Speeches of Benjamin Harrison, Twenty-third President of the United States
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Title: Speeches of Benjamin Harrison, Twenty-third President of the United States
Author: Benjamin Harrison
Compiler: Charles Hedges
Release date: January 16, 2014 [eBook #44682]
Most recently updated: October 24, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES OF BENJAMIN HARRISON, TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ***
[Illustration: Benjamin Harrison]
SPEECHES
OF
BENJAMIN HARRISON
TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
A COMPLETE COLLECTION OF HIS PUBLIC ADDRESSES FROM FEBRUARY,
1888, TO FEBRUARY, 1892, CHRONOLOGICALLY CLASSIFIED;
EMBRACING ALL HIS CAMPAIGN SPEECHES, LETTER
OF ACCEPTANCE, INAUGURAL ADDRESS, AND THE
NUMEROUS SPEECHES DELIVERED DURING
HIS SEVERAL TOURS; ALSO EXTRACTS
FROM HIS MESSAGES TO
CONGRESS
COMPILED BY
CHARLES HEDGES
NEW YORK
UNITED STATES BOOK COMPANY
SUCCESSORS TO
JOHN W. LOVELL COMPANY
142 TO 150 WORTH STREET
COPYRIGHT, 1892,
BY
CHARLES HEDGES
PREFACE.
It is not the purpose of this book to present a few selections of
oratory, laboriously prepared and polished, or occasional flashes of
brilliant thought. From such efforts, prepared, perhaps, after days of
study and repeated revision, one can form but an imperfect idea of their
author. Such a compilation might show the highest conceptions of the
man, and evidence a wide range of thought and a surpassing grandeur of
expression; but it would be but a poor mirror of the man himself in his
daily life.
It is due to the people that the largest opportunity be given them to
observe the character of their public servants, to come into closest
touch with their daily thoughts, and to know them as they are--not when
prepared for special occasions, but day after day and all the time. It
is with this view that this collection of the speeches of President
Harrison is offered to the public. It is a series of instantaneous
photographs that have caught him unawares. The studied pose is wanting,
but the pictures are true to life.
There are included the letter of acceptance, the inaugural address,
the letter to the commercial congress, extracts from his last annual
message to Congress, his patriotic message on the Chilian affair, and
a few carefully prepared speeches, among them his notable addresses at
the banquet of the Michigan Club, February 22, 1888, and before the
Marquette Club at Chicago, March 20, the same year; also his celebrated
speech at Galveston, in April last. All these are among the best models
of statesmanlike thought and concise, forcible, and elegant expression.
With these exceptions, the speeches presented were delivered during the
presidential campaign of 1888, often four or five in a day, to visiting
delegations of citizens, representing every occupation and interest,
and during his tours of 1890 and 1891, when he often spoke eight or ten
times a day from the platform of his car.
If these speeches contained no other merit, they would be remarkable
in the fact that, while delivered during the excitement of a political
campaign and in the hurry of wayside pauses in a journey by railroad,
they contain not one carelessly spoken word that can detract from
their dignity, or, by any possible distortion of language, be turned
against their author by his political opponents. With no opportunity
for elaborately studied phrases, he did not utter a word that could be
sneered at as weak or commonplace. This fact is all the more noteworthy
when we recall the dismal failures that have been made by others under
like circumstances.
A spirit of exalted patriotism and broad statesmanship is apparent in
every line; and notwithstanding the malignity of the partisan assaults
that were made upon him, no words of bitterness--only terms of generous
tolerance--characterize his allusions to his political opponents.
With a single notable exception, no thought of sameness or repetition
is ever suggested. That exception was the central thought and vital
principle that was at stake in the campaign. One marvels at his
versatility in adapting himself to every occasion, whether he was
addressing a delegation of miners, of comrades in war, or of children
from the public schools; we admire the lofty thoughts and the delicious
humor; but while he might soften in tender, playful greeting of
children, or live again with his comrades the old life of tent and
field, he never for one moment forgot the great principle whose banner
he had been chosen to uphold. Protection of American industry was
always his foremost thought--and how well he presented it! What an
example to the politician who seeks by evasion or silence to avoid the
questions at issue!
The book is therefore presented with the gratifying belief that a
valuable service has been rendered in collecting these speeches and
putting them in an enduring form, not only because they give the
American people the most lifelike mental portrait of their Chief
Magistrate, but because they are a valuable contribution to American
literature.
In order to the best understanding and appreciation of an address, it
is often necessary to know the circumstances in which it was delivered.
Especially is this true when the address was made, as many of these
were, to some particular organization or class of citizens or at the
celebration of some important event. For this reason, as well as for
their important historical value, an account is given of the occasion
of each speech, including, as far as they could be learned, the names
of the more distinguished persons who were present and took part in the
exercises.
C. H.
WASHINGTON, D. C., February 20, 1892.
BIOGRAPHICAL.
Benjamin Harrison, twenty-third President of the United States, was born
Tuesday, August 20, 1833, at North Bend, Hamilton County, Ohio. He is
the second son of the late John Scott and Elizabeth Irwin Harrison.
His father--the third son of President William Henry Harrison and Anna
Symmes--was born at Vincennes, Indiana, was twice elected to Congress as
a Democrat, from the Cincinnati district, and died in 1878.
General William Henry Harrison, ninth President of the United
States, was the third son of a famous signer of the Declaration of
Independence--Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, and his wife Elizabeth
Bassett. This Benjamin Harrison, "the signer," was one of the first
seven delegates from Virginia to the Continental Congress. He reported
the resolution for independence, was Speaker of the House of Burgesses,
and was thrice elected Governor of Virginia, dying in 1791; he was the
eldest son of Benjamin and Anna Carter Harrison, both of whom were
descended from ancestors distinguished for their high character and
their services to the colony of Virginia.
Ben Harrison's boyhood was passed upon his father's farm in Ohio. At the
age of 14, with his elder brother Irwin, he attended Farmer's College at
Cincinnati, preparatory to entering Miami University at Oxford, Ohio,
from which institution he graduated in 1852.
He studied law in the office of Judge Belamy Storer at Cincinnati, and
in March, 1854--with his bride, Miss Caroline W. Scott, to whom he
was wedded October 20, 1853--he located at Indianapolis and began the
practice of the law.
In 1860 he was elected reporter of the decisions of the Supreme Court of
Indiana, as a Republican, receiving 9,688 majority.
In July, 1862, he was commissioned by Gov. Oliver P. Morton as second
lieutenant, and raised Company A of the Seventieth Indiana Volunteer
Infantry, was commissioned captain, and on the organization of the
regiment was commissioned colonel. In August his regiment entered the
field and became a part of the 1st Brigade of the 1st Division of the
20th Army Corps, Gen. W. T. Ward, of Kentucky, brigade commander. At
the battle of Resaca, Sunday, May 15, 1864, the Seventieth Regiment led
the brigade in a gallant charge, and its colonel signally distinguished
himself, being among the first to scale the bloody parapet. He actively
participated in the engagements at Cassville, New Hope Church, Gilgal
Church, Kulps Hill, and Kenesaw. Following that great captain in the
Atlanta campaign, initiatory to his famous march to the sea, Colonel
Harrison at the battle of Peach Tree Creek, July 20, 1864, in the crisis
of the fight, without awaiting orders, seized an important position and
successfully resisted, at great loss, the terrific assaults of a large
detachment of Hood's army. For this brilliant achievement, upon the
recommendation of Major-General Joe Hooker, he was brevetted in March,
1865, by President Lincoln, a brigadier-general, to date from January
23, 1865.
In October, 1864, while at the front, he was re-elected, by 19,713
majority, reporter of the Supreme Court, which office he had lost by
accepting a commission in the army. After four years as reporter he
resumed his law practice, forming a partnership with Albert G. Porter
and W. P. Fishback. About 1870 Mr. Fishback retired, and the firm became
Porter, Harrison & Hines; upon Governor Porter's retirement W. H. H.
Miller took his place, and in 1883 Mr. Hines retired, and, John B. Elam
coming in, the firm became Harrison, Miller & Elam.
In 1876 Hon. Godlove S. Orth was nominated as Republican candidate for
Governor of Indiana, but pending the canvass he unexpectedly withdrew.
In this emergency, during General Harrison's absence on a trip to Lake
Superior, the Central Committee substituted his name at the head of
the ticket. Undertaking the canvass despite adverse conditions, he was
defeated by Hon. James D. Williams--"Blue Jeans"--by a plurality of
5,084 votes.
In 1878 he was chosen chairman of the Republican State Convention.
In 1879 he was appointed by President Hayes a member of the Mississippi
River Commission.
In 1880 he was chairman of the delegation from Indiana to the National
Convention, and with his colleagues cast 34 consecutive ballots for
James G. Blaine in that historic contest.
President Garfield tendered him any position but one in his Cabinet, but
the high honor was declined.
In January, 1881, he was elected United States Senator--the unanimous
choice of his party--to succeed Joseph E. McDonald, and served six years
to March 3, 1887.
In 1884 he again represented his State as delegate at large to the
National Convention.
January, 1887, he was a second time the unanimous choice of his party
for United States Senator, but after a protracted and exciting contest
was defeated on the sixteenth joint ballot, upon party lines, by 2
majority.
June 25, 1888, he was nominated at Chicago by the Republican National
Convention for President, on the eighth ballot, receiving 544 votes
against 118 for John Sherman, 100 for Russell A. Alger, and 59 for
Walter Q. Gresham. He was chosen President by 233 electoral votes
against 168 for Grover Cleveland. The popular vote resulted: 5,536,242
(48.63 per cent.) for the Democratic ticket, 5,440,708 (47.83 per cent.)
for the Republican ticket, 246,876 (2.16 per cent.) for the Prohibition,
146,836 (1.27 per cent.) for the Union Labor, and 7,777 (0.11 per cent.)
scattering.
HARRISON'S SPEECHES.
DETROIT, FEBRUARY 22, 1888.
_Michigan Club Banquet._
The Michigan Club, the largest and most influential political
organization in the State, held its third annual banquet at the Detroit
Rink on Washington's Birthday, 1888.
The officers of the club were: _President_, Clarence A. Black;
_Vice-President_, William H. Elliott; _Secretary_, Fred. E. Farnsworth;
_Treasurer_, Frederick Woolfenden.
Senator Thomas W. Palmer was president of the evening; the
vice-presidents were: Hons. F. B. Stockbridge, C. G. Luce, J. H.
Macdonald, Austin Blair, H. P. Baldwin, David H. Jerome, R. A. Alger, O.
D. Conger, Chas. D. Long, E. P. Allen, James O'Donnell, J. C. Burrows,
M. S. Brewer, S. M. Cutcheon, Henry W. Seymour, Benj. F. Graves, Isaac
Marston, Edward S. Lacy, John T. Rich, O. L. Spaulding, Geo. W. Webber,
Geo. Willard, E. W. Keightley, R. G. Horr, E. O. Grosvenor, James
Birney, C. E. Ellsworth, D. P. Markey.
The distinguished guests and speakers of the evening from other States
were: General Benjamin Harrison, Ind.; General Joseph R. Hawley, Conn.;
Hon. William McKinley, Jr., Ohio; Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, Hon. John F.
Finerty, and General Green B. Raum, Ill.; Hon. L. E. McComas, Md.; and
Hon. James P. Foster, N. Y.
General Harrison responded to the sentiment, "Washington, the
republican. The guarantee of the Constitution that the State shall have
a republican form of government is only executed when the majority in
the States are allowed to vote and have their ballots counted."
His speech attracted widespread attention at the time, and is considered
one of his greatest. One expression therein--viz.: "I am a dead
statesman, but a living and rejuvenated Republican"--went broadcast over
the land and became one of the keynotes of the campaign.
Senator Harrison made the first reference of the evening to the name of
"Chandler." It was talismanic; instantly a great wave of applause swept
over the banquet-hall, and thenceforth the speaker carried his hearers
with him.
The Senator spoke as follows:
_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Michigan Club_--I feel that I
am at some disadvantage here to-night by reason of the fact that I
did not approach Detroit from the direction of Washington city. I
am a dead statesman ["No! No!"]; but I am a living and rejuvenated
Republican. I have the pleasure to-night, for the first time in
my life, of addressing an audience of Michigan Republicans. Your
invitations in the past have been frequent and urgent, but I have
always felt that you knew how to do your own work, that we could
trust the stalwart Republicans of this magnificent State to hold
this key of the lakes against all comers. I am not here to-night in
the expectation that I shall be able to help you by any suggestion,
or even to kindle into greater earnestness that zeal and interest
in Republican principles which your presence here to-night so well
attests. I am here rather to be helped myself, to bathe my soul in
this high atmosphere of patriotism and pure Republicanism [applause]
by spending a little season in the presence of those who loved and
honored and followed the Cromwell of the Republican party, Zachariah
Chandler. [Tremendous applause.]
The sentiment which has been assigned me to-night--"Washington,
the republican; a free and equal ballot the only guarantee of the
Nation's security and perpetuity"--is one that was supported with a
boldness of utterance, with a defiance that was unexcelled by any
leader, by Zachariah Chandler always and everywhere. [Applause.] As
Republicans we are fortunate, as has been suggested, in the fact
that there is nothing in the history of our party, nothing in the
principles that we advocate, to make it impossible for us to gather
and to celebrate the birthday of any American who honored or defended
his country. [Cheers.] We could even unite with our Democratic friends
in celebrating the birthday of St. Jackson, because we enter into
fellowship with him when we read his story of how by proclamation he
put down nullification in South Carolina. [Applause.] We could meet
with them to celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson; because there
is no note in the immortal Declaration or in the Constitution of our
country that is out of harmony with Republicanism. [Cheers.] But our
Democratic friends are under limitation. They have a short calendar of
sense, and they must omit from the history of those whose names are
on their calendar the best achievements of their lives. I do not know
what the party is preserved for. Its history reminds me of the boulder
in the stream of progress, impeding and resisting its onward flow and
moving only by the force that it resists.
I want to read a very brief extract from a most notable paper--one
that was to-day in the Senate at Washington read from the desk by
its presiding officer--the "Farewell Address of Washington;" and
while it is true that I cannot quote or find in the writings of
Washington anything specifically referring to ballot-box fraud, to
tissue ballots, to intimidation, to forged tally-sheets [cheers],
for the reason that these things had not come in his day to disturb
the administration of the Government, yet in the comprehensiveness
of the words he uttered, like the comprehensive declarations of
the Holy Book, we may find admonition and guidance, and even with
reference to a condition of things that his pure mind could have never
contemplated. Washington said: "Liberty is indeed little less than a
name where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises
of factions, to confine each member of society within the limits
prescribed by the law, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil
enjoyment of the rights of persons and property." If I had read that
to a Democratic meeting they would have suspected that it was an
extract from some Republican speech. [Laughter.] My countrymen, this
Government is that which I love to think of as my country; for not
acres, or railroads, or farm products, or bulk meats, or Wall Street,
or all combined, are the country that I love. It is the institution,
the form of government, the frame of civil society, for which that
flag stands, and which we love to-day. [Applause.] It is what Mr.
Lincoln so tersely, yet so felicitously, described as a government of
the people, by the people, and for the people; a government of the
people, because they instituted it--the Constitution reads, "We,
the people, have ordained;" by the people, because it is in all its
departments administered by them; for the people, because it states as
its object of supreme attainment the happiness, security and peace of
the people that dwell under it. [Applause.]
The bottom principle--sometimes it is called a corner-stone,
sometimes the foundation of our structure of government--is the
principle of control by the majority. It is more than the corner-stone
or foundation. This structure is a monolith, one from foundation
to apex, and that monolith stands for and is this principle of
government by majorities, legally ascertained by constitutional
methods. Everything else about our government is appendage, it is
ornamentation. This is the monolithic column that was reared by
Washington and his associates. For this the War of the Revolution
was fought, for this and its more perfect security the Constitution
was formed; for this the War of the Rebellion was fought; and when
this principle perishes the structure which Washington and his
compatriots reared is dishonored in the dust. The equality of the
ballot demands that our apportionments in the States for legislative
and congressional purposes shall be so adjusted that there shall be
equality in the influence and the power of every elector, so that it
shall not be true anywhere that one man counts two or one and a half
and some other man counts only one half.
But some one says that is fundamental. All men accept this truth.
Not quite. My countrymen, we are confronted by this condition of
things in America to-day; a government by the majority, expressed by
an equal and a free ballot, is not only threatened, but it has been
overturned. Why is it to-day that we have legislation threatening
the industries of this country? Why is it that the paralyzing shadow
of free trade falls upon the manufactures and upon the homes of our
laboring classes? It is because the laboring vote in the Southern
States is suppressed. There would be no question about the security of
these principles so long established by law, so eloquently set forth
by my friend from Connecticut, but for the fact that the workingmen
of the South have been deprived of their influence in choosing
representatives at Washington.
But some timid soul is alarmed at the suggestion. He says we are
endeavoring to rake over the coals of an extinct strife, to see if
we may not find some ember in which there is yet sufficient vitality
to rekindle the strife. Some man says you are actuated by unfriendly
feelings toward the South, you want to fight the war over again, you
are flaunting the bloody shirt. My countrymen, those epithets and that
talk never have any terrors for me. [Applause.] I do not want to
fight the war over again, and I am sure no Northern soldier--and there
must be many here of those gallant Michigan regiments, some of which I
had the pleasure during the war of seeing in action--not one of these
that wishes to renew that strife or fight the war over again. Not one
of this great assemblage of Republicans who listen to me to-night
wishes ill to the South. If it were left to us here to-night the
streams of her prosperity would be full. We would gladly hear of her
reviving and stimulated industry. We gladly hear of increasing wealth
in those States of the South. We wish them to share in the onward and
upward movement of a great people. It is not a question of the war,
it is not a question of the States between '61 and '65, at all, that
I am talking about to-night. It is what they have been since '65. It
is what they did in '84, when a President was to be chosen for this
country.
Our controversy is not one of the past; it is of the present. It has
relation to that which will be done next November, when our people
are again called to choose a President. What is it we ask? Simply
that the South live up to the terms of the surrender at Appomattox.
When that great chieftain received the surrender of the army of
Northern Virginia, when those who had for four years confronted us
in battle stacked arms in total surrender, the terms were simply
these: "You shall go to your homes and shall be there unmolested so
long as you obey the laws in force where you reside." That is the sum
of our demand. We ask nothing more of the South to-night than that
they shall cease to use this recovered citizenship which they had
forfeited by rebellion to oppress and disfranchise those who equally
with themselves under the Constitution are entitled to vote--that and
nothing more.
I do not need to enter into details. The truth to-day is that the
colored Republican vote of the South, and with it and by consequence
the white Republican vote of the South, is deprived of all effective
influence in the administration of this Government. The additional
power given by the colored population of the South in the Electoral
College and in Congress was more than enough to turn the last
election for President, and more than enough to reverse--yes, largely
more than reverse--the present Democratic majority of the House of
Representatives. Have we not the spirit to insist that everywhere
north and south in this country of ours no man shall be deprived of
his ballot by reason of his politics? There is not in all this land a
place where any rebel soldier is subject to any restraint or is denied
the fullest exercise of the elective franchise. Shall we not insist
that what is true of those who fought to destroy the country shall be
true of every man who fought for it, or loved it, like the black man
of the South did [applause]--that to belong to Abraham Lincoln's party
shall be respectable and reputable everywhere in America? [Cheers.]
