A Latin Grammar for Schools and Colleges
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Title: A Latin Grammar for Schools and Colleges
Author: George Martin Lane
Editor: M. H. Morgan
Release date: January 20, 2014 [eBook #44653]
Most recently updated: March 21, 2025
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LATIN GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES ***
[In general, italics are shown with _lines_, and boldface with #marks#.
The # symbol occurs in its own right in the section on prosody and
versification, but there should be no ambiguity. Single letters shown
as #A#, #B# were printed in sans-serif type. Spaced-out text, primarily
used to mark verb roots, is shown with +marks+. The plus sign occurs in
a few sections, but again there should be no ambiguity.
To reduce visual clutter, boldface markings have been omitted in all
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In this e-text, the notation {o|e-} or {-o|e-}, with braces, represents
the “variable vowel” described in section 825. In print it was shown as
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A LATIN GRAMMAR
FOR
SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES
BY
GEORGE M. LANE, Ph.D., LL.D.
PROFESSOR EMERITUS OF LATIN IN
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
_REVISED EDITION_
NEW YORK CINCINNATI CHICAGO
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY
Copyright, 1898, 1903, by GARDINER M. LANE and LOUISA VAN RENSSELAER.
_All rights reserved._
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
George Martin Lane died on the thirtieth of June, 1897. His _Latin
Grammar_, in the preparation of which he had been engaged, during the
intervals of teaching in Harvard University, for nearly thirty years,
was at that time approaching completion. The first two hundred and
ninety-one pages had been stereotyped; the pages immediately following,
on the _Relative Sentence_ and the _Conjunctive Particle Sentence_
through _quod_ and _quia_ (pages 292-302), together with the chapter on
the _Infinitive_ (pages 374-386), were ready for stereotyping; of the
remainder of the book, pages 303-373 and 387-436 were in the form of a
first draught; finally, he had received a few weeks before his death,
but had never examined, the manuscript of the chapter on _Versification_
(pages 442-485), written at his invitation by his former pupil, Dr.
Herman W. Hayley, now of Wesleyan University.
It was found that my dear and honoured master had left a written request
that his work should be completed by me, in consultation with his
colleagues, Professors Frederic De Forest Allen and Clement Lawrence
Smith. A month had scarcely passed when scholars everywhere had another
heavy loss to mourn in the sudden death of Professor Allen. Almost
immediately afterwards, Professor Smith left this country, to take
charge for a year of the American School of Classical Studies in Rome,
but not before we had agreed that circumstances required the early
publication of the book, notwithstanding his absence. I was thus
deprived of two eminent counsellors, whose knowledge and experience
would have been of inestimable assistance.
About one hundred and twenty pages (303-373 and 387-436), exclusive of
_Versification_, were yet to receive their final form. Professor Lane
had determined the order in which the topics contained in these pages
should be treated, and no change has been made in that order. Most of
the main principles of syntax, too, have been left exactly as they were
expressed in his draught. This draught was written some years ago, and,
although he had corrected and annotated it from time to time, there
is no doubt that in writing it out afresh he would have made many
alterations and improvements which are not indicated in his notes.
Consequently, he is not to be held responsible for errors and omissions
in the pages which had not received his final approval. Yet I conceived
it my duty to preserve, so far as possible, the very language of his
corrected draught; and this, in the statement of almost all the main
principles, I have been able to do. Some modifications and some radical
alterations were inevitable; in particular, the treatment of _quamvis_,
_quando_, _quin_, the _Supine_, and _Numerals_ seemed to call for much
amplification and rearrangement. I have also deemed it necessary to add
some seventy sections[1] under various heads, and Dr. Hayley has been
good enough to write sections 2458-2510, which precede his chapter on
_Versification_. But, in general, my principal function has been: first,
to provide additional Latin examples of the principles which Professor
Lane had formulated; secondly, to enter, under the various principles,
historical statements regarding the usage in the Latin writers, drawn
from the best authorities at my disposal.
[Footnote 1: The sections which I have added are as follows: 1866,
1873, 1878, 1879, 1880, 1887, 1890, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1907, 1909,
1913, 1922, 1927, 1935, 1964, 1975, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1981, 1982,
1983, 1984, 1989, 1990, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2068, 2086,
2088, 2097, 2111, 2122, 2152, 2155, 2255, 2264, 2267, 2271, 2273,
2275, 2276, 2277, 2281, 2289, 2292, 2345, 2357, 2400, 2406, 2407,
2408, 2409, 2410, 2411, 2412, 2413, 2414, 2740-2745.]
Professor Lane’s own method was far from that of a compiler. He took
nothing for granted without thorough investigation, however well
established it might seem, and he followed the dictum of no man, however
widely accepted as an authority. For example, his many pupils and
correspondents will remember how untiring he was in his efforts to
arrive at accuracy in even the minutest points of inflection. Thus, for
the _List of Verbs_ (§§ 922-1022), he made entirely new collections, and
admitted no form among the ‘principal parts’ unless actually found
represented in the authors. In the details of syntax, he was equally
indefatigable; the sections on the _Locative Proper_ (1331-1341), for
instance, contain the result of an immense amount of painful research.
He devoted much anxious thought to the definitions and the titles of the
various constructions: thus, the distinction between the _Present of
Vivid Narration_ (1590) and the _Annalistic Present_ (1591) seems
obvious now that it is stated; but to reach it many pages of examples
were collected and compared. He held that examples printed in the
grammar to illustrate syntactical principles should never be
manufactured; they should be accurately quoted from the authors, without
other alteration than the omission of words by which the construction
under illustration was not affected. He was careful, also, not to use an
example in which there was any serious doubt as to the text in that part
which covered the principle illustrated by the example. To ‘Hidden
Quantity’ he had given much attention, and many of the results of his
studies in this subject were published, in 1889, in the _School
Dictionary_ by his friend Dr. Lewis. Since that time he had found reason
to change his views with regard to some words, and these changes are
embodied in the present book, in which he marked every vowel which he
believed to be long in quantity.
The order in which the divisions and subdivisions of grammar are here
presented will not seem strange to those who are acquainted with the
recent grammars published by Germans. It is the scientific order of
presentation, whatever order a teacher may think fit to follow in his
actual practice. The table of contents has been made so full as to serve
as a systematic exposition of the scheme, and to make needless any
further words upon it here. In the _Appendix_ Professor Lane would have
inserted, out of deference to custom, a chapter on the _Arrangement of
Words_; but the draught of it which he left was too fragmentary for
publication. Since the proper preparation of the chapter would have
greatly delayed the publication of the book, it was thought best to omit
it altogether, at least for the present. This topic, in fact, like some
others in the _Appendix_, belongs rather to a treatise on Latin
Composition than to a Latin Grammar.
For the indexes, and for much valuable help in proof reading, I heartily
thank Dr. J. W. Walden, another of Professor Lane’s pupils.
In the course of his work, Professor Lane frequently consulted his
colleagues and other distinguished scholars both in this country and in
Europe. He gratefully welcomed their advice, and carefully considered
and often adopted their suggestions. Had he lived to write a preface, he
would doubtless have thanked by name those to whom he considered himself
as under particular obligation, whether from direct correspondence or
through the use of their published works; but it is obvious that the
information in my possession will not allow me to attempt this pleasant
duty. Of Professor Lane’s pupils, also, not a few, while in residence as
advanced students at the University, were from time to time engaged in
the collection of material which he used in the grammar. They, like his
other helpers, must now be content with the thought of the courteous
acknowledgment which they would have received from him.
MORRIS H. MORGAN.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY,
CAMBRIDGE, _May, 1898_.
PREFATORY NOTE TO THE REVISED EDITION.
In this Revised Edition many changes and corrections in details have
been introduced throughout the book, but no alterations have been made
in the treatment of broad general principles, except in the chapter on
Sound (§§ 16-179). This has been very largely rewritten and extended
from nineteen to thirty-one pages by my friend, Professor Hanns Oertel,
of Yale University, who has also been kind enough to make the changes in
the chapters on Formation and Inflection rendered necessary by his
rewriting of the sections on Sound. In this rewriting Mr. Oertel has
proceeded upon the ideas that in a school grammar, even an advanced one,
phonology should play a subordinate part; that nothing should be
introduced that cannot be illustrated from such Latin and Greek as are
available to the student; and that those points should be emphasized
which assist in the analyzing of compounds and in the understanding of
word-formation and inflection. With these ideas, which necessarily
prevent the introduction of some important topics treated in works on
phonetics, I am in entire sympathy.
My thanks are due to not a few scholars and reviewers who have pointed
out passages in the first edition which in their opinion called for
changes. Some of their suggestions I have adopted; with others I have
found myself unable to agree.
M. H. M.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY,
CAMBRIDGE, May, 1903.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
The References Are To Sections.
Parts of Latin Grammar, 1.
PART FIRST: WORDS, 2-1022.
Parts of Speech, 2-15.
(A.) SOUND, 16-179.
Alphabet, 16-30.
Sources of our Pronunciation, 31.
Vowels, 32-46.
Long and Short, 33-36.
Pronunciation, 37-42.
Classification, 43-46.
Diphthongs, 47-50.
Nature and Kinds, 47, 48.
Pronunciation, 49, 50.
Consonants, 51-81.
Pronunciation, 51-72.
Classification, 73-81.
Syllabic and Unsyllabic Function, 82, 83.
Accent, 84-98.
Nature, 84.
Marks of Accent, 85.
The Classical Accent, 86-88.
Earlier Recessive Accent, 89-91.
Proclitics and Enclitics, 92-94.
Change of Sound, 95-174.
_Vowel Change_:
Of Diphthongs, 95-101; 108.
Of Simple Vowels, 102-107.
Loss, 110-113.
Hiatus, 114-116.
Synizesis, 117.
Contraction, 118.
Elision, 119.
Combination into Diphthongs, 120.
Lengthening, 121-123.
Shortening, 124-132.
Transfer of Quantity, 133.
Variation, 134.
Quantitative Vowel Gradation, 135.
Qualitative Vowel Changes, 136-143.
Assimilation, 144.
Qualitative Vowel Gradation, 145.
_Consonant Change_:
Disappearance or Change of Single Consonants, 146-161.
Change in Consonant Groups, 162-179.
Assimilation, 163-166.
Consonantal Glides, 167.
Disappearance, 168-171.
Development of Anaptyctical Vowel, 172.
Dissimilation, 173.
Changes within Compounds, 174.
Syllables, 175-179.
Defined, 175, 176.
Length of Syllables, 177, 178.
Loss, 179.
(B.) FORMATION, 180-396.
Definitions, 180-198.
Roots, 183-189.
Present Stems as Roots, 190-194.
Stems, 195-197.
Primitives and Denominatives, 198.
Formation of the Noun, 199-364.
Without a Formative Suffix, 199.
Formative Suffixes, 200-203.
_Formation of the Substantive_:
Primitives, 204-245.
Denominatives, 246-279.
_Formation of the Adjective_:
Primitives, 280-297.
Denominatives, 298-341.
Comparison, 342-364.
Formation of Denominative Verbs, 365-375.
Composition, 376-396.
Of Nouns, 379-390.
Of Verbs, 391-396.
(C.) INFLECTION, 397-1022.
Definition, 397.
(A.) INFLECTION OF THE NOUN, 398-712.
General Principles, 398-431.
Case Endings, 398.
The Stem, 399-401.
Gender, 402-413.
Number, 414-418.
Case, 419-431.
The Substantive, 432-607.
Stems in #-ā-# (_The First Declension_), 432-445.
Stems in #-o-# (_The Second Declension_), 446-466.
Consonant Stems (_The Third Declension_), 467-512.
Stems in #-i-# (_The Third Declension_), 513-569.
Gender of Consonant Stems and #-i-# Stems, 570-584.
Stems in #-u-# (_The Fourth Declension_), 585-595.
Stems in #-ē-# (_The Fifth Declension_), 596-607.
The Adjective, 608-643.
Stems in #-o-# and #-ā-#, 613-620.
Consonant Stems, 621-626.
Stems in #-i-#, 627-636.
Numeral Adjectives, 637-643.
The Pronoun, 644-695.
Personal and Reflexive, 644-651.
Personal and Reflexive Possessive, 652-655.
Other Pronouns, 656-659.
Demonstrative, 660-670.
Determinative, 671-675.
Pronoun of Identity, 676-678.
Intensive, 679-680.
Relative, Interrogative, and Indefinite, 681-694.
Correlative Pronouns, 695.
The Adverb, Conjunction, and Preposition, 696-712.
Nouns as Adverbs, 696-698.
Accusative, 699-702.
Ablative, 703-707.
Locative, 708-709.
Other Endings, 710.
Correlative Adverbs, 711.
Sentences as Adverbs, 712.
(B.) INFLECTION OF THE VERB, 713-1022.
General Principles, 713-742.
The Stem, 714-720.
The Person Ending, 721-731.
Nouns of the Verb, 732.
Principal Parts, 733-735.
Designation of the Verb, 736-737.
Theme, 738-740.
Classes of Verbs, 741-742.
Primitive Verbs, 743-791.
Root Verbs, 743-744.
Inflection of #sum#, 745-750.
#possum#, 751-753.
#dō#, 754-757.
#bibō#, #serō#, #sistō#, 758.
#inquam#, 759-761.
#eō#, 762-767.
#queō# and #nequeō#, 768.
#edō#, 769-771.
#volō#, #nōlō#, #mālō#, 772-779.
#ferō#, 780-781.
Verbs in #-ere# (_The Third Conjugation_), #regō#, 782-783.
Verbs in #-iō#, #-ere#, 784-791.
#capiō#, 784-785.
#āiō#, 786-787.
#fiō#, 788-790.
Others in #-iō#, #-ere#, 791.
Denominative Verbs, 792-797.
Verbs in #-āre# (_The First Conjugation_), #laudō#, 792-793.
Verbs in #-ēre# (_The Second Conjugation_), #moneō#, 794-795.
Verbs in #-īre# (_The Fourth Conjugation_), #audiō#, 796-797.
Deponent Verbs, 798-801.
Periphrastic Forms, 802-804.
Defective Verbs, 805-817.
Redundant Verbs, 818-823.
Formation of Stems, 824-919.
Variable Vowel, 824-827.
_The Present System_:
Present Indicative Stem, 828-840.
Present Subjunctive, 841-843.
Imperative, 844-846.
Imperfect Indicative, 847-848.
Imperfect Subjunctive, 849-850.
Future, 851-853.
_The Perfect System_:
Perfect Indicative Stem, 854-875.
Perfect Subjunctive, 876-878.
Perfect Imperative, 879.
Pluperfect Indicative, 880.
Pluperfect Subjunctive, 881.
Future Perfect, 882-884.
Short or Old forms of the Perfect System, 885-893.
_Nouns of the Verb_:
The Infinitive, 894-898.
Gerundive and Gerund, 899.
Supine, 900.
Present Participle, 901-903.
Future Participle, 904-905.
Perfect Participle, 906-919.
List of Verbs arranged according to the Principal Parts, 920-1022.
PART SECOND: SENTENCES, 1023-2299.
Definitions, 1023-1061.
The Simple Sentence, 1023-1025.
The Subject, 1026-1034.
The Predicate, 1035-1036.
Enlargements of the Subject, 1038-1047.
Enlargements of the Predicate, 1048-1054.
Combination of Sentences, 1055.
The Compound Sentence, 1056-1057.
The Complex Sentence, 1058-1061.
Agreement, 1062-1098.
Of the Verb, 1062-1076.
Of the Substantive, 1077-1081.
Of the Adjective, 1082-1098.
THE SIMPLE SENTENCE, 1099-1635.
(A.) USE OF THE NOUN, 1099-1468.
Number and Gender, 1099-1110.
Case, 1111-1437.
NOMINATIVE, 1113-1123.
Nominative of Title, 1114-1116.
Of Exclamation, 1117.
Vocative Nominative and Vocative Proper, 1118-1123.
ACCUSATIVE, 1124-1174.
Of the Object, 1132-1139.
Emphasizing or Defining, 1140-1146.
Of the Part Concerned, 1147.
Of the Thing Put On, 1148.
Of Exclamation, 1149-1150.
Of Space and Time, 1151-1156.
Of the Aim of Motion, 1157-1166.
Two Accusatives Combined, 1167-1174.
DATIVE, 1175-1225.
_I. The Complementary Dative_:
(1.) The Essential Complement:
With Verbs, 1180-1199.
With Adjectives, 1200-1204.
(2.) The Optional Complement:
Of the person or thing interested, 1205-1210.
The Emotional Dative, 1211.
The Dative of the Possessor, 1212-1216.
Of Relation, 1217-1218.
_II. The Predicative Dative_:
Of Tendency or Result, 1219-1222.
Of Purpose or Intention, 1223-1225.
GENITIVE, 1226-1295.
_I. With Substantives_:
In General, 1227-1231.
Of the Subject, Cause, Origin, or Owner, 1232-1238.
Of Quality, 1239-1240.
Partitive, 1241-1254.
Of Definition, 1255-1259.
Objective, 1260-1262.
_II. With Adjectives_, 1263-1270.
_III. With Verbs_:
Of Valuing, 1271-1275.
With rēfert and interest, 1276-1279.
With Judicial Verbs, 1280-1282.
With Impersonals of Mental Distress, 1283-1286.
With Verbs of Memory, 1287-1291.
Of Participation and Mastery, 1292.
Of Fulness and Want, 1293-1294.
_IV. The Genitive of Exclamation_, 1295.
ABLATIVE, 1296-1400.
_I. The Ablative Proper_:
Of Separation and Want, and of Departure, 1302-1311.
Of Source, Stuff, or Material, 1312-1315.
Of Cause, Influence, or Motive, 1316-1319.
Of Comparison, 1320-1330.
_II. The Locative Ablative_:
The Locative Proper, 1331-1341.
The Ablative used as Locative:
Of Place in, on, or at which, 1342-1349.
Of Time at which or within which, 1350-1355.
_III. The Instrumental Ablative_:
(1.) The Ablative of Attendance:
Of Accompaniment, 1356-1357.
Of Manner, 1358-1361.
Ablative Absolute, 1362-1374.
Ablative of Quality, 1375.
Of the Route Taken, 1376.
(2.) The Instrumental Proper:
Of Instrument or Means, 1377-1384.
Of Specification, 1385.
Of Fulness, 1386-1387.
Of Measure, Exchange, and Price, 1388-1392.
Of the Amount of Difference, 1393-1399.
Two or more Ablatives Combined, 1400.
Use of Cases with Prepositions, 1401-1437.
In General, 1401-1409.
With the Accusative, 1410-1416.
With the Ablative, 1417-1421.
With the Accusative or the Ablative, 1422-1425.
Combination of Substantives by a Preposition, 1426-1428.
Repetition or Omission of a Preposition, 1429-1430.
Two Prepositions with one Substantive, 1431-1432.
Position of Prepositions, 1433-1437.
Use of Adverbs, 1438-1453.
Use of Degrees of Comparison, 1454-1468.
(B.) USE OF THE VERB, 1469-1635.
Voice, 1469-1492.
Active, 1469-1471.
Passive, 1472-1485.
Deponents, 1486-1492.
Mood, 1493-1586.
THE INDICATIVE, 1493-1533.
In Declarations, 1493-1498.
In Questions, 1499-1533.
Yes or No Questions, 1502-1510.
Positive and Negative Answers, 1511-1514.
Alternative Questions, 1515-1525.
Pronoun Questions, 1526-1530.
Some Applications of Questions, 1531-1533.
THE INFINITIVE OF INTIMATION, 1534-1539.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE, 1540-1570.
The Subjunctive in Declarations:
_I. Of Desire_:
Of Wish, 1540-1546.
Of Exhortation, Direction, Statement of Propriety, 1547-1552.
Of Willingness, Assumption, Concession, 1553.
_II. Of Action Conceivable_, 1554-1562.
The Subjunctive in Questions, 1563-1570.
THE IMPERATIVE, 1571-1586.
Of Command, 1571-1580.
Of Prohibition, 1581-1586.
Tense, 1587-1635.
OF THE INDICATIVE, 1587-1633.
Present, 1587-1593.
Imperfect, 1594-1601.
Perfect, 1602-1613.
Pluperfect, 1614-1618.
Future, 1619-1625.
Future Perfect, 1626-1632.
The Future Active Participle with sum, 1633.
OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE, 1634-1635.
THE COMPOUND SENTENCE, OR COORDINATION, 1636-1713.
Without a Connective, 1637-1642.
With a Connective, 1643-1692.
Conjunctions, 1643.
Copulative, 1644-1666.
Disjunctive, 1667-1675.
Adversative, 1676-1686.
Other Words as Connectives, 1687-1692.
The Intermediate Coordinate Sentence, 1693-1713.
The Subordinate Idea unindicated by the Mood, 1695-1704.
The Subordinate Idea indicated by the Subjunctive, 1705-1713.
THE COMPLEX SENTENCE, OR SUBORDINATION, 1714-2299.
Definitions and Classifications, 1714-1716.
Primary and Secondary Tenses, 1717.
Virtual Futures, 1718.
Mood of the Subordinate Sentence, 1720-1731.
The Indicative, 1721.
The Subjunctive:
In Indirect Discourse, and in cases of Attraction, 1722-1729.
Of Repeated Action, 1730.
As in the Simple Sentence, 1731.
Tense of the Subordinate Sentence, 1732-1772.
Of the Indicative, 1732-1739.
Of the Subjunctive, 1740-1772.
Sequence of Tenses, 1745-1772.
Tense subordinate to an Indicative, 1746-1761.
Tense subordinate to a Subjunctive, 1762-1765.
Tense subordinate to a Noun of the Verb, 1766-1769.
Subjunctive due to another Subjunctive or to an Infinitive,
1770-1772.
The Indirect Question, 1773-1791.
In General, 1773-1774.
Yes or No Questions, 1775-1777.
Alternative Questions, 1778-1784.
Pronoun Questions, 1785.
Original Subjunctives, 1786.
Indicative Questions apparently Indirect, 1787-1791.
The Relative Sentence, 1792-1837.
Agreement of the Relative, 1801-1811.
Moods in the Relative Sentence, 1812-1830.
Relative Sentences of Purpose, 1817.
Of Characteristic or Result, 1818-1823.
Of Cause or Concession, 1824-1830.
Correlative Sentences, 1831.
Relative Sentences Combined, 1832-1834.
The Relative introducing a main Sentence, 1835-1837.
The Conjunctive Particle Sentence, 1838-2122.
Introduced by #quod#, 1838-1855.
#quia#, 1856-1858.
#quom# or #cum#, 1859-1881.
quoniam#, 1882-1884.
#quotiēns#, #quotiēnscumque#, 1885-1887.
quam#, 1888-1898.
#quamquam#, 1899-1902.
#quamvīs#, 1903-1907.
#tamquam#, 1908-1910.
#antequam#, #priusquam#, 1911-1922.
#postquam#, #ubī̆#, ut#, #cum prīmum#, #simul atque#, 1923-1934.
#ut#, 1935-1970.
#ubī̆#, 1971.
quō#, 1972-1976.
#quōminus#, 1977-1979.
#quīn#, 1980-1990.
#dum#, #dōnec#, quoad#, #quamdiū#, 1991-2009.
#quandō#, 2010-2014.
#sī#, 2015-2115.
#etsī#, tametsī#, #etiamsī#, 2116.
#quasi#, #tamquam sī#, #ut# or #velut sī#, 2117-2122.
Connection of Separate Sentences or Periods, 2123-2159.
Without a Connective, 2124-2127.
With a Connective, 2128-2158.
Affirmative Coordination, 2159.
Nouns of the Verb, 2160-2299.
THE INFINITIVE, 2160-2236.
Definitions, 2160-2163.
The Infinitive of Purpose, 2164-2165.
With Adjectives, 2166.
_The Infinitive as Object_:
The Complementary Infinitive, 2168-2171.
The Accusative with the Infinitive, 2172-2206.
_The Infinitive as Subject_, 2207-2215.
The Infinitive of Exclamation, 2216.
_Tenses of the Infinitive_, 2218.
Present, 2219-2222.
Perfect, 2223-2231.
Future, 2232-2236.
THE GERUNDIVE AND GERUND, 2237-2268.
Definitions, 2237-2242.
Nominative, 2243-2249.
Accusative, 2250-2253.
Dative, 2254-2257.
Genitive, 2258-2264.
Ablative, 2265-2268.
THE SUPINE, 2269-2277.
Definitions, 2269.
Supine in #-um#, 2270-2273.
Supine in #-ū#, 2274-2277.
THE PARTICIPLE, 2278-2299.
Definition, 2278.
Time of the Participle, 2279-2281.
The Attributive Participle, 2282-2286.
The Substantive Participle, 2287-2292.
The Appositive Participle, 2293-2296.
The Predicative Participle, 2297-2299.
APPENDIX, 2300-2745.
Some Occasional Peculiarities of Verbs, 2300-2307.
The Conative Use, 2301-2303.
The Causative Use, 2304.
The Potential Use, 2305.
The Obligatory Use, 2306.
The Permissive Use, 2307.
Indirect Discourse, 2308-2334.
Definitions, 2308-2311.
Mood, 2312-2320.
Tense, 2321-2324.
Pronoun, 2325.
Conditional Periods in Indirect Discourse, 2326-2334.
Use of Pronouns, 2335-2403.
Personal, 2335.
Reflexive, 2336-2343.
Equivalents for a Reciprocal Pronoun, 2344-2345.
Possessive, 2346.
Demonstrative, 2347-2364.
Determinative, 2365-2370.
Pronoun of Identity, 2371-2373.
Intensive, 2374-2384.
Interrogative, 2385-2386.
Relative, 2387.
Indefinite, 2388-2403.
Numerals, 2404-2428.
Classification, 2404.
List of Numerals, 2405.
Notation, 2406-2411.
Some forms of Numerals, 2412-2418.
Some uses of Numerals, 2419-2422 Other Numerals, 2423.
Fractions, 2424-2428.
Prosody, 2429-2739.
RULES OF QUANTITY, 2429-2472.
In Classical Latin, 2429-2457.
Position, 2458.
Hidden Quantity, 2459-2463.
Peculiarities of Quantity in Old Latin, 2464-2469.
Iambic Shortening, 2470-2472.
FIGURES OF PROSODY, 2473-2510.
Hiatus, 2473-2480.
Elision, 2481-2492.
Ecthlipsis, 2493-2496.
Semi-Hiatus or Semi-Elision, 2497.
Synaloepha, 2498.
Synizesis, 2499.
Synaeresis, 2500.
Dialysis, 2501.
Diaeresis, 2502.
Hardening, 2503.
Softening, 2504.
Diastolé, 2505-2506.
Systolé, 2507.
Syncopé, 2508.
Tmesis, 2509.
Synapheia, 2510.
VERSIFICATION, 2511-2739.
Definitions, 2511-2548.
Numeri Italici, 2549.
The Saturnian, 2550-2554.
Dactylic Rhythms, 2555-2580.
Iambic Rhythms, 2581-2627.
Trochaic Rhythms, 2628-2649.
Logaoedic Rhythms, 2650-2074.
Dactylo-Trochaic Rhythms, 2675-2681.
Anapaestic Rhythms, 2682-2690.
Cretic Rhythms, 2691-2697.
Bacchiac Rhythms, 2698-2706.
Choriambic Rhythms, 2707.
Ionic Rhythms, 2708-2717.
Lyric Metres of Horace, 2718-2737.
Lyric Strophes of Catullus, 2738.
Index of Horatian Odes and their metres, 2739.
Abbreviations used in citing the Authors, 2740-2745.
Index of Subjects.
Index of Latin Words.
LATIN GRAMMAR
1. Latin Grammar has two parts. I. The first part treats of words: (A.)
their sound; (B.) their formation; (C.) their inflection. II. The second
part shows how words are joined together in sentences.
PART FIRST [decoration] WORDS
PARTS OF SPEECH.
2. The principal kinds of words or PARTS OF SPEECH are _Nouns_, _Verbs_,
and _Conjunctions_.
3. I. NOUNS are _Substantive_ or _Adjective_.
4. (A.) NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, otherwise called Substantives, are divided,
as to meaning, into _Concrete_ and _Abstract_.
5. (1.) CONCRETE SUBSTANTIVES denote persons or things. Concrete
Substantives are subdivided into _Proper Names_, which denote individual
persons or things: as, #Cicerō#, _Cicero_; #Rōma#, _Rome_; and _Common
Names_, otherwise called _Appellatives_, which denote one or more of a
class: as, #homo#, _man_; #taurus#, _bull_.
6. Appellatives which denote a collection of single things are called
_Collectives_: as, #turba#, _crowd_; #exercitus#, _army_. Appellatives
which denote stuff, quantity, material, things not counted, but having
measure or weight, are called _Material Substantives_: as, #vīnum#,
_wine_; #ferrum#, _iron_; #faba#, _horsebeans_.
7. (2.) ABSTRACT SUBSTANTIVES denote qualities, states, conditions: as,
#rubor#, _redness_; #aequitās#, _fairness_; #sōlitūdō#, _loneliness_.
8. (B.) NOUNS ADJECTIVE, otherwise called Adjectives, attached to
substantives, describe persons or things: as, #ruber#, _red_; #aequus#,
_fair_; #sōlus#, _alone_.
9. PRONOUNS are words of universal application which serve as
substitutes for nouns.
Thus, #taurus#, _bull_, names, and #ruber#, _red_, describes, particular
things; but #ego#, _I_, is universally applicable to any speaker, and
#meus#, _mine_, to anything belonging to any speaker.
