Curialia Miscellanea, or Anecdotes of Old Times
by Samuel Pegge · English · Gutenberg #44335 · 504,578 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Curialia Miscellanea, or Anecdotes of Old Times
Author: Samuel Pegge
Editor: John Nichols
Release date: December 1, 2013 [eBook #44335]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CURIALIA MISCELLANEA, OR ANECDOTES OF OLD TIMES ***
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
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* * * * *
[Illustration: titlepage]
[Illustration: REV. SAMUEL PEGGE, LL.D F.S.A.
_Born 1704; Died 1796._
_Engraved by Philip Audinet from an Original Painting by Elias
Needham 1788 in the Possession of Sir Christopher Pegge, M.D._
_Published by Nichols, Son & Bentley, Jan. 1, 1818._]
Curialia Miscellanea,
OR
_ANECDOTES OF OLD TIMES_;
REGAL, NOBLE, GENTILITIAL,
AND
MISCELLANEOUS:
INCLUDING AUTHENTIC ANECDOTES OF
THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD,
AND THE
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE COURT,
AT AN EARLY PERIOD OF THE
English History.
BY SAMUEL PEGGE, ESQ. F.S.A.
AUTHOR OF THE "CURIALIA,"
AND OF
"ANECDOTES OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE."
PRINTED BY AND FOR J. NICHOLS, SON, AND BENTLEY,
AT THE PRINTING-OFFICE OF THE NOTES OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET, AND 10, KING STREET, WESTMINSTER;
SOLD ALSO AT THEIR OLD OFFICE IN RED LION PASSAGE,
FLEET STREET, LONDON.
1818.
LIST OF PLATES.
Portrait of the Rev. Samuel Pegge, LL.D. _Frontispiece._
Whittington Church p. lix.
Whittington Rectory lxii.
Whittington Revolution House lxiii.
ADVERTISEMENT.
The publication of this Volume is strictly conformable to the
testamentary intentions of the Author, who consigned the MSS. for
that express purpose to the present Editor[1].
[1] See the Extract in page vi.
Mr. Pegge had, in his life-time, published Three Portions of
"_Curialia_, or an Account of some Members of the Royal Houshold;"
and had, with great industry and laborious research, collected
materials for several other Portions, some of which were nearly
completed for the press.
Mr. Pegge was "led into the investigation," he says, "by a natural
and kind of instinctive curiosity, and a desire of knowing what was
the antient state of the Court to which he had the honour, by the
favour of his Grace William the late Duke of Devonshire, to compose
a part."
Two more Portions were printed in 1806 by the present Editor. Long,
however, and intimately acquainted as he was with the accuracy and
diffidence of Mr. Pegge, he would have hesitated in offering those
posthumous Essays to the Publick, if the plan had not been clearly
defined, and the Essays sufficiently distinct to be creditable to
the reputation which Mr. Pegge had already acquired, by the Parts of
the "Curialia" published by himself, and by his very entertaining
(posthumous) "Anecdotes of the English Language;"--a reputation
which descended to him by _Hereditary Right_, and which he
transmitted untarnished to a worthy and learned Son.
It was the hope and intention of the Editor to have proceeded with
some other Portions of the "Curialia;" but the fatal event which (in
February 1808) overwhelmed him in accumulated distress put a stop
to that intention. Nearly all the printed Copies of the "Curialia"
perished in the flames; and part of the original MS. was lost.
A few detached Articles, which related to the College of Arms,
and to the Order of Knights Bachelors (which, had they been more
perfect, would have formed one or more succeeding Portions) have
since been deposited in the rich Library of that excellent College.
The Volume now submitted to the candour of the Reader is formed from
the wreck of the original materials. The arranging of the several
detached articles, and the revisal of them through the press, have
afforded the Editor some amusement; and he flatters himself that
the Volume will meet with that indulgence which the particular
circumstances attending it may presume to claim.--If the Work has
any merit, it is the Author's. The defects should, in fairness, be
attributed to the Editor.
J. N.
_Highbury Place, Dec. 1, 1817._
*** Extract from Mr. PEGGE'S Will.
"Having the Copy-right of my little Work called _Curialia_ in
myself, I hereby give and bequeath all my interest therein,
together with all my impressions thereof which may be unsold at
the time of my decease, to my Friend Mr. John Nichols, Printer,
with the addition of as much money as will pay the Tax on this
Legacy. I also request of the said Mr. John Nichols, that he
would carefully peruse and digest all my Papers and Collections
on the above subject, and print them under the title of
_Curialia Miscellanea_, or some such description.--There is also
another Work of mine, not quite finished, intitled _Anecdotes of
the English Language_, which I wish Mr. Nichols to bring forward
from his Press. SAMUEL PEGGE."
CONTENTS.
PARENTALIA: or, Memoirs of the Rev. Dr. Samuel
Pegge, compiled by his Son Page ix-lviii
Appendix to the Parentalia:
Description of Whittington Church lix
Description of Whittington Rectory lxii
Description of The Revolution House at Whittington ibid.
Origin of the Revolution in 1688 lxiv
Celebration of the Jubilee in 1788 lxv
Stanzas by the Rev. P. Cunningham lxxi
Ode for the Revolution Jubilee lxxiii
Extracts from Letters of Dr. Pegge to Mr. Gough lxxiv
Memoirs of Samuel Pegge, Esq. by the Editor lxxvii
Appendix of Epistolary Correspondence lxxxiii
HOSPITIUM DOMINI REGIS:
or, The History of the Royal Household.
Introduction Page 1
William I. 6
William Rufus 18
Henry I. 24
Stephen 38
Henry II. (Plantagenet) 48
Richard I. 63
Henry IV. 68
Edward IV. 69
Extracts from the _Liber Niger_ 71
Knights and Esquires of the Body 73
Gentleman Usher 74
Great Chamberlain of England 76
Knights of Household 77
Esquires of the Body 79
Yeomen of the Crown 84
A Barber for the King's most high and dread Person 86
Henxmen 88
Master of Henxmen 89
Squires of Household 91
Kings of Arms, Heralds, and Pursuivants 95
Serjeants of Arms 97
Minstrels 99
A Wayte 101
Clerk of the Crown in Chancery 103
Supporters, Crests, and Cognizances, of the Kings of
England 104
Regal Titles 109
On the Virtues of the Royal Touch 111
Ceremonies for Healing, for King's Evil 154
Ceremonies for blessing Cramp-Rings 164
_Stemmata Magnatum_: Origin of the Titles of some of
the English Nobility 173
English Armorial Bearings 201
Origin and Derivation of remarkable Surnames 208
_Symbola Scotica_: Mottoes, &c. of Scottish Families 213
Dissertation on Coaches and Sedan Chairs 269
Dissertation on the Hammer Cloth 304
Articles of Dress.--Gloves 305
Ermine--Gentlewomen's Apparel 312
Apparel for the Heads of Gentlewomen 313
Mourning 314
Beard, &c. 316
Origin of the Name of the City of Westminster 320
Memoranda relative to the Society of the Temple in
London, written in 1760 323
Dissertation on the Use of _Simnel_ Bread, and the
Derivation of the Word _Simnel_ 329
Historical Essay on the Origin of "Thirteen Pence
Half-penny," as Hangman's Wages 331
Custom observed by the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland 349
Parentalia:
OR,
MEMOIRS OF THE REV. DR. PEGGE,
COMPILED BY HIS SON.
The Rev. Samuel Pegge, LL. D. and F.S.A. was the Representative
of one of four Branches of the Family of that name in Derbyshire,
derived from a common Ancestor, all which existed together till
within a few years. The eldest became extinct by the death of Mr.
William Pegge, of Yeldersley, near Ashborne, 1768; and another by
that of the Rev. Nathaniel Pegge, M.A. Vicar of Packington, in
Leicestershire, 1782.
The Doctor's immediate Predecessors, as may appear from the
Heralds-office, were of Osmaston, near _Ashborne_, where they
resided, in lineal succession, for four generations, antecedently
to his Father and himself, and where they left a patrimonial
inheritance, of which the Doctor died possessed[2].
