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Holinshed's Chronicles, vol. 1 of 6, complete: England, geography and early history to 1066

by Raphael Holinshed · English · Gutenberg #44700 · 3,498,988 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: Holinshed's Chronicles, vol. 1 of 6, complete: England, geography and early history to 1066

Author: Raphael Holinshed
        William Harrison

Editor: John Hooker


        
Release date: January 18, 2014 [eBook #44700]
                Most recently updated: October 24, 2024

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44700

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HOLINSHED'S CHRONICLES, VOL. 1 OF 6, COMPLETE: ENGLAND, GEOGRAPHY AND EARLY HISTORY TO 1066 ***

   HOLINSHED'S

   CHRONICLES


   _ENGLAND_, _SCOTLAND_,

   AND

   _IRELAND_.


   IN SIX VOLUMES.


   VOL. I.

   ENGLAND.


   _LONDON:_

   PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON; F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. PAYNE; WILKIE
   AND ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORME;
   CADELL AND DAVIES; AND J. MAWMAN.


   1807.


   AMS PRESS INC.
   NEW YORK

   AMS PRESS INC.

   NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003

   1965

   MANUFACTURED in the U.S.A.




   [_Original Title._]

   THE

   FIRST AND SECOND VOLUMES

   OF

   CHRONICLES,

   COMPRISING

   1 =The description and historie of England=,
   2 =The description and historie of Ireland=,
   3 =The description and historie of Scotland=:

   FIRST COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED

   BY

   RAPHAELL HOLINSHED,

   WILLIAM HARRISON, AND OTHERS:

   _Now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of
       singular note and worthie memorie)_

   TO THE YEARE 1586,

   By JOHN HOOKER aliàs VOWELL Gent.

   AND OTHERS.

   WITH CONUENIENT TABLES AT THE END OF THESE VOLUMES.


   HISTORIÆ PLACEANT NOSTRATES AC PEREGRINÆ.




 ADVERTISEMENT.


 THE CHRONICLES of HOLINSHED having become exceedingly scarce, and,
 from their Rarity and Value, having always brought a high Price
 whenever they have appeared for Sale, the Publishers have thought they
 should perform an acceptable Service to the Public by reprinting them
 in a uniform, handsome, and modern Form.

 It cannot now be necessary to state the Importance and interesting
 Nature of this Work. The high Price for which it has always sold, is a
 sufficient Testimony of the Esteem in which it has been held.
 Holinshed's Description of Britain is allowed to contain the most
 curious and authentic Account of the Manners and Customs of our Island
 in the Reign of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, in which it was written.
 His History of the Transactions of the British Isles, during these
 Periods, possesses all the Force and Value of contemporary Evidence,
 collected by a most skilful Observer; and the peculiar Style and
 Orthography in which the Work is written, furnish a very interesting
 Document to illustrate the History of the English Language.

 The original Edition of the Chronicles of Holinshed, it is well known,
 was published by their Author in a mutilated State. A Number of Pages,
 which had obviously been printed with the rest of the Work, were found
 to be omitted, except in a few Copies obtained by some favoured
 Persons. In the present Edition, these Castrations are faithfully
 restored; and in order that the Purchaser may depend upon finding an
 exact as well as a perfect Copy, it has been a Law with the
 Publishers, not to alter a single Letter, but to print the Work with
 the utmost Fidelity from the best preceding Edition, with the Author's
 own Orthography, and with his marginal Notes. The only Liberty taken,
 has been to use the Types of the present Day, instead of the old
 English Letter of the Time of Elizabeth.

 The Publishers submit to the Public this Edition of a curious and
 valuable Chronicle of our History, with a confident Hope, that it will
 gratify both the Historical Student and the General Reader. If it meet
 with the Reception which they anticipate, they will be encouraged to
 select some others of the rarest and most important of our ancient
 Chronicles, and reprint them, in like Manner, for the Convenience and
 Gratification of the Public.




 TO THE

 RIGHT HONORABLE, AND HIS SINGULAR GOOD LORD AND MAISTER,

 _S. WILLIAM BROOKE KNIGHT_,

     LORD WARDEN OF THE CINQUE PORTS, AND BARON OF COBHAM, ALL
     INCREASE OF THE FEARE AND KNOWLEDGE OF GOD, FIRME OBEDIENCE
     TOWARD HIS PRINCE, INFALLIBLE LOUE TO THE COMMON WEALTH, AND
     COMMENDABLE RENOWME HERE IN THIS WORLD, AND IN THE WORLD TO COME
     LIFE EUERLASTING.


 Hauing had iust occasion, Right Honorable, to remaine in London,
 during the time of Trinitie terme last passed, and being earnestlie
 required of diuers my freends, to set downe some breefe discourse of
 parcell of those things, which I had obserued in the reading of such
 manifold antiquities as I had perused toward the furniture of a
 Chronologie, which I haue yet in hand; I was at the first verie loth
 to yeeld to their desires: first, for that I thought my selfe vnable
 for want of skill and iudgment, so suddenlie & with so hastie speed to
 take such a charge vpon me: secondlie, bicause the dealing therein
 might prooue an hinderance and impechment vnto mine owne Treatise: and
 finallie, for that I had giuen ouer all earnest studie of histories,
 as iudging the time spent about the same, to be an hinderance vnto my
 more necessarie dealings in that vocation & function wherevnto I am
 called in the ministerie. But when they were so importunate with me,
 that no reasonable excuse could serue to put by this trauell, I
 condescended at the length vnto their yrkesome sute, promising that I
 would spend such void time as I had to spare, whilest I should be
 inforced to tarie in the citie, vpon some thing or other that should
 satisfie their request; and stand in lieu of a description of my
 Countrie. For their parts also they assured me of such helps as they
 could purchase: and thus with hope of good, although no gaie successe,
 I went in hand withall, then almost as one leaning altogither vnto
 memorie, sith my books and I were parted by fourtie miles in sunder.
 In this order also I spent a part of Michaelmas and Hilarie termes
 insuing, being inforced thereto I say by other businesses which
 compelled me to keepe in the citie, and absent my selfe from my
 charge, though in the meane season I had some repaire vnto my poore
 librarie, but not so great as the dignitie of the matter required, and
 yet far greater than the Printers hast would suffer. One helpe, and
 none of the smallest that I obtained herein, was by such commentaries
 as _Leland_ had somtime collected of the state of Britaine, books
 vtterlie mangled, defaced with wet and weather, and finallie vnperfect
 through want of sundrie volumes: secondlie, I gat some knowledge of
 things by letters and pamphlets, from sundrie places & shires of
 England, but so discordant now and then amongst themselues,
 especiallie in the names and courses of riuers and situation of
 townes, that I had oft greater trouble to reconcile them one with an
 other, than orderlie to pen the whole discourse of such points as they
 contained: the third aid did grow by conference with diuers, either at
 the table or secretlie alone, wherein I marked in what things the
 talkers did agree, and wherin they impugned ech other, choosing in the
 end the former, and reiecting the later, as one desirous to set foorth
 the truth absolutelie, or such things in deed as were most likelie to
 be true. The last comfort arose by mine owne reading of such writers
 as haue heretofore made mention of the condition of our countrie, in
 speaking wherof, if I should make account of the successe, &
 extraordinarie c[=o]ming by sundrie treatises not supposed to be
 extant, I should but seeme to pronounce more than may well be said
 with modestie, & say farder of my selfe than this Treatise can beare
 witnes of. Howbeit, I refer not this successe wholie vnto my purpose
 about this Description, but rather giue notice thereof to come to
 passe in the penning of my Chronologie, whose crums as it were fell
 out verie well in the framing of this Pamphlet. In the processe
 therefore of this Booke, if your Honor regard the substance of that
 which is here declared, I must needs confesse that it is none of mine
 owne: but if your Lordship haue consideration of the barbarous
 composition shewed herein, that I may boldlie claime and challenge for
 mine owne, sith there is no man of any so slender skill, that will
 defraud me of that reproch, which is due vnto me for the meere
 negligence, disorder, and euill disposition of matter comprehended in
 the same. Certes I protest before God and your Honour, that I neuer
 made any choise of stile, or words, neither regarded to handle this
 Treatise in such precise order and method as manie other would haue
 done, thinking it sufficient, truelie and plainelie to set foorth such
 things as I minded to intreat of, rather than with vaine affectation
 of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre; a thing neither
 commendable in a writer, nor profitable to the reader. How other
 affaires troubled me in the writing hereof manie know, and
 peraduenture the slacknesse shewed herein can better testifie: but
 howsoeuer it be done, & whatsoeuer I haue done, I haue had an
 especiall eye vnto the truth of things, and for the rest, I hope that
 this foule frizeled Treatise of mine will prooue a spur to others
 better learned, more skilfull in Chorographie, and of greater
 iudgement in choise of matter to handle the selfe same argument, if in
 my life time I doo not peruse it againe. It is possible also that your
 Honour will mislike hereof, for that I haue not by mine owne trauell
 and eysight viewed such things as I doo here intreat of. In deed I
 must needs confesse, that vntill now of late, except it were from the
 parish where I dwell, vnto your Honour in Kent; or out of London where
 I was borne, vnto Oxford & Cambridge where I haue bene brought vp, I
 neuer trauelled 40. miles foorthright and at one iourney in all my
 life; neuerthelesse in my report of these things, I vse their
 authorities, who either haue performed in their persons, or left in
 writing vpon sufficient ground (as I said before) whatsoeuer is
 wanting in mine. It may be in like sort that your Honour will take
 offense at my rash and retchlesse behauiour vsed in the composition of
 this volume, and much more that being scambled vp after this maner, I
 dare presume to make tendour of the protection therof vnto your
 Lordships hands. But when I consider the singular affection that your
 Honour dooth beare to those that in any wise will trauell to set
 foorth such profitable things as lie hidden, and therevnto doo weigh
 on mine owne behalfe my bounden dutie and gratefull mind to such a one
 as hath so manie and sundrie waies benefited me that otherwise can
 make no recompense, I can not but cut off all such occasion of doubt,
 and therevpon exhibit it, such as it is, and so penned as it is, vnto
 your Lordships tuition, vnto whome if it may seeme in anie wise
 acceptable, I haue my whole desire. And as I am the first that
 (notwithstanding the great repugnancie to be seene among our writers)
 hath taken vpon him so particularlie to describe this Ile of Britaine;
 so I hope the learned and godlie will beare withall, & reforme with
 charitie where I doo tread amisse. As for the curious, and such as can
 rather euill fauouredlie espie than skilfullie correct an error, and
 sooner carpe at another mans dooings than publish any thing of their
 owne, (keeping themselues close with an obscure admiration of learning
 & knowledge among the common sort) I force not what they saie hereof:
 for whether it doo please or displease them, all is one to me, sith I
 referre my whole trauell in the gratification of your Honour, and such
 as are of experience to consider of my trauell, and the large scope of
 things purposed in this Treatise, of whome my seruice in this behalfe
 may be taken in good part, that I will repute for my full recompense,
 and large guerdon of my labours. The Almightie God preserue your
 Lordship in continuall health, wealth, and prosperitie, with my good
 Ladie your wife, your Honours children, (whom God hath indued with a
 singular towardnesse vnto all vertue and learning) and the rest of
 your reformed familie, vnto whom I wish farder increase of his holie
 spirit, vnderstanding of his word, augmentation of honor, and
 continuance of zeale to follow his commandements.

   _Your Lordships humble seruant
   and houshold Chaplein._

   W. H.




 ¶ THE NAMES OF THE AUTHORS

 FROM WHOME THIS

 _HISTORIE OF ENGLAND_

 IS COLLECTED.


   A.

   Aelius Spartianus.

   Aelius Lampridius.

   Asserius Meneuensis.

   Alfridus Beuerlacensis.

   Aeneas Syluius Senensis.

   Auentinus.

   Adam Merimouth with additions.

   Antoninus Archiepiscopus Florentinus.

   Albertus Crantz.

   Alexander Neuill.

   Arnoldus Ferronius.

   Annius Viterbiensis.

   Amianus Marcellinus.

   Alliances genealogiques des Roys & Princes de France.

   Annales D. Aquitaine per Iean Bouchet.

   Annales de Bourgoigne per Guilamme Paradin.

   Annales de France per Nicol Giles.

   Annales rerum Flandricarum per Jacobum Meir.

   Antonius Sabellicus.

   Antonius Nebricensis.

   Aurea Historia.


   B.

   Biblia Sacra.

   Beda venerabilis.

   Berosus.

   Brian Tuke knight.

   Blondus Forliuiensis.

   Berdmondsey, a Register booke belonging to that house.


   C.

   Cæsars Commentaries.

   Cornelius Tacitus.

   Chronica Chronicorum.

   Chronica de Dunstable, a booke of Annales belonging to the Abbey
       there.

   Chronicon Io. Tilij.

   Chronica de Eyton, an historie belonging to that colledge, although
       compiled by some Northernman, as some suppose named Otherborne.

   Chronicles of S. Albon.

   Chronica de Abingdon, a booke of Annales belonging to that house.

   Chronica de Teukesburie.

   Claudianus.

   Chronicon Genebrard.

   Chroniques de Normandie.

   Chroniques de Britaine.

   Chroniques de Flanders published by Denis Sauage.

   Continuation de Historie and Chroniques de Flanders by the same
       Sauage.

   Couper.

   Cuspinianus.

   Chronica Sancti Albani.

   Caxtons Chronicles.

   Carion with additions.

   Crockesden, a Register booke belonging to an house of that name in
       Staffordshire.


   D.

   Diodorus Siculus.

   Dion Cassius.

   Dominicus Marius Niger.


   E.

   Edmerus.

   Eusebius.

   Eutropius.

   Encomium Emmæ, an old Pamphlet written to hir, conteining much good
       matter for the vnderstanding of the state of this realme in hir
       time, wherein hir praise is not pretermitted, and so hath
       obteined by reason thereof that title.

   Enguerant de Monstrellet.

   Eulogium.

   Edmund Campian.


   F.

   Fabian.

   Froissart.

   Franciscus Tarapha.

   Franciscus Petrarcha.

   Flauius Vopiscus Siracusanus.

   Floriacensis Vigorinensis.


   G.

   Gviciardini Francisco.

   Guiciardini Ludouico.

   Gildas Sapiens.

   Galfridus Monemutensis, aliàs Geffrey of Monmouth.

   Giraldus Cambrensis.

   Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.

   Galfridus Vinsauf.

   Guilielmus Nouoburgensis.

   Guilielmus Thorne.

   Gualterus Hemmingford, aliàs Gisburnensis.

   Geruasius Dorobernensis.

   Geruasius Tilberiensis.

   Guilielmus Gemeticensis de ducibus Normaniæ.

   Guilielmus Rishanger.

   Guilielmus Lambert.

   Georgius Lillie.

   Guilamme Paradin.


   H.

   Higinus.

   Henricus Huntingtonensis.

   Henricus Leicestrensis.

   Hector Boece.

   Historie Daniou.

   Historia Ecclesiastica Magdeburgensis.

   Henricus Mutius.

   Historia quadripartita seu quadrilogium.

   Hardings Chronicle.

   Halles Chronicle.

   Henricus Bradshaw.

   Henricus Marleburgensis.

   Herodianus.

   Humfrey Luyd.


   I.

   Iohannes Bale.

   Iohannes Leland.

   Iacobus Philippus Bergomas.

   Iulius Capitolinus.

   Iulius Solinus.

   Iohannes Pike with additions.

   Iohannes Functius.

   Iohn Price knight.

   Iohannes Textor.

   Iohannes Bodinus.

   Iohannes Sleidan.

   Iohannes Euersden a Monke of Berry.

   Iohannes or rather Giouan villani a Florentine.

   Iohannes Baptista Egnatius.

   Iohannes Capgraue.

   Iohannes Fourden.

   Iohannes Caius.

   Iacob de Voragine Bishop of Nebio.

   Iean de Bauge a Frenchman wrote a pamphlet of the warres in
       Scotland, during the time that Monsieur de Desse remained
       there.

   Iohn Fox.

   Iohannes Maior.

   Iohn Stow, by whose diligent collected summarie, I haue beene not
       onelie aided, but also by diuers rare monuments, ancient
       writers, and necessarie register bookes of his, which he hath
       lent me out of his own Librarie.

   Iosephus.


   L.

   Liber constitutionum London.

   Lucan.

   Lælius Giraldus.


   M.

   Marianus Scotus.

   Matthæus Paris.

   Matthaeus Westmonaster.    aliàs Flores historiarum.

   Martin du Bellay, aliàs Mons. de Langey.

   Mamertinus in Panegyricis.

   Memoires de la Marche.


   N.

   Nicephorus.

   Nennius.

   Nicholaus Treuet with additions.


   O.

   Orosius Dorobernensis.

   Osbernus Dorobernensis.

   Otho Phrisingensis.


   P.

   Pausanias.

   Paulus Diaconus.

   Paulus Aemilius.

   Ponticus Virunius.

   Pomponius Lætus.

   Philip de Cumeins, aliàs M. de Argenton.

   Polydor Virgil.

   Paulus Iouius.

   Platina.

   Philippus Melancthon.

   Peucerus.

   Pomponius Mela.


   R.

   Rogerus Houeden.

   Ranulfus Higeden, aliàs Cestrensis the author of Polychronicon.

   Radulfus Cogheshall.

   Radulfus Niger.

   Register of the Garter.

   Records of Battell Abbey.

   Richardus Southwell.

   Robert Greene.

   Radulfus de Diceto.

   Robert Gaguin.

   Rodericus Archiepiscopus Toletanus.

   Records and rolles diuerse.


   S.

   Strabo.

   Suetonius.

   Sigebertus Gemblacensis.

   Sidon Appollinaris.

   Simon Dunelmensis.

   Sextus Aurelius Victor.


   T.

   Trebellius Pollio.

   Thomas More knight.

   Thomas Spot.

   Thomas Walsingham.

   Titus Liuius de Foroliuisijs de vita Henrici. 5.

   Titus Liuius Patauiensis.

   Thomas Lanquet.

   Thomas Couper.

   Taxtor a Monke of Berry.

   Theuet.

   Thomas de la More.

   Tripartita Historia.


   V.

   Vvlcatius Gallicanus.

   Volfgangus Lazius.


   W.

   Whethamsted, a learned man, sometime Abbat of Saint Albons a
       Chronicler.

   William Harrison.

   William Patten of the expedition into Scotland. 1574.

   William Proctor of Wiats rebellion.

 Besides these, diuers other bookes and treatises of historicall matter
 I haue seene and perused, the names of the authors being vtterlie
 vnknowne.




 REGVM ANGLIÆ

 SERIES & CATALOGUS.


 [Sidenote: Wil. Conqu.]
 [Sidenote: Wil. Rufus.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Stephanus.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Ioannes.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 4.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 5.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 6.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 4.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 5.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 7.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 8.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 6.]
 [Sidenote: Phil. & Mar.]
 [Sidenote: Elisabeth.]

   Conquestor, Rufus, prior Henricus, Stephanúsque,
   Alter & Henricus, Leonino corde Richardus,
   Rex & Ioannes, Henricus tertius inde:
   Eduardus primus, Gnatúsque, Nepósque sequuntur:
   His inf[oe]licem Richardum iunge secundum:
   Henricus quartus soboles Gandaui Ioannis,
   Præcedit Gnato quinto, sextóque Nepoti:
   Eduardus quartus, quintus, homicida Richardus,
   Septimi & Henricus octauus clara propago:
   Eduardus sextus, regina Maria, Philippus:
   Elisabeth longos regnet victura per annos,
   Seráque promisso f[oe]lix potiatur olympo.


 CARMEN CHRONOLOGICON

 THOMÆ NEWTONI CESTRESHYRIJ.

 [Sidenote: Loydus.]
 [Sidenote: Lelandus.]
 [Sidenote: Prisius.]
 [Sidenote: Stous.]
 [Sidenote: Holinshedius.]
 [Sidenote: Lambardus.]
 [Sidenote: Morus.]
 [Sidenote: Camdenus.]
 [Sidenote: Thinnius.]
 [Sidenote: Hallus.]
 [Sidenote: Vocalis aliàs Hookerus.]
 [Sidenote: Graftonus.]
 [Sidenote: Foxius.]
 [Sidenote: Harrisonus.]
 [Sidenote: Hardingus.]
 [Sidenote: Gildas.]
 [Sidenote: Staniherstus.]
 [Sidenote: Beda.]
 [Sidenote: Neuillus.]
 [Sidenote: Flemingus.]
 [Sidenote: Parkerus.]

   Gramine, fluminibus, grege, principe, fruge, metallis,
     Lacte, feris, armis, vrbibus, arte, foris,
   Quæ viget ac floret generosa Britannia, quæque,
     Obruta puluereo squalluit ante situ:
   Exerit ecce caput, genuinum nacta nitorem,
     Et rutilum emittit cum grauitate iubar.
   Et quod blæsa hominum mutilarat tempore lingua,
     Illud habet rectum pumice tersa nouo.
   Loydus in hac pridem gnauus prolusit arena,
     Lelandus, Prisius, Stous, Holinshedius,
   Lambardus, Morus, Camdenus, Thinnius, Hallus,
     Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus,
   Hardingus, Gildas, Staniherstus, Beda, Neuillus,
     Doctáque Flemingi lima poliuit opus:
   Nec te cane senex, magne ô Parkere, silebo,
     Cui decus attulerat pontificalis apex.
   Omnibus his meritò est laus debita & optima merces,
     Quòd patriæ accendant lumina clara suæ.
   Longa dies opus hoc peperit, longæua senectus,
     Et libri authores perbeet, atque librum.




   AN

   HISTORICALL DESCRIPTION

   OF

   THE ILAND OF BRITAINE;

   WITH A BRIEFE REHERSALL OF

   THE NATURE AND QUALITIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,

   AND

   SUCH COMMODITIES AS ARE TO BE FOUND IN THE SAME.

   _COMPREHENDED IN THREE BOOKES, AND WRITTEN BY W. H._




 A TABLE OF SUCH CHAPITERS AS ARE CONTEINED IN THE FIRST BOOKE OF THIS
 DESCRIPTION.