But this is not simply a Southern question. It has come to be a
national question, for not only is the Republican vote suppressed
in the South, but I ask you to turn your eyes to as fair and
prosperous a territory as ever sat at the door of the Federal Union
asking admission to the sisterhood of the States. See yonder in the
northwest Dakota, the child of all these States, with 500,000 loyal,
intelligent, law-abiding, prosperous American citizens robbed to-day
of all participation in the affairs of this Nation. The hospitable
door which has always opened to territories seeking admission
is insolently closed in her face--and why? Simply because the
predominating sentiment in the Territory of Dakota is Republican--that
and nothing more. And that is not all. This question of a free,
honest ballot has crossed the Ohio River. The overspill of these
Southern frauds has reached Ohio and Indiana and Illinois, indicating
to my mind a national conspiracy, having its centre and most potent
influence in the Southern States, but reaching out into Ohio, Indiana
and Illinois in its attempt by frauds upon the ballot-box to possess
the Senate of the United States. Go down to Cincinnati in a recent
election and look at the election returns, shamelessly, scandalously
manipulated to return members to the Senate and House of Ohio, in
order that that grand champion of Republican principles, John Sherman,
might be defeated. Go yonder with me to Chicago and look into those
frauds upon the ballot--devised, executed in furtherance of the same
iniquitous scheme, intended to defeat the re-election of that gallant
soldier, that fearless defender of Republican principles, John A.
Logan of Illinois. [Great cheering.]
And these people have even invaded Indiana. At the last election
in my own State, first by gerrymander, they disturbed and utterly
destroyed the equality of suffrage in that State; it was so framed as
to give the Democratic party a majority of 50 on joint ballot; and
Indiana gave a Republican majority on members of the Legislature of
10,000, and yet they claim to hold the Legislature. And that is not
all. Then, when gerrymander had failed, they introduced the eraser
to help it out [laughter]; scratched our tally-sheets, shamelessly
transferred ballots from Republican to Democratic candidates. How are
we going to deal with these fellows? What is the remedy? As to the
Southern aspect of this question, I have first to suggest that it is
in the power of the free people of the North, those who love the
Constitution and a free and equal ballot, those who, while claiming
this high privilege for themselves, will deny it to no other man, to
welcome a President who shall not come into office, into the enjoyment
of the usufruct of these crimes, against the ballot [applause]; that
will be great gain. And then we should aim to place in the Southern
States, in every office exercising federal authority, men whose local
influence will be against these frauds, instead of such men as the
district attorney appointed by Mr. Cleveland, who in this recent
outrage upon the ballot in Jackson, Miss., was found among the most
active conspirators, when, by public resolution of a Democratic
committee, Republicans of that city were warned away from the polls.
Then again we shall keep ourselves free from all partisanship if
we lift our voice steadily and constantly in protest against these
offences.
There is vast power in a protest. Public opinion is the most potent
monarch this world knows to-day. Czars tremble in its presence, and
we may bring to bear upon this question a public sentiment, by bold
and fearless denunciation of it, that will do a great deal towards
correcting it. Why, my countrymen, we meet now and then with these
Irish-Americans and lift our voices in denunciations of the wrongs
which England is perpetrating upon Ireland. [Applause.] We do not
elect any Members of Parliament, but the voice of free America
protesting against these centuries of wrongs has had a most potent
influence in creating, stimulating and sustaining the liberal policy
of William E. Gladstone and his associates. [Great applause.] Cannot
we do as much for oppressed Americans? Can we not make our appeal to
these Irish-American citizens who appeal to us in behalf of their
oppressed fellow-countrymen to rally with us in this crusade against
election frauds and intimidation in the country that they have made
their own? [Applause.]
There may be legislative remedies in sight when we can once again
possess both branches of the national Congress and have an executive
at Washington who has not been created by these crimes against the
ballot. [Applause.] Whatever they are, we will seek them out and
put them into force--not in a spirit of enmity against the men who
fought against us--forgetting the war, but only insisting that now,
nearly a quarter of a century after it is over, a free ballot shall
not be denied to Republicans in these States where rebels have been
rehabilitated with a full citizenship. [Applause.] Every question
waits the settlement of this. The tariff question would be settled
already if the 1,000,000 of black laborers in the South had their due
representation in the House of Representatives.
And my soldier friends, interested that liberal provisions should
be made for the care of the disabled soldier--are they willing that
this question should be settled without the presence in the House of
Representatives of the power and influence of those faithful black
men in the South who were always their friends? [Applause.] The
dependent pension bill would pass over the President's veto if these
black friends of the Union soldier had their fair representation in
Congress. [Applause.] It is the dominant question at the foundation
of our Government, in its dominating influence embracing all others,
because it involves the question of a free and fair tribunal to
which every question shall be submitted for arbitrament and final
determination. Therefore, I would here, as we shall in Indiana, lift
up our protest against these wrongs which are committed in the name
of democracy, lift high our demand, and utter it with resolution,
that it shall no longer be true that anywhere in this country men are
disfranchised for opinion's sake.
I believe there are indications that this power is taking hold of
the North. Self-respect calls upon us. Does some devotee at the shrine
of Mammon say it will disturb the public pulse? Do we hear from New
York and her markets of trade that it is a disturbing question and we
must not broach it? I beg our friends, and those who thus speak, to
recollect that there is no peace, that there can be no security for
commerce, no security for the perpetuation of our Government, except
by the establishment of justice the country over. [Great applause.]
CHICAGO, MARCH 20, 1888.
_Marquette Club Banquet._
On the evening of March 20, 1888, General Harrison was the honored
guest of the Marquette Club of Chicago--one of the leading social and
political organizations of that great city--at their second annual
banquet, given at the Grand Pacific Hotel.
The officers of the club for that year were: George V. Lauman,
_President_; William H. Johnson, _First Vice-President_; Hubert D.
Crocker, _Second Vice-President_; Charles U. Gordon, _Secretary_; Will
Sheldon Gilbert, _Treasurer_.
The Banquet Committee and Committee of Reception for the occasion
comprised the following prominent members: James S. Moore, Frederick
G. Laird, LeRoy T. Steward, Wm. H. Johnson, James E. Rogers, F. W. C.
Hayes, Henry T. Smith, Harry J. Jones, Chas. S. Norton, Irving L. Gould,
T. A. Broadbent, Jas. Rood, Jr., Wm. A. Paulsen, T. M. Garrett, Geo. W.
Keehn, Harry P. Finney, C. B. Niblock, Wm. A. Lamson, S. E. Magill, R.
D. Wardwell, Fred. G. McNally.
President Lauman was toastmaster, and opened the banquet with an address
of welcome to Senator Harrison.
The other speakers of the evening were Edward J. Judd, Theodore
Brentano, Hon. Thomas C. MacMillan, Hon. John S. Runnells, Newton Wyeth,
Mayor Roche and President Tracy of the State League of Republican Clubs.
Amid hearty applause General Harrison rose to respond to the toast, "The
Republican Party." He spoke as follows:
_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Marquette Club_--I am under
an obligation that I shall not soon forget in having been permitted
by your courtesy to sit at your table to-night and to listen to the
eloquent words which have fallen from the lips of those speakers who
have preceded me. I count it a privilege to spend an evening with so
many young Republicans. There seems to be a fitness in the association
of young men with the Republican party. The Republican party is a
young party. I have not yet begun to call myself an old man, and yet
there is no older Republican in the United States than I am. My first
presidential vote was given for the first presidential candidate of
the Republican party, and I have supported with enthusiasm every
successor of Frémont, including that matchless statesman who claimed
our suffrages in 1884. We cannot match ages with the Democratic party
any more than that party can match achievements with us. It has lived
longer, but to less purpose. "Moss-backed" cannot be predicated
of a Republican. Our Democratic friends have a monopoly of that
distinction, and it is one of the few distinguished monopolies that
they enjoy; and yet when I hear a Democrat boasting himself of the age
of his party I feel like reminding him that there are other organized
evils in the world, older than the Democratic party. "The Republican
party," the toast which you have assigned to me to-night, seems to
have a past, a present and a future tense to it. It suggests history,
and yet history so recent that it is to many here to-night a story of
current events in which they have been participants. The Republican
party--the influences which called it together were eclectic in their
character. The men who formed it and organized it were picked men.
The first assembly that sounded in its camp was a call to sacrifice,
and not to spoils. It assembled about an altar to sacrifice, and in a
temple beset with enemies. It is the only political party organized
in America that has its "Book of Martyrs." On the bloody fields of
Kansas, Republicans died for their creed, and since then we have put
in that book the sacred memory of our immortal leader who has been
mentioned here to-night--Abraham Lincoln--who died for his faith and
devotion to the principles of human liberty and constitutional union.
And there have followed it a great army of men who have died by reason
of the fact that they adhered to the political creed that we loved. It
is the only party in this land which in the past has been proscribed
and persecuted to death for its allegiance to the principles of human
liberty. After Lincoln had triumphed in that great forum of debate in
his contest with Douglas, the Republican party carried that debate
from the hustings to the battle-field and forever established the
doctrine that human liberty is of natural right and universal. It
clinched the matchless logic of Webster in his celebrated debate
against the right of secession by a demonstration of its inability.
No party ever entered upon its administration of the affairs of
this Nation under circumstances so beset with danger and difficulty
as those which surrounded the Republican party when it took up the
reins of executive control. In all other political contests those
who had resisted the victorious party yielded acquiescence at the
polls, but the Republican party in its success was confronted by
armed resistance to national authority. The first acts of Republican
administration were to assemble armies to maintain the authority of
the Nation throughout the rebellious States. It organized armies,
it fed them, and it fought them through those years of war with an
undying and persistent faith that refused to be appalled by any
dangers or discouraged by any difficulties. In the darkest days of the
rebellion the Republican party by faith saw Appomattox through the
smoke of Bull Run, and Raleigh through the mists of Chickamauga; and
not only did it conduct this great civil war to a victorious end, not
only did it restore the national authority and set up the flag on all
those places where it had been overthrown and that flag torn down,
but it in the act and as an incident in the restoration of national
authority accomplished that act which, if no other had been recorded
in its history, would have given it immortality. The emancipation of
a race, brought about as an incident of war under the proclamation of
the first Republican President, has forever immortalized the party
that accomplished it.
But not only were these dangers and difficulties and besetments and
discouragements of this long strife at home, but there was also a call
for the highest statesmanship in dealing with the foreign affairs
of the Government during that period of war. England and France not
only gave to the Confederacy belligerent rights, but threatened to
extend recognition, and even armed intervention. There was scarcely
a higher achievement in the long history of brilliant statesmanship
which stands to the credit of our party than the matchless management
of our diplomatic relations during the period of our war; dignified,
yet reserved, masterful, yet patient. Those enemies of republican
liberty were held at bay until we had accomplished perpetual peace
at Appomattox. That grasping avarice which has attempted to coin
commercial advantages out of the distress of other nations which has
so often characterized English diplomacy naturally made the Government
of England the ally of the Confederacy, that had prohibited protective
duties in its constitution, and yet Geneva followed Appomattox. A
trinity of effort was necessary to that consummation--war, finance
and diplomacy; Grant, Chase, Seward, and Lincoln over all, and each
a victor in his own sphere. When 500,000 veterans found themselves
without any pressing engagement, and Phil Sheridan sauntered down
towards the borders of Mexico, French evacuation was expedited, and
when Gen. Grant advised the English Government that our claims for
the depredations committed by those rebel cruisers that were sent
out from British ports to prey upon our commerce must be paid, but
that we were not in a hurry about it--we could wait, but in the mean
time interest would accumulate--the Geneva arbitration was accepted
and compensation made for these unfriendly invasions of our rights.
It became fashionable again at the tables of the English nobility to
speak of our common ancestry and our common tongue. Then again France
began to remind us of La Fayette and De Grasse. Five hundred thousand
veteran troops and an unemployed navy did more for us than a common
tongue and ancient friendships would do in the time of our distress.
And we must not forget that it is often easier to assemble armies
than it is to assemble army revenues. Though no financial secretary
ever had laid upon him a heavier burden than was placed upon Salmon
P. Chase to provide the enormous expenditures which the maintenance
of our army required, this ceaseless, daily, gigantic drain upon the
National Treasury called for the highest statesmanship.
And it was found, and our credit was not only maintained through the
war, but the debt that was accumulated, which our Democratic friends
said could never be paid, we at once began to discharge when the army
was disbanded.
And so it is that in this timely effort--consisting first in this
appeal to the courage and patriotism of the people of this country
that responded to the call of Lincoln and filled our armies with
brave men that, under the leadership of Grant and Sherman and Thomas,
suppressed the rebellion, and under the wise, magnificent system of
our revenue enabled us to defray our expenses, and under the sagacious
administration of our State Department held Europe at bay while we
were attending to the business at home. In these departments of
administration the Republican party has shown itself conspicuously
able to deal with the greatest questions that have ever been presented
to American statesmanship for solution. We must not forget that in
dealing with these questions we were met continually by the protest
and opposition of the Democratic party. The war against the States
was unconstitutional. There was no right to coerce sovereign States.
The war was a failure, and a dishonorable peace was demanded. The
legal tenders were illegal. The constitutional amendments were void.
And so through this whole brilliant history of achievement in this
administration we were followed by the Democratic statesman protesting
against every step and throwing every impediment in the way of
National success until it seemed to be true of many of their leaders
that in their estimation nothing was lawful, nothing was lovely, that
did not conduce to the success of the rebellion.
Now, what conclusion shall we draw? Is there anything in this story,
so briefly and imperfectly told, to suggest any conclusion as to the
inadequacy or incompetency of the Republican party to deal with any
question that is now presented for solution or that we may meet in the
progress of this people's history? Why, countrymen, these problems
in government were new. We took the ship of state when there was
treachery at the helm, when there was mutiny on the deck, when the
ship was among the rocks, and we put loyalty at the helm; we brought
the deck into order and subjection. We have brought the ship into
the wide and open sea of prosperity, and is it to be suggested that
the party that has accomplished these magnificent achievements cannot
sail and manage the good ship in the frequented roadways of ordinary
commerce? What is there now before us that presents itself for
solution?
What questions are we to grapple with? What unfinished work
remains to be done? It seems to me that the work that is unfinished
is to make that constitutional grant of citizenship, the franchise
to the colored men of the South, a practical and living reality.
The condition of things is such in this country--a government by
constitutional majority--that whenever the people become convinced
that an administration or a law does not represent the will of the
majority of our qualified electors, then that administration ceases
to challenge the respect of our people and that law ceases to command
their willing obedience. This is a republican government, a government
by majority, the majorities to be ascertained by a fair count and each
elector expressing his will at the ballot-box. I know of no reason why
any law should bind my conscience that does not have this sanction
behind it. I know of no reason why I should yield respect to any
executive officer whose title is not based upon a majority vote of the
qualified electors of this country. What is the condition of things in
the Southern States to-day?
The Republican vote is absolutely suppressed. Elections in many of
those States have become a farce. In the last congressional election
in the State of Alabama there were several congressional districts
where the entire vote for members of Congress did not reach 2,000;
whereas in most of the districts of the North the vote cast at our
congressional elections goes from 30,000 to 50,000. I had occasion to
say a day or two ago that in a single congressional district in the
State of Nebraska there were more votes cast to elect one Congressman
than were cast in the State of Alabama at the same election to elect
their whole delegation. Out of what does this come? The suppression of
the Republican vote; the understanding among our Democratic friends
that it is not necessary that they should vote because their opponents
are not allowed to vote. But some one will suggest: "Is there a remedy
for this?" I do not know, my fellow citizens, how far there is a legal
remedy under our Constitution, but it does not seem to me to be an
adequate answer. It does not seem to me to be conclusive against the
agitation of the question even if we should be compelled to respond
to the arrogant question that is asked us: "What are you going to
do about it?" Even if we should be compelled to answer: "We can do
nothing but protest," is it not worth while here, and in relation to
this American question, that we should at least lift up our protest;
that we should at least denounce the wrong; that we should at least
deprive the perpetrators of it of what we used to call the usufructs
of the crime? If you cannot prevent a burglar from breaking into your
house you will do a great deal towards discouraging burglary if you
prevent him from carrying off anything, and so it seems to me that if
we can, upon this question, arouse the indignant protest of the North,
and unite our efforts in a determination that those who perpetrate
these wrongs against popular suffrage shall not by means of those
wrongs seat a President in Washington to secure the Federal patronage
in a State, we shall have done much to bring this wrong to an end. But
at least while we are protesting by representatives from our State
Department at Washington against wrongs perpetrated in Russia against
the Jew, and in our popular assemblies here against the wrongs which
England has inflicted upon Ireland, shall we not at least in reference
to this gigantic and intolerable wrong in our own country, as a party,
lift up a stalwart and determined protest against it?
But some of these independent journalists, about which our friend
MacMillan talked, call this the "bloody shirt." They say we are trying
to revive the strife of the war, to rake over the extinct embers, to
kindle the fire again. I want it understood that for one I have no
quarrel with the South for what took place between 1861 and 1865. I am
willing to forget that they were rebels, at least as soon as they are
willing to forget it themselves, and that time does not seem to have
come yet to them. But our complaint is against what was done in 1884,
not against what was done during the war. Our complaint is against
what will be done this year, not what was done between 1861 and 1865.
No bloody shirt--though that cry never had any terrors for me. I
believe we greatly underestimate the importance of bringing the issue
to the front, and with that oft-time Republican courage and outspoken
fidelity to truth denouncing it the land over. If we cannot do
anything else we can either make these people ashamed of this outrage
against the ballot or make the world ashamed of them.
There is another question to which the Republican party has
committed itself, and on the line of which it has accomplished, as
I believe, much for the prosperity of this country. I believe the
Republican party is pledged and ought to be pledged to the doctrine of
the protection of American industries and American labor. I believe
that in so far as our native inventive genius--which seems to have
no limit--our productive forces can supply the American market, we
ought to keep it for ourselves. And yet this new captain on the bridge
seems to congratulate himself on the fact that the voyage is still
prosperous notwithstanding the change of commanders; who seems to
forget that the reason that the voyage is still prosperous is because
the course of the ship was marked out before he went on the bridge and
the rudder tied down. He has attempted to take a new direction since
he has been in command, with a view of changing the sailing course of
the old craft, but it has seemed to me that he has made the mistake of
mistaking the flashlight of some British lighthouse for the light of
day. I do not intend here to-night in this presence to discuss this
tariff question in any detail. I only want to say that in the passage
of what is now so flippantly called the war tariff, to raise revenue
to carry on the war out of the protective duties which were then
levied, there has come to this country a prosperity and development
which would have been impossible without it, and that reversal of this
policy now, at the suggestion of Mr. Cleveland, according to the line
of the blind statesman from Texas, would be to stay and interrupt
this march of prosperity on which we have entered. I am one of those
uninstructed political economists that have an impression that some
things may be too cheap; that I cannot find myself in full sympathy
with this demand for cheaper coats, which seems to me necessarily to
involve a cheaper man and woman under the coat. I believe it is true
to-day that we have many things in this country that are too cheap,
because whenever it is proved that the man or woman who produces any
article cannot get a decent living out of it, then it is too cheap.