[2] In Church-street, at Ashborne, is an Alms-house, originally
founded by Christopher Pegge, Esq. The name occurs also on the table
of Benefactors in Ashborne Church.
Of the other existing branch, Mr. Edward Pegge having [1662] married
Gertrude, sole daughter and heir of William Strelley, Esq. of
Beauchief, in the Northern part of Derbyshire, seated himself there,
and was appointed High Sheriff of the County in 1667; as was his
Grandson, Strelley Pegge, Esq. 1739; and his Great-grandson, the
present Peter Pegge, Esq. 1788.
It was by Katharine Pegge, a daughter of Thomas Pegge, Esq. of
Yeldersley, that King Charles II. (who saw her abroad during his
exile) had a son born (1647), whom he called Charles _Fitz-Charles_,
to whom he granted the Royal arms, with a baton sinister, Vairé,
and whom (1675) his Majesty created Earl of _Plymouth_, Viscount
_Totness_, and Baron _Dartmouth_[3]. He was bred to the Sea, and,
having been educated abroad, most probably in Spain, was known by
the name of _Don Carlos_[4]. The Earl married the Lady Bridget
Osborne, third Daughter of Thomas Earl of Danby, Lord High
Treasurer (at Wimbledon, in Surrey), 1678[5], and died of a flux
at the siege of Tangier, 1680, without issue. The body was brought
to England, and interred in Westminster Abbey[6]. The Countess
re-married Dr. Philip Bisse, Bishop of Hereford, by whom she had
no issue; and who, surviving her, erected a handsome tablet to her
memory in his Cathedral.
[3] Docquet-book in the Crown-office.
[4] See Sandford, p. 647, edit. 1707. Granger erroneously calls him
_Carlo_; and also, by mistake, gives him the name of _Fitz-roy_.
[5] See Mr. Lysons's Environs of London, vol. I. p. 537.
[6] Dart's History of Westminster Abbey, vol. II. p. 55.
Katharine Pegge, the Earl's mother, married Sir Edward Greene, Bart.
of Samford in Essex, and died without issue by him[7].
[7] There is a half-length portrait of the Earl, in a robe de
chambre, laced cravat, and flowing hair (with a ship in the back
ground of the picture), by Sir Peter Lely, now in the family: and
also two of his Mother, Lady Greene; one a half-length, with her
infant Son standing by her side; the other, a three-quarters; both
either by Sir Peter Lely, or by one of his pupils.
But to return to the Rev. Dr. Pegge, the outline _only_ of whose
life we propose to give. His Father (Christopher) was, as we have
observed, of Osmaston, though he never resided there, even after
he became possessed of it; for, being a younger Brother, it was
thought proper to put him to business; and he served his time with
a considerable woollen-draper at Derby, which line he followed
till the death of his elder Brother (Humphry, who died without
issue 1711) at Chesterfield in Derbyshire, when he commenced
lead-merchant, then a lucrative branch of traffick there; and,
having been for several years a Member of the Corporation, died in
his third Mayoralty, 1723.
He had married Gertrude Stephenson (a daughter of Francis
Stephenson, of Unston, near Chesterfield, Gent.) whose Mother was
Gertrude Pegge, a Daughter of the before-mentioned Edward Pegge,
Esq. of Beauchief; by which marriage these two Branches of the
Family, which had long been diverging from each ether, became
reunited, both by blood and name, in the person of Dr. Pegge, their
only surviving child.
He was born Nov. 5, 1704, N.S. at Chesterfield, where he had his
school education; and was admitted a Pensioner of St. John's
College, Cambridge, May 30, 1722, under the tuition of the Rev. Dr.
William Edmundson; was matriculated July 7; and, in the following
November, was elected a Scholar of the House, upon Lupton's
Foundation.
In the same year with his Father (1723) died the Heir of his
Maternal Grandfather (Stephenson), a minor; by whose death a moiety
of the real estate at Unston (before-mentioned) became the property
of our young Collegian, who was then pursuing his academical
studies with intention of taking orders.
Having, however, no immediate prospect of preferment, he looked
up to a Fellowship of the College, after he had taken the degree
of A.B. in January 1725, N.S.; and became a candidate upon a
vacancy which happened favourably in that very year; for it was a
Lay-fellowship upon the Beresford Foundation, and appropriated to
the Founder's kin, or at least confined to a Native of Derbyshire.
The competitors were, Mr. Michael Burton (afterwards Dr. Burton),
and another, whose name we do not find; but the contest lay between
Mr. Burton and Mr. Pegge. Mr. Burton had the stronger claim,
being indubitably related to the Founder; but, upon examination,
was declared to be so very deficient in Literature, that his
superior right, as Founder's kin, was set aside, on account of the
insufficiency of his learning; and Mr. Pegge was admitted, and sworn
Fellow March 21, 1726, O. S.
In consequence of this disappointment, Mr. Burton was obliged
to take new ground, to enable him to procure an establishment
in the world; and therefore artfully applied to the College for
a testimonial, that he might receive orders, and undertake some
cure in the vicinity of Cambridge. Being ordained, he turned the
circumstance into a manœuvre, and took an unexpected advantage
of it, by appealing to the Visitor [the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Thomas
Greene], representing, that, as the College had, by the testimonial,
thought him qualified for Ordination, it could not, in justice, deem
him unworthy of becoming a Fellow of the Society, upon such forcible
claims as Founder's kin, and also as a Native of Derbyshire.
These were irresistible pleas on the part of Mr. Burton; and the
Visitor found himself reluctantly obliged to eject Mr. Pegge; when
Mr. Burton took possession of the Fellowship, which he held many
years[8].
[8] Dr. Burton was President (_i. e._ Vice-master of the College)
when Mr. Pegge's Son was admitted of it, 1751; but soon afterwards
took the Rectory of Staplehurst in Kent, which he held till his
death in 1759.
Thus this business closed; but the Visitor did Mr. Pegge the favour
to recommend him, in so particular a manner, to the Master and
Seniors of the College, that he was thenceforward considered as an
honorary member of the body of Fellows (_tanquam Socius_), kept his
seat at their table and in the chapel, being placed in the situation
of a Fellow-commoner.
In consequence, then, of this testimony of the Bishop of Ely's
approbation, Mr. Pegge was chosen a Platt-fellow on the first
vacancy, A. D. 1729[9]. He was therefore, in fact, _twice_ a Fellow
of St. John's.
[9] The _Platt-fellowships_ at St. John's are similar to what are
called _Bye-fellowships_ in some other Colleges at Cambridge, and
are not on the Foundation. The original number was _six_, with a
stipend of 20_l., per annum_ each, besides rooms, and commons at
the Fellows' table. They were founded by William Platt, Esq. (Son
of Sir Hugh Platt, Knt.) an opulent citizen of London, out of an
estate then of the annual value of 140_l._ Being a rent-charge,
the Fellowships cannot be enlarged in point of revenue, though the
number has been increased to _eight_, by savings from the surplus.
There is a good portrait of Mr. Platt in the Master's Lodge at St.
John's, with the date of 1626, æt. 47. He died in 1637. More of him
may be seen in Mr. Lysons's Environs of London, vol. III. pp. 59,
66, 70, 71, 110, 376.
There is good reason to believe that, in the interval between his
removal from his first Fellowship, and his acceding to the second,
he meditated the publication of Xenophon's "_Cyropædia_" and
"_Anabasis_," from a collation of them with a Duport MS. in the
Library at Eton--to convince the world that the Master and Seniors
of St. John's College did not judge unworthily in giving him so
decided a preference to Mr. Burton in their election.
It appears that he had made very large collections for such a
work; but we suspect that it was thrown aside on being anticipated
by Mr. Hutchinson's Edition, which was formed from more valuable
manuscripts.
He possessed a MS "Lexicon Xenophonticum" by himself, as well
as a Greek Lexicon in MS.; and had also "An English Historical
Dictionary," in 6 volumes folio; a French and Italian, a Latin, a
British and Saxon one, in one volume each; all corrected by his
notes; a "Glossarium Generale;" and two volumes of "Collections in
English History."