10. ADVERBS are mostly cases of nouns used to denote manner, place, time
or degree: as, #subitō#, _suddenly_; #forās#, _out of doors_; #diū#,
_long_; #valdē#, _mightily_, _very_.
11. PREPOSITIONS are adverbs which are used to modify as prefixes the
meaning of verbs, or to define more nicely the meaning of cases: as,
#vocō#, _I call_, #ēvocō#, _I call out_; #ex urbe#, _from town_.
12. II. VERBS are words which denote action, including existence or
condition: as, #regit#, _he guides_; #est#, _he is_; #latet#, _he is
hid_.
13. III. CONJUNCTIONS connect sentences, nouns, or verbs: as, #et#,
_and_; #sed#, _but_.
14. INTERJECTIONS are cries which express feeling, and are not usually a
part of the sentence: as, #ā#, _ah_; #heu#, _alas_.
15. There is no ARTICLE in Latin: thus, #mēnsa# may denote _table_, _a
table_, or _the table_.
[Erratum:
2 ... _Nouns_, _Verbs_, and _Conjunctions_.
_Nouns_ _Verbs_,]
A. SOUND.
ALPHABET.
16. In Cicero’s time, the sounds of the Latin language were denoted by
twenty-one letters (_DN._ 2, 93).
Character Name pronounced
#A# a _ah_
#B# be _bay_
#C# ce _kay_
#D# de _day_
#E# e _eh_
#F# ef _ef_
#G# ge _gay_
#H# ha _hah_
#I# i _ee_
#K# ka _kah_
#L# el _el_
#M# em _em_
#N# en _en_
#O# o _o_
#P# pe _pay_
#Q# qu _koo_
#R# er _air_
#S# es _ess_
#T# te _tay_
#V# u _oo_
#X# ix _eex_
The names given above are those employed by Roman grammarians. The sound
indicated by _-ay_ is only approximate; the true sound is that of the
French _ê_ in _fête_; see 39. The names of the letters are indeclinable;
for their gender, see 412.
17. Two other letters were also in use to represent Greek sounds in
Greek words; these were always called by their Greek names, and were
placed at the end of the alphabet; they are #Y#, named _ü_ (42), and
#Z#, named #zēta# (71).
18. ORIGIN OF THE ALPHABET. The Latin alphabet, which originally
consisted of capitals only, was adapted from the alphabet of Chalcidian
colonies in Italy.
19. SPELLING. The signs for the Greek sounds denoted by φ and χ, and
perhaps also that for θ, these three sounds being unknown in Latin, were
used as numerals (2407). In words borrowed from the Greek the Romans at
first represented θ by #t#, φ by #p#, and χ by #c#: as, #tūs#,
_incense_, for θύος; #Poenī#, _Punians_, for Φοίνικες; #calx#, _chalk_,
for χάλιξ. Occasionally also the Latin mute was doubled: as, #struppus#,
_strap_, for στρόφος. Later, about the middle of the second century
B.C., #th#, #ph#, and #ch# begin to be used: as, #cothurnus#, _boot_,
for κόθορνος; #amphora#, _jar_, for ἀμφόρα; #Achaea# for Ἀχαιά. In some
instances these aspirates were next introduced even into words purely
Latin: as, #chommodus#, _affable_, for #commodus#, an affectation
ridiculed by Catullus (Cat. 84) and disapproved by Quintilian
(1, 5, 20). But #pulcher#, _pretty_, is the usual spelling for #pulcer#
(formed by the suffix #-cro-# from the stem of the verb #poliō#, _I
polish_). Even Cicero (_O._ 160) aspirated the #c# in this word as a
concession to popular usage, as he did the #t# in #Cethēgus#,
#Karthāgō#, and the #p# in #triumphus#, while he retained the
unaspirated explosive in the proper names #Orcīvius#, _name of a
‘gens,’_ #Matō#, #Otō#, #Caepiō#, and in #sepulcrum#, _tomb_; #corōna#,
_crown_; and #lacrima#, _tear_. In a similar manner Greek ρ was at first
transcribed by #r#: as, #rumpia#, _a kind of weapon_, for ῥομφαία; but
later by #rh#: as, #rhētor#, _rhetorician_, for ῥητωρ.
20. The letters #C# (first written #<#) and #K# were at an early period
used promiscuously, and #C# stood for both unvoiced #k# and voiced #g#:
as, VIRCO, #virgō#, _virgin_. Afterwards #K# dropped out of general use
except in the abbreviations #K.# or #Kal.# for #kalendae#, _first of the
month_, and #K.# for the proper name #Kaesō# (Quint. 1, 7, 10). About
300 B.C. the sign #<# or #C# was used for the unvoiced _k_ alone, while
a separate sign, which became #G#, was set apart for the voiced _g_. But
#C# continued to be used for _g_ in the abbreviations #C# for #Gāius#,
#Ↄ# for #Gāia#, and #Cn.# for #Gnaeus#. Occasionally #q# is written for
#c#, almost always before the vowels #o# and #u#: as, #qum# for #cum#,
_with_; #qolunt# for #colunt#, _they cultivate_; #peqūnia#, _money_. But
ordinarily #q# is found before unsyllabic (consonantal) #u# (#v#) only
(22).
21. Before the introduction of #Y# and #Z# (17), #u# was used for the
Greek υ: as, #Burrus#, later #Pyrrhus# (Cic. _O._ 160); and #s#, or, as
a medial, #ss#, for ζ: as, #sōna#, _belt_, later #zōna#; #massa#,
_lump_, for μᾶζα; #malacissō#, _I soften_, for μαλακίζω. By a blunder,
#y# was occasionally introduced in words of Latin origin: as, #lacryma#,
_tear_, for #lacrima#, which was wrongly supposed to be derived from
Greek δάκρυ.
22. The characters #I# and #V# represent not only the two vowels #i# and
#u#, but also their cognate semivowels (52) #i̭# and #ṷ# (83), called
commonly _consonant_ #i# and #u#, but with less ambiguity _unsyllabic_
#i# and #u# (82; 83). They are equivalent to the English _y_ and _w_
respectively.
23. In words like #maior#, simple #i# was commonly written for the sound
of #i̭i̭# (153, 2; 82; 83). But Cicero in such cases wrote #ii#: as,
#aiiō#, _I say_, #Maiia#, #Troiia# (Quint. 1, 4, 11). In the same way
Lucretius spelled #Graiiugenārum#, _of Greek-born men_, and EIIVS, _of
him_, CVIIVS, _whose_, occur in inscriptions. Sometimes the same sound
is represented by a taller letter, ‘_i longa_,’ especially in the
imperial age: as, MAIOR, _greater_. There are also cases in which the
two designations were confounded, a double #i# being written, and one or
the other letter made taller: as, EIIVS or EIIVS, _of him_.
24. The tall #i#, #I longa#, was used not only to represent unsyllabic
#i# (22), but, beginning with Sulla’s time, also for long vowel #i#
(29, 2, _b_): as, SIGNA, _signs_; QVINQVE, _five_. It also represents
sometimes double #i#: as, VIS for VIĪS, _in the roads_. At the beginning
of words it occurs without reference to quantity for both short and long
#i#, and, by mistake, #I# is elsewhere found for short #i#.
25. The emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54) introduced a separate sign for
unsyllabic #u# (22), restricting the sign #v# to the vowel #u# (Quint.
1, 7, 26; Ta. 11, 14); but it did not become current.
26. In schoolbooks and most texts of the authors, the vowel #u# is
printed #U#, #u#, and the consonant #V#, #v#. A character, #J#, #j#, was
introduced in the 17th century, to indicate the consonant #i#. But this
character is no longer usual in editions of the authors or in
schoolbooks.
27. The distinction between #u# and #v# is not always made very
consistently: #q# has regularly, and #g# and #s# have sometimes, an
aftersound of _w_, best represented by #v#; but the usual practice is to
write #u#, as in the following disyllables: #quōrum#, _of whom_;
#anguis#, _snake_; #suāvis#, _sweet_. #qu# is always counted as a single
sound (177). See also 2504.
28. For the intermediate sound (103) between #i# and #u#, as in the
first syllable of #lubet#, #libet#, _it pleases_, and in the second
syllable of #optimus#, #optumus#, _best_ (Quint. 1, 4, 8; 7, 21), the
emperor Claudius invented a separate character. It failed of acceptance,
as did also the sign which he attempted to introduce for #ps#.
29. The same characters were ordinarily used to denote both long and
short vowels. But at different periods long vowels were sometimes
indicated in inscriptions thus:
(1.) Long #a#, #e#, or #u# was sometimes doubled: as, AARA, _altar_;
PAASTORES, _shepherds_; LEEGE, _by law_; IVVS, _right_. This doubling,
which was never frequent, seems to have been introduced into Latin from
the Oscan by the poet Accius. It occurs most frequently in inscriptions
about the year 150 B.C., but sporadically much later: as, CONVENTVVS,
_of the assembly_; ARBITRATVV, _by the decree_; and in other stems in
#-u-# (593).
(2.) Long #i# was often denoted (_a._) By the spelling #ei# (after the
pronunciation of this diphthong had been changed to #ī#, 98): as, DAREI,
_be given_; REDIEIT, _hath come back_; INTERIEISTI, _hast died_. Some
Roman grammarians prescribed this spelling for every long #i#; others
tried to regulate the use of #ei# for #ī# by special rules. At the end
of the republic, the spelling EI had given way to uniform I. (_b._)
Since the time of Sulla, by a taller letter (‘_i longa_’): as, FIXA,
_fastened_ (23, 24).
(3.) A mark called an _apex_ ([illustration]) was often put over a long
vowel: as, FE͆CIT, _made_; HORTE͆NSIVS; DVV͆MVIRATVS, _duumvirate_. The
apex was written ´ in the imperial age; the form -, which occurs in an
inscription, was adopted by the grammarians, and is still in use to mark
the long vowels. It may be mentioned that inscriptions which employ the
apex are by no means consistent in its use, and that late inscriptions
have it over short and long vowels, apparently for decorative purposes.
Quintilian 1, 7, 2 prescribes it only for cases which otherwise might be
ambiguous: as, MÁLVS (#mālus#), _mast_, to distinguish it from MALVS
(#malus#), _bad_.
30. In schoolbooks, a long vowel is indicated by a horizontal line over
it: as, #āra#, _altar_; #mēnsis#, _month_; #ōrdō#, _series_. A short
vowel is sometimes indicated by a curved mark: as, #pĕr#, _through_;
#dŭx#, _leader_; but this mark is unnecessary if long vowels are
systematically marked. Usually the quantity of the vowels in each word
is definitely fixed; but in a few cases the same vowel may be now short,
now long, as in English the _ee_ of _been_ is pronounced long by some
(_bean_), short by others (_bin_). Thus (2446) #mihi#, #ibi# were
sometimes pyrrhics (⏑, 2522), sometimes iambi (⏑ -, 2521). See for other
cases 134, 2443, 2452, 2453. Such vowels of variable quantity are termed
_common_ and marked ⏓ or ⏒: as #mihī̆#, _to me_ (2514).
PRONUNCIATION.
31. The pronunciation of Latin sounds may be approximately determined:
(_a_) from the description of the native grammarians and incidental
allusions in other Latin authors; (_b_) from variations in spelling;
(_c_) from the Greek transliteration of Latin words; (_d_) from the
Latin transliteration of foreign words; (_e_) from the development of
the sounds in languages derived from the Latin.
VOWELS.
32. Vowels are sounds which are produced by the vibrations of the vocal
chords (this may be easily felt by placing a finger on the throat at the
Adam’s apple) and without any audible friction or any obstruction
anywhere in the passage above the vocal chords. The difference in the
sound of the vowels is due to the different shape which the position of
the tongue and the lips gives in each case to the cavity of the mouth.
During the pronunciation of pure vowels no air escapes through the nose.
33. The simple vowels, #a#, #e#, #i#, #o#, #u# (#y#), are either _long_
or _short_. The sound of a long vowel is considered to be twice the
length of that of a short.
34. That a long vowel is equal to two shorts is a rule of metrical
theory (see 2515). In actual pronunciation, there were undoubtedly
various degrees of length, as in English: e.g., _sea_, _seize_ (long),
_cease_ (half-long).
QUANTITY OF VOWELS.
The quantity of vowels must in general be learned by observation; but
some convenient helps for the memory may be found in 2429; and the
quantity of many vowels may be ascertained by the general principles
given in 35 and 36. Except in the case of _Hidden Quantity_ (2459), the
quantity of vowels is in general ascertained from verse. But some
information may also be gleaned from such rhetorical prose as exhibits
well defined habits in the rhythmical endings selected for sentences
(#clausulae#, Cic. _O._ 191-226).
(A.) SHORT VOWELS.
35. A vowel is short:
(1.) Before another vowel or #h# (124): as, #eōs#, #ēvehō#; compare
#taceō# with #tacēre#. For exceptions in classical Latin, see 127; for
exceptions in early Latin see 126.
(2.) Before #nt# and #nd# (128) if not the result of contraction: as,
#calendae#, #centum#; compare #amant#, #amandus#, with #amāre#.
(3.) Before final #t# and #m#, and, in words of more than one syllable,
before final #r# and #l# (132): compare #amat#, #amem#, with #amās# and
#amēs#.
(B.) LONG VOWELS.
36. All vowels are long which are:
(1) Weakened from a diphthong (96-101; 108), or which are the result of
contraction (118): as, #concīdō# from #caedō#; #cōgō# from #co-agō#.
(2) Lengthened by compensation (121): as, #quīnī# for #*quincnī#.
(3) Before #nf#, #ns#, often before #nc# followed by a consonant, and,
in some cases, before #gn# (122).
PRONUNCIATION OF VOWELS.
37. The following English sounds come nearest to the Latin pronunciation
of the vowels:
38. LONG VOWELS. #ā# had the sound of _a_ in _father_; #ē# that of _a_
in _fate_ (but see 39); #ī# that of _i_ in _machine_; #ō# that of _o_ in
_tone_; #ū# that of _u_ in _rule_.
39. It must be noted, however, that all English long vowels, save _a_ as
in _father_, are more or less diphthongal, that is, they become
gradually closer (46); _a_ in _fate_ ends in a vanishing sound of _ee_
(not heard in the _ê_ of French _fête_), and _o_ in _no_ ends in the
sound of _oo_. Similarly the long _e_ sound in _he_ becomes closer and
ends in a sound similar to the _y_ in _year_. In Latin all long vowels
had one sustained sound.
40. SHORT VOWELS. #a# sounded approximately like the English _a_ in the
first syllable of _aha_; #e#, #i#, #o#, and #u# sounded like _e_ in
_step_, _i_ in _pit_, _o_ in _obey_, and _u_ in _pull_ respectively.
41. Latin short #a# did not differ, except in quantity, from long #ā#;
it never had the ‘flat’ sound of English _a_ in _pat_. In the case of
the other vowels, #i#, #e#, #o#, and #u#, the long vowels were closer
(46) than the short ones. This is the same difference which the English
shows in _keen_ (long and close) and _kin_ (short and open); _pool_
(long and close) and _pull_ (short and open). For this reason, open #i#
is sometimes represented by #e# in inscriptions: as, ANEMA for #anima#,
_soul_; and #vea# was the rustic pronunciation for #via#, _road_ (Varro,
_R. R._ 1, 2, 14).
42. #Y#, which was a sound borrowed from the Greek (17), sounded like
German _ü_. The sound, which is missing in English, is formed with the
tongue in position for _i_ (in _kin_) and the lips rounded as for _oo_
(in _moon_).
CLASSIFICATION OF VOWELS.
43. Vowels are divided according to the position of the tongue. Latin
#i# and #e# are called _front vowels_, because the front part of the
tongue is elevated. This elevation is greater for #i# than for #e#.
Latin #o# and #u# are called _back vowels_, because they require an
elevation of the rear part of the tongue. This elevation is greater for
#u# than for #o#. Latin #a# holds an intermediate position, no part of
the tongue being raised, while the front part is depressed.
44. In the formation of #i# and #e#, the tongue approaches the hard
palate; hence these two vowels are also called _palatal vowels_.
Similarly, #o# and #u# are called _velar_ or _guttural vowels_, because
in their formation the tongue approaches the soft palate (#vēlum
palātī#).
45. #o# and #u# require a rounding of the lips (#labia#); hence they are
called _labial vowels_. The same is true for #y#.
46. Comparing the vowels in English _keen_ and _kin_, it will be noted
that the passage between the tongue and the hard palate is narrower in
the former than in the latter case. The _ee_ in _keen_ is therefore said
to be a _narrow_ or _close_ vowel, while the _i_ in _kin_ is _wide_ or
_open_. See 41.
DIPHTHONGS.
47. Two unlike (43-46) vowels pronounced under one stress and as one
syllable form a _Diphthong_. All diphthongs are long.
In all diphthongs the transition from one vowel to the other is gradual.
A diphthong is, therefore, not formed simply by pronouncing two vowels
in succession, but the vocal organs pass through all the intermediate
positions and consequently the sound is constantly changing.
48. In their origin diphthongs are of two kinds: (_a._) primitive
diphthongs: as in #foedus#, _treaty_; #aurum#, _gold_; or (_b._)
secondary diphthongs, the result of vowels meeting in formation,
composition, or inflection: see 120.
49. The diphthongs which occur in classical Latin are #au#, #ae#, #oe#,
and the rare #ui# and #eu#.
#au# sounded like _ou_ in _house_. #ae# had the sound of short Latin #a#
rapidly combined with the sound of _e_ in English _men_. But it is the
common practice now to give to #ae# the sound of _ay_ or _ai_ in _ay_,
_aisle_, although the difference between Latin #ae# and the earlier #ai#
from which it descended is thus obliterated. #oe# had the sound of short
Latin #o# rapidly followed by the sound of _e_ in English _men_. But it
is now customary not to distinguish between Latin #oe# and #oi#, and to
give to both the sound of _oi_ in _boil_. #ui# is pronounced by
combining Latin short #u# and #i# (40, 41) with the stress on the #i#
like French _oui_; #eu# by combining Latin short #e# and #u# with stress
on the #u#.
50. Besides these, the following diphthongs occur in the older
inscriptions: #ai# pronounced as _ai_ in _aisle_; #ei# as _ei_ in
_eight_; #oi# as _oi_ in _boil_; and #ou# which sounded very much like
the final _o_ in _no_, _go_, which is really a diphthong (see 39).
CONSONANTS.
51. Consonants are formed by stopping the breath somewhere in the cavity
of the mouth or by squeezing it through a narrow channel or aperture.
52. SEMIVOWELS. There is no sharp line of demarcation between consonants
and vowels. Some vowels in unsyllabic function (82, 83) notably #i#
(_i̭_) and #u# (_ṷ_) (corresponding to English _y_ and _w_), though
usually classed as consonants, are so closely related to the vowels that
they are termed semivowels (2504). To these may be added also the
liquids #l# and #r#. Contact of the semivowels #i# and #u# with their
corresponding vowels #i# and #u# is avoided in classical times. See for
#-vu-# 107, _c_; for #-quu-# 157; and for #-i̭i-# 104, _c_
(on #obi̭iciō#); 458 (#Bōī# for #*Bōi̭ī#). See 153, 3.
[Erratum:
52 ... See for #-vu-# 107, _c_
107 _c_]
PRONUNCIATION OF CONSONANTS.
53. Most of the consonants are pronounced as in English. The following
points must be noticed:
54. #b# before #a# surd, as #s# or #t#, has the sound of #p#. The
spelling #b# is here simply etymological: as, #abs#, pronounced _aps_
(the #b# retained in spelling because of #ab#); #urbs#, pronounced
_urps_ (the #b# retained because of the oblique cases #urbis#, #urbī#,
etc.); #obterō#, pronounced _opterō_ (Quint. 1, 7, 7), where the
spelling of the preposition #ob# was kept (164).
55. #c# has always the sound of English _k_.
56. #d# before the surd #s# is pronounced #t#; the spelling #d# is
preserved for etymological reasons only: as, #adsum#, pronounced
_atsum_.
57. #g# always has the sound of English _g_ in _go_, never that of _g_
in _gentle_. #gu#, when it makes one syllable with the following vowel,
is pronounced like English _gw_: as, #sanguine# like _sanguine_.
58. #h# has a weak sound as _h_ in British English (Southern), and by
some was not counted as a consonant. Consequently the same uncertainty
existed as to initial #h#. The omission of initial #h# is recognized in
classical Latin for #ānser# (originally #*hānser#). Elsewhere the
omission of initial #h# in spelling, as #ostia# for #hostia#, is rare
until the third century A.D.
Very rarely #h# is written between two vowels to denote that each should
be pronounced separately (like our diaeresis in _coëxtensive_): as,
#ahēneus#, _bronze_, with #aē# separate (116 _a_); but #aes#, _bronze_,
with diphthongal #ae#.
59. Unsyllabic (22) or consonant #i# has the sound of English _y_ in
_year_.
60. There were two varieties of #l#. One was like the English _l_,
guttural in character, because in its pronunciation not only the blade
(front part) of the tongue touched the gums, but in addition to this the
rear part of the tongue was elevated toward the soft palate. The other
#l# was purely dental, and formed without such back elevation. This
second variety appeared in the combination #ll#, or whenever #l# was
followed by the front vowels (43) #e# or #i#, or when it was final.
Elsewhere #l# was guttural.
61. From the earliest times final m in unaccented syllables had a faint
sound or was even inaudible (Quint. 9, 4, 39). Consequently it is often
omitted in writing in the older inscriptions both before an initial
vowel or consonant: as, POCOLO for #pōcolom#; OINO for #oinom# (#ūnum#),
and the grammarian Verrius Flaccus proposed to write only half an #M#
for final #m# before a vowel. In prosody, therefore, final #m# did not
prevent elision (2493). The same is seen in prose in cases like
#animadvertō#, _I pay heed to_, from #anim^{um} advertō#, _I turn my
mind toward_ (395); #vēnīre#, _to be sold_ for #vēn^{um} īre#, _to go to
sale_ (1165). But in monosyllables where #m# closes the accented
syllable, it did not vanish (2494, 2495), and this difference in the
treatment of final #m# is reflected in the Romance languages.
62. #n# stands for two sounds. It represents the dental nasal, as _n_ in
English _now_. But before the gutturals #k#, #c#, #g#, #q#, and the
compound #x (= cs)#, it represents the guttural nasal which is written
_ng_ in English _sing_, _wrong_. This second n is sometimes called #n
adulterīnum# or ‘spurious #n#,’ thus: #nc# (in #avunculus#) as in
_uncle_; #ng# (in #angulus#) as in _angle_; #ngu# (in #sanguine#) as in
_sanguine_; #nqu# (in #inquit#) as _inkw_ in _inkwiper_; #nx#
(in #pīnxit#) as in _lynx_.
63. Dental #n# before #s# had a reduced sound, and is therefore
sometimes omitted in writing: as, CESOR for #cēnsor#; COSOL for
#cōnsul#, in older inscriptions; and #fōrmōsus# by the side of
#fōrmōnsus#; #vīcēsimus# by the side of #vīcēnsimus#, Cicero omitted the
#n# in the adjective suffix #-ēnsis#: as, #forēsia#, _of the forum_;
#hortēsia#, _garden plants_.
64. #q#, in classical Latin, appears only in the combination #qu#,
sounded like English _qu_ or _kw_ (27). #r# was trilled.
65. #s#, in classical Latin was always unvoiced (surd, 75) like English
_s_ in _so_, _sin_, never voiced (sonant, 75) as English _s_ in _ease_.
#su#, when it makes one syllable with the following vowel, is like _sw_
in _sweet_ (27).
66. In old Latin, final #s# after a short vowel and before a consonant
seems to have been reduced in sound or to have disappeared altogether.
In the older inscriptions it is often omitted in the ending of the
nominative singular #-us#, and in the pre-Ciceronian poets final #s#
often does not make position (2468). But such omission was considered
vulgar in Cicero’s time (Cic. _O._ 161; Quint. 9, 4, 38).
67. In the archaic period Latin #s# stood also for the voiced sibilant
(English _s_ in _ease_, _z_ in _zeal_), as in ASA, _altar_ (154).
68. #t# is always sounded as in _time_, never as in _nation_. The
pronunciation of #ci# and #ti# with the #c# and #t# as sibilants (as in
English _cinder_, _nation_) is very late.
69. #v# is like the English _w_.
70. #x# is a compound consonant, standing for #cs#, and so sounded,
never as English _gs_ or _gz_.
71. _z_, being a Greek sound, should have retained its Greek
pronunciation. This differed in the different dialects; in the Attic of
the fourth century B.C. it was approximately that of English _z_ in
_zeal_, while its earlier value was _zd_. The Romans had great
difficulty in pronouncing this sound (Quint. 12, 10, 27 f.), but the
grammarian Velius Longus expressly states that it should not be
pronounced as a compound sound (_zd_).
72. About 100 B.C. the combinations #ch#, #ph#, and #th# were introduced
in Greek words to represent χ, φ, and θ; as #Philippus#, for the older
PILIPVS. Somewhat later these combinations were in general use in some
Latin words (19). #ch# is thought to have been pronounced like _kh_ in
_blockhead_, #ph# as in _uphill_, and #th# as in _hothouse_. But in
practice #ch# is usually sounded as in the German _machen_ or _ich_,
#ph# as in _graphic_, and #th# as in _pathos_.
CLASSIFICATION OF CONSONANTS.
73. EXPLOSIVES. Consonants which are formed by stopping the breath in
the oral cavity and then suddenly removing the obstruction are called
_explosives_. They cannot be prolonged in sound. They are: #c#, #k#,
#q#, #g#; #t#, #d#; #p#, #b#. These are often called _mutes_.
74. CONTINUANTS. Consonants which may be prolonged in sound are called
_continuants_. They are: unsyllabic (83) #i# (59) and #u# (66); #l#
(60), #r#; #l#, #s#, #f#; #n# (62), #m#.
75. VOICED and UNVOICED. If during the emission of breath the vocal
chords vibrate (32), the consonant is said to be _voiced_ or _sonant_:
#g#; #d#; #b#; #n# (62), #m#; #l# (60), #r#; unsyllabic (83) #i# (59)
and #u# (69); otherwise it is said to be _unvoiced_ or _surd_: #c#, #k#,
#q#; #t#; #p#; #h#, #s#, #f#.
76. NASALS. In the majority of consonants, the breath escapes through
the cavity of the mouth, and the cavity of the nose is closed in the
rear by means of the raised soft palate. Those consonants in which the
breath escapes through the nose, while the oral cavity is closed, are
called _nasals_: as, #n#, #m#, #n adulterīnum# (see 62).
77. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO PLACE OF FORMATION. Consonants are
further divided according to the place where the breath is stopped or
squeezed. (1.) If the breath is stopped by the lips, as in #p#, #b#,
#m#, or squeezed through the lips, as in #v# (English _w_), we speak of
_labials_. (2.) If the breath is forced through an opening between the
upper teeth and the lower lip, as in #f#, we speak of a _labiodental_.
(3.) Sounds which are produced by the point of the tongue touching the
upper gums and teeth, as #t#, #d#, #n#, #r#, or by the formation of a
narrow median channel in the same place, like #s#, or of a lateral
channel, like #l# (60), are called _dentals_. (4.) _Palatals_ are formed
by an elevation of the front part of the tongue against the forward
section of the palate, like #i# consonant (English _y_). (5.) If the
back of the tongue touches or approaches the rear part of the palate as
in #k#, #q#, #c#, #g#, #n adulterīnum# (English _ng_ in _sing_), and #l#
(60), we speak of _gutturals_ (_velars_); see 44.
78. SPIRANTS. Sounds which are produced by friction of the breath are
called _spirants_: as, #s#, #f#, and #h#.
79. SIBILANTS. On account of its hissing sound, #s# is called a
sibilant. English _s_, _z_, _th_ are sibilants.
80. DOUBLING OF CONSONANTS. In English, double consonants as the _tt_,
_nn_, _pp_, _mm_ in _motto_, _Anna_, _tapping_, _grammar_, are sounded
exactly like the corresponding single consonants in _cot_, _pan_, _tap_,
_ram_. In Latin, on the other hand, double consonants (#geminātae#) were
pronounced as they are in modern Italian. In the case of explosives
(73), as in #mitto#, after the tongue had come in contact with the roof
of the mouth (= first #t#) a short pause ensued before the explosion
took place (= second #t#). In the case of continuants (74), as in
#summus#, #Apollo#, the #mm# or #ll# was sounded appreciably longer than
a single #m# or #l#, and at the beginning of the second half of the long
continuant there was a slight increase of force.
81. Consonants were not doubled in writing till after 200 B.C.: as,
FVISE for #fuisse#, _to have been_, and for more than a century
afterward the usage is variable: as, in the same inscription, ESSENT,
_they might be_, by the side of SVPERASES, _thou mayest have conquered_;
but it must not be inferred that they were pronounced as single
consonants.
[Errata:
77. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO PLACE OF FORMATION.
final . invisible
77 ... (5.) If the back of the tongue
. invisible]
SYLLABIC AND UNSYLLABIC FUNCTION.
82. Whenever two or more sounds are combined in a syllable, one of them
excels in acoustic prominence: as, _a_ in English _pat_; _n_ in the
group _pnd_ in _opnd_ (_opened_); _l_ in the group _tld_ in _bottld_
(_bottled_); and _s_ in the group _pst_. This sound is said to have
_syllabic function_ or to be _syllabic_; in the examples given, _a_,
_n_, _l_, and _s_ are respectively syllabic. All the other members of
each group are termed _unsyllabic_.
