The Seventh Regiment: A Record
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Title: The Seventh Regiment: A Record
Author: George L. Wood
Release date: January 28, 2014 [eBook #44783]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SEVENTH REGIMENT: A RECORD ***
Transcriber's Note: Minor typographical errors have been corrected
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THE SEVENTH REGIMENT:
A RECORD.
BY
MAJOR GEORGE L. WOOD.
NEW YORK:
PUBLISHED BY JAMES MILLER,
(SUCCESSOR TO C. S. FRANCIS & CO.,)
522 BROADWAY.
1865.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865,
BY JAMES MILLER,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for
the Southern District of New York.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
The following pages were written for the purpose of making a permanent
record of the facts within the author's knowledge relating to the
Seventh Ohio Regiment. The work was undertaken with the belief that the
doings and sufferings of the regiment were of sufficient magnitude and
importance to entitle it to a separate record. It has been extremely
difficult to obtain facts, on account of so large a portion of the
members still being in the service. The book is, therefore, written
principally from memory. If it serves to perpetuate in the minds of the
public the hardships, as well as long and faithful service, of this
gallant regiment, then the object of the author is accomplished.
WARREN, _May, 1865_.
PREFACE.
This preface to the history of the Seventh Ohio Volunteer Infantry is
written at the request of the accomplished author of the book; but
without having read it, seen it, or heard its contents. I have,
however, such confidence in the ability, honesty, candor, good
judgment, and good taste of my old friend and "companion in arms,"
that, for myself, I take his work on trust, and in cheerful faith
commend it to others.
But was there a demand for another book on the war? Or were the doings
and sufferings of one regiment, among the thousands engaged in the war,
of such interest as to demand a separate history? These are questions
the author doubtless weighed carefully before he began to write; and
his answer to them is his book. I agree with him. This nation has a
deep, and will have a lasting, interest in the war. We have been making
history of unrivalled, perhaps of unequalled, importance to the world
during the past four years. We ourselves cannot comprehend the
magnitude of the work we have been doing, or, rather, that God has been
doing through us. The successful revolts of the Netherlanders against
the tyranny of Philip II.--of the Puritans against the tyranny of
Charles I.--of the republicans against the tyranny of George III.,
dwindle to insignificance (important as they were) in comparison with
the successful revolt of the loyal, Union-loving, freedom-loving
citizens of this Republic against the tyranny of treason and slavery.
It was a great fight for a great cause, and God has given us a great
victory. There was not a nation on earth that was not interested in the
conflict. Ay, it concerned our common humanity. All this will be seen
more clearly and felt more deeply twenty, fifty, a hundred years hence
than now. But to transmit and perpetuate the fruits of this victory we
must have records of the war--many records, made from many different
points of view, and of many kinds, great and small. The history of this
war is not yet written, perhaps cannot be successfully written for many
years yet. And that it may one day be written as it should be, every
regiment that has a story to tell should tell it. These regimental
histories will be invaluable to the Bancroft who, fifty years hence,
shall write the history of this war. The world is only beginning to
understand the true character and vocation of history--_to make the
past live in the present_; not in great pageants, not in processions
of kings, princes, and mighty conquerors, but _in the common every-day
speech and deeds of the people_. When Merle d'Aubigné would write the
History of the Reformation, he wrote to Guizot for counsel. Guizot
encouraged him, and counselled him to proceed, but added, "_Give us
facts, incidents, details._" This counsel chimed with the purpose
and genius of d'Aubigné, and the result was a history that, though
it discusses doctrines and themes commonly held to be dry and
uninteresting, has for old and young, and men of all classes, all the
charm of romance. In this, his "facts, incidents, details," equally
with his fascinating style, lies the charm of the histories of
Macaulay. But that historians may write such histories--that the
historian of this war may write such a history, the "facts, incidents,
details" must be on record. There is a demand, therefore, for another
book, for many other books, on the war.
In addition to this, every regiment of the grand Army of the Union in
this war has its own history, of peculiar interest to its own especial
friends. And I have faith in what Dr. O. W. Holmes once said: "I would
not give a fig for a man every one of whose geese were not better than
any other man's swans." To us of the old Seventh "all our geese were
swans." Whether others believed in us or not, we had faith in ourselves
and in one another; we were a mutual admiration society of a thousand
and odd men. And the fact is, that, for some reason, but what I cannot
say, the Seventh Regiment, from the day it was mustered into service to
the day it was mustered out, was always the pride and pet of Ohio, of
Northern Ohio especially. In this respect it never had a rival. True,
it was a well-disciplined, gallant, fighting regiment; but so were many
others. True, it had brave and accomplished officers; but so had many
others. True, it had in the ranks men of refinement, education, and
high social position; but so had many others. I am at a loss to account
for it, but the fact nevertheless was as I have stated it; and as its
deeds corresponded with its renown, _its_ doings, of all others, demand
a permanent record. And, if I am not mistaken, the reader of the
following pages who shall follow the Seventh from the day it was
mustered into service, in Cleveland, in 1861, to the day the pitiful
remnant of it, after tramping and fighting over almost half the Union,
were mustered out of service, in Cleveland, in 1864, will find in them
ample compensation for his time.
F. T. B.
CHICAGO, ILL., _May, 1865_.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE FALL OF SUMTER.--CIVIL WAR BEGUN.--PREPARATIONS BY THE SOUTH.
--NOBILITY. 13
CHAPTER II.
THE PRESIDENT'S CALL FOR TROOPS.--ORGANIZATION OF THE SEVENTH.--
ITS DEPARTURE FOR CAMP DENNISON.--ITS REORGANIZATION AND DEPARTURE
FOR THE FIELD. 19
CHAPTER III.
THE PURSUIT OF GENERAL WISE.--TYLER ORDERED TO MENACE GAULEY
BRIDGE AND THREATEN WISE'S COMMUNICATIONS. 30
CHAPTER IV.
THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--GALLANT CONDUCT AND FINAL ESCAPE
OF THE SEVENTH REGIMENT. 43
CHAPTER V.
REFLECTIONS ON THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--BATTLE OF CARNIFEX
FERRY. 56
CHAPTER VI.
CHARLESTON AND THE KANAWHA VALLEY.--A DOUBLE MURDER.--COLONEL
TYLER ASSUMES COMMAND OF THE POST. 63
CHAPTER VII.
FLOYD ESTABLISHES BATTERIES ON COTTON HILL.--DRIVEN OFF BY
THE FORCES OF GENERAL COX.--BENHAM'S FAILURE TO INTERCEPT HIS
RETREAT.--HIS PURSUIT.--SKIRMISH AT MCCOY'S MILLS.--HIS FINAL
ESCAPE. 70
CHAPTER VIII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY. 77
CHAPTER IX.
THE SEVENTH ORDERED TO THE EAST.--EXPEDITION TO BLUE'S GAP.--
KIRMISH ON THE BLOOMING PIKE. 83
CHAPTER X.
GALLANTRY OF LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN.--DEATH OF GENERAL LANDER.--THE
SEVENTH ESCORT HIS REMAINS.--THE OCCUPATION OF WINCHESTER. 89
CHAPTER XI.
THE RECONNOISSANCE TO STRASBURG.--BATTLE OF WINCHESTER.--UTTER
DEFEAT AND ROUT OF JACKSON'S ARMY. 94
CHAPTER XII.
GENERAL SHIELDS' ANXIETY FOR LAURELS.--SUMMING UP OF THE BATTLE.
--LOSSES IN THE SEVENTH. 104
CHAPTER XIII.
PURSUIT OF JACKSON UP THE VALLEY.--MARCH TO FREDERICKSBURG, AND
RETURN TO FRONT ROYAL. 109
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MARCH ON WAYNESBORO.--TWO BRIGADES ENCOUNTER JACKSON AT
PORT REPUBLIC, AND AFTER FIVE HOURS' FIGHTING ARE COMPELLED
TO FALL BACK. 114
CHAPTER XV.
BATTLE OF CEDAR MOUNTAIN.--GALLANTRY OF THE REGIMENT, AND
TERRIBLE LOSS. 123
CHAPTER XVI.
THE REGIMENT GOES INTO CAMP AT ALEXANDRIA, BUT IS SOON ORDERED
TO THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 134
CHAPTER XVII.
THE MARCH TO DUMFRIES.--SKIRMISH WITH HAMPTON'S CAVALRY, IN
WHICH THEY ARE BADLY DEFEATED BY A MUCH INFERIOR FORCE. 142
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE. 150
CHAPTER XIX.
ACCOMPANIES THE GRAND ARMY INTO PENNSYLVANIA.--BATTLE OF
GETTYSBURG. 156
CHAPTER XX.
AFTER REACHING THE RAPIDAN IT GOES TO GOVERNOR'S ISLAND.--
AFTER ITS RETURN IT ACCOMPANIES HOOKER'S CORPS TO THE WESTERN
DEPARTMENT. 160
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SEVENTH JOINS GRANT'S ARMY.--THE BATTLES OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN,
MISSION RIDGE, AND RINGGOLD. 164
CHAPTER XXII.
THE ADVANCE TOWARDS ATLANTA.--SKIRMISHING.--HOMEWARD MARCH.--ITS
RECEPTION.--MUSTER OUT. 170
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. B. TYLER. 185
BREVET BRIGADIER-GENERAL J. S. CASEMENT. 189
BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN W. SPRAGUE. 192
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL SAMUEL MCCLELLAND. 193
MAJOR FREDERICK A. SEYMOUR. 196
SURGEON FRANCIS SALTER. 197
C. J. BELLOWS. 198
G. E. DENIG. 198
FREDERICK T. BROWN, D.D. 199
CHAPLAIN D. C. WRIGHT. 205
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GILES W. SHURTLIFF. 206
COLONEL ARTHUR T. WILCOX. 207
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JAMES T. STERLING. 208
COLONEL JOEL F. ASPER. 210
MAJOR W. R. STERLING. 214
MAJOR E. J. KREGER. 215
CAPTAIN J. B. MOLYNEAUX. 216
CAPTAIN CHARLES A. WEED. 219
CAPTAIN JUDSON N. CROSS. 220
CAPTAIN JOHN F. S. CHUTTE. 221
LIEUTENANT LOUIS G. DE FOREST. 222
LIEUTENANT HALBERT B. CASE. 224
LIEUTENANT HENRY Z. EATON. 226
LIEUTENANT A. H. DAY. 227
LIEUTENANT WILLIAM D. SHEPHERD. 227
LIEUTENANT E. HUDSON BAKER. 229
LIEUTENANT RALPH LOCKWOOD. 230
LIEUTENANT T. T. SWEENEY. 230
LIEUTENANT EDWARD W. FITCH. 231
LIEUTENANT A. J. WILLIAMS. 231
OUR DEAD.
COLONEL WILLIAM R. CREIGHTON AND LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
ORRIN J. CRANE. 235
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MERVIN CLARK. 291
LIEUTENANT HENRY ROBINSON. 295
LIEUTENANT E. S. QUAY. 296
LIEUTENANT JAMES P. BRISBINE. 296
LIEUTENANT CHARLES A. BROOKS. 299
LIEUTENANT JOSEPH H. ROSS. 303
LIEUTENANT FRANK JOHNSON. 304
THE SEVENTH REGIMENT.
CHAPTER I.
THE FALL OF SUMTER.--CIVIL WAR BEGUN.--PREPARATIONS BY THE SOUTH.--
NOBILITY.
On a gloomy day in April, 1861, the telegraph flashed the news over the
country that Fort Sumter, a fortress belonging to the United States,
had been fired upon by a body of rebels, and thus inaugurating all the
horrors of civil war.
By the great mass of people, civil war in our hitherto peaceful country
was entirely unlooked for. It burst so suddenly, that the entire
country was convulsed. The people had become so accustomed to clamor in
Congress and elsewhere, that they looked upon these threats to dissolve
the Union as mere bravado.
After the first clash of arms at Fort Sumter, both North and South drew
back in alarm, as if in fear of the coming storm. The Southern people,
however, better prepared by education for scenes of strife and
bloodshed, received the news of the inauguration of civil war with less
alarm than did those of the North. The latter received it with a
fearful dignity, conscious of the power to crush the rebellion. The
South, with that arrogance that becomes her so well, expected to make
an easy conquest. Long-continued exercise of power in national matters,
had taught her to look upon the people of the Free States as her
inferiors, needing but a master-stroke for their subjugation,--willing
to lay down their arms, and seek safety in dishonor. They had taken us
for a race of cowards, because we had given way to their selfish
demands in our public councils, for the sake of peace. To be sure, we
had some daring spirits in Congress who met these bullying traitors,
making them feel the full force of Northern valor. But these were
isolated cases, and won the respect of the Southern people to the
persons of the actors rather than to the North as a people. They looked
upon these spirited examples as rather proving the fact of our want of
chivalry than otherwise, and therefore were not corrected in their
false estimate of a people whom they were about to meet on bloody
fields.
One reason the South had for cherishing so mean an opinion of the North
as a military power, was on account of her having entirely neglected
the cultivation of the art of war. She had so few representatives in
the army and navy, that they were both almost entirely within the
control of the South.
This control the latter had exercised for years, until her people came
to look upon themselves as the only persons in the country fit to bear
arms. They flattered themselves that they were the army, and we but a
rabble, to be dispersed beyond the hope of reorganization at the first
clash of arms. But in this strife, like all others where aristocratic
privilege comes in contact with the freedom of democracy, these
arrogant lords were to meet with a bitter disappointment; they were to
be made to respect the strong muscle and brave hearts of the so-styled
plebeian North.
This avowed hostility of the South to the North had caused the former
to take a military direction, and forced her into a course of policy
which, however outrageous it might appear, was yet a matter of
necessity in her attempt at independence. The first step was to put
herself upon a war-footing. This she had been perfecting for several
years. The next was to get the Government so in her control as to make
it powerless in the incipient stages of the rebellion, that it might
gain sufficient strength to withstand the first shock, and thus gain
precedence.
During a period of thirty years the South was gradually assuming a
war-footing. The militia was organized; independent companies were
formed with no warlike object, as was generally supposed, but really to
resist any encroachment of the Federal Government upon what the leaders
deemed the rights of the Southern people. The election of Abraham
Lincoln to the presidency was not the cause of civil war, but only its
apology. There had existed in the minds of the Southern people a desire
for an independent government, which would give the aristocracy a
firmer footing. In other words, the Federal Government was too
democratic. But it was necessary that these conspirators have some
apparently good reason for civil war; else the people who were at heart
right, would desert them at a time when they were most needed. The time
for the inauguration of civil war was therefore most fitly chosen. The
people were made to believe that the inauguration of President Lincoln
was a sufficient reason; and thus the dream of thirty years of these
disunionists was at last realized. The apology for the war had been
substituted for its cause, and the mass of the Southern people made
eager to meet those on bloody fields whom they were led to suppose were
about to deprive them of their rights and precipitate them into ruin.
There is always a class styled the nobility in every nation. But the
true nobility in America is that class who have won that distinction by
noble deeds; who are great, not in titles and garters of nobility, but
in great achievements: not that class who base their right to that
title upon the number and character of human beings they may own. The
American people hold that distinction must be given to those by whom it
is merited; and that it cannot be the subject of monopoly. Each person,
however mean his birth, has the same right to enter the list for the
prize as he who was born of a higher rank. It is this freedom, which is
given to all, that has caused the Northern States to make such rapid
progress towards civilization and greatness; and it is the crippling of
this great principle that has cast a shadow over the enslaved South.
One great object of the leaders of the South had been to arrest the
rapid growth of the North, which, they were conscious, would one day
throw them into a helpless minority, for they could not themselves keep
pace with this rapid progress. Their ambition was to have capital
control labor, while the laboring classes were to be subservient to the
capitalists, and a sort of serfdom forced upon them. The wealthy class
were to live in luxury and indolence upon the unrequited toil of their
slaves. These facts, the leaders of the wicked rebellion, which they
were to inaugurate, were careful to conceal from their followers. This
was so well done, that the people of the South thought that these
imaginary wrongs of the Government, which had been pictured to them by
their masters, was the true reason of their attempt at separation from
the Union. It is hoped that the masses will soon see the difference
between serving a privileged class of aristocrats, and being members of
a free Republic.
CHAPTER II.
THE PRESIDENT'S CALL FOR TROOPS.--ORGANIZATION OF THE SEVENTH.--ITS
DEPARTURE FOR CAMP DENNISON.--ITS REORGANIZATION AND DEPARTURE FOR
THE FIELD.
On Monday, April 15, the President issued a call for 75,000 volunteers
for three months' service. The States responded immediately to this
call in double the number required. Never in the history of the world
was such a response witnessed to the call of any country. Men left
their implements of husbandry in the fields and rushed to the
recruiting stations. The executives of the States were pressed with
applications to raise companies and batteries under the call of the
President.
Under this call thirteen regiments of infantry were assigned to Ohio.
In fifteen days 71,000 troops were offered to Governor Dennison to fill
the quota of the State. Camps were now established at different points
in the State, and troops ordered to rendezvous. Camp Taylor, at
Cleveland, Ohio, was organized on the 22d day of April, and by the 27th
contained several thousand troops. Of these, the city of Cleveland had
three companies of infantry; Trumbull County, one; Mahoning County, one
company of infantry and a section of artillery; Portage County, two;
Lake County, one; Lorain County, one; Huron County, one; while the city
of Toledo was represented by an entire regiment. The latter part of
April these detached companies were formed into a regiment,
constituting the Seventh Ohio. It contained the right material for a
fighting regiment. The majority of its members were of a floating
class, fond of adventure, while many were of the best class. The
regiment, as a whole, combined rare military talent. Many of its
officers and privates were skilled in tactics; and those who were not,
immediately set themselves about acquiring the necessary information,
rather by practice than study; for, with some exceptions, it was not a
scholarly regiment. The members took too much the character of
adventurers, to indulge in close study or profound thinking. But for
practical purposes, I doubt whether the regiment had a superior in the
State. It readily acquired discipline while on duty; but while off
duty, its members were not over-nice in their conduct, seldom indulging
in sports that were absolutely wrong, but, at the same time, gratifying
that propensity for fun which characterized them through their entire
career. It contained no drones; there was no companionship in it for
such.
On a beautiful Sabbath in early May, as the morning, with its
freshness, was dispelling the damps and shadows of the night from city
and country, a regiment was seen passing down the streets of the city
of Cleveland. The sweet strains of music and the heavy tramp of the
soldiers alone broke the silence. There was nothing but this martial
bearing, which marked the carriage of the members of the regiment, to
distinguish them from the multitude which was hastening in the same
direction; for there were no arms and no uniforms. Each member was
dressed in his citizen's garb, and there was no attempt at military
evolutions. It was a simple march of determined men to the defence of
their country. Solemnity and a becoming absence of unnecessary
enthusiasm marked the occasion with sublimity and grandeur. The faces
of those brave men were saddened with the thought of the perils which
lay before them, and the endearments that were behind. They were
marching to perform a sacred trust, confided to them by their
countrymen. "This was the first march of the gallant Seventh." Arriving
at the depot of the Cleveland, Columbus, and Cincinnati Railroad, it
took a train of cars for Camp Dennison, where it arrived in the
afternoon of the next day. Here they were totally unprepared to receive
it, no barracks having been erected, although one hundred men had been
sent there for that purpose several days previous. The ground was
perfectly saturated with water from a three days' rain, and the camp in
what had been a cornfield. But notwithstanding these difficulties, by
sunset the regiment had constructed barracks, and were comparatively
comfortable. In a few days the companies began to drill in earnest, and
their advancement was correspondingly rapid.
On the 11th day of May the regiment was ordered to elect, by ballot,
three field-officers. The candidates for colonel were, E. B. Tyler, of
Ravenna; a former brigadier of militia, and James A. Garfield. The
former was elected. Garfield afterwards became colonel of the
Forty-second regiment, and, in command of a brigade, defeated Humphrey
Marshall in Kentucky, for which he was given a star. Captain W. R.
Creighton was elected lieutenant-colonel, and J. S. Casement, of
Painesville, major.
On the 13th day of May, the President having issued a call for 42,032
volunteers for three years, a meeting was held in the Seventh Regiment,
when all but one of the officers were in favor of organizing under this
call. The subject being brought before the regiment on the following
day, about three-fourths of the command enlisted for the three years'
service. Recruiting officers were sent home, and by the middle of June
the regiment was full. It was mustered into the three years' service on
the 19th and 20th of June.
The companies were officered as follows: Company A, O. J. Crane, captain;
A. C. Burgess, first-lieutenant; D. A. Kimball, second-lieutenant.
Company B, James T. Sterling, captain; Joseph B. Molyneaux,
first-lieutenant; H. Z. Eaton, second-lieutenant. Company C, Giles W.
Shurtliff, captain; Judson N. Cross, first-lieutenant; E. Hudson Baker,
second-lieutenant. Company D, John N. Dyer, captain; Charles A. Weed,
first-lieutenant; A. J. Williams, second-lieutenant. Company E, John W.