During his residence in Kent, Mr. Pegge formed a "Monasticon
Cantianum," in two folio MS volumes; a MS Dictionary for Kent;
an Alphabetical List of Kentish Authors and Worthies; Kentish
Collections; Places in Kent; and many large MS additions to the
account of that county in the "Magna Britannia."
He also collected a good deal relative to the College at Wye, and
its neighbourhood, which he thought of publishing, and engraved the
seal, before engraved in Lewis's Seals. He had "Extracts from the
Rental of the Royal Manor of Wye, made about 1430, in the hands of
Daniel Earl of Winchelsea;" and "Copy of a Survey and Rental of the
College, in the possession of Sir Windham Knatchbull, 1739."
While resident in College (and in the year 1730) Mr. Pegge was
elected a Member of the Zodiac Club, a literary Society, which
consisted of twelve members, denominated from the Twelve Signs.
This little institution was founded, and articles, in the nature
of statutes, were agreed upon Dec. 10, 1725. Afterwards (1728)
this Society thought proper to enlarge their body, when six select
additional members were chosen, and denominated from six of the
Planets, though it still went collectively under the name of the
_Zodiac Club_[10]. In this latter class Mr. Pegge was the original
_Mars_, and continued a member of the Club as long as he resided
in the University. His secession was in April 1732, and his seat
accordingly declared vacant.
[10] Of this little academical literary Society the late Samuel
Pegge, Esq. possessed a particular History in MS. EDIT.
In the same year, 1730, Mr. Pegge appears in a more public literary
body;--among the Members of the Gentlemen's Society at Spalding,
in Lincolnshire, to which he contributed some papers which will be
noticed below[11].
[11] In 1733, his Life of Archbishop Kempe was in forwardness for
press, and he solicited assistance for it from MSS.
In 1734, he sent them a critical letter on the name and town of Wye.
In 1739, an Account of a Religious House in Canterbury, not noticed
before, his conjectures on which were approved by Mr. Thorpe.
An Account of the Endowment of the Vicarage of Westfield in Sussex,
by Richard second Bishop of Chichester, 1249, in the hands of Sir
Peter Webster, Bart.
Account of the Amphitheatre in the Garden of the Nuns of Fidelite at
Angers: the arena 150 feet diameter, outer wall 20 feet thick, the
caveæ 14 feet long and wide, with layers of Roman brick and stone 3
or 4 feet asunder.
Having taken the degree of A. M. in July 1729, Mr. Pegge was
ordained Deacon in December in the same year; and, in the February
following, received Priest's orders; both of which were conferred by
Dr. William Baker, Bishop of Norwich.
It was natural that he should now look to employment in his
profession; and, agreeably to his wishes, he was soon retained
as Curate to the Rev. Dr. John Lynch (afterwards [1733] Dean of
Canterbury), at Sundrich in Kent, on which charge he entered
at Lady-day 1730; and in his Principal, as will appear, soon
afterwards, very unexpectedly, found a Patron.
The Doctor gave Mr. Pegge the choice of three Cures under
him--of Sundrich, of a London Living, or the Chaplainship of St.
Cross, of which the Doctor was then Master. Mr. Pegge preferred
Sundrich, which he held till Dr. Lynch exchanged, that Rectory for
Bishopsbourne, and then removed thither at Midsummer 1731.
Within a few months after this period, Dr. Lynch, who had married a
daughter of Archbishop Wake, obtained for Mr. Pegge, unsolicited,
the Vicarage of Godmersham (cum Challock), into which he was
inducted Dec. 6, 1731.
We have said _unsolicited_, because, at the moment when the Living
was conferred, Mr. Pegge had more reason to expect a _reproof_
from his Principal, than a _reward_ for so short a service of these
Cures. The case was, that Mr. Pegge had, in the course of the
preceding summer (unknown to Dr. Lynch) taken a little tour, for a
few months, to Leyden, with a Fellow Collegian (John Stubbing, M.
B. then a medical pupil under Boerhaave), leaving his Curacy to the
charge of some of the neighbouring Clergy. On his return, therefore,
he was not a little surprized to obtain actual preferment through
Dr. Lynch, without the most distant engagement on the score of the
Doctor's interest with the Archbishop, or the smallest suggestion
from Mr. Pegge.
Being now in possession of a Living, and independent property, Mr.
Pegge married (April 13, 1732) Miss Anne Clarke, the only daughter
of Benjamin, and sister of John Clarke, Esqrs. of Stanley, near
Wakefield, in the county of York, by whom he had one Son [Samuel, of
whom hereafter], who, after his Mother's death, became eventually
heir to his Uncle; and one Daughter, Anna-Katharina, wife of
the Rev. John Bourne, M.A. of Spital, near Chesterfield, Rector
of Sutton cum Duckmanton, and Vicar of South Winfield, both in
Derbyshire; by whom she had two daughters, Elizabeth, who married
Robert Jennings, Esq. and Jane, who married Benjamin Thompson, Esq.
While Mr. Pegge was resident in Kent, where he continued twenty
years, he made himself acceptable to every body, by his general
knowledge, his agreeable conversation, and his vivacity; for he was
received into the familiar acquaintance of the best Gentlemen's
Families in East Kent, several of whom he preserved in his
correspondence after he quitted the county, till the whole of those
of his own standing gave way to fate before him.
Having an early propensity to the study of Antiquity among his
general researches, and being allowedly an excellent Classical
Scholar, he here laid the foundation of what in time became a
considerable collection of books, and his little cabinet of Coins
grew in proportion; by which two assemblages (so scarce among
Country Gentlemen in general) he was qualified to pursue those
collateral studies, without neglecting his parochial duties, to
which he was always assiduously attentive.
The few pieces which Mr. Pegge printed while he lived in Kent
will be mentioned hereafter, when we shall enumerate such of his
Writings as are most material. These (exclusively of Mr. _Urban_'s
obligations to him in the Gentleman's Magazine) have appeared
principally, and most conspicuously, in the _Archæologia_, which may
be termed the Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries. In that
valuable collection will be found more than fifty memoirs, written
and communicated by him, many of which are of considerable length,
being by much the greatest number hitherto contributed by any
individual member of that respectable Society.
In returning to the order of time, we find that, in July 1746, Mr.
Pegge had the great misfortune to lose his Wife; whose monumental
inscription, at Godmersham, bears ample testimony of her worth:
"MDCCXLVI.
Anna Clarke, uxor Samuelis Pegge
Vicarii hujus parochiæ;
Mulier, si qua alia, sine dolo,
Vitam æternam et beatam fidenter hic sperat;
nec erit frustra."
This event entirely changed Mr. Pegge's destinations; for he now
zealously meditated on some mode of removing himself, without
disadvantage, into his Native County. To effect this, one of two
points was to be carried; either to obtain some piece of preferment,
tenable in its nature with his Kentish Vicarage; or to exchange the
latter for an equivalent; in which last he eventually succeeded
beyond his immediate expectations.
We are now come to a new epoch in the Doctor's life; but there is
an interval of a few years to be accounted for, before he found an
opportunity of effectually removing himself into Derbyshire.
His Wife being dead, his Children young and at school, and himself
reduced to a life of solitude, so ungenial to his temper (though no
man was better qualified to improve his leisure); he found relief by
the kind offer of his valuable Friend, Sir Edward Dering, Bart.
At this moment Sir Edward chose to place his Son[12] under the care
of a private Tutor at home, to qualify him more competently for the
University. Sir Edward's personal knowledge of Mr. Pegge, added to
the Family situation of the latter, mutually induced the former
to offer, and the latter to accept, the proposal of removing from
Godmersham to Surrenden (Sir Edward's mansion-house) to superintend
Mr. Dering's education for a short time; in which capacity he
continued about a year and a half, till Mr. Dering was admitted of
St. John's College, Cambridge, in March 1751.
[12] Afterwards Sir Edward Dering, the sixth Baronet of that Family,
who died Dec. 8, 1798.