83. Vowels are almost always used in syllabic function. When, in rare
cases, they are unsyllabic, this fact is usually indicated in phonetic
works by an inverted half-circle, ̭, placed under the vowel; so in the
case of diphthongs to indicate the subordinate member: as #ai̭#, #oḙ#,
#ṷi# (49). Latin #omnia# and English _glorious_, when pronounced as
words of two syllables, would be written #omni̭a# (2503), _glori̭ous_.
When sounds other than vowels have, in rare cases, syllabic function,
this fact is noted in phonetic works by a point, . , or circle, ˳ ,
under the letter: as, Latin #*agṛs#, #*agr̥s# (111, _b_), English
_opṇd_, _opn̥d_.
ACCENT.
84. The relative force with which the different syllables of a word are
uttered varies. Such variation in emphasis is called _stress
accentuation_.
The degrees of stress are really infinite, but for practical purposes it
is sufficient to distinguish between (1.) the strongest stress (chief
accent); (2.) a weaker stress (secondary accent); and (3.) absence of
stress (atonic syllable). In the English _contradict_, the last syllable
has the chief accent, a secondary accent falls on the first, and the
second syllable is unstressed.
85. It is not customary to indicate the place of accents in Latin by
special signs. When, for special reasons, signs are used, ´ denotes the
chief accent, ` the secondary accent, while the unstressed syllables are
left unmarked.
THE CLASSICAL ACCENT.
86. In classical Latin the place of the chief accent may be determined
by the following rules.
(1.) Words of two syllables have the accent on the penult (175): as,
#hómo#; #ā́cer#.
(2.) Words of more than two syllables have the accent on the penult when
that syllable is long (177); otherwise on the antepenult: as,
#palū́ster#, #onústus# (177); #mulíebris#, #génetrīx# (178); #árborēs#,
#árbutus#, #gladíolus#.
87. A short penult retains the accent in the genitive and vocative with
a single #ī# from stems in #-io-# (456, 459): as, genitive, #cōnsílī#;
#impérī#; genitive or vocative, #Vergílī#; #Valérī#; #Mercúrī#. For
#calefácis#, &c., see 394.
88. In a few words which have lost a syllable the accent is retained on
the last syllable; such are (1.) compounds of the imperatives #dīc# and
#dūc# (113): as, #ēdū́c#; (2.) nominatives of proper names in #-ās# and
#-īs# for #-ātis# and #-ītis#: as, #Arpīnā́s#, for #Arpīnā́tis#;
#Laenā́s#; #Maecēnā́s#; #Quirī́s#; #Samnī́s#; also #nostrā́s#,
#vostrā́s#; (3.) words compounded with the abbreviated (113) enclitics
#-c# for #-ce# and #-n# for #-ne#: as, #illī́c#; #tantṓn#; #audīstī́n#
(for the shortening of the final syllable: as, #vidén#, _dost see?_, see
129); (4.) #audī́t#, contracted from #audīvit# (154, 893). The Latin
grammarians prescribe the circumflex (90) for all these long syllables.
EARLIER RECESSIVE ACCENT.
89. In the preliterary period of the Latin language, the accent tended
to go as far from the end of the word as possible (_recessive accent_).
Thus, while the classical accentuation is #inimī́cus#, the older period
accented #ínimīcus#. In literary Latin this early recessive accent has
survived, only in Plautus’s accentuation of words of the form ⏑ ⏑ ⏑ ⏓
(proceleusmatic or fourth paeon, see 2521), in which he stresses the
first syllable: as, #fácilius# (classical #facílius#); #vóluerat#
(classical #volúerat#). But in many instances the early recessive accent
may be traced in literary Latin by the phonetic changes which it
produced (102 ff.).
90. MUSICAL ELEMENT. The native Latin grammarians slight the stress
accentuation and pay much attention instead to the variations in pitch.
But they are so greatly dependent on their Greek models that they are
unsafe guides in this matter. It is, however, probable that a stressed
vowel was uttered on a higher key (acute) than an unstressed vowel
(grave), and that in certain syllables the long, accented vowel showed a
rise and fall (circumflex): as, #illîc# (88).
91. The force of the Latin stress accent must have varied at different
periods and in different localities, as it now varies in the Romance
countries. The early recessive accent seems to have been fairly
emphatic; but the stress in classical Latin was probably weak and the
difference between accented and unaccented syllables was much less
marked than it is in English.
PROCLITICS AND ENCLITICS.
92. #Proclitics# are unaccented words which are pronounced as a part of
the following word; they are: (1.) The relative and indefinite pronouns
and their derivatives; (2.) Prepositions.
(_a._) Thus, #quō diē#, pronounced #quōdíē#; #quī vīxit#, #quīvī́xit#;
#genus unde Latīnum#, #génus undeLatī́num#. Similarly #quamdíū#, _as
long as_; #iamdíū#, _this long time_. A distinction is thus made between
the interrogative #quālis# (1526), which is accented, and the relative
#quālis# (1831) which is proclitic (Quint. 1, 5, 26); cf. the English
_who_, which is accented when interrogative, and proclitic when
relative. (_b._) #circum lītora#, pronounced #circumlī́tora#; #ab ōrīs#,
pronounced #abōrīs# (Quint. 1, 5, 27); in inscriptions and manuscripts
prepositions are often united in writing with the following word.
Phrases like #extemplō#, _suddenly_, #invicem# (94), _in turn_, are
commonly written and accented as one word. But the preposition is
accented when it is followed by a monosyllabic unemphatic (and therefore
enclitic) personal pronoun: as, #ín mē#; #ábs tē# (but #abs tḗ#, if #tē#
is emphatic). All prepositions used as adverbs (1402) have an
independent accent.
93. ENCLITICS are words which have no accent of their own, but are
pronounced as a part of the word preceding. This increase of the number
of syllables produced certain accentual changes, all the details of
which are not clear. When the enclitic was monosyllabic the place of the
accent seems to have been determined as in 86; thus #vídēs#, but
#vidḗsne#; #Látiō#, but #Latiṓque#. Again, when by the addition of a
monosyllabic enclitic the accent falls on the fourth syllable from the
end, a secondary (84, 85) accent was probably placed on the penult: as,
#perī́cula#, but #perī́culàque#. The Roman grammarians agree, however,
in demanding that everywhere the syllable preceding the enclitics
#-que#, #-ne#, #-ve#, and #-ce# should be accented. In #deinde# and
#subinde# there is authority for placing the accent on the first
syllable.
Enclitics are: (1.) Unemphatic personal and indefinite pronouns: as, #in
mē#, pronounced, #ínmē#; #dā mihi#, #dā́mihi#; #sīc tibi#, #sī́ctibi#;
#sī quis#, #sī́quis#; #nē quid#, #nḗquid#. (2.) Verbs when used as
auxiliaries: as, #possum# for #pót(e) sum# (752); #quī́ libet# (2401);
#vidḗlicet#, #īlicet#, #scīlicet# (712); #quámvīs# (1903); the forms of
#esse# in compound tenses (719), so that #est# is frequently combined,
even in writing, with the preceding past participle (747). (3.) The
particles #-ne# (#-n#), #-ve#, and #-ce# (#-c#): as, #satísne# or
shortened #satín#; #Hyrcānīsve Arabī́sve#; #istī́ce# or shortened
#istîc# (90), #adhûc# (90). (4.) The copulative conjunction #-que#: as,
#Latiṓque#, #līmináque#. (5.) The preposition #cum# when it follows
(1435) its case. (6.) The particle #quidem#: as, #sī quidem#, #síquidem#
(131). (7.) Other enclitics are: #-met# (650): as, #egómet#; #-dem#: as,
#ibídem#; #-nam#: as, #ubínam#; #-dum# (1573): as, #agédum#; #-inde#:
as, #déinde#, #próinde# (which are disyllabic in verse), and #súbinde#;
#-tum#; as, #etiámtum#; #-per#: as, #parúmper#; the vocative when it was
closely joined to the preceding word, e.g. an imperative: as, #dī́c
puer# (106).
94. Two words expressing what is really one single idea are often bound
together by _one_ accent, one of them acting the part of either a
proclitic or enclitic.
Thus, with the earlier recessive accent (89), #Iū́piter# (133; 389;
originally a vocative which came to be used as nominative; for the
change of #pater# to #piter# see 104); #ínvicem#, _in turn_; #dḗnuō# for
#dḗ nóvō# (106); with the later, classical accent, #lēgislā́tor#,
#paterfamíliās#, #orbisterrā́rum#, #extémplō#, #imprī́mīs#. When
unemphatic #ille# and #iste# preceded their noun and had practically the
value of our definite article they formed a unit with the following noun
and thus the accent might fall on their last syllable: as, #illé pater#,
#isté canis#. This use is particularly common in vulgar and late Latin
(see 112).
[Erratum:
92a ... and proclitic when relative.
final . missing]
CHANGE OF SOUND.
(A.) VOWEL CHANGE.
CHANGE OF DIPHTHONGS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES.
95. Of the six original diphthongs #au#, #ou#, #eu#, and #ai#, #oi#,
#ei#, the only one which preserved its original sound in the classical
period is #au#. Of the rest only #ae# (for older #ai#) and, in a few
words, #oe# (for older #oi#) remained diphthongs; all the others had
become monophthongs.
96. CHANGE OF #ai#. #ai# is common in inscriptions: as, AIDILIS,
PRAITOR. Toward the end of the republic the two elements of the
diphthong had been partially assimilated to #ae# (49): as, #aedīlis#
(Quint. 1, 7, 18). This is its pronunciation in the classical period.
Between 130 and 100 B.C. #ai# is displaced by #ae# in public documents;
but the old-fashioned #ai# was often retained in private inscriptions.
Still later the two elements completely converged to #ē#. In provincial
Latin #ē# is found as early as 200 B.C.: as, CESVLA for CAESVLLA; in
Rome itself the pronunciation ‘Cēcilius’ for #Caecilius#, and ‘#prētor#’
for #praetor# was derided as boorish; but by 71 A.D. #ae# was verging
toward #ē# even in the court language: the coins of Vespasian have IVDEA
as well as IVDAEA. In the 3d and 4th century A.D. #ē# became the
prevalent sound.
97. CHANGE OF #au#. The diphthong #au#, which was preserved in educated
speech, was changed to #ō# in rustic and colloquial pronunciation (see
the anecdote related by Suetonius, _Vesp._ 22): as, #cōpō#, _innkeeper_,
for #caupō#; #plōstrum# for #plaustrum# (_barge_), _cart_: #Clōdius# for
#Claudius#. Some of these gained literary currency: as, #cōdex#, _book_,
#caudex#, _block_; #fōcāle#, _neckcloth_, #faucēs#, _throat_. The form
#sōdēs# (1572) for #si̭ audēs# = #sī audēs# (Cic. _O._ 154) is a
colloquialism.
98. CHANGE OF #ei#. #ei# as a genuine diphthong is common in old
inscriptions: as, SEI; SEIVE; ADEITVR; DEIXERVNT; FEIDA. In classical
Latin it has passed into #ī#: thus, #sī#, _if_; #sīve#, _either_;
#adītur#, _is approached_; #dīxērunt#, _they said_; fīda, _faithful_. An
intermediate stage between the old diphthong #ei# and the classical #ī#
was a very close (46) #ē#: as, PLOIRVME (465) for #plūrimī#; IOVRE (501,
507) for #iūrī#. For the orthographical use of #ei# as a spelling for
the long #ī#-sound, see 29.
99. CHANGE OF #oi#. The development of #oi# was parallel to that of
#ai#. It first passed into #oe#: as, COIRAVERVNT and COERAVERVNT, _they
cared_; OITILE, _useful_, and OETI, _to use_; LOIDOS and LOEDOS,
_play_,--all in old Latin. In classical Latin it has further been
changed in accented syllables to #ū#: as, #cūrāvērunt#, #ūtile#, #ūtī#,
#lūdus#. But #oe# was retained in classical Latin (1.) when a secondary
diphthong (48), the result of contraction (120), and (2.) in a few words
like #foedus#, _treaty_, perhaps as an archaizing, legal term; #foedus#,
_ugly_; #poena#, _penalty_, perhaps through the influence of Greek ποινή
(in the verb #pūnīre#, _to punish_, the regular #ū# appears);
#proelium#, _skirmish_; #foetor#, _stench_; and #moenia#, _walls_,
perhaps because there was a word #mūnia#, _services_. The connection of
#nōn#, _not_, with #noenum# (455; 1444; 699) is difficult because of the
unusual development of #oe# to #o#, for which the Praenestine form
CORAVERONT is the only parallel.
100. CHANGE of #ou#. #ou#, found in inscriptions down to about 90 B.C.,
passed, in classical Latin, into #ū#: as, POVBLICOM, NOVNTIATA, IOVDEX;
later #pūblicum#, _public_, #nūntiāta#, _notified_, #iūdex#, _judge_.
101. CHANGE OF #eu#. Primitive (48) #eu# appears in classical Latin only
in the interjections #eu#, #heu#, #ē̆heu#, #heus#. Every other original
#eu# had, even in old Latin, passed into #ou# and developed like the
latter: as, #*neumen# (Greek νεῦμα) became first #*noumen#, then (100)
#nūmen#. With the exceptions noted above, the diphthong #eu#, as it
appears in Latin, is always of secondary origin (48), the result of the
two vowels #e# and #u# meeting in composition: as, #neu#, _neither_,
from #nē-ve#; #neutiquam#, from #nē# and #utiquam# (124).
WEAKENING IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
102. The vowel of an unstressed (atonic) syllable is often weakened,
changing its quantity or quality or both. This is especially the case in
syllables immediately preceded by the chief accent (_posttonic
syllables_). The following changes took place at an early period when
Latin still possessed the old, recessive accent (89).
WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN MEDIAL SYLLABLES.
103. (_a._) ATONIC MEDIAL #e# before a single consonant was weakened
(with the exceptions given under _b._) to #i#: as, #cólligō#, _collect_,
from #legō#; #óbsideō#, _besiege_, from #sedeō#; #cértāminis#, _of the
contest_, from #certāmen# (224); #flāminis#, from #flāmen# (470). And so
probably #hic# (664) arose from #*hec# or #*hoc# (105, _g_) when used as
proclitic (92). Before the labials #p#, #b#, #f#, and #m# this weakened
sound was intermediate between #i# and #u# (28), and both spellings
occur: as, #quadripēs# and #quadrupēs#, _four-footed_; #alimentum#,
_nourishment_; #monumentum#, _monument_. The choice of #i# or #u# was
probably governed by the quality of the stressed vowel in the preceding
syllable: viz., #u# after #o# and #u#, and #i# after #a#, #e#, and #i#.
But such distinction is only imperfectly maintained in classical Latin.
(_b._) But before two consonants, before #r#, before vowels, and after
#i#, atonic #e# does not change: as, #lévāmentum# (224), but
#lévāminis#, _of consolation_; #óbsessus# (but #óbsideō#), _possessed_;
#sócietās#, _society_, from the stem #socie-# (but #nóvitās# from the
stem #nove-#); #géneris#, _of the kind_; #ádeunt#, _they approach_.
104. (_c._) Atonic medial #a#, except in the cases mentioned below under
(_d._), (_e._), and (_f._), was first weakened to #e# and then underwent
the same changes as atonic medial #e# (103): as (before single
consonants), #cṓnficiō#, _accomplish_, from #faciō#; #ī́nsiliō#, _jump
in_, from #saliō# (1019); #rédditus#, _restored_, from #datus#;
#trícipitem#, _three-headed_, from #*trícapitem# (#caput#), Cic. _O._
159; #occiput#, _back of the head_, and #sinciput#, _jole_ (478). In
compounds of #iaciō# (940), #-iaciō# is weakened in early Latin to
#-ieciō# (as, #conieciō#, 940), but later to #-iciō# (as, #subiciō#).
This last form may be due to syncope (111, _a_) of the radical #a#. The
spelling #-iiciō# (as, #subiiciō#) is late and faulty (52). It does not
occur in republican inscriptions and owes its origin to a confusion of
the two forms #conieciō# and #coniciō#. (On the quantity of the vowel of
the prepositions in these compounds of #iaciō#, see 122 _e_); (before
#p#, #b#, #f#, #m#) #áccipiō#, _accept_, and #óccupō#, _occupy_, from
#capiō#; #cóntubernālis#, _room-mate_, from #taberna#; #ábripiō#, _to
snatch away_, from #rapiō#; (before two consonants) #pépercī#, _I have
spared_, from #parcō#; #áccentus#, _accent_, from #cantus#; (before #r#)
#péperī#, _I brought forth_, from #pariō#.
(_d._) But an #a# in the preceding syllable may protect the atonic #a#:
as, #ádagiō#, #ádagium#, _proverb_, but #prṓdigium#, _miracle_ (144).
(_e._) Atonic medial #a# before the guttural nasal (62) #n# followed by
#g# changed to #i# (138): as, #áttingō#, _touch_, from #tangō#.
(_f._) Atonic medial #a# before #l# followed by any consonant save #l#
changed to #u# (both #l# and #u# being guttural, 60, 44): as,
#éxsultāre#, _to leap up_, from #saltāre#; but #féfellī#, _I deceived_,
from #fallō#.
105. (_g._) ATONIC MEDIAL #o#, when followed by a single consonant,
first changed to #e# and then underwent all further changes of medial
atonic #e#: as, #hóminis#, from #*homon-is# (485); #ímāginis#, for
#*imāgonis#, 226 (nominative #imāgō#, 485); #cúpīdinis#, for
#*cupīdonis#, 225, (nominative #cupīdō#, 485); #vírginis#, for
#*virgonis# (nominative #virgō#, 470); #ī́licō#, from #*in-slocō#, _on
the spot_ (169, 4).
(_h._) Before two consonants or before guttural #l# (60) atonic medial
#o# changed to #u#: as, #éuntis#, from #*éontis# (Greek ἴοντος);
#sēdulō#, from #sē dolō# (1417). But a preceding #v# or #u# protects #o#
(107, _c_).
(_i._) Before #r#, atonic medial #o# was retained: as, #témporis#, _of
time_; except when #u# in the preceding syllable induced a change to
#u#: as, #fúlguris#, _of lightning_ (for the #-r# in the nominative
singular #fulgur# instead of #-s#, see 154).
106. (_k._) Medial #-av-#, #-ov-#, and #-iv-# in posttonic syllables
were weakened to #u#: as, #dḗnuō# from #dḗnovō# (94); #ábluō# from
#ablavō#. The form #puer#, _boy_, arose from the older POVER in enclitic
vocatives (93, 7) and was thence transferred to the nominative like
#piter# in #Iūpiter# (94).
[Erratum:
105g ... #ī́licō#, from #*in-slocō#, _on the spot_ (169, 4)
(169, 6)]
WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN FINAL SYLLABLES.
107. (_a._) In final syllables unaccented original #e# before #s# and
#t# was weakened to #i#: as, #salūtis#, _of safety_, from older
#salūtes# (507).
(_b._) Final #i# became #e#: as, #ante# for #*anti# (Greek ἀντί and
#anti-cipāre#); nominative singular #mare#, from the stem #mari-# (526).
(_c._) In final syllables #o# before consonants changed to #u# except
when preceded by #u# or #v#: as, #fīlius#, _son_, for old Latin #fīlios#
(452); #ferunt#, _they carry_, for older #feront#; #femur#, _thigh_,
nomin. sg. from the stem #femor-# (489); #genus#, _kind_, for #*genos#,
Greek γένος; but #vīvont#, _they live_; #salvom#, _safe_. Not long
before the beginning of our era #o# here also changed to #u# and appears
to have coalesced with the preceding #v# (Quint. 1, 7, 26): as, in
inscriptions: INGENVS (nomin. sg.) for #ingenuos#; SERVM, _slave_
(acc. sg.), for #servom#; NOVM for #novom#, _something new_; so also
#boum#, _oxen_ (gen. pl.), for #bovom# (494). But inasmuch as the
majority of forms in the paradigms of these words retained their #v#, it
was restored in most cases, by analogy, to the forms which had lost it:
as, #servum# for #serum#, because of #servī#, #servō#, etc.; #vīvunt#
for #vīunt#, because of #vīvō#, #vīvis#, #vīvit#, etc.
(_d._) When the stems #fac-# (#facere#, _do_), #cap-# (#capere#, _take_)
appear as second members of compounds, their #a# changes in final
syllables to #e#: as, #artifex#, _artisan_; #auceps#, _bird-catcher_.
After the analogy of these words, compounds with #dīcere# and #īre# have
#e# in the nom. sg.: as, #iūdex#, #iūdicis#, _judge_ (from #iūs# and
#dīcere#); #comes#, _companion_ (from #com#, _with_, and #īre#); see
136, 2.
[Errata:
107 (_b._) Final #i# became #e#
(_b_)
107c ... INGENVS (nomin. sg.) for #ingenuos#
. after sg. invisible]
WEAKENING OF DIPHTHONGS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
108. Diphthongs, whether medial or final, are treated alike in atonic
syllables.
(_a._) Atonic #ei#, #oi#, and #ai# (#ae#) became #ī#: as, #lupī#,
_wolves_ (nom. pl.), for #*lupoi# (Gr. λύκοι); #bellī#, _in war_ (loc.
sg., 460, 1338), for #*bellei# (Greek οἴκει) or #*belloi# (Greek οἴκοι);
#éxīstimō#, _I consider_, from #aestimō#; #cóncīdō#, _I strike down_,
from #caedō#; Cicero, _O._ 159, mentions #inīcum#, _unfair_, for
#*ínaecum#, and #concīsum# for #*cóncaesum#; so also, probably, #hīc#,
_this_, arose from #hoic# (662) when used as a proclitic (92).
(_b._) Atonic #ou# and #au# became #ū#: as, #ínclūdō#, _I include_, from
#claudō#; #áccūsāre#, _to accuse_, from #causa#.
109. There are not a few cases in which the atonic vowel does not
conform to the rules given above (102-108). These are usually compounds
which show the vowel of the simple verb. Some of these were formed at a
time when the early recessive accent was no longer in force and
consequently there was no cause for weakening; in others the vowel of
the simple verb was by analogy substituted for the weakened vowel of the
compound: as, #appetō#, _I strive after_, from #petō#, which ought to
have #i# like #colligō#, _collect_, from #legō#; #intermedius#,
_intermediate_, but #dīmidius#, _half_; #dēfraudāre#, _to cheat_, by the
side of #dēfrūdāre# from #fraudāre#; instead of the common #redarguō#,
_I refute_, Scipio Africanus minor Pauli filius (185-129 B.C.) said
#rederguō#, and #pertīsum# for #pertaesum#, but both Cicero (_O._ 159)
and Lucilius discountenance #pertīsum# as the sign of a pedantic prig.
In a few cases the reverse process took place, and the weakened vowel
which arose in the compound was transferred to the simple verb: as,
#clūdō#, _I close_ (958), for #claudō#, which owes its #ū# to compounds
like #occlūdō#. For a case where the vowel of the preceding syllable
acted as a stay to the expected change, see 104, _d_.
LOSS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
110. Only vowels which are short and atonic may be lost. The loss of a
medial vowel is called _Syncope_; of an initial vowel, _Aphaeresis_; of
a final vowel _Apocope_.
111. SYNCOPE. (_a._) Loss of a posttonic vowel, entailing the loss of a
syllable, occurs in #ardus# (Lucil.; for #ă# see 128) for the common
#āridus#, _dry_; #caldus# by the side of #calidus#, _warm_ (Quint. 1,
6, 19); #reppulī#, _I pushed back_, and #rettulī#, _I carried back_,
stand for #*répepulī# and #*rétetulī# (861); #pergō#, _I proceed_,
stands for #*perregō# from #regō# (cf. #cor-rigō#, #ē-rigō#, where the
#e# is weakened, 103, and #porrigō#, #porgō#, where it is either
weakened or lost), hence it forms its perfect #perrēxī# (953): #pōnō#,
_I place_, is for #*posnō# (170, 2) from #*po-sinō# (112), hence it
forms its past participle #positus# (972); for #iūrgō#, _I blame_.
Plautus has #iūrigō#; #*ūsūripō# (from #ūsus# and #rapere#) yields
#ūsurpō#, _I utilize_; #*gāvideō#, hence #gāvīsus# (801), gives
#gaudeo#, _I rejoice_, converting #āṷ# to #aṷ# before the following
#d# (128); in a similar way #auceps#, _bird-catcher_, is formed from
#*aviceps# (#avis#, _bird_, and #capere#, _catch_); #claudere#, _lock_,
from #*clāvidere# (#clāvis#, _key_); #aetās#, _age_, for #áevitās#
(262); #praecō#, _herald_, for #*práevicō# (105, _g_) #prae-vocō# (211);
also with change of #ou# to #ū# (100), #prūdēns#, _prudent_, for
#*proudēns# from #providēns#, _foreseeing_; #nūper#, _lately_, from
#*noviper#; #nūntius#, _messenger_, from #*noventius# (333); #iūcundus#,
_joyful_, from #iuvicundus# (Cic. _Fin._ 2, 14). But forms like
#pōclum#, _cup_, #saeclum#, _age_, do not belong here, as they are
original and not derived by syncope from #pōculum#, #saeculum#; cf. 172.
(_b._) Where, through the loss of a vowel, #l# or #r# would come to
stand between two consonants, or where they would be final and preceded
by a consonant, #l# and #r# become syllabic (83) and the syllable is
thus maintained. Syllabic #l# is represented by #ul#, syllabic #r# by
#er# (172, 3). The development of such intercalary vowels as #u# before
#l# and #e# before #r# is called _Anaptyxis_ (172). Thus, #*sacri-dōts#
(cf. #sacri-legium#) became first #*sacr̥dōts# by syncope, then
#sacerdōs#, _priest_, by anaptyxis; #*ācribus# (cf. #ācri-mōnia#,
_pungency_) first became #*ācr̥bus# then #ācerbus#, _pungent_;
#*agrilos# (267, cf. #agri-cola#, _farmer_) became first #*agr̥los#,
then #*agerlos#, and finally, by assimilation of the #r# to #l#
(166, 7), #agellus#, _small field_; from #*dis-ficilter# (adverb from
#dis-# and #facilis#) arose #*difficl̥ter# and #difficulter#, _with
difficulty_. The nominative sg. of the following words is to be
explained thus. #ager# (451) was originally #*agros# (cf. Greek ἄγρος),
which changed successively to #*agr̥s#, #*agers#, and #ager# (for the
loss of #-s# see 171, 1 and 3). Similarly #*ācris#, passing through the
stages of #*ācr̥s#, #*ācers#, became #ācer# (627), and #*famlos# by way
of #*faml̥s#, #*famuls#, became #famul# (455), to which later the common
ending of nouns of the #o-#declension was added, giving #famulus#.
112. APHAERESIS. Aphaeresis hardly occurs in literary Latin. In the
pronoun #iste# the initial #i# is sometimes dropped (667); this loss
implies an accented ultima (94). A trace of prehistoric aphaeresis is
found in the prefix #po-# for #*apo# (Greek ἀπό) in #pōnō#, _I place_,
for #po-s(i)nō# (111, _a_).
113. APOCOPE. Under the same conditions under which a medial vowel was
syncopated, the final vowel of a word which stood in close union with
the following word, as a preposition with its noun, was lost. In this
way #*peri# (Greek περί) became #per#; #*apo# (Greek ἀπό) became #ap#,
#ab# (164, 2); #*eti# (Greek ἔτι) became #et#. Similarly the final #-e#
of the enclitics #-ce#, #-ne#, _not_, and #-ne# interrogative was lost:
#*sī-ce# became #sīc#, _so_; #*quī-ne#, #quīn#, _why not_; #habēsne#,
#haben#, _hast thou_; the imperatives #dīc#, _say_, #dūc#, _lead_, and
#fac#, _do_, stand for earlier #dīce#, #dūce#, #face# (846); the
shortened form #em# for #eme# (imperative of #emere#, _take_) has been
turned into an interjection (1149). In the same way #nec# arose by the
side of #neque#; #ac# by the side of #atque# (158). Final #-e# has also
been dropped in the nominative sg. of a number of polysyllabic neuter
stems in #-āli# and #-āri# (546): as, #animal#, _animal_, for
#*animāle#, #exemplar#, _pattern_, for #*exemplāre#. See 536, 537. It
must, however, be remembered that in most of the cases given the loss of
a final vowel would also result from elision (119) before the initial
vowel of the following word.
COMBINATION OF ADJACENT VOWELS.
114. HIATUS. A succession of two vowel sounds not making a diphthong is
called _Hiatus_.
When in the formation of words by means of suffixes or prefixes or
through the loss of an intervening consonant, two vowels come into
contact within a word we speak of _internal hiatus_; the term _external
hiatus_ comprises those cases where, in connected discourse, the final
vowel of one word comes into contact with the initial vowel of the
following word. For the latter kind, see 2474.
115. The treatment of vowels in internal hiatus is four-fold: (1.) The
hiatus may remain; (2.) the two vowels may be fused into one
(_Contraction_); (3.) one of the two vowels may be dropped (_Elision_);
and (4.) the two vowels may be combined into a diphthong.
116. HIATUS is maintained (_a._) between two adjacent vowels the second
of which is long and accented (according to the classical accentuation):
as, #coḗgi#, _I forced_, and #coā́ctus#, _forced_ (937); but #cōgō#
(118, 3). For #coepi#, instead of #coḗpī#, _I began_, see 120.
(_b._) In many prepositional compounds when the members were still felt
to be independent: as, #praeesse# (the contracted form #praesse# is
found in inscriptions); #dēerunt#, _they will be wanting_, by the side
of #dērunt#; #coalēscō#, _grow together_ (the contracted form #cōlēscō#
appears in Varro); #cooptāre#, _coöpt_, #cooperiō#, _I cover up_ (by the
side of rare #cōptāre#, #cōperīre#); #coïtus#, _meeting_, by the side of
#coetus# (120).