    1 _Of the diuision of the whole earth._
    2 _Of the position, circuit, forme, and quantitie of the Ile of
        Britaine._
    3 _Of the ancient denominations of this Iland._
    4 _What sundrie nations haue dwelled in Albion._
    5 _Whether it be likelie that anie giants were, and whether they
        inhabited in this Ile or not._
    6 _Of the languages spoken in this Iland._
    7 _Into how manie kingdoms this Iland hath beene diuided._
    8 _The names of such kings and princes as haue reigned in this
        Iland._
    9 _Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion._
   10 _Of such Ilands as are to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine._
   11 _Of riuers, and first of the Thames, and such riuers as fall into
        it._
   12 _Of such streames as fall into the sea, betweene the Thames and
        the mouth of Sauerne._
   13 _The description of the Sauerne, and such waters as discharge
        themselues into the same._
   14 _Of such waters as fall into the sea in compasse of the Iland,
        betweene the Sauerne and the Humber._
   15 _The description of the Humber or Isis, and such water-courses as
        doo increase hir chanell._
   16 _Of such fals of waters as ioine with the sea, betweene Humber
        and the Thames._
   17 _Of such ports and creeks as our sea-faring men doo note for
        their benefit vpon the coasts of England._
   18 _Of the aire, soile, and commodities of this Iland._
   19 _Of the foure high waies sometime made in Britaine by the princes
        of this Iland._
   20 _Of the generall constitution of the bodies of the Britons._
   21 _How Britaine at the first grew to be diuided into three
        portions._
   22 _After what maner the souereigntie of this Ile dooth remaine to
        the princes of Lhoegres or kings of England._
   23 _Of the wall sometime builded for a partition betweene England
        and the Picts and Scots._
   24 _Of the maruels of England._




 OF THE DIUISION OF THE WHOLE EARTH.

 CHAPTER I.


 [Sidenote: Noah first diuided the earth among his sonnes.]
 We read that the earth hath beene diuided into thrée parts, euen
 sithens the generall floud. And the common opinion is, that Noah
 limited and bestowed it vpon his three sons, Japhet, Cham, and Sem,
 preserued with him in the Arke, giuing vnto each of them such portions
 thereof as to him séemed good, and neuerthelesse reteining the
 souereigntie of the whole still vnto himselfe: albeit as yet it be
 left vncertaine how those seuerall parts were bounded, and from whome
 they tooke such names as in our times are attributed to each of them.
 Certes the words, Asia, Europa, and Africa, are denominations giuen
 but of late (to speake of) vnto them, and it is to be doubted, whether
 sithens the time of Noah, the sea hath in sundrie places wonne or
 lost, added or diminished to and from each of them; or whether Europa,
 and Lybia were but one portion; and the same westerlie regions of late
 discouered (and now called America,) was the third part (counting Asia
 for the second) or the selfe region of the Atlantides, which Plato and
 others, for want of traffike thither in their times, supposed to be
 dissolued and sunke into the sea: as by their writings appeereth.

 [Sidenote: The diuision of the earth not yet certeinlie knowne.]
 Not long before my time, we reckoned Asia, Europa, and Africa, for a
 full and perfect diuision of the whole earth, which are parcels onelie
 of that huge Iland that lieth east of the Atlantike sea, and whereof
 the first is diuided from the second by Tanais (which riseth in the
 rocks of Caucasus, and hideth it selfe in the Meotine moores) and the
 Ocean sea; and the last from them both by the Mediterrane and red sea,
 otherwise called Mare Erythræum. But now all men, especially the
 learned, begin to doubt of the soundnes of that partition; bicause a
 no lesse part than the greatest of the thrée ioined with those Ilands
 and maine which lie vnder the north and Southpoles, if not double in
 quantitie vnto the same, are found out and discouered by the diligence
 of our trauellers. Hereby it appeereth, that either the earth was not
 exactlie diuided in time past by antiquitie; or els, that the true
 diuision thereof came not to the hands and notice of their posteritie,
 so that our ancestors haue hitherto as it were laboured in the
 Cimmerian darkenesse, and were vtterlie ignorant of the truth of that
 whereabout they indeuoured to shew their trauels and knowledge in
 their writings. Some peece of this confusion also is to be found
 amongst the ancient and Romane writers, who (notwithstanding their
 large conquests) did sticke in the same mire with their successors,
 not being able (as appeereth by their treatises) to deliuer and set
 [Sidenote: Variance among the writers
 about the diuision of the earth.]
 downe the veritie. For Salust in his booke De bello Iugurthino cannot
 tell whether Africa be parcell of Asia or not. And with the same
 scruple Varro in his booke De lingua Lat. is not a litle incumbred,
 who in the end concludeth, that the whole earth is diuided into Asia
 and Europa: so that Africa is excluded and driuen out of his place.
 Silius also writeth of Africa, (as one not yet resolued wherevnto to
 leane,) that it is;

   Aut ingens Asiæ latus, aut pars tertia rerum.

 Wherein Lucane lib. 9. sheweth himselfe to be far of another
 iudgement, in that he ascribeth it to Europa, saieng after this maner:

   Tertia pars rerum Lybia: si credere famæ
   Cuncta velis, si ventos c[oe]lúmque sequaris,
   Pars erit Europæ, nec enim plus littora Nili
   Quàm Scythicus Tanais primis à gradibus absunt.

 Whereby (I saie) we may well vnderstand, that in the time of Augustus
 Tiberius, Claudius & Nero, the Romanes were not yet resolued of the
 diuision of the earth. For my part, as I indeuour not to remooue the
 credit of that which antiquitie hath deliuered (and yet loth to
 continue and maintaine any corruption that may be redressed) so I
 [Sidenote: The earth diuided into fiue parts, whereas _Belforest_
 hath but foure, in _Prefat. lib._ 4.]
 thinke good to giue foorth a new diuision more probable, & better
 agreeing with a truth. And therefore I diuide the whole into fiue
 seuerall parcels, reteining the common diuision in the first three, as
 before; and vnto the fourth allowing not onelie all that portion that
 lieth by north of the Magellan streicts, and those Hyperborean Ilands
 which lie west of the line of longitude, of late discouered by
 Frobisher, and called by hir Maiestie Meta incognita: but likewise so
 manie Ilands as are within 180. degrees Westwards from our beginning
 or common line of longitude, whereby they are parted from those, which
 by this diuision are allotted vnto Asia, and the portion it selfe made
 equipollent with the same for greatnes, and far excéeding either
 Europa or Africa, if it be not fullie so much in quantitie as they
 both vnited and laid togither. The fift & last part is the Antartike
 portion with hir Ilands annexed, that region (I meane) which lieth
 vnder the South pole, cut off from America, or the fourth part by the
 Magellan streicts; & from Africa by the sea which passeth by the Cape
 [Sidenote: Cape di bona Speranza.]
 of good hope; a countrie no lesse large for limits and bounds than
 Africa or America, and therefore right worthie to be called the fift:
 howsoeuer it shall please the curious to mislike of this diuision.
 This also I will adde, that albeit the continent hereof doo not extend
 [Sidenote: The forme of the fift part.]
 it selfe vnto the verie Antartike point, but lieth as it were a long
 table betwéene two seas, of which the later is vnder the South poole,
 and as I may call it a maine sea vnder the aforesaid pricke, yet is it
 not without sundrie Ilands also adjoining vnto it, and the inner most
 sea not destitute of manie, as by experience hath béene of late
 confirmed. Furthermore, whereas our describers of the earth haue made
 it such in their descriptions, as hath reached litle or nothing into
 the peaceable sea without the Antartike circle: it is now found by
 Theuet and others, that it extendeth it selfe northwards into that
 trace, by no small number of leagues, euen in maner to the Equator, in
 so much that the westerlie part thereof from America, is supposed to
 reach northward so far from the Antartike article, as Africa dooth
 southwards from the tropike of Cancer, which is no small portion of
 ground; & I maruell why not obserued by such as heretofore haue
 written of the same. But they excuse themselues by the ingratitude of
 the Portingals and Spaniards, who haue of purpose concealed manie
 things found out in their trauell, least they should séeme to open a
 gap by dooing otherwise, for strangers to enter into their conquests.
 As for those Ilands also which lie in the peaceable sea, scattered
 here and there, as Iaua the greater, the lesser Sumatra, Iapan,
 Burneo, &c: with a number of other, I refer them still unto Asia, as
 before, so as they be without the compasse of 90. degrees eastward
 from the line of longitude, & not aboue 180. as I doo the Ile of S.
 Laurence, and a number of other vnto Africa within the said
 proportion, wishing so little alteration as I may: and yet not
 yeelding vnto any confusion, whereby the truth of the diuision should
 hereafter be impeached.

 And whereas by Virgil (speaking of our Iland) saith;

   Et penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

 [Sidenote: Unto what portion Britaine is referred.]
 And some other authors not vnworthie to be read and perused, it is not
 certeine vnto which portion of the earth our Ilands, and Thule, with
 sundrie the like scattered in the north seas should be ascribed,
 bicause they excluded them (as you sée) from the rest of the whole
 earth: I have thought good, for facilitie sake of diuision, to refer
 them all which lie within the first minute of longitude, set downe by
 Ptolome, to Europa, and that as reason requireth: so that the
 aforesaid line shall henceforth be their Meta & partition from such as
 are to be ascribed to America; albeit they come verie neere vnto the
 aforesaid portion, & may otherwise (without prejudice) be numbred with
 the same. It may be that some will thinke this my dealing either to be
 superfluous, or to procéed from (I wot not what) foolish curiositie:
 for the world is now growne to be very apt and readie to iudge the
 hardest of euerie attempt. But forsomuch as my purpose is to leaue a
 plaine report of such matter as I doo write of, and deliuer such
 things as I intreat of in distinct and vpright order; though method
 now and then doo faile, I will go forward with my indeuour, referring
 the examination of my dooings to the indifferent and learned eare,
 without regard what the other doo conceiue and imagine of me. In the
 meane season therefore it shall suffice to say at this time, that
 Albion as the mother, and the rest of the Ilands as hir daughters,
 lieng east of the line of longitude, be still ascribed vnto Europa:
 wherevnto some good authours heretofore in their writings, & their
 owne proper or naturall situations also haue not amisse referred them.




 OF THE POSITION, CIRCUIT, FORME, AND QUANTITIE OF THE ILE OF BRITAINE.

 CAP. II.


 [Sidenote: How Britaine lieth from the maine.]
 Britannia or Britain, as we now terme it in our English toong, or
 Brutania as some pronounce it (by reason of the letter y in the first
 syllable of the word, as antiquitie did sometime deliuer it) is an Ile
 lieng in the Ocean sea, directlie ouer against that part of France
 which conteineth Picardie, Normandie, and thereto the greatest part of
 little Britaine, which later region was called in time past Armorica,
 of the situation thereof vpon the sea coast, vntill such time as a
 companie of Britons (either led ouer by some of the Romane Emperours,
 or flieng thither from the tyrannie of such as oppressed them here in
 this Iland) did setle themselues there, and called it Britaine, after
 the name of their owne countrie, from whence they aduentured thither.
 It hath Ireland vpon the west side, on the north the maine sea, euen
 to Thule and the Hyperboreans; and on the east side also the Germane
 Ocean, by which we passe dailie through the trade of merchandize, not
 onlie into the low countries of Belgie, now miserablie afflicted
 betwéene the Spanish power and popish inquisition (as spice betweene
 the morter and the pestell) but also into Germanie, Friezeland,
 Denmarke, and Norwaie, carrieng from hence thither, and bringing from
 thence hither, all such necessarie commodities as the seuerall
 countries doo yeeld: through which meanes, and besides common amitie
 conserued, traffike is mainteined, and the necessitie of each partie
 abundantlie reléeued.

 [Sidenote: The longitude and latitude of this Ile.]
 It conteineth in longitude taken by the middest of the region 19.
 degrees exactlie: and in latitude 53. degrées, and thirtie min. after
 the opinions of those that haue diligentlie obserued the same in our
 daies, and the faithfull report of such writers as haue left notice
 thereof vnto vs, in their learned treatises to be perpetuallie
 remembred. Howbeit, whereas some in setting downe of these two lines,
 haue seemed to varie about the placing of the same, each of them
 diuerslie remembring the names of sundrie cities and townes, whereby
 they affirme them to haue their seuerall courses: for my part I haue
 thought good to procéed somewhat after another sort; that is, by
 diuiding the latest and best chards each way into two equall parts (so
 neere as I can possiblie bring the same to passe) wherby for the
 [Sidenote: Longest day.]
 middle of latitude, I product Caerlile and Newcastell vpon Tine,
 (whose longest day consisteth of sixteene houres, 48. minuts) and for
 the longitude, Newberie, Warwike, Sheffield, Skipton, &c: which
 dealing, in mine opinion, is most easie and indifferent, and likeliest
 meane to come by the certeine standing and situation of our Iland.

 [Sidenote: The compasse of Britaine.]
 Touching the length and bredth of the same, I find some variance
 amongst writers: for after some, there are from the Piere or point of
 Douer, vnto the farthest part of Cornewall westwards 320. miles: from
 thence againe to the point of Cathnesse by the Irish sea 800. Wherby
 Polydore and other doo gather, that the circuit of the whole Iland of
 Britaine is 1720. miles, which is full 280. lesse than Cæsar dooth set
 downe, except there be some difference betwéene the Romane and British
 miles, as there is indeed; wherof hereafter I may make some farther
 conference.

 Martianus writing of the bredth of Britaine, hath onlie 300. miles,
 but Orosius hath 1200. in the whole compasse. Ethicus also agreeing
 with Plinie, Martianus, and Solinus, hath 800. miles of length, but in
 the breadth he commeth short of their account by 120. miles. In like
 maner Dion in Seuero maketh the one of 891. miles: but the other; to
 wit, where it is broadest, of 289. and where it is narrowest, of 37.
 Finally, Diodorus Siculus affirmeth the south coast to conteine 7000.
 furlongs, the second; to wit, à Carione ad Promontorium 15000. the
 third 20000. and the whole circuit to consist of 42000. But in our
 time we reckon the breadth from Douer to Cornewall, not to be aboue
 300. miles, and the length from Douer to Cathnesse, no more than 500.
 which neuerthelesse must be measured by a right line, for otherwise I
 see not how the said diuision can hold.

 [Sidenote: The forme.]
 The forme and fashion of this Ile is thrée-cornered, as some have
 deuised, like vnto a triangle, bastard sword, wedge, or partesant,
 being broadest in the south part, and gathering still narrower and
 narrower, till it come to the farthest point of Cathnesse northward,
 where it is narrowest of all, & there endeth in maner of a promontorie
 called Caledonium & Orchas in British Morwerydh, which is not aboue
 30. miles ouer, as dailie experience by actuall trauell dooth
 confirme.

 [Sidenote: Promontories of Britaine.]
 The old writers giue vnto the thrée principall corners, crags, points,
 and promontories of this Iland, thrée seuerall names. As vnto that of
 Kent, Cantium, that of Cornewall, Hellenes, and of Scotland,
 Caledonium, and Orchas; and these are called principall, in respect of
 the other, which are Taruisium, Nonantum, Epidium, Gangacum,
 Octapites, Herculeum, Antiuesteum, Ocrinum, Berubium, Taizalum,
 Acantium, &c: of which I thought good also to leaue this notice, to
 the end that such as shall come after, may thereby take occasion to
 seeke out their true places, wherof as yet I am in maner ignorant, I
 meane for the most part; bicause I haue no sound author that dooth
 leade mée to their knowledge.

 [Sidenote: The distance from the maine.]
 Furthermore, the shortest and most vsuall cut that we haue out of our
 Iland to the maine, is from Douer (the farthest part of Kent eastward)
 unto Calice a towne in Picardie 1300. miles from Rome, in old time
 called Petressa and Scalas, though some like better of blacknesse
 where the breadth of the sea is not aboue thirtie miles. Which course,
 as it is now frequented and vsed for the most common and safe passage
 of such as come into our countrie out of France and diuers other
 realms, so it hath not beene vnknowne of old time vnto the Romans, who
 for the most part vsed these two hauens for their passage and
 repassage to and fro; although we finde, that now and then diuerse of
 them came also from Bullen, and landed at Sandwich, or some other
 places of the coast more toward the west, or betweene Hide and Lid; to
 wit, Romneie marsh, (which in old time was called Romania or Romanorum
 insula) as to auoid the force of the wind & weather, that often
 molesteth seafaringmen in these narrowe seas, best liked them for
 their safegards. Betweene the part of Holland also, which lieth néere
 the mouth of the Rhene and this our Iland, are 900. furlongs, as
 Sosimus saith; and besides him, diuers other writers, which being
 conuerted into English miles, doo yeeld 112. and foure od furlongs,
 whereby the iust distance of the neerest part of Britaine, from that
 part of the maine also, dooth certeinlie appéere to be much lesse than
 the common maps of our countrie haue hitherto set downe.




 OF THE ANCIENT NAMES OR DENOMINATIONS OF THIS ILAND.

 CAP. III.


 [Sidenote: Dis, Samothes.]
 In the diligent perusall of their treatises, who haue written of the
 state of this our Iland, I find that at the first it séemed to be a
 parcell of the Celtike kingdome, whereof Dis otherwise called
 Samothes, one of the sonnes of Japhet was the Saturne or originall
 beginner, and of him thencefoorth for a long while called Samothea.
 Afterward in processe of time, when desire of rule began to take hold
 in the minds of men, and ech prince endeuoured to enlarge his owne
 [Sidenote: Neptunus Marioticus.]
 dominions: Albion the sonne of Neptune, Amphitrite surnamed Marioticus
 (bicause his dominions laie among the ilands of the Mediterran sea, as
 those of Plutus did on the lower grounds neere vnto shore, as
 contrariwise his father Jupiter dwelled on the high hils néerer to
 heauen) hearing of the commodities of the countrie, and plentifulnesse
 [Sidenote: The first conquest of Britaine.]
 of soile here, made a voiage ouer, and finding the thing not onelie
 correspondent vnto, but also farre surmounting the report that went of
 this Iland, it was not long after yer he inuaded the same by force of
 armes, brought it to his subiection in the 29. yeare after his
 grandfathers decease, and finallie changed the name thereof into
 Albion, whereby the former denomination after Samothes did grow out of
 mind, and fall into vtter forgetfulnesse. And thus was this Iland
 bereft at on time both of hir ancient name, and also of hir lawfull
 succession of princes descended of the line of Japhet, vnder whom it
 [Sidenote: Britaine under the Celts 341. yeares.]
 had continued by the space of 341. yeres and nine princes, as by the
 Chronologie following shall easilie appeere.

 Goropius our neighbor being verie nice in the denomination of our
 Iland, as in most other points of his huge volume of the originall of
 Antwarpe lib. 6. (whom Buchanan also followeth in part) is brought
 into great doubt, whether Britaine was called Albion of the word Alb,
 white; or Alp an hill; as Bodinus is no lesse troubled with fetching
 the same ab Oibijs, or as he wresteth it, ab Albijs gallis. But here
 his inconstancie appeareth, in that in his Gotthadamca liber. 7. he
 taketh no lesse paines to bring the Britaines out of Denmarke, whereby
 the name of the Iland should be called Vridania, Freedania, Brithania,
 or Bridania, tanquam libera Dania, as another also dooth to fetch the
 originall out of Spaine, where Breta signifieth soile or earth. But as
 such as walke in darkenesse doo often straie, bicause they wot not
 whither they go: euen so doo these men, whilest they séeke to
 extenuate the certeintie of our histories, and bring vs altogither to
 uncerteinties & their coniectures. They in like maner, which will haue
 the Welshmen come from the French with this one question, vnde Walli
 nisi a Gallis, or from some Spanish colonie, doo greatlie bewraie
 their oversights; but most of all they erre that endeuour to fetch it
 from Albine the imagined daughter of a forged Dioclesian, wherewith
 our ignorant writers haue of late not a little stained our historie,
 and brought the sound part thereof into some discredit and mistrust:
 but more of this hereafter.

 [Sidenote: Neptune God of the sea.]
 Now to speake somewhat also of Neptune as by the waie (sith I haue
 made mention of him in this place) it shall not be altogither
 impertinent. Wherfore you shall vnderstand, that for his excellent
 knowledge in the art of nauigation (as nauigation then went) he was
 reputed the most skilfull prince that liued in his time. And therfore,
 and likewise for his courage & boldnesse in aduenturing to and fro, he
 was after his decease honoured as a god, and the protection of such as
 [Sidenote: The maner of dressing of ships in old time.]
 trauelled by sea committed to his charge. So rude also was the making
 of ships wherewith to saile in his time (which were for the most part
 flat bottomed and broad) that for lacke of better experience to calke
 and trim the same after they were builded, they vsed to naile them
 ouer with rawe hides of bulles, buffles, and such like, and with such
 a kind of nauie (as they say) first Samothes, & then Albion arriued in
 this Iland, which vnto me doth not séeme a thing impossible. The
 northerlie or artike regions, doo not naile their ships with iron,
 which they vtterly want, but with wooden pins, or els they bind the
 planks togither verie artificiallie with bast ropes, osiers, rinds of
 trées, or twigs of popler, the substance of those vessels being either
 of fir or pine, sith oke is verie deintie & hard to be had amongst
 them. Of their wooden anchors I speake not (which neuerthelesse are
 common to them, and to the Gothlanders) more than of ships wrought of
 wickers, sometime vsed in our Britaine, and couered with leather euen
 in the time of Plinie, lib. 7. cap. 56. as also botes made of rushes
 and réeds, &c. Neither haue I iust occasion to speake of ships made of
 canes, of which sort Staurobates, king of India fighting against
 Semiramis, brought 4000. with him and fought with hir the first
 battell on the water that euer I read of, and vpon the riuer Indus,
 but to his losse, for he was ouercome by hir power, & his nauie either
 drowned or burned by the furie of hir souldiers.