Sir Edward had no opportunity, by any patronage of his own,
permanently to gratify Mr. Pegge, and to preserve him in the circle
of their common Friends. On the other hand, finding Mr. Pegge's
propensity to a removal so very strong, Sir Edward reluctantly
pursued every possible measure to effect it.
The first vacant living in Derbyshire which offered itself was the
Perpetual Curacy of _Brampton_, near Chesterfield; a situation
peculiarly eligible in many respects. It became vacant in 1747; and,
if it could have been obtained, would have placed Mr. Pegge in the
centre of his early acquaintance in that County; and, being tenable
with his Kentish living, would not have totally estranged him from
his Friends in the South of England. The patronage of Brampton is in
the Dean of Lincoln, which Dignity was then filled by the Rev. Dr.
Thomas Cheyney; to whom, Mr. Pegge being a stranger, the application
was necessarily to be made in a circuitous manner, and he was
obliged to employ more than a double mediation before his name could
be mentioned to the Dean.
The mode he proposed was through the influence of William the
third Duke of Devonshire; to whom Mr. Pegge was personally known
as a Derbyshire man (though he had so long resided in Kent),
having always paid his respects to his Grace on the public days
at Chatsworth, as often as opportunity served, when on a visit in
Derbyshire. Mr. Pegge did not, however, think himself sufficiently
in the Duke's favour to make a direct address for his Grace's
recommendation to the Dean of Lincoln, though the object so fully
met his wishes in moderation, and in every other point. He had,
therefore, recourse to a friend, the Right Rev. Dr. Fletcher, Bishop
of Dromore, then in England; who, in conjunction with Godfrey
Watkinson, of Brampton Moor, Esq. (the principal resident Gentleman
in the parish of Brampton) solicited, and obtained, his Grace's
interest with the Dean of Lincoln: who, in consequence, nominated
Mr. Pegge to the living.
One point now seemed to be gained towards his re-transplantation
into his native soil, after he had resisted considerable offers
had he continued in Kent; and thus did he think himself virtually
in possession of a living in Derbyshire, which in its nature was
tenable with Godmersham in Kent. Henceforward, then, he no doubt
felt a satisfaction that he should soon be enabled to live in
Derbyshire, and occasionally visit his friends in Kent, instead of
residing in that county, and visiting his friends in Derbyshire.
But, after all this assiduity and anxiety (as if _admission_ and
_ejection_ had pursued him a second
time), the result of Mr. Pegge's expectations was far from answering
his then present wishes; for, when he thought himself secure by the
Dean's nomination, and that nothing was wanting but the Bishop's
licence, the Dean's _right of Patronage_ was controverted by the
Parishioners of Brampton, who brought forward a Nominee of their own.
The ground of this claim, on the part of the Parish, was owing
to an ill-judged indulgence of some former Deans of Lincoln, who
had occasionally permitted the Parishioners to send an Incumbent
directly to the _Bishop_ for his licence, without the intermediate
nomination of the _Dean_ in due form.
These measures were principally fomented by the son of the last
Incumbent, the Rev. Seth Ellis, a man of a reprobate character,
and a disgrace to his profession, who wanted the living, and was
patronised by the Parish. He had a desperate game to play; for
he had not the least chance of obtaining any preferment, as no
individual Patron, who was even superficially acquainted with his
_moral_ character alone, could with decency advance him in the
church. To complete the detail of the fate of this man, whose
interest the deluded part of the mal-contents of the parish so
warmly espoused, he was soon after suspended by the Bishop from
officiating at Brampton[13].
[13] The Bishop's Inhibition took place soon after the decision of
the cause at Derby, and was not revoked till late in the year 1758,
which was principally effected by Mr. Pegge's intercession with
his Lordship, stating Mr. Ellis's distressed circumstances, and
his having made a proper submission, with a promise of future good
behaviour. This revocation is contained in a letter addressed to Mr.
Pegge, under the Bishop's own hand, dated Oct. 30, 1758.
Whatever inducements the Parish might have to support Mr. Ellis so
strenuously we do not say, though they manifestly did not arise from
any pique to one Dean more than to another; and we are decidedly
clear that they were not founded in any aversion to Mr. Pegge
as an individual; for his character was in all points too well
established, and too well known (even to the leading opponents to
the Dean), to admit of the least personal dislike in any respect. So
great, nevertheless, was the acrimony with which the Parishioners
pursued their visionary pretensions to the Patronage, that, not
content with the decision of the Jury (which was highly respectable)
in favour of the Dean, when the right of Patronage was tried in
1748; they had the audacity to carry the cause to an Assize at
Derby, where, on the fullest and most incontestable evidence, a
verdict was given in favour of the Dean, to the confusion and
indelible disgrace of those Parishioners who espoused so bad a
cause, supported by the most undaunted effrontery.
The evidence produced by the Parish went to prove, from an entry
made nearly half a century before in the accompts kept by the
Churchwardens, that the _Parishioners_, and not the _Deans of
Lincoln_, had hitherto, on a vacancy, nominated a successor to the
Bishop of the Diocese for his licence, without the intervention of
any other person or party. The Parish accompts were accordingly
brought into court at Derby, wherein there appeared not only a
palpable erasement, but such an one as was detected by a living and
credible witness; for, a Mr. _Mower_ swore that, on a vacancy in the
year 1704, an application was made by the Parish to the _Dean of
Lincoln_ in favour of the Rev. Mr. Littlewood[14].
[14] We believe this witness to have been _George Mower_, Esq. of
Wood-seats, in this county, who served the office of Sheriff in 1734.
In corroboration of Mr. Mower's testimony, an article in the Parish
accompts and expenditures of that year was adverted to, and which,
when Mr. Mower saw it, ran thus:
"Paid William Wilcoxon, for going _to Lincoln to the Dean_
concerning Mr. Littlewood, five shillings."
The Parishioners had before alleged, in proof of their title, that
they had _elected_ Mr. Littlewood; and, to uphold this asseveration,
had clumsily altered the parish accompt-book, and inserted the
words "to _Lichfield_ to the BISHOP," in the place of the words "to
_Lincoln_ to the DEAN."
Thus their own evidence was turned against the Parishioners; and not
a moment's doubt remained but that the patronage rested with the
DEAN _of Lincoln_.
We have related this affair without a strict adherence to
chronological order as to facts, or to collateral circumstances,
for the sake of preserving the narrative entire, as far as it
regards the contest between the _Dean of Lincoln_ and the _Parish of
Brampton_; for we believe that this transaction (uninteresting as it
may be to the publick in general) is one of very few instances on
record which has an exact parallel.
The intermediate points of the contest, in which Mr. Pegge was more
peculiarly concerned, and which did not prominently appear to the
world, were interruptions and unpleasant impediments which arose in
the course of this tedious process.
He had been nominated to the Perpetual Curacy of Brampton by Dr.
_Cheyney_, Dean of Lincoln; was at the sole expence of the suit
respecting the right of Patronage, whereby the verdict was given in
favour of the Dean; and he was actually licensed by the Bishop of
Lichfield. In consequence of this decision and the Bishop's licence,
Mr. Pegge, not suspecting that the contest could go any farther,
attended to qualify at Brampton, on Sunday, August 28, 1748, in
the usual manner; but was repelled _by violence_ from entering the
Church.
In this state matters rested regarding the Patronage of Brampton,
when Dr. Cheyney was unexpectedly transferred from the Deanry of
_Lincoln_ to the Deanry of _Winchester_, which (we may observe by
the way) he solicited on motives similar to those which actuated
Mr. Pegge at the very moment; for Dr. Cheyney, being a Native of
Winchester, procured an exchange of his Deanry of Lincoln with the
Rev. Dr. William George, Provost of Queen's college, Cambridge, for
whom the Deanry of Winchester was intended by the Minister on the
part of the Crown.