(_c._) A comparatively large number of vowel combinations remain
unchanged: as #ea# and #eā# in #eam#, _her_, and #meā#, _by my_ (fem.
sing.); #ia# and #iā# in #māria#, _seas_, #viātōris#, _of the
traveller_; #ua# and #uā# in #bēlua#, _monster_, #suā#, _through her_
(fem. sg.); #iē# in #quiēs#, _quiet_; #uē# in #luēs#, _pestilence_; #eī#
in #meī#, _of me_; #uī# in #tuī#, _of thee_; #eō# in #meō#, _by my_
(masc. sing.).
117. SYNIZESIS. In these combinations the first vowel is sometimes made
unsyllabic (83). This is called _synizesis_ (2499) and is not rare in
poets, being often the only means of adapting a word to the requirements
of certain metres. Thus, #fortuītus# (- ⏑ - ⏓) must appear in a
hexameter as #fortvītus# (#fortṷītus#). See 2499, 2503.
118. CONTRACTION. (1.) Two like vowels may unite in one long vowel;
rapidity of utterance was favourable to such fusion. In compounds, the
desire to keep the members distinct often prevented it. So always
#nēmō#, _nobody_, for #*neemō# from #*ne-hemō#, _no man_ (for the loss
of #h#, see 58, 150; for #e# in #*hemō#, see 144); and by the side of
the open forms, #nīl# from #nihil#, _nothing_; #vēmēns# from #vehemēns#,
_rapid_ (connected with the verb #vehō#); rarely #dērunt#, _they will be
wanting_, and #dēsse#, _to be wanting_, for #dēerunt#, #dēesse#;
#dēlēram#, _I had destroyed_, from #*dēlēeram# for #dēlēveram# (for the
loss of #v#, see 153), see 890; #passūm#, _of paces_, for #passuum#
(591).
(2.) A diphthong absorbs the following vowel: as, #praetor#, older
#praitor#, _praetor_, from #*prai-itor#, _who goes before_; inscriptions
show #praerunt# for #praeerunt#, _they will be before_; for #praebēre#,
_to furnish_, the open form #praehibēre# occurs in Plautus (1004).
(3.) If two unlike vowels are contracted at all, they usually unite in
the long sound of the first vowel. Thus, #o# and #a# yield #ō#: as,
#cōgō#, _I force_, from #co-agō#; #cōgitō#, _I think_, from #co-agitō#.
Similarly Varro has #cōlēscat#, _it may combine_, for #co-alēscat#. #o#
and #e# yield #ō#: as, #prōmō#, _bring out_, #cōmō#, _put up_, for
#pro-emō#, #co-emō# (953). #ē# and #a# yield #ē#: as, #dēgō#, _I pass
away_, from #dē-agō# (937). #i# and #e# in the termination of the
vocative of #-io-# stems probably contracted to #-ī#; as #fīlī# from
#*fīlie#, 459. But in denominative (365) and other verbs of the first
conjugation #ā# and #ō# contract into #ō#: as, #amō#, _I love_, from
#*amā-ō# (cf. Greek τιμά·ω); and #ā# and #ē# into #ē#: as, #amēs#, _thou
mayest love_, for #*amā-ēs#.
119. ELISION. Only rarely the first of two successive vowels is dropped:
as, #nūllus#, _no_, for #*ne-ūllus#; likewise the final vowel of the
first member of nominal compounds: as, #multangulus#, _with many
corners_, for #*multi-angulus# (cf. #multi-cavus#, _with many holes_);
#flexanimus#, _heart-rending_, for #*flexi-animus# (cf. #flexi-pēs#,
_with bent feet_).
120. COMBINATION INTO DIPHTHONGS. The union of two successive vowels
into a diphthong is equally rare: #o# and #i# are combined to #oi#,
#oe#, in #coetus#, _meeting_, by the side of the open form #coïtus#
(116, _b_); the perfect #coepī# (812), _I began_, owes its diphthong
#oe# to forms in which the #e# was short and unaccented, such as the
rare present forms #coepiō# for #có-ĕpiō# (813); for #coḗpi# (813, 863)
would have remained unchanged (116, _a_). #neuter#, with the accent on
the #e#, was pronounced as three syllables, later #eu# became
diphthongal; #neutiquam# with synizesis (117) of #e#. #e# and #ī̆#
sometimes contract to #e͡i# in #rēi# (601, 602) and in #de͡inde#, #dēin#
in the classic poets.
LENGTHENING.
121. COMPENSATIVE LENGTHENING. When certain groups of consonants are
simplified by the dropping of a consonant, its time is absorbed by a
preceding short vowel, which thereby becomes long. This is called
_Compensation_. In many cases compensative lengthening is due to the
loss of a preliterary sonant #s# (170, 2): as,
#cānus#, _gray_, from #*casnus# (cf. #cas-cus#, _very old_). See for
other cases of this lengthening, 170, 5, #quīnī#, for #*quincnī#; 170,
6, #īgnōscō#, for #*in-gnōscō#.
122. INDUCED LENGTHENING. Before certain groups of consonants short
vowels have a tendency to become long: as,
(_a._) The prefixes #in-# and #con-# before #s# or #f# lengthened their
vowels in classical Latin (Cic. _O._ 159): as, #īnsānus#, _mad_;
#īnfēlīx#, _unhappy_; #cōnsuēvit#, _he grew used to_; #cōnfēcit#, _he
accomplished_. Elsewhere also the vowel before #ns# and #nf# appears to
have been lengthened: as, #fōns#, _fountain_; #pēnsus#, _weighty_ (Gell.
9, 6); #forēnsis#, _forensic_; #cēnsor#, _censor_; #mēnsa#, _table_;
#mēnsis#, _mouth_; #Valēns#; #Clēmēns#; the #o# of #īnsons#,
_guiltless_, however, is marked as short by the grammarian Probus.
(_b._) A similar lengthening of the vowel before #nc# followed by #t# or
#s# appears: as, #ūnctus#, _anointed_, from #unguō# (Gell. 9, 6);
#iūnctus#, _joined_, from #iungō# (954), #coniūnx#, _spouse_, genit.
#coniugis# (472); #quīnctus#, _fifth_, whence #quīntus# (170, 4) and
#quīnque#, _five_, derive their #ī#; #sānctus#, _hallowed_.
(_c._) Spellings like SIGNVM, _sign_ (well supported in inscriptions),
and DIGNE, _worthily_ (less well supported) show that #i# was at times
lengthened before #gn#. The grammarian Priscian demands this lengthening
for all vowels preceding the ending #-gnus#, #-gna#, #-gnum#.
(_d._) A lengthened vowel before #r# followed by a consonant is also
certain for some words like #ōrdō#, _order_; #fōrma#, _shape_.
(_e._) Some speakers appear to have lengthened the vowel of prepositions
like #con-#, #sub-#, #ob-#, in the compounds of #iaciō# (104, _c_); as
#ōbicit#. This practice, which is disapproved by Gellius (4, 17),
probably arose from the transfer by analogy of the quantity of the first
syllable in forms like #conieciant# (940) to that of the shortened form.
In the same way the occasional spelling CÓNIV́NX, _spouse_, for
#coniūnx#, may owe its long #ō# to the analogy of #cōiunx#, CÓIVGI
(170, 6).
(_f._) Many verb stems ending in #-g# have a long vowel in the past
participle before the suffix #-to-#: as, #tēctus#, _covered_, from
#tego# (916); #tāctus#, _touched_, from #tangō# (925); #pāctus#,
_fixed_, from #pangō# (925); #fīctus#, _moulded_, from #fingō# (954);
#pīctus#, _painted_, from #pingō#. The evidence for #ā# in #maximus# is
very scanty: one case of A with the apex (29, 3) in a faulty
inscription.
(_g._) Of the induced lengthenings enumerated above, only those given in
(_a._) (_b._) (_f._) seem to have been universal in classical Latin. The
rest appear to have been local peculiarities, which, while making
inroads upon the literary language, never gained full recognition.
123. (1.) ANALOGICAL LENGTHENING. In noun stems in #-o# the stem vowel
is lengthened in the genitive plural #-ōrum# (449, 462), by analogy to
the stems in #-ā# (435): as, #servōrum#, _of slaves_, like #mēnsārum#,
_of tables_. For other cases see 122, _e_.
(2.) METRICAL LENGTHENING. On the lengthening of a vowel (or a syllable)
under the influence of verse-ictus, see 2505.
SHORTENING.
124. A vowel originally long is regularly shortened in classical Latin
before another vowel, even though an #h# intervene: as,
#taceō#, _I am silent_, from the stem #tacē-# (365); #seorsum#, _apart_,
#deorsum#, _downward_, from #sē(v)orsum#, #dē(v)orsum# (153).
125. In simple words a diphthong occurs before a vowel only in one or
two proper names: as, #Gnaeus#, #Annaeus#, in which it remains long, and
in Greek words. But the diphthong #ae# of the prefix #prae# is sometimes
shortened before a vowel: as, #pra͝eacūtus#; #pra͝eeunt#; #pra͝ehibeō#;
hence #prehendō# for #*prae-hendō#. Sometimes it coalesces with a
following vowel: as, #pra͡e͡optāvīstī#.
126. An increased tendency to shorten a long vowel before another vowel
can be traced in the history of the language: thus, classical #fuī#,
_I was_, for Plautus’s #fūī# (750); #clueō#, _I am called_, for
Plautus’s #clūeō#; perfect #pluit#, _it rained_, for Varro’s #plūit#
(cf. #plūvit#, 823, 947); #pius#, _pious_, for Ennius’s #pīus#; see also
765.
127. But even in classical Latin there are cases where a vowel before
another vowel remains long: thus,
(1.) Regularly, the #ī# of #fīō#, _I am made_, except before #-er-#, as
in #fierem# (788, 789).
(2.) In #dīus#, _godly_, for #dīvus# (153), and the old ablatives #dīū#,
#dīō#, _open sky_ (used only in the expression #sub dīū#, #sub dīō#,
i.e. #sub dīvō#).
(3.) In the ending #ēī# of the genitive and dative sg. of stems in #-ē-#
(601) when an #i# precedes: as, #diēī#, _of a day_, #aciēī#, _of the
battle line_, but #reī#, _of the thing_, for older #rēī#.
(4.) It may be mentioned here that #rēī# is said to occur in verse 6
times (Plaut. G. 2, Lucr. G. 2, D. 2); #reī# 9 times (Plaut. G. 2, Ter.
G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 1, Sulp. Apoll. G. 1); #re͞i# 27 times (Plaut. G. 2,
D. 3, Enn. D. 1, Ter. G. 9, D. 8, Lucil. G. 1, D. 1, Lucr. G. 2).
#fidēī# G. 3 times (Plaut., Enn., Lucr.); #fideī# 11 times (Enn. D. 1,
Man. G. 2, D. 1, Sil. G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 2); #fidēi# 5 times (Ter.
G. 1, D. 3, Hor. 1). #ēī# 35 times (Plaut. 18, Ter. 8, Lucr. 9); #eī#
some 17 times (Plaut. 12, Ter. 2, German. 1, Ter. Maur. 2); #ēi# 23
times (Plaut. 11, Ter. 8, Lucil. 3, Cat. 1).
(5.) #Gāius# retains its #ā# before the vowel #i#: thus, #Gāius#
(trisyllabic).
(6.) In the pronominal genitives in #-ī̆us# (618), the quantity of #i#
varied. The older dramatists use #ī#; later, #ī# was shortened, but
variations in its quantity seem to have continued until long after the
end of the republic; Cicero, _DO._ 3, 183, measures #illius#; Quintilian
1, 5, 18 #ūnīus#; the grammarian Priscian prescribes #-īus# for all
except #alterius#, which should always have #i#, and #utrius#, in which
the #i# is common (30). In verse the #i# is often short, except in
#neutrīus#; #utriusque# has always short #i#.
(7.) The penult is long in the endings #-āī#, #-āīs#, #-ōī#, #-ōīs#, and
#-ēī#, #-ēīs#, from stems in #-āio-#, #-ōio-#, and #-ēio-# (458) or
#-iā-# (437): as, #Gāī#, #Bōī#, #Pōmpēī#, #plēbēī#: #Gāīs#, #Bōīs#,
#Pompēīs#, #plēbēīs#, #Bāīs#; #aulāī#, #pictāī#.
(8.) #Dī̆ana# has #ĭ# as often as #ī#. #ohē# has #ŏ̄#; #ē̆heu# has #ĕ#
in comedy, otherwise #ē#.
(9.) In many Greek words a long vowel comes before another vowel; as,
#āēr#, #Aenēās#, #Mēdēa#. But early importations from Greek followed
the general rule and shortened the vowel: as, #platĕa# (πλατεῖα),
#balinĕum#, #balnĕum# (βαλανεῖον).
128. A long vowel preceding unsyllabic #i̭# or #ṷ# followed by a
consonant is shortened: as, #gaudeō# for #*gāudeō# (cf. #gāvīsus#, 111);
#claudo# for #clāudō# (cf. #clāṷis#, 111).
Similarly a long vowel (unless long by contraction: as, #nūntius#, 111,
_a_, #cōntiō#) preceding a liquid or nasal followed by a consonant is
shortened: as, syncopated #ardus# from #āridus# (111), #habentem#, from
the stem #habē-#. For cases of induced lengthening of the vowel before
#n# followed by certain consonants, see 122.
129. IAMBIC SHORTENING. The law of iambic shortening (2470) produced a
number of important changes: thus,
(1.) In old dramatic verse iambic words (⏑ -) often shorten the long
vowel. The poets after Plautus and Terence preserve the long vowel.
(_a._) Nouns; G. #eri#, #boni#, #preti#. D. #cani#, #ero#, #malo#. L.
#domi#, #heri#. Ab. #levi#, #manu#, #domo#, #bona#, #fide#. Plural: N.
#fores#, #viri#. D., Ab. #bonis#. Ac. #foris#, #viros#, #bonas#. (_b._)
Verbs: #eo#, #volo#, #ago#; #ero#, #dabo#; #vides#; #loces#; #voles#;
#dedi#, #dedin#; #roga#, #veni#; later poets sometimes retain #cave#,
#vale#, and #vide#. The vowel may also be shortened when #-n# (1503) is
added and #s# is dropped before #-n# (170, 2): #rogan#, #abin#; #viden#
is also retained by later poets.
(2.) In a few pyrrhic words (⏑ ⏑) in #-i#, which were originally iambic
(⏑ -), the poets in all periods retained final #-ī# at pleasure: these
are,
#mihī̆#, #tibī̆#, #sibī̆#; #ibī̆#, #ubī̆#; also #alicubī̆#. The #i# of
#bi# is always short in #nēcubi# and #sīcubi#, and usually in #ubinam#,
#ubivīs#, and #ubicumque#; #ibidem# is used by the dramatists, #ibīdem#
in hexameter. #ubīque# has always #ī#.
130. The following instances show that this law operated in prose speech
also:
(1.) In iambic words of the #ā-# declension (432) the final #-ā# of the
nominative singular was shortened; hence #*equā# became #equa#, _mare_.
From these iambic words short final #-a# spread so that all stems in
#-ā-# shorten the final #ā# of the nom. sg. (434).
(2.) The final #-a# in the nominative plural of neuter nouns of the #o-#
declension (446), which appears in #trīgintā#, _thirty_, was likewise
shortened, first in iambic words like #iuga#, _yokes_, #bona#, _goods_,
then everywhere (461).
(3.) This law explains the short final vowel in #homo# (2442) by the
side of #sermō# (2437, _c_) and similar cases, like the adverbs #modo#,
#cito# (2442), #bene#, #male# (2440). In the same way arose the short
final #o# of the first person in conjugation (2443): as, #volo#, #dabo#,
#dīxero# by the side of #scrībō#; so also #viden# for #vidēn# (129, 1;
170, 2).
(4.) Of imperatives only #puta#, used adverbially (2438, _c_), #ave#,
#have# (805; Quint. i, 6, 21; but Martial scans #havē#) as a salutation
and #cave#, used as an auxiliary (1711), show the short final vowel in
classical Latin. Elsewhere the long vowel has been restored, as #amā#,
#monē# (845).
(5.) According to this rule #calēfaciō#, #malēdīcō# changed to
#calefaciō#, #maledīcō#.
131. A long final vowel is shortened when an enclitic is added to the
word: as #siquidem# from #sī#; #quoque# from #quō#.
132. A long vowel is regularly shortened, in the classical period,
before final #-t# and #-m# and, in words of more than one syllable, also
before final #r# and #l#.
Thus, #soror#, _sister_, for Plautus’s #sorōr#, from the stem #sorōr-#
(487); #ūtar#, _I may use_, for Plautus’s #ūtār# (cf. #ūtāris#);
#bacchanal# for Plautus’s #bacchanāl#; #animal#, #exemplar# from the
stems #animāl-# (530) and #exemplār-# (537); but the long vowel is
retained in the monosyllables #fūr#, _thief_, #sōl#, _sun_; #pōnēbat#,
_he placed_, for Plautus’s #pōnēbāt# (cf. #pōnēbās#); #iūbet#, _he
commanded_, for Plautus’s #iūbēt#; #eram#, _I was_, but #erās#;
#rēxerim#, _I may have ruled_, but #rēxerīs# (877); #-um# in the
genitive plural of #-o-# stems is for #-ūm# (462); #mēnsam#, _table_,
for #*mēnsām# from the stem #mensā-#; #rem#, from #rē-# (#rēs#), #spem#
from #spē-# (#spēs#).
[Errata:
125 ... #pra͡e͡optāvīstī#
The vowels “aeo” are joined with a single ligature
132 ... (cf. #ūtāris#)
(cf #ūtāris#)]
TRANSFER OF QUANTITY.
133. (1.) In a few cases the length of the vowel has been transferred to
the following consonant, the length of which is then indicated by
doubling it (81): as, #littera# for #lītera#, LEITERAS; #Iuppiter# for
#Iūpiter#; #parricīda# for #pāri-cīda#, _murder of a member of the same
clan_ (#*pāro-#, _member of a clan_, Doric πᾶός, _a relative_); #cuppa#
for #cūpa#, _barrel_. The legal formula _sī pāret_, _if it appear_, was
vulgarly pronounced #sī parret# (Festus).
(2.) Since the doubled unsyllabic #i# (#i̭#) between vowels (23; 166, 9;
153, 2) is commonly written single, the _vowel_ preceding it is often
erroneously marked long: as, #āiō# wrongly for #aiō#, _i.e._ #ai̭i̭ō#,
_I say_; #māior# wrongly for #maior#, _i.e._ #mai̭i̭or#, _greater_;
#pēior# wrongly for #peior#, _i.e._ #pei̭i̭or#, _worse_; #ēius#, _of
him_, #cūius#, _of whom_, #hūius#, _of him_, all wrongly for #eius#,
#cuius#, #huius# _i.e._ #ei̭i̭us#, #cui̭i̭us#, #huii̭us# (153, 2). In
all these words the first _syllable_ was long but not the vowel.
VARIATIONS OF QUANTITY.
134. (1.) In some foreign proper names and in a very few Latin words the
quantity of a vowel varied. Vergil has #Sȳchaeus# and #Sychaeus# within
six verses; also #Āsia# and #Asia#, #Lavīnium# and #Lāvīnius#; so also
#glōmus# (Lucr.), #glomus# (Hor.); #cōturnīx# (Plaut., Lucr.),
#coturnīx# (Ov.).
(2.) Sometimes such variations in vowel quantity are only apparent:
thus, the occasional long final #-ē# of the active infinitive (#darē#,
#prōmerē#) has probably a different origin from the usual #-ĕ#. For
metrical lengthening, see 2505.
[Erratum:
134 ... #glomus# (Hor.)
(Hor)]
QUANTITATIVE VOWEL GRADATION.
135. The same stem often shows a long vowel in some of its forms and a
short vowel in others. In most cases these variations of quantity were
not developed on Latin soil but inherited from a much earlier period.
Such old inherited differences in vowel quantity are called
_quantitative vowel gradation_.
(1.) Instances of this are #prō# for #*prōd# (149; cf. #prōdesse#) and
#pro-# (Greek πρό); #nē# and #ne-# in #nescius#; the couples #regō#, _I
rule_, and #rēxī#; #vehō#, _I draw_, #vēxī#; #veniō#, _I come_, #vēnī#,
where the long vowel is characteristic of the perfect stem (862);
#vocō#, _I call_, and #vōx#, _voice_; #regō#, _I rule_, and #rēx#,
_ruler_; #legō#, _I read_, and #lēx#, _bill_; #sedeō#, _I sit_, and
#sēdēs#, _seat_; #fidēs#, _confidence_, and #fīdō#, _I trust_; #dux#
(cf. #ducis#), _leader_, and #dūcō#, _I lead_, where verb and noun are
differentiated by the quantity of the root vowel; and many others.
(2.) Sometimes the reduction of the vowel in certain forms amounts to
complete loss, as in the adverbial ending #-is-# in #magis# (346, 363)
compared with the comparative suffix #-ios#, #-iōs# (Nom. #-ior#, Genit.
#-iōris#); in the oblique cases of the stem #carōn-# (nomin. sg. #carō#,
497), where the suffix becomes #-n-# (545), genitive #car-n-is#; in the
suffix #-ter#, which becomes #-tr-# in all cases but the nom. sg.
(#pater#, #patris#, etc., 470, 487); in the feminine #-tr-ī-c-# to the
suffix #-tor-#; but the nom. sing. #Caecīlis# (465) for #Caecīlios# is
probably due to syncope.
QUALITATIVE VOWEL CHANGES.
136. (1.) #i# before an #r# which goes back to an earlier voiced #s#
(154) was changed to #e#: as, #cineris#, _of ashes_, for #*cinisis#,
from the stem #cinis# (491); #Faleriī#, for #*Falisiī#, cf. #Falis-cus#;
(formed like #Etrūria#, for #*Etrūsia#, cf. #Etrūs-cī#).
(2.) In the nominative singular of compounds like #iūdex#, _judge_ (from
#iūs# and #dīcere#), #comes#, _companion_ (from #com#, _with_, and
#īre#, _go_), the #i# of the second member of the compounds is changed
to #e# (470) after the analogy of words like #artifex#, _artisan_, etc.
(107, _d_).
137. #e# before #-gn-# became #i#: as, #īlignus#, from the stem #īlec-#
(cf. #īlex#).
138. #e# before the guttural nasal (62) followed by a guttural mute was
changed to #i#: as, #septingentī#, from #septem#; #singulī#, from the
stem #sem-# in #semel# (for the assimilation of #m# see 164, 3);
#obtingō# (925), _I attain_, for #*óbtengō# (104, _c_) from #*ob-tangō#
(104, _e_).
139. A similar change took place in the group #-enl-# which became first
#-inl-# and then #-ill-#: as, #*signilum#, diminutive of #sīgnum# (for
#ī#, see 122, _c_), first changed by syncope (111) from #*signilum# to
#*sign̥lum#, then to #*sigenlum# (172, 3), then to #*siginlum#, and
finally to #sigillum#.
140. #o# before #nc# became #u#: as, #homunculus#, _manikin_ for
#*homonculus#, from the stem #homon-# (485); #nūncupāre#, _name_, for
#*nōn-cupāre# (#nōn-# for #nōm-# (164, 3) = syncopated #nōmen#); #hunc#,
_him_, for #*honc#, from #hom-ce# (662).
141. #o# before #l# followed by any consonant save #l# was changed to
#u#: as, #cultus#, _tilled_, for #*coltus#, from #colere#; #multa#,
_fine_, for old Latin #molta#. But #o# before #ll# is retained: as,
#collis#, _hill_.
142. #e# before guttural #l# (60) was changed to #o#: as, #solvō#, _I
undo_, from #*seluō# (#se-#, as in #se-cordia#, #luō# = Greek λύω);
#culmen#, _top_, for #*celmen#, from #*cellō# in #ex-cellō#; #volō#, _I
wish_, for #*velō#; but #e# is preserved before dental #l# (60): as in
#velle#, #velim# (773). Before #l# followed by any consonant save #l#
this #o# changes to #u# (141): as, #vult#.
143. In a number of words, notably in #voster#, _your_, #vorsus#,
_turned_, #vortex#, _eddy_, and #votāre#, _forbid_, the forms with #o#
were replaced, about the second century B.C. by forms with #e#: as,
#vester#, #versus#, #vertex#, #vetāre# (Quint. 1, 7, 25).
[Erratum:
136 (2.) In the nominative singular
(2)]
ASSIMILATION.
144. In a few cases a vowel is influenced by the vowel of a neighbouring
syllable: as,
#nisi#, _unless_, for #*nesi#; #iīs#, for #eīs#, _to them_ (671, 674);
#diī#, #diīs#, _gods_, for #deī#, #deīs# (450); #nihil#, _nothing_, for
#*nehil#; #homō#, _man_, for #*hemō# (cf. #nēmō#, from #ne-hemō#, 118);
see also 104, _d_; 105, _i_.
QUALITATIVE VOWEL GRADATION.
145. The same stem often shows different vowels in different forms. In
most of these cases this difference was inherited from a very early
period and continued in the Latin. Such old inherited variation of the
quality of the stem-vowel is called _qualitative vowel gradation_. The
qualitative variations may be accompanied by quantitative changes (135).
Often the verb and the noun are thus distinguished by different vowels:
as, #tegō#, _I cover_, and #toga#, _a garment_, _toga_; #precor#, _I
beg_, and #procus#, _suitor_, cf. English _to sing_ and _a song_, _to
bind_, and _a bond_. The different tenses of some verbs show a like
gradation: as, #capiō#, _I take_, #cēpī#; #faciō#, _I make_, #fēcī#, cf.
English _I sing_, _I sang_; _I bring_, _I brought_. The same occurs in
derivation: as #doceō#, _I teach_, by the side of #decet#; #noceō#, _I
harm_, by the side of #nex# (#nec-s#). The two vowels which occur most
frequently in such gradation are #e# and #o#: as in stems in #-o-#,
#domine#, #dominus# (for #dominos#); as variable vowel (824); #genos#
(#genus#, 107, _c_) in the nom. sg. by the side of #*genes-# in the
oblique cases (gen. #generis# for #*genesis#, 154); #honōs# by the side
of #hones-# in #hones-tus#; #modus#, _measure_, for #*modos# (originally
a neuter #-s-# stem like #genus# (487, 491), but transferred later to
the #-o-# declension), by the side of #modes-# in #modes-tus#, _seemly_.
See 187.
(B.) CONSONANT CHANGE.
146. In a number of words which belong more or less clearly to the stem
of the pronoun #quo-# (681), #cu-# (157), the initial #c# has
disappeared before #u#: as,
#uter#, _which of the two_, #ubĭ#, _where_, #unde#, _whence_ (711). For
the conjunction #ut#, #utī#, _that_, connection with this pronominal
stem is much more doubtful. The #c-# appears in the compounds with #sī#
and #nē̆#: as, #sī-cubī# (cf. #sī-quidem#, #sī-quandō#), #sī-cunde#,
#nē-cubi#, #ne-cunde#, #ne-cuter#.
147. #d# varies in a few words with #l#: as old Latin #dacruma#, _tear_,
for later #lacrima#; #dingua#, _tongue_, for later #lingua#; #odor#,
_smell_, by the side of #oleō#, _I smell_.
148. Very rarely, before labials, final #d# of the preposition #ad#
varies with #r#: as, old Latin #arfuērunt#, _they were present_, for
later #adfuērunt# (2257); #arvorsum#, _against_, for #advorsum#. The
only instances of this in classical Latin are #arbiter#, _umpire_, and
#arcēssō# (970), _I summon_, which shows #r# before a guttural.
149. (1.) Final d after a long vowel disappeared in classical Latin:
thus, in the ablative singular of #-ā-# and #-o-# stems (426), and in
the ablative-accusative forms #mēd#, #tēd#, #sēd# (648). The
prepositions #prō# and #sē# (1417) originally ended in #-d# which is
still seen in #prōdesse#, _be of advantage_, #prōd-īre#, _go forth_;
#sēd-itiō#, _a going-apart_, _sedition_. According to the grammarians,
the negative #haud# preserved its #d# before vowels, but lost it before
consonants (1450).
(2.) Late inscriptions confuse final #-d# and #-t#: as FECID (729),
ALIVT for #aliud#. But in very old Latin #-d# in the third person
singular seems to be the remnant of a secondary ending (cf. the Greek
distinction of primary -ται and secondary -το).
150. In a number of words #f# varies dialectically with #h#. In some of
these #f# appears to have been original, in others #h#: as, old Latin
#fordeum#, _barley_, for classical #hordeum#; old Latin #haba#, _bean_,
for classical #faba#. The word #fīlum#, _thread_, appears as #*hīlum# in
#nihil#, _nothing_, for #*ne-hīlum#.
151. #h# being a weak sound (58) was often lost between two like vowels,
especially in rapid utterance: as, #nīl#, _nothing_, #prēndere#, _take_,
#vēmēns#, _rapid_, by the side of #nihil#, #prehendere#, #vehemēns#; and
always #nēmō#, _nobody_, for #*ne-hemō#, _no man_.
152. In some words #h# between two vowels is not original, but goes back
to a guttural aspirate _gh_. Before consonants this guttural appears:
as, #vehō#, _I draw_, #vectus# (953) from a stem #vegh-#, #trahō#, _I
drag_, #tractus# (953) from a stem #tragh-#.