 But to proceed, when the said Albion had gouerned here in this
 countrie by the space of seauen yeares, it came to passe that both he
 and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of
 Rhodanus, as the said Hercules passed out of Spaine by the Celtes to
 go ouer into Italie, and vpon this occasion (as I gather among the
 writers) not vnworthie to be remembred. It happened in time of Lucus
 [Sidenote: Lestrigo.]
 king of the Celts, that Lestrigo and his issue (whom Osyris his
 [Sidenote: Janigenes were the posteritie of Noah in Italie.]
 grandfather had placed ouer the Janigenes) did exercise great
 tyrannie, not onelie ouer his owne kingdome, but also in molestation
 of such princes as inhabited round about him in most intollerable
 maner. Moreouer he was not a little incouraged in these his dooings by
 [Sidenote: Neptune had xxxiii. sonnes.]
 Neptune his father, who thirsted greatly to leaue his xxxiii. sonnes
 settled in the mightiest kingdoms of the world, as men of whom he had
 alreadie conceiued this opinion, that if they had once gotten foot
 into any region whatsoeuer, it would not be long yer they did by some
 meanes or other, not onelie establish their seats, but also increase
 their limits to the better maintenance of themselues and their
 posteritie for euermore. To be short therefore, after the giants, and
 great princes, or mightie men of the world had conspired and slaine
 the aforsaid Osyris, onlie for that he was an obstacle vnto them in
 their tyrannous dealing; Hercules his sonne, surnamed Laabin, Lubim,
 or Libius, in the reuenge of his fathers death, proclaimed open warres
 against them all, and going from place to place, he ceased not to
 spoile their kingdomes, and therewithall to kill them with great
 courage that fell into his hands. Finallie, hauing among sundrie other
 [Sidenote: Lomnimi. Geriones.]
 ouercome the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spaine, and vnderstanding that
 Lestrigo and his sonnes did yet remaine in Italie, he directed his
 viage into those parts, and taking the kingdome of the Celts in his
 waie, he remained for a season with Lucus the king of that countrie,
 [Sidenote: Galathea. Galates, or Kelts.]
 where he also maried his daughter Galathea, and begat a sonne by hir,
 calling him after his mothers name Galates, of whom in my said
 Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

 In the meane time Albion vnderstanding how Hercules intended to make
 warres against his brother Lestrigo, he thought good if it were
 possible to stop him that tide, and therefore sending for his brother
 [Sidenote: Bergion.]
 Bergion out of the Orchades (where he also reigned as supreame lord
 and gouernour) they ioined their powers, and sailed ouer into France.
 [Sidenote: _Pomponius Mela cap. de Gallia._]
 Being arriued there, it was not long yer they met with Hercules and
 his armie, neare vnto the mouth of the riuer called Roen (or the
 Rhodanus) where happened a cruell conflict betwéene them, in which
 Hercules and his men were like to haue lost the day, for that they
 were in maner wearied with long warres, and their munition sore wasted
 in the last viage that he had made for Spaine. Herevpon Hercules
 perceiuing the courages of his souldiours somewhat to abate, and
 seeing the want of artillerie like to be the cause of his fatall daie
 and present ouerthrowe at hand, it came suddenlie into his mind to
 will each of them to defend himselfe by throwing stones at his enimie,
 whereof there laie great store then scattered in the place. The
 [Sidenote: _Strabo, lib._ 4.]
 policie was no sooner published than hearkened vnto and put in
 execution, whereby they so preuailed in the end, that Hercules wan the
 field, their enimies were put to flight, and Albion and his brother
 both slaine, and buried in that plot. Thus was Britaine rid of a
 tyrant, Lucus king of the Celts deliuered from an vsurper (that dailie
 incroched vpon him, building sundrie cities and holds, of which some
 were placed among the Alps & called after his owne name, and other
 also euen in his owne kingdome on that side) and Lestrigo greatlie
 weakened by the slaughter of his brethren. Of this inuention of
 Hercules in like sort it commeth, that Jupiter father vnto Hercules
 (who indeed was none other but Osyris) is feigned to throw downe
 stones from heauen vpon Albion and Bergion, in the defense of his
 sonne: which came so thicke vpon them, as if great drops of raine or
 haile should haue descended from aboue, no man well knowing which waie
 to turne him from their force, they came so fast and with so great a
 violence.

 But to go forward, albeit that Albion and his power were thus
 discomfited and slaine, yet the name that he gaue unto this Iland died
 not, but still remained vnto the time of Brute, who arriuing héere in
 the 1116. before Christ, and 2850. after the creation of the world,
 not onelie changed it into Britaine (after it had beene called Albion,
 by the space of about 600. yeares) but to declare his souereigntie
 ouer the rest of the Ilands also that lie scattered round about it, he
 called them all after the same maner, so that Albion was said in time
 to be Britanniarum insula maxima, that is, The greatest of those Iles
 that beare the name of Britaine, which Plinie also confirmeth, and
 Strabo in his first and second bookes denieth not. There are some,
 which vtterlie denieng that this Iland tooke hir name of Brute, doo
 affirme it rather to be so called of the rich mettals sometime carried
 from the mines there into all the world as growing in the same. Vibius
 Sequester also saith that Calabria was sometime called Britannia, Ob
 immensam affluentiam totius delitiæ atque vbertatis, that was to be
 found heerein. Other contend that it should be written with P
 (Pritannia.) All which opinions as I absolutelie denie not, so I
 willinglie leane vnto none of them in peremptorie maner, sith the
 antiquitie of our historie carrieth me withall vnto the former
 iudgements. And for the same cause I reiect them also, which deriue
 the aforesaid denomination from Britona the nymph, in following Textor
 (or Prutus or Prytus the sonne of Araxa) which Britona was borne in
 Creta daughter to Mars, and fled by sea from thence onelie to escape
 the villanie of Minos, who attempted to rauish and make hir one of his
 paramours: but if I should forsake the authoritie of Galfride, I would
 rather leane to the report of Parthenius, whereof elsewhere I haue
 made a more large rehersall.

 It is altogither impertinent, to discusse whether Hercules came into
 this Iland after the death of Albion, or not, although that by an
 ancient monument seene of late, as I heare, and the cape of Hartland
 or Harcland in the West countrie (called Promontorium Herculis in old
 time) diuers of our British antiquaries doo gather great likelihood
 that he should also be here. But sith his presence or absence maketh
 nothing with the alteration of the name of this our region and
 countrie, and to search out whether the said monument was but some
 token erected in his honour of later times (as some haue beene
 elsewhere, among the Celts framed, & those like an old criple with a
 bow bent in one hand & a club in the other, a rough skin on his backe,
 the haire of his head all to be matted like that of the Irishmens, and
 drawing manie men captiue after him in chaines) is but smallie
 auailable, and therefore I passe it ouer as not incident to my
 purpose. Neither will I spend any time in the determination, whether
 Britaine had beene sometime a parcell of the maine, although it should
 well séeme so to haue beene, bicause that before the generall floud of
 Noah, we doo not read of Ilands, more than of hils and vallies.
 Wherfore as Wilden Arguis also noteth in his philosophie and
 tractation of meteors, it is verie likelie that they were onelie
 caused by the violent motion and working of the sea, in the time of
 the floud, which if S. Augustine had well considered, he would neuer
 haue asked how such creatures as liued in Ilands far distant from the
 maine could come into the arke, De ciuit. lib. 16. cap. 7. howbeit in
 the end he concludeth with another matter more profitable than his
 demand.

 As for the speedie and timelie inhabitation thereof, this is mine
 opinion, to wit, that it was inhabited shortlie after the diuision of
 the earth. For I read that when each capteine and his companie had
 their portions assigned vnto them by Noah in the partition that he
 made of the whole among his posteritie, they neuer ceased to trauell
 and search out the vttermost parts of the same, vntill they found out
 their bounds allotted, and had seene and vewed their limits, euen vnto
 the verie poles. It shall suffice therefore onelie to haue touched
 these things in this manner a farre off, and in returning to our
 purpose, to proceed with the rest concerning the denomination of our
 [Sidenote: Yet _Timeus_, _Ephorus_, and some of the Grecians,
 know the name Britannia, as appeareth also by _Diodorus_, &c.
 before the comming of Cesar.]
 Iland, which was knowne vnto most of the Gréekes for a long time, by
 none other name than Albion, and to saie the truth, euen vnto
 Alexanders daies, as appeareth by the words of Aristotle in his De
 mundo, and to the time of Ptolomie: notwithstanding that Brute, as I
 haue said, had changed the same into Britaine, manie hundred yeares
 before.

 After Brutus I doo not find that anie men attempted to change it
 againe, vntill the time that Theodosius, in the daies of Valentinianus
 and Valens endeuoured, in the remembrance of the two aforesaid
 Emperours, to call it Valentia, as Marcellinus saith. But as this
 deuise tooke no hold among the common sort, so it retained still the
 name of Britaine, vntill the reigne of Ecbert, who about the 800.
 yeare of Grace, and first of his reigne, gaue foorth an especiall
 edict, dated at Winchester, that it should be called Angles land, or
 Angel-landt, for which in our time we doo pronounce it England. And
 this is all (right honorable) that I haue to say, touching the
 seuerall names of this Iland, vtterlie misliking in the meane season
 their deuises, which make Hengist the onlie parent of the later
 denomination, whereas Ecbert, bicause his ancestours descended from
 the Angles one of the sixe nations that came with the Saxons into
 Britaine (for they were not all of one, but of diuers countries, as
 Angles, Saxons, Germans, Switzers, Norwegiens, Jutes otherwise called
 Jutons, Vites, Gothes or Getes, and Vandals, and all comprehended
 vnder the name of Saxons, bicause of Hengist the Saxon and his
 companie that first arriued here before anie of the other) and therto
 hauing now the monarchie and preheminence in maner of this whole
 [Sidenote: Of this opinion is _Belforest, lib._ 3. _cap._ 44.]
 Iland, called the same after the name of the countrie from whence he
 derived his originall, neither Hengist, neither anie Queene named
 Angla, neither whatsoeuer deriuation ab Angulo, as from a corner of
 the world bearing swaie, or hauing ought to doo at all in that
 behalfe.




 WHAT SUNDRIE NATIONS HAUE DWELLED IN ALBION.

 CAP. IV.


 As few or no nations can iustlie boast themselues to haue continued
 sithence their countrie was first replenished, without any mixture,
 more or lesse, of forreine inhabitants; no more can this our Iland,
 whose manifold commodities haue oft allured sundrie princes and famous
 capteines of the world to conquer and subdue the same vnto their owne
 subiection. Manie sorts of people therfore haue come in hither and
 settled themselues here in this Ile, and first of all other, a parcell
 [Sidenote: Samotheans.]
 of the linage and posteritie of Japhet, brought in by Samothes in the
 1910. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in processe of time, and
 after they had indifferentlie replenished and furnished this Iland
 with people (which was doone in the space of 335. yeares) Albion the
 giant afore mentioned, repaired hither with a companie of his owne
 race procéeding from Cham, and not onelie annexed the same to his owne
 dominion, but brought all such in like sort as he found here of the
 line of Japhet, into miserable seruitude and most extreame thraldome.
 After him also, and within lesse than sixe hundred and two yeares,
 [Sidenote: Britains.]
 [Sidenote: Chemminits.]
 came Brute the sonne of Syluius with a great traine of the posteritie
 of the dispersed Troians in 324. ships: who rendering the like
 courtesie vnto the Chemminits as they had doone before unto the séed
 of Japhet, brought them also wholie vnder his rule and gouernance, and
 dispossessing the peeres & inferior owners of their lands and
 possessions, he diuided the countrie among such princes and capteines
 as he in his arriuall here had led out of Grecia with him.

 [Sidenote: Romans.]
 From hencefoorth I doo not find any sound report of other nation
 whatsoeuer, that should aduenture hither to dwell, and alter the state
 of the land, vntill the Romane emperours subdued it to their dominion,
 sauing of a few Galles, (and those peraduenture of Belgie) who first
 comming ouer to rob and pilfer vpon the coasts, did afterward plant
 themselues for altogither neere vnto the shore, and there builded
 sundrie cities and townes which they named after those of the maine,
 from whence they came vnto vs. And this is not onelie to be gathered
 out of Cesar where he writeth of Britaine of set purpose, but also
 elsewhere, as in his second booke a little after the beginning: for
 speaking of Deuiaticus king of the Swessions liuing in his time, he
 affirmeth him not onelie to be the mightiest prince of all the Galles,
 but also to hold vnder his subiection the Ile of Britaine, of which
 his sonne Galba was afterward dispossessed. But after the comming of
 the Romans, it is hard to say with how manie sorts of people we were
 dailie pestered, almost in euery steed. For as they planted their
 forworne legions in the most fertile places of the realme, and where
 they might best lie for the safegard of their conquests: so their
 armies did commonlie consist of manie sorts of people, and were (as I
 may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations
 then liuing in the world. Howbeit, I thinke it best, bicause they did
 all beare the title of Romans, to reteine onelie that name for them
 all, albeit they were wofull ghests to this our Iland: sith that with
 them came all maner of vice and vicious liuing, all riot and excesse
 of behauiour into our countrie, which their legions brought hither
 from each corner of their dominions; for there was no prouince vnder
 them from whence they had not seruitours.

 [Sidenote: Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Picts.]
 How and when the Scots, a people mixed of the Scithian and Spanish
 blood, should arriue here out of Ireland, & when the Picts should come
 vnto vs out of Sarmatia, or from further toward the north & the
 Scithian Hyperboreans, as yet it is vncerteine. For though the Scotish
 histories doo carrie great countenance of their antiquitie in this
 Iland: yet (to saie fréelie what I thinke) I iudge them rather to haue
 stolne in hither within the space of 100. yeares before Christ, than
 to haue continued here so long as they themselues pretend, if my
 coniecture be any thing. Yet I denie not, but that as the Picts were
 long planted in this Iland before the Scots aduentured to settle
 themselues also in Britaine; so the Scots did often aduenture hither
 to rob and steale out of Ireland, and were finallie called in by the
 Meats or Picts (as the Romans named them, because they painted their
 bodies) to helpe them against the Britains, after the which they so
 planted themselues in these parts, that vnto our time that portion of
 the land cannot be cleansed of them. I find also that as these Scots
 were reputed for the most Scithian-like and barbarous nation, and
 longest without letters; so they vsed commonlie to steale ouer into
 Britaine in leather skewes, and began to helpe the Picts about or not
 long before the beginning of Cesars time. For both Diodorus lib. 6.
 and Strabo lib. 4. doo seeme to speake of a parcell of the Irish
 nation that should inhabit Britaine in their time, which were giuen to
 the eating of mans flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi.
 Mamertinus in like sort dooth note the Redshanks and the Irish (which
 are properlie the Scots) to be the onelie enimies of our nation,
 before the comming of Cæsar, as appeareth in his panegyricall oration,
 so that hereby it is found that they are no new ghestes in Britaine.
 Wherefore all the controuersie dooth rest in the time of their first
 attempt to inhabit in this Iland. Certeinlie I maruell much whie they
 trauell not to come in with Cantaber and Partholonus: but I see
 perfectlie that this shift should be too grosse for the maintenance of
 their desired antiquitie. Now, as concerning their name, the Saxons
 translated the word Scotus for Irish: whereby it appeareth that those
 Irish, of whom Strabo and Diodorus doo speake, are none other than
 those Scots, of whom Ierome speaketh Aduersus Iouinianum, lib. 2. who
 vsed to feed on the buttocks of boies and womens paps, as delicate
 dishes. Aethicus writing of the Ile of Man, affirmeth it to be
 inhabited with Scots so well as Ireland euen in his time. Which is
 another proofe that the Scots and Irish are all one people. They were
 also called Scoti by the Romans, bicause their Iland & originall
 inhabitation thereof were vnknowne, and they themselues an obscure
 [Sidenote: Of the Picts.]
 nation in the sight of all the world. Now as concerning the Picts,
 whatsoeuer Ranulphus Hygden imagineth to the contrarie of their latter
 enterance, it is easie to find by Herodian and Mamertinus (of which
 the one calleth them Meates, the other Redshankes and Pictones) that
 they were setled in this Ile long before the time of Seuerus, yea of
 Cæsar, and comming of the Scots. Which is proofe sufficient, if no
 further authoritie remained extant for the same. So that the
 controuersie lieth not in their comming also, but in the true time of
 their repaire and aduenture into this Iland out of the Orchades (out
 of which they gat ouer into the North parts of our countrie, as the
 writers doo report) and from whence they came at the first into the
 aforsaid Ilands. For my part I suppose with other, that they came
 hither out of Sarmatia or Scythia: for that nation hauing had alwaies
 an eie vnto the commodities of our countrie, hath sent out manie
 companies to inuade and spoile the same. It may be that some will
 gather, those to be the Picts, of whom Cæsar saith that they stained
 their faces with wad and madder, to the end they might appeare
 terrible and feareful to their enimies; and so inferre that the Picts
 were naturall Britans. But it is one thing to staine the face onelie
 as the Britans did, of whom Propertius saith,

   Nunc etiam infectos demum mutare Britannos,

 And to paint the images and portraitures of beasts, fish and foules
 ouer the whole bodie, as the Picts did, of whom Martial saith,

   Barbara depictis veni Bascauda Britannis.

 Certes the times of Samothes and Albion, haue some likelie limitation;
 and so we may gather of the comming in of Brute, of Cæsar, the Saxons,
 the Danes, the Normans, and finallie of the Flemmings, (who had the
 Rosse in Wales assigned vnto them 1066. after the drowning of their
 countrie.) But when first the Picts, & then the Scots should come ouer
 into our Iland, as they were obscure people, so the time of their
 arriuall is as far to me vnknowne. Wherefore the resolution of this
 point must still remaine In tenebris. This neuerthelesse is certeine,
 that Maximus first Legate of Britaine, and afterward emperour, draue
 the Scots out of Britaine, and compelled them to get habitation in
 Ireland, the out Iles, and the North part of the maine, and finallie
 diuided their region betwéene the Britaines and the Picts. He
 denounced warre also against the Irishmen, for receiuing them into
 their land: but they crauing the peace, yéelded to subscribe, that
 from thence-foorth they would not receiue any Scot into their
 dominions; and so much the more, for that they were pronounced enimies
 to the Romans, and disturbers of the common peace and quietnesse of
 their prouinces here in England.

 The Saxons became first acquainted with this Ile, by meanes of the
 piracie which they dailie practised vpon our coastes (after they had
 once begun to aduenture themselues also vpon the seas, thereby to
 seeke out more wealth than was now to be gotten in the West parts of
 the maine, which they and their neighbours had alreadie spoiled in
 most lamentable and barbarous maner) howbeit they neuer durst presume
 [Sidenote: The hurt by forren aid.]
 to inhabit in this Iland, vntill they were sent for by Vortiger to
 serue him in his warres against the Picts and Scots, after that the
 Romans had giuen vs ouer, and left vs wholie to our owne defense and
 regiment. Being therefore come vnder Hengist in three bottoms or
 kéeles, and in short time espieng the idle and negligent behauiour of
 the Britaines, and fertilitie of our soile, they were not a little
 inflamed to make a full conquest of such as at the first they came to
 aid and succour. Herevpon also they fell by little and little to the
 winding in of greater numbers of their countrimen and neighbours, with
 their wiues and children into this region, so that within a while
 these new comlings began to molest the homelings, and ceased not from
 time to time to continue their purpose, vntill they had gotten
 possession of the whole, or at the leastwise the greatest part of our
 countrie; the Britons in the meane season being driuen either into
 Wales and Cornewall, or altogither out of the Iland to séeke new
 habitations.

 [Sidenote: Danes.]
 In like maner the Danes (the next nation that succéeded) came at the
 first onelie to pilfer and robbe vpon the frontiers of our Iland, till
 that in the end, being let in by the Welshmen or Britons through an
 earnest desire to be reuenged vpon the Saxons, they no lesse plagued
 the one than the other, their fréends than their aduersaries, seeking
 by all meanes possible to establish themselues also in the sure
 possession of Britaine. But such was their successe, that they
 prospered not long in their deuise: for so great was their
 lordlinesse, crueltie, and insatiable desire of riches, beside their
 detestable abusing of chast matrons, and yoong virgins (whose husbands
 and parents were dailie inforced to become their drudges and slaues,
 whilest they sat at home and fed like drone bées of the sweet of their
 trauell and labours) that God I say would not suffer them to continue
 any while ouer vs, but when he saw his time he remooued their yoke,
 and gaue vs liberty as it were to breath vs, thereby to see whether
 this his sharpe scourge could haue mooued vs to repentance and
 amendment of our lewd and sinfull liues, or not. But when no signe
 thereof appeared in our hearts, he called in an other nation to vex
 [Sidenote: The Normans.]
 vs, I meane the Normans, a people mixed with Danes, and of whom it is
 worthilie doubted, whether they were more hard and cruell to our
 countrimen than the Danes, or more heauie and intollerable to our
 Iland than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came out of Newstria,
 the people thereof were called Normans by the French, bicause the
 Danes which subdued that region, came out of the North parts of the
 world: neuerthelesse, I suppose that the ancient word Newstria, is
 corrupted from West-rijc, bicause that if you marke the situation, it
 lieth opposite from Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East
 region, as Newstria is the Weast: for Rijc in the old Scithian toong
 dooth signifie a region or kingdome, as in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich,
 Westsaxon-reich, Ost saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, &c, is else to
 be séene. But howsoeuer this falleth out, these Normans or Danish
 French, were dedlie aduersaries to the English Saxons, first by meane
 of a quarell that grew betwéene them in the daies of Edward the
 Confessour, at such time as the Earle of Bullen, and William Duke of
 Normandie, arriued in this land to visit him, & their freends; such
 Normans (I meane) as came ouer with him and Emma his mother before
 him, in the time of Canutus and Ethelred. For the first footing that
 euer the French did set in this Iland, sithence the time of Ethelbert
 & Sigebert, was with Emma, which Ladie brought ouer a traine of French
 Gentlemen and Ladies with hir into England.