Thus Mr. Pegge's interests and applications were to begin _de novo_
with the Patron of Brampton; for, his nomination by Dr. Cheyney,
in the then state of things, was of no validity. He fell, however,
into liberal hands; for his activity in the proceedings which had
hitherto taken place respecting the living in question had rendered
fresh advocates unnecessary, as it had secured the unasked favour
of Dr. George, who not long afterwards voluntarily gave him the
Rectory of _Whittington_, near Chesterfield, in Derbyshire; into
which he was inducted Nov. 11, 1751, and where he resided for
upwards of 44 years without interruption[15].
[15] Dr. George's letter to Mr. Pegge on the occasion has been
preserved, and is conceived in the most manly and generous terms.
On account of the distance, Mr. Pegge then residing in Kent, the
Dean was so obliging as to concert matters with Bishop (Frederick)
Cornwallis, who then sat at Lichfield, that the living might _lapse_
without injury to Mr. Pegge, who therefore took it, in fact, from
his Lordship by _collation_.
Though Mr. Pegge had relinquished all farther pretensions to
the living of _Brampton_ before the cause came to a decision at
Derby, yet he gave every possible assistance at the trial, by the
communication of various documents, as well as by his personal
evidence at the Assize, to support the claim of the new Nominee, the
Rev. John Bowman, in whose favour the verdict was given, and who
afterwards enjoyed the benefice.
Here then we take leave of this troublesome affair, so nefarious
and unwarrantable on the part of the Parishioners of _Brampton_;
and from which PATRONS of every description may draw their own
inferences.
Mr. Pegge's ecclesiastical prospect in Derbyshire began soon to
brighten; and he ere long obtained the more eligible living of
_Whittington_. Add to this that, in the course of the dispute
concerning the Patronage of Brampton, he became known to the
Hon. and Right Rev. Frederick (Cornwallis) Bishop of Lichfield
and Coventry; who ever afterwards favoured him not only with his
personal regard, but with his patronage, which extended even beyond
the grave, as will be mentioned hereafter in the order of time.
We must now revert to Mr. Pegge's old Friend Sir Edward Dering,
who, at the moment when Mr. Pegge decidedly took the living of
_Whittington_, in Derbyshire, began to negotiate with his Grace
of Canterbury (Dr. Herring), the Patron of _Godmersham_, for an
exchange of that living for something tenable with Whittington.
The Archbishop's answer to this application was highly honourable to
Mr. Pegge: "Why," said his Grace, "will Mr. Pegge leave my Diocese?
If he will continue in Kent, I promise you, Sir Edward, that I will
give him preferment to his satisfaction[16]."
[16] Mr. Pegge became known, at least by name, to Dr. Herring, when
Archbishop of York, by an occasional Sermon (which will be adverted
to among Mr. Pegge's writings), on the publication whereof his
Grace sent him a letter in handsome terms. When the Archbishop was
translated to Canterbury, Mr. Pegge was, most probably, personally
known to him as the Diocesan.
No allurements, however, could prevail; and Mr. Pegge, at all
events, accepted the Rectory of _Whittington_, leaving every other
pursuit of the kind to contingent circumstances. An exchange was,
nevertheless, very soon afterwards effected, by the interest of Sir
Edward with the _Duke of Devonshire_, who consented that Mr. Pegge
should take his Grace's Rectory of _Brinhill_[17] in Lancashire,
then luckily void, the Archbishop at the same time engaging
to present the _Duke's_ Clerk to _Godmersham_. Mr. Pegge was
accordingly inducted into the Rectory of _Brindle_, Nov. 23, 1751,
in less than a fortnight after his induction at _Whittington_[18].
[17] More usually called _Brindle_.
[18] The person who actually succeeded to the Vicarage of Godmersham
was the Rev. _Aden Ley_, who died there in 1766.
In addition to this favour from the Family of _Cavendish_, Sir
Edward Dering obtained for Mr. Pegge, almost at the same moment,
a _scarf_ from the _Marquis of Hartington_ (afterwards the fourth
Duke of Devonshire), then called up to the House of Peers, in
June 1751, by the title of Baron _Cavendish_ of _Hardwick_. Mr.
Pegge's appointment is dated Nov. 18, 1751; and thus, after all his
solicitude, he found himself possessed of two livings and a dignity,
honourably and indulgently conferred, as well as most desirably
connected, in the same year and in the same month; though this
latter circumstance may be attributed to the voluntary lapse of
Whittington[19]. After Mr. Pegge had held the Rectory of _Brinhill_
for a few years, an opportunity offered, by another obliging
acquiescence of the Duke _of Devonshire_, to exchange it for the
living of _Heath_ (alias _Lown_), in his _Grace's_ Patronage,
which lies within seven miles of Whittington: a very commodious
measure, as it brought Mr. Pegge's parochial preferments within a
smaller distance of each other. He was accordingly inducted into the
Vicarage of _Heath_, Oct. 22, 1758, which he held till his death.
[19] Soon after the fourth Duke of Devonshire came of age, 1769,
finding that he had many friends of his own to oblige, it was
suggested to the Senior Chaplains that a resignation would be deemed
a compliment by his Grace. Mr. Pegge, therefore (among some others),
relinquished his Chaplainship, though he continued to wear the
_scarf_.
This was the last favour of the kind which Mr. Pegge _individually_
received from the DUKES OF DEVONSHIRE; but the Compiler of this
little Memoir regarding his late Father, flatters himself that it
can give no offence to that Noble Family if he takes the opportunity
of testifying a sense of his own _personal_ obligations to William
the fourth DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, when his Grace was _Lord Chamberlain_
of his MAJESTY'S _Household_.
As to Mr. Pegge's other preferments, they shall only be briefly
mentioned in chronological order; but with due regard to his
obligations. In the year 1765 he was presented to the Perpetual
Curacy of _Wingerworth_, about six miles from. Whittington, by the
Honourable and Reverend James _Yorke_, then _Dean of Lincoln_,
afterwards _Bishop of Ely_, to whom he was but little known but by
name and character. This appendage was rendered the more acceptable
to Mr. Pegge, because the seat of his very respectable Friend Sir
Henry Hunloke, Bart. is in the parish, from whom, and all the
Family, Mr. Pegge ever received great civilities.
We have already observed, that Mr. Pegge became known, insensibly
as it were, to the Honourable and Right Reverend Frederick
(_Cornwallis_), Bishop of Lichfield, during the contest respecting
the living of _Brampton_; from whom he afterwards received more
than one favour, and by whom another greater instance of regard was
intended, as will be mentioned hereafter.
Mr. Pegge was first collated by his Lordship to the Prebend of
_Bobenhull_, in the Church of _Lichfield_, in 1757; and was
afterwards voluntarily advanced by him to that of _Whittington_ in
1763, which he possessed at his death[20].
[20] It is rather a singular coincidence, that Mr. Pegge should have
been at the same time _Rector_ of _Whittington_ in _Derbyshire_
and _Prebendary_ of _Whittington_ in _Staffordshire_, both in one
Diocese, under different patronages, and totally independent of each
other. These two _Whittingtons_ are likewise nearly equidistant from
places of the name of _Chesterfield_.
In addition to the Stall at Lichfield, Mr. Pegge enjoyed the Prebend
of _Louth_, in the Cathedral of _Lincoln_, to which he had been
collated (in 1772) by his old acquaintance, and Fellow-collegian,
the late Right Reverend John _Green_, Bishop of that See[21].
[21] The Prebend of _Louth_ carries with it the _Patronage_ of the
Vicarage of the _Parish_ of _Louth_, to which Mr. Pegge presented
more than once. On the first vacancy, having no Clerk of his own,
he offered the nomination to his Benefactor Bishop _Green_; at the
last, he gave the living, uninfluenced, to the present Incumbent,
the Rev. _Wolley Jolland_, son of the Recorder of Louth.
This seems to be the proper place to subjoin, that, towards the
close of his life, Mr. Pegge declined a situation for which, in more
early days, he had the greatest predilection, and had taken every
active and modest measure to obtain--a _Residentiaryship_ in the
Church of _Lichfield_.
Mr. Pegge's wishes tended to this point on laudable, and almost
natural motives, as soon as his interest with the Bishop began to
gain strength; for it would have been a very pleasant interchange,
at that period of life, to have passed a portion of the year at
_Lichfield_. This expectation, however, could not be brought forward
till he was too far advanced in age to endure with tolerable
convenience a removal from time to time; and therefore, when the
offer was realized, he declined the acceptance.