But I have not intended to discuss in detail any of these questions
with which we have grappled, upon which we have proclaimed a policy,
or which we must meet in the near future. I am only here to-night
briefly to sketch to you the magnificent career of this party to which
we give our allegiance--a union of the States, restored, cemented,
regenerated; a Constitution cleansed of its compromises with slavery
and brought into harmony with the immortal Declaration; a race
emancipated, given citizenship and the ballot; a national credit
preserved and elevated until it stands unequalled among the nations of
the world; a currency more prized than the coin for which it may be
exchanged; a story of prosperity more marvellous than was ever written
by the historian before. This is in brief outline the magnificent way
in which the Republican party has wrought. It stands to-day for a
pure, equal, honest ballot the country over. It stands to-day without
prejudice or malice, the well-wisher of every State in this Union;
disposed to fill all the streams of the South with prosperity, and
demanding only that the terms of the surrender at Appomattox shall be
complied with. When that magnificent act of clemency was witnessed,
when those sublime and gracious words were uttered by General Grant
at Appomattox, the country applauded. We said to those misguided men:
"Go home"--in the language of the parole--"and you shall be unmolested
while you obey the laws in force at the place where you reside." We
ask nothing more, but we cannot quietly submit to the fact, while it
is true everywhere in the United States that the man who fought for
years against his country is allowed the full, free, unrestricted
exercise of his new citizenship, when it shall not also be true
everywhere that every man who followed Lincoln in his political views,
and every soldier who fought to uphold the flag, shall in the same
full, ample manner be secured in his political rights.
This disfranchisement question is hardly a Southern question in all
strictness. It has gone into Dakota, and the intelligent and loyal
population of that Territory is deprived, was at the last election,
and will be again, of any participation in the decision of national
questions solely because the prevailing sentiment of Dakota is
Republican. Not only that, but this disregard of purity and honesty in
our elections invaded Ohio in an attempt to seize the United States
Senate by cheating John Sherman, that gallant statesman, out of his
seat in the Senate. And it came here to Illinois, in an attempt also
to defeat that man whom I loved so much, John A. Logan, out of his
seat in the United States Senate. And it has come into our own State
(Indiana) by tally-sheet frauds, committed by individuals, it is true,
but justified and defended by the Democratic party of the State in an
attempt to cheat us all out of our fair election majorities. It was
and is a question that lies over every other question, for every other
question must be submitted to this tribunal for decision, and if the
tribunal is corrupted, why shall we debate questions at all? Who can
doubt whether, in defeat or victorious, in the future as in the past,
taking high ground upon all these questions, the same stirring cause
that assembled our party in the beginning will yet be found drawing
like a great magnet the young and intelligent moral elements of our
country into the Republican organization? Defeated once, we are ready
for this campaign which is impending, and I believe that the great
party of 1860 is gathering together for the coming election with a
force and a zeal and a resolution that will inevitably carry it, under
that standard-bearer who may be chosen here in June, to victory in
November.
INDIANAPOLIS, JUNE 25, 1888.
_Nomination Day._
A few hours after the receipt of the news of the nomination of General
Harrison for President, on Monday, June 25, 1888, delegations from
neighboring cities and towns began to arrive to congratulate him. From
the moment the result at Chicago was known, and for two days thereafter,
the city of Indianapolis was the scene of excitement and enthusiasm
unparalleled in its history.
The first out-of-town delegation to arrive was the Republican Club of
Danville, Hendricks County, Indiana, three hundred strong, led by the
Hon. L. M. Campbell, Rev. Ira J. Chase, Major J. B. Homan, Joel T.
Baker, Capt. Worrel, and E. Hogate.
They came on the afternoon of the twenty-fifth and marched to the
Harrison residence escorted by about five thousand excited citizens of
Indianapolis, and it was to these men of Hendricks that General Harrison
made his first public speech--after his nomination--which proved to be
the opening words of a series of impromptu addresses remarkable for
their eloquence, conciseness and variety, and generally conceded by the
press of the day to have been the most brilliant and successful campaign
speeches of his generation.
To the Danville Club General Harrison said:
_Gentlemen_--I am very much obliged to my Hendricks County friends
for this visit. The trouble you have taken to make this call so soon
after information of the result at Chicago reached you induces me
to say a word or two, though you will not, of course, expect any
reference to politics or any extended reference to the result at
Chicago. I very highly appreciate the wise, discreet and affectionate
interest which our delegation and the people of Indiana have displayed
in the convention which has just closed at Chicago. [Cries of "Good!"
"Good!" and cheers.] I accept your visit to-day as an expression of
your confidence and respect, and I thank you for it. [Great cheering.]
Scarcely had the Danville visit concluded before another organization
from Hendricks County arrived, the Republican Club of Plainfield, led by
Dr. Harlan, William G. Ellis, Oscar Hadley, and A. T. Harrison.
Responding to their call, General Harrison said:
_Gentlemen_--I can only thank you for this evidence of your
friendliness. That so many of my Hendricks County friends should have
reached Indianapolis so soon after hearing the result at Chicago is
very gratifying. The people of your county have always given me the
most hearty support whenever I have appealed to them for support. I
have a most affectionate interest in your county and in its people,
especially because of the fact that it furnished two companies to the
regiment which I took into the field. Some of the best and most loyal
of these soldiers gave their lives for their country in the battles in
which the regiment was engaged. These incidents have attached me to
the county, and I trust I have yet, even here among this group, some
of my friends of the Seventieth Indiana surviving, who will always be
glad to extend to me, as I to them, a comrade's hand. I thank you for
this call.
A few moments later two large delegations arrived from Hamilton and
Howard Counties: Hon. J. R. Gray of Noblesville and Milton Garrigus of
Kokomo delivered congratulatory addresses on behalf of their townsmen,
to which General Harrison responded:
I thank you, my friends of Hamilton County, for this call. I know
the political steadfastness of that true and tried county. Your people
have always been kind to me. I thank you for this evidence of your
confidence and respect.
Howard County. Of that county I may say what I have said of Hamilton
County. It is a neighbor in location and it is a neighbor in good
works. [Great cheering.]
On the evening of the twenty-fifth five thousand or more neighbors and
residents of the city congregated before the Harrison residence.
The General, on appearing, was greeted by a demonstration lasting
several minutes. The standard-bearers, carrying the great banner of
the Oliver P. Morton Club, made their way to the steps and held the
flag over his head. Hon. W. N. Harding finally quieted the crowd and
presented General Harrison, who spoke as follows:
_Neighbors and Friends_--I am profoundly sensible of the kindness
which you evidence to-night in gathering in such large numbers
to extend to me your congratulations over the result at Chicago.
It would be altogether inappropriate that I should say anything
of a partisan character. Many of my neighbors who differ with me
politically have kindly extended to me, as citizens of Indianapolis,
their congratulations over this event. [Cries of "Good!" "Good!"] Such
congratulations, as well as those of my neighbors who sympathize with
me in my political beliefs, are exceedingly grateful. I have been a
long time a resident of Indianapolis--over thirty years. Many who are
here before me have been with me, during all those years, citizens of
this great and growing capital of a magnificent State. We have seen
the development and growth of this city. We are proud of its position
to-day, and we look forward in the future to a development which shall
far outstrip that which the years behind us have told. I thank you
sincerely for this evidence that those who have known me well and long
give me still their confidence and respect. [Cheers and applause.]
Kings sometimes bestow decorations upon those whom they desire to
honor, but that man is most highly decorated who has the affectionate
regard of his neighbors and friends. [Great applause, and cries of
"Hurrah for Harrison!"] I will only again thank you most cordially
for this demonstration of your regard. I shall be glad, from time to
time, as opportunity offers, to meet you all personally, and regret
that to-night this crowd is so great that it will be impossible for me
to take each one of you by the hand [cries of "We'll forgive you!"],
but we will be here together and my house will always open its doors
gladly to any of you when you may desire to see me. [Great cheering.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JUNE 26.
The evening of the day following his nomination General Harrison was
visited by the surviving members of his old regiment, the Seventieth
Indiana Volunteers, led by Major George W. Grubbs of Martinsville. There
was also present a delegation from Boone County headed by the Hon. Henry
L. Bynum, O. P. Mahan and S. J. Thompson; also the returning delegates
from Vermont to the Chicago convention, headed by Gov. Redfield Proctor
and General J. G. McCullough.
Responding to the address of Major Grubbs, on behalf of the veterans,
General Harrison said:
_Comrades_--Called, as I have been, by the national convention of
one of the great political parties of this country to be its candidate
for the presidency, it will probably be my fortune before the election
to receive many delegations representing various interests and classes
of our fellow-citizens, but I am sure that out of them all there will
come none whose coming will touch my heart so deeply as this visit
from my comrades of the Seventieth Indiana and these scattered members
of the other regiments that constituted the First Brigade of the Third
Division of the Twentieth Army Corps. I recall the scene to which
Major Grubbs has alluded. I remember that summer day, when, equipped
and armed, we were called to leave our homes and cross the Ohio River
and enter the territory that was in arms against the Government which
we were sworn to support. I recall, with you, the tender parting, the
wringing of hearts with which we left those we loved. I recall the
high and buoyant determination, the resolute carriage with which you
went to do your part in the work of suppressing the great rebellion.
I remember the scenes through which we went in that hard discipline
of service and sickness, and all of those hard incidents which are
necessary to convert citizens into veterans.
I remember the scenes of battle in which we stood together. I
remember especially that broad and deep grave at the foot of the
Resaca hill where we left those gallant comrades who fell in that
desperate charge. I remember, through it all, the gallantry, devotion
and steadfastness, the high set patriotism you always exhibited. I
remember how, after sweeping down with Sherman from Chattanooga to the
sea and up again through the Carolinas and Virginia, you, with those
gallant armies that had entered the gate of the South by Louisville
and Vicksburg, marched in the great review up the grand avenue of our
Nation's capital.
I remember that proud scene of which we were part that day; the
glad rejoicing as our faces were turned homeward, the applause which
greeted us as the banner of our regiment was now and then recognized
by some home friends who had gathered to see us--the whole course of
these incidents of battle, of sickness, of death, of victory, crowned
thus by the triumphant reassertion of national authority, and by the
muster out and our return to those homes that we loved, made again
secure against all the perils which had threatened them.
I feel that in this campaign upon which I am entering, and which
will undoubtedly cause careful scrutiny, perhaps unkind and even
malicious assault, all that related to my not conspicuous but loyal
services with you in the army I may confidently leave, with my honor,
in the hands of the surviving members of the Seventieth Indiana,
whatever their political faith may be. [Cries of "That is true,
General!" and "Yes!" "Yes!"]
May I ask you now, for I am too deeply moved by this visit to speak
as I would desire, that each one will enter this door, that will
always open with a hearty welcome to you, and let me take you by the
hand? [Cheering.]
The event of the night was the visit of the California delegation,
at ten o'clock, accompanied by the Indiana delegation to Chicago and
several hundred personal friends and neighbors of General Harrison just
returned from Chicago, where they had been laboring for his nomination.
The Hon. M. H. de Young and John F. Ellison of California delivered
congratulatory addresses, on conclusion of which the Californians
hastened to their train; after they departed the great crowd refused to
disperse and called repeatedly for General Harrison, who responded as
follows:
_Fellow-Citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen_--I am very deeply impressed
and gratified with this magnificent demonstration of your respect. No
man can be so highly honored by any convention, or by any decoration
which any of the authorities of the Government can bestow, as by the
respect and confidence of those who live near him. My heart is touched
by this demonstration which my fellow-citizens have given me of their
personal respect for me. I do not, however, accept this manifestation
of interest as wholly due to myself. The great bulk of those who
are assembled here to-night manifest rather their interest in those
political principles which I have been called by the representatives,
in national convention of the Republican party, to represent in this
campaign. But I will not discuss any of those high issues to-night,
because I am glad to know that among those who are gathered here,
and among those who have paid me the compliment of their presence in
my home, there are many citizens of Indianapolis who differ with me
politically. I would not, therefore, if it were otherwise proper, mar
this occasion by the discussion of any political topic. I am glad to
have an opportunity to return my sincere and heartfelt thanks to the
Indiana delegation, and to that band of devoted friends who gathered
about them and assisted them in their work at Chicago. When I saw in
the newspaper press of the East and of the West the encomiums that
were passed by the correspondents upon the deportment and character of
the representatives of Indiana at Chicago, I was greatly pleased. When
I heard of their affectionate devotion, of their discreet and wise
presentation of the claims of Indiana, I was still further gratified.
And if the result of that convention had been, as it well might have
been if individuals had only been considered in the contest that was
there waged, the selection for this high place of some one other
than myself, I should have felt that the devoted interest, the wise
and faithful presentation by the Indiana delegation of the Indiana
situation was such that the failure to yield to their argument would
still have left me crowned with the highest crown that can be placed
upon mortal brow--the affection and confidence and discreet support
of my friends from Indiana. [Cries of "Good!" "Good!"] I am glad that
the despatches said of them, and truly said, that they conducted their
canvass with that gentle and respectful regard to the interests and
character of the others who were named for this high place, and that
they came home without those regrets which must have followed if this
victory had been won at the expense of any of those noble names that
were presented for the suffrage of the convention.
I do not feel at all that in selecting the candidate who was chosen
regard was had simply to the individual equipment and qualifications
for the duties of this high office. I feel sure that if the convention
had felt free to regard these things only, some other of those
distinguished men, old-time leaders of the Republican party, Blaine,
or Sherman, or Allison, or some of the others named--would have been
chosen in preference to me. I feel that it was the situation in
Indiana and its relation to the campaign that was impending rather
than the personal equipment or qualifications of the candidate that
was chosen that turned the choice of the convention in our direction.
We are here to-night to thank those members of the convention who
have done us the honor to pay our capital a visit to-night not only
for this visit, but for the support and interest which they took in
the Indiana candidacy in the convention at Chicago. I thank you again
for gathering here to-night. I am sure that in this demonstration
you give evidence that the interest in this campaign will not flag
until the election has determined the result of the contest. And I
feel sure, too, my fellow-citizens, that we have joined now a contest
of great principles, and that the armies which are to fight out this
great contest before the American people will encamp upon the high
plains of principle, and not in the low swamps of personal defamation
or detraction. [Cries of "Hear!" "Hear!" and "Good!"] Again I thank
you for the compliment of your presence here to-night, and bid you
good-night. [Great cheering.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JUNE 30.
During the afternoon representatives of the Marquette Club of
Chicago--of which General Harrison is an honorary member--called to
present a set of congratulatory resolutions adopted by the club. The
committee comprised Geo. V. Lauman, H. D. Crocker, W. S. Gilbert, E. B.
Gould, H. M. Kingman and J. S. Moore.
One of the resolutions recited that
"The Marquette Club of Chicago takes great pride in the fact that within
its walls and at its board was fired the first gun in Chicago of that
memorable contest which has culminated in the nomination of its most
honored member, General Benjamin Harrison, to fill the highest office
within the gift of the American people."
General Harrison in response said:
_Gentlemen of the Marquette Club_--I sincerely thank you for the
congratulations of the Marquette Club of Chicago. I well recollect
the evening I spent with you last February, and I remember how
favorably your club impressed me at that time as a body of active,
energetic young Republicans: not so much an organization for social
purposes as for active advancement of Republican principles in your
vicinity, and in the country as well. I thought I recognized in you
then an efficient body for work in the State of Illinois, one that
could in the coming campaign render signal service to the party whose
principles its members maintain. I rejoice in your coming to call on
me here, and I hope you will carry my sincere thanks to your members,
and make yourselves welcome at my home now and whenever you are in
Indianapolis.
On the evening of June 30 several thousand citizens, irrespective of
party, paid their respects to General Harrison; at the head of the
column marched four hundred veterans commanded by Moses G. McLain. Major
James L. Mitchell, a prominent Democrat, was spokesman for the veterans.
General Harrison, responding, said:
_Comrade Mitchell and Fellow-Soldiers_--I sincerely thank you for
this evidence of your respect and comradeship. I am very certain that
there is no class whose confidence and respect I more highly prize or
more earnestly covet than that of the soldiers who, in the great war
from 1861 to 1865, upheld the loved banner of our country and brought
it home in honor. The comradeship of the war will never end until our
lives end. The fires in which our friendship was riveted and welded
were too hot for the bond ever to be broken. We sympathize with each
other in the glory of the common cause for which we fought. We went,
not as partisans, but as patriots, into the strife which involved
the national life. I am sure that no army was ever assembled in the
world's history that was gathered from higher impulses than the army
of the Union. [Cries of "Right!" "Right!"]
It was no sordid impulse, no hope of spoils that induced these men
to sunder the tender associations of home and forsake their business
pursuits to look into the grim face of death with unblanched cheeks
and firm and resolute eyes. They are the kind of men who draw their
impulses from the high springs of truth and duty. The army was great
in its assembling. It came with an impulse that was majestic and
terrible. It was as great in its muster-out as in the brilliant work
which had been done in the field. When the war was over the soldier
was not left at the tavern. Every man had in some humble place a chair
by some fireside where he was loved and towards which his heart went
forward with a quick step. [Applause.]
And so this great army that had rallied for the defence and
preservation of the country was disbanded without tumult or riot or
any public disturbance. It had covered the country with the mantle of
its protection when it needed it, as the snows of spring cover the
early vegetation, and when the warm sun of peace shone upon it, it
disappeared as the snow sinks into the earth to refresh and vivify
the summer growth. They found their homes; they carried their brawn
and intellect into all the pursuits of peace to stimulate them and
lift them up; they added their great impulse to that great wave of
prosperity which has swept over our country ever since. [Applause.]
But in nothing was this war greater than in that it led a race into
freedom and brought those whom we had conquered in the struggle
into the full enjoyment of a restored citizenship, and shared again
with them the responsibilities and duties of a restored government.
[Applause.]
I thank you to-night most sincerely for this evidence of your
comradeship. I thank, specially, those friends who differ with me in
their political views, that they have put these things aside to-night,
and have come here to give me a comrade's greeting. [Applause.] May I
have the privilege now, without detaining you longer, of taking by the
hand every soldier here? [Applause.]
Later, the same evening, the Harrison League of Indianapolis, numbering
three hundred colored men, assembled on the lawn and congratulated the
Republican nominee through its spokesman, Mr. Ben D. Bagby. General
Harrison's response was as follows:
_Mr. Bagby and Gentlemen of the Harrison Club_--I assure you that I
have a sincere respect for, and a very deep interest in, the colored
people of the United States. My memory, as a boy, goes back to the
time when slavery existed in the Southern States. I was born upon the
Ohio River, which was the boundary between the free State of Ohio and
the slave State of Kentucky. Some of my earliest recollections relate
to the stirring and dramatic interest which was now and then excited
by the pursuit of an escaping slave for the hope of offered rewards.
I remember, as a boy, wandering once through my grandfather's
orchard at North Bend, and in pressing through an alder thicket that
grew on its margin I saw sitting in its midst a colored man with the
frightened look of a fugitive in his eye, and attempting to satisfy
his hunger with some walnuts he had gathered. He noticed my approach
with a fierce, startled look, to see whether I was likely to betray
him; I was frightened myself and left him in some trepidation, but I
kept his secret. [Cries of "Good!" "Good!"] I have seen the progress
which has been made in the legislation relating to your race, and the
progress that the race itself has made since that day. When I came to
Indiana to reside the unfriendly black code was in force. My memory
goes back to the time when colored witnesses were first allowed to
appear in court in this State to testify in cases where white men were
parties. Prior to that time, as you know, you had been excluded from
the right to tell in court, under oath, your side of the story in any
legal controversy with white men. [Cries of "I know that!"] The laws
prevented your coming here. In every way you were at a disadvantage,
even in the free States. I have lived to see this unfriendly
legislation removed from our statute-books and the unfriendly section
of our State Constitution repealed. I have lived not only to see that,
but to see the race emancipated and slavery extinct. [Cries of "Amen
to that!"]