 [Sidenote: The cause of the conquest by the Normans.]
 After hir also no small numbers of attendants came in with Edward the
 Confessour, whome he preferred to the greatest offices in the realme,
 in so much that one Robert a Norman, became Archbishop of Canturburie,
 whose preferment so much enhanced the minds of the French, on the one
 side, as their lordlie and outragious demeanour kindled the stomachs
 of the English nobilitie against them on the other: insomuch that not
 long before the death of Emma the kings mother, and vpon occasion of
 the brall hapning at Douer (whereof I haue made sufficient mention in
 my Chronologie, not regarding the report of the French authors in this
 behalfe, who write altogither in the fauour of their Archbishop
 Robert, but following the authoritie of an English préest then liuing
 in the court) the English Peeres began to shew their disliking in
 manifest maner. Neuerthelesse, the Normans so bewitched the king with
 their lieng and bosting, Robert the Archbishop being the chéefe
 instrument of their practise, that he beléeued them, and therevpon
 vexed sundrie of the nobilitie, amongst whom Earle Goodwijn of Kent
 was the chéefe, a noble Gentleman and father in law to king Edward by
 the mariage of his daughter. The matter also came to such issue
 against him, that he was exiled, and fiue of his sonnes with him,
 wherevpon he goeth ouer the sea, and soone after returning with his
 said sonnes, they inuaded the land in sundrie places, the father
 himselfe comming to London, where when the kings power was readie to
 ioine with him in battell, it vtterlie refused so to doo: affirming
 plainelie, that it should be méere follie for one Englishman to fight
 against another, in the reuenge of Frenchmens quarels: which answer
 entred so déeplie into the kings mind, that he was contented to haue
 the matter heard, and appointing commissioners for that purpose; they
 concluded at the vpshot, that all the French should depart out of
 England by a day, few excepted, whom the king should appoint and
 [Sidenote: Archbishop of Can. exiled, and the rest of the French.]
 nominate. By this means therfore Robert the Archbishop, & of secret
 counsell with the king, was first exiled as principall abuser &
 seducer of the king, who goeth to Rome, & there complaineth to the
 Pope of his iniurie receiued by the English. Howbeit as he returned
 home againe with no small hope of the readeption of his See, he died
 in Normandie, whereby he saued a killing. Certes he was the first that
 euer tendered complaint out of England vnto Rome, & with him went
 William Bishop of London (afterward reuoked) and Vlfo of Lincolne, who
 hardlie escaped the furie of the English nobilitie. Some also went
 into Scotland, and there held themselues, expecting a better time. And
 this is the true historie of the originall cause of the conquest of
 England by the French: for after they were well beaten at Douer,
 bicause of their insolent demeanour there shewed, their harts neuer
 ceased to boile with a desire of reuenge that brake out into a flame,
 so soone as their Robert possessed the primacie, which being once
 obteined, and to set his mischéefe intended abroch withall, a
 contention was quicklie procured about certeine Kentish lands, and
 controuersie kindled, whether he or the Earle should haue most right
 vnto them. The king held with the priest as with the church, the
 [Sidenote: Erle Goodwine slandered by the French writers.]
 nobilitie with the Earle. In processe also of this businesse, the
 Archbishop accused the Earle of high treason, burdening him with the
 slaughter of Alfred the kings brother, which was altogither false: as
 appeareth by a treatise yet extant of that matter, written by a
 chaplaine to king Edward the Confessour, in the hands of Iohn Stow my
 verie fréend, wherein he saith thus, "Alfredus incautè agens in
 aduentu suo in Angliam a Danis circumuentus occiditur." He addeth
 moreouer, that giuing out as he came through the countrie accompanied
 with his few proud Normans, how his meaning was to recouer his right
 vnto the kingdome, and supposing that all men would haue yéelded vnto
 him, he fell into their hands, whome Harald then king did send to
 apprehend him, vpon the fame onelie of this report brought vnto his
 eares. So that (to be short) after the king had made his pacification
 with the Earle, the French (I say) were exiled, the Quéene restored to
 his fauour (whom he at the beginning of this broile had imprisoned at
 Wilton, allowing hir but one onlie maid to wait upon hir) and the land
 reduced to hir former quietnesse, which continued vntill the death of
 the king. After which the Normans not forgetting their old grudge,
 remembred still their quarell, that in the end turned to their
 conquest of this Iland. After which obteined, they were so cruellie
 [Sidenote: The miserie of the English vnder the French.]
 bent to our vtter subuersion and ouerthrow, that in the beginning it
 was lesse reproch to be accounted a slaue than an Englishman, or a
 drudge in anie filthie businesse than a Britaine: insomuch that euerie
 French page was superiour to the greatest Peere; and the losse of an
 Englishmans life but a pastime to such of them as contended in their
 brauerie, who should giue the greatest strokes or wounds vnto their
 bodies, when their toiling and drudgerie could not please them, or
 satisfie their gréedie humors. Yet such was our lot in those daies by
 the diuine appointed order, that we must needs obey such as the Lord
 did set ouer vs, and so much the rather, for that all power to resist
 was vtterlie taken from vs, and our armes made so weake and feeble
 that they were not now able to remooue the importable load of the
 [Sidenote: The cause of our miserie.]
 enimie from our surburdened shoulders. And this onelie I saie againe,
 bicause we refused grace offered in time, and would not heare when God
 by his Preachers did call vs so fauourablie vnto him. Oh how miserable
 was the estate of our countrie vnder the French and Normans, wherein
 the Brittish and English that remained, could not be called to any
 function in the commonwealth, no not so much as to be constables and
 headburowes in small villages, except they could bring 2. or 3.
 Normans for suerties to the Lords of the soile for their good
 behauiour in their offices! Oh what numbers of all degrées of English
 and Brittish were made slaues and bondmen, and bought and sold as oxen
 in open market! In so much that at the first comming, the French bond
 were set free; and those that afterward became bond, were of our owne
 countrie and nation, so that few or rather none of vs remained free
 without some note of bondage and seruitude to the French. Hereby then
 we perceiue, how from time to time this Iland hath not onelie béene a
 prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers, the naturall
 homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter, as I said
 [Sidenote: In this voiage the said Harald builded Portaschith,
 which Caradoch ap Griffin afterward ouerthrew, and killed the
 garrison that Harald left therein.]
 before, till in the end they came not onelie to be driuen into a
 corner of this region, but in time also verie like vtterlie to haue
 beene extinguished. For had not king Edward, surnamed the saint, in
 his time, after greeuous wars made vpon them 1063. (wherein Harald
 latelie made Earle of Oxenford, sonne to Goodwin Earle of Kent, and
 after king of England, was his generall) permitted the remnant of
 their women to ioine in mariage with the Englishmen (when the most
 part of their husbands and male children were slaine with the sword)
 it could not haue béene otherwise chosen, but their whole race must
 néeds haue susteined the vttermost confusion, and thereby the memorie
 of the Britons vtterlie haue perished among vs.

 Thus we see how England hath six times beene subiect to the reproch of
 conquest. And wheras the Scots séeme to challenge manie famous
 victories also ouer us, beside gréeuous impositions, tributs, &
 dishonorable compositions: it shall suffice for answer, that they
 deale in this as in the most part of their historie, which is to seeke
 great honor by lieng, & great renowme by prating and craking. Indeed
 they haue doone great mischéefe in this Iland, & with extreme
 crueltie; but as for any conquest the first is yet to heare of. Diuers
 other conquests also haue béene pretended by sundrie princes sithence
 the conquest, onelie to the end that all pristinate lawes and tenures
 of possession might cease, and they make a new disposition of all
 things at their owne pleasure. As one by king Edw. the 3. but it tooke
 none effect. Another by Henrie the 4. who neuerthelesse was at the
 last though hardlie drawne from the challenge by William Thorington,
 then cheefe Justice of England. The third by Henrie the 7. who had
 some better shew of right, but yet without effect. And the last of all
 by Q. Marie, as some of the papists gaue out, and also would haue had
 hir to haue obteined, but God also staied their malices, and hir
 challenge. But beside the six afore mentioned, Huntingdon the old
 historiographer speaketh of a seuenth, likelie (as he saith) to come
 one daie out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to
 good, sith nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger & much
 cold. Sée more hereof in the historie of S. Albons, and aforsaid
 author which lieth on the left side of the librarie belonging now to
 Paules: for I regard no prophesies as one that doubteth from what
 spirit they doo procéed, or who should be the author of them.




 WHETHER IT BE LIKELIE THAT ANY GIANTS WERE, AND WHETHER THEY INHABITED
 IN THIS ILE OR NOT.

 CAP. V.


 Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard)
 into our Iland, we read of sundrie giants that should inhabit here.
 Which report as it is not altogither incredible, sith the posterities
 of diuers princes were called by the name: so vnto some mens eares it
 seemeth so strange a rehersall, that for the same onelie cause they
 suspect the credit of our whole historie, & reiect it as a fable,
 vnworthie to be read. They also condemne the like in all other
 histories, especiallie of the North, where men are naturallie of
 greatest stature, imagining all to be but fables that is written of
 Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, &c: of whom Saxo, Johannes
 Magnus and Olaus doo make mention, & whose bones doo yet remaine to be
 seene as rare miracles in nature. Of these also some in their life
 time were able to lift vp (as they write) a vessell of liquor of 1000.
 weight, or an horsse, or an oxe, & cast it on their shoulders (wherein
 their verie women haue beene likewise knowne to come néere vnto them)
 and of the race of those men, some were séene of no lesse strength in
 the 1500. of Grace, wherein Olaus liued, and wrote the same of his
 owne experience and knowledge. Of the giant of Spaine that died of
 late yeares by a fall vpon the Alpes, as he either went or came fro
 Rome, about the purchase of a dispensation to marrie with his
 kinswoman (a woman also of much more than common stature) there be men
 yet liuing, and may liue long for age, that can saie verie much euen
 by their owne knowledge. Wherfore it appeareth by present experience,
 that all is not absolutelie vntrue which is remembred of men of such
 giants. For this cause therfore I haue now taken vpon me to make this
 breefe discourse insuing, as indeuouring therby to prooue, that the
 opinion of giants is not altogither grounded vpon vaine and fabulous
 narrations, inuented onelie to delight the eares of the hearers with
 the report of maruellous things: but that there haue beene such men in
 [Sidenote: * _Esay._ 30. _vers._ 25.]
 deed, as for their hugenesse of person haue resembled rather[*] high
 towers than mortall men, although their posterities are now consumed,
 and their monstruous races vtterlie worne out of knowledge.

 I doo not meane herein to dispute, whether this name Gigas or Nephilim
 was giuen vnto them, rather for their tyrannie and oppression of the
 people, than for their greatnesse of bodie, or large steps, as
 Goropius would haue it (for he denieth that euer men were greater than
 at this present) or bicause their parents were not knowne, for such in
 old time were called Terræ filij; or whether the word Gigas dooth
 onlie signifie Indigenas, or homelings, borne in the land or not;
 neither whether all men were of like quantitie in stature, and farre
 more greater in old time, than now they be: and yet absolutelie I
 denie neither of these, sith verie probable reasons may be brought for
 ech of them, but especiallie the last rehearsed, whose confirmation
 dependeth vpon the authorities of sundrie ancient writers, who make
 diuers of noble race, equall to the giants in strength and manhood,
 and yet doo not giue the same name vnto them, bicause their quarels
 were iust, and commonlie taken in hand for defense of the oppressed.
 [Sidenote: Antheus.]
 [Sidenote: _Lucane lib._ 4 _in fine._]
 Examples hereof we may take of Hercules and Antheus, whose wrestling
 declareth that they were equall in stature & stomach. Such also was
 the courage of Antheus, that being often ouercome, and as it were
 vtterlie vanquished by the said Hercules, yet if he did eftsoones
 returne againe into his kingdome, he forthwith recouered his force,
 returned and held Hercules tacke, till he gat at the last betwéene him
 and home, so cutting off the farther hope of the restitution of his
 armie, and killing finallie his aduersarie in the field, of which
 victorie Politian writeth thus:

   Incaluere animis dura certare palæstra,
     Neptuni quondàm filius atque Iouis:
   Non certamen erant operoso ex ære lebetes,
     Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:
   Occidit Antæus Ioue natum viuere fas est,
     Estq; magistra Pales Græcia, non Lybia.

 [Sidenote: Corineus.]
 [Sidenote: Gomagot.]
 The like doo our histories report of Corineus and Gomagot,
 peraduenture king of this Ile, who fought a combat hand to hand, till
 one of them was slaine, and yet for all this no man reputeth Hercules
 or Corineus for giants, albeit that Hanuile in his Architrenion make
 the later to be 12. cubits in height, which is full 18. foot, if
 poeticall licence doo not take place in his report and assertion. But
 sith (I say againe) it is not my purpose to stand vpon these points, I
 passe ouer to speake any more of them. And whereas also I might haue
 proceeded in such order, that I should first set downe by manie
 circumstances, whether any giants were, then whether they were of such
 huge and incredible stature as the authours doo remember, and finallie
 whether any of them haue beene in this our Iland or not, I protest
 plainlie, that my mind is not here bent to deale in any such maner,
 but rather generallie to confirme and by sufficient authoritie, that
 there haue beene such mightie men of stature, and some of them also in
 Britaine, which I will set downe onelie by sundrie examples, whereby
 it shall fall out, that neither our Iland, nor any part of the maine,
 haue at one time or other béen altogither without them. First of all
 therfore, & to begin with the scriptures, the most sure & certeine
 ground of all knowledge: you shall haue out of them such notable
 examples set downe, as I haue obserued in reading the same, which vnto
 the godlie may suffice for sufficient proofe of my position.
 Neuerthelesse, after the scriptures I will resort to the writings of
 our learned Diuines, and finallie of the infidell and pagane authors,
 whereby nothing shall seeme to want that may confute Goropius, and all
 his cauillations.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 6. _vers._ 5.]
 Moses the prophet of the Lord, writing of the estate of things before
 the floud, hath these words in his booke of generations. In these
 [Sidenote: _Anti. li._ 1.]
 daies saith he, there were giants vpon the earth. Berosus also the
 Chalde writeth, that néere vnto Libanus there was a citie called Oenon
 (which I take to be Hanoch, builded sometime by Cham) wherein giants
 did inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugenesse of their
 bodies, did verie great oppression and mischeefe in the world. The
 Hebrues called them generallie Enach, of Hanach the Chebronite, father
 to Achimam, Scheschai and Talma, although their first originall was
 deriued from Henoch the sonne of Caine, of whome that pestilent race
 descended, as I read. The Moabits named them Emims, and the Ammonites
 Zamsummims, and it should seeme by the second of Deut. cap. 19, 20.
 that Ammon and Moab were greatlie replenished with such men, when
 Moses wrote that treatise. For of these monsters some families
 remained of greater stature than other vnto his daies, in comparison
 [Sidenote: _Nu. cap._ 13. _verse_ 33, & 34.]
 of whome the children of Israell confessed themselues to be but
 grashoppers. Which is one noble testimonie that the word Gigas or
 Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an homeborne
 child, wicked tyrant, or oppressour of the people.

 [Sidenote: _Deut._ 3. _vers._ 11.]
 [Sidenote: Og of Basan.]
 Furthermore, there is mention made also in the scriptures of Og,
 sometime king of Basan, who was the last of the race of the giants,
 that was left in the land of promise to be ouercome by the Israelits,
 & whose iron bed was afterward shewed for a woonder at Rabbath (a
 citie of the Ammonites) conteining 9. cubits in length, and 4. in
 bredth, which cubits I take not to be geometricall, (that is, each one
 so great as six of the smaller, as those were wherof the Arke was
 made, as our Diuines affirme, especiallie Augustine: whereas Origen,
 hom. 2. in Gen. out of whom he seemeth to borrow it, appeareth to haue
 no such meaning directlie) but rather of the arme of a meane man,
 which oftentimes dooth varie & differ from the standard. Oh how
 Goropius dalieth about the historie of this Og, of the breaking of his
 pate against the beds head, & of hurting his ribs against the sides,
 and all to prooue, that Og was not bigger than other men, and so he
 leaueth the matter as sufficientlie answered with a French countenance
 of truth. But see August. de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum
 Manich. lib. 12. Ambros. &c. and Johannes Buteo that excellent
 geometrician, who hath written of purpose of the capacitie of the
 Arke.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 17. _ver._ 4, 5, 6.]
 [Sidenote: Goliah.]
 In the first of Samuel you shall read of Goliah a Philistine, the
 weight of whose brigandine or shirt of maile was of 5000. sicles, or
 1250. ounces of brasse, which amounteth to 104. pound of Troie weight
 after 4. common sicles to the ounce. The head of his speare came vnto
 ten pound English or 600. sicles of that metall. His height also was
 measured at six cubits and an hand bredth. All which doo import that
 he was a notable giant, and a man of great stature & strength to weare
 such an armour, and beweld so heauie a lance. But Goropius thinking
 himselfe still to haue Og in hand, and indeuouring to extenuate the
 fulnesse of the letter to his vttermost power, dooth neuerthelesse
 earnestlie affirme, that he was not aboue three foot more than the
 common sort of men, or two foot higher than Saule: and so he leaueth
 it as determined.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 21. _ver._ 16, 17, &c.]
 In the second of Samuel, I find report of foure giants borne in Geth;
 of which Ishbenob the first, that would haue killed Dauid, had a
 speare, whose head weighed the iust halfe of that of Goliath: the
 second called Siphai, Sippai or Saph, 1. Par. 20. was nothing
 inferiour to the first: the third hight also Goliah, the staffe of
 whose speare was like vnto the beame of a weauers loome, neuerthelesse
 he was slaine in the second battell in Gob by Elhanan, as the first
 was by Abisai Ioabs brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth
 brother (for they were all brethren) was slaine at Gath by Ionathan
 nephew to Dauid, and he was not onlie huge of personage, but also of
 disfigured forme, for he had 24. fingers and toes. Wherby it is
 euident, that the generation of giants was not extinguished in
 Palestine, vntill the time of Dauid, which was 2890. after the floud,
 nor vtterlie consumed in Og, as some of our expositors would haue it.

 Now to come vnto our christian writers. For though the authorities
 alreadie alleged out of the word, are sufficient to confirme my
 purpose at the full; yet will I not let to set downe such other notes
 as experience hath reuealed, onelie to the end that the reader shall
 not thinke the name of giants, with their quantities, and other
 circumstances, mentioned in the scriptures, rather to haue some
 mysticall interpretation depending vpon them, than that the sense of
 the text in this behalfe is to be taken simplie as it speaketh. And
 first of all to omit that which Tertullian Lib. 2. de resurrect.
 [Sidenote: _De ciuitate Dei lib._ 15. _cap._ 9.]
 saith; S. Augustine noteth, how he with other saw the tooth of a man,
 wherof he tooke good aduisement, and pronounced in the end that it
 would haue made 100. of his owne, or anie other mans that liued in his
 [Sidenote: _Iohannes Boccacius._]
 time. The like hereof also dooth Iohn Boccace set downe, in the 68.
 chapter of his 4. booke, saieng that in the caue of a mountaine, not
 far from Drepanum (a towne of Sicilia called Eryx as he gesseth) the
 bodie of an exceeding high giant was discouered, thrée of whose teeth
 did weigh 100. ounces, which being conuerted into English poise, doth
 yeeld eight pound and foure ounces, after twelue ounces to the pound,
 that is 33. ounces euerie tooth.

 He addeth farther, that the forepart of his scull was able to conteine
 manie bushels of wheat, and by the proportion of the bone of his
 [Sidenote: A carcase discouered of 200. cubits.]
 thigh, the Symmetricians iudged his bodie to be aboue 200. cubits.
 Those teeth, scull, and bones, were (and as I thinke yet are, for
 ought I know to the contrarie) to be seene in the church of Drepanum
 in perpetuall memorie of his greatnesse, whose bodie was found vpon
 this occasion. As some digged in the earth to laie the foundation of
 an house, the miners happened vpon a great vault, not farre from
 Drepanum: whereinto when they were entred, they saw the huge bodie of
 a man sitting in the caue, of whose greatnesse they were so afraid,
 that they ranne awaie, and made an outcrie in the citie, how there sat
 a man in such a place, so great as an hill: the people hearing the
 newes, ran out with clubs and weapons, as if they should haue gone
 vnto a foughten field, and 300. of them entring into the caue, they
 foorthwith saw that he was dead, and yet sat as if he had been aliue,
 hauing a staffe in his hand, compared by mine author vnto the mast of
 a tall ship, which being touched fell by and by to dust, sauing the
 nether end betwéene his hand and the ground, whose hollownesse was
 filled with 1500. pound weight of lead, to beare vp his arme that it
 should not fall in péeces: neuerthelesse, his bodie also being touched
 fell likewise into dust, sauing three of his aforesaid teeth, the
 forepart of his scull, and one of his thigh bones, which are reserued
 to be séene of such as will hardlie beleeue these reports.

 In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found, whose bones were
 17. or 18. cubits in length, but Goropius, as his maner is, denieth
 them to be the bones of a man, affirming rather that they were the
 bones of an elephant, because they somwhat resembled those of two such
 beasts which were found at the making of the famous ditch betwéene
 Bruxels and Machlin. As though there were anie precise resemblance
 betwéene the bones of a man and of an elephant, or that there had euer
 béene any elephant of 27. foot in length. But sée his demeanour. In
 the end he granteth that another bodie was found vpon the shore of
 Rhodanus, of thirtie foot in length. Which somewhat staieth his
 iudgement, but not altogither remooueth his error.

 [Sidenote: _Mat. Westmon._]
 The bodie of Pallas was found in Italie, in the yeare of Grace 1038.
 and being measured it conteined twentie foot in length, this Pallas
 was companion with Æneas.

 [Sidenote: _Iohannes Leland._]
 There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in England vpon the shore
 (where the beating of the sea had washed awaie the earth from the
 stone wherein it laie) and when it was taken vp it conteined 50. foot
 [Sidenote: _Mafieus, lib. 14. Triuet._]
 in measure, as our histories doo report. The like was seene before in
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 Wales, in the yeare 1087. of another of 14. foot.

 In Perth moreouer a village in Scotland another was taken vp, which to
 this daie they shew in a church, vnder the name of little John (per
 Antiphrasin) being also 14. foot in length, as diuerse doo affirme
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 which haue beholden the same, and whereof Hector Boetius dooth saie,
 that he did put his whole arme into one of the hanch bones: which is
 worthie to be remembred.

 In the yeare of Grace 1475. the bodie of Tulliola the daughter of
 Cicero was taken vp, & found higher by not a few foot than the common
 sort of women liuing in those daies.

 [Sidenote: _Geruasius Tilberiensis._]
 Geruasius Tilberiensis, head Marshall to the king of Arles writeth in
 his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum, in the
 suburbes of Paris, he saw the bodie of a man that was twentie foot
 long, beside the head and the necke, which was missing & not found,
 the owner hauing peraduenture béene beheaded for some notable
 trespasse committed in times past, or (as he saith) killed by S.
 William.

 The Greeke writers make mention of Andronicus their emperour, who
 liued 1183. of Grace, and was ten foot in height, that is, thrée foot
 higher than the Dutch man that shewed himselfe in manie places of
 England, 1582. this man maried Anna daughter to Lewis of France
 (before assured to Alexius, whome he strangled, dismembred and drowned
 in the sea) the ladie not being aboue eleuen yeares of age, whereas he
 was an old dotard, and beside hir he kept Marpaca a fine harlot, who
 ruled him as she listed.

 Zonaras speaketh of a woman that liued in the daies of Justine, who
 being borne in Cilicia, and of verie comelie personage, was
 neuerthelesse almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of hir
 time.

 [Sidenote: _Sir Thomas Eliot._]
 A carcase was taken vp at Iuie church neere Salisburie but of late
 yeares to speake of, almost fourtéene foot long, in Dictionario
 Eliotæ.

 [Sidenote: _Leland in Combrit._]
 In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chappell of the
 Moore, six miles by east from Carleill, a coffin of stone was found,
 and therein the bones of a man, of more than incredible greatnes. In
 like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the Ile called Alderney,
 whereof you shall read more in the chapiter of our Ilands.