The case was literally this: While Mr. Pegge's elevation in the
Church of _Lichfield_ rested solely upon Bishop (_Frederick_)
Cornwallis, it was secure, had a vacancy happened: but his
Patron was translated to _Canterbury_ in 1768, and Mr. Pegge had
henceforward little more than personal knowledge of any of his
Grace's Successors at _Lichfield_, till the Hon. and Right Reverend
_James_ Cornwallis (the Archbishop's Nephew) was consecrated Bishop
of that See in 1781.
On this occasion, to restore the balance in favour of Mr. Pegge,
the Archbishop had the kindness to make an _Option_ of the
_Residentiaryship_ at _Lichfield_, then possessed by the Rev. Thomas
_Seward_. It was, nevertheless, several years before even the tender
of this preferment could take place; as his _Grace_ of _Canterbury_
died in 1783, while Mr. _Seward_ was living.
_Options_ being personal property, Mr. Pegge's interest, on the
demise of the _Archbishop_, fell into the hands of the Hon. Mrs.
_Cornwallis_, his Relict and Executrix, who fulfilled his _Grace's_
original intention in the most friendly manner, on the death of Mr.
_Seward_, in 1790[22].
[22] It was said at the time, as we recollect, that this piece of
preferment was so peculiar in its tenure, as not to be strictly
_optionable_; for, had the _See_ of _Lichfield_ been possessed by a
Bishop inimical to the Archbishop or to Mr. Pegge at the time of the
vacancy of the Stall, such Bishop might have defeated his _Grace's_
intentions. The qualifications of the Residentiaries in this
Cathedral we understand to be singular, dependent on the possession
of certain _Prebendal Houses_, which are in the absolute disposal of
the Bishop, as a _sine quâ non_, to constitute the eligibility which
is vested in the _Dean_ and _Chapter_. As matters stood, in this
case, at the death of Mr. _Seward_, the present Bishop of Lichfield
(_Dr. James Cornwallis_), Mr. Pegge's warm Friend, co-operating with
the Dowager Mrs. _Cornwallis_, removed every obstruction.
The little occasional transactions which primarily brought Mr.
Pegge within the notice of Bishop (_Frederick_) Cornwallis at
Eccleshall-castle led his Lordship to indulge him with a greater
share of personal esteem than has often fallen to the lot of a
private Clergyman so remotely placed from his Diocesan. Mr. Pegge
had attended his Lordship two or three times on affairs of business,
as one of the Parochial Clergy, after which the Bishop did him the
honour to invite him to make an annual visit at Eccleshall-castle
as an _Acquaintance_. The compliance with this overture was not
only very flattering, but highly gratifying, to Mr. Pegge, who
consequently waited upon his Lordship for a fortnight in the
Autumn, during several years, till the Bishop was translated to the
Metropolitical See of _Canterbury_ in 1768. After this, however,
his Grace did not forget his humble friend, the _Rector of_
_Whittington_, as will be seen; and sometimes corresponded with him
on indifferent matters.
About the same time that Mr. Pegge paid these visits at
Eccleshall-castle, he adopted an expedient to change the scene,
likewise, by a journey to London (between Easter and Whitsuntide);
where, for a few years, he was entertained by his old Friend and
Fellow-collegian the Rev. Dr. _John Taylor_, F. S. A. Chancellor of
Lincoln, &c. (the learned Editor of Demosthenes and Lysias), then
one of the Residentiaries of St. Paul's.
After Dr. Taylor's death (1766), the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. _John
Green_, another old College-acquaintance, became Mr. Pegge's
London-host for a few years, till _Archbishop Cornwallis_ began
to reside at Lambeth. This event superseded the visits to Bishop
_Green_, as Mr. Pegge soon afterwards received a very friendly
invitation from his _Grace_; to whom, from that time, he annually
paid his respects at _Lambeth-palace_, for a month in the Spring,
till the _Archbishop's_ decease, which took place about Easter 1783.
All these were delectable visits to a man of Mr. Pegge's turn of
mind, whose conversation was adapted to every company, and who
enjoyed _the world_ with greater relish from not living in it every
day. The society with which he intermixed, in such excursions,
changed his ideas, and relieved him from the _tædium_ of a life of
much reading and retirement; as, in the course of these journeys, he
often had opportunities of meeting old _Friends_, and of making new
_literary acquaintance_.
On some of these occasions he passed for a week into _Kent_, among
such of his old Associates as were then living, till the death of
his much-honoured Friend, and former Parishioner, the elder _Thomas
Knight_, Esq. of Godmersham, in 1781[23]. We ought on no account to
omit the mention of some _extra-visits_ which Mr. Pegge occasionally
made to Bishop _Green_, at _Buckden_, to which we are indebted for
the Life of that excellent Prelate _Robert Grosseteste_, Bishop of
_Lincoln_;--a work upon which we shall only observe here, that it
is Dr. Pegge's _chef-d'œuvre_, and merits from the world much
obligation. To these interviews with Bishop _Green_, we may also
attribute those ample Collections, which Dr. Pegge left among his
MSS. towards a History of the _Bishops_ of _Lincoln_, and of that
_Cathedral_ in general, &c. &c.
[23] The very just character of Mr. _Knight_ given in the
Gentleman's Magazine, vol. LI. p. 147, was drawn by Mr. _Pegge_, who
had been intimate with him very nearly half a century.
With the decease of Archbishop Cornwallis (1783), Mr. Pegge's
excursions to London terminated. His old familiar Friends, and
principal acquaintance there, were gathered to their fathers; and
he felt that the lot of a long life had fallen upon him, having
survived not only the _first_, but the _second_ class of his
numerous distant connexions.
While on one of these visits at Lambeth, the late _Gustavus
Brander_, Esq. F. S. A. who entertained an uncommon partiality for
Mr. Pegge, persuaded him, very much against his inclination, to
sit for a Drawing, from which an octavo _Print_ of him might be
engraved by Basire. The Work went on so slowly, that the Plate was
not finished till 1785, when Mr. Pegge's current age was 81. Being a
_private Print_, it was at first only intended for, and distributed
among, the particular Friends of Mr. Brander and Mr. Pegge. This
Print, however, _now_ carries with it something of a publication;
for a considerable number of the impressions were dispersed after
Mr. _Brander_'s death, when his Library, &c. were sold by auction;
and the Print is often found prefixed to copies of "The Forme of
Cury," a work which will hereafter be specified among Mr. Pegge's
literary labours[24].
[24] This Print has the following inscription:
"SAMUEL PEGGE, A.M. S.A.S.
A.D. MDCCLXXXV. Æt. 81.
Impensis, et ex Voto, Gustavi Brander, Arm.
Sibi et Amicis."
We cannot in any degree subscribe to the resemblance, though, the
print is well engraved. There is, however, a three-quarters portrait
in oil (in the possession of his grandson, Sir Christopher Pegge,
and much valued by him) painted in 1788, by Mr. Elias Needham, a
young Provincial Artist, and a native of Derbyshire, which does
the Painter great credit, being a likeness uncommonly striking.
Dr. Pegge being an old gentleman well known, with a countenance
of much character, the Portrait was taken at the request of Mr.
Needham; who, after exhibiting it to his Patrons and Friends, made a
present of it to Mr. Pegge. Those who knew Dr. Pegge, and have had
an opportunity of comparing the Portrait with the Print, will agree
with us, that no two pictures of the same person, taken nearly at
the same point of life, and so unlike each other, can both be true
resemblances.--A faithful Engraving from Mr. Needham's Portrait is
prefixed to the present Volume.
The remainder of Mr. Pegge's life after the year 1783 was, in a
great measure, reduced to a state of quietude; but not without an
extensive correspondence with the world in the line of Antiquarian
researches: for he afterwards contributed largely to the
_Archæologia_, and the Bibliotheca_ Topographica Britannica_, &c.