Sprague, captain; Arthur T. Wilcox, first-lieutenant; Ralph Lockwood,
second-lieutenant. Company F, D. B. Clayton, captain; John B. Rouse,
first-lieutenant; A. C. Day, second-lieutenant. Company G, F. A.
Seymour, captain; W. H. Robinson, first-lieutenant; E. S. Quay,
second-lieutenant. Company H, Joel F. Asper, captain; Geo. L. Wood,
first-lieutenant; Halbert B. Case, second-lieutenant. Company I, W. R.
Sterling, captain; Samuel McClelland, first-lieutenant; E. F. Fitch,
second-lieutenant. Company K, John F. Schutte, captain; Oscar W. Sterl,
first-lieutenant; C. A. Nitchelm, second-lieutenant. H. K. Cushing was
appointed surgeon, and F. Salter assistant surgeon. John Morris was
appointed quartermaster, Louis G. De Forest, adjutant, and Rev. F. T.
Brown, chaplain.
Camp Dennison was well calculated for a camp of instruction. It is
separated into two parts by the track of the Little Miami Railroad,
while the river of the same name flows along its border. It is situated
between sloping hills of some magnitude, in a slightly undulating
valley. In summer it is beautiful; in winter, gloomy.
Soon after being mustered into service, the regiment was reviewed by
George B. McClellan, then major-general of Ohio militia, commanding the
Department of the Ohio. Immediately after, we were ordered to join his
forces in the field.
Accordingly, on the afternoon of the 26th of June, the regiment took
the cars for Columbus, Ohio, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Creighton, Colonel Tyler having gone in advance. Arriving in Columbus
late at night, it was transferred to the Central Ohio Railroad,
arriving at Bell air in the afternoon of the succeeding day. It was
immediately ordered across the river to Benwood, a small station on the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, a few miles below Wheeling. Here the
regiment was, for the first time, supplied with ammunition. It encamped
on the common, after the pieces were loaded. Much fatigued by their
long ride, the men threw themselves upon the hard ground, and were soon
enjoying a sound sleep.
In the mean time Major Casement was superintending the transportation
of the baggage and supplies across the river to a train of cars in
waiting.
Here and there the dusky forms of men were seen grouped over the fires,
which were dimly burning, discussing the stories which were floating
about camp, with no apparent starting place, of ambuscades, masked
batteries, and other concealed horrors.
Early on the morning of the 28th of June, three trains of cars were
slowly conveying the regiment into the wilds of Western Virginia, where
war, in its madness, was to confront it.
It arrived at Grafton early in the afternoon, and taking the
Parkersburg branch of the railroad, it arrived at Clarksburg before the
close of the day, and encamped in the outskirts of the village. The
entire regiment occupied tents, which were looked upon with much more
favor than densely crowded barracks.
While encamped at this place, a stand of colors was presented to the
regiment, the gift of the Turners, a society of Germans in Cleveland.
Near thirty miles from the village of Clarksburg is the small hamlet of
Weston, then a notorious haunt for rebels. In the place was a bank, in
which the deposits, to the amount of about thirty thousand dollars,
still remained. The authorities were desirous of procuring this
treasure. The undertaking was intrusted to the Seventh. It was proposed
to surprise the town early in the morning, before any one was astir to
give the alarm.
In the afternoon of the last day of June, the regiment wound its way
through the village, across the river, on to what is called the
Clarksburg pike, leading to Weston. The clay was intensely hot, and the
men entirely unused to marching. At sunset but little distance had been
made, and all were much fatigued, but still the gallant band pressed
onward. Weary and footsore, it moved on till daylight, when some
considerable distance intervened between it and the village. Men were
beginning to fall out by the wayside, unable to proceed further. At
this unfortunate moment the river appeared in view, which makes a bend
to the road, about a mile from Weston. On the opposite side of the road
was a gradual slope of cultivated land, with here and there a clump of
trees. From behind one of these a man was seen to emerge, and being
taken for one of the enemy's scouts, the command was given to "fire,"
when several pieces were discharged, without injury, however, to the
object of their aim. A double-quick was now ordered, when the men,
unable to proceed with their knapsacks, scattered them along the road.
Arriving at the town the right wing made a detour to the left, while
the left wing made a similar one to right, deploying as they went. In
this manner the village was entirely surrounded. The first intimation
the citizens had of the presence of the military was the playing of the
"Star Spangled Banner" by the band stationed in the park. A guard was
placed over the bank, and a member of the regiment detailed to look to
the business.
The Union citizens were overjoyed at the presence of the Federal
forces. They prepared a breakfast for the entire regiment, and other
charitable acts, which attested their devotion to the Union cause. The
regiment encamped on the bank of the river, near the cemetery.
During the first days of our stay at Weston many arrests were made of
disloyal citizens, a few of whom were sent to Columbus, Ohio, to await
the action of the Federal Government.
At this time a small force, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Pond,
of the Seventeenth Ohio Volunteers, was besieged at Glenville, a small
village on the banks of the Little Kanawha, by a superior force of
rebels, under command of Major Patton, assisted by Captain O. Jennings
Wise. Companies H and B were sent to his relief. After a fatiguing
march of two days and one night they opened communication with Colonel
Pond, the rebels withdrawing at their approach.
Six more companies of the regiment arrived at Glenville on the
following day, Colonel Tyler being fearful that the first detachment
might meet with a reverse. Several other regiments arrived about the
same time, but left soon after.
During the stay of the regiment at this place, many scouting
expeditions were sent out; on which occasions many dangers and
hardships were encountered.
Just before our arrival at Glenville, a Union lady rode in the saddle
through the rebel camp, with the stars and stripes in one hand and a
pistol in the other, while she defied the rebel host. Being pursued,
she sought refuge in our camp, and finally accompanied the advance of
our forces to her home, with the proud satisfaction of seeing the old
banner once more planted on her native soil. During the progress of the
war she had suffered many perils. At one time she went to visit her
brother, who was concealed in the woods, for the purpose of giving him
food, when she was challenged by a rebel picket. She wheeled her horse,
and, by hard riding, escaped, the rebel bullets passing harmlessly over
her head.
Private Adams, of Company C, was wounded while on picket, being the
first casualty in the regiment produced by the enemy. About the same
time Captain Shurtliff had a horse shot from under him, while riding in
the vicinity of the camp, and within the Federal lines.
Some difficulty was experienced at this place in procuring supplies.
The regiment was fed for some time on corn meal and fresh beef. A mill,
however, was soon set in operation, and supplies of flour and meal were
furnished in abundance.
CHAPTER III.
THE PURSUIT OF GENERAL WISE.--TYLER ORDERED TO MENACE GAULEY BRIDGE
AND THREATEN WISE'S COMMUNICATIONS.
On the 11th day of July General Rosecrans, by order of General
McClellan, marched his brigade eight miles through a mountain-path to
the rear of the rebel force, occupying the crest of Rich Mountain,
commanded by Colonel Pegram. This movement resulted in the fighting of
the battle of that name. The rebels were completely defeated, and made
a precipitate retreat towards Carrick's Ford, where, on the 13th, they
were again routed, with the loss of their general.
In the mean time the rebel General Wise had occupied the Kanawha
Valley, with a few regular troops and a considerable force of militia.
The advance of this force extended as far down the river as Buffalo,
while numerous incursions were made by the rebel cavalry in the
vicinity of Point Pleasant, a village situated at the junction of the
Kanawha with the Ohio River.
To oppose this force General Cox was sent with a brigade of Ohio
troops. His main force passed up the river in boats, while a sufficient
force was kept on each flank to prevent surprise.
General Wise gradually retired at the advance of this force until,
arriving on the banks of Scarey Creek, he threw up some breastworks,
and awaited the approach of the Union troops.
While these movements were being executed in the valley, Colonel Tyler
was ordered to advance with a brigade by the way of Sutton, to menace
Gauley Bridge, and threaten Wise's communications.
On the 22d of July the Seventh Regiment moved out of Glenville, on what
is called the Braxton road, towards Bulltown, where it was to be joined
by Colonel Tyler with the Seventeenth Ohio, two companies of the First
Virginia, with Captain Mack's battery, United States Artillery, and
Captain Snyder's section of twelve-pounders, making a force of fifteen
hundred.
We arrived at Bulltown in the evening of the next day, meeting with no
resistance from the rebels, who were scattered in small parties through
this entire region of country. We had expected to meet with opposition
at the ford, on the Little Kanawha, some twenty miles from Glenville,
but with the exception of a small band of guerillas, who were very
careful to keep the river between ourselves and them, we saw no rebels.
It was not until the evening of the 25th that we broke camp, and then
to cross a range of hills only, into the valley of the Elk, where we
remained until the 27th of July.
At this camp we learned of a rebel force at Flat Woods, distant six
miles, in the direction of Sutton. On the 27th we moved out, in a heavy
rain, to attack their camp, but at our approach they fled in dismay.
We remained at Flat Woods till the following Sunday, when we moved on
to Sutton, a distance of ten miles.
Sutton, the county-seat of Braxton County, is situated at the base of a
high range of hills, on the right bank of the Elk River. The river is
crossed by a suspension bridge. Back of the village, and about two
hundred feet above it, is a fine table land, with a range of hills for
a back ground. This table land was to be approached only by a narrow
defile fronting the river, which was easily defended; for a battery
properly planted would command every approach for a mile around;
besides, the enemy would have to cross the Elk River under fire. Nature
had made the position a strong one.
The command, now swelled to about two thousand, encamped on this table
land, with the two companies of the First Virginia, and Mack's Battery
thrown forward across the river, to keep open the road in front.
The command at once proceeded to erect fortifications, Captain Asper
being sent to the front of Captain Mack's position on the Summerville
pike, with instructions to select a proper position, after which to
erect a fortification commanding the road. Finding a point where the
road makes a sharp angle, the captain constructed the work, which,
although of no account during the stay of the regiment at Sutton,
afterwards proved a good point of defence, when the wreak garrison
stationed there was attacked.
The second day of August, the regiment left Sutton, and crossing the
river again advanced towards Gauley Bridge. The day was one of the
hottest, which, added to the hilly nature of the country, made the
advance difficult. Both officers and men fell out of the line, unable
to proceed, being so oppressed by the heat, and wearied by the
difficult state of the roads. At night we had crossed but one range of
hills, and found ourselves in the valley of the Little Birch River, at
the foot of Birch Mountain. The following morning we again took up the
line of march, reaching the Great Birch River at early twilight, having
made but a few miles during the day.
In the afternoon we were joined by our chaplain, who, when we were at
Glenville, volunteered to make his way across the country with a
message to General Cox. And now, after an absence of more than two
weeks, on a perilous message, he was again with us, as fresh and
light-hearted as when he left for his daring enterprise. He joined us
by the way of Gauley Bridge, having been the first to make the trip.
Alone, through a country infested by murderous bands of guerrillas and
outlaws, he traveled more than a hundred and fifty miles. Before such
deeds of individual heroism, all but the grandeur and magnitude of
large battles fade into obscurity. In such single exploits there is a
stern, silent daring, that obscures the maddened bravery of a
battle-field.
From our chaplain we learned that General Wise had left the valley,
burning the bridge over the Gauley River, after crossing his command.
He had become frightened and fled. And thus the rebel general, who at
Charleston had said: "By G--, the stars and stripes shall never wave
over this town again;" on the Wednesday following exclaimed: "The enemy
are on us, why the h--ll don't you pack my wagon," and, taking counsel
of his fears, fled in dismay.
But let us return to the Seventh Regiment, which we left at its camp
near the Big Birch River.
On the morning of August 6, we broke camp, and taking a mountain road
arrived at Summerville on the following Wednesday, and encamped on
Addison Hill.
The country about Summerville is beautiful in the extreme. It is
slightly undulating, having more the appearance of an open country, or
in some respects a prairie, than of a valley between two very high
ridges. It is sufficiently rolling to hide the mountains which separate
the Gauley from the Elk River.
At our former camp we were surrounded by very high, precipitous
mountains, with large rocks projecting from their summits. After
passing over Powell Mountain, we came into the valley of the Gauley,
and after marching a short distance, entirely lost sight of these
mountains, over whose rocky crests we had, but a short time before,
pursued our slow and weary way.
The contrast between this camp and the one at Big Birch was striking.
Here we were reminded of Ohio, our native State, the one which had more
attractions for us than any other; while at the latter camp we were
constantly reminded of some lonely country, described only by the
novelist, and inhabited alone by robbers and outlaws. And yet, upon
this mountain region, nature was lavish with her charms. The scenery is
grand beyond description. Peak after peak rises, one above another,
until the tired eye arrows dim in its endeavor to trace the outlines of
the distant mountain, and seeks the beautiful valley, wherein to
restore its lost vision.
From the top of Powell's Mountain, the beauty of the scenery is lost
sight of in its magnificence. This mountain is the highest in Western
Virginia, and commands the finest view. The first time I ascended it
was on horseback. When near the top we struck into a bridle path, and,
urging our horses into a gallop, we were soon at the base of the
projecting rocks. Below, a lovely panorama was open to our view. The
side of the mountain, as well as the distant valley, seemed covered
with a carpet of green, for both were densely wooded, and in the
distance the foliage seemed to blend with the earth. We could see far
away into the smaller valleys, and from them trace the ravines, in
which the small rivulets make their merry descent from the side of the
mountain.
At last, tired of gazing at this beautiful spot in nature's varied
scenery, we again urged our horses forward, and, after partially
winding around the mountain, we were at the very summit of this mass of
earth, rocks, and herbage. We now obtained a view of the opposite side
of the mountain from which we had ascended, where beauty expands into
sublimity. We could plainly trace the course of the Kanawha River, as
on its banks the mountains rise higher, and are more abrupt, while
beyond they lessen into hills, and the hills waste into a valley. On
the side of the distant hills we could see an occasional farm, with its
fields of golden grain ready for the harvest. On the very top of this
mountain was living a family.
Notwithstanding their great height, these mountains seemed fertile; and
the farms are apparently as good as those in the valley. Springs
frequently make their way out of the rocks by the roadside. Water is
abundant in any part of these mountains, and springs more common than
in the valley.
Near the top of Powell's Mountain, in a kind of basin, is a very fine
farm. It is well watered, and well timbered, and quite fertile. The
owner lives and flourishes in this quiet home, and, I should say, is
quite as happy as if in a city. He has become accustomed to the
loneliness of his mountain retreat. The wild scenery has become
familiar--its very wildness has a charm. He is content with two visits
each year to the distant settlement. It is literally true that "home is
where the heart is."
Although this country was well supplied with provisions of every kind,
we were not allowed to appropriate any of it. The property of rebels
was considered sacred. The authorities were confident of putting down
the rebellion through clemency, and, therefore, were both ready and
willing to put our soldiers upon half rations, rather than incur the
ill-will of traitors. When prisoners were captured, they had what was
called an oath of allegiance administered to them, when they were
liberated, to again rob and plunder. Occasionally we captured a horse,
but it was invariably given up, on the owner taking this oath of
allegiance. In view of this moderate method of dealing with them, they
risked nothing in prowling about our lines, for they knew that they had
only to take this oath to procure an honorable discharge; while the
soldiers of the Federal army, if they stole but an onion to make a
piece of hard bread palatable, were subjected to the severest
punishments. Experience has finally taught us, that hard blows alone
will conquer a rebellion, and that to reduce a foe, starvation is quite
as good as the bayonet.
I do not know that any one was criminal in this early practice of
clemency towards rebels; it seemed rather to be a sort of national
weakness, growing out of the universal opinion that the rebellion was,
at the greatest, but a weak effort of a deluded people; and that
kindness, connected with a show of strength, rather than its exercise,
would induce them to return to their former allegiance. It seems to be,
at this day, of little consequence why this practice prevailed, or who
was responsible for it, as it has almost entirely ceased.
On the 11th day of August, Captain John W. Sprague was given a leave of
absence, to go to his home, and was intrusted with dispatches to
General Rosecrans. He was to proceed by the way of Sutton and
Clarksburg. When near the Big Birch River he was suddenly confronted by
a band of rebel cavalry, belonging to Colonel Croghan's Second Georgia
Regiment, who was not far from the spot, with his entire command. The
mail carrier and two dragoons, who accompanied Captain Sprague,
attempted to make their escape; only one, however, was successful; the
mail carrier receiving a mortal wound in the attempt.
Securing their prisoners, the rebel cavalry crossed the Gauley River,
and were soon out of reach of the Federal forces. An unsuccessful
attempt was made to rescue the captors; but infantry, of course, could
make but a fruitless attempt at recapturing prisoners in the hands of
well-mounted cavalry.
This occurrence spread a gloom over the entire camp. One of the best
officers of the regiment had been captured almost within our lines, and
borne away to a Southern prison, to endure the privations of prison
life, with the fond anticipation of seeing home and friends blighted
and withered. To be lost to one's country, within the prison walls of
her enemies, when the arm of every true patriot is needed in her
defence, is a sad fate.
I am not inclined to blame any one for this unfortunate occurrence,
though it may occur to the mind of the reader that good generalship
would require that the commandant of a body of troops, in the heart of
an enemy's country, should know whether or not the cavalry of that
enemy was hanging on his flank and rear. And then, again, it may be
urged with truth that the command was almost entirely without cavalry,
though it was furnished with one company, as well as one of Snake
Hunters, as they were called. The legitimate business in the army of
the latter was scouting. They had no other duty to perform.
But however these facts may be, yet true it is that a regiment of the
enemy's regular cavalry was not only hanging on the flank of our
column, but occupied our rear--thus severing our communications, and
cutting off our supplies.
On the 15th day of August we again moved forward, after first sending a
company down to Hugh's Ferry. We proceeded through a densely wooded
country, abounding in laurel and pau-pau, arriving at Cross Lanes, two
and a half miles from Carnifex Ferry, on the Gauley River, in time to
prepare our camp before night.
Soon after our arrival Captain Schutte, of Company K, was on picket
duty at Carnifex Ferry. During the day the captain, for some unknown
reason, conceived the idea of a scout across the river. Selecting
fourteen of his men, he crossed over to the opposite bank, and, taking
the main road, immediately pushed into the country. The march was made,
apparently, without any apprehension of the presence of an enemy; at
least, no steps appear to have been taken to prevent a surprise. All
went well, however, until the party had made a distance of several
miles, when, the first intimation they had of danger, they were fired
upon by a party of cavalry, concealed in an adjacent thicket, and all
but four of the party killed or wounded--Captain Schutte being wounded
mortally. The survivors conveyed him to an old building, and, at his
own request, left him. He expired soon after, and was buried on the
spot by the rebels. The four men fled towards the river, and, being
pursued, took to the woods. One, being separated from his companions,
was pursued to the bank of the river, and was only saved by throwing
himself into the stream from the projecting rocks. He concealed his
body under water, keeping sufficient of his face above to sustain life.
He could plainly distinguish the conversation of the rebels, and knew
by it that they were in search of him. Here he remained during the day,
and at night dragged himself upon the rocks. The next morning, tired
and hungry, he floated himself down stream by clinging to the almost
perpendicular rocks, until, arriving opposite a house, he was hailed by
a woman, to whom he made known his condition. She immediately
unfastened a canoe, and, paddling directly across the river to where he
was lying, half famished in the water, helped him over its sides, and
conveyed him to the other shore. Before they landed, however, the
rebels discovered them, and gave the order to "halt." It not being
obeyed, they fired, the bullets sinking harmlessly into the water. In a
moment the two were lost to view in the pau-pau, which lined the river
bank. The woman guided the soldier to her home, where she cared for him
during a short illness, which succeeded his escape. When he was
sufficiently recovered to join his command, he found the regiment had
abandoned Cross Lanes, which had been occupied by the rebel forces. He
returned to his former retreat, where he was concealed until the day of
the disaster to the Seventh, when, taking advantage of the confusion
into which the rebel forces were thrown during the affair, he escaped
towards Gauley Bridge, which place he reached in safety the following
day.
CHAPTER IV.
THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--GALLANT CONDUCT AND FINAL ESCAPE OF
THE SEVENTH REGIMENT.
The occupation of Cross Lanes was considered by the authorities of the
gravest importance. It was contiguous to three fords on the Gauley
River, which, when possessed by the Federal forces, was a perfect
protection to the left of the army occupying Gauley Bridge. Carnifex
Ferry was immediately south two and one-half miles. There was a road
leading from the vicinity of Gauley Bridge, on the south bank of the
Gauley River, which unites with the Sunday road, crossing the river at
this ferry. This road afforded the enemy a means of gaining the left of
our forces, at Gauley Bridge. The occupation of Cross Lanes, therefore,
by the enemy, would sever the communication between our forces at the
above point, and the main army under Rosecrans, occupying the country
from the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, along Cheat Mountain.