 [Sidenote: _Richard Grafton._]
 Richard Grafton in his Manuell telleth of one whose shinbone conteined
 six foot, and thereto his scull so great that it was able to receiue
 fiue pecks of wheat. Wherefore by coniecturall symmetrie of these
 parts, his bodie must needs be of 24. foot, or rather more, if it were
 [Sidenote: The Symmetrie or proportion of the bodie of a comelie man.]
 diligentlie measured. For the proportion of a comelie and well
 featured bodie, answereth 9. times to the length of the face, taken at
 large from the pitch of the crowne to the chin, as the whole length is
 from the same place vnto the sole of the foot, measured by an imagined
 line, and seuered into so manie parts by like ouerthwart draughts, as
 Drurerus in his lineall description of mans bodie doth deliuer.
 Neuertheles, this symmetrie is not taken by other than the well
 proportioned face, for Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata) prona,
 resupinata, and lacunata (or repanda) doo so far degenerate from the
 true proportion as from the forme and beautie of the comelie. Hereby
 also they make the face taken in strict maner, to be the tenth part of
 the whole bodie, that is, fr[=o] the highest part of the forehead to
 the pitch of the chin, so that in the vse of the word face there is a
 difference, wherby the 9. part is taken (I say) from the crowne
 (called Vertex, because the haire there turneth into a circle) so that
 if the space by a rule were truelie taken, I meane from the crowne or
 highest part of the head to the pitch of the nether chap, and
 multiplied by nine, the length of the whole bodie would easilie
 appeare, & shew it selfe at the full. In like maner I find, that from
 the elbow to the top of the midle finger is the 4. part of the whole
 length, called a cubit: from the wrist to the top of the same finger,
 a tenth part: the length of the shinbone to the ancle a fourth part
 (and all one with the cubit:) from the top of the finger to the third
 ioint, two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead. Which
 obseruations I willinglie remember in this place, to the end that if
 anie such carcases happen to be found hereafter, it shall not be hard
 by some of these bones here mentioned, to come by the stature of the
 whole bodie, in certeine & exact maner. As for the rest of the bones,
 ioints, parts, &c: you may resort to Drurerus, Cardan, and other
 writers, sith the farther deliuerie of them concerneth not my purpose.
 [Sidenote: _Sylvester Gyraldus._]
 To proceed therefore with other examples, I read that the bodie of
 king Arthur being found in the yeare 1189. was two foot higher than
 anie man that came to behold the same. Finallie the carcase of William
 Conqueror was séene not manie yeares since (to wit, 1542.) in the
 [Sidenote: _Constans fama Gallorum._]
 citie of Cane, twelue inches longer, by the iudgment of such as saw
 it, than anie man which dwelled in the countrie. All which testimonies
 I note togither, bicause they proceed from christian writers, from
 whome nothing should be farther or more distant, than of set purpose
 to lie, and feed the world with fables.

 In our times also, and whilest Francis the first reigned ouer France,
 there was a man séene in Aquiteine, whome the king being in those
 parties made of his gard, whose height was such, that a man of common
 heigth might easilie go vnder his twist without stooping, a stature
 [Sidenote: Briat.]
 incredible. Moreouer Casanion, a writer of our time, telleth of the
 bones of Briat a giant found of late in Delphinois, of 15. cubits, the
 diameter of whose scull was two cubits, and the breadth of his
 shoulders foure, as he himselfe beheld in the late second wars of
 France, & wherevnto the report of Ioan Marius made in his bookes De
 Galliarum illustrationibus, where he writeth of the carcase of the
 same giant found not farre from the Rhodanus, which was 22. foot long,
 from the scull to the sole of the feet, dooth yéeld sufficient
 testimonie. Also Calameus in his commentaries De Biturigibus,
 confirmeth no lesse, adding that he was found 1556. & so dooth
 Baptista Fulgosus, lib. 1. cap. 6. saieng farther, that his graue was
 seene not farre from Valentia, and discouered by the violence and
 current of the Rhodanus. The said Casanion in like sort speaketh of
 the bones of a man which he beheld, one of whose téeth was a foot
 long, and eight pound in weight. Also of the sepulchre of another
 neere vnto Charmes castell, which was nine paces in length, things
 incredible to vs, if eiesight did not confirme it in our owne times,
 and these carcases were not reserued by the verie prouidence of God,
 to the end we might behold his works, and by these relikes vnderstand,
 that such men were in old time in deed, of whose statures we now begin
 to doubt. Now to say somwhat also of mine owne knowledge, there is the
 thighbone of a man to be séene in the church of S. Laurence néere
 Guildhall in London, which in time past was 26. inches in length, but
 now it beginneth to decaie, so that it is shorter by foure inches than
 it was in the time of king Edward. Another also is to be seene in
 Aldermarie burie, of some called Aldermanburie, of 32. inches and
 rather more, whereof the symmetrie hath beene taken by some skilfull
 in that practise, and an image made according to that proportion,
 which is fixt in the east end of the cloister of the same church, not
 farre from the said bone, and sheweth the person of a man full ten or
 eleuen foot high, which as some say was found in the cloister of
 Poules, that was neere to the librarie, at such time as the Duke of
 Somerset did pull it downe to the verie foundation, and carried the
 stones thereof to the Strand, where he did build his house. These two
 bones haue I séene, beside other, whereof at the beholding I tooke no
 great heed, bicause I minded not as then to haue had any such vse of
 their proportions, and therefore I will speake no more of them: this
 is sufficient for my purpose that is deliuered out of the christian
 authors.

 Now it resteth furthermore that I set downe, what I haue read therof
 in Pagane writers, who had alwaies great regard of their credit, and
 so ought all men that dedicate any thing vnto posteritie, least in
 going about otherwise to reape renowme and praise, they doo procure
 vnto themselues in the end nothing else but meere contempt and
 infamie. For my part I will touch rare things, and such as to my selfe
 doo séeme almost incredible: howbeit as I find them, so I note them,
 requiring your Honour in reading hereof, to let euerie Author beare
 his owne burden, and euerie oxe his bundle.

 [Sidenote: _In vita Sertorij de Antheo._]
 Plutarch telleth how Sertorius being in Lybia, néere to the streicts
 of Maroco, to wit, at Tingi (or Tanger in Mauritania, as it is now
 called) caused the sepulchre of Antheus, afore remembred to be opened:
 for hearing by common report that the said giant laie buried there,
 whose corps was fiftie cubits long at the least, he was so far off
 from crediting the same, that he would not beleeue it, vntill he saw
 the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To
 be short therefore, he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hill
 made sometime ouer the tombe, and finding the bodie in the bottome
 coffined in stone, after the measure therof taken, he saw it
 manifestlie to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more than the
 people made accompt of, which Strabo also confirmeth.

 Pausanias reporteth out of one Miso, that when the bodie of Aiax was
 found, the whirlebone of his knée was adiudged so broad as a pretie
 dish: also that the bodie of Asterius somtime king of Creta was ten
 cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Gerion no lesse maruelous than the
 rest, all which Goropius still condemneth to be the bones of monsters
 of the sea (notwithstanding the manifest formes of their bones,
 epitaphes, and inscriptions found ingrauen in brasse and lead with
 them in their sepulchres) so far is he from being persuaded and led
 from his opinion.

 [Sidenote: _Philostrate._]
 Philostrate in Heroicis saith, how he saw the bodie of a giant thirtie
 cubits in length, also the carcase of another of two and twentie, and
 the third of twelue.

 Liuie in the seauenth of his first decade, speaketh of an huge person
 which made a challenge as he stood at the end of the Anien bridge,
 against any Romane that would come out and fight with him, whose
 stature was not much inferiour to that of Golias, of Artaches (of
 whome Herodot speaketh in the historie of Xerxes) who was sixe common
 cubits of stature, which make but fiue of the kings standard, bicause
 this is longer by thrée fingers than the other. Of Pusio, Secundilla,
 & Cabaras, of which the first two liuing vnder Augustus were aboue ten
 foot, and the later vnder Claudius of full nine, and all remembred by
 Plinie; of Eleazar a Jew, of whome Iosephus saith, that he was sent to
 Tiberius, and a person of heigth fiue cubits; of another of whom
 Nicephorus maketh mention lib. 12. cap. 13. Hist. eccles. of fiue
 cubits and an handfull, I say nothing, bicause Casanion of Mutterell
 hath alredie sufficientlie discoursed vpon these examples in his De
 gigantibus, which as I gesse he hath written of set purpose against
 Goropius, who in his Gigantomachia, supposeth himselfe to haue killed
 all the giants in the world, and like a new Iupiter Alterum carcasse
 Herculem, as the said Casanion dooth merilie charge and vpbraid him.

 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7.]
 Plinie telleth of an earthquake at Creta, which discouered the body of
 a giant, that was 46. cubits in length after the Romane standard, and
 by diuerse supposed to be the bodie of Orion or Ætion. Neuerthelesse I
 read, that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus did sweare Per sua capita, that
 it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea, or a forged
 deuise to bleare the peoples eies withall, wherein it is wonderfull to
 see, how they please Goropius as one that first deriued his
 fantasticall imagination from their asseueration & oth. The said
 Plinie also addeth that the bodie of Orestes was seuen cubits in
 length, one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches, and two reserued
 In conditorio Sallustianorum halfe a foot longer than Gabbara was, for
 which I neuer read that anie man was driuen to sweare.

 [Sidenote: _Trallianus._]
 Trallianus writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the
 ground, to laie the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certeine
 Iland in the daies of an emperour, did find the bones of Macrosyris in
 a coffin of hard stone, of 100. cubits in length after the accompt of
 the Romane cubit, which was then either a foot and a halfe, or not
 much in difference from halfe a yard of our measure now in England.
 These verses also, as they are now translated out of Gréeke were found
 withall,

   Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula
   Vitæ peractis annis mille quinquies:

 which amounteth to 81. yeares foure moneths, after the Aegyptian
 reckoning.

 In the time of Hadrian the emperour, the bodie of the giant Ida was
 taken vp at Messana, conteining 20. foot in length, and hauing a
 double row of teeth, yet standing whole in his chaps. Eumachus also in
 Perigesi, telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in
 their prouince, they found two bodies in seuerall coffins of stone,
 the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length, such another was found
 in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake, but the inhabitants did cast
 those bones into the Meotidan marris. In Dalmatia, manie graues were
 shaken open with an earthquake, in diuers of which certeine carcases
 were found, whose ribs conteined 16. els, after the Romane measure,
 whereby the whole bodies were iudged to be 64. sith the longest rib is
 commonlie about the fourth part of a man, as some rouing symmetricians
 affirme.

 Arrhianus saith, that in the time of Alexander the bodies of the
 Asianes were generallie of huge stature, and commonlie of fiue cubits,
 and such was the heigth of Porus of Inde, whom the said Alexander
 vanquished and ouerthrew in battell.

 Suidas speaketh of Ganges, killed also by the said prince, who farre
 exceeded Porus; for he was ten cubits long. What should I speake of
 Artaceas a capitaine in the host of Xerxes, afore remembred, whose
 heigth was within 4. fingers bredth of fiue cubits, & the tallest man
 in the armie except the king himselfe. Herod. lib. 7. Of Athanatus
 whom Plinie remembreth I saie nothing. But of all these, this one
 example shall passe, which I doo read of in Trallianus, and he setteth
 downe in forme and manner following.

 In the daies of Tiberius th'emperor saith he, a corps was left bare or
 laid open after an earthquake, of which ech tooth (taken one with
 another) conteined 12. inches ouer at the least. Now forsomuch as in
 [Sidenote: A mouth of sixteene foot wide.]
 such as be full mouthed, ech chap hath commonlie 16. teeth at the
 least, which amount vnto 32. in the whole, needs must the widenesse of
 this mans chaps be welneere of 16. foot, and the opening of his lips
 fiue at the least. A large mouth in mine opinion, and not to eat
 peason with Ladies of my time, besides that if occasion serued, it was
 able to receiue the whole bodies of mo than one of the greatest men, I
 meane of such as we be in our daies. When this carcase was thus found,
 euerie man maruelled at it, & good cause why. A messenger was sent to
 [Sidenote: A counterfect made of a monstrous carcase
 by one tooth taken out of the head.]
 Tiberius the emperour also to know his pleasure, whether he would haue
 the same brought ouer vnto Rome or not, but he forbad them, willing
 his Legate not to remooue the dead out of his resting place, but
 rather somewhat to satisfie his phantasie to send him a tooth out of
 his head, which being done, he gaue it to a cunning workeman,
 commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter, after the
 proportion of the tooth, that at the least by such means he might
 satisfie his curious mind, and the fantasies of such as are delited
 [Sidenote: This man was more fauorable to this monster
 than our papists were to the bodies of the dead who
 tare them in peeces to make money of them.]
 with nouelties. To be short, when the image was once made and set vp
 on end, it appéered rather an huge colossie than the true carcase of a
 man, and when it had stood in Rome vntill the people were wearie &
 throughlie satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to be broken
 all to peeces, and the tooth sent againe to the carcase fr[=o] whence
 it came, willing them moreouer to couer it diligentlie, and in anie
 wise not to dismember the corps, nor from thencefoorth to be so hardie
 as to open the sepulchre anie more. Pausan. lib. 8. telleth in like
 maner of Hiplodanus & his fellowes, who liued when Rhea was with child
 of Osyris by Cham, and were called to hir aid at such time as she
 feared to be molested by Hammon hir first husband, whilest she
 [Sidenote: Grandiáque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris.]
 remained vpon the Thoumasian hill, "In ipso loco," saith he,
 "spectantur ossa maiora multo quàm vt humana existimari possunt, &c."
 Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all
 his ribs on ech side I saie nothing, sith it concerneth not his
 stature.

 I could rehearse manie mo examples of the bodies of such men, out of
 Solinus, Sabellicus, D. Cooper, and others. As of Oetas and Ephialtes,
 who were said to be nine orgies or paces in heigth, and foure in
 bredth, which are taken for so many cubits, bicause there is small
 difference betwéene a mans ordinarie pace and his cubit, and finallie
 of our Richard the first, who is noted to beare an axe in the wars,
 the iron of whose head onelie weighed twentie pound after our greatest
 weight, and whereof an old writer that I haue seene, saith thus:

   This king Richard I vnderstand,
   Yer he went out of England,
   Let make an axe for the nones,
   Therewith to cleaue the Saracens bones,
   The head in sooth was wrought full weele,
   Thereon were twentie pound of steele,
   And when he came in Cyprus land,
   That ilkon axe he tooke in hand, &c.

 I could speake also of Gerards staffe or lance, yet to be seene in
 Gerards hall at London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that
 no man can beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder,
 which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is
 fixed by the same. I haue seene a man my selfe of seuen foot in
 heigth, but lame of his legs. The chronicles also of Cogshall speake
 of one in Wales, who was halfe a foot higher, but through infirmitie
 and wounds not able to beweld himselfe. I might (if I thought good)
 speake also of another of no lesse heigth than either of these and
 liuing of late yeares, but these here remembred shall suffice to
 prooue my purpose withall. I might tell you in like sort of the marke
 stone which Turnus threw at Æneas, and was such as that twelue chosen
 and picked men (saith Virgil),

 [Sidenote: Vis vnita fortior est eadem dispersa.]

   (Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus)

 were not able to stur and remooue out of the place: but I passe it
 ouer, and diuerse of the like, concluding that these huge blocks were
 ordeined and created by God: first for a testimonie vnto vs of his
 power and might; and secondlie for a confirmation, that hugenes of
 bodie is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie, sith they
 which possessed the same, were not onelie tyrants, doltish, & euill
 men, but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake & feeble. Finallie
 they were such indéed as in whom the Lord delited not, according to
 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 3, 36.]
 the saieng of the prophet Baruch; "Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi
 qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum, hos non elegit
 Dominus, neque illis viam disciplinæ dedit, propterea perierunt, et
 quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam
 insipientiam, &c." that is, "There were the giants famous from the
 beginning, that were of great stature and expert in warre, those did
 not the Lord choose, neither gaue he the waie of knowledge vnto them,
 but they were destroied, because they had no wisedome, and perished
 through their owne foolishnesse." That the bodies of men also doo
 [Sidenote: 4. _Esd. cap._ 5.]
 dailie decaie in stature, beside Plinie lib. 7. Esdras likewise
 confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5. whose authoritie is so good herein as that
 of Homer or Plinie, who doo affirme so much, whereas Goropius still
 continuing his woonted pertinacitie also in this behalfe, maketh his
 proportion first by the old Romane foot, and then by his owne, &
 therevpon concludeth that men in these daies be fullie so great as
 euer they were, whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it
 nothing to conclude against the scriptures, chosen writers and
 testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he would salue all at
 last in the end of his Gigantomachia, where he saith, I denie not but
 that od huge personages haue bene seene, as a woman of ten, and a man
 of nine foot long, which I my selfe also haue beholden, but as now so
 in old time the common sort did so much woonder at the like as we doo
 at these, because they were seldome séene, and not commonlie to be
 heard of.




 OF THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN THIS ILAND.

 CAP. VI.


 [Sidenote: British.]
 What language came first with Samothes and afterward with Albion, and
 the giants of his companie, it is hard for me to determine, sith
 nothing of sound credit remaineth in writing, which may resolue vs in
 [Sidenote: Small difference betweene the British
 and Celtike languages.]
 the truth hereof. Yet of so much are we certeine, that the speach of
 the ancient Britons, and of the Celts, had great affinitie one with
 another, so that they were either all one, or at leastwise such as
 either nation with small helpe of interpretors might vnderstand other,
 and readilie discerne what the speaker meant. Some are of the opinion
 that the Celts spake Greeke, and how the British toong resembled the
 same, which was spoken in Grecia before Homer did reforme it: but I
 see that these men doo speake without authoritie and therefore I
 reiect them, for if the Celts which were properlie called Galles did
 speake Gréeke, why did Cesar in his letters sent to Rome vse that
 language, because that if they should be intercepted they might not
 vnderstand them, or why did he not vnderstand the Galles, he being so
 skilfull in the language without an interpretor? Yet I denie not but
 that the Celtish and British speaches might haue great affinitie one
 with another, and the British aboue all other with the Greeke, for
 both doo appéere by certeine words, as first in tri for three, march
 for an horsse, & trimarchia, whereof Pausanias speaketh, for both.
 Atheneus also writeth of Bathanasius a capitaine of the Galles, whose
 name is méere British, compounded of Bath & Ynad, & signifieth a noble
 or comelie iudge. And wheras he saith that the reliques of the Galles
 tooke vp their first dwelling about Isther, and afterward diuided
 themselues in such wise, that they which went and dwelled in Hungarie
 were called Sordsai, and the other that inhabited within the dominion
 of Tyroll) Brenni, whose seate was on the mount Brenhere parcell of
 the Alpes, what else signifieth the word Iscaredich in British, from
 whence the word Scordisci commeth, but to be diuided? Hereby then, and
 sundrie other the like testimonies, I gather that the British and the
 Celtish speaches had great affinitie one with another, as I said,
 which Cesar (speaking of the similitude or likenesse of religion in
 both nations) doth also auerre, & Tacitus in vita Agricolæ, in like
 sort plainlie affirmeth, or else it must needs be that the Galles
 which inuaded Italie and Greece were meere Britons, of whose likenes
 of speech with the Gréeke toong I need not make anie triall, sith no
 man (I hope) will readilie denie it. Appianus talking of the Brenni
 calleth them Cymbres, and by this I gather also that the Celts and the
 Britons were indifferentlie called Cymbri in their own language, or
 else that the Britons were the right Cymbri, who vnto this daie doo
 not refuse to be called by that name. Bodinus writing of the means by
 which the originall of euerie kingdome and nation is to be had and
 discerned, setteth downe thrée waies whereby the knowledge thereof is
 to be found, one is (saith he) the infallible testimonie of the sound
 writers, the other the description and site of the region, the third
 the relikes of the ancient speech remaining in the same. Which later
 if it be of any force, then I must conclude, that the spéech of the
 Britons and Celts was sometime either all one or verie like one to
 another, or else it must follow that the Britons ouerflowed the
 continent vnder the name of Cymbres, being peraduenture associat in
 this voiage, or mixed by inuasion with the Danes, and Norwegiens, who
 are called Cymbri and Cymmerij, as most writers doo remember. This
 also is euident (as Plutarch likewise confesseth In vita Marij) that
 no man knew from whence the Cymbres came in his daies, and therfore I
 beleeue that they came out of Britaine, for all the maine was well
 knowne vnto them, I meane euen to the vttermost part of the north, as
 may appeare furthermore by the slaues which were dailie brought from
 thence vnto them, whom of their countries they called Daui for Daci,
 Getæ for Gothes, &c: for of their conquests I need not make
 rehearsall, sith they are commonlie knowne and remembred by the
 writers, both of the Greekes and Latines.

 [Sidenote: British corrupted by the Latine and Saxon speeches.]
 The British toong called Camberaec dooth yet remaine in that part of
 the Iland, which is now called Wales, whither the Britons were driuen
 after the Saxons had made a full conquest of the other, which we now
 call England, although the pristinate integritie thereof be not a
 little diminished by mixture of the Latine and Saxon speaches withall.
 Howbeit, manie poesies and writings (in making whereof that nation
 hath euermore delited) are yet extant in my time, wherby some
 difference betwéene the ancient and present language may easilie be
 discerned, notwithstanding that among all these there is nothing to be
 found, which can set downe anie sound and full testimonie of their
 owne originall, in remembrance whereof, their Bards and cunning men
 haue béene most slacke and negligent. Giraldus in praising the Britons
 affirmeth that there is not one word in all their language, that is
 not either Gréeke or Latine. Which being rightly vnderstanded and
 conferred with the likenesse that was in old time betwéene the Celts &
 the British toongs, will not a little helpe those that thinke the old
 Celtish to haue some sauour of the Gréeke. But how soeuer that matter
 standeth, after the British speach came once ouer into this Iland,
 sure it is, that it could neuer be extinguished for all the attempts
 that the Romans, Saxons, Normans, and Englishmen could make against
 that nation, in anie maner of wise.

 [Sidenote: The Britons diligent in petigrées.]
 Petigrées and genealogies also the Welsh Britons haue plentie in their
 owne toong, insomuch that manie of them can readilie deriue the same,
 either from Brute or some of his band, euen vnto Æneas and other of
 the Troians, and so foorth vnto Noah without anie maner of stop. But
 as I know not what credit is to be giuen vnto them in this behalfe,
 although I must néeds confesse that their ancient Bards were verie
 diligent in there collection, and had also publike allowance or
 salarie for the same; so I dare not absolutelie impugne their
 assertions, sith that in times past all nations (learning it no doubt
 of the Hebrues) did verie solemnelie preserue the catalogs of their
 descents, thereby either to shew themselues of ancient and noble race,
 or else to be descended from some one of the gods. But

   Stemmata quid faciunt? quid prodest Pontice longo
   Sanguine censeri? aut quid auorum ducere turmas? &c.

 [Sidenote: Latine.]
 Next vnto the British speach, the Latine toong was brought in by the
 Romans, and in maner generallie planted through the whole region, as
 the French was after by the Normans. Of this toong I will not say
 much, bicause there are few which be not skilfull in the same.
 Howbeit, as the speach it selfe is easie and delectable, so hath it
 peruerted the names of the ancient riuers, regions, & cities of
 Britaine in such wise, that in these our daies their old British
 denominations are quite growne out of memorie, and yet those of the
 new Latine left as most vncertaine. This remaineth also vnto my time,
 borowed from the Romans, that all our déeds, euidences, charters, &
 writings of record, are set downe in the Latine toong, though now
 verie barbarous, and therevnto the copies and court-rolles, and
 processes of courts and leets registred in the same.