&c. as may appear to those who will take the trouble to compare the
dates of his Writings, which will hereafter be enumerated, with the
time of which we are speaking.
The only periodical variation in life, which attended Mr. Pegge
after the Archbishop's death, consisted of Summer visits at
Eccleshall-castle to the present Bishop (_James_) Cornwallis, who
(if we may be allowed the word) _adopted_ Mr. Pegge as his guest so
long as he was able to undertake such journeys.
We have already seen an instance of his Lordship's kindness in the
case of the intended _Residentiaryship_; and have, moreover, good
reasons to believe that, had the late _Archdeacon_ of _Derby_ (Dr.
Henry Egerton) died at an earlier stage of Mr. Pegge's life, he
would have succeeded to that dignity.
This part of the Memoir ought not to be dismissed without observing,
to the honour of Mr. Pegge, that, as it was not in his power to
make any individual return (in his life-time) to his Patrons, the
two Bishops of _Lichfield_ of the name of _Cornwallis_, for their
extended civilities, he directed, by testamentary instructions, that
_one hundred volumes_ out of his Collection of Books should be given
to the Library of the Cathedral of _Lichfield_[25].
[25] He specified, in writing, about fourscore of these volumes,
which were chiefly what may be called Library-books; the rest were
added by his Son.
During Mr. Pegge's involuntary retreat from his former associations
with the more remote parts of the Kingdom, he was actively awake to
such objects in which he was implicated nearer home.
Early in the year 1788 material repairs and considerable alterations
became necessary to the Cathedral of _Lichfield_. A subscription
was accordingly begun by the Members of the Church, supported by
many Lay-gentlemen of the neighbourhood; when Mr. Pegge, as a
Prebendary, not only contributed handsomely, but projected, and drew
up, a circular letter, addressed to the Rev. Charles Hope, M. A. the
Minister of All Saints (the principal) Church in Derby, recommending
the promotion of this public design. The Letter, being inserted in
several Provincial Newspapers, was so well seconded by Mr. Hope,
that it had a due effect upon the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese in
general; for which Mr. Pegge received a written acknowledgment of
thanks from the present Bishop of _Lichfield_, dated May 29, 1788.
This year (1788), memorable as a Centenary in the annals of England,
was honourable to the little Parish of _Whittington_, which
accidentally bore a subordinate _local_ part in the History of the
_Revolution;_ for it was to an inconsiderable public-house _there_
(still called the _Revolution-house_) that the Earl of Devonshire,
the Earl of Danby, the Lord Delamere, and the Hon. John D'Arcy, were
driven for shelter, by a sudden shower of rain, from the adjoining
common (_Whittington-Moor_), where they had met by appointment,
disguised as farmers, to concert measures, unobservedly, for
promoting the succession of King William III. after the abdication
of King James II.[26]
[26] In this year he printed "A Narrative of what passed at the
Revolution-house at Whittington in the year 1688, with a view and
plan of the house by Major Rooke (reprinted in Gent. Mag. vol. LIX.
p. 124)." [See the Appendix.]
The celebration of this Jubilee, on Nov. 5, 1788, is related at
large in the Gentleman's Magazine of that month[27]; on which day
Mr. Pegge preached a Sermon[28], apposite to the occasion, which
was printed at the request of the Gentlemen of the Committee who
conducted the ceremonial[29], which proceeded from his Church to
Chesterfield in grand procession.
[27] See the Appendix to this Memoir.
[28] In this Discourse the venerable Preacher, taking for his text
Psalm cxviii. 24, first recites, in plain and unaffected language,
the blessings resulting from the event here commemorated to Church
and State; and then points out the corruptions of the present age,
with advice for their reformation.
[29] This solemnity took place on _Wednesday_; and, the Church being
crowded with strangers, the Sermon was repeated to the parochial
congregation on the following _Sunday_.--Mr. Pegge was then very
old, and the 5th of November N. S. was his birth-day, when he
entered into the 85th year of his age.
In the year 1791 (July 8) Mr. Pegge was created D. C. L. by the
University of OXFORD, at the Commemoration. It may be thought a
little extraordinary that he should accept an advanced Academical
Degree so late in life, as he wanted no such aggrandizement in the
Learned World, or among his usual Associates, and had _voluntarily_
closed all his expectations of ecclesiastical elevation. We are
confident that he was not ambitious of the compliment; for, when
it was first proposed to him, he put a _negative_ upon it. It must
be remembered that this honour was not conferred on an unknown man
(_novus homo_); but on a _Master of Arts of_ CAMBRIDGE, of name and
character, and of acknowledged literary merit[30]. Had Mr. Pegge
been desirous of the title of _Doctor_ in earlier life, there can
be no doubt but that he might have obtained the superior degree of
D. D. from Abp. Cornwallis, upon the bare suggestion, during his
familiar and domestic conversations with his Grace at Lambeth-palace.
[30] Mr. Pegge, at the time, was on a visit to his Grandson, the
present Sir Christopher Pegge, M. D. then lately elected Reader of
Anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, on Dr. Lee's foundation.
Dr. Pegge's manners were those of a gentleman of a liberal
education, who had seen much of the world, and had formed them upon
the best models within his observation. Having in his early years
lived in free intercourse with many of the principal and best-bred
Gentry in various parts of Kent; he ever afterwards preserved the
same attentions, by associating with respectable company, and (as we
have seen) by forming honourable attachments.
In his avocations from reading and retirement, few men could relax
with more ease and cheerfulness, or better understood the _desipere
in loco_;--could enter occasionally into temperate convivial mirth
with a superior grace, or more interest and enliven every company by
general conversation.
As he did not mix in business of a public nature, his better
qualities appeared most conspicuously in private circles; for he
possessed an equanimity which obtained the esteem of his Friends,
and an affability which procured the respect of his dependents.
His habits of life were such as became his profession and station.
In his clerical functions he was exemplarily correct, not entrusting
his parochial duties at _Whittington_ (where he constantly resided)
to another (except to the neighbouring Clergy during the excursions
before-mentioned) till the failure of his eye-sight rendered it
indispensably necessary; and even _that_ did not happen till within
a few years of his death.
As a Preacher, his Discourses from the pulpit were of the didactic
and exhortatory kind, appealing to the understandings rather than
to the passions of his Auditory, by expounding the Holy Scriptures
in a plain, intelligible, and unaffected manner. His voice was
naturally weak, and suited only to a small Church; so that when
he occasionally appeared before a large Congregation (as on
Visitations, &c.), he was heard to a disadvantage. He left in his
closet considerably more than 230 Sermons composed by himself, and
in his own hand-writing, besides a few (not exceeding 26) which he
had transcribed (in substance only, as appears by collation) from
the printed works of eminent Divines. These liberties, however,
were not taken in his early days, from motives of idleness, or
other attachments--but later in life, to favour the fatigue of
composition; all which obligations he acknowledged at the end of
each such Sermon.
Though Dr. Pegge's life was sedentary, from his turn to studious
retirement, his love of Antiquities, and of literary acquirements
in general; yet these applications, which he pursued with, great
ardour and perseverance, did not injure his health. Vigour of mind,
in proportion to his bodily strength, continued unimpaired through
a very extended course of life, and nearly till he had reached
"_ultima linea rerum_:" for he never had any chronical disease; but
gradually and gently sunk into the grave under the weight of years,
after a fortnight's illness, Feb. 14, 1796, in the 92d year of his
age.
He was buried, according to his own desire, in the chancel at
_Whittington_, where a mural tablet of black marble (a voluntary
tribute of filial respect) has been placed, over the East window
with the following short inscription:
"At the North End of the Altar Table, within the Rails,
lie the Remains of
SAMUEL PEGGE, LL. D.
who was inducted to this Rectory Nov. 11, 1751,
and died Feb. 14, 1796;
in the 92d year of his Age."
Having closed the scene; it must be confessed, on the one hand,
that the biographical history of an individual, however learned,
or engaging to private friends, who had passed the major part of
his days in secluded retreats from what is called _the world_, can
afford but little entertainment to the generality of Readers. On
the other hand, nevertheless, let it be allowed that every man of
acknowledged literary merit, had he made no other impression, cannot
but have left many to regret his death.