Carnifex Ferry, was a point easily defended against a much superior
force. Indeed, it had so many natural defences, that it elicited
exclamations of surprise from men accustomed to the selection of places
for defence. The current of the river was rapid, while the abrupt rocks
on its banks afforded secure hiding places for a considerable body of
troops. It was quite impossible to bring artillery to bear in such a
manner on the position as to interfere materially with troops concealed
there. It seems to be the opinion of most persons familiar with the
place, that it would be quite impossible to dislodge a body of troops
properly posted on the north bank of the river at this ferry, provided
a stubborn resistance was made.
It was for the purpose of preventing the crossing of the enemy at this
point that the force of Colonel Tyler was ordered to Cross Lanes. By
keeping pickets well on the line of the river, to watch any advance of
the enemy, the regiment was entirely safe at its camp, from which it
was comparatively easy to re-enforce any portion of the line. But for
some reason, the commanding officer failed to visit the ferry in
person, until the afternoon of the day on which a peremptory order was
received to report with his command at Gauley Bridge. Hitherto he had
been entirely unable to give correct information, as to the probability
of his being able to hold the ferry. He was ordered to abandon the
position, because his dispatches were such, that they created an
uneasiness in the minds of Generals Rosecrans and Cox, as to the
propriety of trusting him to hold so important a position. Here was the
fatal mistake. A lesser error had already been made, in withdrawing all
the forces from Tyler, other than the Seventh. Had these forces
remained, the position would probably not have been abandoned, as all
would have felt secure. When the order to withdraw was received, the
commanding officer regretted it as much as any one. But the mischief
was already done; the order was imperative. On that evening, Monday,
the regiment left Cross Lanes at 11 o'clock P.M., and the next day, by
noon, was at Twenty Mile Creek, some eight miles from Gauley Bridge.
On the Wednesday morning following, Colonel Tyler reported in person to
General Cox. In the mean time, the general having become satisfied that
Colonel Tyler could be trusted to hold Cross Lanes, and being confident
that the contemplated attack of the enemy on Gauley Bridge had been
abandoned, ordered him to return as soon as the troops were rested,
expecting him to start back, at least the next morning. But Tyler did
not move. On Friday afternoon, General Cox, on learning that he had not
moved, was much excited, and said to an officer present--
"He must move; he must move at once; it is all important that Cross
Lanes be held, and Floyd be kept on the other side of the river; ride
back to camp and tell him from me, to move early in the morning, _and
with speed, to secure the position_."
The order was delivered in nearly the same language as given, but
notwithstanding its directness, he did not move till noon on Saturday,
and then made a distance of only fourteen miles, over good roads,
encamping at the foot of Panther Mountain, after having fallen back
from Peter's Creek, on learning of the presence of the enemy.
On arriving in camp, a dispatch was sent to General Cox, representing
to him that the enemy were in force in front, and asking instructions.
On Sunday morning at about 3 o'clock, a courier arrived with an order
from General Cox, substantially as follows: The force in your front
cannot be as large as you estimate it. Advance cautiously, feeling your
way; if the enemy is too strong, fall back, if not, occupy Cross Lanes
at once, as it is of the utmost importance.
About nine o'clock Sunday morning, August 25th, the regiment moved
towards Cross Lanes, casting lots as to which company should be left in
charge of the baggage. It fell upon Company F, which was temporarily
commanded by Lieutenant Kimball. The entire day was occupied in
reaching Cross Lanes. It was not until dark of that day that the
regiment went into camp.
In the days' advance some slight skirmishing occurred with the enemy's
cavalry videttes, but beyond these few horsemen no enemy was
encountered, the regiment encamping in apparent security near the
church, after having driven away a cavalry picket of the enemy.
Companies were sent out on picket, as follows: Company A, on the road
leading to Summerville; Company K, on the road leading to Carnifex
Ferry; Company C, on the road leading in the opposite direction, while
Company E was sent on a diagonal road leading to a ferry some distance
below Carnifex. The balance of the command remained near headquarters,
which were established in the church.
Each company on picket was divided into three reliefs, with
instructions to be vigilant.
The silence of the enemy, together with his neglect to attack, created
the impression that he had withdrawn his forces to the other side of
the river, fearing that this small force was but the advance of a
well-equipped army. But these theories were destined to fade into
sadder realities, as the shadows of night melted into morning.
Nothing occurred during the night to disturb the general repose. A
short time before day fires were kindled, and those who were up had
pieces of meat on sticks, which they were roasting. Some had obtained
green corn during the night, which they were also roasting. Before day
had fairly dawned, the command was almost entirely astir. As it became
sufficiently light to distinguish objects at a considerable distance,
several musket shots were heard in the direction of the river, followed
in quick succession by others. It soon became evident that a determined
attack was being made on Company K. About this time a column of rebels
was seen advancing from the river road, across the fields, towards
Company A's position on the Summerville road. Arriving in the vicinity
of this road, the column halted, formed in line of battle, at the same
time swinging round its right to the Summerville road, driving Company
A back to the point where the roads cross. In the mean time Companies
B, D, G, H, and I were ordered to the support of Company K; but on
arriving at the cross roads, Company K was seen falling back in some
confusion, before a superior force, therefore they remained at that
point. Meanwhile a heavy fire was opened from a dense wood opposite the
church, to resist which Company K, having been joined by Companies A
and C, which had advanced to its support on the ferry road, took
position on a hill midway between this belt of timber and the crossing
of the roads. From this point these companies delivered several
effective volleys, which soon drove the rebels from their position.
Taking advantage of this partial check of the enemy, Captain Crane
ordered a charge, which resulted in piercing the lines, and the capture
of a stand of rebel colors. The three companies now escaped, with a
loss, however, of Captain Shurtliff, Lieutenant Wilcox, and Lieutenant
Cross, taken prisoners, the latter being severely wounded in the arm.
During this time the rebel column from the direction of Summerville had
advanced so as to lap over the road opposite the Ferry road, exposing
the companies occupying the road in front of the church to an
enfilading fire, at the same time being exposed to a severe fire from
the front, from a column of infantry and cavalry coming up the Ferry
road. These companies were now ordered to rally on a hill near the
church. In executing this movement Companies D and H passed through a
corn field, exposed to a deadly fire from almost every direction. Soon
after reaching this field Captain Dyer, Company D, fell dead, pierced
in the heart by a rifle bullet. Lieutenant Weed succeeded him in
command. On reaching the hill these companies attempted to rally, but
being in an open field, combated by a much superior and partially
hidden foe, were compelled to fall back to a piece of woods skirting
the road. The balance of the command, other than those who had followed
the fortunes of Captain Crane, now joined them, and soon organized for
a systematic retreat.
Captain Crane and his followers, after putting some distance between
themselves and the enemy, crossed the Gauley road, and hastened to the
mountains, where they would be entirely free from the attacks of
cavalry, and where they would have a chance, at least, of partially
defending themselves against attack from the rebel infantry.
Arriving in the mountains, they took a direction as nearly as possible
towards Gauley Bridge, where they arrived in safety, meeting with
little of adventure on the way. Thus a small body of Federals had
fought their way out from the very grasp of the enemy, and, eluding
pursuit, traversed a mountain range, with no guide, over rocks and deep
gorges, arriving safely within the Union lines. Their arrival, however,
did little to cheer the hearts of those in camp, for they were a small
body compared with those still unheard from.
The news of the sad disaster to the Seventh had already been sent to
the friends at home; universal gloom had settled over the camp, and the
prospect looked dark for saving the organization, even, of a regiment
which was the pride of the Western Reserve.
A flag of truce was sent to Cross Lanes to ascertain, if possible, the
fate of those left behind. Chaplain Brown and Surgeon Cushing were
selected to undertake this enterprise. They, however, returned without
having accomplished their object.
One dark, rainy night, as if nature was in sympathy with the feelings
of those in camp, the band commenced playing a patriotic air in front
of the colonel's quarters, accompanied with cheers. I knew that this
indicated good news. Hastening to the spot I learned that a dispatch
had just arrived from Charleston with the comforting news that four
hundred of the regiment had arrived in safety on the Elk River, twelve
miles from the above place. But let us accompany these four hundred
heroes in their march from the battlefield.
Organizing the troops, Major Casement, being first in rank, Colonels
Tyler and Creighton having already escaped, assumed command. Losing no
time the detachment immediately took up the line of march. Avoiding all
highways, and keeping well in the timber, they moved on for some time,
when, considering themselves out of immediate danger, they ventured out
to the road, to find themselves only three miles from the place of
starting. It was now concluded that it was not advisable to attempt
reaching Gauley Bridge, as the enemy would be likely to interpose a
considerable body of troops between them and that point. It was
considered to be more practicable to make in the direction of Elk
River, and by this means reach Charleston. This course being adopted,
the command crossed the road and took to the mountains. Very soon after
a party of rebel cavalry came dashing down as if in pursuit, barely
missing the object of their search.
The command, aided by a compass, took their course over the mountains
in a direction which they supposed would ultimately lead them to the
banks of the Elk River.
During the afternoon Captain W. R. Sterling procured a guide, who
conducted them by narrow pathways, in which they were compelled to
march single file, towards a house which was situated at some distance
on the mountain. Night setting in, before reaching the spot, without
even a star visible to light them on the way, the column halted, and
passed the word back for a candle. The line extended for nearly half a
mile, and it was not until the last company, H, had been reached, that
one was procured. On its arriving at the front, it was discovered that
the head of the column had arrived on the brink of a deep chasm, into
which it would be sure death to plunge. One step more, and the unlucky
leader of the line would have been precipitated into the dreadful
crater. But these daring adventurers were spared the misfortune of such
an accident.
Two hours of valuable time having been lost, the line now pressed
forward, each man holding on to the man preceding him. About midnight
the house was reached, and the weary band laid themselves down; not,
however, to sleep, for the only provisions they had had during the day
was roasted corn, for in the morning they were attacked while preparing
breakfast, which they were compelled to abandon. The woman of the house
was kept cooking the good old-fashioned corn-dodger, and by morning the
command was tolerably well fed, and ready for the toilsome as well as
hazardous march of the succeeding day.
As the day again dawned, the line moved on. Procuring another guide
during the day, they arrived, in early evening, on the banks of the Elk
River, without any adventure worth relating. Before halting they forded
the river, which was, at the time, waist deep. Company B was sent out
on picket, under command of Lieutenant Molyneaux. The instructions were
to establish a chain of pickets, at short intervals, along the road
leading up the river. In case of an attack, the outer picket to fire
and fall back on the next, when another volley was to be delivered, and
so continue until the camp should be finally reached. The position
selected for the camp was at the base of a range of abrupt hills, which
were not accessible to cavalry, while many difficulties would present
themselves in the way of a force of infantry advancing to an attack
from that direction. The river ran at the very foot of these hills, too
deep to cross in the face of an enemy, and sufficiently wide to present
a decided obstacle in the way of an attacking party on the opposite
shore. The command felt, therefore, comparatively safe in this retreat.
As it afterwards proved, they were not mistaken; for it was ascertained
that, at the time the pickets were being stationed, seven hundred rebel
cavalry were a short distance up the river; indeed, they were so near
that a party of rebel officers heard the lieutenant give the
instructions to the outer picket. One of these officers, when
afterwards taken prisoner, being questioned by Molyneaux as to their
reason for not attacking, remarked that it would have been quite
impossible for them to reach the camp in case his instructions to the
picket should be carried out; and he and his brother-officers agreed in
the opinion, that the orders would be carried out; for no body of
troops, after having made so stubborn a resistance as at Cross Lanes,
would afterwards lose all by a want of vigilance or a disobedience of
orders. True it is that they did not attack, but suffered the camp to
remain quiet, and the command to move off at leisure in the morning.
A dispatch being sent to Charleston, on the following day a
provision-train met them twelve miles from the latter place. In due
time the command arrived at Charleston, weary and foot-sore from their
long and toilsome march.
CHAPTER V.
REFLECTIONS ON THE SKIRMISH AT CROSS LANES.--BATTLE OF CARNIFEX
FERRY.
The occasion for the affair at Cross Lanes was brought about by a
series of blunders. The first blunder was committed by the officer who
ordered all the forces, with the exception of the Seventh Ohio, from a
position which enabled them to guard the ferries of the Gauley. If it
was deemed important to hold these ferries at all, it was certainly
advisable to retain a sufficient force to guard against surprise and
capture. But then, what would be considered a sufficient force? To
settle the question, it is necessary to take into account the size of
the army occupying the country, as well as the size of that of the
enemy. Neither army was large, and both were much scattered, scarcely
more than a brigade occupying one position. A regiment, therefore, may
perhaps be considered a sufficient force for an outpost.
The army in Western Virginia was at no time sufficiently large to
accomplish any thing, under the best generalship, beyond simply holding
the country, and preventing invasion; and it was only for the want of a
moderately sized army that the rebel general failed to drive back our
forces. But the rebel authorities had no men to spare for the purpose
of winning barren victories; so the armies of Western Virginia were
left to watch each other, with an occasional skirmish.
At the time the affair at Cross Lanes took place, our army occupied a
front of many miles, as did also the rebel army. It was quite
impossible to collect, in case of emergency, more than about six
thousand men. But, however it may be as to the first point, it is
clear, secondly, that the commanding officer at Cross Lanes committed
an error in not making a personal inspection of the grounds, adjacent
to the camp, immediately on his arrival. It is always considered highly
important that those in command should know precisely the ground their
commands are expected to defend, and not to trust to chance or a battle
to develop favorable points of defence or attack. By reason of this
want of knowledge, rumors as to the presence of the enemy in force
created uneasiness and alarm, which was entirely natural, although
without cause. While in this state of feeling, the commanding officer
sent dispatches to Generals Rosecrans and Cox, which created the
impression that their author was not to be trusted to hold these
ferries. Those generals attributed this alarm to a want of personal
courage, they being well informed as to the strength of the position at
Cross Lanes. It was not, however, a want of courage, but simply a
failure on his part to understand the real strength of the position, by
reason of not having visited it in person.
When the order to withdraw came, Colonel Tyler regretted it as much as
any one; for he had that day examined the position, and knew that he
could hold it against any force the enemy could bring to the attack.
But this knowledge was obtained too late: lying on his table was a
positive order to withdraw. Reason said hold the position; military
law, which was higher in authority, said abandon it; so the place was
evacuated. The third and irremediable error was committed in not
returning to Cross Lanes when ordered. If that had been done, the
consequences resulting from the withdrawal would have been entirely
checked. The order to return was given on Wednesday, with the
expectation that it would be acted upon as soon as Thursday morning;
but it was not until the Saturday noon following that the command
started. There was no reason for this delay. The regiment had marched
but eighteen miles in as many days, and could, without any injustice
being done it, have returned the day the order was given. Even had the
command moved as late as Friday, with dispatch, it would not have been
too late, as it seems to be well settled that Floyd did not cross over
any considerable body of troops until Saturday.
In the way of criticism on this affair, it has been said that, had a
spirited dash been made on the enemy on Saturday evening, the rebels
could have been driven across the river. I think this claim subject to
many doubts. In my opinion a reconnoissance should have been made that
night, instead of falling back to Panther Mountain. This would have
resulted in the discovery of their position and force, and thus given
the command an opportunity to take advantage of the night to withdraw.
Had this been done, the ferry might possibly have been reached.
The result of these blunders was the fighting of two engagements, with
a heavy Federal loss, while the enemy suffered less. One of these,
Carnifex Ferry, has been dignified with the name of battle, while the
other is considered but an affair.
After the repulse of the Seventh, Floyd intrenched himself on the bank
of the river, near the ferry. About two weeks later, "Rosecrans came
down with his legions," comprising about four thousand men. Approaching
the vicinity of the ferry, he threw forward General Benham's brigade,
with no design of bringing on an engagement, however; but the line
unwittingly advanced to within a short distance of the enemy's works,
when a sheet of flame shot along their entire line. The unequal contest
lasted five hours, when the Union forces withdrew, hungry and
supperless, with a loss of fourteen killed, and one hundred and four
wounded. The loss of the enemy was about twenty wounded.
The troops awoke in the morning to find the rebel works abandoned. Thus
ended the battle of Carnifex Ferry, no less a blunder than Cross Lanes.
General Benham was censured for having attacked their main works, when
he was ordered to make a reconnoissance only. But when it is understood
that the commanding general sent up reinforcements, the blame, if there
was any, attached itself to him.
The loss to the Seventh, at Cross Lanes, was one killed, twenty
wounded, and ninety-six taken prisoners. Several of these were
recaptured at Carnifex Ferry, when Rosecrans attacked Floyd. Among the
number was Lieutenant Cross, Company C. The loss to the enemy has never
been known. There is no doubt, however, that it was considerable. They
attacked in large numbers, confident of an easy victory, therefore very
little caution attended their movements. But instead of a flag of
truce, accompanied by an offer to surrender, they were met by a shower
of bullets, which must have told fearfully on their heavy columns. The
fact that they were thrown into such confusion as to permit our men to
escape, shows that they were too severely punished to follow up their
victory.
The force of Floyd has been variously estimated: some having placed it
as high as six thousand; while, in his official report of the
engagement at Carnifex Ferry, Floyd himself places it at only two
thousand. His force was probably four thousand, of all arms, with ten
pieces of artillery. This entire force must have been in the vicinity
at the time of the affair at Cross Lanes.
The following is an unofficial list of the loss in the regiment:
_Killed._--Captain John N. Dyer.
_Wounded._--Corporal Frank Dutton, N. J. Holly, Thomas Shepley, Thomas
J. Scoville, Sergeant H. G. Orton, Joseph W. Collins, B. Yeakins, Lewis
J. Jones, Thomas S. Curran, William Meriman, B. F. Gill, William S.
Reed, David M. Daily, Robert J. Furguson, James R. Greer, E. J.
Kreiger, Sergeant James Grebe, John W. Doll, William W. Ritiche, Fred.
W. Steinbauer.
The following is a list of those taken prisoners:
Sergeant W. W. Parmeter, Sergeant E. R. Stiles, Sergeant G. C. C.
Ketchum, Sergeant F. F. Wilcoxson, Sergeant Edward Bohn, Sergeant A.
Kolman, Sergeant E. W. Morey, Corporal C. F. Mack, Corporal J. G.
Turner, Corporal T. A. Mohler, Corporal S. M. Cole, Corporal E. C.
Palmer, Corporal Charles Bersett, Privates Albert Osborn, Charles
Weber, Alex. Parker, R. Bears, L. Warren, A. M. Halbert, H. Keiser, S.
B. Kingsbury, E. Kennedy, A. Hubbell, C. C. Quinn, C. Burrows, E.
Evans, W. H. Scott, C. H. Howard, Charles Carrol, T. B. Myers, George
Sweet, John Massa, J. F. Curtis, W. E. Bartlett, W. Cherry, John Bark,
John Hann, L. M. Blakesly, Z. Fox, J. Butler, F. S. Stillwell, G. W.
Downing, G. C. Newton, William Biggs, Mathew Merkle, J. Sheloy, H.
Huntoon, G. W. Williams, George C. Robinson, H. Wessenbock, J. C.
Rafferty, J. Snyder, W. W. Wheeler, C. Haskell, J. W. Finch, James
Johnson, H. Johnson, L. C. Logue, A. Scoville, P. Wildson, F. Boole,
John Miller, P. Jenkins, John Smith, J. Wolf, Theodore Burt, A.
Schwartz, G. A. Akerman, Charles Sahl, G. W. Thompson, F. Williams, M.
H. Whaley, Z. Larkins, T. Hebbig, Z. A. Fuig, F. A. Noble, J. Hettlick,
J. McCabe, L. Beles, E. R. Smith, F. A. Rubicon, John Smith, E. Smith,
H. Smith, D. N. K. Hubbard, H. Wood, Charles Ottinger, R. S. Beel, N.
D. Claghorn, H. Thompson, N. Freidenburg, M. Levullen, S. Gill, fifer.
CHAPTER VI.
CHARLESTON AND THE KANAWHA VALLEY.--A DOUBLE MURDER.--COLONEL TYLER
ASSUMES COMMAND OF THE POST.
After the engagement at Cross Lanes, five companies of the regiment
remained at Gauley Bridge, while the balance were at Charleston. The
latter part was commanded by Colonel Guthrie, of the First Kentucky
Regiment. At this time it was the seat of justice for Kanawha County,
and contained upwards of three thousand inhabitants. It is a neat
village, situated on the north bank of the Kanawha River, at a point
where the Elk empties into it. There is a fine suspension bridge over
the latter stream, which the rebels undertook to destroy in their
flight. Charleston is three hundred and eight miles west of Richmond,
and forty-six miles east of the Ohio River. It was named after Charles
Clendenin, an early settler, and an owner of the soil on which it is
built.
The Valley of the Kanawha is famous for its beautiful scenery. The
mountains on either side of the river sometimes rise to the height of
five hundred feet and more, and are liberally supplied with rich beds
of minerals and coal. At their base is located the famous Kanawha salt
works. They commence near Charleston, and extend for about fifteen
miles above it. Before the rebellion they gave employment to nearly six
thousand persons. The following extract will be of interest:
"It is a curious fact, and worthy of philosophical inquiry, that while
the salt water is obtained by boring to a depth of from three hundred
to five hundred feet below the bed of the Kanawha, it invariably rises
to a level with the river. When the latter is swollen by rains, or the
redundant waters of its tributaries, the saline fluid, inclosed in
suitable "gums" on the shore, ascends like the mercury in its tube, and
only falls when the river returns to its wonted channel. How this
mysterious correspondence is produced is a problem which remains to be
solved. Theories and speculations I have heard on the subject, but none
seem to me to be precisely consonant with the principles of science."