153. (1.) #v# not infrequently disappeared between two like vowels: as,
#dītior#, _richer_, for #dīvitior#; #sīs# (Cic. _O._ 154), for #sī vīs#
(774); #lātrīna#, for #lavatrīna#; #fīnīsse#, for #fīnīvisse#;
#dēlēram#, for #dēlēveram#; and later also in perfect forms in which the
preceding and following vowel differed: as, #amāsse#, for #amāvisse#.
The abbreviated forms of the perfects in #-vī# (890) were common in
Cicero’s (_O._ 157) and Quintilian’s (1, 6, 17) time. #v# also
disappeared before #o# in #deorsum#, #seorsum#.
(2.) Old and original unsyllabic #i# (82; 83) disappeared everywhere
between vowels. Wherever unsyllabic #i# appears between vowels it
represents double #i̭i̭#, and is the result of the assimilation of #g#
to #i̭# (166, 9), or #d# to #i̭# (166, 9), or of the combination of two
#i̭#’s: as in #ei-i̭us#, #quoi̭-i̭us# (#eius#, #quoius# = #cuius#, 688).
See 23; 166, 9. In all these cases the first #i̭# joined to the
preceding vowel (83) formed with it a diphthong, and the syllable is
thus long (133, 2).
(3.) The combinations of unsyllabic (83) #ṷ# with the vowel #u# and of
unsyllabic #i̭# with the vowel #i# were avoided in classical Latin; see
52.
(4.) In composition, unsyllabic (82) #i̭# after a consonant became
syllabic in #quoniam#, _since_, for #quomi̭am# (164, 5), and #etiam#,
_also_, for #eti̭am# (both compounds with #iam#).
154. In early Latin #s# between two vowels was voiced (75), and in the
fourth century B.C. this voiced #s# changed into #r#. According to
Cicero (_Fam._ 9, 21, 2) L. Papīrius Crassus, consul in 336 B.C.,
changed his family name #Papīsius# to #Papīrius#. Old inscriptions show
frequently #s# for #r#: as, ASA, _altar_, AVSELII. This change of
intervocalic #s# to #r# plays an important part in declension,
conjugation, and derivation: as,
Nominative #iūs#, _right_, genitive #iūris#; #spērō#, _I hope_, derived
from #spēs#; #nefārius#, _wicked_, from #nefās#; #gerō#, _I carry_, from
a stem #ges-# which appears in #ges-sī#, #ges-tus# (953); #erō#, _I
shall be_, from the stem #es-# in #esse#; the subjunctive ending #-sem#
in #es-sem# appears as #-rem# after vowels: as, #stārem#; the infinitive
ending (894, 895) #-se# in #es-se# appears as #-re# after vowels: as,
#legere#, for #*legese#, _to read_, #stāre#, for #*stāse#, _to stand_.
Where all oblique cases show #-r-# and only the nominative singular
#-s#, the latter is sometimes changed to #-r# by analogy: as, #arbor#,
_tree_, #honor#, _honour_, for original #arbōs#, #honōs#, by analogy to
the oblique cases #arboris#, #arborī#, #honōris#, #honōrī#, etc. (487,
488). The final #-s# of the prefix #dis-# follows this rule: as,
#dir-imō#, _I take apart_, for #*dis-emō#; but an initial #s-# of the
second member of a compound remains unchanged: as, #dē-sinō#, _I stop_.
155. Wherever intervocalic #s# is found in classical Latin it is not
original, but the result (_a._) of earlier #-ns-#: as, #formōsus#,
_handsome_, for #formōnsus# (63); (_b._) of earlier #-ss-# (170, 7): as,
#ūsus# for #*ūssus#, _use_ (159); #causa#, _thing_, for #caussa# (Quint.
1, 7, 20); or (_c._) it occurs in borrowed words like #asinus#, _ass_.
(_d._) There are a few words in which an #r# in a neighbouring syllable
seems to have prevented the change: as #miser#, _miserable_ (173).
156. Before the #o# described in 142 #qu# changed to #c#: as, #incola#,
_inhabitant_, for #*inquola#, from #*inquela#; the stem #quel-# appears
in #in-quil-īnus#, _lodger_.
157. As #v# before #u# (107, _c_), so #qu# was not tolerated before #u#,
but changed to #c#.
Hence when, about the beginning of our era, the #o# of #quom#, _when_,
#sequontur#, _they followed_, changed to #u# (107, _c_), they became
#cum#, #secuntur#; thus #equos# but #ecus#, _horse_ (452); #reliquom#
but RELICVM, _the rest_; #loquor#, _I speak_, but #locūtus# (978). Much
later, in the second century of our era, the grammarians restored the
#qu# before #u# by analogy to those forms in the paradigm in which #qu#
came before other vowels: as, #sequuntur# for #secuntur# by analogy to
#sequor#, #sequeris#, #sequitur#, #sequimur#, #sequimini#, etc.;
#equus#, #equum#, for #ecus#, #ecum#, by analogy to #equī#, #equō#,
#eque#, #equōrum#, #equīs#, #equōs#.
158. #qu# before consonants or when final changed to #c#: as, #relictus#
from the stem #liqu-#, _leave_ (present, #linquō#, 938); #ac#, _and_,
for #*atc#, by apocope from #atque#; #nec#, _nor_, by apocope from
#neque#. See also #*torctus# (170, 3), #quīnctus# (170, 4).
159. When in the process of early word formation a #t# was followed by
another #t#, the combination #tt#, unless followed by #r#, changed to
#ss#: as, #obsessus#, _besieged_, _sat upon_, for #*obsettus#, from
#*obsed-tus# (cf. #sedeō#). After long vowels, nasals, and liquids this
double #ss# was simplified to #s# (170, 7): as, #ūsus# from #*ūt-tus#,
_used_ (cf. #ūtor#); #scānsus#, _climbed_, from #*scant-tus# for
#*scandtus# (cf. #scandō#).
In this way arose a suffix #-sus# (906, 912) for the past participle of
verbs ending in a dental, and this spread to other verbs (912): as
#mānsus#, _stayed_, from #maneō# (1000), #pulsus#, _pushed_, from
#pellō# (932). The regular participles of these two verbs still appear
in the derivative verbs #mantāre# and #pultāre#, which presuppose the
past participles #*mantus# and #*pultus# (371). If the double #tt# was
followed by #r# it changed to #st#: as, #assestrīx# from #*assettrīx#,
while #*assettor# changed to #assessor#.
160. But wherever the combination #tt# arose in historical times it
remained unchanged: as, #attineō#; #cette#, syncopated for #cé-d(i)te#,
i.e. the particle #ce# (93, 3) which is here proclitic, and the
imperative #date#, _give_.
161. Initial #dv# (_dṷ_) changed to #b#, unless the #v# (_ṷ_) was
converted into the corresponding vowel: as, #bis#, _twice_, for #*dṷis#
(cf. #duo#); #bidēns# for #*dṷidens#, by the side of old Latin #duidēns#
with vocalic #u#; #bonus#, _good_, for #dṷonus#, by the side of
trisyllabic #duonus#; #bellum#, _war_, for #*dṷellum#, by the side of
#duellum# with vocalic #u#; #bēs#, _two thirds_, for #*dṷēs# (2427).
Cicero (_O._ 153) notes that the change of #duellum# to #bellum#
affected even the proper name #Duellius# (name of the admiral who won
the naval victory over the Carthaginians in 260 B.C.) which was changed
to #Bellius#. Plautus always scans #dṷellum# disyllabic with synizesis
(2503).
[Erratum:
161 ... won the naval victory over the Carthaginians in 260 B.C.
B C.]
CHANGES OF CONSONANT GROUPS.
162. Many groups of consonants undergo changes in order to facilitate
their pronunciation in rapid speech. These changes involve (_a._)
Assimilation of consonants; (_b._) the development of consonantal
glides; (_c._) the loss of one member of the group; and (_d._) the
development of a vowel between the consonants.
ASSIMILATION.
163. Of two successive consonants belonging to different syllables
(175), the first is, as a rule, assimilated to the second (_regressive
assimilation_), rarely the second to the first (_progressive
assimilation_). A consonant may be assimilated, either entirely or
partially, to another consonant.
Assimilation is very common in prepositions prefixed to a verb.
164. PARTIAL ASSIMILATION. (1.) A voiced mute before an unvoiced
consonant became unvoiced: as, #rēx#, _king_, for #*rēgs# (cf. #rēgis#);
#rēxī#, _I guided_, for #*rēgsī# (cf. #regō#); #rēctus#, _guided_, for
#*rēgtus#; #scrīpsī#, _I wrote_, for #*scrībsī# (cf. #scribō#);
#scrīptus#, _written_, for #*scribtus#; #trāxī#, _I dragged_, for
#*trāghsī#; #tractus#, _dragged_, for #*traghtus# (152). The spelling
did not always conform to this pronunciation: as, #urbs#, _city_,
pronounced #urps# (54) but spelled with #b# by analogy to the oblique
cases #urbis#, #urbem#, etc.; #obtineō#, _I get_, pronounced #optineō#.
(2.) An unvoiced mute before a voiced consonant became voiced. The
prepositions #ob#, #ab#, #sub#, for #*op#, #*ap#, #*sup#, owe their
final #b# to their frequent position before voiced mutes: as, #obdūcō#,
#abdīcō#, #sub dīvō#. The forms #*op# (still preserved in #op-eriō#, _I
close_, 1019) #*ap# (preserved in #ap-erio#, _I open_, 1019; cf. Greek
ἀπό) and #*sup# (preserved in the adjective #supīnus#, _supine_) were
then crowded out by #ob#, #ab#, and #sub#.
(3.) Nasals changed their place of articulation to that of the following
consonant. Thus, dental #n# before the labials #p# and #b# became labial
#m#: as, #imbibō#, _I drink in_, #impendeō#, _I hang over_. Labial #m#
before the gutturals #c# and #g# became guttural #n# (62): as,
#prīnceps#, _leader_, #singulī#, _severally_ (the original labials
appear in #prīmus#, #semel# (138)); #hunc# for #*homce# (662). Labial
#m# before the dentals #t#, #d#, #s# became dental #n#: as, #cōnsecrō#,
_I consecrate_, from #com# (#cum#) and #sacrō#; #tantus#, _so great_,
from #tam#; #quondam#, _once_, from #quom#; #tandem#, _at length_, from
#tam#. But sometimes the etymological spelling was retained: as,
#quamdiū#, _as long as_. But #m# does not change to #n# before #t# or
#s# in the inflection of verbs and nouns, where #mt#, #ms# develop into
#mpt#, #mps# (167): as, #sūmptus#, #sūmpsī#, from #sūmō#.
(4.) #p# and #b# before #n# changed to #m#: as, #somnus#, _sleep_, for
#*sop-nus# (cf. #sopor#); #omnis#, _all_, for #*op-nis# (cf. #opēs#);
#Samnium#, for #*Sabnium# (cf. #Sabīnī#).
(5.) #m# before unsyllabic #i# (#i̭#) became #n#: as, #quoniam# (with
vocalic #i#; 153, 4), _since_, for #*quoni̭am# from #quom iam# (1882);
#coniungō#, _I join together_, for #*comiungō#.
(6.) #c# between #n# and #l#, and before #m#, changed to #g#: as,
#angulus#, _corner_, with anaptyctical (172) vowel #u# for #*anglus#,
from #*anclus# (cf. #ancus#); #segmentum#, _section_, from the stem
#sec-# in #secāre#.
165. It appears that at a very early period the neighbourhood of a nasal
changed an unvoiced mute into a voiced one: as, #ē-mungō#, _I clean
out_, by the side of #mūcus#; #pangō#, _I fix_, by the side of #pāc-# in
#pāx#, _peace_ (gen. #pāc-is#).
166. ENTIRE ASSIMILATION. (1.) One mute is assimilated to another: thus
#p# or #b# to #c#: as, #suc-currō#, _I assist_; #t# or #d# to #c#: as,
#sic-cus#, _dry_ (cf. #sit-is#, _thirst_), #accipiō#, _I accept_; #d# to
#g#: as, #agglūtinō#, _I glue on_; #t# or #d# to #qu#: as, #quicquam#,
_anything_; #t# or #d# to #p#: as, #appellō#, _I call_; #quippe#, _why?_
(1690).
(2.) A mute is assimilated to a spirant: thus, #p# to #f# in #officīna#,
_workshop_, for #*opficīna#, syncopated form of #*opificīna#; #d# to
#f#: as, #afferō#, _I bring hither_; when #t# is thus assimilated to #s#
the result is #ss# after a short vowel, and #s# after a long vowel
(170, 7) or when final (171); as, in the #-s-# perfects, #concussī#, _I
shook_, for #*concutsī# (#concutiō#, 961); #messuī#, _I mowed_, for
#*metsuī# (#metō#, 835); #suāsī#, _I advised_, for #*suātsī# (#suādeō#,
1000); #clausī#, _I shut_, for #*clautsī# (#claudō#, 958); #haesī#, _I
stuck_, for #haes-sī# (868) from #haerēre#, stem #haes-# (154); in the
same way #possum#, _I can_, for #*potsum# (cf. #pot-est#, 752);
#prōsum#, _I am of advantage_, for #*prōtsum# (cf. #prōd-esse#);
#legēns#, _reading_, for #*legents# (from the stem #legent-#, cf.
genitive #legent-is#). An #s# is never assimilated to a following #t#:
as, #haustus#, _drained_ (1014), from the stem #haus-#, present #hauriō#
(154). Forms like the rare #hausūrus# (Verg.) are made after the analogy
of dental stems.
(3.) One spirant, #s#, is assimilated to another, #f#: as, #difficilis#,
_difficult_, #differō#, _I am unlike_, from #dis# and #facilis#, #ferō#.
(4.) A mute is assimilated to a nasal: thus #d# to #m# in #mamma#,
_woman’s breast_, from the stem #mad-# (cf. #madeō#, 1006); #rāmus#,
_branch_, #rāmentum#, _splinter_, from the stem #rād-# (cf. #rādō#, 958)
with simplification of the double #m# after the long vowel. #d# to #n#
in #mercēnārius#, _hireling_, from the stem #mercēd-#, _reward_, (for
#mercennarius#, see 133, 1); #p# to #m# in #summus#, _highest_, from the
stem #sup-# (cf. #super#). A progressive assimilation of #nd# to #nn#
belongs to the Oscan dialect, and occurs only very rarely in Latin: as,
#tennitur# (Ter.), #distennite# (Plaut.). See 924; 950.
(5.) One nasal, #n#, is assimilated to another, #m#: as #immōtus#,
_unmoved_. But an #m# before #n# is never assimilated: as, #amnis#,
_river_.
(6.) Mutes or nasals are assimilated to liquids; thus #n# to #l#: as,
#homullus#, _manikin_, for #*homon-lus# (cf. #homun-culus#); #ūllus#
(274); #d# to #l#: as, #sella#, _seat_, for #*sed-la# from the stem
#sed-# (cf. #sedeō#); #caelum#, _chisel_, from the stem #caed-#
(cf. #caedō#) with simplification of the double #l# after the diphthong
(170, 7); #n# to #r#: as, #irruō#, _I rush in_; and with progressive
assimilation #n# to a preceding #l#: as, #tollō#, _I lift_, for #*tolnō#
(833); #fallō#, _I cheat_ (932); #pellō#, _I push_ (932). But no
assimilation is to be assumed for #parricīda#, which does not stand for
#patricīda# (133, 1).
(7.) One liquid, #r#, is assimilated to another, #l#: as, #pelliciō#, _I
lead astray_ (956), for #*per-liciō#; #agellus#, _small field_, for
#*agerlos#; #pūllus#, _clean_, from #*pūrlos# (cf. #pūrus#, _clean_).
(8.) A spirant, #s#, is assimilated to a preceding liquid in #velle#,
_wish_, for #*velse#, #ferre#, _carry_, for #*ferse# (the infinitive
ending #-se# appears in #es-se#, 895); #facillimus#, _easiest_, for
#*facilsimus# (345); #sacerrimus#, _holiest_, for #*sacersimus# (344).
But where #ls# and #rs# are not original but the result of lightening
(170, 3; 10) they remain unchanged: as, #arsī#, _I burnt_, for #*artsī#
from the stem #ard-# (cf. #ardeō#, 1000); #alsī#, _I felt cold_, for
#*alcsī# from the stem #alg-# (cf. #algeō#, 1000).
(9.) #g# and #d# were assimilated to a following unsyllabic #i# (#i̭#)
the result being (153, 2) #ii# (#i̭i̭#); thus #peiior#, _worse_, for
#*ped-i̭or#, from the stem #ped-# (532), whence also the superlative
#pessimus# for #*petsimus# (166, 2); #maiior#, _greater_, for
#*mag-i̭or# (the stem #mag-# appears in #magis#); #aiiō#, _I say_, for
#*ag-i̭ō# (the stem #ag-# appears in #ad-ag-ium#, #prōd-ig-ium#, 219).
These forms were pronounced by Cicero with doubled #i̭# (23), and traces
of the spelling with double #ii# are still found (23), though in common
practice only one #i# is written (153, 2). On the confusion of syllabic
quantity with vowel quantity in these words, see 133, 2.
[Errata:
164 ... #scrīptus#, _written_, for #*scribtus#;
writtén
#trāxī#, _I dragged_, for #*trāghsī#;
#*trāghsī#,
166(4) ... #distennite# (Plaut.).
last . invisible]
(6.) Mutes or nasals
(6).]
CONSONANTAL GLIDES.
167. Pronunciation of two successive consonants is sometimes facilitated
by the insertion of a consonant which serves as a glide. Such insertion
is not frequent.
In inflection a #p# was thus developed between #m# and #s#, between #m#
and #l#, and between #m# and #t# (elsewhere #mt# changed to #nt#, see
164, 3): as, #sūmpsī#, _I took_, #sūmptus#, _taken_, from #sūmere# for
#*sūmsī#, #*sūmtus#; and in the corresponding forms of #cōmō#, #dēmō#,
#prōmō# (953); #exemplum#, _pattern_, for #*exemlum# from the stem
#em-#, _take_ (cf. #eximere#, 103, #a#).
DISAPPEARANCE.
168. A word may be lightened by the disappearance of an initial,
a medial, or a final consonant.
Disappearance of an initial consonant is sometimes called _Aphaeresis_,
of a medial, _Syncope_, of a final, _Apocope_.
169. INITIAL DISAPPEARANCE. (1.) Initial #tl# changed to #l#: as,
#lātus#, _borne_, for #*tlātus# from #tollō# (187, 917).
(2.) Initial #gn# changed to #n#: as, #nātus#, _born_, for earlier
GNATVS from the stem #gen-#, #gnā# (187); #nōscō#, _I find out_, for
#gnōscō#, GNOSCIER (897); #nārus#, _knowing_, for the more frequent
#gnārus#, #nāvus#, _active_, for #gnāvus#. Cf. the compounds
#cō-gnātus#, #cō-gnōscō#, #ī-gnārus#, #ī-gnāvus# (170, 6) which preserve
the #g#. But #Gnaeus# retained its #G#.
(3.) Initial #d# when followed by consonant #i# (_i̭_), disappeared: as,
#Iovis#, #Iūpiter#, for #*Di̭ovis#, #*Di̭ūpiter#. Where the #i# was
vocalic, #d# was retained: as, #dīus#.
(4.) Initial #stl-# first changed to #sl# and then to #l#: as, Old Latin
#stlocus#, _place_, #stlīs#, _law-suit_ (Quint. 1, 4, 16), STLOC, SLIS,
classical #locus#, #līs#; also #lātus#, _wide_, for #*stlātus#. That a
form #*slocus# existed is proved by #īlicō# (698, 703) from #*in-slocō#,
_on the spot_ (170, 2).
170. MEDIAL DISAPPEARANCE. (1.) #c#, #g#, #p#, and #b# disappear before
#s# followed by an unvoiced consonant: as, #sescentī#, _six hundred_,
for #*sexcentī# from #sex#; #illūstris#, _resplendent_, for
#*illūcstris# from #lūceō#; #discō#, _I learn_, from #*dicscō# for
#*di-tc-scō# (834), a reduplicated present from the root #dec-#
(cf. #decet#) like #gignō# (from the root #gen-#), and #sīdō# (for
#*si-sd-ō#, 170, 2, from the root #sed-#, 829). Sometimes prepositions
follow this rule: as, #asportō#, _I carry off_, for #*absportō#,
#suscipiō#, _I undertake_, for #*subscipiō# (#subs# formed from #sub#
like #abs# from #ab#; #sub-cipiō# gives #succipiō#); occasionally also
#ecferō#, for #exferō#, _I carry out_. But more frequently prepositional
compounds remain unchanged: as, #obscūrus#, _dark_; #abscēdō#, _I
withdraw_. In some words the lost consonant has been restored by
analogy: as, #sextus#, _sixth_, for #*sestus# (cf. #Sēstius#) after
#sex#; #textor#, _weaver_, for #*testor# after #texō#.
(2.) #s# before voiced consonants was voiced (75) and is dropped. If a
consonant precedes the #s# this is dropped also. In either case the
preceding vowel is lengthened. Voiced #s# alone is dropped: as,
#prīmus#, _first_, for #*prīs-mus# (cf. #prīs-cus#); #cānus#, _gray_,
for #*casnus# (cf. #cas-cus#); adverb #pōne#, _behind_, for #*posne#
(cf. #pos#, 1410); #dīlābī#, _glide apart_, for #*dislābi#; #īdem#, _the
same_, for ISDEM (678); #iūdex#, _judge_, for #iūsdex#; #trēdecim#,
_thirteen_, for #*trēsdecim#. And with subsequent shortening of the
final syllable (130, 3) #abin#, _goest thou?_ for #abisn(e)#; #viden#,
_seest thou?_ for #vidēsn(e)#. Voiced #s# with the preceding consonant
is dropped: as, #trādūcō#, _I lead across_, #trānō#, _I swim across_,
for #trānsdūcō#, #trānsnō#; but in these prepositional compounds the
#-ns# was often retained: as, #trānsmittō#, _I send across_; #sēnī#,
_six each_, for #*secsnī#; #sēmēnstris#, _every six months_, for
#secsmēnstris#; #sēvirī#, _the Board of Six_, for #secsvirī#; #āla#,
_wing_, for #*acsla# (cf. #ax-illa#, Cic. _O._ 153); #māvolō# (779) for
#magsvolō# from #magisvolō#, 396; #tōles# (plural), _goiter_, for
#*tōnsles# (cf. #tōnsillae#, _tonsils_); #pīlum#, _pestle_, for
#*pīnslum# from #pīnsere#, _crush_; two consonants and voiced #s# are
dropped in #scāla#, _stair_, for #*scand-sla# (cf. #scandō#).
(3.) #c# falls away when it stands between a liquid and #t#, #s#, #m#,
or #n#: as, #ultus#, _avenged_, for #*ulctus# from #ulc-iscor# (980);
#mulsī# for #*mulcsī# from both #mulgeō#, _I milk_, and #mulceō#, _I
stroke_; similarly other stems in #-c# and #-g# (1000, 1014); #quernus#,
_oaken_, for #*quercnus# from #quercus#; #tortus#, _turned_, for
#*torctus# from #torqueō# (for the change of #qu# to #c#, see 158); for
#fortis#, _brave_, #forctis# is found in old Latin.
(4.) #c# drops out when it stands between #n# and #t#: as, #quīntus#,
_fifth_, for older #quīnctus# (2412), from #quīnque# (for the change of
#qu# to #c#, see 158; for the long #ī# in #quīnque#, see 122, _b_). But
verbs having stems in #-nc# or #-ng# retain the #c# in their past
participles: as, #vīnctus#, _bound_, from #vincīre# (1014); #iūnctus#,
_joined_, from #iungere# (954). In #pāstus# (965) #c# has dropped out
between #s# and #t#.
(5.) The group #-ncn-# was simplified to simple #-n-#, and the preceding
vowel was lengthened: as, #quīnī#, _five each_, for #*quīnc-nī# (317);
#cō-nīveō#, _wink and blink_, for #con-cnīveō#.
(6.) #n# before #gn# was dropped and the preceding vowel lengthened: as,
#ī-gnōscō#, _I forgive_, for #*in-gnōscō#, #cō-gnōscō#, _I know_, for
#*con-gnōscō#. In this manner (170, 5; 6) arises a form #cō-# by the
side of #con-# (122, _e_): as, #cō-nectō#, #cō-nubium#, #cō-ligātus#
(Gell. 2, 17, 8).
(7.) In the imperial age, #ss# after long vowels and diphthongs was
regularly changed to #s#: as, #clausī#, _I closed_; #ūsus#, _used_
(166, 2); but always #ēsse#, _to eat_ (769); #ll# changed to #l# after
diphthongs: as, #caelum#, _chisel_ (166, 6); also when preceded by #ī#
and followed by #i#: as, #vīlla#, _country-place_, but #vīlicus#
(adject.); #mille#, _thousand_, but #mīlia# (642). Elsewhere #ll# was
retained after long vowels: as, #pūllus# (166, 7), _clean_; #rāllum#,
_ploughshare_, from #rādō# with suffix #-lo-# (209). In Cicero’s time
(Quint. 1, 7, 20) the spelling was still #caussa# (155, _b_), _matter_;
#cāssus# (930), _fallen_; #divīssiō# (cf. 912), _division_. Vergil also,
according to Quintilian, retained the doubled consonants, and the best
manuscripts of both Vergil and Plautus frequently show #ll# and #ss# for
later #l# and #s#, as do inscriptions: as, PROMEISSERIT, _he might have
promised_ (49 B.C.); ACCVSSASSE, _to have accused_.
(8.) After a long vowel #d# was dropped before consonant #u# (#v#): as,
#svāvis#, _sweet_, for #*svādvis# from #svād-# (cf. #svādeō#).
(9.) #r# before #st# was dropped: as, #tostus#, _roasted_ (1004) for
#*torstus# from the stem #tors-# (cf. #torreo# with assimilated #-rs-#,
166, 8).
(10.) #-rts-# changed to #-rs#: as, #arsī#, _I burnt_, for #*artsī#
(1000). #-rcsc-# changed to #-sc-#: as, #poscō#, _I demand_, for
#*porcscō# (834).
(11.) In #ipse#, _self_, for #*is-pse#, an #s# has disappeared before
#-ps-#
(12.) #d# (#t#) disappears between #r# and #c#: as, #cor-culum# for
#cord(i)-culum# (275).
171. FINAL DISAPPEARANCE. (1.) A word never ends in a doubled consonant:
as, #es# for #*es-s#, _thou art_, which Plautus and Terence still scan
as a long syllable; and the following cases of assimilation: #ter# for
#*terr# from #*ters# (cf. #terr-uncius#, _a quarter of an_ #ās#, _a
farthing_, 1272, for #*ters-uncius#, 166, 8); #fār#, _spelt_, for
#*farr#, from #*fars# (489); #fel#, _gall_, for #*fell#, from #*fels#
(482); in #mīles#, _soldier_, for #*mīless# from #*mīlets# (cf. Gen.
#mīlitis#, 477) the final syllable is still long in Plautus. #hoc#,
_this_, for #*hocc# from #*hod-c(e)#(the neuter #*hod# from the stem
#ho-#, as #istud#, #illud# (107, _c_) from #isto-#, #illo-#) counts as a
long syllable even in classical poetry.
(2.) No Latin word can end in two explosives: thus, final #t# is dropped
in #lac#, _milk_ (478); final #d# in #cor#, _heart_ (476).
(3.) When final #s# was preceded by #r# or #l#, it was assimilated to
these liquids, and final #rr# and #ll# were then simplified to #r# and
#l#. See the examples under (1). Wherever final #-rs# and #-ls# appear
they are not original but the result of the disappearance of an
intervening consonant: as, #puls#, _pottage_, for #*pults# (533);
#pars#, _part_, for #*parts# (533); all with syncope (111) of the vowel
#i# in the nominative #sg#.
(4.) Original final #ns# was changed to #s# and the preceding vowel was
lengthened: as, #sanguīs#, _blood_ (2452), for #*sanguins# from the stem
#sanguin-# (486). Wherever final #-ns# appears it is not original but
the result of the disappearance of an intervening consonant: as,
#ferēns#, _carrying_, for #*ferents#, from the stem #ferent-#; #frōns#,
_foliage_, for #*fronds#, from the stem #frond-#.
(5.) A dental mute before final #s# is dropped: as, #hērēs#, _heir_, for
#*hērēds# (475); #virtūs#, _virtue_, for #*virtūts# (477); #nox#,
_night_, for #*nocts# (533); a labial or guttural mute is retained: as,
#fornāx# (#x# = #cs#), _furnace_, from the stem #fornāc-# (531); #lēx#,
_law_, from the stem #leg-# (472); #urbs#, _city_, from the stem #urb-#
(480); #ops# from the stem #op-#, _help_ (480).
[Errata:
170.2 ... #iūdex#, _judge_, for #iūsdex#;
#iūsdex#,
#abin#, _goest thou?_ for #abisn(e)#;
#abisn(e)#,]
DEVELOPMENT OF AN ANAPTYCTICAL VOWEL.
172. Certain consonant groups, notably those containing a liquid, are
sometimes eased by the insertion of a vowel which develops between the
consonants. This is called _Anaptyxis_ (Greek ἀναπτύσσειν, _unfold_). It
is the opposite of syncope of vowels (110, 111).
(1.) The suffix #-clo-# (242), changed to #-culo-#, being thus no longer
distinguishable from the diminutive suffix #-culo-# (267): as,
#pōculum#, _cup_, for #pōclum# (Plaut.); #vehiculum#, _carriage_, for
#vehiclum# (Plaut.). But #-clo-# is more common in Plautus than
#-culo-#, especially after long vowels. The suffixes #-blo-# (245), and
#-bli-# (294) always show the anaptyctical vowel. Its colour depends on
the nature of the #l# (60): as, #stabulum#, _resting-place_; #stabilis#,
_steady_. The group #-ngl-# also changes to #-ngul-#: as, #angulus#
(164, 6).