 [Sidenote: The Saxon toong.]
 The third language apparantlie knowne is the Scithian or high Dutch,
 induced at the first by the Saxons (which the Britons call Saysonaec,
 as they doo the speakers Sayson) an hard and rough kind of speach, God
 wot, when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withall, but
 now changed with vs into a farre more fine and easie kind of
 vtterance, and so polished and helped with new and milder words, that
 it is to be aduouched how there is no one speach vnder the sunne
 spoken in our time, that hath or can haue more varietie of words,
 copie of phrases, or figures and floures of eloquence, than hath our
 English toong, although some haue affirmed vs rather to barke as dogs,
 than talke like men, bicause the most of our words (as they doo
 indéed) incline vnto one syllable. This also is to be noted as a
 testimonie remaining still of our language, deriued from the Saxons,
 that the generall name for the most part of euerie skilfull artificer
 in his trade endeth in Here with vs, albeit the H be left out, and er
 onlie inserted, as Scriuenhere, writehere, shiphere, &c: for
 scriuener, writer, and shipper, &c: beside manie other relikes of that
 spéech, neuer to be abolished.

 [Sidenote: The French toong.]
 After the Saxon toong, came the Norman or French language ouer into
 our countrie, and therein were our lawes written for a long time. Our
 children also were by an especiall decrée taught first to speake the
 same, and therevnto inforced to learne their constructions in the
 French, whensoeuer they were set to the Grammar schoole. In like sort
 few bishops, abbats, or other clergie men, were admitted vnto anie
 ecclesiasticall function here among vs, but such as came out of
 religious houses from beyond the seas, to the end they should not vse
 the English toong in their sermons to the people. In the court also it
 grew into such contempt, that most men thought it no small dishonor to
 speake any English there. Which brauerie tooke his hold at the last
 likewise in the countrie with euerie plowman, that euen the verie
 carters began to wax wearie of there mother toong, & laboured to
 speake French, which as then was counted no small token of gentilitie.
 And no maruell, for euerie French rascall, when he came once hither,
 was taken for a gentleman, onelie bicause he was proud, and could vse
 his owne language, and all this (I say) to exile the English and
 British speaches quite out of the countrie. But in vaine, for in the
 time of king Edward the first, to wit, toward the latter end of his
 reigne, the French it selfe ceased to be spoken generallie, but most
 of all and by law in the midst of Edward the third, and then began the
 English to recouer and grow in more estimation than before;
 notwithstanding that among our artificers, the most part of their
 implements, tooles and words of art reteine still their French
 denominations euen to these our daies, as the language it selfe is
 vsed likewise in sundrie courts, bookes of record, and matters of law;
 whereof here is no place to make any particular rehearsall. Afterward
 [Sidenote: The helpers of our English toong.]
 also, by diligent trauell of Geffray Chaucer, and Iohn Gowre, in the
 time of Richard the second, and after them of Iohn Scogan, and Iohn
 Lydgate monke of Berrie, our said toong was brought to an excellent
 passe, notwithstanding that it neuer came vnto the type of perfection,
 vntill the time of Quéene Elizabeth, wherein Iohn Iewell B. of Sarum,
 Iohn Fox, and sundrie learned & excellent writers haue fullie
 accomplished the ornature of the same, to their great praise and
 immortall commendation; although not a few other doo greatlie séeke to
 staine the same, by fond affectation of forren and strange words,
 presuming that to be the best English, which is most corrupted with
 externall termes of eloquence, and sound of manie syllables. But as
 this excellencie of the English toong is found in one, and the south
 part of this Iland; so in Wales the greatest number (as I said)
 retaine still their owne ancient language, that of the north part of
 the said countrie being lesse corrupted than the other, and therefore
 reputed for the better in their owne estimation and iudgement. This
 [Sidenote: Englishmen apt to learne any forren toong.]
 also is proper to vs Englishmen, that sith ours is a meane language,
 and neither too rough nor too smooth in vtterance, we may with much
 facilitie learne any other language, beside Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine,
 and speake it naturallie, as if we were home-borne in those countries;
 & yet on the other side it falleth out, I wot not by what other
 meanes, that few forren nations can rightlie pronounce ours, without
 some and that great note of imperfection, especiallie the French men,
 who also seldome write any thing that sauoreth of English trulie. It
 is a pastime to read how Natalis Comes in like maner, speaking of our
 affaires, dooth clip the names of our English lords. But this of all
 the rest dooth bréed most admiration with me, that if any stranger doo
 hit vpon some likelie pronuntiation of our toong, yet in age he
 swarueth so much from the same, that he is woorse therein than euer he
 was, and thereto peraduenture halteth not a litle also in his owne, as
 I haue séene by experience in Reginald Wolfe, and other, whereof I
 haue iustlie maruelled.

 [Sidenote: The Cornish toong.]
 The Cornish and Deuonshire men, whose countrie the Britons call
 Cerniw, haue a speach in like sort of their owne, and such as hath in
 déed more affinitie with the Armoricane toong than I can well discusse
 of. Yet in mine opinion, they are both but a corrupted kind of
 Brittish, albeit so far degenerating in these daies from the old, that
 if either of them doo méete with a Welshman, they are not able at the
 first to vnderstand one an other, except here and there in some od
 words, without the helpe of interpretors. And no maruell in mine
 opinion that the British of Cornewall is thus corrupted, sith the
 Welsh toong that is spoken in the north & south part of Wales, doth
 differ so much in it selfe, as the English vsed in Scotland dooth from
 that which is spoken among vs here in this side of the Iland, as I
 haue said alreadie.

 [Sidenote: Scottish english.]
 The Scottish english hath beene much broader and lesse pleasant in
 vtterance than ours, because that nation hath not till of late
 indeuored to bring the same to any perfect order, and yet it was such
 in maner, as Englishmen themselues did speake for the most part beyond
 the Trent, whither any great amendement of our language had not as
 then extended it selfe. Howbeit in our time the Scottish language
 endeuoreth to come neere, if not altogither to match our toong in
 finenesse of phrase, and copie of words, and this may in part appeare
 by an historie of the Apocripha translated into Scottish verse by
 Hudson, dedicated to the king of that countrie, and conteining sixe
 books, except my memorie doo faile me.

 Thus we sée how that vnder the dominion of the king of England, and in
 the south parts of the realme, we haue thrée seuerall toongs, that is
 to saie, English, British, and Cornish, and euen so manie are in
 Scotland, if you accompt the English speach for one: notwithstanding
 that for bredth and quantitie of the region, I meane onelie of the
 soile of the maine Iland, it be somewhat lesse to see to than the
 [Sidenote: The wild Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Redshanks.]
 [Sidenote: Rough footed Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Irish Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Irish speech.]
 other. For in the north part of the region, where the wild Scots,
 otherwise called the Redshanks, or rough footed Scots (because they go
 bare footed and clad in mantels ouer their saffron shirts after the
 Irish maner) doo inhabit, they speake good Irish which they call
 Gachtlet, as they saie of one Gathelus, whereby they shew their
 originall to haue in times past béene fetched out of Ireland: as I
 noted also in the chapiter precedent, and wherevnto Vincentius cap. de
 insulis Oceani dooth yéeld his assent, saieng that Ireland was in time
 past called Scotia; "Scotia eadem (saith he) & Hibernia, proxima
 Britanniæ insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ f[oe]cundior;
 Scotia autem à Scotorum gentibus traditur appellata, &c." Out of the
 14. booke of Isidorus intituled Originum, where he also addeth that it
 is called Hybernia, because it bendeth toward Iberia. But I find
 elsewhere that it is so called by certeine Spaniards which came to
 seeke and plant their inhabitation in the same, wherof in my
 Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

 In the Iles of the Orchades, or Orkeney, as we now call them, & such
 coasts of Britaine as doo abbut vpon the same, the Gottish or Danish
 speach is altogither in vse, and also in Shetland, by reason (as I
 take it) that the princes of Norwaie held those Ilands so long vnder
 their subiection, albeit they were otherwise reputed as rather to
 belong to Ireland, bicause that the verie soile of them is enimie to
 poison, as some write, although for my part I had neuer any sound
 experience of the truth hereof. And thus much haue I thought good to
 speake of our old speaches, and those fiue languages now vsuallie
 spoken within the limits of our Iland.




 INTO HOW MANIE KINGDOMS THIS ILAND HATH BEENE DIUIDED.

 CAP. VII.


 [Sidenote: Britaine at the first one entire kingdome.]
 It is not to be doubted, but that at the first, the whole Iland was
 ruled by one onelie prince, and so continued from time to time, vntill
 ciuill discord, grounded vp[=o] ambitious desire to reigne, caused the
 same to be gouerned by diuerse. And this I meane so well of the time
 before the comming of Brute, as after the extinction of his whole race
 & posteritie. Howbeit, as it is vncerteine into how manie regions it
 was seuered, after the first partition; so it is most sure that this
 latter disturbed estate of regiment, continued in the same, not onelie
 vntill the time of Cæsar, but also in maner vnto the daies of Lucius,
 with whome the whole race of the Britons had an end, and the Romans
 full possession of this Iland, who gouerned it by Legats after the
 maner of a prouince. It should séeme also that within a while after
 the time of Dunwallon (who rather brought those foure princes that
 vsurped in his time to obedience, than extinguished their titles, &
 such partition as they had made of the Iland among themselues) each
 great citie had hir fréedome and seuerall kind of regiment, proper
 vnto hir selfe, beside a large circuit of the countrie appertinent
 vnto the same, wherein were sundrie other cities also of lesse name,
 which owght homage and all subiection vnto the greater sort. And to
 saie truth, hereof it came to passe, that each of these regions,
 whereinto this Iland was then diuided, tooke his name of some one of
 these cities; although Ciuitas after Cæsar doth sometime signifie an
 whole continent or kingdome, whereby there were in old time Tot
 ciuitates quot regna, and contrariwise as may appeare by that of the
 Trinobantes, which was so called of Trinobantum the chiefe citie of
 that portion, whose territories conteined all Essex, Middlesex, and
 part of Hertfordshire, euen as the iurisdiction of the bishop of
 London is now extended, for the ouersight of such things as belong
 vnto the church. Ech of the gouernors also of these regions, called
 themselues kings, and therevnto either of them dailie made warre vpon
 other, for the inlarging of their limits. But for somuch as I am not
 able to saie how manie did challenge this authoritie at once, and how
 long they reigned ouer their seuerall portions, I will passe ouer
 these ancient times, and come néerer vnto our owne, I meane the 600.
 yéere of Christ, whereof we haue more certeine notice, & at which
 season there is euident proofe, that there were twelue or thirtéene
 kings reigning in this Iland.

 [Sidenote: Wales diuided into three kingdomes.]
 We find therefore for the first, how that Wales had hir thrée seuerall
 kingdomes, which being accompted togither conteined (as Giraldus
 saith) 49. cantreds or cantons (whereof thrée were in his time
 possessed by the French and English) although that whole portion of
 the Iland extended in those daies no farder than about 200. miles in
 length, and one hundred in bredth, and was cut from Lhoegres by the
 riuers Sauerne and Dee, of which two streames this dooth fall into the
 Irish sea at Westchester, the other into the maine Ocean, betwixt
 Somersetshire and Southwales, as their seuerall courses shall witnesse
 more at large.

 [Sidenote: Gwinhed.]
 In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to
 saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Dehenbarth) and Demetia,
 for which we now vse most c[=o]monlie the names of South & Northwales.
 But in a short processe of time a third sprung vp in the verie middest
 betwéene them both, which from thence-foorth was called Powisy, as
 shalbe shewed hereafter. For Roderijc the great, who flourished 850.
 of Christ, and was king of all Wales (which then conteined onlie six
 regions) leauing thrée sons behind him, by his last will & testament
 diuided the countrie into thrée portions, according to the number of
 his children, of which he assigned one vnto either of them, wherby
 Morwing or Morwinner had Gwynhedh or Northwales, Cadelh Demetia or
 Southwales, and Anaralt Powisy, as Giraldus and other doo remember.
 Howbeit it came to passe that after this diuision, Cadelh suruiued all
 his brethren, and thereby became lord of both their portions, and his
 successors after him vntill the time of Teuther or Theodor (all is
 one) after which they were contented to kéepe themselues within the
 compasse of Demetia, which (as I said) conteined 29. of those 49.
 cantreds before mentioned, as Powisy did six, and Gwinhedh fourtéene,
 except my memorie doo faile me.

 [Sidenote: Venedotia.]
 The first of these thrée, being called (as I said) Northwales or
 Venedotia (or as Paulus Iouius saith Malfabrene, for he diuideth Wales
 also into thrée regions, of which he calleth the first Dumbera, the
 second Berfrona, and the third Malfabrene) lieth directlie ouer
 [Sidenote: Anglesei.]
 against the Ile of Anglesei, the chiefe citie whereof stood in the Ile
 of Anglesei and was called Aberfraw. It conteineth 4. regions, of
 which the said Iland is the first, and whereof in the chapter insuing
 [Sidenote: Arfon.]
 I wille intreat more at large. The second is called Arfon, and situate
 [Sidenote: Merioneth.]
 betweene two riuers, the Segwy and the Conwy. The third is Merioneth,
 and as it is seuered from Arfon by the Conwy, so is it separated from
 [Sidenote: Stradcluyd or Tegenia.]
 Tegenia (otherwise called Stradcluyd and Igenia the fourth region) by
 the riuer Cluda. Finallie, the limits of this latter are extended also
 euen vnto the Dée it selfe, and of these foure regions consisteth the
 kingdome of Venedotia, whereof in times past the region of the Canges
 was not the smallest portion.

 [Sidenote: Powisy.]
 The kingdome of Powisy, last of all erected, as I said, hath on the
 north side Gwinhedh, on the east (from Chester to Hereford, or rather
 to Deane forest) England, on the south and west the riuer Wy and verie
 high hilles, whereby it is notablie seuered from Southwales, the
 chiefe citie thereof being at the first Salopsburg, in old time
 Pengwerne, and Ynwithig, but now Shrowesburie, a citie or towne raised
 out of the ruines of Vricouium, which (standing 4. miles from thence,
 and by the Saxons called Wrekencester and Wrokecester, before they
 ouerthrew it) is now inhabited with méere English, and where in old
 time the kings of Powisy did dwell and hold their palaces, till
 Englishmen draue them from thence to Matrauall in the same prouince,
 where they from thencefoorth aboad. Vpon the limits of this kingdome,
 and not far from Holt castell, vpon ech side of the riuer, as the
 [Sidenote: Bangor.]
 chanell now runneth, stood sometime the famous monasterie of Bangor,
 whilest the abated glorie of the Britons yet remained vnextinguished,
 and herein were 2100. monkes, of which, the learned sort did preach
 the Gospell, and the vnlearned labored with their hands, thereby to
 mainteine themselues, and to sustaine their preachers. This region was
 in like sort diuided afterward in twaine, of which, the one was called
 [Sidenote: Mailrosse.]
 Mailor or Mailrosse, the other reteined still hir old denomination,
 and of these the first laie by south, & the latter by north of the
 Sauerne.

 [Sidenote: Fowkes de Warren.]
 As touching Mailrosse, I read moreouer in the gests of Fowkes de
 Warren, how that one William sonne to a certeine ladie sister to Paine
 Peuerell, the first lord of Whittington, after the conquest did win a
 part of the same, and the hundred of Ellesmore from the Welshmen, in
 which enterprise he was so desperatlie wounded, that no man hight him
 life; yet at the last by eating of the shield of a wild bore, he got
 an appetite and recouered his health. This William had issue two
 [Sidenote: Helene.]
 [Sidenote: Mellent.]
 daughters, to wit, Helene maried to the heir of the Alans, and Mellent
 which refused mariage with anie man, except he were first tried to be
 a knight of prowesse. Herevpon hir father made proclamation, that
 against such a daie & at such a place, whatsoeuer Gentleman could shew
 himselfe most valiant in the field, should marrie Mellent his
 daughter, & haue with hir his castell of Whittington with sufficient
 liueliehood to mainteine their estates for euer. This report being
 spred, Fowkes de Warren came thither all in red, with a shield of
 siluer and pecocke for his crest, whereof he was called the red
 knight, and there ouercomming the kings sonne of Scotland, and a Baron
 of Burgundie, he maried the maid, and by hir had issue as in the
 treatise appeareth. There is yet great mention of the red knight in
 the countrie there about; and much like vnto this Mellent was the
 daughter sometime of one of the lord Rosses, called Kudall, who bare
 [Sidenote: The originall of Fitz Henries.]
 such good will to Fitz-Henrie clarke of hir fathers kitchen, that she
 made him carie hir awaie on horssebacke behind him, onlie for his
 manhood sake, which presentlie was tried. For being pursued & ouer
 taken, she made him light, & held his cloke whilest he killed and
 draue hir fathers men to flight: and then awaie they go, till hir
 father conceiuing a good opinion of Fitz-Henrie for this act, receiued
 him to his fauour, whereby that familie came vp. And thus much (by the
 waie) of Mailrosse, whereof this may suffice, sith mine intent is not
 as now to make anie precise description of the particulars of Wales;
 but onelie to shew how those regions laie, which sometime were knowne
 [Sidenote: Demetia.]
 to be gouerned in that countrie. The third kingdome is Demetia, or
 Southwales, sometime knowne for the region of the Syllures, wherevnto
 I also am persuaded, that the Ordolukes laie in the east part thereof,
 and extended their region euen vnto the Sauerne: but howsoeuer that
 matter falleth out, Demetia hath the Sauerne on hir south, the Irish
 sea on hir west parts, on the east the Sauerne onelie, and by north
 the land of Powisy, whereof I spake of late.

 [Sidenote: Cair Maridunum.]
 Of this region also Caermarden, which the old writers call Maridunum,
 was the chéefe citie and palace belonging to the kings of Southwales,
 vntill at the last through forren and ciuill inuasions of enimies, the
 princes thereof were constrained to remooue their courts to Dinefar
 (which is in Cantermawr, and situate neuerthelesse vpon the same riuer
 Tewy, wheron Caermarden standeth) in which place it is far better
 defended with high hils, thicke woods, craggie rocks, and déepe
 marises. In this region also lieth Pembroke aliàs Penmoroc shire,
 whose fawcons haue béene in old time very much regarded, and therein
 likewise is Milford hauen, whereof the Welsh wisards doo yet dreame
 strange toies, which they beleeue shall one daie come to passe. For
 they are a nation much giuen to fortelling of things to come, but more
 to beléeue such blind prophesies as haue béene made of old time, and
 no man is accompted for learned in Wales that is not supposed to haue
 the spirit of prophesie.

 [Sidenote: Pictland.]
 [Sidenote: Scotland.]
 [Sidenote: Picts.]
 [Sidenote: Scots.]
 That Scotland had in those daies two kingdoms, (besides that of the
 Orchades) whereof the one consisted of the Picts, and was called
 Pightland or Pictland, the other of the Irish race, and named
 Scotland: I hope no wise man will readilie denie. The whole region or
 portion of the Ile beyond the Scotish sea also was so diuided, that
 the Picts laie on the east side, and the Scots on the west, ech of
 them being seuered from other, either by huge hils or great lakes and
 riuers, that ran out of the south into the north betwéene them. It
 séemeth also that at the first these two kingdoms were diuided from
 the rest of those of the Britons by the riuers Cluda and Forth, till
 both of them desirous to inlarge their dominions, draue the Britons
 ouer the Solue and the Twede, which then became march betweene both
 the nations. Wherefore the case being so plaine, I will saie no more
 of these two, but procéed in order with the rehersall of the rest of
 the particular kingdoms of this our south part of the Ile, limiting
 out the same by shires as they now lie, so néere as I can, for
 otherwise it shall be vnpossible for me to leaue certaine notice of
 the likeliest quantities of these their seuerall portions.

 [Sidenote: Kent Henghist.]
 The first of these kingdoms therefore was begunne in Kent by Henghist
 in the 456. of Christ, and thereof called the kingdome of Kent or
 Cantwarland, and as the limits thereof extended it selfe no farther
 than the said countie (the cheefe citie whereof was Dorobernia or
 Cantwarbyry now Canturburie) so it indured well néere by the space of
 400. yeares, before it was made an earledome or Heretochie, and vnited
 by Inas vnto that of the West Saxons, Athelstane his sonne, being the
 first Earle or Heretoch of the same. Maister Lambert in his historie
 of Kent dooth gather, by verie probable coniectures, that this part of
 the Iland was first inhabited by Samothes, and afterward by Albion.
 But howsoeuer that case standeth, sure it is that it hath béen the
 onelie doore, whereby the Romans and Saxons made their entrie vnto the
 conquest of the region, but first of all Cæsar, who entred into this
 Iland vpon the eightéenth Cal. or 14. of September, which was foure
 daies before the full of the moone, as he himselfe confesseth, and
 then fell out about the 17. or 18. of that moneth, twelue daies before
 the equinoctiall (apparant) so that he did not tarrie at that time
 aboue eight or ten daies in Britaine. And as this platforme cannot be
 denied for his entrance, so the said region and east part of Kent, was
 the onelie place by which the knowledge of Christ was first brought
 ouer vnto vs, whereby we became partakers of saluation, and from the
 darkenesse of mistie errour, true conuerts vnto the light and bright
 beames of the shining truth, to our eternall benefit and euerlasting
 comforts.

 [Sidenote: Southsax.]
 [Sidenote: Ella.]
 The second kingdome conteined onelie Sussex, and a part of (or as some
 saie all) Surrie, which Ella the Saxon first held: who also erected
 his chéefe palace at Chichester, when he had destroied Andredswald in
 the 492. of Christ. And after it had continued by the space of 232.
 years, it ceased, being the verie least kingdome of all the rest,
 which were founded in this Ile after the comming of the Saxons (for to
 saie truth, it conteined little aboue 7000. families) & within a while
 after the erection of the kingdome of the Gewisses or Westsaxons,
 notwithstanding that before the kings of Sussex pretended and made
 claime to all that which laie west of Kent, and south of the Thames,
 vnto the point of Corinwall, as I haue often read.

 [Sidenote: Eastsax.]
 [Sidenote: Erkenwiin.]
 The third regiment was of the East Saxons, or Tribonantes. This
 kingdome began vnder Erkenwijn, whose chéefe seat was in London (or
 rather Colchester) and conteined whole Essex, Middlesex, and part of
 Herfordshire. It indured also much about the pricke of 303. yeares,
 and was diuided from that of the East Angles onlie by the riuer
 Stoure, as Houeden and others doo report, & so it continueth separated
 from Suffolke euen vnto our times, although the said riuer be now
 growne verie small, and not of such greatnesse as it hath béene in
 times past, by reason that our countriemen make small accompt of
 riuers, thinking carriage made by horsse and cart to be the lesse
 chargeable waie. But herin how far they are deceiued, I will
 else-where make manifest declaration.