Nothing gives me more pleasure among the results of the war than
this. History will give a prominent place in the story of this great
war to the fact that it resulted in making all men free, and gave
to you equal civil rights. The imagination and art of the poet, the
tongue of the orator, the skill of the artist will be brought under
contribution to tell this story of the emancipation of the souls of
men. [Applause and cries of "Amen!"]
Nothing gives me so much gratification as a Republican as to feel
that in all the steps that led to this great result the Republican
party sympathized with you, pioneered for you in legislation, and was
the architect of those great measures of relief which have so much
ameliorated your condition. [Applause.]
I know nowhere in this country of a monument that I behold with so
much interest, that touches my heart so deeply, as that monument at
Washington representing the Proclamation of Emancipation by President
Lincoln, the kneeling black man at the feet of the martyred President,
with the shackles falling from his limbs.
I remember your faithfulness during the time of the war. I remember
your faithful service to the army as we were advancing through an
unknown country. We could always depend upon the faithfulness of the
black man. [Cries of "Right you are!"] He might be mistaken, but he
was never false. Many a time in the darkness of night have those
faithful men crept to our lines and given us information of the
approach of the enemy. I shall never forget a scene that I saw when
Sherman's army marched through a portion of North Carolina, between
Raleigh and Richmond, where our troops had never before been. The
colored people had not seen our flag since the banner of treason had
been set up in its stead. As we were passing through a village the
colored people flocked out to see once more the starry banner of
freedom, the emblem, promise, and security of their emancipation. I
remember an aged woman, over whom nearly a century of slavery must
have passed, pressed forward to see the welcome banner that told her
that her soul would go over into the presence of her God. I remember
her exultation of spirit as she danced in the dusty road before our
moving column, and, like Miriam of old, called upon her soul to
rejoice in the deliverance which God had wrought by the coming of
those who stood for and made secure the Proclamation of Emancipation.
[Applause.]
I rejoice in all that you have accomplished since you have been
free. I recall no scene more pathetic than that which I have often
seen about our camp-fires. An aged man, a fugitive from slavery, had
found freedom in our camp. After a day of hard work, when taps had
sounded and the lights in the tents were out, I have seen him with the
spelling-book that the chaplain had given him, lying prone upon the
ground taxing his old eyes, and pointing with his hardened finger to
the letters of the alphabet, as he endeavored to open to his clouded
brain the avenues of information and light.
I am glad to know that that same desire to increase and enlarge
your information possesses the race to-day. It is the open way for
the race to that perfect emancipation which will remove remaining
prejudices and secure to you in all parts of the land an equal and
just participation in the government of this country. It cannot much
longer be withholden from you.
Again I thank you for your presence here to-night and will be glad
to take by the hand any of you who desire to see me. [Great applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 4, 1888.
_The Notification._
The Indiana Republican State Committee, through its chairman, the Hon.
James N. Huston, designated as a committee to receive and escort the
committee on notification from the National Convention the following
gentlemen:
Ex-Gov. Albert G. Porter, Mayor Caleb S. Denny, Col. John C. New, J. N.
Huston, Col. J. H. Bridgland, Hon. Stanton J. Peelle, William Wallace,
M. G. McLain, N. S. Byram, Hon. W. H. Calkins, W. J. Richards, and Hon.
H. M. LaFollette.
At noon on July 4 the notification committee representing the Republican
National Convention arrived under escort at the residence of General
Harrison, No. 674 Delaware Street. The following delegates comprised the
committee:
Judge Morris M. Estee of California, _Chairman_; Alabama, A. H.
Hendricks; Arkansas, Logan H. Roots; California, Paris Kilburn;
Colorado, Henry R. Wolcott; Connecticut, E. S. Henry; Delaware, J.
R. Whitaker; Florida, F. M. Wicker; Georgia, W. W. Brown; Illinois,
Thomas W. Scott; Indiana, J. N. Huston; Iowa, Thomas Updegraff; Kansas,
Henry L. Alden; Kentucky, George Denny; Louisiana, Andrew Hero; Maine,
Samuel H. Allen; Maryland, Wm. M. Marine; Massachusetts, F. L. Burden;
Michigan, Wm. McPherson; Minnesota, R. B. Langdon; Mississippi, T. W.
Stringer; Missouri, A. W. Mullins; Nebraska, R. S. Norval; Nevada, S.
E. Hamilton; New Hampshire, P. C. Cheney; New Jersey, H. H. Potter; New
York, Obed Wheeler; North Carolina, D. C. Pearson; Ohio, Charles Foster;
Oregon, F. P. Mays; Pennsylvania, Frank Reeder; Rhode Island, B. M.
Bosworth; South Carolina, Paris Simpkins; Tennessee, J. C. Dougherty;
Texas, E. H. Terrell; Vermont, Redfield Proctor; Virginia, Harry Libby;
West Virginia, C. B. Smith; Wisconsin, H. C. Payne; Arizona, Geo.
Christ; Dakota, G. W. Hopp; Dist. Columbia, P. H. Carson; Idaho, G. A.
Black; Montana, G. O. Eaton; New Mexico, J. F. Chavez; Utah, J. J. Daly;
Washington, T. H. Minor; Wyoming, C. D. Clark.
Chairman Estee spoke for the committee; his address signed by each
member was also presented to General Harrison, who in a full, clear
voice replied as follows:
_Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee_--The official notice
which you have brought of the nomination conferred upon me by the
Republican National Convention recently in session at Chicago
excites emotions of a profound, though of a somewhat conflicting,
character. That after full deliberation and free consultation the
representatives of the Republican party of the United States should
have concluded that the great principles enunciated in the platform
adopted by the convention could be in some measure safely confided
to my care is an honor of which I am deeply sensible and for which
I am very grateful. I do not assume or believe that this choice
implies that the convention found in me any pre-eminent fitness or
exceptional fidelity to the principles of government to which we are
mutually pledged. My satisfaction with the result would be altogether
spoiled if that result had been reached by any unworthy methods or
by a disparagement of the more eminent men who divided with me the
suffrages of the convention. I accept the nomination with so deep a
sense of the dignity of the office and of the gravity of its duties
and the responsibilities as altogether to exclude any feeling of
exultation or pride. The principles of government and the practices
in administration upon which issues are now fortunately so clearly
made are so important in their relations to the national and to
individual prosperity that we may expect an unusual popular interest
in the campaign. Relying wholly upon the considerate judgment of our
fellow-citizens and the gracious favor of God, we will confidently
submit our cause to the arbitrament of a free ballot.
The day you have chosen for this visit suggests no thoughts that are
not in harmony with the occasion. The Republican party has walked in
the light of the Declaration of Independence. It has lifted the shaft
of patriotism upon the foundation laid at Bunker Hill. It has made
the more perfect union secure by making all men free. Washington and
Lincoln, Yorktown and Appomattox, the Declaration of Independence and
the Proclamation of Emancipation are naturally and worthily associated
in our thoughts to-day.
As soon as may be possible I shall by letter communicate to your
chairman a more formal acceptance of the nomination, but it may be
proper for me now to say that I have already examined the platform
with some care, and that its declarations, to some of which your
chairman has alluded, are in harmony with my views. It gives me
pleasure, gentlemen, to receive you in my home and to thank you for
the cordial manner in which you have conveyed your official message.
At the conclusion of these formalities Charles W. Clisbee, one of
the secretaries of the National Convention, presented the nominee an
engrossed official copy of the Republican platform.
July 4, 1888, was a memorable day in the life of General Harrison and
his wife; for aside from the official notification of his nomination,
they were the recipients of congratulations of a unique character from
the Tippecanoe Club of Marion County, a political organization composed
exclusively of veterans who had voted for General William Henry Harrison
in the campaigns of 1836 or 1840.
Nearly all the younger and able-bodied members attended the Chicago
Convention and worked unceasingly for the nomination of General Benjamin
Harrison.
Their average age was seventy-five years, while one member, James
Hubbard of Mapleton, was over one hundred years old.
On the afternoon of the fourth, ninety-one of these veterans commanded
by their marshal, Isaac Taylor, marched to General Harrison's house
through the rain. They had adopted a congratulatory address which was
presented by a committee consisting of Dr. George W. New, Judge J. B.
Julian, and Dr. Lawson Abbett, to which General Harrison feelingly
replied as follows:
_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Tippecanoe Club of Marion
County_--I am very deeply touched by your visit to-day. The respect
and confidence of such a body of men is a crown. Many of you I
have known since I first came to Indianapolis. I count you my
friends. [Cries of "Yes, sir, we are!"] You have not only shown
your friendliness and respect in the political contests in which my
name has been used, but very many of you in the social and business
relations of life extended to me, when I came a young man among you,
encouragement and help. I know that at the beginning your respect and
confidence was builded upon the respect, and even affection--may I not
say, which you bore to my grandfather. [A voice, "Yes, that is true!"]
May I not, without self-laudation, now say that upon that foundation
you have since created a modest structure of respect for me? [Cries
of "Yes, sir!" "We have!" "That's the talk!"] I came among you with
the heritage I trust, of a good name [cries of "That's so!" "Good
stock!"], such as all of you enjoy. It was the only inheritance that
has been transmitted in our family. [Cries of "It has been!"] I think
you recollect, and, perhaps, it was that as much as aught else that
drew your choice in 1840 to the Whig candidate for the presidency,
that he came out of Virginia to the West with no fortune but the sword
he bore, and unsheathed it here in the defence of our frontier homes.
He transmitted little to his descendants but the respect he had won
from his fellow-citizens. It seems to be the settled habit in our
family to leave nothing else to our children. [Laughter and cries of
"That's enough!"] My friends, I am a thorough believer in the American
test of character [cries of "That's right!"]: the rule must be applied
to a man's own life when his stature is taken He will not build high
who does not build for himself. [Applause and cries of "That's true!"]
I believe also in the American opportunity which puts the starry sky
above every boy's head, and sets his foot upon a ladder which he may
climb until his strength gives out.
I thank you cordially for your greeting, and for this tender of
your help in this campaign. It will add dignity and strength to the
campaign when it is found that the zealous, earnest, and intelligent
co-operation of men of mature years like you is given to it. The
Whig party to which you belonged had but one serious fault--there
were not enough of them after 1840. [Laughter and applause.] We have
since received to our ranks in the new and greater party to which you
now belong accessions from those who were then our opponents, and
we now unite with them in the defence of principles which were dear
to you as Whigs, which were indeed the cherished and distinguishing
principles of the Whig party; and in the olden and better time, of the
Democratic party also. Chief among these were a reverent devotion to
the Constitution and the flag, and a firm faith in the benefits of a
protective tariff. If, in some of the States, under a sudden and mad
impulse some of the old Whigs who stood with you in the campaign of
1840, to which you have referred, wandered from us, may we not send to
them to-day the greetings of these their old associates, and invite
them to come again into the fold?
And now, gentlemen, I thank you again for your visit, and would be
glad if you would remain with us for a little personal intercourse.
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 7.
Five hundred commercial travellers paid a visit to General Harrison
on July 7; they came from all parts of the country, principally from
Philadelphia, Cincinnati, St. Louis, and Louisville. Major James R.
Ross was marshal of their delegation; David E. Coffin presented the
"drummers" to General and Mrs. Harrison.
When all had gathered within or about the residence, Col. Ed. H. Wolfe
of Rushville, Indiana, delivered a congratulatory address on behalf of
the visitors. General Harrison, responding, said:
_Gentlemen of the Commercial Travellers' Association of Indiana
and Visiting Friends_--I most heartily thank you for this cordial
manifestation of your respect. It is to be expected when one has been
named for office by one of the great parties that those who are in
accord with him in his political convictions will show their interest
in the campaign which he represents, but it is particularly gratifying
to me that many of you who differ with me in political opinion,
reserving your own opinions and choice, have come here to-night to
express your gratification, personally, that I have been named by the
Republican party as its candidate for the presidency.
It is a very pleasant thing in politics when this sort of testimony
is possible, and it is very gratifying to me to-night to receive it at
your hands. I do not know why we cannot hold our political differences
with respect for each other's opinions, and with entire respect for
each other personally. Our opinions upon the great questions which
divide parties ought not to be held in such a spirit of bigotry as
will prevent us from extending to a political opponent the concession
of honesty in his opinion and that personal respect to which he may be
entitled. [Applause.]
I very much value this visit from you, for I think I know how to
estimate the commercial travellers of America. I am not going to open
before you to-night any store of flattery. I do not think there is
any market for it here. [Laughter and cries of "That's good!" and
cheers.] You know the value of that commodity perfectly. [Laughter
and continued applause.] I do not mean to suggest at all that you are
dealers in it yourselves [laughter] in your intercourse with your
customers, but I do mean to say that your wide acquaintance with men,
that judgment of character and even of the moods of men which is
essential to the successful prosecution of your business makes you a
very unpromising audience upon which to pass any stale compliments.
My memory goes back to the time when there were no commercial
travellers. When I first came to Indianapolis to reside your
profession was not known. The retail merchant went to the wholesale
house and made his selections there. I appreciate the fact that those
who successfully pursue your calling must, in the nature of things,
be masters of the business in which you are engaged and possess great
adaptability and a high order of intelligence.
I thank you again for this visit; and give you in return my most
sincere respect and regard. [Applause.] I regret that there is not
room enough here for your comfort [a voice: "There will be more room
in the White House!" Another: "We will take your order now and deliver
the goods in November!"], but I shall be glad if any or all of you
will remain for a better acquaintance and less formal intercourse.
[Great applause and rousing cheers for the next President.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 9.
The first of many delegations from other States arrived July 9, from
the city of Benton Harbor, Mich., and included many ladies. The leading
members were F. R. Gilson, Ambrose H. Rowe, Wm. S. Farmer, G. M.
Valentines, W. B. Shanklin, E. M. Elick, A. J. Kidd, C. C. Sweet, O. B.
Hipp, R. M. Jones, W. L. Hogan, James McDonald, Allen Brunson, Frank
Melton, P. W. Hall, Geo. W. Platt, W. L. McClure, J. C. Purrill, E. H.
Kelly, J. A. Crawford, M. J. Vincent, Dr. Boston, M. G. Kennedy, and
Dr. J. Bell. General L. M. Ward was spokesman for the visitors. General
Harrison said:
_My Friends_--This visit is exceptional in some of its features.
Already, in the brief time since my nomination, I have received
various delegations, but this is the first delegation that has
visited me from outside the borders of my own State. Your visit is
also exceptional and very gratifying in that you have brought with
you the ladies of your families to grace the occasion and to honor me
by their presence. I am glad to know that while the result of the
convention at Chicago brought disappointment to you, it has not left
any sores that need the ointment of time for their healing. Your own
favored citizen, distinguished civilian, and brave soldier, General
Alger, was among the first and among the most cordial to extend to me
his congratulations and the assurance of his earnest support in the
campaign. I am sure it cannot be otherwise than that the Republicans
of Michigan will take a deep interest in this campaign; an interest
that altogether oversteps all personal attachments. Your State has
been proudly associated with the past successes of the Republican
party, and your interests are now closely identified with its success
in the pending campaign. I am sure, therefore, that I may accept your
presence here to-night not only as a personal compliment, but as a
pledge that Michigan will be true again to those great principles of
government which are represented by the Republican party. We cherish
the history of our party and are proud of its high achievements; they
stir the enthusiasm of the young and crown those who were early in its
ranks with well-deserved laurels. The success of the Republican party
has always been identified with the glory of the flag and the unity of
the Government. There has been nothing in the history or principles
of our party out of line with revolutionary memories or with the
enlightened statesmanship of the framers of our Constitution. Those
principles are greater than men, lasting as truth, and sure of final
vindication and triumph. Let me thank you again for your visit, and
ask introduction to each of you.
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 12.
General Harrison received four delegations this day. The first was a
committee of veterans from John A. Logan Post, No. 99, G. A. R., of
North Manchester, Wabash County, who came to invite the General to
attend a soldiers' reunion for Northern Indiana. The committee comprised
Shelby Sexton, Senior Vice-Commander Indiana G. A. R.; John Elwood, Geo.
Lawrence, J. A. Brown, W. E. Thomas, I. D. Springdon, J. C. Hubbard, J.
M. Jennings, E. A. Ebbinghous, L. J. Noftzger, and S. V. Hopkins. Rev.
R. J. Parrott delivered the address of invitation. General Harrison
responded:
_Comrades and Gentlemen_--Your request is one that appeals to me
very strongly, and if it were single I should very promptly accede
to it, but, without being told, you will readily understand that
invitations of a kindred nature are coming to me every day, presented
by individual comrades and committees, but more frequently by written
communications.
I have felt that if I opened a door in this direction it would be
a very wide one, and I would either subject myself to the criticism
of having favored particular localities or particular organizations,
to the neglect of others having equal claims upon me, or that I
should be compelled to give to this pleasant duty--as it would be if
other duties did not crowd me--too much of my time. I am, therefore,
compelled to say to you that it will be impossible for me to accept
your invitation. But in doing this, I want to thank you for the
interest you have shown in my presence with you, and I want especially
to thank you for the spirit of comradeship which brings you here. I am
glad to know--and I have many manifestations of it--that the peculiar
position in which I am placed as a candidate of a political party
does not separate me from the cordial friendship and comradeship of
those who differ with me politically. I should greatly regret it if
it should be so. We held our opinions and fought for them when the
war was on, and we will hold them now in affectionate comradeship and
mutual respect. I thank you for your visit.
The second delegation also came from Wabash County and was under the
leadership of William Hazen, Warren Bigler, James P. Ross, James E.
Still, Robert Weesner, John Rodgers, Job Ridgway, and Joseph Ridgway,
aged 83, of Wabash City. Their spokesman was Mr. Cowgill. General
Harrison, responding, said:
_Mr. Cowgill and my Wabash County Friends_--In 1860 I was first
a candidate before a convention for nomination to a public office.
Possibly some of those who are here to-day were in that convention.
Wabash County presented in the person of my friend, and afterwards
my comrade, Col. Charles Parrish, a candidate for the office which I
also sought, that of Reporter of Decisions of the Supreme Court of the
State of Indiana. We had a friendly yet earnest contest before the
convention, in which I succeeded. A little later in the campaign, as I
was attempting to render to my party the services which my nomination
seemed to imply, I visited your good county and received at your hands
a welcome so demonstrative and cordial that I have always had a warm
place in my heart for your people. I was then almost a boy in years,
and altogether a boy in public life. Since then, in campaigns in which
I have had a personal interest, and in very many more wherein I had
only the general interest that you all had, it has been my pleasure
to visit your county, and I can testify to the earnest, intelligent
and devoted republicanism of Wabash County. You have never faltered
in any of the great struggles in which the party has engaged; and I
believe you have followed your party from a high conviction that the
purposes it set before us involved the best interests of the country
that you love, and to which you owe the duty of citizens. I know how
generously you contributed to the army when your sons were called
to defend it; and I know how, since the war, you have endeavored to
preserve and to conserve those results which you fought for, and
which made us again one people, acknowledging, and I hope loving, one
flag and one Constitution. [Applause.] I want to thank you personally
for this visit, and I wish now, if it is your pleasure, to meet you
individually.
Benton County, Indiana, contributed the third delegation of the day, led
by H. S. Travis, Clark Cook, B. Johnson, Henry Taylor, Frank Knapp, and
Robert L. Cox of Fowler. They were presented by Col. A. D. Streight.