(2.) In words borrowed from the Greek an unfamiliar sequence of
consonants was so lightened; as, #mina#, _mina_, for #*mna# (μνᾶ); and
in Old Latin #drachuma# (Plaut.) for later #drachma#, _drachma_
(δραχμή); #techina#, _trick_, from Greek τέχνη; #Tecumēssa# for
#Tecmēssa# (Τέκμησσα).
(3.) Before syllabic (83) #l# and #r# a vowel is developed (111, _b_):
as, #íncertus#, _uncertain_, for #*íncr̥tus#; #fácultās#, _capability_,
for #fácl̥tās#. Likewise before syllabic #n# (139).
DISSIMILATION.
173. (1.) To avoid the repetition of the same liquid in successive
syllables #l# is sometimes changed to #r#: as, #caeruleus#, _sky-blue_,
for #*caeluleus#, from #caelum#; #Parīlia#, by the side of #Palīlia#,
from #Palēs#; the suffix #-clo-# appears as #-cro-# after an #l#: as,
#lavācrum#, _bath_, #simulācrum#, _image_ (241); the suffix #-āli-#
under like conditions changes to #-āri-#; as, #molāre#, _of a mill_
(313), but #augurāle#, _of an augur_.
(2.) In a few cases repetition is avoided by dropping the sound once:
as, #praestīgiae#, _jugglery_, for #praestrīgiae#. This also applies to
the spirant #s# followed by a consonant, a combination which is not
tolerated in successive syllables: as in the reduplicated perfects
#stetī#, for #*stestī#; #spopondī#, for #*spospondī# (859), where the
second syllable, and in #quisquiliae#, _sweepings_, for #*squisquiliae#,
where the first syllable was lightened.
CHANGES WITHIN COMPOUNDS.
174. The final syllable of the first member of compounds (181) sometimes
undergoes certain changes by analogy to other compounds:
(1.) The final #-ā# of #ā-#stems, by analogy to the more frequent
#-o-#stems, usually changed to #-o#, which in atonic syllables became
#-i# (105): as, #āli-ger#, _winged_, for #*ālo-ger# from #ālā-#.
(2.) Stems in #-on-# substitute #-o-# for #-on-# by analogy to the
#-o-#stems: as, #homi-cída#, _murderer_, for #*homo-cīda# (105) from
#homon-# (Nom. #homō#).
(3.) Some stems in #-s# substitute #-o-# by analogy to the #-o-#stems:
as, #foedi-fragus#, _treaty-breaking_, for #*foedo-fragus# from the stem
#foedos-# (Nom. #foedus#, Gen. #foederis#; 154).
[In section 174, anomalous forms such as #-o-#stems (without space)
are in the original.]
SYLLABLES.
175. A word has as many syllables as it has separate vowels or
diphthongs. The last syllable is called the _Ultima_; the last syllable
but one is called the _Penult_; the last syllable but two is called the
_Antepenult_.
176. The quantity of single sounds (e.g. the quantity of a vowel) must
be carefully distinguished from the quantity of the group of sounds or
the syllable of which the single sound forms a part.
LENGTH OF SYLLABLES.
177. A syllable is long if its vowel is long, or if its vowel is
followed by two consonants or by #x# or #z#: as,
#dūcēbās#; #volvunt#. In #dūcēbās# both the vowels and the syllables are
long; in #volvunt# the vowels are short, but the syllables are long; in
cases like the last the syllables (not the vowels) are said to be _long
by position_. #h# does not count as a consonant (58) and #qu#
(or #qv#, 27) has the value of a single consonant only: thus, in #adhūc#
and #aqua# the first syllable is short.
178. In prose or old dramatic verse a syllable with a short vowel before
a mute or #f# followed by #l# or #r# is not long: as #tenebrae#. In
other verse, however, such syllables are sometimes regarded as long. In
compounds such syllables are long in any verse: as #obruit#.
LOSS OF SYLLABLES.
179. The first of two successive syllables which begin with the same
sound is sometimes lost. This is called _Haplology_.
Thus, #sēmodius# for #sēmimodius#, _half a bushel_; #calamitōsus# for
#*calamitātōsus#, from the stem #calamitāt-# (262) and suffix #-oso-#
(336); #voluntārius#, for #voluntātārius# (262, 309); #cōnsuētūdō#, for
#cōnsuētitūdō# (264). See also 255; 379.
B. FORMATION.
180. FORMATION is the process by which stems are formed from roots or
from other stems.
181. A word containing a single stem is called a _Simple_ word: as,
#magnus#, _great_, stem #magno-#; #animus#, _soul_, stem #animo-#. A
word containing two or more stems is called a _Compound_ word: as,
#magnanimus#, _great-souled_, stem #magnanimo-#.
182. Most inflected words consist of two parts: a stem, which is usually
a modified root (195), and an inflection ending: thus, in #ductōrī#,
_for a leader_, the root is #duc-#, _lead_, the stem is #ductōr-#,
_leader_, and #-ī# is the inflection ending, meaning _for_.
ROOTS.
183. A ROOT is a monosyllable which gives the fundamental meaning to a
word or group of words.
184. A root is not a real word; it is neither a noun, naming something,
nor a verb, denoting action. Thus #iug-#, _yoke_, does not mean _a yoke_
nor _I yoke_; it merely _suggests_ something about yoking. The root
becomes a real word only when an inflection ending is added, or, more
commonly, both a formative suffix and an inflection ending: as,
#iug-u-m#, _a yoke_.
185. Roots are common to Latin and its cognate languages, such as the
Sanskrit and the Greek. When a root is named in this book, the specific
Latin form of the root is meant. This often differs somewhat from the
form of the root which is assumed as applicable to all the cognate
languages.
186. Almost all roots are noun and verb roots; that is, roots with a
meaning which may be embodied either in a noun or in a verb, or in both.
Besides these there is a small class, less than a dozen in number, of
pronoun roots. There are many words which cannot be traced back to their
roots.
187. A root sometimes has two or more forms: as, #fīd-# (for #feid-#),
#foed-#, #fid-#, _trust_; #gen-#, #gn-#, _sire_; #tol#, #tl#, _bear_;
see 135, 145.
Thus, #fīd-# is found in #fīd-us#, _trusty_, #fīd-ūcia#, _confidence_,
#fīd-ūciō#, _I pledge_, #fīd-ūciārius#, _in trust_, #fīd-ere#, _put
trust in_, #fīd-ēns#, _courageous_, #fīd-entia#, _courage_; #foed-# in
#foed-us#, _pledge of faith_, #foed-erātus#, _bound by a pledge of
faith_; #fid-# in #fid-ēs#, _faith_, #fid-ēlis#, _faithful_,
#fid-ēliter#, _faithfully_, #fid-ēlitās#, _faithfulness_, #per-fid-us#,
_faithless_, #per-fid-ia#, _faithlessness_, #per-fid-iōsus#, _full of
faithlessness_, per-fid-iōsē, faithlessly. #gen-# in #gen-itor#, _sire_,
#gn-# in #gi-gn-ere#, _beget_, #gn-ā-# in #gnā-tus#, _son_.
188. A root ending in a vowel is called a _Vowel Root_: as, #da-#,
_give_; a root ending in a consonant is called a _Consonant Root_: as,
#rup-#, _break_. Roots are conveniently indicated by the sign √: as,
√#teg-#, to be read ‘root #teg-#.’
189. A root or a part of a root is sometimes doubled in forming a word;
this is called _Reduplication_: as, #mur-mur#, _murmur_; #tur-tur#,
_turtle-dove_; #po-pul-us#, _people_; #ul-ul-āre#, _yell_.
PRESENT STEMS AS ROOTS.
190. Many nouns are formed from the present stems of verbs, which take
the place of roots. Stems thus used are mostly those of verbs in #-āre#
and #-īre#.
Thus, from #ōrā-#, stem of #ōrāre#, _speak_, are formed #ōrā-tor#,
_speaker_, and #ōrā-tiō#, _speech_; from #audī-#, stem of #audīre#,
_hear_, are formed #audī-tor#, _hearer_, and #audī-tiō#, _hearing_.
191. Verbs in #-ēre#, and those in #-āre# and #-īre# in which the #ā# or
#ī# is confined to the present system (868, 874) usually have parallel
nouns formed directly from a root: as,
#doc-tor#, _teacher_, #doc-umentum#, _lesson_, #doc-ilis#, _teachable_
(√#doc-#, #docēre#); #sec-tor#, _cutter_ (√#sec-#, #secāre#);
#dom-itor#, _tamer_, #dom-inus#, _master_, #dom-itus#, _tamed_ (√#dom-#,
#domāre#); #sarc-ina#, _package_ (√#sarc-#, #sarcīre#).
192. But a noun is sometimes exceptionally formed from the present stem
of a verb in #-ēre#: as, #monē-ta#, _mint_ (#monēre#); #acē-tum#,
_vinegar_ (#acēre#); #virē-tum#, _a green_ (#virēre#); #suādē-la#,
_persuasion_ (#suādēre#); #habē-na#, _rein_ (#habēre#); #egē-nus#,
_needy_ (#egēre#); #verē-cundus#, _shamefast_ (#verērī#); #valē-tūdō#,
_health_ (#valēre#).
193. Verbs in #-ere#, and particularly such as have a present in #-nō#,
#-scō#, #-tō# or #-iō# (832), usually have their parallel nouns formed
directly from a root: as,
#vic-tor#, _conqueror_ (√#vic-#, #vincere#); #incrē-mentum#, _growth_
(√#crē-#, #crēscere#); #pul-sus#, _a push_ (√#pol-#, #pellere#).
194. Sometimes, however, nouns are formed from such verb stems, and not
from roots: as, #lecti-stern-ium#, _a couch-spreading_ (#sternere#,
√#ster-#, #strā-#); #vinc-ibilis#, _conquerable_ (#vincere#, √#vīc-#);
#pāsc-uum#, _pasture_ (#pāscere#, √#pā-#); #pect-en#, _comb_ (#pectere#,
√#pec-#); #fall-āx#, _deceitful_ (#fallere#, √#fal-#).
STEMS.
195. A STEM is that part of a word which contains its meaning, and is
either a root alone or more commonly a root with an addition called a
_Formative Suffix_.
Thus, in the word #ducis#, _leader’s_, the stem, which is identical with
the root #duc-#, means _leader_; a root thus serving as a stem is called
a _Root Stem_; in #ductōris#, _leader’s_, the stem is formed by the
formative suffix #-tōr-#, denoting the agent, attached to the √#duc-#.
196. New stems are formed by adding a suffix to a stem. Thus, from
#ōrātōr-#, _speaker_, is formed by the addition of the suffix #-io-#, a
new stem #ōrātōr-io-#, N. #ōrātōrius#, _speaker’s_.
197. The noun has usually only one form of the stem. The verb has
different stems to indicate mood and tense; these stems are all based on
two principal tense stems, the present and the perfect active.
PRIMITIVES AND DENOMINATIVES.
198. I. A stem or word formed directly from a root or a verb stem is
called a _Primitive_. II. A stem or word formed from a noun stem is
called a _Denominative_.
(_a._) Primitives: from √#rēg-#, #reg-#, _guide_: #rēx#, stem #rēg-#,
_king_; #rēgnum#, stem #rēg-no-#, _kingdom_; #rēctus#, stem #rēc-to-#,
_guided_; #regere#, stem #reg-e-#, _guide_. From #ōrā-#, stem of
#ōrāre#, _speak_: #ōrātor#, stem #ōrā-tōr-#, _speaker_; #ōrātiō#, stem
#ōrā-tiōn-#, _speech_.
(_b._) Denominatives: from noun stem #rēg-#, _king_: #rēgīna#, stem
#rēg-īnā#, _queen_; #rēgius#, stem #rēg-io-#, #rēgālis#, stem
#rēg-āli-#, _royal_. From #ōrātiōn-#, _speech_: #ōrātiūncula#, stem
#ōrātiūn-culā-#, _little speech_. From #rēg-no-#, _kingdom_: #rēgnāre#,
stem #rēgnā-#, _to rule_. From #iūs#, _law_: #iūrāre#, _swear_, stem
#iūrā# (154).
[Errata:
198a ... #ōrātor#, stem #ōrā-tōr-#
#ōrā tōr-# with invisible hyphen
198b ... #iūrāre#, _swear_, stem #iūrā#
_stem_ #iūrā# in italics]
(A.) FORMATION OF THE NOUN.
WITHOUT A FORMATIVE SUFFIX.
199. Some roots are used as noun stems: as, #duc-#, N. #dux#, _leader_
(√#duc-#, _lead_); #rēg-#, N. #rēx#, _king_ (√#rēg-#, _guide_);
particularly at the end of a compound: as, #con-iug-#, N. #coniūnx#,
_yoke-fellow_, _spouse_ (#com-#, √#jug-#, _yoke_); #tubi-cin-#, N.
#tubicen#, _trumpeter_ (#tubā-#, √#can-#, _play_).
WITH A FORMATIVE SUFFIX.
200. SIMPLE formative suffixes are vowels: as, #-ā-#, #-o-#, #-i-#,
#-u-#; also #-io-#, #-uo-#, (#-vo-#); or such little syllables as
#-mo-#, #-min-#; #-ro-#, #-lo-#; #-ōn-#; #-no-#, #-ni-#, #-nu-#; #-to-#,
#-ti-#, #-tu-#; #-ter-#, #-tōr-#; #-unt-# (#-nt-#); #-es-# (#-er-#),
#-ōr-#; these syllables sometimes have slight modifications of form.
COMPOUND suffixes consist of one or more simple suffixes attached to a
simple suffix: as, #-tōr-io-#, #-ti-mo-#, &c., &c.
201. The following are examples of noun stems formed from roots or verb
stems by simple suffixes added:
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
fug-ā- fuga, _flight_ +fug-+, _fly_
fīd-o- fīdus, _trusty_ +fīd-+, _trust_
ac-u- acus, _pin_ +ac-+, _point_
od-io- odium, _hate_ +od-+, _hate_
pluv-iā- pluvia, _rain_ +plov-+, _wet_
ar-vo- arvom, _tilth_ +ar-+, _till_
al-vo- alvos, _belly_ +al-+, _nurture_
sal-vo- salvos, _safe_ +sal-+, _safe_
fā-mā- fāma, _tale_ +fā-+, _tell_
teg-min- tegmen, _cover_ +teg-+, _cover_
sel-lā- sella, _seat_ +sed-+, _sit_
err-ōn- errō, _stroller_ +errā-+, _stroll_
som-no- somnus, _sleep_ +sop-+, _sleep_
plē-no- plēnus, _full_ +plē-+, _fill_
rēg-no- rēgnum, _realm_ +rēg-+, _guide_
da-to- datus, _given_ +da-+, _give_
lec-to- lectus, _bed_ +leg-+, _lie_
gen-ti- gēns, _race_ +gen-+, _beget_
sta-tu- status, _stand_ +sta-+, _stand_
rēc-tōr- rēctor, _ruler_ +rēg-+, _guide_
e-unt-, iēns, _going_ +i-+, _go_
rege-nt- regēns, _guiding_ +rege-+, _guide_
gen-er- genus, _race_ +gen-+, _beget_
fur-ōr- furor, _madness_ +fur-+, _rave_
202. Formative suffixes are often preceded by a vowel, which in many
instances is a stem vowel, real or presumed; in others, the vowel has
come to be regarded as a part of the suffix itself.
Thus, #-lo-#: #fīlio-lo-#, N. #fīlio-lu-s#, _little son_ (#fīlio-#);
#hortu-lu-s#, _little garden_ (#horto-#, 105, _h_); but #-ulo-#:
#rēg-ulu-s#, _petty king_ (#rēg-#); #ger-ulu-s#, _porter_ (√#ges-#,
_bear_), #-ci-#: #pugnā-ci-#, N. #pugnā-x#, _full of fight_
(#pugnā-re#); but #-āci-#: #fer-āx#, _productive_ (√#fer-#, _bear_),
#-to-#: #laudā-to-#, N. #laudā-tu-s#, _praised_ (#laudā-re#); but
#-āto-#: #dent-ātus#, _toothed_ (#denti-#). #-tu-#: #equitā-tu-#, N.
#equitā-tu-s#, _cavalry_ (#equitā-re#); but #-ātu-#: #sen-ātu-s#,
_senate_ (#sen-#). #-lā-#: #suādē-lā-#, N. #suādē-la#, _persuasion_
(#suādē-re#, 192); but #-ēlā-#: #loqu-ēla#, _talk_ (√#loqu-#, _speak_).
#-tāt-#: #cīvi-tāt-#, N. #cīvi-tā-s#, _citizenship_ (#cīvi-#); but
#-itāt-#: #auctōr-itā-s#, _authority_ (#auctōr-#). #-cio-#:
#aedīli-cio-#, N. #aedīli-ciu-s#, _of an aedile_ (#aedīli-#); but
#-icio-#: #patr-iciu-s#, _patrician_ (#patr-#). #-timo-#: #fīni-timo-#,
N. #fīni-timu-s#, _bordering_ (#fīni-#); but #-itimo-#: #lēg-itimu-s#,
_of the law_ (#lēg-#).
203. There are many formative suffixes of nouns. The commonest only can
be named, and these may be conveniently grouped as below, by their
meanings. Compound suffixes are arranged with reference to the last
element of the suffix: thus, under the adjective suffix #-io-# (304)
will be found #-c-io-#, #-īc-io-#, #-tōr-io-#, and #-ār-io-#. In many
instances it is difficult to distinguish between simple and compound
suffixes.
[Errata:
201 (table) ... fā-mā-
final - missing or invisible
e-unt-,
_anomalous comma may be intentional (this and following word
are both participles)_]
I. THE SUBSTANTIVE.
(A.) PRIMITIVES.
I. THE AGENT.
204. The suffixes #-tōr-#, #-o-#, #-ā-#, #-lo-#, and #-ōn-#, are used to
denote the _Agent_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
lēc-tōr- lēctor, _reader_ √+lēg-+, _read_
scrīb-ā- scrība, _writer_ √+scrīb-+, _write_
fig-ulo- figulus, _potter_ √+fig-+, _mould_
err-ōn- errō, _stroller_ errā-re, _stroll_
(1.) #-tōr-# (N. #-tor#).
205. #-tōr-#, N. #-tor#, or #-sōr-#, N. #-sor# (159, 202), is the
commonest suffix of the agent; the feminine is #-trī-ci-#, N. #-trī-x#.
#-tōr-# is sometimes used in a present sense, of action repeated or
occurring at any time, and sometimes in a past sense.
206. (_a._) #-tōr-# (#-sōr-#), in the present sense, often denotes one
who makes a regular business of the action of the root or verb.
#ōrā-tōr-#, N. #ōrā-tor#, _spokesman_, _speaker_ (#ōrā-re#); #lēc-tor#,
_reader_ (√#leg-#, _read_). Workmen and tradesmen: #arā-tor#,
_ploughman_, #pās-tor#, _shepherd_, #pīc-tor#, _painter_, #sū-tor#,
_shoemaker_. Semi-professional: #captā-tor#, _legacy-hunter_,
#dēlā-tor#, _professional informer_. Government officials: #cēn-sor#,
_appraiser_, _censor_, #imperā-tor#, _commander_, #prae-tor#,
(_leader_), _praetor_, #dictā-tor#, #līc-tor#. Of the law: #āc-tor#,
_manager_, #accūsā-tor#, _accuser_, #spōn-sor#, _bondsman_, #tū-tor#,
_guardian_. From presumed verb stems (202): #sen-ātor#, _senator_
(#sen-#); #viā-tor#, _wayfarer_ (#viā-#); #fundi-tor#, _slinger_
(#fundā-#). #-tro-#, N. #-ter#, has the meaning of #-tōr-#: as,
#aus-tro-#, N. #aus-ter# (_scorcher_), _south-wester_ (√#aus-#, _burn_).
207. In the present sense #-tōr-# (#-sōr-#) is also used to indicate
permanent character, quality, capability, tendency, likelihood: as,
#bellā-tor#, _a man of war_, _warlike_; #dēlīberā-tor#, _a man of
caution_; #cessā-tor#, _a loiterer_; #dērī-sor#, _a mocker_, _ironical_;
#cōnsūmp-tor#, _apt to destroy_, _destructive_; #aedificā-tor#,
_building-mad_.
208. (_b._) #-tōr-# (#-sōr-#), in a perfect sense, is used particularly
in old Latin, or to denote an agent who has acquired a permanent name by
a single conspicuous action. In this sense it usually has a genitive of
the object, or a possessive pronoun: thus,
#castīgā-tor meus#, _my mentor_, or _the man who has upbraided me_;
#olīvae inven-tor#, _the deviser of the olive_ (Aristaeus); #reper-tor
vītis#, _the author of the vine_ (Bacchus); #patriae līberā-tōrēs#, _the
emancipators of the nation_.
(2.) #-o-# (N. #-u-s#), #-ā-# (N. #-a#); #-lo-# (N. #-lu-s#); #-ōn-#
(N. #-ō#).
209. #-o-# and #-ā-# stems may denote vocation or class; many are
compounds. #-o-#, N. #-u-s#: #coqu-o-#, N. #coqu-o-s# or #coc-u-s#,
_cook_ (√#coqu-#, _cook_); #causidic-u-s#, _pleader_ (#causā-#, √#dic-#,
_speak_). #-ā-#, N. #-a#: #scrīb-ā-#, N. #scrīb-a#, _clerk_ (√#scrīb-#,
_write_); #agricol-a#, _husbandman_ (#agro-#, √#col-#, _till_).
210. #-u-lo-#, N. #-u-lu-s# (202): #ger-ulo-#, N. #ger-ulu-s#, _bearer_
(√#ges-#, _bear_); #fig-ulu-s#, _potter_ (√#fig-#, _shape_, _mould_).
211. #-ōn-#, N. #-ō-#: #err-ōn-#, N. #err-ō#, _stroller_ (#errā-re#);
especially in compounds: #praed-ō#, _robber_ (#praedā-rī#); #praec-ō#
for #*praevocō#, _herald_ (#prae-vocā-re#); #combib-ō#, _fellow-drinker_
(#com-#, √#bib-#, _drink_).
II. THE ACTION.
212. The suffixes #-ā-#, #-io-#, #-iā-#; #-min-#; #-i-ōn-#, #-ti-ōn-#;
#-lā-#; #-mā-#, #-nā-#; #-tā-#, #-tu-#; #-er-#, #-or-#, #-ōr-#, are used
to denote the _Action_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
od-io- odium, _hate_ √+od-+, _hate_
āc-tiōn- āctiō, _action_ √+āg-+, _do_
ques-tu- questus, _complaint_ √+ques-+, _complain_
fur-ōr- furor, _rage_ √+fur-+, _rave_
213. Words denoting action (1470) in a substantive form have a wide
range of meaning; they may denote, according to the connection, action
intransitive, transitive, or passive, complete or incomplete; if the
verb denotes condition or state, the word of action often comes very
near to denominatives of quality; furthermore the idea of action is
often lost, and passes over to result, concrete effect, means or
instrument, or place.
(1.) #-ā-# (N. #-a#); #-io-# (N. #-iu-m#); #-iā-# (N. #-ia#), #-iē-#
(N. #-iē-s#).
214. #-ā-#, N. #-a#, is rare in words of action: #fug-ā-#, N. #fug-a#,
_flight_ (√#fug-#, _fly_); most words are concrete: #mol-a#, _mill_
(√#mol-#, _grind_); #tog-a#, _covering_ (√#teg-#, _cover_).
215. #-ūr-ā-#, N. #-ūr-a#, is rare: #fig-ūrā-#, N. #fig-ūra#, _shape_
(√#fig-#, _shape_).
216. #-tūr-ā-#, N. #-tūr-a#, or #-sūr-ā-#, N. #-sūr-a# (159, 202), akin
to the agent in #-tōr-# (#-sōr-#): #armā-tūrā-#, N. #armā-tūra#,
_equipment_ (#armā-re#); #pīc-tūra#, _painting_, i.e., _act of painting_
or _picture_ (√#pig-#, _paint_). Words parallel with official personal
names (206) denote office: #cēn-sūra#, _taxing_, _censor’s office_
(cf. #cēnsōr-#); #prae-tūra#, _praetorship_ (cf. #praetōr-#).
217. #-io-#, N. #-iu-m#, sometimes denotes the effect or the object. The
line cannot always be drawn very sharply between these stems in #-io-#
(many of which may be formed through a presumed noun stem), and
denominatives in #-io-# (249).
218. (_a._) #-io-# is rarely suffixed to simple roots or verb stems:
#od-io-#, N. #od-iu-m#, _hate_, _hateful thing_, _hateful conduct_
(√#od-#, _hate_); some words become concrete: #lab-iu-m#, _lip_
(√#lab-#, _lick_).
219. (_b._) Most primitives in #-io-# are compounds: as, #adag-iu-m#,
_proverb_ (#ad#, √#ag-#, _speak_); #ingen-iu-m#, _disposition_
(in, √#gen-#, _beget_); #dīscid-iu-m#, _separation_, #exscid-iu-m#,
_destruction_ (#dī-#, #ex#, √#scid-#, _cleave_); #incend-iu-m#,
_conflagration_ (in, √#cand-#, _light_); #obsequ-iu-m#, _compliance_
(#ob-#, √#sequ-#, _follow_); #conloqu-iu-m#, _parley_ (#com-#, √#loqu-#,
_talk_); #obsid-iu-m#, _siege_ (#ob#, √#sed-#, _sit_).
220. #-t-io-#, N. #-t-iu-m#: #spa-tio-#, N. #spa-tiu-m#, _stretch_
(√#spa-#, _span_, _stretch_); #sōlsti-tiu-m#, _sun-stand_, _solstice_
(#sōl-#, √#sta-#, _stand_); #ini-tiu-m#, _a beginning_ (#in#, √#i-#,
_go_).
221. #-iā-#, N. #-ia#: #fur-iā-#, N. #fur-iae#, plural, _ravings_,
_madness_ (√#fur-#, _rave_); #pluvia#, _rain_ (√#pluv-#, _rain_). Most
stems in #-iā-# are compounds, used in the plural only, often with
concrete or passive meaning: _dēlic-iae_, _allurements_, _pet_ (#dē#,
√#lac-#, _allure_); #excub-iae#, _patrol_ (#ex#, √#cub-#, _lie_).
222. #-iē-#, N. #-iē-s#, a variation of #-iā-#, usually denotes result
(604): #ser-iē-#, N. #ser-iē-s#, _row_ (√#ser-#, _string_); #spec-iē-s#,
_sight_, _looks_ (√#spec-#, _spy_, _see_); #pernic-iē-s#, _destruction_
(#per#, √#nec-#, _murder_).
223. #-t-iē-#, N. #-t-iē-s#: #permi-tiē-#, N. #permi-tiē-s#, _wasting
away_ (#per#, √#mi-#, _less_).
(2.) #-min-# (103) (N. #-men#); #-din-#, #-gin-# (105, _g_) (N. #-dō#,
#-gō#).
224. #-min-#, N. #-men# (202), usually active, occasionally passive, is
very common; it sometimes denotes the means, instrument, or effect.
#certā-min-#, N. #certā-men#, _contest_ (#certā-re#); #crī-men#,
_charge_ (√#cer-#, #crī-#, _sift_); #spec-imen#, _what is inspected_,
_sample_ (√#spec-#, _spy_, _see_); #lū-men#, _light_ (√#lūc-#, _light_);
#flū-men#, _flood_, _stream_ (√#flugṷ-#, _flow_); #ag-men#, _what is
led_, _train_ (√#ag-#, _lead_). Words in #-min-# often mean nearly the
same as those in #-mento-# (239): as, #levā-men#, #levā-mentu-m#,
_lightening_; #teg-umen#, #teg-umentu-m#, _covering_.
225. #ē-din-#, #-ī-din-# (202): #-ē-din-#, N. #-ē-dō#: #grav-ēdin-#, N.
#grav-ēdō#, (_heaviness_), _catarrh_ (√#grav-#, _heavy_), #-ī-din-#, N.
#-ī-dō#: #cup-īdin-#, N. #cup-īdō#, _desire_ (√#cup-#, _desire_);
#lib-idō#, _whim_ (√#lib-#, _yearn_).
226. #-ā-gin-#, #-ī-gin-# (202): #-ā-gin-#, N. #-ā-gō#: #vorā-gin-#, N.
#vorā-gō#, _gulf_ (#vorā-re#); #imā-gō#, _representation_ (#*imā-#, cf.
#imitārī#). #-ī-gin-#, N. #-ī-gō#: #orī-gin-#, N. #orī-gō#, _source_
(#orī-rī#); #cāl-īgō#, _darkness_ (√#cāl-#, _hide_). A few denominatives
have #-ū-gin-#, N. #-ū-gō#: #aer-ūgin-#, N. #aer-ūgō#, _copper rust_
(#aer-#).
(3.) #-i-ōn-# (N. #-i-ō#); #-ti-ōn-# or #-si-ōn-# (N. #-ti-ō# or
#-si-ō#).
227. #-i-ōn-#, N. #-i-ō#: #opīn-iōn-#, N. #opīn-iō#, _notion_
(#opīnā-rī#); #condic-iō#, _agreement_ (#com-#, √#dic-#, _say_);
#contāg-iō#, _touch_ (#com-#, √#tag-#, _touch_). Some words are
concrete: #leg-iō#, _pick_, _legion_ (√#leg-#, _pick_). A few are
denominatives: #commūn-iō#, _mutual participation_ (#commūni-#).