Before the presence of the army interrupted the manufacture of salt,
these works yielded about two million bushels annually, and are capable
of yielding much more with an increase of capital.
While Colonel Guthrie commanded the post at Charleston a most
disgraceful tragedy was enacted. An order had been issued that no
liquors of any description should be sold or given to the soldiers or
employees of the Government. During the time this order was in force, a
party of drunken rowdies from the First Kentucky Regiment stopped at
the grocery of an old man, and asked for some beer; when refused, they
demanded it. Being again refused they threatened violence, and
proceeded to put their threats into force, when a son of the old man,
occupying a room above, was brought to the window by the old
gentleman's cries for help, and, seeing his father thus set upon by a
mob, from the repeated assaults of which his life was endangered, fired
a revolver, the contents of which took effect on one of the assaulting
party, producing instant death. He was at once arrested and lodged in
jail, around which a strong guard was placed to prevent his being taken
out and hung.
That night Colonel Guthrie, in a speech made to the excited throng,
which had collected around the jail, said, in substance, that the life
of the criminal should be taken if he had to do it with his own hand.
Similar remarks were made by others, among whom was a captain who
afterwards sat as judge-advocate on the trial.
On the morning after the affair the members constituting the
court-martial assembled "in all the pomp and pride of glorious war,"
decorated with all the paraphernalia belonging to an officer's
equipment, but to declare a prejudged opinion.
During the trial the prisoner was as immovable as a statue, evincing in
his appearance a want of hope, as well as a preparation for the worst.
He made no defence. The announcement of the sentence of death produced
no change; he preserved a stoical appearance to the last.
When the hour of execution arrived the prisoner was brought to the
gallows in a heavy wagon, guarded by a double file of soldiers, who
were laughing as gayly as if on their way to some place of amusement.
During the afternoon the sun had shone through a cloudless sky; but
just before this terrible scene was enacted, the heavens were draped
with heavy clouds, and the rain fell in torrents, casting a gloom on
all around. The wretched victim ascended the gallows with a firm tread,
and addressed a few words, in a fearless tone, to those assembled
around. As the rope was being adjusted around his neck, the crowd
involuntarily gave way, showing that, although they had been clamorous
for the enactment of the scene, yet when the time came, they had not
the nerve to witness the death-struggle of their victim. There was but
little movement of the body after the fatal drop fell. This last scene
was sickening in the extreme, and all of us, moved by a common impulse,
turned and walked away in silence, our hearts being too full for
utterance.
This is one more testimony against the safety and justice of the death
penalty.
On the 19th day of October, Colonel Tyler took command of the post at
Charleston. He issued the following proclamation:
"In assuming the command of this post, one of my principal objects
will be to maintain order, and to see that the rights of persons
and property have the protection guaranteed by general orders from
department headquarters. To the faithful execution of this my
entire energies, together with the force at my command, will be
given. To this end I have established Camp Warren, where officers
and soldiers are required to be at all times, except when on duty
which calls them away, or on leave of absence, which will only be
granted at headquarters. Commissioned and non-commissioned officers
will be held personally responsible for any violation of this order
by members of their companies. Drunkenness, marauding, boisterous
and unsoldierlike conduct are strictly forbidden. To prevent this,
the sale of intoxicating liquors, directly or indirectly, to those
in the service of the United States, is positively and emphatically
prohibited; and I call upon the citizens to aid me in detecting
those who violate this order. The quiet of your town, the
protection of your property--in fact your lives and the lives of
your families--depend much upon the sobriety of our officers and
men; therefore, it becomes your duty as well as your interest to
lend me your aid in the execution of this order.
"E. B. TYLER,
"Colonel Commanding Post."
Under the rule of Colonel Tyler the post at Charleston assumed order
and quiet. Under the former commandant drunkenness was common, while
marauding parties were free to patrol the streets on their errands of
mischief. The property of the citizens was at the mercy of these gangs,
while their lives were not unfrequently placed in jeopardy. The people,
therefore, were much gratified with the change of rule. Camps were now
established at some distance from the village, while no soldiers were
permitted to visit it unless they first obtained a pass from
headquarters, which, being established in town, was difficult to
procure. A provost-marshal was appointed, with a proper guard subject
to his orders. This guard was instructed to arrest all soldiers found
in the streets of the village without a proper pass, as well as those
committing any depredations on the property or persons of the citizens,
with or without a pass.
About the middle of October the companies at Gauley Bridge came down to
Charleston. During their stay on the Gauley they performed much duty at
the outposts; several times being under the enemy's fire, though none
were injured. The detachment suffered severe loss, however, from
sickness. Lieutenant Robinson was among the number; he died of fever;
his loss was greatly felt by the regiment. When the news of his death
reached his company, they wept as for a brother.
CHAPTER VII.
FLOYD ESTABLISHES BATTERIES ON COTTON HILL.--DRIVEN OFF BY THE FORCES
OF GENERAL COX.--BENHAM'S FAILURE TO INTERCEPT HIS RETREAT.--HIS
PURSUIT.--SKIRMISH AT MCCOY'S MILLS.--HIS FINAL ESCAPE.
Near the last of October General Floyd very suddenly appeared on Cotton
Hill, an abrupt eminence lying between the Kanawha and New rivers, at
the junction of the Gauley with the latter stream, which form the
Kanawha. The enemy immediately commenced shelling Gauley Bridge.
General Cox, who was some distance up New River, near the headquarters
of General Rosecrans, was ordered to proceed to Gauley Bridge and to
assume direction of affairs. He was also ordered to direct General
Benham, who was expected to arrive very soon with a brigade, to cross
his forces, at night, over the Kanawha River, and to carry the summit
of Cotton Hill by storm. A picket post had already been established
across the river by direction of General Cox. Benham protested against
the movement, and refused to execute the order received through General
Cox, but proceeded to confer, by telegraph, with General Rosecrans,
receiving in reply the same orders. Benham still protesting against
attempting to execute what he termed so hazardous a movement, at his
own request was permitted to pass down the river to the mouth of Loop
Creek, from whence he was to undertake a flank movement. Colonel Smith
joined General Benham in his protest, declaring the attempt to storm
these batteries as sheer madness. It is significant that General Cox
afterwards stormed and carried Cotton Hill, with barely a regiment of
troops.
Floyd had constructed a line of fortifications at Dickerson's, on the
road to Fayetteville, which was his only avenue of retreat in case of
disaster.
Soon after General Benham arrived opposite Loop Creek, he was joined by
five hundred selected men from the Seventh from Charleston. This
detachment of the regiment, having arrived on boats, was ordered to
disembark, and take up their position at the mouth of Loop Creek. The
following morning it moved up the creek some eight or ten miles, where
it took up its position at an old log barn. Lieutenant-Colonel
Creighton being in command, Colonel Tyler having remained at
Charleston, was instructed to picket the roads well in his front, as
well as the mountains lying between; and also to scout the country in
the vicinity, for the purpose of finding out the position of the camp
of the enemy, as well as his numbers. The latter part of the order was
well executed, and there can be no doubt that Benham was possessed of
accurate information of the enemy.
After the third day of our occupation of this position we were joined
by a detachment of the Forty-fourth Ohio, under command of Major
Mitchell, and the Thirty-seventh Ohio, under command of Colonel
Seibert. Soon after, all of this force, with the exception of eight
companies of the Thirty-seventh Regiment, was ordered forward under
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Creighton.
Proceeding for some distance on a road leading to the front, we struck
into a bridle path, and after passing through a wood, began ascending a
mountain. Single file, the command clambered up its steep and rocky
sides. Arriving on its summit we could see the heads of a line of men
extending for a mile beneath us. Descending the opposite side with some
difficulty, we marched some distance from the foot of the mountain, and
found ourselves at Cassady's Mills, a point from which the command was
to debouch on to the Fayetteville pike, should Floyd attempt a retreat.
But the movement, on the part of Benham, was so tardily executed, that
the balance of the command never arrived at this point; but instead,
the forces, other than the Seventh Ohio, were ordered away that night;
leaving a detachment of five hundred men, with no support, within three
miles of a well-equipped army of the enemy. We were so near that we
could plainly hear the bugle calls in Floyd's camp. Had Benham's entire
command been at that point, the retreat of the rebel army could have
been intercepted. Previous to this, Floyd had been driven back to his
intrenchments at Dickerson's, and all that was necessary to his
capture, was an attack on his rear on the part of Benham. But he either
feared to make the attack, or was too slow in doing it. The former is
probably true. That night the rebel general passed within three miles
of our position, and escaped with his entire army, together with the
artillery and baggage.
On the 12th of November, Benham arrived at Cotton Hill, but to find the
forces of General Cox in possession. On the afternoon of the 13th, he
pushed on after Floyd's retreating army, arriving within four miles of
Fayetteville, at about eleven o'clock P.M. Here, evidences of the
hurried retreat of Floyd began to multiply. The fences were lined with
hides, but recently stripped from the carcasses of cattle, while in
many places the beef itself was left suspended from the fence.
On the morning of the 4th, we pushed through Fayetteville before day,
in the pursuit. Floyd had but a few hours the start. Six miles ahead we
took breakfast, consisting of two army crackers to each man. After
which we pushed rapidly on. About noon, our skirmishers, the Thirteenth
Ohio, overtook the rear-guard of the enemy, when sharp firing occurred,
which continued during an advance of several miles, resulting in the
mortal wounding of St. George Croghan, colonel of the Second Georgia
cavalry, and formerly of the United States Army. The colonel was taken
to a house close by and left, where he was found in a dying condition
by our men. Having been a class-mate of his at West Point, Benham
stopped and passed a few words with him. When recognizing the general,
Croghan appeared to be much affected; and is reported to have said that
he knew he was fighting in a bad cause, and that he had been driven
into the army much against his wishes, for he was still attached to the
old flag. He soon after expired.
While this conversation was being carried on between officers so
differently circumstanced, the Union forces had pressed the rebels so
closely, that the latter, to save their baggage train, were compelled
to make a stand. The Seventh Ohio was ordered to act as reserve, but
when the action grew hot, was ordered forward, with instructions to
send out two companies as skirmishers, which was immediately done;
Companies A and K being sent forward.
About this time two pieces of rifled cannon were brought to bear on the
rebels, when they turned and fled, leaving six killed on the field. We
were so near, that we plainly heard the retreat sounded by their
bugles. From this time their retreat became a rout. In their flight,
they cast away every thing that would encumber their retreat. We were
now on the banks of a stream, over whose rocky cliffs numerous wagons,
with their contents, had been hurled. It was supposed, that several
pieces of cannon shared the same fate.
The pursuit was continued with much vigor, until a late hour in the
evening, when General Schenck, having but just arrived at the front,
ordered it discontinued. This was the second error of the campaign.
Schenck, with his fresh troops, instead of ordering the pursuit to
cease, should have pressed with vigor. The enemy encamped but a short
distance in our front, on Three-mile Mountain. This position could have
been carried with ease, with the combined forces of Schenck and Benham,
with comparatively little loss. But the pursuit being the result of a
blunder, resulted in a blunder.
A little after midnight the command fell back, arriving at Fayetteville
in the afternoon of the same day, after a fatiguing march over the
worst road that could be imagined, and with no provisions other than
beef with a very little salt. The Seventh marched to its old camp, four
miles out on the road to Cotton Hill. The officers and men lay on the
hill-side that night, exposed to a violent snow storm, with no other
covering than their blankets, except the snowy sheet that nature spread
over them during the long hours of night.
During the night a demonstration was made on a drove of pigs which were
lurking close by; and it would not be strange if the soldiers could
relate tales of their descent on poultry yards and bee-hives. True it
is, that some first-class honey found its way into camp.
The next day, marching over Cotton Hill, we arrived at our camp near
the mouth of Loop Creek. Embarking on the following day, we arrived at
Charleston on the 18th, after an absence of fourteen days.
CHAPTER VIII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY.
While at Charleston, we were deeply impressed with the profound
interest the slaves were taking in passing events. That down-trodden
race, who had for years suffered every injustice at the hands of their
white oppressors, were now the first to assist the Federal commanders.
Through darkness and storm, they carried information, and acted as
scouts and guides on occasions when it would try the heart and nerve of
their white companions.
From my own observation, I am confident that the slaves of the South,
were just as well informed with regard to their relation to their
masters, as we were. They were, from the very first, impressed with the
idea that this rebellion was to work some great change in their
condition. They were watching, with great interest, every movement of
troops, and were continually asking questions, as to the disposition to
be made of them; thus evincing an interest in military affairs, of
which their masters little dreamed. It is well enough to talk of the
deep devotion of slaves to their masters; but the latter have found ere
this, I trust, that this devotion on which they have relied, has not
prevented them from cutting their throats, when it was in the line of
their duty, and by means of which they could gain their freedom. An
instance of this great devotion on the part of a slave for his master,
was related to me while at Charleston.
A Mr. R---- owned a colored servant by the name of John; he enjoyed the
unlimited confidence of his master, who was in the habit of trusting
him as he would one of his children. This confidence was reciprocated
by a like devotion on the part of the slave for his master. One day a
neighbor told Mr. R---- that his John was about to run away, as he had
repeated conversations with his servants on the subject. Mr. R---- flew
into a passion, feeling very much grieved that his neighbor should
think, for a moment, that his John, whom he had raised from infancy,
should prove so ungrateful as to leave him. The only attention he paid
to this timely warning was, to put still greater trust in his servant.
One day, shortly after this, John was missing; not only this, he had
been so ungrateful as to take his wife and three children. The last
heard from faithful John was, that he was safe in Ohio. Now Mr. R----
is a very good man and a Christian, and treat his servants very kindly;
but that God-given principle, a desire for personal liberty, actuated
him in connection with other men of fairer complexion. John,
undoubtedly, left his old home and master with regret, but home and
friendship, when compared with freedom, were nothing.
I was once told by a colored man, in whom the utmost confidence could
be placed, that there has been for years an association among the
negroes, which extends throughout the South, the purpose of which was
one day to liberate themselves from slavery. He said that hundreds of
slaves who, apparently, were as innocent as ignorant, were tolerably
well educated, and were secretly bending every energy to bring about an
insurrection, which should end in their being released from bondage.
When asked if the field-hands were members of this association, he said
they were; and although possessing less information than those living
in the cities and villages, yet they were aware of what was going on;
and after their work was done at night, they often met in their cabins,
and talked over the prospect before them. He also said, that in the
larger cities of the South this association had regular meetings and
officers; that they awaited only the proper time, when a tragedy would
be enacted all over the South, that would astonish the world.
When we reflect that revolts have been common in the South, and that
they have been attended by partial success, it does not require a great
stretch of the imagination to believe that this association did really
exist. The fact of the intense feeling of hatred cherished by the
people of the South against Northern fanatics, as they were termed, who
came amongst them, is strong evidence in favor of the existence of some
organized course of policy among the negroes. The outward appearance of
the slave is usually gentle in the extreme, although his inward
feelings may be agitated to such a degree, that in a white man they
would burst forth in the wildest passion. Therefore, this hatred of the
South to the opponents of slavery must be traced to a fear of some
secret organization, the object of which lay deeply buried in the
reticent minds of the slaves. The Southern mind was more deeply
agitated, from the fact of the want of this outward emotion on the part
of their slaves; for had this strong desire for liberty, which was
awakened in them, burst out in wild enthusiasm, it would have been
readily checked by the severe punishment of individuals; but it was
this secret working of this deep-laid desire for freedom that troubled
them. The most guilty were, to all outward appearance, the most
innocent.
While the Federal army occupied the country, the slaves were much less
guarded in what they said. One of these slaves, an old man, was passing
a tent one day, when a soldier said to him that he belonged to Jeff.
Davis. With a knowing look, he replied: "I did; but now, massa, I
belong to Uncle Sam." A colored woman, who had been a slave for years
(as she is very old), came into our room one day, and taking up a
paper, asked if we wanted it. Some one said to her, as she was about
leaving the room, that she had better not be seen with that paper, as
it was not the sort her mistress admired. Said she, "I know what missus
likes; I can take care of it;" and slipping it under her apron she left
the room. That slave could read and write, and yet her master knew
nothing of it. So it is with many others. It may be asked how they
acquire this knowledge. They gain it in a great many ways. Many of them
learn of their masters' children, with whom house-servants spend a
great deal of time. Having acquired a slight knowledge, it stimulates
them to greater exertion. They obtain scraps of newspapers and parts of
books, and thus gain a great deal of information entirely unobserved.
The slave knows how to keep secrets; consequently, any scheme that is
on foot is seldom discovered. Few persons, at the commencement of the
rebellion, had the least conception of the vast resources and power of
the slave population of the South. And it was not until they had fed
and clothed the Southern armies for two years, and by this means kept
them in the field, that it was acknowledged. Had it not been for its
slaves, the South, long ere this, would have been compelled to yield
obedience to the Government. The rebels appreciated and used this
element of strength from the beginning. The Federal Government, through
the influence of weak-minded politicians, rejected it; thus throwing an
element of its own strength into the hands of its enemies.
Notwithstanding this harsh treatment, the slaves proved true to the
Government; and finally, through the medium of this faithfulness, their
vast services were acknowledged, and they have not only been taken into
the private service of the country, but they have been admitted into
the army, to swell its numbers, until the strength of their mighty
arms, and the nerve of their fearless hearts, are felt by the enemies
of the country on every battle-field. What a glorious thought!
thousands of the oppressed fighting for the redemption from slavery of
a race which has ever worn the chain. When it is remembered that by
this strife questions are to be settled which have ever disturbed the
harmony of this country, and not that only, but questions which, when
settled, will release millions of our fellow-men and women from the
power of the oppressor, ought we not to be thankful that we are
permitted to make great sacrifices in so good a cause?
CHAPTER IX.
THE SEVENTH ORDERED TO THE EAST.--EXPEDITION TO BLUE'S GAP.--SKIRMISH
ON THE BLOOMING PIKE.
After Floyd was driven from Cotton Hill, very few rebels remained in
that portion of Virginia. Many troops were sent to Kentucky and
elsewhere. Among the number was the Seventh Regiment. It was ordered to
join the forces under command of General Kelley, which were operating
on the upper waters of the Potomac, with headquarters at Cumberland,
Maryland.
Accordingly, on the twelfth day of December, the regiment embarked on
steamers, and after paying its respects to General Cox, by way of
presenting arms and cheers, it moved down the river; thus leaving
forever the scene of its past dangers and privations. Little had,
apparently, been accomplished, during its summer campaign; but perils
had been braved, privations had been suffered, and obstacles had been
overcome. Many graves had been dug and filled with the pride of the
regiment. These were left as a record of its patient suffering in that
wild waste of hills. There was a sort of sadness attending the leaving
of all this for a new field of operations. But the soldier's life is
one continued change; and, therefore, he readily adapts himself to
circumstances.
At Parkersburg the regiment left the boats, and took a train of cars,
which conveyed it to Green Spring Run, a station on the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad, sixteen miles from Romney, Virginia. Here it remained
without tents for several days, when it was ordered to Romney, to which
place it proceeded immediately. It was now given a good ground for its
camp, and furnished with Sibley tents, which were both warm and roomy.
The weather being very fine for the time of year, the health and
spirits of the soldiers rapidly improved.
During the occupation of Romney, quite a force of "bushwhackers" had
collected at Blue's Gap, which were under command of Colonel Blue. This
force of bandits had annoyed the Union citizens for some time. It was
finally resolved to break it up. The force chosen to do this work
consisted of the Fourth, Fifth, Seventh, and Eighth Ohio, Fourteenth
Indiana, and First Virginia, with Danver's two companies of cavalry,
and a section of Howard's Battery, in all about two thousand five
hundred men, under command of Colonel Dunning of the Fifth Ohio. A
little past midnight of January 6th, the force moved out from their
camp. The night was bitter cold, but the march was rapid; and just
after daybreak, the vicinity of the gap was reached, to find that the
rebels were tearing up the flooring of the bridge leading over the
stream coming through the gap. The skirmishers drove this force away,
and then advanced over the bridge, followed by the Fifth Ohio, which
took possession of Blue's house. Procuring a negro woman for a guide,
the force advanced to assault the rebel stronghold on the mountain. On
reaching the place, the intrenchments were handsomely carried, the
rebels standing for five rounds only, when they broke, and fled down
the side of the mountain. Their flight was so rapid that many of the
fugitives ran on to the Fourth Ohio, which was at hand, and were
captured. But they were hardly worth taking, for an uglier set of
ragamuffins the mountains of Virginia, or the whole world even, could
hardly produce. Blue's property was utterly destroyed. The loss of the
enemy in this affair was forty killed, and as many taken prisoners,
together with all their stores, wagons, and ammunition. A number of
cattle were also taken and driven back to Romney. On their return, the
Federals fired several houses, which was a lasting disgrace to all
those taking part in it. General Kelley was justly indignant at this
conduct.