General Harrison said:
_Colonel Streight, Fellow-citizens, and Comrades_--I am very
grateful to you for this visit, and for the cordial terms in which
your spokesman has extended to me the congratulations of my friends
of Benton County. We have men who boast that they are cosmopolitans,
citizens of the world. I prefer to say that I am an American
citizen [applause], and I freely confess that American interests
have the first place in my regard. [Applause.] This is not at all
inconsistent with the recognition of that comity between nations
which is necessary to the peace of the world. It is not inconsistent
with that philanthropy which sympathizes with human distress and
oppression the world around. We have been especially favored as an
apart nation, separated from the conflicts, jealousies, and intrigues
of European courts, with a territory embracing every feature of
climate and soil, and resources capable of supplying the wants of our
people, of developing a wholesome and gigantic national growth, and
of spreading abroad, by their full establishment here, the principles
of human liberty and free government. I do not think it inconsistent
with the philanthropy of the broadest teacher of human love that
we should first have regard for that family of which we are a part.
Here in Indiana the drill has just disclosed to us the presence of
inexhaustible quantities, in a large area of our State, of that new
fuel which has the facility of doing its own transportation, even to
the furnace door, and which leaves no residuum to be carried away
when it has done its work. This discovery has added an impulse to our
growth. It has attracted manufacturing industries from other States.
Many of our towns have received, and this city, we may hope, is yet
to receive, a great impulse in the development of their manufacturing
industries by reason of this discovery. It seems to me that when this
fuller development of our manufacturing interests, this building up of
a home market for the products of our farms, which is sure to produce
here that which has been so obvious elsewhere--a great increase in
the value of farms and farm products--is opening to us the pleasant
prospect of a rapid growth in wealth, we should be slow to abandon
that system of protective duties which looks to the promotion and
development of American industry and to the preservation of the
highest possible scale of wages for the American workman. [Applause.]
The development of our country must be on those lines that benefit
all our people. Any development that does not reach and beneficially
affect all our people is not to be desired, and cannot be progressive
or permanent.
Comrades, you still love the flag for which we fought. We are
preserved in God's providence to see the wondrous results of that
struggle in which you were engaged--a reunited country, a Constitution
whose authority is no longer disputed, a flag to which all men bow. It
has won respect at home; it should be respected by all nations of the
earth as an emblem and representative of a people desiring peace with
all men, but resolute in the determination that the rights of all our
citizens the world around shall be faithfully respected. [Applause and
cries of "That's right!"] I thank you again for this visit, and, if it
be your pleasure, and your committee will so arrange, I will be glad
to take you by the hand.
The fourth and largest delegation of the day came from Boone County,
numbering more than two thousand, led by Captain Brown, S. S. Heath, A.
L. Howard, W. H. H. Martin, D. A. Rice, James Williamson, E. G. Darnell,
D. H. Olive, and Captain Arbigas of Lebanon, the last-named veteran
totally blind.
Another contingent was commanded by David O. Mason, J. O. Hurst, J. N.
Harmon, and Mr. Denny, an octogenarian, all of Zionsville. Dr. D. C.
Scull was orator for the visitors. General Harrison said:
_My Friends_--The magnitude of this demonstration puts us at a
disadvantage in our purpose to entertain you hospitably, as we had
designed when notified of your coming. [Cheers.] I regret that you
must stand exposed to the heat of the sun, and that I must be at the
disadvantage of speaking from this high balcony a few words of hearty
thanks. I hope it may be arranged by the committee so that I may yet
have the opportunity of speaking to you informally and individually.
I am glad to notice your quick interest in the campaign. I am sure
that that interest is stimulated by your devotion to the principles of
government which you conceive--rightly, as I believe--to be involved
in this campaign. [Applause.] I am glad to think that some of you,
veterans of a former political campaign to which your chairman has
alluded, and others of you, comrades in the great war for the Union,
come here to express some personal friendship for me. [Cheers.] But
I am sure that this campaign will be waged upon a plan altogether
above personal consideration. You are here as citizens of the State
of Indiana, proud of the great advancement the State has made since
those pioneer days when brave men from the East and South entered our
territory, blazing a pathway into the unbroken forest, upon which
civilization, intelligence, patriotism, and the love of God has walked
until we are conspicuous among the States as a community desirous of
social order, full of patriotic zeal, and pledged to the promotion of
that education which is to qualify the coming generations to discharge
honorably and well their duties to the Government which we will leave
in their hands. [Applause.] You are here also as citizens of the
United States, proud of that arch of strength that binds together
the States of this Union in one great Nation. But citizenship has
its duties as well as its privileges. The first is that we give our
energies and influence to the enactment of just, equal, and beneficent
laws. The second is like unto it--that we loyally reverence and
obey the will of the majority enacted into law, whether we are of a
majority or not [applause]; the law throws the ægis of its protection
over us all. It stands sentinel about your country homes to protect
you from violence; it comes into our more thickly populated community
and speaks its mandate for individual security and public order.
There is an open avenue through the ballot-box for the modification
or repeal of laws which are unjust or oppressive. To the law we bow
with reverence. It is the one king that commands our allegiance. We
will change our king, when his rule is oppressive, by these methods
appointed, and crown his more liberal successor. [Applause.] I thank
you again, most cordially, for this visit, and put myself in the
hands of your committee that I may have the privilege of meeting you
individually.
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 13.
One thousand employees of the various railroads centreing at
Indianapolis, organized as a Harrison and Morton Club--J. C. Finch,
President, and A. D. Shaw, Marshal of the occasion--called on General
Harrison on the night of July 13. Yardmaster Shaw was spokesman. General
Harrison replied:
_Gentlemen_--Your visit is very gratifying to me, and is full
of significance and interest. If I read aright the language of
your lanterns you have signalled the Republican train to go ahead.
[Applause and cries of "And she is going, too!"] You have concluded
that it is freighted with the interests and hopes of the workingmen of
America, and must have the right of way. [Cheers and cries, "That's
true!" and "We don't have to take water on this trip, either!"]
The train has been inspected; you have given it your skilled and
intelligent approval; the track has been cleared and the switches
spiked down. Have I read your signals aright? [Cheers and cries of
"You have!" and "There's no flat wheels under this train!"] You
represent, I understand, every department of railroad labor--the
office, the train, the shop, the yard, and the road. You are the
responsible and intelligent agents of a vast system that, from a
rude and clumsy beginning, has grown to be as fine and well adapted
as the parts of the latest locomotive engine. The necessities and
responsibilities of the business of transportation have demanded a
body of picked men--inventive and skilful, faithful and courageous,
sober and educated--and the call has been answered, as your presence
here to night demonstrates. [Cheers.] Heroism has been found at the
throttle and the brake, as well as on the battle-field, and as well
worthy of song and marble. The trainman crushed between the platforms,
who used his last breath, not for prayer or message of love, but to
say to the panic-stricken who gathered around him, "Put out the red
light for the other train," inscribed his name very high upon the
shaft where the names of the faithful and brave are written. [A voice:
"Give him three cheers for that!" Great and enthusiastic cheering.]
This early and very large gathering of Republican railroad men
suggests to me that you have opinions upon public questions which are
the product of your own observations and study. Some one will say that
the railroad business is a "non-protected industry," because it has
to do with transportation and not with production. But I only suggest
what has already occurred to your own minds when I say that is a very
deceptive statement. You know there is a relation between the wages
of skilled and unskilled labor as truly as between the prices of two
grades of cotton cloth; that if the first is cut down, the other, too,
must come down. [Cries of "That's just so!"] You know, also, that if
labor is thrown out of one line or avenue, by so much the more will
the others be crowded; that any policy that transfers production from
the American to the English or German shop works an injury to all
American workmen. [Great cheering.]
But, if it could be shown that your wages were unaffected by our
system of protective duties, I am sure that your fellowship with your
fellow toilers in other industries would lead you to desire, as I do
and always have, that our legislation may be of that sort that will
secure to them the highest possible prosperity [applause]--wages that
not only supply the necessities of life, but leave a substantial
margin for comfort and for the savings bank. No man's wages should
be so low that he cannot make provision in his days of vigor for the
incapacity of accident or the feebleness of old age. [Great cheering.]
I am glad to be assured to-night that the principles of our party
and all things affecting its candidates can be safely left to the
thoughtful consideration of the American workingmen--they will know
the truth and accept it; they will reject the false and slanderous.
[Applause.]
And now let me say in conclusion that my door will always be open
to any of you who may desire to talk with me about anything that
interests you or that you think will interest me. I regret that Mrs.
Harrison is prevented by a temporary sickness from joining with me in
receiving you this evening. [Great cheering.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 14.
A notable visit was that of two hundred and twenty members of the
Lincoln Club, one of the most influential political organizations of
Cincinnati. They were escorted by the First Regiment Band and led
by their President, Hon. A. C. Horton, with Col. James I. Quinton,
Marshal of the day. Among other prominent members in line were Col. Leo
Markbreit, Senator Richardson, Dr. M. M. Eaton, Hon. Fred Pfeister, W.
E. Hutton, Samuel Baily, Jr., Albert Mitchell, H. M. Zeigler, B. O. M.
De Beck, W. T. Porter, Harry Probasco, John Ferinbatch, Geo. B. Fox, J.
E. Strubbe, Dr. S. V. Wiseman, Joseph H. Thornton, C. H. Rockwell, Lewis
Wesner and Col. Moore. Hon. Drusin Wulsin, Vice-President of the club,
was the orator. General Harrison, who had been ill for two days, replied:
_Mr. Wulsin and Gentlemen of the Lincoln Club of Cincinnati_--I
thank you very much for this visit, and I wish I found myself in
condition to talk to you with comfort to-night. I cannot, however,
let the occasion pass, in view of the kind terms in which you have
addressed me through your spokesman, without a word. I feel as if
these Hamilton County Republicans were my neighbors. The associations
of my early life were with that county, and of my student life largely
with the city of Cincinnati. You did not need to state to me that Ohio
supported John Sherman in the convention at Chicago [laughter] simply
to couple with it the suggestion that it was a matter of State pride
for you to do so. I have known him long and intimately. It was my good
fortune for four years to sit beside him in the Senate of the United
States. I learned there to value him as a friend and to honor him as
a statesman. There were reasons altogether wider than the State of
Ohio why you should support John Sherman in the convention. [Applause
and cries of "Good!" "Good!"] His long and faithful service to his
country and to the Republican party, his distinguished ability, his
fidelity as a citizen, all entitled him to your faithful support; and
I beg to assure you, as I have assured him both before and since the
convention, that I did not and would not, upon any consideration, have
made any attempt against him upon the Ohio delegation. [Applause.]
I have known of your club as an organization that early set the
example of perpetuating itself--an example that I rejoice to see is
being largely followed now throughout our country. If these principles
which are being urged by our party in these contests are worthy of our
campaign enthusiasm and ardor, they are worthy to be thought of and
advocated in the period of inter-campaign. They affect the business
interests of our country, and their full adoption and perpetuation,
we believe, will bring prosperity to all our individual and social
and community interests. Therefore, I think it wise that in those
times, when men's minds are more open to conviction and are readier of
access, you should press upon the attention of your neighbors through
your club organizations these principles to which you and I have given
the allegiance of our minds and the devotion of our hearts. I thank
you again for this visit. We are glad that you have come; therefore, I
welcome you, not only as Republicans, but as friends. [Applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 18.
Howard County sent a delegation of six hundred citizens this day, led
by Major A. N. Grant. The Lincoln League Club of Kokomo was commanded
by its President, John E. Moore. Other prominent citizens in the
delegation were Hon. J. N. Loop, J. A. Kautz, J. E. Vaile, John Ingalls,
W. E. Blackledge, B. B. Johnson, J. B. Landen, Dr. James Wright, H.
E. McMonigal, Edward Klum, Charles Pickett, and A. R. Ellis. Rev.
Father Rayburn, a voter in the campaign of 1840, was spokesman. General
Harrison, in reply, said:
_Father Rayburn and my Howard County Friends_--I think I may accept
this demonstration as evidence that the action of the Republican
convention at Chicago has been accepted with resignation by the
Republicans of Howard County. [Loud cheers.] You are the favored
citizens of a favored county. Your county has been conspicuous among
the counties of this State for its enterprise and intelligence. You
have been favored with a kindly and generous soil, cultivated by an
intelligent and educated class of farmers. Hitherto you have chiefly
drawn your wealth from the soil. You have had in the city of Kokomo
an enterprising and thrifty county town. You have been conspicuous
for your interest and devotion to the cause of education--for your
interest in bringing forward the coming generations well equipped for
the duties of citizenship. I congratulate you to-day that a new era of
prosperity has opened for your county in the discovery of this new and
free fuel to which Mr. Rayburn has alluded. A source of great wealth
has been opened to your people. You have already begun to realize what
it is to your county, though your expectations have hardly grasped
what it will be when the city of Kokomo and your other towns have
reached the full development which will follow this discovery. You
will then all realize--the citizens of that prosperous place as well
as the farmers throughout the county--the advantage of having a home
market for the products of your farms. [Cheers.] You may not notice
this so much in the appreciation of the prices of the staple products
of your farms, but you will notice it in the expansion of the market
for those more perishable products which cannot reach a distant market
and must be consumed near home. Is it not, then, time for you, as
thoughtful citizens, whatever your previous political affiliations
may have been, to consider the question, "What legislation will most
promote the development of the manufacturing interests of your county
and enlarge the home market for the products of your farm?" I shall
not enter upon a discussion of this question; it is enough to state
it, and leave it to your own intelligent consideration. [Cheers.]
Let me thank you again for this kindly visit, and beg you to excuse
any more extended remarks, and to give me now an opportunity of
thanking each of you personally for the kind things your chairman has
said in your behalf.
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 19.
Illinois sent three large delegations this date from Springfield,
Jacksonville and Monticello. Conspicuous in the column was the famous
"Black Eagle" Club of Springfield, led by its President, Sam H. Jones,
and the Lincoln Club, commanded by Capt. John C. Cook.
In the Springfield delegation were twenty-one original Whigs who
voted for Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison, among them Jeriah Bonham, who
wrote the first editorial--Nov. 8, 1858--proposing the candidacy of
Abraham Lincoln for President. Others among the prominent visitors
from Springfield were: Col. James T. King, C. A. Vaughan, Major James
A. Connelly, Paul Selby, Hon. David T. Littler, Jacob Wheeler, Gen.
Charles W. Pavey, Robert J. Oglesby, Ira Knight, C. P. Baldwin, James H.
Kellogg, Alexander Smith, Geo. Jameson, Augustus C. Ayers, Jacob Strong,
Dr. F. C. Winslow, Fred Smith, Charles T. Hawks, Hon. Henry Dement, Col.
Theo. Ewert, Jacob Bunn, J. C. Matthews, J. R. Stewart, H. W. Beecher,
Andrew J. Lester, Dr. Gurney, and Howes Yates, brother of the great war
Governor.
The Jacksonville visitors were represented by Hon. Fred H. Rowe,
ex-Mayor Tomlinson, Judge T. B. Orear, J. B. Stevenson, Dr. Goodrich,
Professor Parr of Illinois College, J. W. Davenport, and Thomas Rapp.
Attorney-General Hunt spoke on behalf of all the visitors. General
Harrison's reply was one of his happiest speeches. He said:
_General Hunt and my Illinois Friends_--I thank you for this cordial
expression of your interest in Republican success. I thank you for the
kindly terms in which your spokesman has conveyed to me the assurance,
not only of your political support, but of your personal confidence
and respect.
The States of Indiana and Illinois are neighbors, geographically.
The river that for a portion of its length constitutes the boundary
between our States is not a river of division. Its tendency seems
to be, in these times when so many things are "going dry" [cheers],
rather to obliterate than to enlarge the obstruction between us.
[Cheers.] But I rejoice to know that we are not only geographically
neighbors, but that Indiana and Illinois have been neighborly in the
high sentiments and purposes which have characterized their people.
I rejoice to know that the same high spirit of loyalty and devotion
to the country that characterized the State of Illinois in the time
when the Nation made its appeal to the brave men of all the States to
rescue its flag and its Constitution from the insurrection which had
been raised against them was equally characteristic of Indiana--that
the same great impulse swept over your State that swept over
ours--that Richard Yates of Illinois [cheers] and Oliver P. Morton of
Indiana [prolonged cheers] stood together in the fullest sympathy and
co-operation in the great plans they devised to augment and re-enforce
the Union armies in the field and to suppress and put down treasonable
conspiracies at home.
As Americans and as Republicans we are glad that Illinois has
contributed so many and such conspicuous names to that galaxy of
great Americans and great Republicans whose deeds have been written
on the scroll of eternal fame. I recall that it was on the soil of
Illinois that Lovejoy died--a martyr to free speech. [Cries of "Hear!"
"Hear!"] He was the forerunner of Abraham Lincoln. He died, but his
protest against human slavery lived. Another great epoch in the march
of liberty found on the soil of Illinois the theatre of its most
influential event. I refer to that high debate in the presence of your
people, but before the world, in which Douglas won the senatorship and
Lincoln the presidency and immortal fame. [Loud cheers.]
But Lincoln's argument and Lincoln's proclamation must be made good
upon the battle-field--and again your State was conspicuous. You gave
us Grant and Logan [prolonged cheers] and a multitude of less notable,
but not less faithful, soldiers who underwrote the proclamation with
their swords. [Cheers.] I congratulate you to-day that there has
come out of this early agitation--out of the work of Lovejoy, the
disturber; out of the great debate of 1858, and out of the war for
the Union, a Nation without a slave [cheers]--that not the shackles
of slavery only have been broken, but that the scarcely less cruel
shackles of prejudice which bound every black man in the North have
also been unbound.
We are glad to know that the enlightened sentiment of the South
to-day unites with us in our congratulations that slavery has been
abolished. They have come to realize, and many of their best and
greatest men to publicly express, the thought that the abolition of
slavery has opened a gateway of progress and material development to
the South that was forever closed against her people while domestic
slavery existed.
We send them the assurance that we desire the streams of their
prosperity shall flow bank full. We would lay upon their people no
burdens that we do not willingly bear ourselves. They will not think
it amiss if I say that the burden which rests willingly upon our
shoulders is a faithful obedience to the Constitution and the laws.
A manly assertion by each of his individual rights, and a manly
concession of equal right to every other man, is the boast and the law
of good citizenship.
Let me thank you again and ask you to excuse me from further
public speech. I now ask an opportunity to meet my Illinois friends
personally [Loud and prolonged cheers.]
The second speech of the day was delivered at 9 o'clock at night to an
enthusiastic delegation of fifteen hundred Republicans from Shelbyville,
Shelby County, led by Hon. H. C. Gordon, J. Walter Elliott, C. H.
Campbell, James T. Caughey, C. X. Matthews, J. Richey, E. S. Powell,
E. E. Elliott, L. S. Limpus, Orland Young, and Norris Winterowd. Judge
J. C. Adams was their spokesman. General Harrison touched upon civil
service; he said:
_Judge Adams and my Shelby County Friends_--This is only a new
evidence of your old friendliness. My association with the Republicans
of Shelby County began in 1855, when I was a very young man and
a still younger politician. In that year, if I recollect right,
I canvassed every township of your county in the interest of Mr.