228. #-ti-ōn-#, N. #-ti-ō#, or #-si-ōn-#, N. #-si-ō# (159, 202), is very
common, and may denote action either intransitive, transitive, or
passive, or the manner or possibility of action.
#cōgitā-tiōn-#, N. #cōgitā-tiō#, _a thinking_, _a thought_
(_cōgitā-re_); #exīstimā-tiō#, _judging_, _reputation_ (#exīstimā-re#);
#coven-tiō#, commonly #cōn-tiō#, _meeting_, _speech_ (#com-#, √#ven-#,
_come_); #dēpul-siō#, _warding off_ (#dē-#, √#pol-#, _push_);
#oppugnā-tiō#, _besieging_, _method of besieging_ (#oppugnā-re#);
#occultā-tiō#, _hiding_, _chance to hide_, _possibility of hiding_
(#occultā-re#). Some words denote the place where: #sta-tiō#, _a stand_
(√#sta-#, _stand_); some become collectives or concretes: #salūtā-tiō#,
_greeting_, _levee_, _guests at a levee_ (#salūtā-re#); #mūnī-tiō#,
_fortification_, i.e., _act of fortifying or works_ (#mūnī-re#).
(4.) #-ē-lā-# (N. #-ē-la#), #-tē-lā-# (N. #-tē-la#).
229. #-ē-lā-#, N. #-ē-la# (202): #suādē-lā-#, N. #suādē-la#,
_persuasion_ (#suādē-rē#): #loqu-ēla#, _talk_ (√#loqu-#, _talk_);
#quer-ēla# or #quer-ēlla#, _complaint_ (√#ques-#, _complain_). Some
words are concrete: #candē-la#, _candle_ (#candē-re#).
230. #-tē-lā-#, N. #-tē-la-#: #conrup-tēlā-#, N. #conrup-tēla#, _a
seduction_ (#com-#, √#rup-#, _spoil_, _ruin_); #tū-tēla#, _protection_
(√#tū-#, _watch_, _protect_).
(5.) #-mā-# (N. #-ma#), #-nā-# (N. #-na#); #-trī-nā-# (N. #-trī-na#).
231. #-mā-# and #-nā-# are rare, and denote result or something
concrete. #-mā-#, N. #-ma#: #fā-mā-#, N. #fā-ma#, _tale_ (√#fā-#,
_tell_); #-nā#, N. #-na#: #ur-na#, _pitcher_ (√#urc-# in #urc-eus#,
_pitcher_, 170, 3); with original suffix #-sna# (170, 2): #lū-na#,
_moon_ (√#lūc-#, _light_); #scāla#, _stairs_ (√#scand-#, _mount_).
232. #-inā-#, N. #-ina#: #ang-inā-#, N. #ang-ina#, _choking_ (√#ang-#,
_choke_); #pāg-ina#, _page_ (√#pāg-#, _fasten_); #sarc-ina#, _package_
(√#sarc-#, _patch_). #-īnā-#, N. #-īna# (202): #ru-īnā-#, N. #ru-īna#,
_downfall_ (√#ru-#, _tumble_); #-īnā-# is very common in denominatives:
#pisc-īna#, _fish-pond_ (#pisci-#).
233. #-trī-nā-#, N. #-trī-na#, akin to the agent in #-tōr-#:
#doc-trīnā-#, N. #doc-trīna#, _teaching_, either _the act of teaching_
or _what is taught_ (√#doc-#, _teach_); #sū-trīna#, _shoemaking_,
_shoemaker’s trade_, _shoemaker’s shop_ (√#sū-#, _sew_).
(6.) #-tā-# or #-sā-# (N. #-ta# or #-sa#); #-tu-# or #-su-# (N. #-tu-s#
or #-su-s#).
234. #-tā-#, N. #-ta#, or #-sā-#, N. #-sa# (159), is rare, and sometimes
denotes result, or something concrete: as, #no-tā-#, N. #no-ta#, _mark_
(√#gno-#, _know_); #por-ta# (_passage_), _gate_ (√#por-#, _fare_);
#fos-sa#, _ditch_ (√#fod-#, _dig_); #repul-sa#, _repulse_ (#re-#,
√#pol-#, _push_); #offēn-sa#, _offence_ (#ob#, √#fend-#, _strike_).
235. #-tu-#, N. #-tu-s#, or #-su-#, N. #-su-s# (159, 202), denotes the
action and its results: #ques-tu-#, N. #ques-tu-s#, _complaint_
(√#ques-#, _complain_); #gem-itus#, _groan_ (√#gem-#, _groan_). Stems in
#-ā-tu-#, N. #-ā-tu-s#, sometimes denote office or officials:
#cōnsul-ātu-#, N. #cōnsul-ātu-s#, _being consul_, _consulship_
(#cōnsul-#); #sen-ātu-s#, _senate_ (#sen-#). #-tu-# is seldom passive:
#vī-su-s#, active, _sight_, passive, _looks_ (√#vīd-#, _see_);
#apparā-tu-s#, _preparation_, either _a getting ready_, or _what is got
ready_ (#apparā-re#). The supine (2269) is the accusative or ablative of
substantives in #-tu-# (#-su-#). Most words in #-tu-# (#-su-#) are
defective in case, and are chiefly used in the ablative (430).
[Erratum:
234 ... as, #no-tā-#, N. #no-ta#, _mark_
#no tā-# with invisible hyphen]
(7.) #-er-# for #-es-# (N. #-us#); #-ōr-# (N. #-or#).
236. Neuter stems in #-er-# (for #-es-#), or in #-or-# (for #-os-#), N.
#-us#, denote result, or have a concrete meaning: #gen-er-#, N.
#gen-us#, _birth_, _race_ (√#gen-#, _beget_); #op-er-#, N. #op-us#,
_work_ (√#op-#, _work_); #frīg-or-#, N. #frīg-us#, _cold_ (√#frīg-#,
_cold_). #-ēs# with lengthened #ē# is sometimes used in the nominative
of gender words: as, #nūb-ēs#, _cloud_ (√#nūb-#, _veil_); #sēd-ēs#,
_seat_ (√#sēd-#); #vāt-ēs#, _bard_. #-n-er-#, #-n-or-#, N. #-n-us#:
#vol-ner-#, N. #vol-nus#, _wound_ (√#vol-#, _tear_); #fac-inor-#, N.
#fac-inus#, _deed_ (√#fac-#, _do_, 202).
237. #-ōr-# (for an older form #-ōs-#, 154), N. #-ōs#, commonly #-or#,
masculine, denotes a state. Many substantives in #-ōr-# have a parallel
verb, usually in #-ēre# (368), and an adjective in #-ido-# (287).
#od-ōr-#, N. #od-ōs# or #od-or#, _smell_ (√#od-#, _smell_, cf.
#olē-re#); #pall-or#, _paleness_ (cf. #pallē-re#); #cal-or#, _warmth_
(cf. #calē-re#); #ūm-or#, _moisture_ (cf. #ūmē-re#); #am-or#, _love_
(cf. #amā-re#); #ang-or#, _choking_, _anguish_ (√#ang-#, _choke_).
[Erratum:
237 ... #od-ōr-#, N. #od-ōs# or #od-or#, _smell_
#od-ōr-# N.]
III. THE INSTRUMENT OR MEANS.
238. The suffixes #-men-to-#, #-tro-#, #-cro-# or #-culo-#, #-lo-#,
#-bro-# or #-bulo-#, are used to denote the _Instrument_ or _Means_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
ōrnā-mento- ōrnāmentum, _embellishment_ ōrnā-re, _embellish_
arā-tro- arātrum, _plough_ arā-re, _plough_
pō-culo- pōculum, _drinking-cup_ √+pō-+, _drink_
pā-bulo- pābulum, _fodder_ √+pā-+, _feed_
239. #-men-to-#, N. #-men-tu-m# (202), is one of the commonest suffixes;
it sometimes denotes result of action, rarely action itself.
#pig-mento-#, N. #pig-mentu-m#, _paint_ (√#pīg-#, _paint_);
#experī-mentu-m#, _test_ (#experī-rī#); #ōrnā-mentu-m#, _ornament_
(#ōrnā-re#); #frag-mentu-m#, _fragment_ (√#frag-#, _break_);
#cae-mentu-m#, _quarried stone_ (√#caed-#, _cut_); #incrē-mentu-m#,
_growth_ (#in#, √#crē-#, _grow_); #al-imentu-m#, _nourishment_ (√#al-#,
_nurture_); #doc-umentu-m#, _lesson_ (√#doc-#, _teach_). See also
#-min-# (224). #-men-tā-#, N. #-men-ta#, F., is rare: #ful-menta#,
_prop_ (√#fulc-#, _prop_); #rā-menta#, _scraping_ (√#rād-#, _scrape_).
240. #-tro-#, N. #-tru-m# (202): #arā-tro-#, N. #arā-tru-m#, _plough_
(#arā-re#); #fer-etru-m#, _bier_ (√#fer-#, _bear_); #rōs-tru-m#, _beak_
(√#rōd-#, _peck_). Sometimes #-stro-#: #mōn-stru-m#, _warning_ (√#mon-#,
_mind_); #lu-stra#, plural, _fen_, _jungle_ (√#lu-#, _wash_);
#lū-stru-m#, _purification_ (√#lou-#, _wash_). #-trā-#, N. #-tra#, F.:
#mulc-trā-#, N. #mulc-tra# (also #mulc-tru-m#, Ne.), _milking-pail_
(√#mulg-#, _milk_). #-es-trā-#: #fen-estra#, _window_.
241. #-cro-#, N. #-cru-m#, used when an #l# precedes: #ful-cro-#, N.
#ful-cru-m#, _couch-leg_ (√#fulc-#, _prop_). #-cro-# sometimes denotes
the place where: #ambulā-cru-m#, _promenade_ (#ambulā-re#); sometimes
the effect: #simulā-cru-m#, _likeness_ (#simulā-re#).
242. #-culo-#, N. #-culu-m# (202): #pō-culo-#, N. #pō-culu-m#, _cup_
(√#pō-#, _drink_); #fer-culu-m#, _tray_ (√#fer-#, _bear_). #-culo-#
sometimes denotes the place where: #cub-iculu-m#, _sleeping-room_
(√#cub-#, _lie_); #cēnā-culu-m#, originally _dining-room_, usually
_garret_ (#cēnā-re#).
243. #-u-lo-#, N. #-u-lu-m-# (202): chiefly after #c# or #g#:
#vinc-ulo-#, N. #vinc-ulu-m#, _bond_ (√#vinc-#, _bind_); #cing-ulu-m#,
_girdle_ (√#cing-#, _gird_). #-u-lā-#, N. #-u-la#, F., #rēg-ula#, _rule_
(√#rēg-#, _guide_).
244. #-bro-#, N. #-bru-m# (202): #crī-bro-#, N. #crī-bru-m#, _sieve_
(√#cer-#, #crī-#, _sift_); #lā-bru-m#, _wash-basin_ (√#lav-#, _wash_).
#-brā-#, N. #-bra#, F.: #dolā-bra#, _chisel_, _mattock_ (#dolā-re#);
#late-bra#, _hiding-place_ (√#lat-#, _hide_).
245. #-bulo-#, N. #-bulu-m# (202): #pā-bulo-#, N. #pā-bulu-m#, _fodder_
(√#pā-#, _keep_); #vēnā-bulu-m#, _hunting-spear_ (#vēnā-rī#);
#pat-ibulu-m#, _pillory_ (√#pat-#, _stretch_). #-bulo-# sometimes
denotes the place where: #sta-bulu-m#, _standing-place_, _stall_
(√#sta-#, _stand_). #-bulā-#, N. #-bula#, F., rare: #sū-bula#, _awl_
(√#su-#, _sew_); #ta-bula#, _board_ (√#ta-#, _stretch_); #fā-bula#,
_talk_ (√#fā-#, _talk_).
(B.) DENOMINATIVES.
I. THE QUALITY.
246. The suffixes #-io-#, #-iā-#; #-tā-#, #-tāt-#, #-tūt-#, #-tū-din-#,
are used to denote the _Quality_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
conlēg-io- conlēgium, _colleagueship_ conlēgā-, N. conlēga,
_colleague_
audāc-iā- audācia, _boldness_ audāci-, N. audāx, _bold_
cīvi-tāt- cīvitās, _citizenship_ cīvi-, N. cīvis, _citizen_
magni-tūdin- magnitūdō, _greatness_ magno-, N. magnus, _great_
247. These abstracts are feminine, and come chiefly from adjectives or
participles, except those in #-io-#, which are neuters, and come mostly
from substantives. Sometimes the same stem takes two or more of these
suffixes: as, #clāri-tāt-# or #clāri-tūdin-#, _brightness_ (#clāro-#);
#iuven-tūt-#, in poetry #iuven-tāt-# or #iuven-tā-#, _youth_ (#iuven-#).
(1.) #-io-# (N. #-iu-m#), #-iā-# (N. #-ia#), #-iē-# (N. #-iēs#).
248. #-iē-# sometimes occurs as collateral form to #-iā-# (604); #-io-#
or #-iā-# is sometimes attached to other suffixes: thus, #-t-io-#,
#-t-iā-# (#-t-iē-#); #-mōn-io-#, #-mōn-iā-#; #-cin-io-#.
249. #-io-#, N. #-iu-m#, chiefly used in compounds, denotes _belonging
to_, with a very wide range of meaning; many of these words are clearly
neuter adjectives in #-io-# (305). Suffixed to personal names #-io-#
often denotes the condition, action, or employment, which gives rise to
the name; this meaning sometimes passes over to that of result, relation
of persons, collection of persons, or place.
250. (_a._) From simple noun stems: #sen-io-#, N. #sen-iu-m#, _feeble
old age_ (#sen-#); #somn-iu-m#, _dream_ (#somno-#); #sāv-iu-m#,
_love-kiss_ (#suāvi-#); #silent-iu-m#, _silence_ (#silenti-#);
#crepund-ia#, plural, _rattle_ (#*crepundo-#); #mendāc-iu-m#, _lie_
(#mendāci-#); #sōlāc-iu-m#, _comfort_ (#*sōlāci-#, _comforting_).
251. (_b._) Direct compounds (377): #aequinoct-iu-m#, _equinox_
(#aequo-#, #nocti-#); #contubern-iu-m#, _companionship_ (#com-#,
#tabernā-#); #prīvilēg-iu-m#, _special enactment_ (#prīvo-#, #lēg-#).
252. (_c._) Indirect compounds (377), chiefly from personal names:
#cōnsil-iu-m#, _deliberating together_, _faculty of deliberation_,
_conclusion_, _advice_, _deliberative body_ (#cōnsul-#); #auspic-iu-m#,
_taking auspices_, _auspices taken_ (#auspic-#); #rēmig-iu-m#, _rowing_,
_oars_, _oarsmen_ (#rēmig-#); #conlēg-iu-m#, _colleagueship_,
_corporation_ (#conlēgā-#); #aedific-iu-m#, _building_ (#*aedific-#,
_builder_); #perfug-iu-m#, _asylum_ (#perfugā-#).
253. #-t-io-# N. #-t-iu-m#, rare: #servi-tio-#, N. #servi-tiu-m#,
_slavery_, _slaves_ (#servo-#); #calvi-tiu-m#, _baldness_ (#calvo-#).
254. #-mōn-io-#, N. #-mōn-iu-m# (202): #testi-mōnio-#, N.
#testi-mōniu-m#, _evidence_ (#testi-#); #mātr-imōniu-m#, _marriage_
(#mātr-#); #patr-imōniu-m#, _patrimony_ (#patr-#).
255. #-cin-io-#, N. #-cin-iu-m#, rare: #latrō-cinio-#, N.
#latrō-ciniu-m#, _robbery_ (#latrōn-#); #patrō-ciniu-m#, _protection_
(#patrōno-#).
256. #-iā-#, N. #-ia#, is very common indeed, forming abstracts from
nouns, mostly adjectives or present participles.
#audāc-iā-#, N. #audāc-ia#, _boldness_ (#audāci-#); #miser-ia#,
_wretchedness_ (#misero-#); #abundant-ia#, _plenty_ (#abundanti-#);
#scient-ia#, _knowledge_ (#scienti-#); #mīlit-ia#, _warfare_ (#mīlit-#);
#victōr-ia#, _victory_ (#victōr-#); #māter-ia#, _timber_ (#māter-#);
#custōd-ia#, _guard_ (#custōd-#).
257. #-iē-#, N. #-iē-s#: #pauper-iē-#, N. #pauper-iē-s#, _moderate
means_ (#pauper-#). Most stems in #-iē-# are primitive (222).
258. #-t-iā-#, N. #-t-ia#, is suffixed to a few adjective stems, chiefly
in #-o-#: #iūsti-tiā-#, N. #iūsti-tia#, _justice_ (#iūsto-#);
#mali-tia#, _wickedness_ (#malo-#); #pudīci-tia#, _shamefastness_
(#pudīco-#); #trīsti-tia#, _sadness_ (#trīsti-#).
259. #-t-iē-#, N. #-t-iē-s#, particularly as a collateral form of
#-t-iā-# in the N., Ac., and Ab. singular (604): #molli-tiē-#, N.
#molli-tiē-s#, _softness_ (#molli-#).
260. #-mōn-iā-#, N. #-mōn-ia# (202): #ācri-mōniā-#, N. #ācri-mōnia#,
_sharpness_ (#ācri-#); #parsi-mōnia#, _economy_ (#parso-#). Analogously
from roots, #quer-imōnia#, _complaint_ (√#ques-#, _complain_);
#al-imōnia#, _nurture_ (√#al-#, _nurture_).
(2.) #-tā-# (N. #-ta#), #-tāt-# (N. #-tā-s#), #-tūt-# (N. #-tū-s#),
#-tū-din-# (N. #-tū-dō#).
261. #-tā-#, N. #-ta#: chiefly poetic: #iuven-tā-#, N. #iuven-ta#,
_youth_ (#iuven-#); #senec-ta#, _age_ (#sen-ec-#).
262. #-tāt-#, N. #-tā-s# (202), is one of the very commonest suffixes.
#pie-tāt-#, N. #pie-tā-s#, _dutifulness_ (#pio-#, 105); #fēlīci-tā-s#,
_happiness_ (#fēlīci-#); #cīvi-tā-s#, _citizenship_, _the community_
(#cīvi-#); #facili-tā-s#, _easiness_, #facul-tā-s#, _ability_
(#facili-#); #cāri-tā-s#, _dearness_ (#cāro-#); #auctōr-itā-s#,
_authority_ (#auctōr-#); #līber-tā-s#, _freedom_ (#lībro-#, 111, _b_);
#maies-tā-s#, _grandeur_ (#maiōs-#); #volun-tā-s#, _wish_ (#*volunti-#,
179); #venus-tā-s#, _grace_ (#venusto-#, 179); #ae-tā-s#, _age_
(#aevo-#, 111, _a_); #tempes-tā-s#, _kind of time_, _weather_
(#tempes-#).
263. #-tūt-#, N. #-tū-s#, only in #iuven-tūt-#, N. #iuven-tū-s#, _youth_
(#iuven-#), #senec-tū-s#, _age_ (#senec-#), #servi-tū-s#, _slavery_
(#servo-#), and #vir-tū-s#, _manhood_ (#viro-#, 111).
264. #-tū-din-#, N. #-tū-dō#, suffixed to adjective stems:
#magni-tūdin-#, N. #magni-tūdō#, _greatness_ (#magno-#); #forti-túdō#,
_courage_ (#forti-#); and to a few participles: #cōnsuē-tūdō#, _custom_
(#cōnsuēto-#, 179); #sollici-tūdō#, _anxiety_ (#sollicito-#);
analogously #valē-tūdō#, _health_ (#*valēto-#, #valēre#).
II. THE PERSON CONCERNED.
265. The suffixes #-ārio-#, #-ōn-#, #-iōn-#, #-li-#, #-no-#, and some
others, are used to denote the _Person concerned_ or _occupied_ with a
thing: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
sīc-ārio- sīcārius, _assassin_ sīcā-, N. sīca, _dagger_
āle-ōn- āleō, _gambler_ āleā-, N. ālea, _die_
lūd-iōn- lūdiō, _player_ lūdo-, N. lūdus, _play_
aedī-li- aedīlis, _aedile_ aedi-, N. aedis, _house_
tribū-no- tribūnus, _tribune_ tribu-, N tribus, _tribe_
III. THE PLACE.
266. Neuters with the suffixes #-tōrio-#, #-ārio-#, #-īli-#, #-to-#, or
#-ēto-# are often used to denote the _Place_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
audī-tōrio- audī-tōrium, _lecture-room_ audītōr-, N. audītor,
_hearer_
aer-ārio- aerārium, _treasury_ aer-, N. aes, _money_
ov-īli- ovīle, _sheepfold_ ovi-, N. ovis, _sheep_
murt-ēto- murtēta, _myrtlegroves_ murto-, N. murtus, _myrtle_
IV. DIMINUTIVES.
267. The suffixes #-lo-#, #-lā-#, or #-cu-lo-#, #-cu-lā-#, are used to
form substantives with a _Diminutive_ meaning. Diminutives may denote:
268. (1.) Actual smallness: as, #secūricula#, _a little hatchet_;
#ventulus#, _a bit of wind_; #spēcula#, _a ray of hope_.
269. (2.) Imputed smallness: implying, (_a._) admiration, affection, or
compassion; (_b._) contempt or irony. This diminutive, which usually
serves to add point to sentences themselves of a playful, patronizing,
or slurring character, is very hard to translate; _little_ and _small_
are often inadequate; _old_ or _poor_ will sometimes do; but usually
recourse must be had to free translations adapted to the particular
context: as,
#ōrātiuncula#, _a gem of a speech_, _an attempt at a speech_;
#mātercula#, _an anxious mother_, _poor mamma_, _dear mamma_;
#lectulus#, _one’s own little bed_; #ānellus aureolus#, _a gay gold
ring_; #Graeculī#, _our Greek cousins_, _the good people in Greece_;
#Graeculus#, _a regular Greek_, _your gentleman from Greece_;
#muliercula#, _a pretty girl_, _a lady gay_, _one of the gentler sex_,
_a mere woman_, _an unprotected female_, _a maiden all forlorn_;
#lacrimula#, _a wee tear_, _a crocodile tear_; #volpēcula#, _Master
Reynard_, _dan Russel_; #tōnstrīcula#, _a common barber girl_;
#popellus#, _rabble_; #nummulī#, _filthy lucre_; #mercēdula#, _an
apology for pay_; #ratiuncula#, _a first rate reason_; #caupōnula#, _a
low tavern_.
270. Some diminutives have entirely lost the diminutive meaning: as,
#puella#, _girl_, not necessarily _little girl_; others have changed
their original meaning: as, #avunculus#, _uncle_, originally
_grandpapa_; #anguīlla#, _eel_, originally _little snake_. Some words
are only found in the diminutive form: as, #stēlla#, _star_ (#*ster-#).
Diminutives usually have the gender of their primitives; exceptions are
rare: as, #rāna#, _frog_, #F.#, #rānunculus#, _tadpole_, #M.#
[Erratum:
270 ... #F.# ... #M.#
anomalous boldface in original]
(1.) #-lo-# (N., M. #-lu-s#, Ne. #-lu-m#), #-lā-# (N. #-la#).
271. Stems in #-o-#, #-ā-#, or a mute (#-g-#, #-c-#, #-d-#, or #-t-#),
take #-lo-# or #-lā-#, which is usually preceded by #-u-# (202).
#hortu-lo-#, N. #hortu-lu-s#, _little garden_ (#horto-#); #oppidu-lu-m#,
_hamlet_ (#oppido-#); #serru-lā-#, N. #serru-la#, _little saw_
(#serrā-#); #rēg-ulu-s#, _chieftain_ (#rēg-#); #vōc-ula#, _a bit of a
voice_ (#vōc-#); #calc-ulu-s#, _pebble_ (#calci-#); #nepōt-ulu-s#, _a
grandson dear_ (#nepōt-#); #aetāt-ula#, _tender age_ (#aetāt-#).
272. Stems in #-eo-#, #-io-#, or #-vo-#, retain #-o-# before #-lo-#;
stems in #-eā-#, #-iā-#, or #-vā-#, also have #-o-# before #-lā-#.
#alveo-lo-#, N. #alveo-lu-s#, _little tray_ (#alveo-#); #gladio-lu-s#,
_little sword_ (#gladio-#); #servo-lu-s#, _little slave_ (#servo-#);
#nauseo-lā-#, N. #nauseo-la#, _a slight squeamishness_ (#nauseā-#);
#bēstio-la#, _little animal_ (#bēstiā-#); #fīlio-la#, _little daughter_
(#fīliā-#).
273. Stems in #-lo-#, #-ro-#, #-no-#, and #-lā-#, #-rā-#, #-nā-#,
commonly drop the stem vowel and assimilate #-r-# or #-n-# to #-l-#:
thus: #-el-lo-#, #-el-lā-# (111, _b_; 166, 6, 7).
#catel-lo-#, for #*catululo-#, N. #catel-lu-s#, _puppy_ (#catulo-#);
#agel-lu-s#, _little field_ (#agro-#); #asel-lu-s#, _donkey_ (#asino-#);
#fābel-lā-#, N. #fābel-la#, _short story_ (#fābulā-#); #umbel-la#,
_sunshade_ (#umbrā-#); #pāgel-la#, _short page_ (#pāginā-#). A few words
are not thus changed: #pueru-lo-#, N. #pueru-lu-s#, _poor boy_
(#puero-#), as well as #puel-lu-s#.
274. Another vowel than #e# (172, 3) appears in: #Hispāl-lu-s#
(#Hispāno-#), #Messāl-la# (#Messānā-#), proper names; #corōl-la#,
_chaplet_ (#corōnā-#); #ūl-lu-s#, _the least one_, _any at all_
(#ūno-#); #Sūl-la# (#Sūrā-#), proper name; #lapil-lu-s#, for
#*lapid-lu-s#, _pebble_ (#lapid-#). Also #homul-lu-s#, _son of the dust_
(#homon-#).
[Erratum:
273 ... #-el-lo-#, #-el-lā-# (111, _b_; 166, 6, 7).
111; _b_;]
(2.) #-cu-lo-# (N., M. #-cu-lu-s#, Ne. #-cu-lu-m#), #-cu-lā-#
(N. #-cu-la#).
275. Stems in a continuous sound (#-l-#, #-n-#, #-r-#, or #-s-#), or in
#-i-#, #-u-#, or #-ē-#, usually take #-cu-lo-# or #-cu-lā-#.
#sermūn-culo-#, N. #sermūn-culu-s#, _small-talk_ (#sermōn-#);
#virgun-culā-#, N. #virgun-cula#, _little maid_ (#virgon-#);
#homun-culu-s#, _son of earth_ (#homon-#); #arbus-cula#, _tiny tree_
(#arbos-#); #cor-culu-m#, _heart of hearts_ (#cord-#, 170, 12);
#igni-culu-s#, _spark_ (#igni-#); #ani-cula#, _grandam_ (#anu-#);
#diē-cula#, _brief day_ (#diē-#); analogously, #volpē-cula# (_vixen_),
_little fox_ (#*volpē-#). Rarely with #ī#: #canī-cula#, _little dog_
(#can-#).
276. #-un-culo-#, N. #-un-culu-s#: #av-unculo-#, N. #av-unculu-s#,
_uncle_ (#avo-#); #rān-unculu-s#, _tadpole_ (#rānā-#). #-un-culā-#, N.
#-un-cula#: #dom-unculā-#, N. #dom-uncula#, _little house_ (#domo-#).
277. Diminutives are sometimes formed from other diminutives:
#cistel-lu-la#, _casket_ (#cistel-la#, #cistu-la#, #cistā-#).
278. A few other suffixes have a diminutive meaning: as, #-ciōn-#,
#-leo-#, #-astro-#, #-ttā-#: #homun-ciō#, _manikin_, _child of dust_
(#homon-#); #acu-leu-s#, _sting_ (#acu-#); #Antōni-aster#, _regular
little Antony_; #pīn-aster#, _bastard pine_; #Iūli-tta#, _Juliet_
(#Iūliā-#); #Pōlli-tta#, _little Polla_ (#Pōllā-#).
V. PATRONYMICS.
279. Patronymics, or proper names which denote descent from a father or
ancestor, have stems in #-dā-# (N. #-dē-s#), F. #-d-# (N. #-s#). These
are chiefly Greek names used in poetry.
#Prīami-dā-#, N. #Prīami-dē-s#, _scion of Priam’s house_; #Tantali-d-#,
N. #Tantali-s#, _daughter of Tantalus_. #Pēlī-dē-s# (#Pēleu-s#);
#Aenea-dē-s# (#Aenēā-#); #Thestia-dē-s# (#Thestio-#); #Lāertia-dē-s#
(#Lāertā-#); #Scīpia-dā-s# (#Scīpiōn-#). #F.# sometimes #-īnē# or
#-ōnē#: #Neptūnīnē# (#Neptūno-#); #Acrisiōnē# (#Acrisio-#).
II. THE ADJECTIVE.
(A.) PRIMITIVES.
280. Primitive adjectives may usually be divided into active and
passive; but the same suffix often has either an active or a passive
meaning. Under primitive adjectives belong the participles; but these
will be mentioned in connection with the verb.