Nothing further occurred to break the _ennui_ of camp and picket duty
until the 10th, when an order came to break camp and prepare for a
march. Immediately following this order, all was bustle and confusion,
in anticipation of an advance. There being a lack of transportation,
some tents and commissary stores were burned. In early evening, the
regiment marched into the town, where it was compelled to wait, through
a fearful storm of sleet, until midnight, when, instead of an advance,
the entire force rapidly fell back through Springfield to Patterson's
Creek, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This camp was soon converted
into a mud-hole. If all of Virginia had been canvassed a worse place
for a camp could not have been found. After a few weeks contest with
this everlasting snow and mud, an order came, on the 5th of February,
to march, which was hailed with universal joy.
The force passed down the railroad late in the afternoon, for a short
distance; when, leaving the tents and baggage, it took a road to the
right, and before night halted in a grove by the roadside. After a few
hours spent in preparing and eating supper, it moved off in the
direction of Romney, the Seventh in the advance.
All night we marched, over mountains and streams, through snow and
sleet. In the morning we came to a halt at an old tannery, and after
remaining through the day, fell back four miles and bivouacked on the
banks of the Little Cacapon River. Tired and wet, the soldiers lay down
to rest on their bed of rails and straw, to gather strength for the
morrow. At last, day dawned, rainy and gloomy, and the command moved
five miles to the rear, to a place called the Levels,--a very high
table-land, exposed to severe wind and storm, which never fails to
visit that region. The regiment was ordered to bivouac, and soon the
pine forest was converted into a village of green houses, with hot
fires roaring and crackling before them.
We remained here some fifteen days, within three miles of the tents;
but for some reason, better known to those in command, we were left on
a hilltop, exposed to the cold winds and snows of February, in brush
shanties. During some of the time it was so cold that a crust formed on
the snow sufficiently hard to hold up a person. During this time the
commanding officer of our brigade occupied a house close by, which was
very convenient as well as comfortable.
The regiment, while here, did very little duty; in fact none, with the
exception of one brigade drill in the snow, which only vexed the
command, without accomplishing any good.
Colonel Sprague, formerly captain of Company E, now paid the regiment a
visit, the first time he had met his old comrades since his capture.
Following that had intervened his long imprisonment. The meeting was a
pleasant one.
On the 13th of March the regiment left camp, and, taking the Bradford
pike, crossed a range of hills, at the foot of which is the Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad. Taking this road, Pau-Pau Station was reached before
night. Here we found quite a number of troops.
General Lander advanced with one brigade on the Blooming pike. Soon the
advance-guard, consisting of a part of a regiment of cavalry, came on
to an intrenched camp of militia. The general, taking command in
person, ordered a charge; but barely a dozen of these horsemen could be
made to follow their brave leader. But, nothing daunted, Lander,
followed by his staff and a few of the cavalry, dashed over the
intrenchments, when some fifty rebels surrendered; Colonel Baldwin,
their commander, giving himself up to Lander, after the latter had
seized him by the shoulder, despite the revolver which the rebel
colonel held in his hand.
On the return of this expedition, the Seventh was ordered out on to the
pike. After advancing for nearly two miles, it halted by the roadside,
where it remained in the mud and snow till the following afternoon,
when it went into camp close by.
CHAPTER X.
GALLANTRY OF LIEUTENANT O'BRIEN.--DEATH OF GENERAL LANDER.--THE
SEVENTH ESCORT HIS REMAINS.--THE OCCUPATION OF WINCHESTER.
During the occupation of the country about Pau-Pau Station, the troops
were kept active. Skirmishes were of frequent occurrence. One of them
is deserving of mention. A reconnoissance was being made by Lieutenant
O'Brien, of Lander's staff, accompanied by twenty or more cavalry, when
they were met by a band of rebels, who immediately fired a volley;
following which, they demanded the small party of Federals to
surrender. O'Brien, riding to the front, declined, at the same time
emptying the saddle of the foremost rebel with a revolver, which he had
in his hand ready for use. The lieutenant soon after received a fatal
wound in the shoulder, from the effects of which he died some weeks
after. Seeing their leader disabled, the Union cavalry hurried him to
the rear, at the same time presenting a determined front. When he had
arrived at a safe distance they fell back, fighting as they went. They
thus brought the gallant O'Brien safe to headquarters.
O'Brien was a writer of some note. Before the war he was a contributor
to several periodicals, among which was the Atlantic Monthly. For these
magazines he wrote many elegant things, which their readers will
probably remember.
On the first day of March, the monotony of life in camp was broken by
an order to march. We moved out of camp, followed by the entire
division, on the road leading to Winchester. Towards evening we crossed
the Big Cacapon River, and after ascending a spur of the Shenandoah
Mountain, filed into a grove of pines, and remained till the following
afternoon, when an order was given to fall back. On returning to our
camp, we found that the retrograde movement was occasioned by the
sudden death of General Lander. The brave soldier and able commander
expired while his troops were moving on an important position of the
enemy,--a campaign which his fertile brain had conceived, and which his
daring and dash were to put into successful execution. No wonder, then,
when the spirit of its leader took its flight, that the division was
recalled. None were found competent to succeed him in the command of an
expedition which had occupied his every thought while he had been
connected with the department.
On Monday, March 3d, the Seventh regiment escorted his remains to the
cars, in the presence of fifteen thousand troops, drawn up in line to
pay their respects, for the last time, to all that was left of a
commander whom they loved, and a soldier whom they admired. This slow,
sad march of the Seventh, to the strains of a solemn dirge, was
impressive. We returned to camp with the reflection that a master
spirit had taken its departure.
After the death of General Lander, Brigadier-General Shields was given
the command of his division. He arrived soon after.
The forces under General Banks, occupying the country in the vicinity
of Harper's Ferry, were ordered to make an immediate advance on
Winchester, General Shields was directed to co-operate in this
movement. He was ordered to move on Martinsburg, when General Banks
crossed the Potomac.
Early in March the division moved down to the railroad, when on the
same day it took the cars for Martinsburg. On arriving at Back Creek,
ten miles east of Hancock, the bridge was found to be destroyed. The
command now bivouacked, while a party was set at work repairing the
bridge. The work progressed so slowly, that on the 10th the command
moved on in advance of the train, passing through Martinsburg, and
encamping some two miles out on the Winchester pike.
On the following morning the column pushed vigorously forward to assist
General Banks in his attack on Winchester. The rebels, however, instead
of giving battle, fled as the command approached the city. Shields,
therefore, was ordered to encamp his troops before reaching Winchester.
The camp of the Seventh was about three miles north of the town, on the
Martinsburg road. The balance of the division encamped in the immediate
vicinity.
Winchester had for a long time been occupied by the rebels. The extreme
left of Beauregard's army, under command of General Johnston, had taken
possession of the place, when the rebel troops first occupied Virginia.
From this point, troops were immediately sent forward to occupy and
destroy the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, as well as to menace our lines
in the direction of Harper's Ferry and Cumberland. The possession,
therefore, of the place by the Union forces was of great importance. It
not only resulted in the protection of this very important railroad,
but so menaced the left of the rebel army as to require its commander
to detach a large force to the Shenandoah Valley, and thus materially
weakening his main army. Under a leader less able than Jackson, it
would have greatly taxed his energies to hold the valley. But under
this indomitable general the army was enabled to make a good show of
resistance to the advance of the Federal forces.
Winchester, the county seat of Frederick County, is seventy-four miles
west of Washington. The town is laid out in regular order, the streets
crossing at right angles. The place possesses some little of historical
interest. During the French and Indian War, Washington made it his
headquarters; and he also mentions it as one of the points which he
touched while on his mission to the French authorities on the Ohio
River. After the engagement at Great Meadows, July 4, 1774, Washington
returned to the place to recruit his regiment. It was also the base of
operations for the forces engaged in the reduction of Fort Duquesne.
During these wars a fort was built under the direction of Washington,
and named Fort Landon. A part of it is to be seen at this day. While
this fort was being constructed, Washington bought a lot in Winchester,
had a blacksmith shop built on it, and brought his own smith from Mount
Vernon to do the necessary iron-work for the fort. A well was sunk in
this fort to the depth of one hundred and three feet, the water from
which now runs over the top. The labor of erecting this fort was
performed by Washington's own regiment. The famous General Morgan, the
leader of the American forces at the battle of the Cowpens, is buried
here.
CHAPTER XI.
A RECONNOISSANCE TO STRASBURG.--BATTLE OF WINCHESTER.--UTTER DEFEAT
AND ROUT OF JACKSON'S ARMY.
Immediately after the occupation of Winchester, the enemy's cavalry
advance becoming troublesome, a plan was laid for its capture. Colonel
Mason, of the Fourth Ohio, was sent out on the road to Front Royal,
with a brigade, composed of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, with
instructions to proceed until he arrived at the last road leading to
the right before reaching Front Royal; which road he was to take, and
by it strike the rear of the enemy at Middletown, a small hamlet
equally distant from both Winchester and Strasburg. He was soon after
followed by General Shields, with six thousand men, who moved on the
direct road to Middletown. Colonel Mason's command, arriving at this
place in advance of Shields' column, encountered the enemy's pickets,
and drove them to Cedar Creek Bridge, which, having covered with
combustibles, they fired. When the troops of Colonel Mason arrived in
the vicinity, they were opened upon by a battery, to which they
replied; with no effect, however, as the distance was too great.
Shields coming up with his division soon after, the entire force
bivouacked for the night.
Early the following morning the command crossed the river without
opposition; but on arriving at Strasburg, the enemy opened fire from a
battery planted on a hill beyond the town. Shields, suspecting that the
entire force of Jackson was in the vicinity, made his dispositions for
immediate battle. The Seventh being ordered out on the road beyond the
town, were fired upon by a masked battery, but none injured. After
having been exposed to this fire for half an hour, it was withdrawn.
Soon after, our artillery was got into position, and after thirty
pieces of cannon had belched forth their fire, the rebels fled in
haste. During this fire, Mason's cavalry advanced so far out on the
road, that they were mistaken for the enemy by Captain Clark, of a
battery of regulars; he therefore sent a shell among them, with such
accuracy as to kill a few horses, and slightly wound one man.
An advance being ordered, the pursuit was continued for five miles,
when the command returned to Strasburg, and encamped for the night. On
the following morning it fell back to its old camp, the Seventh
marching twenty-two miles in seven hours, with but one halt.
This reconnoissance to Strasburg leaving no doubt on the minds of both
Banks and Shields that the enemy was not in the front in force, the
first division of Banks's corps, on the 20th, commenced its movement to
Manassas, in accordance with a letter of instruction from General
McClellan, of the 16th. General Banks did not follow this division
immediately, but remained at Winchester until twelve o'clock on Sunday,
the 23d, when he started for Harper's Ferry.
All this time Shields thought he was being trifled with by the rebel
General Ashby.
On Saturday, the 22d, there had been a good deal of firing in the early
part of the day, but what occasioned it did not seem to be well
understood, except to those engaged. But during the afternoon it was
thought prudent to make all needful preparation for battle, so as not
to be surprised in case it should prove that a greater force than
Ashby's was in front. Therefore the whole division was ordered up; the
third brigade, however, did not pass through the town. Shields went to
the front, followed by the first and second brigades. As these forces
emerged from the city, the rebel cavalry made a dash at the pickets,
who fled in some confusion through the little hamlet of Kernstown, but
rallied soon after, and by a well-directed volley of musketry emptied
several rebel saddles. This success enabled them to retire in safety.
The rebel cavalry soon after advanced, when a sharp skirmish ensued.
Our pickets having been re-enforced by several detached companies, were
enabled to maintain their ground. In the mean time the rebels opened on
our lines from a battery planted on an eminence; immediately after
which a Union battery wheeled into position, when a spirited artillery
duel took place. While directing the fire of this battery, Shields was
struck on the arm by a fragment of a shell, fracturing the arm, and
producing a painful wound. He, however, continued in the field for some
time after the accident occurred, but was finally taken to a house
close by, and his arm dressed, after which he was taken to town in an
ambulance.
The firing having ceased, the first brigade went into camp on the spot,
while the second brigade encamped in the rear. The third brigade filed
into an open field near where they were stationed during the operations
in front.
During Saturday night a strong picket was kept well out to the front,
while the remaining troops slept on their arms. Nothing occurred during
the night to disturb the several camps.
Morning dawned bright and pleasant. The stillness which rested over the
field of the previous day's operations, gave token of the intention of
the belligerents to respect the Sabbath-day. In view of the general
quiet, the second and third brigades were ordered back to their camp on
the Martinsburg pike.
It was nearly noon when the Seventh arrived, and before the men had
barely time to eat a hurriedly prepared dinner, it was again ordered
forward. This time the march was rapid. The distant booming of cannon,
induced many a disturbed reflection as to what lay before us. As we
passed through Winchester to the south, we emerged into an open plain.
This was crowded with people, as were also the house-tops. They had
assembled, apparently, for the purpose of seeing the Union army
defeated and crushed, and to welcome the victors into the city.
Arriving on the field, we found our forces occupying a commanding
position in rear of a range of hills overlooking Kernstown; while the
batteries, posted at intervals on the crest of these hills, were
maintaining a heavy fire on the right of the enemy's position, which
alone seemed to give evidence of any purpose to advance. The left of
our line was held by the Second brigade, Colonel Sullivan; while the
centre and right were held by the First brigade. Colonel Kimball,
commanding the division, was stationed on a commanding eminence, from
which several batteries were pouring their shot and shell into the
enemy whenever he showed himself within range.
Up to this time, the main fighting had occurred in front of our left;
but soon after a battery opened in front of the right, from a piece of
timber, which our batteries were unable to silence. It became evident,
from this, that the heavy skirmishing which the enemy had kept up from
their right was simply a feint, for the purpose of drawing the greater
part of our force to that part of the field, when a spirited onslaught
would be made on the other flank, which was expected to turn our right
wing, and thus give them the victory. It was a conception worthy the
genius of a Jackson, but it was entirely unsuccessful, as no troops
were sent to that part of the field beyond what ordinary prudence
required; but on the contrary, becoming satisfied of the intention of
the enemy, Colonel Kimball resolved to charge this battery. The work
was assigned to the Third brigade. Colonel Tyler, calling in the
Seventh, which had been supporting a battery from the time it arrived
on the field, formed his brigade in column, by divisions, and
immediately moved forward; at the same time changing direction to the
right, and passing up a ravine, shielded by a piece of timber which
skirted it on the side towards the enemy.
After arriving at some distance to the right, the column changed
direction to the left; and after a march of nearly a mile, it arrived
on the flank, and partly in the rear of the enemy. It had now reached
an eminence in a dense wood. In front, the battery which was the object
of our movement was playing vigorously upon the First brigade, to which
a spirited fire was returned by Robinson's Battery, which had wheeled
into position on the extreme right. This acted as a cover to the
movements of our brigade. Breathless, and with anxious hearts, we
awaited the return of our scouts, which would be the signal for a
plunge into the unknown. We were not kept long in suspense, for in a
few minutes the order was given to change direction to the left, and
the column moved forward, preceded by a line of skirmishers. After
marching in silence for some distance, the sharpshooters opened a
destructive fire on us from behind trees. We were immediately ordered
to charge; and, with a prolonged yell, the command, led by the Seventh
Ohio, swept like a torrent down the hill. A ravine now lay in front,
and, at a short distance, a slight eminence, and still beyond, a solid
stone wall, behind which, in three lines, nine regiments of the enemy
lay concealed. It was a fearful moment. The rebel artillery, in the
rear of this stone wall, had been turned upon the advancing column. The
grape and canister was tearing the bark from the trees over our heads,
while the solid shot and shell made great gaps in their trunks. Under
our feet the turf was being torn up, and around and about us the air
was thick with flying missiles. Not a gun was fired on our side. The
head of the column soon reached the ravine, when a deafening discharge
of musketry greeted us. A sheet of flame shot along the stone wall,
followed by an explosion that shook the earth, and the missiles tore
through the solid ranks of the command with a fearful certainty. The
brigade staggered--halted. With breathless anxiety we anticipated a
counter-charge by the rebels; but it came not. Victory to our arms
followed that omission on the part of the enemy. The order being given
to fire, the column recovered from the confusion into which it had been
temporarily thrown. The Seventh now advanced to the eminence beyond the
ravine; and, from a partial cover, maintained the unequal contest till
the other regiments could form and come to its support. The One Hundred
and Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment was thrown into such confusion, that it
was of little service during the remainder of the day.
An order was given to the Seventh to prolong its line to the left. An
attempt was made to execute the order, when the left wing, passing over
a fence into an open field, received such a well-directed fire as to
compel it to fall back to its old position.
During this part of the contest, the rebels endeavored to extend their
left, so as to flank us on the right. To meet this movement, Tyler
ordered the First Virginia to move to the right. Passing into an open
field, it was exposed to a cross-fire, which soon drove it back to the
timber.
The roar of musketry was now deafening. The dying and the dead were
lying thick upon the hillside, but neither army seemed to waver. The
confusion attending the getting of troops into action had ceased. The
great "dance of death" seemed to be going forward without a motion. The
only evidence of life on that gory field, was the vomiting forth of
flame and smoke from thousands of well-aimed muskets. From that blue
column, which rolled and tumbled in its ascent from the battle-field,
the unerring bullet sped on its errand of death. But other regiments
are seen coming to the rescue. The right wing of the gallant Eighth
Ohio takes position on the left, followed by the no less gallant
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Indiana, Fifth and Sixty-seventh Ohio, and
Eighty-fourth Pennsylvania. These regiments opened a heavy fire, which
was replied to by the enemy in gallant style.
The battle now raged fiercely until near night, when the enemy began to
show signs of giving way. At this the Union forces advanced a little,
at the same time delivering their fire with accuracy. As the shades of
evening deepened into night, the enemy began to fall back. At this
crisis, Colonel Kimball ordered a charge along the whole line, when the
retreat became a rout. In their flight, the enemy left in front of the
Third brigade two pieces of artillery and four caissons.
That night the Seventh bivouacked on the spot now made historic by its
gallantry. The wounded were being brought in all night long, while the
dead were lying in heaps around us, their increasing distortions and
ghastliness adding new horrors to the battle-field.
At early dawn the next day, we were ready to renew the work of blood
and carnage; but there was no occasion; the victory of the day before
was complete, the rebels had no desire of renewing the contest. They
gave the advancing column a few parting salutes from a battery, and
then beat a hasty retreat. We followed them that day to Cedar Run,
where just at night a slight skirmish occurred, with some loss to the
rebels. The following day the Union forces occupied Strasburg, when the
pursuit ceased.
CHAPTER XII.
GENERAL SHIELDS' ANXIETY FOR LAURELS.--SUMMING UP OF THE BATTLE.
--LOSSES IN THE SEVENTH.
After the battle of Winchester, General Shields showed a disposition to
appropriate the laurels won by others to himself. In a letter to a
friend at Washington, he claimed that, after the reconnoissance to
Strasburg, on the 18th, he fell back hurriedly, for the purpose of
deceiving the enemy into the belief that his force was small; and that
after arriving at Winchester, he moved his division beyond the town, so
as to create the belief in the minds of the citizens that most of his
force had been sent away. Now the fact is, this reconnoissance was
greatly the result of accident. The original design of it was to
capture the enemy's advance; this failing, the force proceeded to
Strasburg for the purpose of discovering whether or not the enemy was
in force in the vicinity. It was clearly shown by this advance, what
was afterwards well known, that nothing but a small cavalry force
occupied Strasburg, and that Jackson was some distance up the valley.
The hurried march of the division back to Winchester, was also the
result of accident. The command marched left in front, which brought a
regiment in the advance whose colonel cared little for the comfort of
his men; hence the rapid march. Shields reached Winchester in advance
of the command, having gone on before. After our return there was no
change of position, as our tents had not been disturbed, and we
reoccupied them as they were before leaving. If Jackson was deceived,
the credit of it is not due to Shields, for he was confident to the
very last that there was no other force in his front than Ashby. Even
as late as Sunday noon, when in reality the battle had begun, he
ridiculed the idea of Colonel Kimball calling for so many troops,
remarking, that "Kimball wanted more troops than was necessary for the
force in front of him." He also boastfully said, that "Jackson knew
him, and was afraid of him."
His friends tried to make it appear that it was by his direction that
the troops were manoeuvred on the field of battle. Now the fact is,
he was four miles away, and in such a condition from a wound that he
compelled one of the best surgeons of the division to remain with him
till long after the battle, against the request of the medical
director, who represented to him, in the most earnest manner, that the
wounded were suffering for the want of medical attention. In thus
retaining a surgeon for his own purpose, while the wounded were
suffering for medical aid, he was criminal in the extreme. He committed
an offence which ought to have deprived him of his commission.