Campbell, who was then a candidate for County Clerk. Since then I have
frequently visited your county, and have always been received with the
most demonstrative evidence of your friendship. But in addition to
these political associations, which have given me an opportunity to
observe and to admire the steadfastness, the courage, the unflinching
faithfulness of the Republicans of Shelby County [cheers], I have
another association with your county, which I cherish with great
tenderness and affection. Two companies of the Seventieth Indiana were
made up of your brave boys: Company B, commanded by Captain Sleeth,
and Company F, commanded by Captain Endsley, who still lives among
you. [Cheers.] Many of the surviving members of these companies still
dwell among you. Many others are in the far West, and they, too, from
their distant homes have sent me a comrade's greeting. I recollect
a little story of Peach Tree Creek that may interest you. When the
Seventieth Indiana, then under command of Col. Sam Merrill, swung
up from the reserve into the front line to meet the enemy's charge,
the adjutant-general of the brigade, who had been directed to order
the advance, reported that the left of the Seventieth Indiana was
exposed. He said he had ordered the bluff old captain of Company F,
who was commanding the left wing, to reserve his left in order to
cover his flank, but that the old hickory had answered him with an
expletive--which I have no doubt he has repented of--that he "could
not see it," that he proposed that his end of the regiment should get
to the top of that hill as quick as the other end. [Prolonged cheers.]
We will venerate the memory of the dead of these companies and their
associate companies in other commands who gave up their lives in
defence of the flag.
But I turn aside from these matters of personal recollection to
say a word of more general concern. We are now at the opening of a
presidential campaign, and I beg to suggest to you, as citizens of
the State of Indiana, that there is always in such campaigns a danger
to be avoided, viz. That the citizen may overlook the important
local and State interests which are also involved in the campaign. I
beg, therefore, to suggest that you turn your minds not only to the
consideration of the questions connected with the national legislation
and national administration, but that you think deeply and well of
those things that concern our local affairs. There are some such now
presented to you that have to do with the honor and prosperity of the
State.
There are some questions that ought not to divide parties, but
upon which all good men ought to agree. I speak of only one.
The great benevolent institutions--the fruit of our Christian
civilization--endowed by the bounty of the State, maintained by public
taxes, and intended for the care and education of the disabled classes
of our community, ought to be lifted above all party influences,
benefit or control. [Cheers.] I believe you can do nothing that will
more greatly enhance the estimation in which the State of Indiana
is held by her sister States than to see to it that a suitable,
well-regulated, and strict civil service is provided for the
administration of the benevolent and penal institutions of the State
of Indiana. I will not talk longer; I thank you for this magnificent
evidence that I am still held in kindly regard by the Republicans of
Shelby County, and bid you good-night. [Cheers.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 24.
On the twenty-fourth of July Champaign County, Illinois, contributed a
large delegation under the direction of Hon. F. K. Robeson, Z. Riley,
H. W. Mahan, and W. M. Whindley. Their parade was conspicuous for the
number of log-cabins, cider-barrels, coons, eagles, and other campaign
emblems.
Prominent members of the delegation were Rev. I. S. Mahan, H. M.
Dunlap, F. M. McKay, J. J. McClain, James Barnes, Rev. John Henry, H.
S. Clark, M. S. Goodrich, A. W. McNichols, Capt. J. H. Sands and three
veterans of 1836, the Rev. S. K. Reed, Stephen Freeman, and W. B.
Downing. Hon. Frank M. Wright delivered the address on behalf of the
visitors. General Harrison responded:
_My Friends_--I feel very conscious of the compliment which is
conveyed by your presence here to-day. You come as citizens of an
adjoining State to manifest, as your spokesman has said, some personal
respect for me, but much more, I think--your interest in the pending
contention of principles before the people of the United States. It
is fortunate that you are allowed, not only to express your interest
by such popular gatherings as these, but that you will be called upon
individually, after the debate is over, to settle this contention by
your ballots. An American political canvass, when we look through the
noise and tinsel that accompanies it, presents a scene of profound
interest to the student of government. The theory upon which our
Government is builded is that every qualified elector shall have an
equal influence at the ballot-box with every other. Our Constitutions
do not recognize fractional votes; they do not recognize the right
of one man to count one and a half in the determination of public
questions. It is wisely provided that whatever differences may exist
in intelligence, in wealth, or in any other respect, at the ballot-box
there shall be absolute equality. No interest can be truly subserved,
whether local or general, by any invasion of this great principle.
The wise work of our fathers in constructing this Government will
stand all tests of internal dissension and revolution, and all tests
of external assault, if we can only preserve a pure, free ballot.
[Applause.] Every citizen who is a patriot ought to lend his influence
to that end, by promoting necessary reforms in our election laws and
by a watchful supervision of the processes of our popular elections.
We ought to elevate in thought and practice the free suffrage that
we enjoy. As long as it shall be held by our people to be the jewel
above price, as long as each for himself shall claim its free exercise
and shall generously and manfully insist upon an equally free
exercise of it by every other man, our Government will be preserved
and our development will not find its climax until the purpose of
God in establishing this Government shall have spread throughout the
world--governments "of the people, by the people, and for the people."
[Cheers.]
You will not expect, nor would it be proper, that I should follow
the line of your spokesman's remarks, or even allude to some things
that he has alluded to; but I will not close without one word of
compliment and comradeship for the soldiers of Illinois. [Applause.]
I do not forget that many of them, like Logan--that fearless and
first of volunteer soldiers--at the beginning of the war were not
in sympathy with the Republican national administration. You had a
multitude of soldiers besides Logan, one of whom has been immortalized
in poetry--Sergeant Tillman Joy--who put their politics by "to keep
till the war was through;" and many, I may add, like Logan, when they
got home found new party associations. But we do not limit our praise
of the loyalty and faithfulness of your soldiers to any party lines,
for we realize that there were good soldiers who did resume their
ante-war politics when they came back from the army. To such we extend
a comrade's hand always, and the free and untrammelled exercise of his
political choice shall not bar our comradeship. It happened during the
war that three Illinois regiments were for some time under my command.
I had opportunity to observe their perfection in drill, their orderly
administration of camp duties, and, above all, the brilliant courage
with which they met the enemy. And, in complimenting them, I take
them as the type of that great army that Illinois sent out for the
preservation of the Union and the Constitution. Let me thank you again
for your friendly visit to-day; and if any of you desire a nearer
acquaintance, I shall be glad to make that acquaintance now.
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 25.
Two thousand visitors from Edgar and Coles counties, Illinois, paid
their respects to the Republican nominee this day.
The excursion was under the auspices of the John A. Logan Club of Paris,
Charles P. Fitch, President. There were many farmers in the delegation,
also eighty-two veterans of the campaign of 1840, and the watchwords
of the day were "Old Tippecanoe and young Tippecanoe." The reception
took place at University Park, notable from this time forward for many
similar events. Prominent among the visitors were Geo. F. Howard, Capt.
F. M. Rude, J. W. Howell, E. R. Lodge, Capt. J. C. Bessier, M. Hackett,
James Stewart, and Mayor J. M. Bell of Paris; C. G. Peck and J. H. Clark
of Mattoon; and Hon. John W. Custor of Benton. State Senator George E.
Bacon delivered the congratulatory address. General Harrison replied:
_Senator Bacon and my Illinois Friends_--Some of my home friends
have been concerned lest I should be worn out by the frequent coming
of these delegations. I am satisfied from what I see before me
to-day that the rest of Illinois is here [laughter], and the concern
of my friends will no longer be excited by the coming of Illinois
delegations. [A voice, "We are all here!"] That you should leave the
pursuits of your daily life--the farm, the office, and the shop--to
make this journey gives me the most satisfactory evidence that your
hearts are enlisted in this campaign. I am glad to welcome here to-day
the John A. Logan Club of Paris. You have chosen a name that you will
not need to drop, whatever mutations may come in politics, so long as
there shall be a party devoted to the flag and to the Constitution,
and pledged to preserve the memories of the great deeds of those who
died that the Constitution might be preserved and the flag honored.
[Applause.] General Logan was indeed, as your spokesman has said, "the
typical volunteer soldier." With him loyalty was not a sentiment; it
was a passion that possessed his whole nature.
When the civil war broke out no one did more than he to solidify
the North in defence of the Government. He it was who said that all
parties and all platforms must be subordinated to the defence of the
Government against unprovoked assault. [A voice, "That's just what
he said!"] In the war with Mexico, as a member of the First Illinois
Regiment, and afterwards as the commander of the Thirty-first Illinois
in the civil war, he gave a conspicuous example of what an untrained
citizen could do in the time of public peril. In the early fight at
Donelson he, with the First Illinois Brigade, successfully resisted
the desperate assaults that were made upon his line; twice wounded, he
yet refused to leave the field. The courage of that gallant brigade
called forth from a Massachusetts poet the familiar lines:
"Thy proudest mother's eyelids fill,
As dares her gallant boy,
And Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill
Yearn to thee, Illinois."
[Applause.] He commanded successively brigades, divisions, corps
and armies, and fought them with unvarying success. I greet these
veterans of the campaign of 1840. You recall the pioneer days, the
log cabin days of the West, the days when muddy highways were the
only avenues of travel and commerce. You have seen a marvellous
development. The State of your adoption has become a mighty
commonwealth; you have seen it crossed and recrossed by railroads,
bringing all your farms into easy communication with distant
markets; you have seen the schoolhouse and church brought into every
neighborhood; you have seen this country rocked in the cradle of war;
you have seen it emerge from that dreadful trial and enter upon an era
of prosperity that seems to surpass all that had gone before.
To these young men who will, for the first time this year, take part
as citizens in determining a presidential election, I suggest that
you have become members of a party of precious memories. There has
been nothing in the history of the Republican party, nothing in the
platform of principles that it has proclaimed, that is not calculated
to stir the high impulses of your young hearts. The Republican party
has walked upon high paths. It has set before it ever the maintenance
of the Union, the honor of its flag, and the prosperity of our people.
It has been an American party [great cheering] in that it has set
American interests always to the front.
My friends of the colored organization, I greet you as Republicans
to-day. I recall the time when you were disfranchised; when your race
were slaves; when the doors of our institutions of learning were
closed against you, and even admittance to many of our Northern States
was denied you. You have read the story of your disfranchisement, of
the restoration to you of the common rights of men. Read it again;
read the story of the bitter and bigoted opposition that every statute
and constitutional amendment framed for your benefit encountered. What
party befriended you when you needed friends? What party has stood
always as an obstruction to the development and enlargement of your
rights as citizens? When you have studied these questions well you
will be able to determine not only where your gratitude is due, but
where the hopes of your race lie. [Cheers.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 26.
From Clay County, Indiana, came three thousand coal-miners and others,
this day, under the auspices of the Harrison Miners' Club of Brazil.
Their parade, with dozens of unique banners and devices, was one of
the most imposing of the campaign. Prominent in the delegation were
Dr. Joseph C. Gifford, L. A. Wolfe, Jacob Herr, P. H. Penna, John F.
Perry, C. P. Eppert, E. C. Callihan, W. H. Lowery, Rev. John Cox, A. F.
Bridges, William Sporr, Carl Thomas, Geo. F. Fuller, John Gibbons, Sam'l
Blair, Thomas Washington, and Judge Coffey of Brazil. Major William
Carter and Edward Wilton, a miner, delivered addresses; Rob't L. McCowan
spoke for the colored members of the delegation. General Harrison, in
response, said:
_Gentlemen and Friends from Clay County_--I thank you for this
enthusiastic demonstration of your interest. I am glad to be assured
by those who have spoken for you to-day that you have brought here,
and desire to evidence, some personal respect for me; but this
demonstration has relation, I am sure, rather to principles than to
men. You come as representatives of the diversified interests of
your county. You are fortunate in already possessing diversified
industries. You have not only agriculture, but the mine and factory
which provide a home market for the products of your farms. You come
here, as I understand, from all these pursuits, to declare that in
your opinion your interests, as farmers, as miners, as mechanics,
as tradesmen, are identified with the maintenance of the doctrine
of protection to American industries, and the preservation of the
American market for American products. [Cheers.] Some resort to
statistics to show that the condition of the American workman is
better than that of the workman of any other country. I do not care
now to deal with statistics. One fact is enough for me. The tide of
emigration from all European countries has been and is towards our
shores. The gates of Castle Garden swing inward. They do not swing
outward to any American laborer seeking a better country than this.
[Cries of "Never!"]
My countrymen, these men, who have toiled at wages in other lands
that barely sustained life, and opened no avenue of promise to them or
to their children, know the good land of hope as well as the swallow
knows the land of summer. [Applause.] They testify that here there
are better conditions, wider and more hopeful prospects for workmen
than in any other land. The next suggestion I have to make is this:
that the more work there is to do in this country the higher the
wages that will be paid for the doing of it. [Applause.] I speak to
men who know that when the product of their toil is in demand in the
market, when buyers are seeking it, wages advance; but when the market
for your products is depressed, and the manufacturer is begging for
buyers, then wages go down. Is it not clear, then, that that policy
which secures the largest amount of work to be done at home is the
policy which will secure to laboring men steady employment and the
best wages? [Cheers and cries of "That is right!"] A policy which will
transfer work from our mines and our factories to foreign mines and
foreign factories inevitably tends to the depression of wages here.
[Applause and cries of "That is true!"] These are truths that do not
require profound study.
Having here a land that throws about the workingman social and
political conditions more favorable than are found elsewhere, if we
can preserve also more favorable industrial conditions we shall secure
the highest interests of our working classes. [Great cheering.] What,
after all, is the best evidence of a nation's prosperity, and the
best guarantee of social order, if it is not an intelligent, thrifty,
contented working class? Can we look for contentment if the workman
is only able to supply his daily necessities by his daily toil, but
is not able in the vigor of youth to lay up a store against old age?
A condition of things that compels the laborer to contemplate want,
as an incident of sickness or disability, is one that tends to social
disorder. [Applause and cries of "That is so!"] You are called upon
now to consider these problems. I will not debate them in detail,
others will. I can only commend them to your thoughtful consideration.
Think upon them; conclude for yourselves what policy as to our tariff
legislation will best subserve your interests, the interests of your
families, and the greatness and glory of the Nation of which you are
citizens. [Cheers.]
My colored friends who are here to-day, the emancipation of the
slave removed from our country that which tended to degrade labor. All
men are now free; you are thrown upon your own resources; the avenues
of intelligence and of business success are open to all. I notice
that the party to which we belong has been recently reproached by the
suggestion that we have not thoroughly protected the colored man in
the South. This has been urged as a reason why the colored people
should join the Democratic party. I beg the gentlemen who urge that
plea to answer this question: Against whom is it that the Republican
party has been unable, as you say, to protect your race? [Applause and
cries of "Good! Good!"] Thanking you again for this demonstration and
for your friendly expressions, I will, if it be your pleasure, drop
this formal method of communication and take my Clay County friends by
the hand. [Great cheering.]
The Clay County miners had not concluded their reception before a
delegation of several hundred arrived from Bloomington, Illinois,
headed by the John A. Logan Club, under the lead of General Geo. F.
Dick, William Maddox, John A. Fullwiller, M. B. Herr, and Dr. F. C.
Vandervoort. Their orator was Dr. W. H. H. Adams, formerly President of
the Illinois Wesleyan University. General Harrison, replying, said:
_My Bloomington Friends_--When I received here, yesterday, a very
large delegation from Illinois, I expressed the opinion that they
must be the "rest of the people of Illinois that had not been here
before." I suppose you are a remnant that could not get into line
yesterday. I thank you as I have thanked those who preceded you, for
the interest which the people of your State have manifested, and
for your cordial fellowship with Indiana. I will not discuss the
issues of the campaign. You have already thought upon the platforms
of the two parties. Some of you have perhaps taken your politics by
inheritance. It is now a good time to review the situation. We have
the same interests as citizens. Let us all consider the history and
declarations of the great parties and thoughtfully conclude which is
more likely to promote the general interests of our people. That is
the test. The British Parliament does not legislate with a view to
advance the interests of the people of the United States. [Cries of
"No, never!"] They--rightly--have in view the interest of that empire
over which Victoria reigns. Should we not, also, as Americans, in our
legislation, consider first the interests of our people? We invite
the thoughtful attention of those who have hitherto differed with us
as to these questions. Our interests are bound together. That which
promotes the prosperity of the community in which you dwell in kindly
association with your Democratic friends promotes your interests and
theirs alike. Thanking you for this visit, I will ask you to excuse me
from further speech. [Applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 27.
Kosciusko County, Indiana, contributed two thousand visitors on the
twenty-seventh of July, under the leadership of Capt. C. W. Chapman,
James H. Cisney, Reub. Williams, Louis Ripple, J. E. Stevenson, Wm.
B. Wood, T. Loveday, John Wynant, Charles Adams, Nelson Richhart,
Captain A. S. Miller, Clinton Lowe, P. L. Runyon, James A. Cook, Frank
McGee, and John Burbaker, all of Warsaw. Judge H. S. Biggs made the
presentation address. General Harrison replied as follows:
_Mr. Biggs and my Kosciusko County Friends_--I did not need to be
assured of the friendliness of the Republicans of your county. It has
been evidenced too many times in the past. Before the convention at
Chicago the Republicans of your county gave me the assurance that my
nomination would meet the cordial approbation of your people. I am
glad to welcome you here to-day, and regret that your journey hither
has been so tedious. You are proud of the State in which you dwell;
proud of her institutions of learning; proud of her great benevolent
institutions, which I notice by one of these banners you have pledged
yourselves to protect from party spoliation and degradation. [Applause
and cries of "Good! Good!"] But while we have much that is cause for
congratulation, we are not enjoying that full equality of civil rights
in the State of Indiana to which we are entitled.
Our Government is a representative government. Delegates in Congress
and members of our State Senate and House of Representatives are
apportioned to districts, and the National and State Constitutions
contemplate that these districts shall be equal, so that, as far as
possible, each citizen shall have, in his district, the same potency
in choosing a Member of Congress or of our State Legislature as is
exercised by a voter in any other district. We do not to-day have that
condition of things. The apportionment of our State for legislative
and congressional purposes is unfair, and is known to be unfair to
all men. No candid Democrat can defend it as a fair apportionment. It
was framed to be unequal, it was designed to give to the citizens of
favored districts an undue influence. It was intended to discriminate
against Republicans. It is not right that it should be so. I hope the
time is coming, and has even now arrived, when the great sense of
justice which possesses our people will teach men of all parties that
party success is not to be promoted at the expense of an injustice to
any of our citizens. [Applause.] These things take hold of government.
If we would maintain that respect for the law which is necessary to
social order, our people must understand that each voter has his full
and equal influence in determining what the law shall be. I hope this
question will not be forgotten by our people until we have secured
in Indiana a fair apportionment for legislative and congressional
purposes. [Cheers.] When the Republicans shall secure the power of
making an apportionment, I hope and believe that the experiment of
seeking a party advantage by a public injustice will not be repeated.
[Great applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]
There are some other questions affecting suffrage, too, to which my
attention has, from circumstances, been particularly attracted. There
are in the Northwest several Territories organized under public law
with defined boundaries. They have been filled up with the elect of
our citizens--the brave, the enterprising and intelligent young men
from all the States. Many of the veterans of the late war have sought
under our beneficent homestead law new homes in the West. Several of
these Territories have been for years possessed of population, wealth,
and all the requisites for admission as States. When the Territory
of Indiana took the census which was the basis for its petition for
admission to the Union we had less than 64,000 people; we had only
thirteen organized counties. In the Territory of South Dakota there
are nearly half a million people. For years they have been knocking
for admission to the sisterhood of States.