 [Sidenote: Westsax.]
 The fourth kingdome was of the West Saxons, and so called, bicause it
 laie in the west part of the realme, as that of Essex did in the east,
 [Sidenote: Cerdiic.]
 and of Sussex in the south. It began in the yeare of Grace 519. vnder
 Cerdijc, and indured vntill the comming of the Normans, including at
 the last all Wiltshire, Barkeshire, Dorset, Southampton,
 Somersetshire, Glocestershire, some part of Deuonshire (which the
 Britons occupied not) Cornewall, and the rest of Surrie, as the best
 authors doo set downe. At the first it conteined onelie Wiltshire,
 Dorcetshire, and Barkeshire, but yer long the princes thereof
 conquered whatsoeuer the kings of Sussex and the Britons held vnto the
 point of Cornewall, and then became first Dorchester (vntill the time
 of Kinigils) then Winchester the chéefe citie of that kingdome. For
 when Birinus the moonke came into England, the said Kinigils gaue him
 Dorchester, and all the land within seauen miles about, toward the
 maintenance of his cathedrall sea, by meanes whereof he himselfe
 remooued his palace to Winchester.

 [Sidenote: Brennicia, aliàs Northumberland.]
 The fift kingdome began vnder Ida, in the 548. of Christ, and was
 called Northumberland, bicause it laie by north of the riuer Humber.
 [Sidenote: Ida.]
 And from the comming of Henghist to this Ida, it was onlie gouerned by
 earls or Heretoches as an Heretochy, till the said Ida conuerted it
 into a kingdome. It conteined all that region which (as it should
 séeme) was in time past either wholie apperteining to the Brigants, or
 whereof the said Brigants did possesse the greater part. The cheefe
 citie of the same in like maner was Yorke, as Beda, Capgraue, Leyland,
 and others doo set downe, who ad thereto that it extended from the
 Humber vnto the Scotish sea, vntill the slaughter of Egfride of the
 Northumbers, after which time the Picts gat hold of all, betweene the
 Forth and the Twede, which afterward descending to the Scots by meanes
 of the vtter destruction of the Picts, hath not béene sithens vnited
 to the crowne of England, nor in possession of the meere English, as
 before time it had béene. Such was the crueltie of these Picts also in
 their recouerie of the same, that at a certeine houre they made a
 Sicilien euensong, and slew euerie English man, woman and child, that
 they could laie hold vpon within the aforesaid region, but some
 escaped narrowlie, and saued themselues by flight.

 [Sidenote: Deira.]
 Afterward in the yeare of Grace 560. it was parted in twaine, vnder
 Adda, that yeelded vp all his portion, which lay betweene Humber and
 [Sidenote: Ella.]
 the Tine vnto his brother Ella (according to their fathers
 appointment) who called it Deira, or Southumberland, but reteining the
 rest still vnto his owne vse, he diminished not his title, but wrote
 himselfe as before king of all Northumberland. Howbeit after 91.
 yeares, it was revnited againe, and so continued vntill Alfred annexed
 the whole to his kingdome, in the 331. after Ida, or 878. of the birth
 of Jesus Christ our Sauiour.

 [Sidenote: Eastangles Offa, à quo Offlingæ.]
 The seauenth kingdome, called of the East-Angles, began at Norwich in
 the 561. after Christ, vnder Offa, of whom the people of that region
 were long time called Offlings. This included all Norfolke, Suffolke,
 Cambridgeshire, and Elie, and continuing 228. yeares, it flourished
 onelie 35. yeares in perfect estate of liberte, the rest being
 consumed vnder the tribut and vassallage of the Mercians, who had the
 souereigntie thereof, and held it with great honour, till the Danes
 gat hold of it, who spoiled it verie sore, so that it became more
 miserable than any of the other, and so remained till the kings of the
 West-saxons vnited it to their crownes. Some saie that Grantcester,
 but now Cambridge (a towne erected out of hir ruines) was the chéefe
 citie of this kingdome, and not Norwich. Wherein I may well shew the
 discord of writers, but I cannot resolue the scruple. Some take this
 region also to be all one with that of the Icenes, but as yet for my
 part I cannot yeeld to their assertions, I meane it of Leland
 himselfe, whose helpe I vse chéefelie in these collections, albeit in
 this behalfe I am not resolued that he doth iudge aright.

 The 8. & last was that of Mertia, which indured 291. yeares, and for
 greatnesse exceeded all the rest. It tooke the name either of Mearc
 the Saxon word, bicause it was march to the rest (and trulie, the
 limits of most of the other kingdomes abutted vpon the same) or else
 [Sidenote: Mertia.]
 for that the lawes of Martia the Queene were first vsed in that part
 of the Iland. But as this later is but a méere coniecture of some, so
 [Sidenote: Creodda.]
 the said kingdome began vnder Creodda, in the 585. of Christ, &
 indured well néere 300. yeares before it was vnited to that of the
 West-saxons by Alfred, then reigning in this Ile. Before him the Danes
 had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Ceolulph an idiot in the same;
 but as he was soone reiected for his follie, so it was not long after
 yer the said Alfred (I saie) annexed it to his kingdome by his
 [Sidenote: Limits of Mertia.]
 manhood. The limits of the Mertian dominions included Lincolne,
 Northampton, Chester, Darbie, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntington,
 Rutland, Oxford, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedford shires, and the
 greatest part of Shropshire (which the Welsh occupied not) Lancaster,
 Glocester, Hereford (alias Hurchford) Warwijc and Hertford shires: the
 rest of whose territories were holden by such princes of other
 kingdomes through force as bordered vpon the same. Moreouer, this
 kingdome was at one time diuided into south and north Mertia, whereof
 this laie beyond and the other on this side of the Trent, which later
 also Oswald of Northumberland did giue to Weada the sonne of Penda for
 kindred sake, though he not long inioied it. This also is worthie to
 be noted, that in these eight kingdomes of the Saxons, there were
 twelue princes reputed in the popish Catalog for saints or martyrs, of
 which Alcimund, Edwine, Oswald, Oswijn and Aldwold reigned in
 Northumberland; Sigebert, Ethelbert, Edmond, and another Sigebert
 among the Estangels; Kenelme and Wistan in Mertia; and Saint Edward
 the confessor, ouer all; but how worthilie, I referre me to the
 iudgement of the learned. Thus much haue I thought good to leaue in
 memorie of the aforesaid kingdomes: and now will I speake somewhat of
 the diuision of this Iland also into prouinces, as the Romanes seuered
 it whiles they remained in these parts. Which being done, I hope that
 I haue discharged whatsoeuer is promised in the title of this chapter.

 The Romans therefore hauing obteined the possession of this Iland,
 diuided the same at the last into fiue prouinces, as Vibius Sequester
 [Sidenote: Britannia prima.]
 saith. The first whereof was named Britannia prima, and conteined the
 east part of England (as some doo gather) from the Trent vnto the
 [Sidenote: Valentia.]
 Twede. The second was called Valentia or Valentiana, and included the
 west side, as they note it, from Lirpoole vnto Cokermouth. The third
 [Sidenote: Britannia secunda.]
 hight Britannia secunda, and was that portion of the Ile which laie
 [Sidenote: Flauia Cæsariensis.]
 southwards, betwéene the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was surnamed
 Flauia Cæsariensis, and conteined all the countrie which remained
 betweene Douer and the Sauerne, I meane by south of the Thames, and
 wherevnto (in like sort) Cornewall and Wales were orderlie assigned.
 [Sidenote: Maxima Cæsariensis.]
 The fift and last part was then named Maxima Cæsariensis, now
 Scotland, the most barren of all the rest, and yet not vnsought out of
 the gréedie Romanes, bicause of the great plentie of fish and foule,
 fine alabaster and hard marble that are ingendred and to be had in the
 same, for furniture of houshold and curious building, wherein they
 much delited. More hereof in Sextus Rufus, who liued in the daies of
 Valentine, and wrate Notitiam prouinciarum now extant to be read.


     _A Catalog of the kings and princes of this Iland, first from
     Samothes vnto the birth of our sauiour Christ, or rather the
     comming of the Romans: secondlie of their Legates: thirdlie
     of the Saxon princes according to their seuerall kingdomes:
     fourthlie of the Danes, and lastlie of the Normans and English
     princes, according to the truth conteined in our Histories._

 OF THE KINGS OF BRITAINE, FROM SAMOTHES TO BRUTE.

   Samothes.
   Magus.
   Sarronius.
   Druiyus.
   Bardus.
   Longho.
   Bardus Iunior.
   Lucus.
   Celtes.
     Albion.
   Celtes after Albion slaine.
   Galates.
   Harbon.
   Lugdus.
   Beligius.
   Iasius.
   Allobrox.
   Romus.
   Paris.
   Lemanus.
   Olbius.
   Galates. 2.
   Nannes.
   Remis.
   Francus.
   Pictus.

     After whom Brute entreth into the Iland, either neglected by the
     Celts, or otherwise by conquest, and reigned therein with
     his posteritie by the space of 636. yeares, in such order as
     foloweth.

   Brute.
   Locrinus.
   Gwendolena his widow.
   Madan.
   Mempricius.
   Ebracus.
   Brutus Iunior.
   Leil.
   Rudibras.
   Bladunus.
   Leir.
   Cordeil his daughter.
   Cunedach and Morgan.
   Riuallon.
   Gurgustius.
   Sisillus.
   Iago.
   Kimmachus.
   Gorbodug.
   Ferres and Porrex.

     These 2. being slaine, the princes of the land straue for the
     superioritie and regiment of the same, by the space of 50.
     yéeres (after the race of Brute was decaied) vntill Dunwallon
     king of Cornwall subdued them all, & brought the whole to his
     subiection, notwithstanding that the aforesaid number of kings
     remained still, which were but as vassals & inferiours to him,
     he being their chéefe and onelie souereigne.

   Dunwallon reigneth.
   Belinus his sonne, in whose time Brennus vsurpeth.
   Gurgwinbatrus.
   Guittellinus.
   Seisili.
   Kymarus.
   Owan aliàs Ellan.
   Morwich aliàs Morindus.
   Grandobodian aliàs Gorbonian.
   Arcigallon.
   Elidurus aliàs Hesidor.
   Arcigallon againe.
   Elidurus againe.
   Vigen aliàs Higanius, & Petitur aliàs Peridurus.
   Elidurus the third time.
   Gorbodia aliàs Gorbonian.
   Morgan.
   Meriones aliàs Eighuans.
   Idouallon.
   Rhimo Rohugo.
   Geruntius Voghen.
   Catellus.
   Coellus.
   Pyrrho aliàs Porrex.
   Cherinus.
   Fulganius aliàs Sulgenis.
   Eldadus.
   Androgius.
   Vrian.
   Hellindus.
   Dedantius Eldagan.
   Clotenis Claten.
   Gurguintus.
   Merian.
   Bledunus Bledagh.
   Cophenis.
   Owinus aliàs Oghwen.
   Sisillus or Sitsiltus.
   Blegabridus.
   Arcimalus Archiuall.
   Eldadus.
   Ruthenis thrée moneths.
   Rodingarus aliàs Rodericus.
   Samulius Penysell.
   Pyrrho 2.
   Carporis aliàs Capporis.
   Dynellus aliàs Dygnellus.
   Hellindus a few moneths.
   Lhoid.
   Casibellane.
   Theomantius.
   Cynobellinus.
   Aruiragus.
   Marius.
   Coellus.
   Lucius.

     Hitherto I haue set foorth the catalog of the kings of Britaine,
     in such sort as it is to be collected out of the most ancient
     histories, monuments and records of the land. Now I will
     set foorth the order and succession of the Romane legates or
     deputies, as I haue borowed them first out of Tacitus, then
     Dion, and others: howbeit I cannot warrant the iust course of
     them from Iulius Agricola forward, bicause there is no man that
     reherseth them orderlie. Yet by this my dooing herein, I hope
     some better table may be framed hereafter by other, wherof I
     would be glad to vnderstand when soeuer it shall please God that
     it may come to passe.

   Aulus Plautius.
   Ostorius Scapula.
   Didius Gallus.
   Auitus.
   Veranius a few moneths.
   Petronius Turpilianus.
   Trebellius Maximus.
   Vectius Volanus.
   Petilius Cerealis.
   Iulius Frontinus.
   Iulius Agricola.

     Hitherto Cornelius Tacitus reherseth these vicegerents or
     deputies in order.

   Salustius Lucullus.
   Cneius Trebellius.
   Suetonius Paulinus.
   Calphurnius Agricola.
   Publius Trebellius.
   Pertinax Helrius.
   Vlpius Marcellus.
   Clodius Albinas.
   Heraclius.
   Carus Tyrannus.
   Iunius Seuerus, aliàs Iulius Seuerus.
   Linius Gallus.
   Lollius Vrbicus.
   Maximus.
   Octauius.
   Traherus.
   Maximinianus.
   Gratianus.
   Aetius.

     Other Legates whose names are taken out of the Scotish historie
     but in incertein order.

   Fronto sub Antonino.
   Publius Trebellius.
   Aulus Victorinus.
   Lucius Antinoris.
   Quintus Bassianus.


 WALES

 1.

     ¶ The Romans not regarding the gouernance of this Iland, the
     Britons ordeine a king in the 447. after the incarnation of
     Christ.

   Vortiger.
   Vortimer.
   Aurelius Ambrosius.
   Vther.
   Arthur.
   Constantine.
   Aurelius Conanus.
   Vortiporius.
   Maglocunus.
   Caretius.
   Cadwan.
   Cadwallon.
   Cadwallader.

     ¶ The kingdome of Wales ceaseth, and the gouernance of the
     countrie is translated to the Westsaxons by Inas, whose second
     wife was Denwalline the daughter of Cadwallader: & with hir
     he not onlie obteined the principalitie of Wales but also of
     Corinwall & Armorica now called little Britaine, which then was
     a colonie of the Britons, and vnder the kingdome of Wales.


 KENT.

 2.

     ¶ Hengist in the 9. of the recouerie of Britaine proclaimeth
     himselfe king of Kent, which is the 456. of the birth of our
     Lord & sauior Jesus Christ.

   Hengist.
   Osrijc aliàs Osca.
   Osca his brother.
   Ermenricus.
   Athelbert.
   Eadbaldus.
   Ercombert.
   Ecbert.
   Lother.
   Edrijc.

     The seat void.

   Withredus.
   Adelbert Iunior.
   Eadbert.
   Alrijc.
   Eadbert.
   Guthred.
   Alred.

     ¶ As the kingdome of Wales was vnited vnto that of the
     Westsaxons by Inas, so is the kingdom of Kent, at this present
     by Ecbert in the 827. of Christ, who putteth out Aldred and
     maketh Adelstane his owne base sonne Hertoch of the same,
     so that whereas it was before a kingdome, now it becometh an
     Hertochie or Dukedome, and so continueth for a long time after.


 SOUTHSEX.

 3.

     ¶ Ella in the 46. after Britaine giuen ouer by the Romanes
     erecteth a kingdom in Southsex, to wit, in the 492. of Christ
     whose race succeedeth in this order.

   Ella.
   Cyssa.
   Ceaulijn.
   Celrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Kinigils.
   Kinwalch.
   Ethelwold.
   Berthun.
   Aldwijn.

     ¶ This kingdome endured not verie long as ye may sée, for it was
     vnited to that of the Westsaxons by Inas, in the 4689. of the
     world, which was the 723. of Christ, according to the vsuall
     supputation of the church, and 232. after Ella had erected the
     same, as is aforesaid.


 ESTSEX.

 4.

     ¶ Erkenwijn in the 527. after our sauiour Christ beginneth to
     reigne ouer Estsex, and in the 81. after the returne of Britaine
     from the Romaine obedience.

   Erkenwijn.
   Sledda.
   Sebertus.
   Sepredus and Sywardus.
   Sigebert fil. Syward.
   Sigebert.
   Swithelijn.
   Sijgar and Sebba.
   Sebba alone.
   Sijgard.
   Offa.
   Selredus.
   Ethelwold.
   Albert.
   Humbcanna.
   Sinthredus.

     ¶ In the 303. after Erkenwijn, Ecbert of the Westsaxons vnited
     the kingdome of Estsex vnto his owne, which was in the 828.
     after the birth of our sauiour Christ. I cannot as yet find the
     exact yéeres of the later princes of this realme, and therefore
     I am constrained to omit them altogither, as I haue done before
     in the kings of the Britons, vntill such time as I may come by
     such monuments as may restore the defect.


 WESTSEX.

 5.

     ¶ Cerdijc entreth the kingdome of the Westsaxons, in the 519.
     of the birth of Christ, & 73. of the abiection of the Romaine
     seruitude.

   Cerdijc aliàs Cercit.
   Cenrijc.
   Ceaulijn.
   Kilriic aliàs Celrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Kinigils.
   Ceuwalch.
   Sexburgh.

     The seat void.

   Centwinus.
   Cadwallader.
   Inas.
   Ethelard.
   Cuthredus.
   Sigebert.
   Kinwulf.
   Brithrijc.
   Ecbert.
   Ethelwulf.
   Ethebald.
   Ethelbert.
   Ethelfrid.
   Alfrid.
   Edward I.
   Adelstane.
   Edmund.
   Eadred.
   Edwijn.
   Edgar.
   Edward 2.
   Eldred.
   Edmund 2.
   Canutus.
   Harald.
   Canutus 2.
   Edward 3.
   Harald 2.

     ¶ The Saxons hauing reigned hitherto in this land, and brought
     the same into a perfect monarchie, are now dispossessed by the
     Normans, & put out of their hold.


 BERNICIA.

 6.

     ¶ Ida erecteth a kingdome in the North, which he extended from
     the Humber mouth to S. Johns towne in Scotland, & called it of
     the Northumbers. This was in the 547. after the birth of our
     sauiour Christ.

   Ida.
   Adda.
   Glappa.
   Tidwaldus.
   Fretwulfus.
   Tidrijc.
   Athelfrid.
   Edwijn.
   Kinfrid.
   Oswald.
   Oswy.
   Egfrid.
   Alfrid.
   Osred.
   Kinred.
   Osrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Edbert.
   Offulse.
   Ethelwold.
   Elred.
   Ethelred.
   Alswold.
   Osred.
   Ethelred.
   Osbald.
   Eardulf.
   Aldeswold.
   Eandred.
   Edelred.
   Redwulf.
   Edelred againe.
   Osbright.
   Ecbert.
   Ricisiuus a Dane.
   Ecbert againe.

     ¶ Alfride king of the Westsaxons subdueth this kingdome in the
     878. after our sauiour Christ, and 33. after Ida.


 DEIRA.

 7.

     ¶ Ella brother to Adda is ouer the south Humbers, whose
     kingdome reched from Humber to the These, in the 590. after the
     incarnation of Jesus Christ our sauiour.

   Ella.
   Edwijn.
   Athelbright.
   Edwijn againe.
   Osrijc.
   Oswald.
   Oswijn.

     ¶ Of all the kingdomes of the Saxons, this of Deira which grew
     by the diuision of the kingdome of the Northumbers betwéene the
     sons of Ida was of the smallest continuance, & it was vnited
     to the Northumbers (wherof it had bene I saie in time past
     a member) by Oswijn in the 91. after Ella, when he had most
     traitorouslie slaine his brother Oswijn in the yéer of the
     world, 4618. (or 651. after the comming of Christ) and conteined
     that countrie which we now call the bishoprike.


 ESTANGLIA.

 8.

     ¶ Offa or Vffa erecteth a kingdome ouer the Estangles or
     Offlings in the 561. after the natiuitie of Christ, and 114.
     after the deliuerie of Britaine.

   Offa.
   Titellius.
   Redwaldus.
   Corpenwaldus.

     The seat void.

   Sigebert.
   Egricus.
   Anna.
   Adeler.
   Ethelwold.
   Adwulf.
   Beorne.
   Ethelred.
   Ethelbert.

     ¶ Offa of Mercia killeth Ethelbert, and vniteth Estanglia vnto
     his owne kingdome, in the 793. of Christ, after it had continued
     in the posteritie of Offa, by the space of 228. yéers and yet
     of that short space, it enioyed onelie 35. in libertie, the rest
     being vnder the tribute of the king of Mercia aforesaid.


 MERCIA.

 9.

     ¶ Creodda beginneth his kingdome of Mercia, in the 585. of our
     sauiour Christ, and 138. after the captiuitie of Britaine ended.

   Creodda.
   Wibba.
   Cherlus.
   Penda.
   Oswy.
   Weada.
   Wulferus.
   Ethelred.
   Kinred or Kindred.

     The seat void.

   Kilred.
   Ethebald.
   Beorred.
   Offa.
   Egferth.
   Kinwulf.
   Kenelme.
   Kilwulf.
   Bernulf.
   Ludicane.
   Willaf.
   Ecbert.
   Willaf againe.
   Bertulf.
   Butred.
   Kilwulf.

     ¶ Alfride vniteth the kingdome of Mercia, to that of the
     Westsaxons, in the 291. after Creodda, before Alfred the Dane
     had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Cleolulphus therein,
     but he was soone expelled, and the kingdome ioyned to the other
     afore rehearsed.


     [*] _The Succession of the kings of England from_ WILLIAM
     _bastard, unto the first of Queene_ ELIZABETH.

   William the first.
   William his sonne.
   Henrie 1.
   Stephen.
   Henrie 2.
   Richard 1.
   Iohn.
   Henrie 3.
   Edward 1. aliàs 4.
   Edward 2.
   Edward 3.
   Richard 2.
     Henrie 4.
     Henrie 5.
     Henrie 6.
   Edward 4. aliàs 7.
   Edward 5.
     Richard 3.
   Henrie 7.
   Henrie 8.
   Edward 6.
   Marie his sister.
   Elizabeth.

     ¶ Thus haue I brought the Catalog of the Princes of Britaine
     vnto an end, & that in more plaine and certeine order than hath
     béene done hertofore by anie. For though in their regions since
     the conquest few men haue erred that haue vsed any diligence,
     yet in the times before the same, fewer haue gone any thing
     néere the truth, through great ouersight & negligence. Their
     seuerall yéeres also doo appéere in my Chronologie insuing.




 OF THE ANCIENT RELIGION VSED IN ALBION.

 CAP. IX.


 It is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the
 posteritie of Iaphet onelie reigned in this Iland, that the true
 [Sidenote: Samothes.]
 knowledge and forme of religion brought in by Samothes, and published
 with his lawes in the second of his arriuall, was exercised among the
 Britans. And although peraduenture in proces of time, either through
 curiositie, or negligence (the onelie corruptors of true pietie and
 godlinesse) it might a little decaie, yet when it was at the woorst,
 it farre excéeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion
 and his Chemminites, as may be gathered by view of the superstitious
 rites, which Cham and his successours did plant in other countries,
 yet to be found in authors.