Colonel Kimball was mainly instrumental in achieving the victory,
assisted, of course, by those under his command. The skilful manner,
however, in which the troops were managed was entirely due to him; and
the authorities regarded it in that light, for he was immediately made
a brigadier-general, as were both Tyler and Sullivan.
The number of rebel forces engaged in the battle of Winchester has been
variously estimated. They probably numbered sixteen regiments of
infantry, four full batteries of artillery, together with one of four
guns; in the aggregate, twenty-eight pieces and three battalions of
cavalry, under Ashby and Stewart;--in all, eleven thousand men. The
Union forces consisted of thirteen regiments of infantry, four full
batteries of artillery and a section; in the aggregate, twenty-six
pieces, and a battalion of cavalry;--in all, nine thousand men.
The rebel army was the attacking force, yet the engagement between the
infantry was on ground of their own choosing, by reason of the Third
brigade charging one of their batteries. It was in the vicinity of this
battery, which was at least a mile in advance of our selected line of
battle, that the fighting occurred which turned the tide of battle. At
this point the enemy had every advantage of position. He was securely
posted behind a stone wall, and in a belt of timber extending along a
ridge; while our forces were compelled to advance across a plain
exposed to a galling fire from infantry and artillery; and it was not
until they arrived within eighty yards of his line that any thing like
a fair ground could be obtained. Jackson, the famous commander of the
no-less famous "stone-wall brigade," a sobriquet it had obtained at
Bull Run, was fairly beaten; and that, too, by a force without a
general, and of inferior numbers. The victory was so complete, that the
enemy left two hundred and twenty-five dead on the field. Their killed
and wounded amounted to nearly nine hundred, while their loss in
prisoners was upwards of two hundred and fifty: adding stragglers and
deserters to these figures, and it will swell the number to about two
thousand. The Fifth Virginia rebel regiment was nearly annihilated:
there was hardly sufficient of it left to preserve its organization.
The loss to the Seventh was fourteen killed and fifty-one wounded: but
few were taken prisoners, and those by accident. The following is the
list:
_Killed._--Orderly-Sergeant A. C. Danforth; Corporal A. C. Griswold;
privates, Charles Stern, James Carroll, James Creiglow, Allen C. Lamb,
Stephen W. Rice, E. G. Sackett, Reuben Burnham, Louis Carven, Elias
Hall, John Fram, Fred. Groth, James Bish.
_Wounded._--Captain J. F. Asper; Lieutenant Samuel McClelland;
Sergeant-Major J. P. Webb, and Sergeant A. J. Kelly, mortally;
sergeants, A. H. Fitch, E. M. Lazonny; corporals, Ed. Kelley, William
Saddler, Geo. Blandin, William E. Smith, Benjamin Gridley; privates,
Fred. Hoffman, Daniel Clancey, Leander Campbell, Joseph Miller, Hampton
Gardner, Arthur Lappin, Thomas Fresher, Duncan Reid, Joseph Smith,
Albert E. Withers, Charles Fagan, O. H. Worcester, W. Coleman, Stephen
Kellogg, John Gardner, F. M. Palmer, F. A. Warner, Daniel Kingsbury,
Richard Winsor, John Milliman, John Atwater, Geo. Anness, Fred. Bethel,
Charles W. Minnick, Moses Owens, Arba Pritchell, Edward Thompson,
Edward E. Tracy, A. A. Cavanaha, S. Bishop, Owen Gregory, James Hunt,
W. McClurg, H. M. McQuiston, D. O'Conner, P. Tenny, Richard Phillips,
T. B. Danon, Wm. Birch, Henry Clemens.
CHAPTER XIII.
PURSUIT OF JACKSON UP THE VALLEY.--MARCH TO FREDERICKSBURG, AND
RETURN TO FRONT ROYAL.
About the 1st of April the command left Strasburg, under command of
General Banks, driving the rear-guard of the enemy through the little
village of Woodstock, and taking a position on the banks of Stoney
Creek, four miles beyond the latter place. It remained here until the
17th, during which time the enemy kept up an artillery fire across the
creek, which resulted in the killing of several men in the division of
General Williams.
On the morning of the 17th the command crossed the creek, and stormed
the enemy's battery on the opposite shore. The early dawn was
brightening up the eastern horizon with tints of red; and, as the
command emerged from the bridge, and ascended the steep hill beyond,
their bayonets glistened and sparkled. After firing one volley, the
rebels fled in haste, leaving the Federal forces to advance without
opposition. After falling back beyond the north branch of the
Shenandoah River, they made a stand, and endeavored to burn the bridge,
but were prevented by the Union cavalry. A flank movement being
ordered, and partly executed, the rebels again abandoned their
position. The Federals now pressed on to within a short distance of
New Market, where they encamped.
Here the command remained ten days, when it moved two miles south of
the town, and on the 3d of May advanced to within a few miles of
Harrisonburg, but on the following day fell back about five miles to a
good defensive position.
The tents were now ordered to be turned over to the quartermaster; and
on the following Monday we wound our way through Brook's Gap, in the
Massanutten Mountains, towards the smoky tops of the Blue Ridge, and
thus leaving forever the beautiful valley of the north branch of the
Shenandoah. Towards evening we crossed the south branch of the same
river at Columbia Bridge, and moved on in the direction of Luray,
encamping near that place. The next morning the command moved on down
the river until night, when it encamped. In the evening a hard rain
storm came up, which continued for several days. In early evening of
the following day the command reached Front Royal, a small village
situated at the base of the Blue Ridge, near the junction of the two
branches of the Shenandoah River. The following morning we crossed the
Blue Ridge, and immediately encountered the enemy's cavalry, which
annoyed us for several days. On the 17th we arrived at Warrenton, a
delightful village in Fauquier County. We remained in this camp until
Monday morning, when we again took the line of march for
Fredericksburg. We reached Falmouth, on the north bank of the
Rappahannock River, on the 23d of May. The corps of McDowell was in the
immediate vicinity, numbering thirty thousand men, and one hundred
pieces of artillery.
When we arrived on the Rappahannock, we learned that this force of
McDowell's, now numbering forty-one thousand men, was ordered down to
Richmond, to form a junction with the right wing of the grand army
under McClellan. There were then only about twelve thousand of the
enemy in front of Fredericksburg. It was about fifty miles to the
extreme right of the army in front of Richmond.
On Saturday the President and secretary of war came down for the
purpose of arranging the details. Shields' division was greatly in need
of shoes and clothing, while the ammunition for the artillery had been
condemned, and another supply, which had been ordered, had been very
much delayed. It was therefore arranged that the force should start
early on Monday morning, both the President and McDowell being averse
to starting on Sunday.
That evening the President and secretary of war left for Washington.
Very soon after, General McDowell received a telegram, to the effect
that Jackson was making a raid down the Shenandoah Valley, with a
prospect of crushing the forces under General Banks. Soon after this
dispatch, another arrived from the secretary of war, by order of the
President, containing instructions to send a division after Jackson.
Here was the fatal blow to the campaign against Richmond. McDowell
promptly ordered General Shields' division to move, and at the same
time telegraphed the President that it was a fatal blow to them all.
Little things control momentous events. Jackson's army of twenty
thousand veterans checkmated an army of one hundred and fifty thousand
men. In defending Washington, we lost Richmond; but Jackson risked his
own communication to break ours. Results more than realized his
expectations. Without risk there is little gain. Jackson adopted this
adage into his tactics, and endangered his army to save it. Events
proved his sagacity.
In time of war the capital of a country, unless far removed from the
seat of war, is in the way. The City of Washington was a fatality. It
stood between the army and victory. Jackson knew this, and profited by
it. When this general menaced Washington, our army let go its hold on
the Confederacy, to make it doubly safe. The campaign against Richmond
was abandoned, but Washington was endangered still. The valleys and
swamps of the Chickahominy were paved with the bodies of heroes--the
little rivulets were swollen with the best blood of the land--an army
of cripples were given to charity;--and for what? That the City of
Washington might be safe. We have since then fought the ground over
again from Washington to Richmond; another graveyard has been planted;
and this time for a purpose. Washington has been set aside by the new
commander, and Richmond made the objective point.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE MARCH ON WAYNESBORO'.--TWO BRIGADES ENCOUNTER JACKSON AT PORT
REPUBLIC, AND AFTER FIVE HOURS' FIGHTING ARE COMPELLED TO FALL
BACK.
Nearly the entire corps of General McDowell followed the division of
General Shields. The latter took the direction of Manassas Junction,
and from there passed down the railroad, through Manassas Gap, arriving
at Front Royal on Friday noon, after a sharp engagement with a small
force of rebels.
Soon after, Shields stationed one brigade on the Luray road, another to
watch the fords of the Shenandoah, another was sent out on the
Strasburg road, while the remaining one occupied the town. On
McDowell's arrival, Shields, with his entire division, was ordered out
on the road to Strasburg, for the purpose of intercepting the retreat
of the enemy. But, instead of taking the road which he was ordered to
take, he crossed over the north branch of the Shenandoah River on the
road to Winchester. It then being too late to repair the mischief, and
get ahead of Jackson, Shields was permitted to go in the direction of
Luray, and follow up Jackson as far as he thought advisable, with the
single instruction, that, in no event, should his division be
separated; so that each brigade would be in supporting distance of all
the others.
On the second day we arrived in the vicinity of Columbia Bridge, and
pitched our tents for the purpose, as we supposed, of enjoying a
night's rest; but towards evening an order was received to fall back
six miles. Arriving at this new camp, we again pitched our tents; but
just at dark we received an order to move forward to the camp we had
but just left. We arrived about midnight, and slept on the ground; thus
wasting the strength of the command in a needless march of twelve
miles.
On the following morning, June 7th, the Third brigade, by an order to
move on Waynesboro', took up the line of march, arriving in early
evening on the banks of Naked Creek, where it went into camp. Colonel
Carroll's Second brigade had passed over the road some time before.
The command had nothing but flour and beef for supper, and nothing for
breakfast on the following morning; but being assured that some hard
bread was in waiting, some six miles ahead, it cheerfully pressed
forward at four o'clock A.M., and at about two o'clock the same day,
reached the vicinity of Port Republic, where Colonel Carroll's brigade
had met with a repulse the day before.
Port Republic is situated at the junction of two forks of the south
branch of the Shenandoah River. Jackson's whole army was in the
vicinity of the place, the most of it occupying the west bank of the
river. In rear of Jackson's position, at Cross Keys, were General
Fremont's forces. At the latter place, on the previous day, Fremont had
defeated Jackson, with heavy loss to the latter.
Jackson having thus failed to beat back Fremont, was compelled to cross
the river at Port Republic, and, defeating Shields' command, pass
through a gap in the mountain to Gordonsville.
When General Tyler's command arrived on the field, Lieutenant-Colonel
Daum, chief of artillery, advised an immediate attack; but the general
wisely concluded to await the order of General Shields. Selecting a
good position for defence, the command bivouacked for the night.
Early in the morning of June 9th, the enemy was seen to debouch into
the plain in our front, when our artillery, under Captains Clark,
Robinson, and Huntington, opened a heavy fire upon him. This force
moved into the woods on our left, and passing up a spur of the Blue
Ridge, threw themselves rapidly forward, with a view of turning that
wing of the army. Two companies of skirmishers and two regiments of
infantry were sent into the woods to counteract this movement. The
skirmishers having become warmly engaged, two more regiments were sent
forward to their support. The enemy now abandoned his intention, and
coming out of the woods, swept across the field to our right, uniting
with a column which was advancing to the attack.
During this time, the Seventh was supporting a section of Huntington's
Battery. This new movement was directed against the position occupied
by it. When arriving within range of the guns, the enemy charged. The
regiment reserved its fire until the rebel column approached within
easy range, when, by order of Colonel Creighton, the regiment, which
had hitherto been concealed by the tall spires of wheat, rose to its
feet, and delivered its fire. This shower of lead made a fearful gap in
the lines of the advancing column. It staggered, and finally halted.
The Seventh now plunged into the midst of the foe, when an awful scene
of carnage followed. After a short struggle, the enemy was pressed
back, followed by the exultant victors. The Fifth and Twenty-ninth Ohio
regiments did gallant service in this charge. When the enemy had been
pressed back for half a mile, the column halted, reformed, and then
fell back to its old position.
The enemy now made a furious attack on the extreme right of the
division, to meet which the Seventh changed front on the Fourth
company. The enemy was soon driven back in great confusion, and with
heavy loss. Immediately recovering from this temporary check, he made
an onslaught on the centre, which resulted in his repulse, with greater
loss than in any previous attack; the Fifth Ohio alone capturing a
piece of artillery and many prisoners.
During these operations, the enemy sent a heavy column against our
left; and debouching from the timber, came down with such rapidity as
to overwhelm the small force of infantry supporting four guns of
Clark's Battery. This force, endeavoring to make a defence, came near
being captured. The guns, of course, fell into the hands of the enemy.
The Seventh and Fifth Ohio regiments were now directed to regain the
position. Moving by the left flank to the rear of the position under a
heavy fire, these two regiments dashed up the hill and over the guns,
into the midst of the terrified rebels. Five color-bearers had now been
shot down, while advancing as many rods. Lieutenant King seized the
colors and pressed forward, followed by the regiment, which sent volley
after volley after the fugitives, the firing ceasing only when the
rebels were covered by a friendly hill. We were soon ordered to drive
them from this position, which was done in gallant style, the command
charging up the steep sides of the hill, in the face of the foe.
A large column of the enemy was now seen advancing from the bridge to
the scene of action. It was therefore thought advisable by General
Tyler to withdraw from the field during this check of the enemy, and
before these re-enforcements could be brought into the contest.
This movement was executed under the direction of Colonel Carroll; and,
with few exceptions, the retreat was as orderly as the advance.
After falling back some miles, we met the balance of the command under
General Shields, who assumed the direction of the forces. Eighteen
miles from the battle-field, the command halted for the night; and, on
the third day, reached the vicinity of Luray, where it went into camp.
The importance of this engagement has been underrated. Great and
beneficial results to the Union army would have followed a victory; as
it was, a great disaster succeeded. The impetuous Jackson having thus
prevented McDowell's forces from uniting with the grand army, dashed
down in front of Richmond, and hurling his army against the right wing
of McClellan, gave the Federal army its first check, which finally
resulted in its overthrow. McClellan expecting McDowell, received
Jackson. Had the former formed a junction with him, the grand army
would have entered Richmond; but receiving Jackson, it entered
Washington. This failure to intercept Jackson was due to General
Shields' disobedience of orders. His entire division should have been
on the ground on Sunday, or none of it; and on its arrival, he should
have burned the bridge: then the capture of Jackson would have been
rendered probable, but, as events occurred, it was impossible. A part
of the division not being in supporting distance, rendered the burning
of the bridge a necessity; but Shields regarded it differently. His
order to save the bridge was the extreme of folly. To make himself a
name, he came near sacrificing his command. On Sunday, Colonel
Carroll's forces were in a position to have burned the bridge. Soon
after, the enemy commanded it, with eighteen pieces of cannon. Early in
the day it was safe to approach it--afterwards, madness.
This bridge in his possession, gave the enemy an opportunity to debouch
on to the open plain. When there, the advance of Shields' division was
liable to be crushed. The preservation of the bridge rendered it
certain that he would be there, because this plain lay between him and
safety. To avoid entering it, was to surrender. The shrewd Jackson
chose to enter it. When there, he turned upon Tyler, and overwhelmed
him; then moved off at his leisure. The defeat of Tyler was certain;
his escape, marvellous. Jackson anticipated an easy victory, but met
with a stubborn resistance. This mistake of Jackson saved Tyler.
When McDowell saw that the pursuit of Jackson was a failure, he
endeavored to collect his forces at Fredericksburg, for the purpose of
carrying out his original intention of joining McClellan; but Jackson
was there before him, and the grand army had been beaten back.
Had the forces of Generals Banks and Fremont been left to take care of
Jackson, and thus left McDowell with his 41,000 men free to go down to
Richmond, the labor of historians would have been lessened.
Soon after the battle of Port Republic, General Shields was relieved of
his command. This order received the approbation of both officers and
men.
The following is a list of killed and wounded:
_Killed._--Sergeant William Voges; corporals, Geo. R. Magary, Julius
Ruoff, L. R. Gates, John H. Woodward; privates, Adolf Snyder, Romaine
J. Kingsbury, John Mulligan, John Reber.
_Wounded._--Captain Geo. L. Wood; First-lieutenant A. H. Day; sergeants,
Virgil E. Smalley, Samuel Whaler, James R. Loucks (mortally), Chas. L.
King, Wm. Lanterwasser (mortally); corporals, Townley Gillett
(mortally), Holland B. Fry, Mark V. Burt, A. C. Lovett, Cyrus H.
DeLong, A. C. Trimmer, Charles Knox; privates, J. H. Burton, S. E.
Buchanan, Isaac Maxfield, Charles Keller, F. Keller, Edwin B. Atwater,
M. N. Hamilton (mortally), Daniel S. Judson (mortally), Wm. H. Pelton,
Benjamin F. Hawkins, Lawson Hibbard, James L. Vancise, John Atwater,
Jay Haskins, Leroy Chapman, Sylvester B. Matthews, Alfred W. Morley,
Lawrence Remmel, George K. Carl, Franklin Eldridge, George Geyelin,
John T. Geary, Ira Herrick, Marion Hoover, W. W. Rogers (mortally),
Edwin Woods, Morris Osborn, G. W. Parker, M. Eckenrode, D. L. Hunt,
William Frasher, Anthony Williams, John Smith, James Decker, Michael
Campbell, Philip Anthony, John Colburn, John Hummel, John Luetke, John
Schoembs, Conrad Sommer, John Voelker, Herman Fetzer.
CHAPTER XV.
BATTLE OF CEDAR MOUNTAIN.--GALLANTRY OF THE REGIMENT, AND TERRIBLE
LOSS.
After a few days' rest at Luray, the regiment marched to Front Royal,
and soon after left for Alexandria, where it arrived on the 27th of
June. It went into camp on a beautiful hill, just outside the
fortifications.
Remaining in this camp for a month, the regiment was ordered to join
the forces under McDowell, at Warrenton. It arrived there on the
morning of June 26th, and soon after reported to General Banks, at
Little Washington.
General Tyler had now been relieved from duty with the Third brigade,
and General Geary placed in command.
As early as the 16th of July, the advance of Jackson's forces was at
Gordonsville; and by the 1st of August reached the vicinity of the
Rapidan River. To meet this movement, General Pope, commanding the Army
of Virginia, ordered forward the corps of General Banks; and on the 8th
of August ordered General Sigel's corps to Culpepper to co-operate with
Banks' forces; but Sigel, instead of moving promptly forward, sent a
courier to know what road he should take, when in fact there was but
one. This delayed the movement of his corps for several hours, so that
it was impossible to get it in position in time to render any
assistance to the forces under Banks.
On the 7th day of August, Crawford's brigade, of Banks' corps, had been
pushed forward in the direction of Slaughter Mountain, to support
General Bayard, whose brigade of cavalry was being driven back in that
direction by the enemy; and on the 9th, to support this movement of
Crawford, Banks was directed to take up a strong position a short
distance in his rear. Rickett's division, of McDowell's corps, was
posted three miles in rear of Banks' position, and within easy
supporting distance.
Desultory artillery firing was kept up all day on the 9th; yet General
Banks, apparently, did not think the enemy were in force, for, during
the afternoon, he left the strong position which he had taken, by order
of General Pope, and advanced to assault the enemy, believing that he
could crush his advance before the main body came up.
The enemy was strongly posted, and sheltered by woods and ridges; while
Banks had to pass over an open field, which was swept by the fire of
the enemy thus concealed.
The intention of Jackson, in this advance, was to crush a detachment of
Pope's army before the balance could come to its support. Banks, in
thus advancing to the assault, aided him in his design, which otherwise
would have been an entire failure.
Cedar Mountain, the position occupied by Jackson, is thus described:
"The mountain is one of remarkable beauty. At a distance of four or
five miles from its base it seems to rise like a perfect cone from the
plain below, and from its base to its summit scarcely a deflection is
to be observed in its outline form--a perfectly straight line, as if
nature had formed it in the same manner that school-boys form
sand-hills. The sides of the mountain are covered with a heavy growth
of timber: its summit is reached by a poor road. The height of the
summit is, perhaps, eight hundred feet above Cedar Creek."
Early in the day of the 9th, General Geary's brigade was sent to hold
Telegraph Hill, from which our signal-officers had been driven. To
approach this hill was sure slaughter; but the veteran brigade moved
on, through a storm of shot and shell, and occupied the position.
Thirty pieces of cannon on our side, and as many on the side of the
enemy, were belching forth their fire. There was no part of the Federal
lines but that was swept by this fire.