They are possessed of all the elements of an organized and
stable community. It has more people, more miles of railroad, more
post-offices, more churches, more banks, more wealth, than any
Territory ever possessed when it was admitted to the Union. It
surpasses some of the States in these particulars. Four years ago,
when a President was to be chosen, the Committee on Territories in
the Senate, to meet the objection of our Democratic friends that the
admission of Dakota would add a disturbing element to the Electoral
College, provided in the Dakota bill that its organization should be
postponed until after the election; now four years more have rolled
around, and our people are called again to take part in a presidential
election, and the intelligent and patriotic Dakota people are again to
be deprived of any participation. I ask you why this is so? Is not the
answer obvious? [Cries of "Yes!"] They are disfranchised and deprived
of their appropriate influence in the Electoral College only because
the prevailing sentiment in the Territory is Republican. [Cries
of "That's right!" "That's the reason!"] The cause of Washington
Territory is more recent but no less flagrant. If we appropriately
express sympathy with the cause of Irish home rule, shall we not
also demand home rule for Dakota and Washington, and insist that
their disfranchisement shall not be prolonged? [Applause.] There is a
sense of justice, of fairness, that will assert itself against these
attempts to coin party advantage out of public wrong. The day when men
can be disfranchised or shorn of their political power for opinion's
sake must have an end in our country. [Cheers.] I thank you again for
your call, and if you will observe the arrangement which has been
suggested I will be glad to take each of you by the hand. I know that
some of you are fasting, and therefore we will shorten these exercises
in order that you may obtain needed refreshments. [Cheers.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 28.
Jennings County, Indiana, was represented on the above date by a large
delegation under the auspices of the Harrison and Morton Clubs of Vernon
and North Vernon. The leaders of their delegation were Fred H. Nauer, J.
C. Cope, C. E. Wagner, W. G. Norris, Dr. T. C. Bachelder, T. A. Pearce,
P. C. McGannon, and Prof. Amos Saunders. Hon. Frank E. Little, President
of the North Vernon Club, delivered the address. General Harrison, in
response, said:
_My Friends_--It is a source of regret to me that I can do so
little to compensate those who take the trouble to visit me. I need
hardly say to you that I very highly appreciate this evidence of your
friendliness and also the kind words which you have addressed to me
through your representative. Jennings County has a history of which
it may well be proud. It has contributed to the city of Indianapolis
some of our most distinguished and useful men. Your spokesman has
not exaggerated the fidelity and steadfastness of the people of your
county. Your republicanism has been as straight as the walls of your
cliffs [applause] and as solid as the limestone with which your hills
are buttressed. [Applause.]
You have said to me that you are in favor of a free and equal
ballot the country over. We are so related in our Government that
any disturbance of the suffrage anywhere directly affects us all. Our
Members of Congress pass upon questions that are as wide as the domain
over which our flag floats. Therefore, our interest in the choice of
these representatives is not limited to our own districts. If the
debate upon public questions is to be of value the voter must be free
to register his conclusion. The tribunal which is to pronounce upon
the argument must not be coerced.
You have said to me that you favor the doctrine of protection. The
Republican party stands for the principles of protection. We believe
in the preservation of the American market for our American producers
and workmen. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] We believe that
the development of home manufactures tends directly to promote the
interest of agriculture by furnishing a home market for the products
of the farm, and thus emancipating our farmers from the transportation
charges which they must pay when their products seek distant markets.
[Applause.]
We are confronted now with a Treasury surplus. Our position is
exceptional. We are not seeking, as many other nations are, new
subjects of taxation, new sources of revenue. Our quest is now how,
wisely, to reduce our national revenue. The attempt has been made to
use this surplus as a lever to overturn the protective system. The
promoters of this scheme, while professing a desire to diminish the
surplus, have acted as if their purpose was to increase it in part by
opposing necessary and legitimate appropriations. I agree that there
is danger that a surplus may promote extravagance, but I do not find
myself in sympathy with that policy that denies the appropriation
necessary for the proper defence of our people, and for the convenient
administration of our public affairs throughout the country, in order
that the threat of a surplus may be used for a sinister purpose. I
believe that in reducing our revenues to the level of our needful
and proper expenditures we can and should continue to favor and
protect our industries. I do not like to entrust this work to those
who declare protective duties to be vicious "legalized robbery." The
Republican party has by its legislation shown its capacity wisely to
reduce our revenues and at the same time to preserve the American
system. [Applause.] It can be trusted to do the work that remains, and
to do it wisely. [Applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 31.
The last delegation in July came from Henry County, Indiana, two
thousand strong, headed by C. S. Hernley, W. H. Elliott, Hon. Eugene
Bundy, Judge Mark E. Forkner, A. Abernathy, A. D. Osborn, O. P. M.
Hubbard, David Luellen, O. B. Mooney, and Captain Armstrong, all of New
Castle. Gen. William H. Grose was their orator.
In his response General Harrison at this early day out-lined his views
upon reciprocal trade relations with South American nations--views which
were afterwards successfully, and with great profit to our people, put
into effect through the celebrated reciprocity treaties with Brazil,
Venezuela and other countries.
Repeated outbursts of enthusiasm punctured his address. He said:
_Comrade Grose and my Henry County Friends_--If we have here any
discouraged statesman who takes a despondent view of the future of the
country, I think he would recover his hopefulness if he could look,
once in a while, into the face of an audience like this. [Applause.]
You came from a county that has been a bulwark of republicanism
since the party was organized. You had an early element in your
population that has done much to promote your material interests, and,
much more, to lift up those principles that relate to the purity of
the home and to the freedom of men. The Friends, who have been and
are so large and so influential an element in your population and in
the counties surrounding it, are a people notable for the purity of
their home life and for their broad and loving sympathy with all men.
They were the early enemies of slavery, and they have always naturally
been the strength of the Republican party in the community where they
reside. Your spokesman has expressed your continued interest in the
party to which some of you gave the confidence of your matured powers
and some of you the early devotion of your youth. The Republican party
has accomplished for the country a great work in the brief period of
its life. It preserved the Nation by a wise, courageous and patriotic
administration. What that means for you and your posterity, what it
means for the world, no man can tell. It would have been a climax of
disaster for the world if this Government of the people had perished.
The one unsolved experiment of free government was solved. We have
demonstrated the capacity of the people and a citizen soldiery to
maintain inviolate the unity of the Republic. [Applause.]
There remain now, fortunately, chiefly economic questions to be
thought of and to be settled. We refer to the great war, not in any
spirit of hostility to any section or any class of men, but only
because we believe it to be good for the whole country that loyalty
and fidelity to the flag should be honored. [Great applause.] It was
one of the great triumphs of the war, a particular in which our war
was distinguished from all other wars of history, that we brought the
vanquished into the same full, equal citizenship under the law that we
maintained for ourselves.
In all the addresses which have been made to me there has been some
reference to the great question of the protection of our American
industries. I see it upon the banners which you carry. Our party
stands unequivocally, without evasion or qualification, for the
doctrine that the American market shall be preserved for our American
producers. [Great applause.] We are not attracted by the suggestion
that we should surrender to foreign producers the best market in the
world. Our sixty millions of people are the best buyers in the world,
and they are such because our working classes receive the best wages.
_But we do not mean to be content with our own market. We should seek
to promote closer and more friendly commercial relations with the
Central and South American States._ [Applause.] And what is essential
to that end? Regular mails are the first condition of commerce.
The merchant must know when his order will be received, and when his
consignment will be returned, or there can be no trade between distant
communities. What we need, therefore, is the establishment of American
steamship lines between our ports and the ports of Central and South
America. [Applause.] Then it will no longer be necessary that an
American minister, commissioned to an American State, shall take an
English ship to Liverpool to find another English ship to carry him to
his destination. We are not to be frightened by the use of that ugly
word "subsidy." [Laughter.] We should pay to American steamship lines
a liberal compensation for carrying our mails, instead of turning them
over to British tramp steamships. [Applause.] We do not desire to
dominate these neighboring governments; we do not desire to deal with
them in any spirit of aggression. _We desire those friendly political,
mental, and commercial relations which shall promote their interests
equally with ours._ We should not longer forego those commercial
relations and advantages which our geographical relations suggest and
make so desirable. If you will excuse me from further public speech I
will be glad to take by the hand my Henry County friends. [Cheers.]
Mr. Harrison arrived home--after the Henry County reception in
University Park--in time to welcome his guest, Gen. R. A. Alger of
Michigan, the distinguished gentlemen meeting for the first time. In the
afternoon several hundred of the Henry County visitors, escorted by the
local clubs, marched to the Harrison residence to pay their respects to
General Alger.
In introducing his guest General Harrison said:
_My Fellow-citizens_--I have had the pleasure to-day to receive
in my own home a distinguished citizen of a neighboring State;
distinguished not only for his relation to the civil administration of
affairs in his State, but also as one of those conspicuous soldiers
contributed by Michigan to the armies of the Union when our national
life was in peril. I am sure you will be glad to make broader the
welcome I have given him, and to show him that he has a warm place in
the affections of our Indiana people. Let me present to you General
Alger of Michigan. [Prolonged applause.]
General Alger responded as follows:
_Gentlemen_--I thank you very much for this cordial greeting. I
thank you very kindly, General Harrison, for the pleasant words you
have said of me personally. I wish to say--as you would know if you
lived in Michigan--that I am not a speechmaker. I composed a few
speeches some weeks ago, and General Harrison has been delivering them
ever since. [Laughter.] After reading his speeches carefully, each
one of them a gem of concentrated thought, I have made up my mind
that the Chicago Convention made no mistake. [Applause.] We have not
held any _post-mortem_ in our State. We are glad that we have such a
gallant candidate, a man in whose composition no flaw can be found,
in whose life no act or word can be adversely criticised. We are as
proud in Michigan of your candidate--who is our candidate also--as we
could possibly be were any other man in the universe named. We are all
Harrison men in Michigan now; and the place he has in our hearts is
just as warm as though he lived within our own borders. [Applause.]
You Hoosiers have no patent upon this. [Applause.] The people of the
United States have a great crisis before them. The question as to the
life and prosperity of our industrial institutions is at stake. We
have, as we have always had, since this country was worth caring for,
the opposition of the English Government.
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 1.
The month of August opened with two thousand visitors from Morgan and
Brown counties, including thirty survivors of General Harrison's former
regiment. The several clubs comprising the Brown County delegation were
led by Norman J. Roberts, Leander Woods, Wm. Griffin, E. D. Turner, and
C. W. Mackenzie of Nashville.
Prominent in the Morgan County detachment were W. W. Kennedy, W. C.
Banta, John Hardwick, M. G. Branch, David Wilson, H. C. Hodges, R. C.
Griffitt, J. G. Bain, John S. Newby, J. G. Kennedy, U. M. Hinson, Merwin
Rowe, Hon. J. H. Jordan, H. R. Butler, W. C. Barnett, John C. Comer,
Geo. Mitchell, and J. I. Hilton of Martinsville. Hon. G. A. Adams spoke
for the visitors.
General Harrison, responding, said:
_Mr. Adams and my Morgan and Brown County Friends_--In previous
campaigns I have not put you to the trouble to come and see me. My
habit has been to go to you, and it has been my pleasure often to
discuss before you the issues that were involved in our campaigns. The
limitations which are upon me now prevent me from following this old
habit, and put you, who desire to see me, to the trouble of coming
here. My associations with the county of Morgan have been very close.
Among its citizens are some of my most devoted personal and political
friends. There are also in your county a large number of my comrades,
to whom I am bound by the very close ties that must always unite those
who marched under the same regimental banner. Your county furnished
two companies for the Seventieth Indiana--brave, true men, commanded
by intelligent and capable officers, and having in the ranks of both
companies men as capable of command as any who wore shoulder-straps
in the regiment. These men, together with their comrades of the
Thirty-third and other regiments that were recruited in your county,
went into the service from very high motives. They heard the call of
their country, saying: "He that loveth father or mother or wife or
child or houses or lands more than me is not worthy of me," and they
were found worthy by this supreme test. Many of you were so careless
of a money recompense for the service you offered and gave that when
you lifted your hands and swore to protect and defend the Constitution
and the flag you didn't even know what your pay was to be. [Cries
of "That's so!"] If there was any carefulness or thought in that
direction it was only that the necessary provision might be made for
those you left at home. No sordid impulse, no low emotion, called you
to the field. [Applause.] In remembering all the painful ways in which
you walked, ways of toil, and suffering, and sickness, and dying, to
emerge into the glorious sunlight of that great day at Washington, we
must not forget that in the homes you left there were also sacrifices
and sufferings. Anxiety dwelt perpetually with those you left behind.
We remember gratefully the sacrifices and sufferings of the fathers
and mothers who sent you to the field, and, much more, of the wives
who bravely gave up to the country the most cherished objects of their
love. And now peace has come; no hand is lifted against the flag; the
Constitution is again supreme and the Nation one. My countrymen, it is
no time now to use an apothecary's scale to weigh the rewards of the
men who saved the country. [Applause.]
If you will pardon me I will not further follow the line of remarks
suggested by the kind words you have addressed to me through your
representative. I notice the limitation which your spokesman has put
upon you, but I beg to assure him and you that I am not so worn that I
have not the strength to greet any of you who may desire to greet me.
[Great applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 3.
On the third of August, with the mercury registering ninety-nine
degrees, thirty-five hundred visitors arrived from Montgomery and
Clinton counties, Indiana. Their parade, carrying miniature log-cabins
and other emblems, was one of the most enthusiastic demonstrations of
the campaign. Fifty voters of 1840 headed the column led by Major D.
K. Price, aged 92. The Montgomery County delegation was marshalled by
John H. Burford, W. W. Thornton, T. H. B. McCain, John S. Brown, E. P.
McClarkey, John Johnson, J. R. Bonnell, D. W. Roundtree, T. H. Ristine,
H. M. Billingsley, Dumont Kennedy, and Clerk Hulett of Crawfordsville.
Their spokesman was Hon. Peter S. Kennedy.
Among the Clinton County leaders were Albert H. Coble, Edward R. Burns,
A. T. Dennis, Wm. H. Staley, R. P. Shanklin, S. A. Coulton, J. W.
Harrison, J. T. Hockman, Nicholas Rice, Ambrose Colby, Oliver Hedgecock,
and Dr. Gard of Frankfort. Judge J. C. Suit was their orator.
In reply to their addresses General Harrison said:
_My Fellow-citizens_--These daily and increasing delegations coming
to witness their interest in the great issues which are presented for
their consideration and determination, and bearing as they do to me
their kind personal greetings, quite overmatch my ability to fittingly
greet and respond to them.
You are here from every walk in life. Some of you have achieved
success in the mechanical arts, some in professional pursuits, and
more of you come from that first great pursuit of man--the tilling of
the soil--and you come to express the thought that you have common
interests; that these diverse pursuits are bound together harmoniously
in a common governmental policy and administration. Your interests
have had a harmonious and an amazing growth under that protective
system to which your representatives have referred, and you wisely
demand a continuation of that policy for their further advancement
and development. [Applause.] You are in large part members of the
Republican party. You have in the past contributed your personal
influence, as well as your ballots, to the great victories which it
has won. Among the great achievements of our party I think we may
worthily mention the passage of that beneficent act of legislation
known as the "homestead law." It was impossible to the old parties.
It was possible only to a party composed of the sturdy yeomanry of
the free States. [Applause.] It has populated our Territories and
newer States with the elect of our citizenship. It opened a way
to an ownership of the soil to a vast number of our citizens, and
there is no surer bond in the direction of good citizenship than
that our people should have property in the soil upon which they
live. It is one of the best elements of our strength as a State
that our farm-lands are so largely possessed in small tracts, and
are tilled by the men who own them. It is one of the best evidences
of the prosperity of our cities that so large a proportion of the
men who work are covered by their own roof trees. If we would
perpetuate this condition, we must maintain the American scale of
wages. [Applause.] The policy of the subdivision of the soil is one
that tends to strengthen our national life. God grant that it may be
long before we have in this country a tenantry that is hopelessly
such from one generation to another. [Applause.] That condition of
things which makes Ireland a land of tenants, and which holds in
vast estates the lands of England, must never find footing here.
[Applause.] Small farms invite the church and the school-house into
the neighborhood. Therefore, it was in the beginning the Republican
party declared for free homes of a quarter-section each. That policy
should be perpetuated as long as our public domain lasts, and all our
legislation should tend in the direction which I have indicated. I
cannot discuss all the important questions to which you have called my
attention. I have before alluded to some of them. My Montgomery and
Clinton county friends, I thank you for the cordial and hopeful words
you have addressed to me. My highest ambition is to be found worthy of
your respect and confidence. [Applause.]
To these veterans of 1840 who kindly transfer to this the interest
they felt in that campaign, to these first voters who come to join us
with the high impulses of youth, I desire to extend my sincere thanks.
[Applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 4.
The most remarkable night demonstration of the campaign occurred August
4, the occasion being the visit of the Harrison and Morton Railroad
Club of Terre Haute, a thousand strong. They were met by twelve hundred
members of the Indianapolis Railroad Club, and, escorted by several
thousand citizens, marched to the Harrison residence.
At the head of the column rolled the model of a monster locomotive,
emitting fire and smoke and bearing the significant number 544, Hundreds
of stores and residences along the line of march were illuminated.
At the head of the visiting club marched its officers: President, D.
T. Downs; Secretary, Chas. E. Carter; Treasurer, Benj. McKeen; and
Vice-Presidents, R. B. Woolsey, J. L. Pringle, J. N. Evanhart, E. G.
South, L. M. Murphy, H. M. Kearns, George Leckert, and W. H. Miller.
President Downs delivered an address and presented an engrossed copy of
the club roster. General Harrison spoke from a stand in front of his
residence, and said:
_Mr. Downs, Gentlemen of the Terre Haute Railroad Club, and
Fellow-citizens_--I am amazed and gratified at the character of this
demonstration to-night. I do not find words to express the emotions
which swell in my heart as I look into your faces and listen to the
kindly greetings which you have given me through your representative.
He has not spoken in too high praise of the railroad men of the United
States. The character of the duties they are called to discharge
require great intelligence, in many departments the best skill in the
highest mechanic arts, and in all, even in the lowest grade of labor
in connection with railroad management, there is required, for the
safety of the public who entrust themselves to your care, fidelity
and watchfulness, not only in the day, but in the darkness. The man
who attends the switch, the trackman who observes the condition of
the track--all these have put into their charge and keeping the
lives of men and women and the safety of our commerce. Therefore it
is that the exigencies of the service in which you are engaged have
operated to select and call into the service of our great railroad
corporations a picked body of men. I gratefully acknowledge to-night
the service you render to the country of which I am a citizen. The
great importance of the enterprises with which you are connected have
already suggested to our legislators that they owe duties to you as
well as to the travelling and mercantile public. The Congress of the
United States has, under that provision of the Constitution which
commits to its care all foreign and interstate commerce, undertaken
to regulate the great interstate railroads in the interest of equal
and fair competition and in the equal interest of all members of our
communities. I do not doubt that certain and necessary provisions
for the safety of the men who operate these roads will yet be made
compulsory by public and general law. [Applause.] The dangers
connected with your calling are very great, and the public interest,
as well as your own, requires that they should be reduced to the
minimum. I do not doubt that we shall yet require that uniformity
in the construction of railroad cars that will diminish the danger
of those who must pass between them in order to make up trains.