 What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his
 fathers death, when he also came to the kingdome, beside this which
 concerned the true honoring of God, I cannot easilie say, but that it
 should be naturall philosophie, and astrologie (whereby his disciples
 gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the verie vse of
 the word Magus (or Magusæus) among the Persians dooth yéeld no
 vncerteine testimonie.

 [Sidenote: Sarron.]
 In like maner, it should seeme that Sarron sonne vnto the said Magus,
 diligentlie followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his
 owne practise of teaching, opened schooles of learning in sundrie
 places, both among the Celts and Britans, whereby such as were his
 auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding, that as well
 the Sarronides as the Magi, and Druiydes, were generallie called
 [Sidenote: Samothei.]
 [Sidenote: Semnothei.]
 Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes still among the Grecians, as
 Aristotle in his De magia dooth confesse; and furthermore calling them
 Galles, he addeth therevnto, that they first brought the knowledge of
 letters and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

 [Sidenote: Druiyus.]
 Druiyus the son of Sarron (as a scholer of his fathers owne teaching)
 séemed to be exquisit in all things, that perteined vnto the diuine
 and humane knowledge: and therefore I may safelie pronounce, that he
 excelled not onlie in the skill of philosophie and the quadriuials,
 but also in the true Theologie, whereby the right seruice of God was
 kept and preserued in puritie. He wrote moreouer sundrie precepts and
 rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celts were reserued verie
 religiouslie, and had in great estimation of such as sought vnto them.

 [Sidenote: Corruptors of religion.]
 How and in what order this prince left the state of religion, I meane
 touching publike orders in administration of particular rites and
 ceremonies, as yet I doo not read: howbeit this is most certeine, that
 after he died, the puritie of his doctrine began somewhat to decaie.
 For such is mans nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long
 to remaine as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of
 this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withall from
 time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficultie,
 for such as doo come after them, than to find out the puritie of the
 originall, and restore the same againe vnto the former perfection.

 [Sidenote: _Cæsar._]
 In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his hearers, that the
 soule of man is immortall, that God is omnipotent, mercifull as a
 father in shewing fauor vnto the godlie, and iust as an vpright iudge
 in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of mans hart are not
 vnknowne, and onelie knowne to him; and that as the world and all that
 is therein had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all
 things likewise haue an end, when he shall see his time. He taught
 [Sidenote: _Strabo. li._ 4.]
 [Sidenote: _Socion. lib. success._]
 them also with more facilitie, how to obserue the courses of the
 heauens and motions of the planets by arithmeticall industrie, to find
 [Sidenote: _Cicero diuinat._ 1.]
 out the true quantities of the celestiall bodies by geometricall
 demonstration, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hidden
 natures of things contained in the same by philosophicall
 contemplation. But alas, this integritie continued not long among his
 successors, for vnto the immortalitie of the soule, they added, that
 after death it went into another bodie, (of which translation Ouid
 saith;

   Morte carent animæ, sempérque priore relicta
   Sede, nouis domibus viuunt habitántque receptæ.)

 The second or succedent, being alwaies either more noble, or more vile
 than the former, as the partie deserued by his merits, whilest he
 liued here vpon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other,
 that Orpheus after his death had his soule thrust into the bodie of a
 swanne, that of Agamemnon conueied into an egle, of Aiax into a lion,
 of Atlas into a certeine wrestler, of Thersites into an ape, of
 Deiphobus into Pythagoras, and Empedocles dieng a child, after sundrie
 changes into a man, whereof he himselfe saith;

   Ipse ego námq; fui puer olim, deinde puella,
   Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóq; in æquore piscis.

 [Sidenote: _Plinius, lib._ 16. _cap. ultimo._]
 For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, and taught this errour) if
 the soule apperteined at the first to a king, and he in this estate
 did not leade his life worthie his calling, it should after his
 [Sidenote: Metempsuchôsis.]
 decease be shut vp in the bodie of a slaue, begger, cocke, owle, dog,
 ape, horsse, asse, worme, or monster, there to remaine as in a place
 of purgation and punishment, for a certeine period of time. Beside
 this, it should peraduenture susteine often translation from one bodie
 vnto another, according to the quantitie and qualitie of his dooings
 here on earth, till it should finallie be purified, and restored
 againe to an other humane bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more
 orderlie than at the first: after the next death, it should be
 preferred, either to the bodie of a king againe, or other great
 estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation or reuolution of
 our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which
 neuer stand still, nor long yeeld one representation and figure. For
 this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they vsed to cast certeine letters
 into the fire, wherein the dead were burned, to be deliuered vnto
 their deceased fréends, whereby they might vnderstand of the estate of
 such as trauelled here on earth in their purgations (as the Moscouits
 doo write vnto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried,
 in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new paire of
 shooes on his feet into the graue) and to the end that after their
 next death they should deale with them accordinglie, and as their
 merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of manie gods,
 and their seuerall euen to this daie sacrifices: they honoured
 [Sidenote: Oke honored whereon mistle did grow,
 and so doo our sorcerers thinking some spirits
 to deale about ye same, for hidden treasure.]
 likewise the oke, whereon the mistle groweth, and dailie deuised
 infinit other toies (for errour is neuer assured of hir owne dooings)
 whereof neither Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue
 them anie prescription.

 These things are partlie touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion,
 Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and partlie also by Cæsar, Mela, Val.
 Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part
 doo confesse, that the cheefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here
 in Britaine, where that religion (saith Plinie) was so hotlie
 professed and followed, "Vt dedisse Persis videri possit," lib. 30.
 cap. 1. and whither the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt among the
 Galles, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure
 vnderstanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. And as the Galles
 receiued their religion from the Britons, so we likewise had from them
 [Sidenote: Logike and Rhetorike out of Gallia.]
 some vse of Logike & Rhetorike, such as it was which our lawiers
 practised in their plees and common causes. For although the Greeks
 were not vnknowne vnto vs, nor we to them, euen from the verie comming
 of Brute, yet by reason of distance betwéene our countries, we had no
 great familiaritie and common accesse one vnto another, till the time
 of Gurguntius, after whose entrance manie of that nation trauelled
 hither in more securitie, as diuers of our countriemen did vnto them
 without all danger, to be offered vp in sacrifice to their gods. That
 we had the maner of our plees also out of France, Iuuenal is a
 witnesse, who saith;

   Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.

 Howbeit as they taught vs Logike and Rhetorike, so we had also some
 Sophistrie from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all
 kind of forgerie, corruption of maners, and craftie behauiour not so
 soone as often transported into England. And albeit the Druiydes were
 thus honored and of so great authoritie in Britaine, yet were there
 great numbers of them also in the Iles of Wight, Anglesey, and the
 Orchades, in which they held open schooles of their profession, aloofe
 as it were from the resort of people, wherein they studied and learned
 their songs by heart. Howbeit the cheefe college of all I say,
 remained still in Albion, whither the Druiydes of other nations also
 (beside the Galles) would of custome repaire, when soeuer anie
 controuersie among them in matters of religion did happen to be
 mooued. At such times also the rest were called out of the former
 Ilands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods
 and publike meetings, and therevnto it grew finallie into custome, and
 after that a prouerbe, euen in variances falling out among the
 princes, great men, and common sorts of people liuing in these weast
 parts of Europe, to yeeld to be tried by Britaine and hir thrée
 Ilands, bicause they honoured hir préests (the Druiydes) as the
 Athenians did their Areopagites.

 [Sidenote: Estimation of the Druiydes or Druiysh preests.]
 Furthermore, in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to say the truth,
 generallie in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented,
 such was the estimation of the préests of this profession, that there
 was little or nothing doone without their skilfull aduise, no not in
 ciuil causes, perteining to the regiment of the common-wealth and
 countrie. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, publike and
 priuate, they interpreted oracles, preached of religion, and were
 neuer without great numbers of yoong men that heard them with
 diligence, as they taught from time to time.

 [Sidenote: Immunitie of the cleargie greater vnder idolatrie
 than vnder the gospell.]
 Touching their persons also they were exempt from all temporall
 seruices, impositions, tributes, and exercises of the wars: which
 immunitie caused the greater companies of scholers to flocke vnto them
 from all places, & to learne their trades. Of these likewise, some
 remained with them seuen, eight, ten, or twelue years, still learning
 the secrets of those unwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be
 had amongst them, and commonlie pronounced in verse. And this policie,
 as I take it, they vsed onelie to preserue their religion from
 contempt, whereinto it might easilie haue fallen, if any books thereof
 had happened into the hands of the common sort. It helped also not a
 little in the exercise of their memories, wherevnto bookes are vtter
 enimies, insomuch as he that was skilfull in the Druiysh religion,
 would not let readilie to rehearse manie hundreds of verses togither,
 and not to faile in one tittle, in the whole processe of this his
 laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of
 their religion, so in ciuill affairs, historicall treatises, and
 setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and letters almost with
 the Grecians. Whereby it is easie to be séene, that they reteined this
 kind of writing from Druiyus (the originall founder of their religion)
 and that this Iland hath not béene void of letters and learned men,
 euen sith it was first inhabited. I would ad some thing in particular
 also of their apparell, but sith the dealing withall is nothing
 profitable to the reader, I passe it ouer, signifieng neuerthelesse,
 that it was distinguished by sundrie deuises from that of the common
 sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoeuer ware the
 Druiysh weed, might walke where he would without any harme or
 annoiance. This honour was giuen also vnto the préests in Rome,
 insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumuirate, and saw
 himselfe in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he
 gat the wéed of a preest upon his backe, and begged his almes therein,
 euen in the high waies as he trauelled, and so escaped the danger and
 the furie of his aduersaries: but to proceed with other things.

 [Sidenote: Bardus.]
 After the death of Druiyus, Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the
 Celts, succéeded not onelie ouer the said kingdome, but also in his
 fathers vertues, whereby it is verie likelie, that the winding and
 wrapping vp of the said religion, after the afore remembred sort into
 verse, was first deuised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no
 lesse indued with a singular skill in the practise and speculation of
 musicke, of which two many suppose him to be the verie author and
 [Sidenote: _Gen._ 4. 21.]
 beginner, although vniustlie, sith both poetrie and song were in vse
 before the flood, as was also the harpe and pipe, which Iubal
 inuented, and could neuer be performed without great skill in musicke.
 But to procéed, as the cheefe estimation of the Druiydes remained in
 the end among the Britons onelie, for their knowledge in religion, so
 did the fame of the Bardes (which were so called of this Bardus for
 their excellent skill in musicke, poetrie, and the heroicall kind of
 song, which at the first conteined onelie the high mysteries and
 secret points of their religion. There was little difference also
 [Sidenote: The Bards degenerate.]
 betwéene them and the Druiydes, till they so farre degenerated from
 their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts,
 droonken meetings, and abhominable sacrifices of the idols: where they
 sang most commonlie no diuinitie as before, but the puissant acts of
 valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the
 gods. Certes in my time this fond vsage, and thereto the verie name of
 the Bardes, are not yet extinguished among the Britons of Wales, where
 they call their poets and musicians Barthes, as they doo also in
 Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucane remembreth, where he
 saith that the word Bardus is meere Celtike, and signifieth a singer.
 Howbeit the Romans iudging all nations beside themselues to be but
 rude and barbarous, and thereto misliking vtterlie the rough musicke
 of the Bardes, entred so farre into the contemptuous mockage of their
 melodie, that they ascribed the word Bardus vnto their fooles and
 idiots, whereas contrariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within
 the northweast part of Europe, did vse the same word in verie
 honourable maner, calling their best poets and heroicall singers,
 Singebardos; their couragious singers and capiteins that delited in
 musicke, Albardos, Dagobardos, Rodtbardos, & one lame musician Lambard
 aboue all other, of whose skilfull ditties Germanie is not
 vnfurnished, as I heare vnto this daie. In Quizqueia or new Spaine, an
 Iland of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rimes Arcitos,
 and in steed of harps they sing vnto timbrels made of shels such
 sonnets and ditties as either perteine vnto religion, prophane loue,
 commendation of ancestrie, and inflammation of the mind vnto Mars,
 whereby there appeareth to be small difference betwéene their Boitios
 and our Bardes. Finallie of our sort, Lucane in his first booke
 writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end;

 [Sidenote: _Lucani. li._ 1.]

   Vos quóq; qui fortes animas, bellóq; peremptas
   Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis æuum,
   Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.
   Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum
   Sacrorum Druiydæ, positis recepistis ab armis.
   Solis nosse Deos, & c[oe]li numina vobis,
   Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis
   Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbræ
   Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi
   Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus
   Orbe alio. Longæ canitis si cognita, vitæ
   Mors media est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,
   F[oe]lices errore suo, quos ille timorum
   Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi
   In ferrum mens prona viris, animæque capaces
   Mortis: & ignauum est redituræ parcere vitæ.

 Thus we sée as in a glasse the state of religion, for a time, after
 the first inhabitation of this Iland: but how long it continued in
 such soundnesse, as the originall authors left it, in good sooth I
 cannot say, yet this is most certeine, that after a time, when Albion
 arriued here, the religion earst imbraced fell into great decaie. For
 whereas Iaphet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than
 such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: Cham the great grandfather
 of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterlie renouncing to follow
 their steps, gaue their minds wholie to seduce and lead their hearers
 headlong vnto all error. Whereby his posteritie not onelie corrupted
 this our Iland, with most filthie trades and practises; but also all
 mankind, generallie where they became, with vicious life, and most
 [Sidenote: What doctrine Cham and his disciples taught.]
 vngodlie conuersation. For from Cham and his successours procéeded at
 the first all sorcerie, witchcraft, and the execution of vnlawful
 lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinitie, or kind: as
 branches from an odious and abhominable root, or streames deriued from
 a most filthie and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, &
 notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the follie
 of his Ægyptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilest he
 liued they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations
 contemned and abhorred him for his wickednesse, calling him
 [Sidenote: Chemesenua.]
 Chemesenua, that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not
 [Sidenote: Chem Min.]
 [Sidenote: Cham made a god.]
 onelie builded a citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also
 after his death reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the
 seuen planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after
 Osyris his sonne, whom they likewise honored vnder the name of
 Iupiter.

 [Sidenote: Translation of mortall men into heauen how it began.]
 Certes it was a custome begonne in Ægypt of old time, and generallie
 in vse almost in euerie place in processe of time (when any of their
 famous worthie princes died) to ascribe some forme or other of the
 stars vnto his person, to the end his name might neuer weare out of
 memorie. And this they called their translation in heauen, so that he
 which had any starres or forme of starres dedicated vnto him, was
 properlie said to haue a seat among the gods. A toie much like to the
 catalog of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the
 celestiall or immateriall orbes, the other in sheeps skins, and verie
 brickle paper) but yet so estéemed, that euerie prince would oft
 hazard and attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to win such fame
 in his life, that after his death he might by merit haue such place in
 heauen, among the shining starres. Howbeit, euerie of those that were
 called gods, could not obteine that benefit, for then should there not
 haue béene stars enow in heauen to haue serued all their turnes,
 wherfore another place was in time imagined, where they reigned that
 were of a second calling, as the Semones who were gods by grace and
 [Sidenote: _Cyril, aduersus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8._]
 fauour of the people. "Semones dici voluerunt (saith Fulgentius In
 vocibus antiquis) quos c[oe]lo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti
 paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, &c. nec terrenos eos
 deputare vellent per gratiæ venerationem," as also a third place that
 is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men,
 officers, good gouernours and lawgiuers to the people, and yet not
 thought worthie to be of the second or first companie, which was a
 iollie diuision.

 Thus we sée in generall maner, how idolatrie, honoring of the starres,
 and brood of inferiour gods were hatched at the first, which follies
 in processe of time came also into Britaine, as did the names of
 Saturne & Iupiter, &c: as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I
 haue alreadie somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a
 little farder, and shew foorth the originall vse of the word Saturne,
 Iupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honor shall sée a little more into
 the errours of the Gentils, and not onelie that, but one point also
 [Sidenote: Which were Saturni, Ioues, Iunones, and Hercules.]
 properlie called of the root of all the confusion that is to be found
 among the ancient histories. Certes it was vsed for a few yéeres after
 the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yeere
 after the floud) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then
 erected should be called Saturni, whereby it came to passe that
 Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Ægypt: and so foorth
 other of sundrie other countries. Their eldest sonnes also that
 succeeded them, were called Ioues; and their nephewes or sonnes
 sonnes, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which meanes it
 followed that euerie kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter and Hercules of
 hir owne, and not from anie other.

 In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom
 they married as yet commonlie vnto their brethren (God himselfe
 permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floud, to the
 end the earth might be thoroughlie replenished, and the sooner
 furnished with inhabitants in euerie part therof. The sister therefore
 [Sidenote: Isis, Io and Iuno all one.]
 and wife of euerie Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno,
 Isis, or Io. Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would
 indeuour to deriue the petigree of any prince, or potentate, but
 supposed his dutie to be sufficientlie performed, when he had brought
 it orderlie vnto some Saturne or other, wherat he might cease, and
 shut vp all his trauell. They had likewise this opinion grounded
 amongst them, that heauen & earth were onlie parents vnto Saturne and
 [Sidenote: C[oe]lum or C[oe]lus.]
 [Sidenote: Ogyges.]
 [Sidenote: Sol.]
 [Sidenote: Pater deorum.]
 Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, what they themselues did meane, sith
 these denominations, Heauen, Ogyges, the Sunne, Pater Deorum, and such
 [Sidenote: * Tydea.]
 [Sidenote: Vesta.]
 [Sidenote: Terra.]
 [Sidenote: Luna.]
 [Sidenote: Aretia.]
 [Sidenote: Deorum mater.]
 like, were onelie ascribed vnto Noah: as [*]Terra, (the Earth) Vesta,
 Aretia, the Moone, Mater deorum, and other the like were vnto Tydea
 his wife. So that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euerie
 nation for their oldest god, or first prince, Iupiter for the next,
 and Hercules for the third. And therefore sith these names were
 dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no maruell that there is
 such confusion in ancient histories, and the dooings of one of them so
 mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish
 them in sunder. This haue I spoken, to the end that all men may see
 what gods the Pagans honored, & thereby what religion the posteritie
 of Cham did bring ouer into Britaine. For vntill their comming, it is
 not likelie that anie grosse idolatrie or superstition did enter in
 among vs, as deifieng of mortall men, honoring of the starres, and
 erection of huge images, beside sorcerie, witchcraft, and such like,
 whereof the Chemminites are worthilie called the autors. Neither were
 [Sidenote: Fr[=o] whence Brute did learne his religion.]
 these errors anie thing amended, by the comming in of Brute, who no
 doubt added such deuises vnto the same, as he and his companie had
 learned before in Græcia, from whence also he brought Helenus the
 sonne of Priamus, (a man of excéeding age) & made him his préest and
 bishop thorough out the new conquest, that he had atchieued in
 Britaine.

 After Brute, idolatrie and superstition still increased more and more
 among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and
 those also that came in with Albion and Brute himselfe: our
 countriemen either brought hither from abroad, or dailie inuented at
 home new religion and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the
 [Sidenote: Dis or Samothes made a god.]
 stead of the onelie and immortall God (of whom Samothes and his
 posteritie did preach in times past) now they honored the said
 Samothes himselfe vnder the name of Dis and Saturne: also Iupiter,
 Mars, Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana; and finallie Hercules, vnto
 whome they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances
 into their regions, cities, townes and houses, with their limits and
 bounds (as the papists did the gates of their cities and ports vnto
 Botulph & Giles) bicause fortitude and wisedome are the cheefe
 vpholders and bearers vp of common-wealths and kingdoms, both which
 they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and diuers other idols
 [Sidenote: _Mela. Diodorus, Strab._ 4. _Plin. Cæsar._ 5.]
 whose names I now remember not. In lieu moreouer of sheepe and oxen,
 they offred mankind also vnto some of them, killing their offendors,
 prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from farre vnto them, by
 shutting vp great numbers of them togither in huge images made of
 wicker, réed, haie, or other light matter: and then setting all on
 fire togither, they not onelie consumed the miserable creatures to
 ashes (sometimes adding other beasts vnto them) but also reputed it to
 be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made vnto their idols.
 From whence they had this horrible custome, trulie I cannot tell, but
 that it was common to most nations, not onlie to consume their
 strangers, captiues, &c; but also their owne children with fire, in
 such maner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the prophane
 histories doo generallie leaue it euident, as a thing either of
 custome or of particular necessitie, of which later Virgil saith;

   Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine cæsa, &c.

 As Silius dooth of the first, where he telleth of the vsuall maner of
 the Carthaginenses, saieng after this maner;

   Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, &c.

 But to procéed with our owne gods and idols, more pertinent to my
 purpose than the rehersall of forreine demeanours: I find that huge
 temples in like sort were builded vnto them, so that in the time of
 Lucius, when the light of saluation began stronglie to shine in
 [Sidenote: _Ptol. Lucensis._]
 Britaine, thorough the preaching of the gospell, the christians
 discouered 25. Flamines or idol-churches beside three Archflamines,
 whose préests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had
 superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as
 inferiours, and subiect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion,
 and superstitious ceremonies.

 [Sidenote: Monstrous proportions of idols.]
 Of the quantities of their idols I speake not, sith it is inough to
 saie, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which
 should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to haue the
 iust heigth of the god or goddesse whom they did represent. Apollo
 Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirtie cubits high at the least;
 Tarentinus Iupiter of 40.; the idoll of the sonne in the Rhodes, of 70
 (whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the
 librarie of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made vnder
 Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made
 vnto Mercurie at Aruernum in ten years space, of 400. foot. Wherby it
 appeareth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so
 without measure were they also in their proportions, and happie was he
 which might haue the greatest idoll, and lay most cost thereon.

 Hitherto yee haue heard of the time, wherein idolatrie reigned and
 blinded the harts of such as dwelled in this Iland. Now let vs sée the
 successe of the gospell, after the death and passion of Iesus Christ
 our sauiour. And euen here would I begin with an allegation of
 [Sidenote: _Theodoret._]
 Theodoret, wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceiuing yet more
 [Sidenote: _Sophronius._]
 hope therein by the words of Sophronius) that Paule the Apostle should
 preach the word of saluation here, after his deliuerie out of
 captiuitie, which fell as I doo read in the 57. of Christ. But sith I
 cannot verifie the same by the words of Theodoret, to be spoken more
 of Paule than Peter, or the rest, I will passe ouer this coniecture
 (so far as it is grounded vpon Theodoret) and deale with other
 authorities, whereof we haue more certeintie. First of all therfore
 let vs see what Fortunatus hath written of Pauls comming into
 Britain

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