A little after three o'clock the Seventh Regiment was ordered over the
crest of the hill, into a cornfield beyond. While advancing to this
position, a most terrific cannonade was directed against it. It seemed
as if every cannon was being directed against this band of heroes; but
it never faltered in this march of death, moving coolly on, regardless
of the missiles that were tearing through its bleeding ranks. Comrades
were falling, and brothers dying; the mangled, bleeding victims of the
fury and violence of war were left thick, making the ground sacred on
which they fell; but the line wavered not. Reaching a low place, the
regiment halted, and the boys threw themselves upon the ground; and
thus for a long hour they lay, in an open field, exposed to a hot sun,
with a hail-storm of grape, canister, and shell falling thick and fast
around them. Men gave up their lives so gently, that it was almost
impossible to tell the living from the dead. The fatal missile struck
its victim, leaving the lifeless clay in the same attitude which the
living body but just before occupied. During that fatal period death
assumed a real character, while life seemed but a dream.
The engagement had now become general. The brigade of General Prince
had advanced on the left of Geary, occupying the prolongation of the
line. Artillery replied to artillery, musketry to musketry, bayonet to
bayonet, in this deadly strife. Daring warmed into rashness, and
bravery into recklessness.
About four o'clock the regiment was ordered into a meadow, which
position it promptly occupied, although the fire had not slackened, and
carnage marked its advance. After dressing the lines, the regiment
opened fire; and there it stood without a support, facing, in a
death-struggle, three times its number. The fiery Creighton received a
wound which compelled him to leave the field. The noble Crane was
disabled; and the brave Molyneaux, for the moment, took command. Seeing
the regiment nearly surrounded, and exposed to an enfilading fire,
which was fast thinning the ranks, he ordered it to retreat; but heroic
young Clarkey, mistaking it for an order to charge, dashed gallantly
forward, at the head of his command. After understanding the order, he
had barely time to fall back before the wings of the rebel host closed
in.
Slowly and sadly the remaining few of the regiment fell back, keeping
their faces to the foe. Only one hundred and sixteen, out of three
hundred and seven, returned to the rear unhurt; and many of these were
disabled from service by severe exposure to the intense heat of the
sun, and lack of water. The regiment retired to a hill, and was not
again brought into action during the afternoon. At night, however, it
was ordered out on picket. After advancing to Cedar Creek it was
challenged, and no one answering, it received a terrible volley from
the front and both flanks. It fell back to the cover of a piece of
woods, and finally to the rear, about a mile, where it bivouacked.
As night settled upon this field of carnage, Banks' entire corps
withdrew to the position it occupied early in the day; but the
artillery kept up an intermittent fire until near midnight. General
Jackson, from his mountain-top, could see every movement of troops, and
was enabled to calculate just how long it would take to re-enforce
General Banks. Had he not been so imprudent as to come down from his
mountain fastness, and attack the Federal forces after night, his loss
would have been comparatively little. But as Banks retired, he moved
twelve thousand men on to the battle-field, and kept them there during
the night; at the same time advancing one battery through the woods
into the open field beyond the battle-ground. From this position it
opened on the division of Union troops occupying the advance. As soon
as the first flash of his guns was seen, Major Davis, chief of
artillery in McDowell's corps, ordered two batteries into position, and
opened on the enemy. These batteries, being very close, and getting
good range, did fearful havoc among the rebels. It is said that General
Hartsuff sighted one of the guns that did the most execution. After the
battery had retired, Major Davis' guns shelled the battle-field. The
enemy being massed in small space, this fire told fearfully on their
ranks. After firing about one hundred shells, and the enemy not
responding, Major Davis ordered his guns silenced, little dreaming that
he had left more dead rebels on the field than all the random artillery
firing of the afternoon.
Many deeds of daring were performed at this battle. Captain Ash, of
General Pope's staff, riding up to a battery with an order from the
general to stop firing, saw that it was a rebel battery; he, however,
had sufficient presence of mind to give the order, and ride off. It was
obeyed; the battery ceased to fire, and soon after moved off. Captain
Ball, of McDowell's staff, did the same thing, and with a like result.
The following incident is from the pen of a correspondent of an Eastern
paper:
"Just after the firing of musketry became interesting, I noticed a
private soldier coming off the field, and thinking perhaps he was
running away to avoid danger, I rode up to him, when I found he had two
fingers of his left hand shot away, and a third dreadfully lacerated. I
saw at once that he had at least a hand in the fight. I assisted him to
dress his wound as well as my limited knowledge of surgery would
permit, he, in the mean time, propping up my pluck by his quaint
remarks. Said he: 'I don't care a darn for that third finger, for it
warn't of no account, no how; but the 'pinter,' and t'other one, were
right good 'uns, and I hate to lose 'em. I shouldn't have come to the
rear, if I had been able to load my gun; but I wasn't.' After I had
dressed his hand, he looked over in the direction of the firing, and
stood a moment. Turning to me, he said: 'Stranger, I wish you would
just load up my shooting-iron for me; I want to have a little
satisfaction out of them cusses for spilling my fore paw.' I loaded
his gun for him, and he started back for the top of the hill at a
double-quick, in quest of satisfaction. His name is Lapham, of the Ohio
Seventh."
During the action, General Banks was leaning against a tree, when a
cannon-ball struck it about eighteen inches above his head, passing
entirely through. It has been his singular fortune to meet with many
narrow escapes. While riding through Winchester, on his retreat before
Jackson, a rebel, from a window above, took deliberate aim at him, but
was shot by a private of a Massachusetts regiment before he could fire.
The loss to the regiment in this engagement was very heavy, and shows
with what determination it maintained the contest. It went into the
engagement with three hundred and seven, rank and file, and came out
with a loss in killed and wounded of one hundred and ninety-one,--a
loss of more than sixty-two per cent.
The following is the list:
_Killed._--Lieutenants, James P. Brisbine, Joseph Ross, Frank Johnson;
sergeants, C. P. Bowler, Moses Martin; corporals, J. J. Evans, D. W.
Wright; privates, Joseph T. Blackwell, William Adams, Edward Burnet, E.
S. Shepherd, Charles G. Hettinger, Charles Masters, Benjamin F. Gill,
H. F. Dinger, H. Hight, John J. Hensher, Henry C. Case, M. Eckenroad,
N. H. McClurg, C. C. Miller, G. B. Swisher, E. Fox, James Stephenson,
Alvin H. Benton, John Manning, Michael Waldof, James Ray, Frank Miller,
John Weeland.
_Wounded._--Colonel William R. Creighton, Lieut.-Colonel O. J. Crane,
Adjutant J. B. Molyneaux, Captain William R. Sterling; lieutenants,
Henry B. Eaton, W. D. Braden, S. S. Reed, Marcus Hopkins; sergeants, Z.
P. Davie, J. S. Cooper, J. C. Jones, A. S. Allen, Arvin Billings,
George W. Barnette, E. M. Lazarus, James R. Carter, E. G. Taylor, G. W.
Moore, Charles A. Brooks; corporals, M. D. Holmes, Henry J. Brown, L.
Wilson, Joseph Trotier, William E. Smith, Thomas C. Brown, Frank J.
Ware, Clark Wilson, C. H. Buxton, Norman L. Norris, F. A. Davis, Albert
A. Smith, James Alexander, Benjamin Gridley, W. T. Callors, Robert M.
Brisk, A. C. Trimmer, Christopher Nesper, James Grobe; privates, A. M.
Clinton, Thomas Sherwood, Edward St. Lawrence, Arthur Laffin, Leonard
Walker, Jacob C. Gaycly, F. N. Brund, Abraham Ginter, John G. Parsons,
Henry Hatfield, Andrew J. Crippin, Charles E. Preble, John H. Galvin,
F. Creque, Philip Kelley, T. Hammond, E. Lown, William Cammel, John
Boyle, James Dixon, Samuel E. Garden, Jacob E. Hine, Benjamin Hasfield,
Frank Henrickle, P. E. Hill, William L. Latch, Jacob Marks, Thomas C.
Riddle, John Stone, Ernest Zincker, Franklin Gaskill, N. Badger, George
Carrathurs, T. P. Dixon, Henry Fairchild, J. M. Rofflige, M. Richmond,
Theodore Wilder, Oliver Wise, A. Colwell, William Gardner, John Frank,
S. E. Hendrickson, N. R. Holcomb, E. Hobday, W. Lapham, F. Manley, John
McAdams, H. H. Rhodes, J. Harnner, Joseph L. Clark, James Kelley,
William W. Mecker, Charles Himpson, John Wickham, J. Roberts, J. R.
Green, Edward E. Day, Lewis Owens, S. A. Fuller, D. G. Burthroff, J. M.
Holcomb, Frank Strong, E. G. Meekins, H. Wallace, M. S. Gibbons, J.
Donthit, S. Reed, Arthur Adams, Ezra Brown, Ira M. Barlow, George M.
Caldwell, George W. Carter, John Downer, Thomas Ely, Sherman Collinger,
Stephen H. Hopkins, Daniel Jones, Perrin D. Loomis, David C. Nunemaker,
J. L. Oviatt, G. Russell, N. Twitchell, Ralph Winzenried, John C. Fox,
A. Inskeep, James Kincaid, John Lentz, R. D. Murray, John Pollock, E.
S. Mathews, A. Shaffer, C. Glendenning, Alfred Jackson, Hiram Deeds,
Ira S. Ray, Richard Freeman, Samuel Knap, John Fishcun, James A. Tell,
William Kelley, T. D. Williams, Charles Smith, George A. Earl, Maskell
Bispham, Frederick Michael, Henry Schmid, John Hammond, William Pfahl,
John Pike, George Sahl, George Zipp; George Rogers, musician.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE REGIMENT GOES INTO CAMP AT ALEXANDRIA, BUT IS SOON ORDERED TO
THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
After the battle of Cedar Mountain, the regiment took part in the
memorable retreat of General Pope to the Potomac. During the time, it
was not engaged in immediate action; but was exposed, on several
occasions, to the shell from the enemy's batteries. After a fatiguing
march of sixteen days, it arrived, on the 2d day of September, under
the guns of the fortifications around Alexandria. On the following day
it was marched to Arlington Heights, to the support of Fort Albany,
near which it encamped in a beautiful meadow.
At midnight of the same day an order was received to have the command
ready to march at half-past eight on the following morning; but it did
not leave, however, until near noon, when, crossing the Potomac to
Georgetown, it moved off in the direction of Poolesville, bivouacking
at night five miles from Georgetown. On the following morning the
command started before day had fairly dawned, and passing through
Rockville, bivouacked at night near the place. On the 5th it moved
forward, and leaving the small village of Darnstown on the left, formed
in line of battle, fronting Poolesville, and awaited the advance of the
enemy; but he failing to appear in that direction, but threatening
Pennsylvania, by the way of Frederick, the command, on the 9th, broke
camp and advanced in five columns towards the latter city. After a
brief skirmish, the advance entered the place on the 12th. On the 13th,
the regiment crossed the mountains into Pleasant Valley to Middletown.
While descending the side of the mountain, the progress of the battle
of South Mountain was plainly seen. This engagement was fought by the
division of General Cox, of Reno's corps. These troops won great praise
for their gallantry and good fighting qualities; and the general, an
additional star.
On the 15th, the advance of the Federal army drove the enemy in the
direction of Boonesboro', and through the town towards Sharpsburg.
Generals Richardson's and Pleasanton's column of cavalry and light
artillery proved very annoying to the enemy in this day's retreat.
On the following day, the 16th of September, the rebel army took up its
position across Antietam Creek, and there awaited the approach of the
Federals.
[1]"This position consisted of a series of sharp points, rising from
the bank of the creek, and extending to the rear of Sharpsburg in a
succession of ridges; but, when viewed from a point a little in front,
has the appearance of table-land, the ravines being undistinguishable.
These points or ridges are for the most part surmounted by a heavy
copse of timber, which furnished admirable shelter for foot-soldiers;
while, with batteries flanking each hill, the position was all that a
general could wish for defence.
[1] Charles Tenney.
"Seeing the strength of the position, McClellan sent Hooker's and
Sumner's corps around to the left of the enemy's advance position,
across Antietam Creek, and, ere the close of day, they had succeeded in
driving him fully a mile.
"We had lain down in line of battle, expecting to remain till the
morrow. The _tattoo_ had sounded, and an impressive silence had settled
upon the bivouac, broken only by the tread of the alarm-guard, as he
slowly paced his beat, and the occasional passing of an orderly,
conveying some order to be executed on the coming day. Not long were
we to rest. Our ears were soon assailed with--'_Attention, First
brigade!_' and we were soon in line, and moving around to the right,
to the support of Hooker and Sumner, where we arrived about one A.M.,
and bivouacked upon the ground held by the rebels scarce six hours
previous. An occasional shot or volley, in an adjoining piece of woods,
reminded us of the close proximity of the enemy. Nevertheless, the rest
of the night was passed quietly enough by us.
"The morning came, fresh and beautiful; but our _reveille_ was not
the rattle of the drum, nor the clear notes of the bugle. The day was
opened by a fierce volley of musketry, succeeded by another, and yet
another, which were soon so continuous as to be blended in one
unremittent roll. The struggle had commenced, and the sun that rose
shone upon a field already red with blood. Soon the heavy booming of
cannon was mingled with the sharp, crackling roll of small-arms, and
the din was terrific. Hooker was engaged, and hotly too. We were
immediately ordered under arms, and advanced in the direction of the
fight. Halting in easy supporting distance, we were given thirty
minutes in which to make coffee. At the end of this time the volume of
sound perceptibly increased, and was becoming nearer. The rebels were
re-enforced, and were slowly driving our men before them. 'Forward,'
shouted General Mansfield; and forward we went, in column of division,
as cool and regular as on drill. Changing direction to the left, we
advanced through a cornfield taken by Hooker the evening previous, and
which was now held by the rebels, having driven our boys back. An open
field lay before us, commanded by the direct and flank fire of the
rebel artillery, and the left flank of their infantry. Notwithstanding
the heavy fire we thus suddenly received, the advance was made
steadily, and in slow time. Arriving at the front, we deployed into
line of battle. The line now being complete, we advanced; _and the
work was begun_. No halt was made until the woods were ours; but the
enemy was to be dislodged from behind a rail fence. Then we occupied
the crest of the hill in the woods, and from this point we directed our
fire to the fence, where we could plainly see them level their pieces
at us, and fire.
"For an hour and a half we thus remained, and fought: one side with the
energy of despair; the other, with an energy imparted with the
consciousness of right and justice. The contest was fair and equal, and
the right triumphed. At last the line began to waver, and General Green
shouted, 'Charge!' With a yell of triumph we started, with levelled
bayonets; and, terror-stricken, the rebels fled. Like hounds after the
frightened deer, we pursued them fully three-fourths of a mile,
killing, wounding, and taking prisoners almost every rod. Their colors
fell: a private soldier leaped forward, and tore them from the staff.
"Across the fields we pursued the foe, who again took shelter in a
heavy piece of timber, flanked by their artillery. A battery of
twelve-pounder howitzers came to our support, and most efficient
service it rendered. We formed in two lines in rear of the battery, and
lay behind a low ridge, sufficiently high to protect from a direct
shot, but which offered no shelter from the fragments of shells
bursting near to and over us; these were continually striking amongst
us, often grazing a cap or an arm, but doing no particular harm. The
howitzers were doing splendidly, when suddenly we heard, 'But eight
rounds left!' Twenty more rounds would silence the rebel battery, but
we had them not. Soon the rebel fire was more rapid, and a yell in the
distance denoted an advance of their infantry. Shall we retreat? No! we
will hold our ground, or die! On they come, yelling defiantly: 'tis A.
P. Hill's division, second to none but Jackson's. We look anxiously for
another battery. It comes! It comes! We are safe! The gallant Eighth
Rhode Island Battery comes up in splendid style; our ranks open right
and left for them, the exhausted battery of howitzers wheeling out of
line. The Parrotts were unlimbered, and shell, five-second fuse, called
for, and they opened in glorious style.
"But what means that shout so closely on our right? They have flanked
us, and are charging our battery! A half right wheel was made, and we
were partially under cover of a narrow ridge. A portion of our front
rank, with the colors, advanced, and opened a fire upon their column,
but, as it was intended, it only drew them on; shouting fiercely, they
dashed forward, expecting to have an easy capture. We waited until they
were within six rods, when, with a yell such as freemen know how to
give, we rose and poured the contents of our rifles into the mass of
graybacks emerging from the woods. They reeled and staggered for a
moment, then rallied, and returned our fire for half an hour, then
wavered. Perceiving this, Lieutenant-Colonel Tindell, commanding
brigade, ordered a charge. As we started, they broke and fled in
confusion. Our brigade advanced to the woods, but was soon replaced by
a New Jersey regiment, which quickly broke and fled. On came the
rebels, yelling and exultingly waving their colors, across a field, and
entered a cornfield to the south, to flank our men who were engaging a
division. Their triumph was short, for they suddenly found themselves
nearly surrounded by General Franklin's troops, who came in from the
north and east, over the identical ground we fought over, and
precipitated themselves upon the flank of the enemy, six hundred of
whom threw down their guns and surrendered, those remaining fleeing in
dismay from the field.
"This _coup de grace_ closed the heavy fighting upon the right, and
we retired from the front, lacerated but cheerful, feeling that our
duty was faithfully performed, and knowing that the rebels were
defeated."
The next two days were occupied in burying the dead and collecting the
wounded.
On the 19th, the regiment left for Harper's Ferry, arriving at Maryland
Heights on the 20th. A few days after it forded the Potomac River, and
went into permanent camp on Loudon Heights.
The regiment sustained a loss at the battle of Antietam of five killed
and thirty-eight wounded. The list is as follows:
_Killed._--Sergeant James B. Carter; Corporal Martin Lazrus; privates,
John Bacon, Elbridge F. Meachum, George O. Sherick.
_Wounded._--Lieutenant Ernest J. Kreiger; sergeants, George A. McKay,
Jerry G. Clafflin, Isaac Jones, James Hansell; corporals, Edward
Goodsell, Henry H. Bailey, Hiram J. Bell, John F. Ely, Austin Bull,
James Bryant, J. Kurly; privates, George A. Wood, Joseph Kubler,
Laurine Lamphier, Pliney E. Hill, George Steinberger, E. C. Miller,
Daniel Weatherlow, David Everett, Alfred W. Mosley, Averett C. Reed,
Alson Coe, Alfred E. May, Thomas Woolf, Henry Wilcox, George Houck,
William Cromwell, Caleb Bryant, George Wandal, Nick Bauer, Charles
Briedenbach, Charles Graiter.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE MARCH TO DUMFRIES.--SKIRMISH WITH HAMPTON'S CAVALRY, IN WHICH
THEY ARE BADLY DEFEATED BY A MUCH INFERIOR FORCE.
While at Loudon Heights, the monotony of life in camp was relieved by
drill, guard, and picket duty, with an occasional reconnoissance. On
the latter occasions some little skirmishing would usually occur. An
occasional dash was made by the rebels upon the Union picket-line.
Soon after the occupation of this post the grand army crossed the
Potomac and Shenandoah into the Loudon Valley, on its way to
Fredericksburg. We copy a description of the march of a regiment in
Porter's corps.[2]
[2] Lieutenant W. D. Shepherd.
"I have been thinking of the difference between soldiering that we read
about--fancy soldiering, glory and honor soldiering--and real
soldiering of the rough and tumble kind. How well it sounds to read: 'A
regiment of brave men marched proudly through the streets of Harper's
Ferry, to strains of sweet music. Gallantly the veterans of a dozen
battles streamed along, their banners gayly floating in the breeze;
they go to join the Army of the Potomac.' What is it when divested of
its trimmings? 'About three hundred and fifty of what once was a
regiment one thousand strong, went through Harper's Ferry to-day. In
vain the tum, tum, tum of the drum, at the head of the column, urged
the men to keep time. Wearied, worn out by continued tramping, loaded
down with their knapsacks, three days' rations in their haversacks, and
the prospect of a long march before them, slowly they dragged
themselves along; their torn and tattered flag, as well as soiled
clothes, giving evidence of hard service.' Again let us quote: 'At
evening they halted, and bivouacked for the night; refreshed and ready
at early dawn to continue the line of march.' Sift that a little--that
bivouac. Almost worn out with incessant and continued tramping through
mud, and muck, and mire, great clumps of which would stick and cleave
on to the shoe at every step, the night fast closing in, the column
halted; slowly the lingering mass closed up, stacked arms, and broke
ranks. Some, too tired to make a fire and cook food, threw themselves
on the cold, damp ground, and, with their blankets wrapped around them,
shivered to sleep; others, having eaten scarcely any thing all day,
threw off their cumbrous loads, and started, in the now dark night, in
search of wood and water. An old fire-scorched tin cup answers for a
coffee-pot as well as tea-kettle. Into it the water, muddy with the
feet of perhaps a thousand water-hunting tired ones, is put; and while
the coffee is boiling, a piece of fat pork is drawn from the haversack,
and a slice cut off; a long stick, pointed, on which the slice is
secured, and frizzling, sizzling, half burned, half cooked, ready when
the coffee is. The pork, coffee, and hard bread form, for the hundredth
time, the meal of the hungry soldier. Perhaps on the roadside, right in
the mud, glad in truth to lie anywhere, one after another drops his
wearied form. The heavy rain comes down in torrents, wetting him
through and through, but tired nature heeds it not--must have rest.