[Applause.] I do not doubt, either, that as these corporations are
not private corporations, but are recognized by the law to which I
have referred and by the uniform decisions of our courts as having
public relations, we shall yet see legislation in the direction of
providing some suitable tribunal of arbitration for the settlement of
differences between railroad men and the companies that engage their
services. [Great applause.] I believe that in these directions, and
others that I have not time to suggest, reforms will work themselves
out, with exact justice to the companies and with justice to the
men they employ. Because, my friends, I do not doubt--and I hope
you will never allow yourselves to doubt--that the great mass of
our people, of all vocations and callings, love justice and right
and hate oppression. [Applause.] The laboring men of this land may
safely trust every just reform in which they are interested to public
discussion and to the logic of reason; they may surely hope, upon
these lines, which are open to you by the ballot-box, to accomplish
under our American institutions all those right things you have
conceived as necessary to your highest success and well-being. Do not
allow yourselves to doubt, for one moment, the friendly sentiment of
the great masses of our people. Make your appeal wisely, and calmly,
and boldly, for every reform you desire, to that sentiment of justice
which pervades our American public. [Applause.]
You come to-night from one of our most beautiful Indiana cities.
It was built on the Wabash in the expectation that that stream would
furnish the channel of its communication with the outside world.
But the Wabash is a small tributary to-day to the commerce of Terre
Haute. The railroads that span it are the great vehicles of your
commerce. They have largely superseded the water communication that
was deemed so important in the first settlement, and, perhaps, was so
decisive in the location of your city. Terre Haute is conspicuous for
its industries. The smoke of your factories goes up night and day.
The farms about your city have become gardens, and the cordial and
harmonious relations between the railroad shop and the factory and
the farms that lie about have a conspicuous illustration with you.
You have found that that policy which built up these shops, which
maintains them, which secures the largest output yearly from the
factories, which gives employment to the largest number of men, is
the best thing not only for the railroads that do the transportation,
but for the workingmen, who find steady employment at good wages,
and for the farmers, who supply their needs. [Applause.] You will
not willingly be led to believe that any policy that would check
the progress and the prosperity of these enterprises is good for
you or for the community in which you live. [Applause and cries of
"No, never!"] It will be hard to convince such an intelligent body
of workingmen that a policy which would transfer from this country
to any other the work that might be done here is good for them.
[Applause.] It can easily be demonstrated that if our revenue laws
were so adjusted that the imports from Great Britain should be doubled
it would be good for the workingmen of England, but I think it would
be hard to demonstrate that it would be good for the workingmen of
America. [Applause.] There is a wise selfishness; it begins at home,
and he who has the care of his own family first, of the community in
which he lives, of the nation of which he is a citizen, is wise in his
generation.
Now, my friends, I have been daily talking. I used to be thought by
my friends to be a reticent man. [Laughter.] I fear I am making an
impression that I am garrulous. [Cries of "No! No!"] And yet, when
friends such as you take the trouble you have to-night to visit me, I
feel that I owe it to you to say something.
Now, thanking you for this roster, which will furnish authentic
evidence, if it is challenged, that this visit to-night has been from
genuine railroad men [applause], I venture to invite my Terre Haute
friends to enter my house. I will ask the citizens of Indianapolis,
the escort club of my own home, railroad friends who have done so
much to make your coming here to-night pleasant, to kindly refrain
themselves, and allow me to greet the visitors. In order that that
may be accomplished, I will ask some of my Terre Haute friends to
place themselves by the door, that I may meet those who are of their
company. The others I have seen, or will see some other day.
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 6.
Monday, August 6, General Harrison received a visit from one hundred
members of the Kansas City Blaine Club, accompanied by many ladies, _en
route_ to New York to welcome the Maine statesman on his return from
Europe. Col. R. H. Hunt led the club, and delivered a stirring address
on behalf of the Republicans of Missouri. On concluding he introduced
Miss Abbie Burgess, who presented the General a beautiful badge
inscribed "The Kansas City Blaine Club Greet Their Next President."
Miss Burgess made the presentation in the name of the working-women of
America.
General Harrison responded briefly to these addresses, stating that he
found he had been talking a great deal of late; "but," he added, "I
never begin it; some one else always starts it." He returned his cordial
thanks to the visitors for the compliment of their call.
Speaking of the trip which the visitors were making, he commended its
purpose in meeting upon his return to America "that matchless defender
of Republican principles--James G. Blaine." He felt sure that no
circumstance would be omitted in doing him merited honor. He was glad to
know that the Republicans of Missouri are so zealous and aggressive. He
believed that they had, perhaps, too much acquiesced in the majorities
against them, and had not offered such resistance as would prove their
own strength. In the coming canvass he thought the economic questions
at issue ought to work to the interest of Republicans in Missouri and
overcome in part the prevailing Democratic prejudices there. He also
expressed the hope that the race question would cease to divide men by
prejudices that should long ago have become extinct.
In reply to Miss Burgess' address the General expressed his grateful
appreciation of the souvenir, and said that the women of the land could
never be forgotten. To those of them who are toilers for their daily
bread the first thought goes out in considering the question that
involves depreciation of wages, and concluded by declaring if cheaper
coats and cheaper garments were to be had by still further reducing
the wages of the sewing-women of America, then he was not in favor of
cheaper apparel.
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 7.
Indianapolis contained several thousand visitors at this period, in
attendance on the State convention; in addition to these, however, on
the seventh of August two large delegations arrived. The first came
from Tippecanoe County. The city of Lafayette was represented by the
Lincoln Club, H. C. Tinney, President; the Garfield Club, Henry Vinton,
President; and the Young Men's Republican Club Association. Among other
prominent members of the delegation were James M. Reynolds, N. I.
Throckmorton, W. H. Caulkins, Charles E. Wilson, Wm. Fraser, John B.
Sherwood, Charles Terry, John Opp, Alexander Stidham, Matt Heffner, S.
Vater, Maurice Mayerstein, Geo. A. Harrison, W. D. Hilt, P. W. Sheehan,
C. H. Henderson, Henry Marshall, J. W. Jefferson, Wm. E. Beach, John B.
Gault, and H. M. Carter. Hon. B. Wilson Smith delivered an address on
behalf of his townsmen.
General Harrison, in his response, touched upon the origin and
principles of the Republican party. He said:
_Mr. Smith and my Tippecanoe County Friends_--I am very grateful
for the evidence which you give me this morning by your presence, and
by the kind words which your representative has addressed to me, of
your respect and good-will. You are members, in great part, of a party
that was not machine-made. It had its birth in an impulse that stirred
simultaneously the hearts of those who loved liberty. The first
convention of our party did not organize it. Those men were great, but
they were delegates--representatives of principles which had already
asserted their power over the consciences and the hearts of the
people. [Applause.] The Republican party did not organize for spoils;
it assembled about an altar of sacrifice and in a sanctuary beset with
enemies. You have not forgotten our early battle-cry--"Free speech,
a free press, free schools and free Territories." We have widened
the last word; it is now "a free Nation." The appeals which we have
made and shall yet make are addressed to the hearts, the consciences,
and to the mind of our people. Therefore, we believe in schools
and colleges, and seminaries of learning. Education is the great
conservative and assimilating force. A doubter is not necessarily
an evil person. The capacity to doubt implies reason--the power of
solving doubts; and if the doubt is accompanied with a purpose to find
the truth and a supreme affection for the truth when it is found, he
will not go widely astray. Therefore, in our political campaigns let
men think for themselves, and the truth will assert its sway over
the minds of our people. Then everything that affects the record and
character of the candidate and the principles of the parties will
be brought to a safe tribunal whose judgment will be right. [Great
applause and cries of "Good!"]
I am not unaware of the fact that some of you had another convention
preference, but I have always believed that convention preferences
should be free in the Republican party [applause], and that no
prejudice should follow any Republican on account of that preference.
As party men, we will judge a man by his post-convention conduct.
The second delegation comprised fifteen hundred citizens from Vanderburg
County. The Tippecanoe Club of Evansville, with sixty veterans, led the
column.
Leaders in the delegation were ex-Congressman Heilman, Henry S. Bennett,
Chas. H. McCarer, J. E. Iglehart, W. A. Wheeler, C. R. Howe, J. W.
Compton, S. B. Sansom, S. A. Bate, John H. Osborn, John W. Davidson,
Henry Ludwig, Wm. Koelling, A. S. Glover, J. W. Roelker, R. C.
Wilkinson, James D. Parvin, Wm. Warren, Chas. L. Roberts, and Geo. N.
Wells.
Dr. W. G. Ralston delivered an address in the name of the delegation.
General Harrison, in reply, said:
_My Good Friends from the Pocket_--I feel very much complimented by
your visit to-day. Your coming here from so great a distance involved
much inconvenience which those who live nearer have not experienced.
You are geographically remote, but it does not follow from that that
you are remote from the sources of political influence and political
power.
The General then spoke of the extension of the Republican party from
the lakes to the Ohio in Indiana and all over the North, saying that
geographical lines marked its limits only in the South. He said that
the people of Vanderburg County, living as they did on the Ohio River,
a river that some men sought to make the division line between two
governments, knew what it was to guard their homes and what it was to
send out veterans from the sturdy yeomanry to the defence of their
country. He referred in the highest terms to General Shackelford and
his service in the hour of his country's need. "I greet you to-day,"
he continued, "as Republicans--men whose judgment and conscience
compel their political opinions. It does not fall to my lot now to
argue or discuss at length any of the great political questions of
the day. I have done that in the past. It is reserved for others in
this campaign. I recall with pleasure my frequent visits to you and
your cordial reception when I came to speak to you. In this contest
others will maintain before you that great policy which, we believe,
dignifies every American, both at home and abroad."
Speaking in reference to wages, General Harrison said that he
thought we often forget the women who were compelled to work for their
daily bread. He sometimes thought those persons who demand cheaper
coats would be ashamed of themselves if they could realize that their
demand cut the wages of the women who made these coats. In concluding,
he greeted and thanked the Tippecanoe Club for coming, and the
Young Men's Republican Club also, saying that he had heard of their
efficient work in the highest terms of praise.
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 8.
_The Republican State Convention._
The Republican State Convention convened at Tomlinson Hall, city of
Indianapolis, August 8, 1888, and concluded its work in one day.
It was the largest attended and most enthusiastic convention ever held
in Indiana. Hon. Wm. H. Calkins of Indianapolis was chosen Chairman,
and Mark L. De Motte of Valparaiso Secretary. The following ticket was
nominated, and in November triumphantly elected:
_Governor_--Alvin P. Hovey, Posey County.
_Lieutenant-Governor_--Ira J. Chase, Hendricks County.
_Secretary of State_--Charles F. Griffin, Lake County.
_Auditor of State_--Bruce Carr, Orange County.
_Treasurer_--J. A. Lemcke, Vanderburg County.
_Attorney-General_--L. T. Michner, Shelby County.
_Superintendent Public Instruction_--H. M. LaFollette, Boone County.
_Reporter Supreme Court_--John L. Griffiths, Marion County.
JUDGES OF SUPREME COURT.
_First District_--Silas T. Coffey, Clay County.
_Second District_--J. G. Berkshire, Jennings County.
_Fourth District_--Walter Olds, Whitely County.
_Electors-at-Large_--James M. Shackelford, Vanderburg County; Thomas H.
Nelson, Vigo County.
Judge Gardner, a delegate from Daviess County, introduced a resolution,
which was unanimously adopted midst great enthusiasm, inviting General
Harrison to visit the convention, and designating Hon. Richard W.
Thompson, John W. Linck and E. P. Hammond a committee to convey the
invitation.
On the platform, with the presiding officer, to meet the distinguished
guest were the Hon. James N. Huston, Hon. John M. Butler, Hon. Will
Cumback, William Wallace, Hon. W. P. Fishback, Hon. A. C. Harris, Rev.
Dr. Backus, Judge E. B. Martindale, General Thomas Bennett, Judge J. H.
Jordan, and the Republican State officials.
The entrance of General Harrison, escorted by the committee, was
followed by a tumultuous scene rarely witnessed outside of a national
convention, the demonstration lasting nearly ten minutes. Chairman
Calkins finally succeeded in introducing--"the next President"--and
General Harrison spoke as follows:
_Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention_--When I received
your invitation to appear for a moment before you I felt that what
you asked could not involve any indelicacy, and as it offered me the
only opportunity which I shall have to look into the faces of my
Indiana Republican friends here assembled, I could not find it in
my heart to deny myself the pleasure of spending a moment in your
presence. [Applause.] This enthusiastic and kindly reception crowns
a long series of friendly acts on the part of my Republican friends
of Indiana. To have your confidence is very grateful to me, to be
worthy of your confidence is the highest ambition I can set before me.
[Applause.] Whatever may befall me, I feel that my fellow-citizens of
Indiana have crowned me and made me forever their debtor. [Applause.]
But I must not detain you from the business which has brought you
here. [Cries of "Go on!"] Such an assemblage as this is characteristic
of America. What you shall do to-day will influence the prosperity and
welfare of the State. Such a meeting is a notable historical event.
We have to-day transpiring in this country two other events that are
attracting wide interest. At the chief seaport of our country that
great Republican, and that great American, James G. Blaine, returns to
his home. [Applause.] We shall not be disappointed, I hope, in hearing
his powerful voice in Indiana before the campaign is old. [Applause.]
Another scene attracts our solemn and even tearful interest, for
while you are transacting your business here to-day a draped train is
bearing from the place of his sojourn by the sea to the place of his
interment at Washington the mortal part of Philip H. Sheridan. From
the convention at Chicago we sent him our greetings and our earnest
prayers for his restoration. To-day we mourn our hero dead. You called
him then a favorite child of victory, and such he was. He was one of
those great commanders who, upon the field of battle, towered a very
god of war. [Applause.] He was one of those earnest fighters for his
country who did not at the end of his first day's fight contemplate
rest and recuperation for his own command. He rested and refreshed
his command with the wine of victory, and found recuperation in the
dispersion of the enemy that confronted him. [Great applause.] This
gallant son of Ireland and America [great applause] has written a
chapter in the art of war that will not fail to instruct and to
develop, when the exigencies may come again, others who shall repeat
in defence of our flag his glorious achievements. [Great applause.]
And now, Mr. President, and gentlemen, I am sure the heat of this
hall and the labors that are before you suggest to you, as they do
to me, that I shall close these remarks and bid you good-by. [Great
applause.]
INDIANAPOLIS, AUGUST 14.
Godfrey Commandery, Knights Templars, of Chicago, colored men, _en
route_ to the Grand Conclave at Louisville, paid their respects to
General Harrison on the 13th, and were individually presented by Eminent
Commander H. S. Cooper. On August 14 the visitors aggregated 6,000.
The first delegation came from Hamilton County, Indiana, headed by
eighty veterans of the Tippecanoe Club, Charles Swain, President. There
were nine Lincoln League organizations in line. Among the leaders were
J. K. Bush, J. E. Walker, F. B. Pfaff, J. R. Christian, Benj. Goldsmith,
Ike Hiatt, and C. R. Davis, of Noblesville, and Captain Carl, of
Arcadia. Hon. J. R. Gray was their spokesman.
General Harrison, in reply, said:
_Colonel Gray and my Hamilton County Friends_--The demonstration
which you have made this morning is worthy of Hamilton County; it is
worthy of the great party to which you have given the consent of your
minds and the love of your hearts; it is altogether more than worthy
of him whom you have come to greet. You come from a county that, as
your spokesman has said, is greatly favored, a county rich in its
agricultural capacity; but, as I look into your faces this morning
I turn from the contemplation of material wealth to the thought of
those things that are higher and better. [Applause and cries of "Good!
Good!"] Not long ago a distinguished Englishman and jurist visited our
country. On the eve of his return, in a public address, he alluded to
the fact that wherever he went he was asked whether he was not amazed
at the great size of our country. This student of law and government
very kindly, but very decidedly, rebuked this too prevalent pride of
bulk, and called our attention to the finer and higher things that he
had observed in our American civilization.
So to-day, as I look into these intelligent faces, my thoughts
are turned away from those things that are scheduled, that have
their places in our census returns, to those things which belong
to the higher man--his spiritual and moral nature. [Applause.] I
congratulate you, not so much upon the rich farm lands of your
county as upon your virtuous and happy homes. [Applause.] The home is
the best, as it is the first, school of good citizenship. It is the
great conservative and assimilating force. I should despair for my
country if American citizens were to be trained only in our schools,
valuable as their instruction is. It is in the home that we first
learn obedience and respect for law. Parental authority is the type of
beneficent government. It is in the home that we learn to love, in the
mother that bore us, that which is virtuous, consecrated, and pure.
[Applause.] I take more pride in the fact that the Republican party
has always been the friend and protector of the American home than in
aught else. [Applause.] By the beneficent homestead law it created
more than half a million of homes; by the Emancipation Proclamation it
converted a million cattle-pens into homes. [Applause] And it is still
true to those principles that will preserve contentment and prosperity
in our homes. I greet you as men who have been nurtured in such homes,
and call your thought to the fact that the Republican party has always
been, and can be trusted to be, friendly to all that will promote
virtue, intelligence and morality in the homes of our people.
Now, in view of the fact that I must greet other delegations to-day
[cries of "Don't stop!"], I am sure you will be content with these
brief remarks, though they are altogether an inadequate return for
your cordial demonstration.
The other delegations of the day came from Macon and Douglas counties,
Illinois, numbering 3,000. A notable feature of the Douglas County
display was the tattered old battle-flag of the Twenty-first Illinois
Regiment--General Grant's original regiment--borne by seven survivors.
Capt. T. D. Minturn, of Tuscola, was spokesman. At the head of the
Macon County column marched 300 uniformed members of the Young Men's
Republican Club of Decatur, led by Captain Wm. M. Strange and Wm.
Frazier; Prof. L. A. Estes, of Westfield, headed a company from that
town. Andrew H. Mills, of Decatur, spoke for the Macon County people.
General Harrison said:
_My Republican Friends_--I feel myself unable to respond suitably
to this magnificent demonstration and to those kindly words which you
have addressed to me. Public duties involve grave responsibilities.
The conscientious man will not contemplate them without seriousness.
But the man who sincerely desires to know and to do his duty may
rely upon the favoring help of God and the friendly judgment of his
fellow-citizens. [Great applause.]
Your coming from another State and from distant homes testifies to
the observing interest which you feel in those questions which are to
be settled by the ballot in November. [Cries of "We will settle them!"]
The confessed free-traders are very few in this country. But English
statesmen and English newspapers confidently declare that in fact we
have a great many. [Applause.]
We are told that it is only an average reduction of seven per
cent. that is contemplated. [Laughter.] Well, if that were true, and
not a very deceptive statement, as it really is, you might fairly
ask whether this average reduction does not sacrifice some American
industry or the wages of our workingmen and working-women. You may
also fairly ask to see the free list, which does not figure in this
"average." [Applause, and cries of "That's it!"] We would have more
confidence in the protest of these reformers that they are not
"free-traders" if we could occasionally hear one of them say that
he was a protectionist [applause], or admit that our customs duties
should adequately favor our domestic industries. But they seem to be
content with a negative statement.
Those who would, if they could, eliminate the protective principle
from our tariff laws have, in former moments of candor, described
themselves as "progressive free-traders," and it is an apt
designation. The protective system is a barrier against the flood of
foreign importations and the competition of underpaid labor in Europe.
[Applause.] Those who want to lower the dike owe it to those who live
behind it to make a plain statement of their purposes. Do they want to
invite the flood, or do they believe in the dike, but think it will
afford adequate protection at a lower level? [Great and enthusiastic
applause.]
What I say is only suggestive. I cannot in this brief talk go into
details, or even properly limit the illustrations I have used. But
this is an appropriate and timely inquiry: With what motive, what
ultimate design, what disposition toward the principle of protection
is it that our present tariff schedule is attacked? It may be that
reductions should be made; it may be that some duties should be
increased; but we want to know whether those who propose the revision
believe in taking thought of our American workingmen in fixing the
rates, or will leave them to the chance effect
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