that they could
resist the enemy, he and his men were all determined to die rather
than yield up anything of their rights. But he concluded that they
were able to resist no longer, as I have said; and considered that
any one who understood the occasion well, and who knew the opportunity
and advantage and superior strength that the enemy had, and what our
men had done in every way, would not rashly condemn his course. For
in order to form a proper judgment of anything, to see it and be on
the spot is very different from hearing it afar, and, as they say,
talking from behind the palings. The governor replied to him who
came to offer this settlement that he would consult his officers
as to what ought to be done and what should seem most expedient;
and that afterward he would return answer in accordance with such
decision. Thereupon the bearer of the white flag went away, and the
governor placed the matter before his followers and the religious
who were there. It seemed to all that, considering that the enemy
had now demolished and gained the retirade and the eminence, which
was the mainstay and guard of the fort below, and that now without
any doubt the fort was practically in their possession--[which they
could accomplish] without the loss of a single man, but with the
death of all our people; without need for attacking us, but simply
by driving us out--the best possible terms ought to be secured, and
that accordingly we should surrender. For [they considered that, to
justify] exposing all those people to death there must be some hope
[of success or relief], of wh

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