I. WITH AN ACTIVE MEANING.
281. The suffixes #-o-#, #-uo-#, #-ci-#, #-lo-#, and #-do-#, are used to
form adjectives with an _Active_ meaning: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
vag-o- vagus, _wandering_ √+vag-+, _wander_
contig-uo- contiguus, _touching_ com-, √+tag-+, _touch_
minā-ci- mināx, _threatening_ minā-rī, _threaten_
cali-do- calidus, _warm_ √+cal-+, _warm_
(1.) #-o-# (N. #-u-s#); #-uo-# (N. #-uu-s#).
282. #-o-# (N. #-u-s#): such words express nature or capacity: #vag-o-#,
N. #vag-u-s#, _roaming_ (√#vag-#, _roam_); #vīv-u-s#, _living_ (√#vīv-#,
_live_); many are compounds: as, #male-dic-u-s#, _abusive_ (#male#,
√#dic-#, _say_); #pro-fug-u-s#, _flying on_ (#prō-#, √#fug-#, _fly_).
Passive: #fīd-u-s#, _trustworthy_ (√#fīd-#, _trust_).
283. #-uo-#, N. #-uu-s#: #adsid-uo-#, N. #adsid-uu-s#, _unremitting_
(#ad#, √#sed-#, _sit_); #contig-uu-s#, _touching_ (#com-#, √#tag-#,
_touch_); #perpet-uu-s#, _uninterrupted_ (#per#, √#pet-#, _go_). Some
words are passive: as, #sal-vu-s#, _safe_ (√#sal-#, _save_); #vac-uu-s#,
_empty_ (√#vac-#, _empty_); #relic-uo-s#, _left behind_ (#re-#,
√#liqu-#, _leave_), later #reliquos#, #relicus#, #reliquus# (157).
(2.) #-ci-# (N. #-x#); #-lo-# (N. #-lu-s#); #-do-# (N. #-du-s#).
284. #-ā-ci-#, N. #-ā-x# (202), denotes capacity, habit, or inclination,
often implying censure: #pugnā-ci-#, N. #pugnā-x#, _full of fight_
(#pugnā-re#); #minā-x#, _threatening_ (#minā-ri#); #fer-āx#,
_productive_ (√#fer-#, _bear_); #dic-āx#, _full of mother-wit_, _quick
at a joke_ (√#dic-#, _say_); #rap-āx#, _apt to snatch_ (√#rap-#,
_snatch_).
285. #-u-lo-#, N. #-u-lu-s# (202), denotes simple action: as,
#pat-ulo-#, N. #pat-ulu-s#, _spreading_ (√#pat-#, _spread_); or
inclination: as, #bib-ulu-s#, _apt to drink_ (√#bib-#, _drink_).
286. The suffixes #-undo-# (#-endo-#), #-bundo-#, and #-cundo-# form a
group and are possibly related to the suffix in #-do-#.
287. #-do-#, N. #-du-s# (202), denotes a state, and usually has a
parallel verb in #-ēre# (368): #cali-do-#, N. #cali-du-s# _warm_
(cf. #calē-re#); #calli-du-s#, _knowing_ (cf. #callē-re#); #niti-du-s#,
_shining_ (cf. #nitē-re#); rarely in #-ere#: #cup-idu-s#, _desirous_
(cf. #cupe-re#); #flui-du-s#, _liquid_ (cf. #flue-re#); #rapi-du-s#,
_hurried_ (cf. #rape-re#). #-i-do-# becomes #-i-di-# in #viri-di-s#,
_green_ (cf. #virē-re#). #-do-# sometimes occurs in denominatives:
#herbi-du-s#, _grassy_ (#herbā-#).
288. #-undo-# (#-endo-#), N. #-undu-s#, (#-endu-s#) is the suffix of the
gerundive, which was originally neither active nor passive (2238). In a
few words from reflexives, which have become adjectives, it has a
reflexive or active meaning: #lāb-undo-#, N. #lāb-undu-s#, _gliding_,
_slipping_ (#lābī#); #ori-undu-s#, _arising_ (#orīrī#); #sec-undu-s#,
_following_ (#sequī#); #volv-endu-s#, _rolling_ (_volvī_). See 899.
289. #-bundo-#, N. #-bundu-s# (202), has the meaning of an exaggerated
present participle: #freme-bundo-#, N. #freme-bundu-s#, _muttering away_
(√#frem-#, _roar_); #treme-bundu-s#, _all in a flutter_ (√#trem-#,
_quiver_); #fur-ibundu-s#, _hot with rage_ (√#fur-#, _rave_);
#cōntiōnā-bundu-s#, _speaking a speech_ (#cōntiōnā-rī#);
#minitā-bundu-s#, _breathing out threatenings_ (#minitā-rī#);
#vītā-bundu-s#, _forever dodging_ (#vītā-re#).
290. #-cundo-#, N. #-cundu-s#, denotes permanent quality: #fā-cundo-#,
N. #fā-cundu-s#, _eloquent_ (√#fā-#, _speak_); #īrā-cundu-s#, _choleric_
(#īrā-scī#); #iū-cundu-s#, _pleasant_, _interesting_ (√#iuv-#, _help_).
II. WITH A PASSIVE MEANING.
291. The suffixes #-li-#, #-ti-li-#, #-bili-#, #-tīvo-#, #-no-#, and
#-mino-#, are used to form adjectives with a _Passive_ meaning: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
fac-ili- facilis, _easy to do_ √+fac-+, _do_
duc-tili- ductilis, _ductile_ √+duc-+, _draw_
amā-bili- amābilis, _lovable_ amā-re, _love_
mag-no- magnus, _great_ √+mag-+, _increase_
(1.) #-li-#, (N. #-li-s#); #-ti-li-#, #-bili-# (N. #-ti-li-s#,
#-bili-s#).
292. #-i-li-#, N. #-i-li-s# (202), denotes passive capability:
#fac-ili-#, N. #fac-ili-s#, _easy to do_ (√#fac-#, _do_); #frag-ili-s#,
_breakable_, _frail_ (√#frag-#, _break_); #hab-ili-s#, _manageable_,
_handy_ (√#hab-#, _hold_); #nūb-ili-s#, _marriageable_ (√#nūb-#,
_veil_).
293. #-ti-li-#, N. #-ti-li-s#, or #-si-li-#, N. #-si-li-s# (159),
denotes capability or quality: as, #duc-tili#, N. #duc-tili-s#, _capable
of being drawn out_, _ductile_ (√#duc-#, _draw_); #fis-sili-s#,
_cleavable_ (√#fid-#, _split_); #rā-sili-s#, _scraped_ (√#rād-#,
_scrape_). Rarely active: as, #fer-tili-s#, _productive_ (√#fer-#,
_bear_).
294. #-bili-#, N. #-bili-s# (202), denotes passive capability like
#-i-li-#, but is far more common: #horr-ibili-s#, _exciting a shudder_
(cf. #horrē-re#); #amā-bili-s#, _lovable_ (#amā-re#); #flē-bili-s#,
_lamentable_ (√#flē-#, _weep_). Rarely active: as, #sta-bili-s#, _that
can stand_ (√#sta-#, _stand_); #penetrā-bili-s#, _piercing_
(#penetrā-re#). #-ti-bili-# (159), passive, rare: #flexibili-s#,
_flexible_ (√#flec-#, _bend_, 960).
295. #-tīvo-#, N. #-tīvu-s#, denotes the way a thing originated: as,
#cap-tīvu-s#, _captive_ (√#cap-#, _take_); #sta-tīvu-s#, _set_ (√#sta-#,
_set_).
(2.) #-no-# (N. #-nu-s#); #-mino-# (N. #-minu-s#).
296. #-no-#, N. #-nu-s#, an old passive participle suffix, denotes
result: #mag-nu-s# (_enlarged_), _great_ (√#mag-#, _great_); #plē-nus#,
_full_ (√#plē-#, _fill_). Neuter as substantive: #dō-nu-m#, _gift_
(√#dō-#, _give_). Sometimes active: #egē-nu-s#, _needy_ (#egē-re#, 192).
297. The suffix #-mino-# (for #-meno-#, 103, _a_) in its weakest form
(135, 2) is found in a few substantives: as, #alu-mnu-s#, _nursling_
(√#al-#, _nurse_). The endings #-minī# (730) and #-minō# (731) are
apparently case forms of the same suffix. #-minō# would seem to be an
ablative; #-minī# may be a nominative plural.
(B.) DENOMINATIVES.
298. Denominative adjectives may be divided into such as denote: I.
_Material_ or _Resemblance_. II. _Appurtenance_: implying sometimes
_possession_, often _fitness_, _conformity_, _character_, or _origin_.
III. _Supply._ IV. Diminutives. V. Comparatives and Superlatives; a few
of these are primitive.
I. MATERIAL OR RESEMBLANCE.
299. The suffixes #-eo-# and #-n-eo-# are used to form adjectives
denoting _Material_ or _Resemblance_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
aur-eo- aureus, _golden_ auro-, N. aurum, _gold_
ahē-neo- ahēneus, _bronze_ (58) aes-, N. aes, _bronze_
300. #-eo-#, N. #-eu-s#: #aur-eo-#, N. #aur-eu-s#, _golden_, _all gold_,
_as good as gold_ (#auro-#); #ferr-eu-s#, _iron_ (#ferro-#);
#pulver-eu-s#, _all dust_ (#pulver-#); #virgin-eu-s#, _girlish_
(#virgin-#).
301. #-n-eo-#, N. #-n-eu-s#: #ahē-neu-s#, _bronze_ (#ahē-#, 58; #aes-#);
#quer-neu-s#, _oaken_ (#quercu-#). #-no-# is usually poetical: as,
#ebur-nu-s#, _ivory_ (#ebur-#); #quer-nu-s#, _oaken_ (#quercu-#).
#-ā-neo-#, N. #-ā-neu-s#: #miscell-āneu-s#, _mixed_ (#miscello-#).
II. APPURTENANCE.
302. The suffixes #-o-#, #-io-#, #-vo-#; #-timo-#, #-li-#, #-no-#;
#-bri-#, #-cri-#, #-tri-#; #-co-#, #-ti-#, #-si-#, are used to form
adjectives denoting _Belonging to_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
rēg-io- rēgius, _kingly_ rēg-, N. rēx, _king_
mari-timo- maritimus, _of the sea_ mari-, N. mare, _sea_
rēg-āli- rēgālis, _of a king_ rēg-, N. rēx, _king_
can-īno- canīnus, _of a dog_ can-, N. canis, _dog_
mulie-bri- muliebris, _womanly_ mulier-, N. mulier, _woman_
cīvi-co- cīvicus, _citizen’s_ cīvi-, N. cīvis, _citizen_
(1.) #-o-# (N. #-u-s#), #-io-# (N. #-iu-s#), #-vo-# (N. #-vu-s#).
303. #-o-#, N. #-u-s#: #decōr-o-#, N. #decōr-u-s#, _becoming_
(#decōr-#); #canōr-u-s#, _melodious_ (#canōr-#); #pervius#, _passable_
(#via-#).
304. #-io-# is one of the commonest suffixes, and is often added to
other suffixes; thus: #-c-io-#, #-īc-io-#; #-tōr-io-# (#-sōr-io-#);
#-ār-io-#.
305. #-io-#, N. #-iu-s#: #rēg-io-#, N. #rēg-iu-s#, _of_ or _like a king_
(#rēg-#); #patr-iu-s#, _of a father_ (#patr-#). Here belong many gentile
names: as, #Sēst-iu-s# (#Sexto-#). These are used with substantives as
adjectives: as, #lēx Cornēl-ia#, #lēx Iūl-ia#. Furthermore patrial
adjectives: as, #Corinth-iu-s#, _Corinthian_ (#Corintho-#). In some,
consonant #-io-# is used: #plēbē-iu-s#, _of the commons_ (#plēbē-#).
#-io-# is rare in primitives: #exim-iu-s#, _select_ (#ex#, √#em-#,
_take_).
306. #-c-io-#, N. #-c-iu-s# (202): #aedīli-cio#, N. #aedīli-ciu-s#, _of
an aedile_ (#aedīli-#); #patr-iciu-s#, _of the fathers_ (#patr-#);
#later-iciu-s#, _of brick_ (#later-#).
307. #-īc-io-#, N. #-īc-iu-s#: #nov-īcio-#, N. #nov-īciu-s#, _new_,
_new-comer_ (#novo-#); #nātāl-īciu-s#, _birthday’s_ (#nātāli-#);
#caement-īciu-s#, _rubble_ (#caemento-#). Usually suffixed to perfect
participles to denote the quality derived from the past act:
#conduct-īciu-s#, _hired_ (#conducto-#); #trālāt-īciu-s#, _transferred_
(#trālāto-#).
308. #-tōr-io-#, N. #-tōr-iu-s#, or #-sōr-io-#, N. #-sōr-iu-s#, from the
agent (205) in #-tōr-# (#-sōr-#), is the commonest ending with #-io-#:
#imperā-tōrio-#, N. #imperā-tōriu-s#, _of a commander_ (#imperātōr-#).
The neuter, as substantive, denotes the place where (266):
#audī-tōriu-m#, _lecture-room_ (#audītōr-#); #dēvor-sōriu-m#, _inn_
(#dēvorsōr-#).
309. #-ār-io-#, N. #-ār-iu-s#, very common, is chiefly added to
substantives: as, #agr-ārio-#, N. #agr-āriu-s#, _of land_ (#agro-#).
Often as substantive: #not-āriu-s# (265), _stenographer_ (#notā-#);
#aer-āriu-m# (266), _treastury_ (#aer-#); #sēmin-āriu-m#, _nursery_
(#sēmin-#); #bell-āria#, plural, _goodies_, _bonbons_ (#bello-#).
310. #-ī-vo-#, N. #-ī-vu-s# (202): #tempest-īvu-s#, _seasonable_
(#tempestāt-#, 126); #aest-īvu-s#, _summer’s_ (#aestāt-#). See 179.
(2.) #-timo-# (N. #-timu-s#); #-li-# (N. #-li-s#); #-no-# (N. #-nu-s#).
311. #-timo-#, N. #-timu-s# (202), for an older #-tumo-# (28):
#mari-timo-#, N. #mari-timu-s#, _of the sea_ (#mari-#); #fīni-timu-s#,
_of the border_ (#fīni-#); #lēg-itimu-s#, _lawful_ (#lēg-#).
312. #-li-# N. #-li-s#: #humi-li-#, N. #humi-li-s#, _lowly_ (#humo-#);
but almost always in denominatives #-li-# is preceded by a long vowel
(202), usually #-ā-# or #-ī-#, thus: #-ā-li-# (#-ā-ri-#), #-ī-li#;
#-ē-li-#, #-ū-li-#.
313. #-ā-li-#, N. #-ā-li-s#: #rēg-āli-#, N. #rēg-āli-s#, _kingly_
(#rēg-#); #decemvir-āli-s#, _of a decemvir_ (#decemviro-#); #fāt-āli-s#,
_fated_ (#fāto-#); #t-āli-s#, _such_ (stem #to-#, _that_); #qu-āli-s#,
_as_ (#quo-#), #-ā-ri-#, N. #-ā-ri-s#, is used for #-āli-# if an #l#
precedes (173): as, #mol-āri-#, N. #mol-āri-s#, _of a mill_ (#molā-#);
#mīlit-āri-s#, _of a soldier_ (#mīlit-#). Neuters in #-āli-# and #-āri-#
often become substantives (600): #fōc-āle#, _neckcloth_ (#fauci-#);
#anim-al#, _breathing thing_ (#animā-#); #calc-ar#, _spur_ (#calci-#).
314. #-ī-li-#, N. #-ī-li-s#: #cīv-īli-#, N. #cīv-īli-s#, _of a citizen_
(#cīvi-#); #puer-ili-s#, _boyish_ (#puero-#). The neuter, as
substantive, sometimes denotes the place where (266): #ov-īle#,
_sheepfold_ (#ovi-#).
315. #-ē-li#, N. #-ē-li-s#: #fidē-li-#, N. #fidē-li-s#, _faithful_
(#fidē-#); #crūd-ēli-s#, _cruel_ (#crūdo-#); #patru-ēli-s#, _cousin_
(#patruo-#). #-ū-li-#, N. #-ū-li-s#: #tribū-li-#, N. #tribū-li-s#,
_tribesman_ (#tribu-#).
316. The old participle suffix #-no-# (296) is sometimes added at once
to noun stems, sometimes to other suffixes: thus, #-ā-no-#, #-ī-no-#;
#-ti-no-#, #-tī-no-#; #-er-no-#, #-ur-no-#.
317. #-no-#, N. #-nu-s#, is added to stems formed with the comparative
suffix #-ero-# or #-tero-# (347), denoting place: #super-no-#, N.
#super-nu-s#, _above_; #inter-nu-s#, _internal_ (#inter#); #exter-nu-s#,
_outside_; so, also, #alter-nu-s#, _every other_ (#altero-#); and to a
very few substantives: as, #pater-nu-s#, _fatherly_ (#patr-#);
#frāter-nu-s#, _brotherly_ (#frātr-#); #vēr-nu-s#, _of spring_ (#vēr-#).
Also to cardinals, making distributives: as, #bī-nī#, _two by two_ (for
#*dṷīnī#, #duo-#, 161).
318. #-ā-no-#, N. #-ā-nu-s# (202): #arcā-no-#, N. #arc-ānu-s#, _secret_
(#arcā-#); #Rōma-nu-s#, _of Rome_ (#Rōmā-#); #mont-ānu-s#, _of a
mountain_ (#monti-#); #oppid-ānu-s#, _of a town_ (#oppido-#). #-i-āno-#:
#Cicerōn-iāno-#, N. #Cicerōn-iānu-s#, _Cicero’s_. Rarely #-ā-neo-#:
#mediterrā-neu-s#, _midland_ (#medio-#, #terrā-#).
319. #-ī-no-#, N. #-ī-nu-s# (202): #mar-īno-#, N. #mar-īnu-s#, _of the
sea_; #repent-īnu-s#, _sudden_ (#repenti-#); oftenest added to names of
living beings: as, #can-īnu-s#, _of a dog_ (#can-#); #dīv-īnu-s#, _of a
god_ (#dīvo-#); #-ē-no-#: #lani-ēnu-s#, #ali-ēnu-s#. Also to proper
names: as, #Plaut-īno-#, N. #Plaut-īnu-s#, _of Plautus_ (#Plauto-#);
#Alp-īnu-s#, _Alpine_ (#Alpi-#).
320. #-ti-no-#, N. #-ti-nu-s#, is used in some adjectives of time:
#crās-tinu-s#, _to-morrow’s_ (#crās-#); #diū-tinu-s#, _lasting_ (#diū#);
#prīs-tinu-s#, _of aforetime_ (#prī-#, #prae#).
321. #-tī-no-#, N. #-tī-nu-s#, is used in a few words of place and time:
#intes-tīno-#, N. #intes-tinu-s#, _inward_ (#intus#); #vesper-tīnu-s#,
_at eventide_ (#vespero-#).
322. From words like #frāter-nus# (from #*fratr(i)-nus#, 111, _b_),
#pater-nus#, #exter-nus#, #inter-nus#, arose a new suffix #-terno-#: as,
#hes-ternus#, from the stem #hes-# (cf. #her-ī#, 154), and #-erno-# in
#hodiernus#. From the adverb #*noctur# (νυκτωρ) was derived
#noctur-nus#, by analogy to which #diurnus# was formed. Elsewhere the
#-ur# of #-urnus# and the #-tur-# of #-turnus# belong to the stem: as,
#ebur-nus#; #tacitur-nus#, from the agent #*taci-tor# (205).
(3.) #-bri-#, #-cri-#, #-tri-# (N. #-ber# or #-bri-s#, &c.).
323. #-bri-#, N. #-ber# or #-bri-s#: #salū-bri-#, N. #salū-ber#,
_healthy_ (#salūt-#); #mulie-bri-s#, _womanly_ (#mulier-#).
324. #-cri-#, N. #-cer# or #-cri-s# (202): #volu-cri-#, N. #volu-cer#,
_winged_ (#*volo-#, _flying_); #medio-cri-s#, _middling_ (#medio-#).
325. #-tri-#, N. #-ter# or #-tri-s#: #eques-tri-#, N. #eques-ter#, _of
horsemen_ (#equit-#, 152); #sēmēs-tri-s#, _of six months_ (#sex#,
#mēns-#). #-es-tri-# is used in a few words: #camp-ester#, _of fields_
(#campo-#); #silv-estri-s#, _of woods_ (#silvā-#).
(4.) #-co-# (N. #-cu-s#); #-ti-#, #-si-# (N. #-s#, #-si-s#).
326. #-co-# is often suffixed to #-ti-#, sometimes to #-es-ti-#; thus:
#-ti-co-#, #-es-ti-co-#.
327. #-co-#, N. #-cu-s#: #cīvi-co-#, N. #cīvi-cu-s#, _of a citizen_
(#cīvi-#); #belli-cu-s#, _of war_ (#bello-#); #vīli-cu-s#, _bailiff_
(#vīllā-#). #-ā-co-#, #-ī-co-#, #-ū-co-# (202): #merā-cu-s#, #amī-cu-s#,
#antī-cu-s#, #aprī-cu-s#, #postī-cu-s#, #pudī-cu-s#, #cadū-cu-s#.
#-ti-co-#, N. #-ti-cu-s#: #rūs-tico-#, N. #rūs-ticu-s#, _of the country_
(#rūs-#). #-es-ti-co-#, N. #-es-ti-cu-s#: #dom-esticu-s#, _of a house_
(#domo-#, #domu-#).
328. #-ti-# or #-si-# denotes belonging to a place; usually #-ā-ti-#,
#-ī-ti-#, #-es-ti-#, #-en-ti-#; #-ēn-si-#, or #-i-ēn-si-#.
329. #-ti-#, N. #-s#: #Tībur-ti-#, N. #Tībur-s#, _Tiburtine_ (#Tībur-#).
#-ā-ti-#: #quoi-āti-#, N. #quoi-ā-s#, _what countryman?_ (#quoio-#);
#Anti-ā-s#, _of Antium_ (#Antio-#); #optim-ātēs#, _good men and true_
(#optimo-#). #-ī-ti-#: #Samn-īti-#, N. #Samn-ī-s#, _Samnian_
(#Samnio-#). #-en-ti-#: #Vēi-enti-#, N. #Vēi-ēn-s#, _of Vei_ (#Vēio-#).
#-es-ti-#, N. #-es-ti-s#: #agr-esti-#, N. #agr-esti-s#, _of the fields_
(#agro-#); #cael-esti-s#, _heavenly_ (#caelo-#).
330. #-ēn-si-#, N. #-ēn-si-s# (202), from appellatives of place or
proper names of place: #castr-ēnsi-#, N. #castr-ēnsi-s#, _of a camp_
(#castro-#); #circ-ēnsi-s#, _of the circus_ (#circo-#); #Hispāni-ēnsi-s#
_(temporarily) of Spain_. #-i-ēnsi-#: #Karthāgin-iēnsi-s#, _of Carthage_
(#Karthāgin-#).
III. SUPPLY.
331. The suffixes #-to-# or #-ōso-# are used to form adjectives denoting
_Supplied_ or _Furnished with_: as,
STEM. NOMINATIVE. FROM.
barbā-to- barbātus, _bearded_ barbā-, N. barba, _beard_
ann-ōso- annōsus, _full of years_ anno-, N. annus, _year_
(1.) #-to-# (N. #-tu-s#); #-len-to-# (N. #-len-tu-s#).
332. #-to-#, the perfect participle suffix, is sometimes added at once
to a noun stem, sometimes to other suffixes, thus: #-āto-#, #-īto-#,
#-ēto-#, #-ūto-#, #-ento-#, #-lento-#.
333. #-to-#, N. #-tu-s#: #onus-to-#, N. #onus-tu-s#, _loaded_ (#onus-#);
#vetus-tu-s#, _full of years_ (#*vetus-#, _year_); #iūs-tu-s#, _just_
(#iūs-#); #hones-tu-s#, _honourable_ (#*hones-#); #fūnes-tu-s#, _deadly_
(#fūnes-#). #-ā-to-#: #barbā-tu-s#, _bearded_ (#barbā-#); #dent-ātu-s#,
_toothed_ (#denti-#); #-ī-to-#: #aurī-tu-s#, _long-eared_ (#auri-#);
#-ū-to-#: #cornū-tu-s#, _horned_ (#cornu-#). #-en-to-#, N. #-en-tu-s#:
#cru-ento-#, N. #cru-entu-s#, _all gore_ (#*cruenti-#, #*cruēre#). As
substantive, #arg-entu-m# (_white metal_), _silver_; #flu-enta#, plural,
_streams_ (#fluenti-#).
334. The neuter of stems in #-to-#, as a substantive, denotes the place
where something, generally a plant, is found (266): #arbus-tu-m#,
_vineyard_ (#arbos-#); commonly preceded by #-ē-#, forming #-ē-to-#
(202), usually plural: #dūm-ēta#, _thorn-thickets_ (#dūmo-#);
#murt-ēta#, _myrtle-groves_ (#murto-#).
335. #-len-to-#, N. #-len-tu-s# (202): #vīno-lento-#, N. #vīno-lentu-s#,
_drunken_ (#vīno-#); #sanguin-olentu-s#, _all blood_ (#sanguin-#);
#lūcu-lentu-s#, _bright_ (#lūci-#, 28); #pulver-ulentu-s#, _dusty_
(#pulver-#). A shorter form #-lenti-# is rare: #vi-olenti-#, N.
#vi-olēn-s#, _violent_ (#vi-#); #op-ulēn-s#, _rich_ (#op-#).
(2.) #-ōso-# (N. #-ōsu-s#).
336. #-ōso-# (sometimes #-ōnso-#, #-ōsso-#), N. #-ōsu-s#, _full of_, is
very common indeed, #-ōso-# is sometimes attached to other suffixes,
thus: #-c-ōso-#, #-ul-ōso-#, #-ūc-ul-ōso-#.
337. #-ōso-#, N. #-ōsu-s#: #ann-ōso-#, N. #ann-ōsu-s#, _full of years_;
#fōrm-ōnsu-s#, #fōrm-ōssu-s# or #fōrm-ōsu-s#, _shapely_ (#fōrmā-#);
#perīcul-ōsu-s#, _with danger fraught_ (#perīculo-#); #mōr-ōsu-s#,
_priggish_, _cross_ (#mōr-#); #calamit-ōsu-s#, _full of damage_
(#calamitāt-#, 179); #superstiti-ōsu-s#, _superstitious_
(#superstitiōn-#, 179); #frūctu-ōsu-s#, _fruitful_ (#frūctu-#, 116,
_c_); #mont-uōsu-s#, _full of mountains_ (#monti-#, 202); #cūri-ōsu-s#,
_full of care_ (#cūrā-#); #labōr-iōsu-s#, _toilsome_ (#labōr-#, 202).
338. #-c-ōso-#, N. #-c-ōsu-s#: #belli-cōso-#, N. #belli-cōsu-s#,
_warlike_ (#bello-#, #bellico-#). #-ul-ōso-#, N. #-ul-ōsu-s#:
#formīd-ulōso-#, N. #formid-ulōsu-s#, _terrible_ (#formīdin-#, 179).
#-ūc-ul-ōso-#, N. #-ūc-ul-ōsu-s#: #met-ū-culoso-#, N. #met-ū-culōsu-s#,
_skittish_ (#metu-#).
[Erratum:
338 ... #met-ū-culoso-#
printed met-/-u- at line break]
IV. DIMINUTIVES.
339. Diminutives are formed from adjectives, as from substantives (267).
#-lo-#, N. #-lu-s#: #aureo-lo-#, N. #aureo-lu-s#, _all gold_, _of
precious gold_, _of red red gold_, _good as gold_ (#aureo-#);
#ebrio-lu-s#, _tipsy_ (#ebrio-#); #parvo-lu-s#, or #parvu-lu-s#,
_smallish_ (#parvo-#); #frīgidu-lu-s#, _chilly_ (#frigido-#);
#vet-ulus#, _little old_ (#vet-#); #tenellu-lu-s#, _soft and sweet_
(#tenello-#, #tenero-#); #pulchel-lus#, _sweet pretty_ (#pulchro-#);
#bel-lu-s#, _bonny_ (#bono-#); #novel-lu-s#, _newborn_ (#*novolo-#,
#novo-#). #-culo-#, N. #-culu-s#: #pauper-culo-#, N. #pauper-culu-s#,
_poorish_ (#pauper-#); #levi-culu-s#, _somewhat vain_ (#levi-#).
340. A peculiar class of diminutives is formed by adding #-culo-# to the
comparative stem #-ius-# (346): as, #nitidius-culo-#, N.
#nitidius-culu-s#, _a trifle sleeker_ (#nitidius-#); #longius-culu-s#,
_a bit longer_ (#longius-#).
341. Adverbs sometimes have a diminutive form: as, #bellē#,
_charmingly_; #paullulum#, _a little bit_; #meliusculē#, _a bit better_
(340).
[Erratum:
339 ... _of red red gold_
text unchanged]
V. COMPARATIVES AND SUPERLATIVES.
342. Comparatives and superlatives are usually formed from the stem of
the positive: as, #dignior#, _worthier_, #dignissimus#, _worthiest_,
from #digno-#, stem of #dignus#. A few are formed directly from roots:
thus, #maior#, _greater_, and #maximus#, _greatest_, are formed from the
√#mag-#, and not from #magno-#, stem of #magnus#.
(1.) COMPARATIVE #-ior#, SUPERLATIVE #-issimus#.
343. The nominative of comparative adjectives ends usually in #-ior#,
and that of superlatives in #-issimus#: thus,
COMPARATIVE. SUPERLAT
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