"Early dawn comes. Again the pork, coffee, and hard bread; and
the stiffened, sore, leg-weary patriot buckles on his saturated
knapsack, and, like a foundered horse, limps achingly along till
he gets heated up, with the same prospect before him of twenty miles
tramp--clamp--tramp."
On the 10th day of December the regiment left Bolivar Heights, crossed
the Shenandoah on a pontoon, and winding round the bluff of Loudon,
passed up the Loudon Valley.
While passing through Hillsboro', the command was given, by Lieutenant
Shepherd to his men, to "Close up!--get into your places!" General
Geary, on foot and unobserved, had marched along just in rear of the
company. Hearing the command, he remarked: "Well, here is a vacant
place, I guess I'll fill it up;" and stepped into the place. He
marched, in this manner, some distance, talking freely with those
nearest him, at the same time obeying orders promptly.
The regiment encamped about a mile beyond Hillsboro'.
Bright and early on the following morning the command moved on. Leaving
the battle-field where the brave Kearney fell, and Fairfax on the left,
on the 15th it arrived in sight of the Lower Potomac, and encamped
after crossing Naabsco Creek.
Having passed Dumfries on the 17th, an order came that the Fifth,
Seventh, and Sixty-sixth regiments, under command of Colonel Candy,
should march back and hold that post. On the following day, crossing
Powell's Creek, two hours' march brought the brigade in the outskirts
of Dumfries, where it went into camp.
Nothing transpired worthy of mention until the 27th of December, when
the heavy booming of cannon was heard in the vicinity of the
picket-line. It was evident that the enemy were making a descent on the
pickets. For several days this attack had been expected, therefore in a
few minutes the command was ready and in line of battle. The pickets
gradually gave way, under the command of the indomitable Creighton,
fighting their way back to the line of battle, in which they took
position. The rebels came gallantly forward, in anticipation of an easy
victory. When within short-range of our guns, they were met by such a
terrible fire of musketry from our partially concealed line, as to
check their advance. They, however, rallied, and returned the fire; but
in a moment staggered, and finally withdrew in confusion from the
field. Again forming their broken columns, they hurled themselves
against our line. They were again met by a determined front, and, with
a like result, were sent, broken and mangled, back upon their reserves.
A third time reforming their wasted ranks, they came down with great
impetuosity, and hurled their solid columns against the weak lines of
the Federals. They were again met with a sheet of flame, which sent up
its column of blue smoke along the entire front. For a moment it was
impossible to tell the effect produced on the rebels; but the smoke
clearing away before a light breeze, it was discovered that their
advance had been arrested. One more united effort, and the rebel line
was again sent back crushed and bleeding. They again organized for a
last desperate charge, and most gallantly did they sweep down upon our
line. Up the hill and over the brush and logs, which lay in their way,
with wild impetuosity, which threatened to crush every thing before
them. Aware of the avalanche that was sweeping down upon them, the
Union boys hugged the ground, awaiting, with breathless anxiety, the
command to fire. At last the stentorian voice of the sturdy Crane was
heard to shout the order, when a band of patriots, their eyes kindled
to a blaze with the ardor of their daring, with strong muscles and
steady nerves, rose, and with a shout that made the gray hills of old
Dumfries echo, poured a volley of death into the rebel host. Disdaining
to again take refuge under cover, the line stood manfully up, and met
the continued onsets of the foe. The brave Creighton stood on a hill
exposed to the fire--how could men falter while the noble form of their
leader was thus bared to the bullets of the enemy? They did not falter;
but the line stood like a wall. The rebels were soon seen to waver, and
as the night "cast its mantle over the combatants," they tardily and
solemnly withdrew, bearing with them the lacerated, bleeding victims to
their endurance.
At night the line was drawn in, and after making every effort for the
security of the command, the boys lay down upon their arms, harassed by
an oppressive uncertainty which always haunts the soldier in the
bivouac upon the battle-field.
During that long night the lonely picket-guard peered out into the
darkness, intent upon catching the first footfall of the cautious
foe. Slowly and with careful tread he paced his weary beat, fearful
that he might be pounced upon by the wily enemy ere he could give
the alarm to his slumbering companions. Through rain, and sleet, and
darkness--oppressed with the solemn stillness that at night hangs over
the earth--with a sense of loneliness weighing upon his feelings--he
stood like a spectre in the gloom, the guardian of the thousands
slumbering in the camp. While others dream of home, and friends, and
firesides, afar off on the hills of New England, or the starlit
prairies of the West, the wakeful picket keeps his vigil. May God
protect him in his watch!
As day again dispelled the shadows that darkened the hills and the
valleys, the columns of the brave Sigel were seen winding their way
through the village. A shout of welcome greeted these heroes. The
dreadful suspense that had weighed upon the hearts of the combatants of
the day before, during that long night of watching, now gave place to
cheerfulness; and confidence was again restored. But the cautions
Hampton had fled; and nothing met the eye save the frowning hills.
The following is the list of killed and wounded in this affair:
_Killed._--Corporal Austin Ball.
_Wounded._--Corporal E. M. Corrdett; privates, Sylvester Carter, Philip
Grigsby, Thomas Roff, Wm. P. Root, Wm. H. Kibbee, W. M. Perry, Stephen
Willock.
_Prisoners._--John Gordon, Andrew Atleff, Richard M. Vreeland, Douglass
F. Pomeroy, Henry T. Benton, Lewis T. Butts, Henry Alderman, Charles
Bradly, James Snider, John Beiler, W. M. Perry.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO THE FRONT.--BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE.
Near the middle of April, 1863, the regiment marched down to Aquia
Landing, where it remained in camp for two weeks.
General Hooker was now in command of the grand Army of the Potomac,
having relieved Burnside after that general's unsuccessful attack on
Fredericksburg. Hooker resolved to make an attempt to drive the rebel
army from the vicinity of the Rappahannock. Burnside's failure had
demonstrated the impracticability of crossing the river at
Fredericksburg; for no army was safe for a moment with a strong army
behind three lines of well-constructed earthworks in its front, and a
wide and deep river in its rear. He therefore chose a flank movement by
the way of Banks and United States fords, thus striking the left flank
of the enemy near Chancellorsville Court-house, and avoiding their
strong fortifications in the rear of Fredericksburg.
The Seventh Regiment arrived in the vicinity of Chancellorsville on the
afternoon of the 30th of April, and encamped for the night a little
southeast of the latter place, and near the Fredericksburg plankroad.
Early on Friday morning it was ordered forward, and took position in
the second line of battle, in an open wood-lot, facing south. Late in
the afternoon it was ordered back; and it finally took position
directly south of the famous brick house, called the Chancellorsville
Place, where headquarters were established and maintained during most
of the action.
Just before dark the rebels came up in great numbers, in an attack on
Knapp's Battery, which was stationed on the left. The Seventh was
ordered to its support, but the attack was repelled before the regiment
became warmly engaged. It remained in support of this battery during
the night and in the forenoon of the following day. About noon of the
2d of May, the regiment was ordered forward to support a line of
skirmishers; but this line, refusing to advance, was passed by the
regiment, when it took the advance, and most handsomely drove the enemy
back for some distance, holding the ground for several hours, when it
was ordered to retire. It did so without confusion, taking a new
position in rear of a piece of woods, where it remained until ordered
into the intrenchments.
During this advance, the right wing was hotly engaged, and lost
heavily; the left wing suffering slightly. It remained during the night
in its old position near the brick house, in the second line of battle.
On the 3d, the regiment advanced to what is known as "the old
rifle-pit," which it occupied while the other troops were falling back
across a cleared field south of the Fredericksburg plankroad. Here it
was exposed to a galling fire from the advancing rebel column; but it
stood firm. When the balance of the troops of the brigade were in
proper position, it formed under the protection of a battery, and
slowly moved off the field, exposed to a terrible fire of both musketry
and artillery, taking up its position in rear of the brigade. The
brigade, however, was soon driven back, and passed to the rear of the
regiment, exposing it to a severe fire. Soon the order came for a
general advance, when the brigade, with a loud shout, dashed at the
foe, led by the Seventh. The rebels were pushed back for a considerable
distance; but no support coming up, the brigade was compelled to fall
back to the south of the brick house, where it halted, and laid down in
the road; but about eleven o'clock at night the shelling became so
continuous and heavy that it was forced still further back, and finally
resulting in its withdrawal to the vicinity of United States Ford. That
night the regiment occupied a rifle-pit about half a mile from the
river. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 5th, it was relieved by
the Fifth Ohio; and taking a circuitous route, arrived in a ravine on
the left of the column, and near the river, and was soon after employed
in the intrenchments.
Early in the morning of the 6th, the regiment crossed the river on a
pontoon at United States Ford, and in the afternoon of the 7th arrived
at its old camp at Aquia Landing.
In this battle the regiment was actively engaged but a small portion of
the time. The loss was not severe, when taking into account the
magnitude of the engagement, and its duration.
Why the army recrossed the river has not been fully explained. The
immediate battle was not a defeat; at least it has not been considered
as such. However, the two columns of Sedgwick and Hooker failed to
unite, which fact may have had an influence in determining the retreat.
The attacks of the enemy had been repulsed at all points, while
Sedgwick had carried a portion of their fortifications in rear of
Fredericksburg. The retreat alone turned a prospective victory into a
humiliating defeat. The grand army failed to accomplish the purpose of
its advance, and was compelled to hasten its march across the river in
retreat, over which it had, but a week before, advanced in triumph. It
can be said by way of apology only, that while at Chancellorsville the
army maintained its reputation for bravery and endurance, the enemy
manifestly looked upon it as a fruitless victory to him.
The following is a list of the killed and wounded:
_Killed._--Orderly-Sergeant Henry Whiting; Color-Sergeant John D.
Creigh; Corporal A. C. Trimmer; privates, Charles H. Cheeney, E. N.
Larom, Henry A. Pratt, John Randle, Almon Lower, John Lee, Stafford
Penney, Thomas Carle, A. C. Steadman, Victor Perrley, Henry Ackman.
_Wounded._--Orderly-Sergeant Elmon Hingston; sergeants, H. H.
Bailey, John S. Davis, James Lapham, H. L. Allen; corporals, A. A.
Austin, John Gardiner, S. M. Cole, J. S. Kellogg; privates, W. Furniss,
H. Owen, F. Eldridge, W. Van Wye, E. C. Palmer, D. L. Hunt, E. V. Nash,
Henry H. Pierce, O. Jackman, C. A. Wood, H. S. Smalley, Charles P.
Smith, S. P. Sherley, F. Rockefellow, Frank Randal, Joseph Kubler,
Michael St. Auge, David Boil, James Dixon, Oliver Wise, James Farron,
G. Breakman, F. Mauley, John Shelby, Andrew Copeland, S. G. Cone, W. W.
Hunt, E. Kennedy, H. G. Benton, A. S. Raymond, C. A. Parks, Isaac
Stratton, H. Thwing, James Baxter, J. W. Benson, S. Hughes, P. Smith,
S. A. Fuller, F. Hank, John Clonde, E. O. Whiting, G. W. Bonn, S. H.
Barnum, J. C. Brooks, W. H. Fox, I. H. Gregg, W. Hunter, H. Jones, S.
Moneysmith, S. S. Pelton, B. Wilson, D. W. Waters, W. H. Bannister, H.
Lewis, W. J. Evans, C. L. Cowden, H. Hoffman, S. Renz, M. Saiser, E. A.
Spurn, L. Knoble.
CHAPTER XIX.
ACCOMPANIES THE GRAND ARMY INTO PENNSYLVANIA.--BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG.
After the battle of Chancellorsville, the regiment remained for some
time in its camp at Aquia Landing. The Army of the Potomac, as well as
that of Lee, was quietly reorganizing, preparatory to another struggle.
Soon Lee began to threaten the outer line of Hooker, by making
demonstrations on the various fords of the Rappahannock. At one time
threatening to move boldly across, and at another menacing the flank,
as if to attack one wing of the army. These various movements gave rise
to sharp skirmishes, nothing more. At last it was evident that Lee
meant an invasion of the North. The Army of the Potomac was therefore
set in motion.
The Seventh left its camp early in June, and proceeded to Martinsburg
by the way of Fairfax. Lee continuing his flank movement, the grand
army was compelled to fall back across the Potomac; the Seventh
crossing at Edward's Ferry. The rebel army now crossed the river by the
way of Williamsport, and moved forward towards Pennsylvania. The Army
of the Potomac moved in the same direction, passing through Frederick
City, Maryland, and taking up its position in rear of Gettysburg,
Pennsylvania. The line of battle was formed a little distance from and
facing the town. On the first day of July the rebel army advanced and
occupied the town, but the day was exhausted in manoeuvring, attended
with slight skirmishing between the advance of the two armies.
Hooker had been relieved, and General Meade ordered to assume command.
After the Seventh arrived on the field it took its position on the left
side of the Gettysburg and Littletown pike.
Early on the morning of the 2d it took a position on a hill on the
right of this road, at the same time sending Company H to the front,
under command of Captain McClelland. This company remained at the front
during the entire day. For the first time in its history, the regiment
occupied a position under cover, a stone wall being in its front. Up to
this time it had not been exposed to the fire of infantry; but during
the afternoon it suffered slight loss from a brisk artillery fire. At
eleven o'clock at night it advanced down the pike, and took a position
in a hollow, running at right angles with the road. It was now exposed
to a musketry fire, resulting in the wounding of one man. It soon fell
back to a stone wall, parallel with a road leading to the pike; and
shortly after it advanced to this road, from which twenty men were sent
forward as skirmishers, under command of Sergeant Stratton. This
gallant soldier was mortally wounded while bravely leading his command
against the foe.
On the morning of the 3d the regiment moved forward, after having
called in the skirmishers, to the relief of the Sixtieth New York
Volunteers, occupying a line of intrenchments. In the evening it was
relieved, and withdrew to the breastworks in the rear; but was soon
after ordered forward to the relief of another regiment, where it
remained until late in the evening. During the entire day it was
exposed to a heavy fire of musketry, from which it suffered
considerable loss, considering the position it occupied. When relieved,
it withdrew to the position held by it in the morning.
At one o'clock on the morning of the 4th of July, it again moved
forward to the intrenchments, where it remained till the brigade moved
off in the direction of Littletown.
The following incidents occurred July the 3d: While occupying the
intrenchments, a white flag was seen flying from the front of the
enemy's lines. The firing being suspended, seventy-eight rebels came
forward and surrendered, including six officers. Lieutenant Leigh, of
Ewell's staff, came forward and endeavored to stop the surrender; but
was fired upon by the regiment, and instantly killed.
Corporal John Pollock leaped over the breastworks and captured the flag
of the Fourteenth Virginia rebel regiment.
Private James J. Melton was wounded, and afterwards taken to a
hospital, where he remained for some time; since which his friends have
heard nothing from him. The wound being in the head, he is supposed to
have become deranged and wandered away, unable to give any account of
himself. No means have been left untried to obtain information of his
whereabouts, but without avail.
The regiment having fought under partial cover, the loss was slight:
one killed and seventeen wounded.
CHAPTER XX.
AFTER REACHING THE RAPIDAN IT GOES TO GOVERNOR'S ISLAND.--AFTER ITS
RETURN IT ACCOMPANIES HOOKER'S CORPS TO THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT.
After the battle of Gettysburg, the regiment was with the grand army in
pursuit of the broken columns of General Lee. Passing through Frederick
City, it arrived at Harper's Ferry and went into camp. Here it remained
for two days, when it moved across the Potomac, and again passing up
the beautiful Loudon Valley, crossed the Blue Ridge to Fairfax and
Manassas Junction, over the old battle-field of Bull Run. Again taking
up the line of march, it crossed the Rappahannock below Culpepper
Court-house, and encamped on the banks of the Rapidan.
About this time a riot broke out in New York city, which required the
presence of the military, as an assistance to the civil authorities.
The Government was therefore called upon to furnish troops. Several
regiments were at once dispatched to the scene of strife. Among these
was the Seventh. It left the vicinity of the Rapidan about one week
after its arrival there. It marched to Alexandria, and there taking the
United States ship Baltic, passed down the Potomac through Chesapeake
Bay to the ocean, arriving on Governor's Island in the latter part of
August. It remained until the first of September, when again embarking,
it sailed to Alexandria, from whence it marched to the Rapidan, near
its old camp.
General Rosecrans had now been removed from the command of the Army of
the Cumberland, and General Grant assumed control. The army occupied
the vicinity of Chattanooga, Tennessee; while the rebel army under
General Bragg occupied Mission Ridge, immediately in front of and
overlooking the city. The task of driving Bragg from this position was
assigned to General Grant.
Before entering upon this campaign, however, it was necessary to
re-enforce the Army of the Cumberland; for it had not entirely
recovered from the disastrous battle of Chickamauga. For this purpose
it was necessary to draw on the Army of the Potomac, now lying idle on
the banks of the Rapidan. At this time this army had, _positively_
speaking, accomplished nothing. It had barely saved Washington from the
enemy. To be sure, it had seen many hard-fought battles, and on all
occasions sustained its reputation for courage and endurance. But the
results following these battles were entirely negative; and after more
than two years of marches, counter-marches, sieges, and battles, when
graves had been dug from the Potomac to the James, and filled with the
best blood of the land, and the country left in mourning for her fallen
braves, but little territory had been gained, and the possession of
this little being constantly disputed by a well-organized and gallant
army. A sort of fatality had thus settled down upon the Army of the
Potomac. Some of the best generals had been summoned to its command,
but to no purpose. The hand of fate rested upon it heavily. When about
to seize upon victory, some stream would rise in its rear, or some
unseen accident happen to its communications or line of supplies,
compelling it to let go its hold on victory, and in its stead to accept
defeat. No wonder, then, that the authorities saw fit to send a part of
this not very promising army to a department where victory sometimes
rested upon the Federal arms. Hooker's corps was therefore ordered to
report to Grant.
The Seventh being a part of this command, left its camp on the Rapidan
in the latter part of September, and moving up to Washington, passed
over to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, when it left for Nashville,
Tennessee, by the way of Columbus, Indianapolis, and Louisville. It
soon after left for Wartrays, by the way of Murfreesboro'. It was now
ordered to construct winter-quarters, but having them nearly completed,
it was ordered to Bridgeport, Alabama, where it arrived in due time.
This entire trip from the East was accomplished without any delay, and
nothing occurring to lessen the good opinion the people entertained for
this veteran corps.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE SEVENTH JOINS GRANT'S ARMY.--THE BATTLES OF LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN,
MISSION RIDGE, AND RINGGOLD.
After remaining for some time at Bridgeport, the regiment was ordered
to the vicinity of Lookout Mountain. It marched to the little village
of Wahatcha, at the base of this mountain, and went into camp. It
remained, however, but a short time, and then returned to Bridgeport,
where it went into permanent camp.
Late in the fall, General Grant had perfected his arrangements to
attack the rebel stronghold on Lookout Mountain; and, as a preparatory
measure, his vast army was concentrated in the vicinity of Chattanooga.
An immense quantity of stores had been gathered, while garrisons were
placed at points to be held for the purpose of keeping up communication
with the army after its advance. Early in November, the Seventh left
its quarters in Alabama, and joined the grand army.
On the 24th of November, the army was set in motion. The Seventh passed
up the northern slope of the mountain, and crossing Lookout Creek,
formed in line of battle. It now steadily advanced, arriving at the
rebel camp to find it in the hands of our men. But desultory firing was
kept up by the rebel sharpshooters concealed in the timber and behind
rocks on the summit of the mountain. The regiment was now ordered on
picket. Passing around to the east side of the mountain, it was fired
upon by the enemy; but owing to their being entirely hidden from view
by the dense fog that had settled over the combatants, it did not
return the fire, but secured a safe harbor behind rocks and trees. This
fire was kept up for nearly two hours, with a loss to the regiment of
only four men wounded. Before night the regiment was relieved from duty
and marched to the rear, bivouacking in a peach orchard.
About ten A.M. of the 25th, it moved down the opposite side of the
mountain, and passing through a small valley, soon reached Mission
Ridge. Without halting, the command moved steadily up this mountain,
and on arriving on its summit, found that the rebels had fled. Passing
into another valley, it bivouacked for the night. On the 26th, the
command moved to the vicinity of Pigeon Mountain, where it remained
till the following day. Early on the morning of the 27th, it moved on
to Ringgold, Georgia, where it found the enemy securely posted on
Taylor's Ridge. On arriving in this town, the brigade was ordered to
scale the mountain. It was formed on the railroad, in two lines of
battle; the second line being ordered to preserve a distance of one
hundred yards. Two Pennsylvania regiments formed the first line, and
the Sixty-sixth a
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