Though Dr. Pegge had exceeded even his "_fourscore_ years and ten,"
and had outlived all his more early friends and acquaintance; he
had the address to make new ones, who _now_ survive, and who, it is
humbly hoped, will not be sorry to see a modest remembrance of him
preserved by this little Memoir.
Though Dr. Pegge had an early propensity to the pursuit of
_Antiquarian_ knowledge, he never indulged himself materially in it,
so long as more essential and _professional_ occupations had a claim
upon him; for he had a due sense of the _nature_ and _importance_
of his _clerical_ function. It appears that he had read the Greek
and Latin _Fathers_ diligently at his outset in life. He had also
re-perused the _Classicks_ attentively before he applied much to the
_Monkish_ Historians, or engaged in _Antiquarian_ researches; well
knowing that a thorough knowledge of the Learning of the _Antients_,
conveyed by _classical_ Authors, was the best foundation for any
literary structure which had not the _Christian Religion_ for its
_cornerstone_.
During the early part of his incumbency at Godmersham in Kent, his
reading was principally such as became a _Divine_, or which tended
to the acquisition of _general knowledge_, of which he possessed a
greater share than most men we ever knew. When he obtained allowable
leisure to follow _unprofessional_ pursuits, he _attached_ himself
more closely to the study of _Antiquities_; and was elected a Fellow
of the SOCIETY of ANTIQUARIES, Feb. 14, 1751, N. S. in which year
the _Charter_ of _Incorporation_ was granted (in November), wherein
his name stands enrolled among those of many very respectable and
eminently learned men[31].
[31] The only Member of the Society at the time of its
Incorporation, who survived Dr. Pegge, was _Samuel Reynardson_, Esq.
Though we will be candid enough to allow that Dr. Pegge's _style_ in
general was not sufficiently terse and compact to be called elegant;
yet he made ample amends by the matter, and by the accuracy with
which he treated every copious subject, wherein all points were
matured by close examination and sound judgment[32].
[32] The first Piece that appears to have been, in any degree,
_published_ by Dr. _Pegge_, was, A _Latin_ Ode on the Death of King
George I. 1727. See "Academiæ Cantabrigiensis Luctus" Signature
Z. z. fol. b. [Dr. Pegge was then lately elected Fellow of St.
John's College (the first time) as he signs it "Sam. Pegge, A.
B. Coll. Div. Joh. Evang. Soc." See before, p. xiii.]--1731. An
_irregular English_ Ode on Joshua vi. 20, which he contributed to
a Collection of "Miscellaneous Poems and Translations," published
(with a numerous subscription) by the Rev. Henry Travers, 1731,
octavo, p, 170. [See "Anonymiana," p. 327, for an account of Mr.
Travers, and this publication.] A marginal note in Dr. Pegge's
copy of Mr. Travers's publication tells us, that this _Ode_ was an
_academical exercise_, when the Doctor was an _under-graduate_ at
St. John's, which was sent to the _Earl_ of _Exeter_. His Lordship's
Ancestors had been Benefactors to the College, a circumstance which,
we presume, gave rise to the custom of sending such _periodical
exercises_ to the then Earl; though the practice, as far as we
know, does not continue. Thus much of this Commemoration, as we
believe, remains, that _two_ Sermons are still annually preached
(the one at _Hatfield_, and the other at _Burleigh)_ by Fellows
of the College, which we apprehend to have been enjoined by the
Benefactor. The _Ode_, of which we have spoken, became some years
after an _auxiliary_ contribution to Mr. _Travers's_ Collection from
Dr. Pegge, jointly with other contemporaries, to relieve the Editor
from some pecuniary embarrassments.--An Examination of "The Enquiry
into the meaning of Demoniacks in the New Testament; in a Letter to
the Author," 1739. An octavo (of 86 pages), with his name prefixed.
[This controversy originated from the Rev. Dr. Arthur-Ashley Sykes,
who published "An Enquiry into the Meaning of the Demoniacks in the
New Testament" (1737). under the obscure signature of "T. P. A.
P. O. A. B. I. T. C. O. S." The interpretation of this is, _T_he
_P_recentor _A_nd _P_rebendary _O_f _A_lton-_B_orealis, _I_n _T_he
_C_hurch _O_f _S_alisbury. Dr. Sykes had been vicar of Godmersham;
so that _two_ vicars of Godmersham became, incidentally, parties
in the controversy. The question engaged several other Writers;
_viz._ Rev. Leonard Twells, Rev. Thomas Hutchinson, and Rev. William
Winston, who were followed by Dr. Pegge. He, however, entered so
late into the lists, after the subject was almost worn out, that
his Publication was not much attended to, though it attracted
the applause of several competent judges, such as the Rev. Dr.
Newcome, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge; Rev. Dr. Taylor
(late Residentiary of St. Paul's); the very learned Bp. Smalbroke;
and some others.]--A Sermon on St. John i. 5: "The Light Shineth
in Darkness," preached on St. John's-day, 1742, at _Canterbury_
cathedral, and inscribed to his much-respected friend, Thomas
Knight, Esq. of _Godmersham_, in _Kent_.--A Sermon, preached
also at _Canterbury_ Cathedral during the Rebellion, 1746. [The
avowed design of the Discourse was, to prove that "Popery was an
encouragement to vice and immorality." This Sermon attracted the
civilities (mentioned in p. xxxi.) which Dr. Pegge received from
_Archbishop_ Herring.
These are the principal _professional_ Publications by Dr. Pegge;
to which ought to be added some short _pastoral_ and _gratuitous_
printed distributions at various times; _viz._ 1755. A Discourse
on Confirmation (of 23 pages, octavo), being an enlarged Sermon,
preached at _Chesterfield_ previously to the Bishop's triennial
Visitation, and dispersed.--1767. A brief Examination of the Church
Catechism, for the Use of those who are just arrived at Years of
Discretion.--1790.
A short Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer (4 pages octavo), first
addressed to his Parishioners of Brindle, in Lancashire, 1753;
and afterwards reprinted and distributed in his three parishes of
Whittington, Heath, and Wingerworth, in Derbyshire, 1790. and a fund
of knowledge, more than would have displayed itself in any greater
work, where the subject requires but _one_ bias, and _one_ peculiar
attention[33].
[33] An accurate list of these detached publications may be seen in
the Gentleman's Magazine for 1796, pp. 979, 1081.
Frivolous as many detached _morsels_, scattered up and down in the
GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, may appear to some Readers, they may be called
the ruminations of a busy mind; which shews an universality of
reading, a love of investigation,
It is but justice to say, that few men were so liberal in the
diffusion of the knowledge which he had acquired, or more ready to
communicate it, either _vivâ voce_, or by the loan of his MSS. as
many of his living Friends can testify.
In his publications he was also equally _disinterested_ as in his
private communications; for he never, as far as can be recollected,
received any _pecuniary_ advantage from any pieces that he printed,
committing them all to the press, with the sole reserve of a few
copies to distribute among his particular Friends[34].
[34] We shall here specify Mr. Pegge's several Memoirs printed (by
direction of the Council of the Society of Antiquaries) in the
Archæologia, as being the principal _combined_ work to which he
contributed. Herein we shall proceed as they successively occur in
those volumes, rather than by the times at which the communications
themselves were actually read before the Society.
Vol. I. No. XXXVII. p. 155. Some Observations on an antique Marble
of the Earl of Pembroke.--No. XXXVIII. p. 161. Dissertation on an
Anglo-Saxon Jewel.--No. LV. p. 319. Of the Introduction, Progress,
State, and Condition, of the Vine in Britain.--No. LVII. p. 335.
A Copy of a Deed in Latin and Saxon of Odo, Bishop of Baieux, with
some Observations thereon.
Vol. II. No. IX. p. 68. Observations on the Mistakes of Mr.
Lisle and Mr. Hearne in respect of King Alfred's Present to the
Cathedrals. The late use of the Stylus, or metalline Pen. Mr.
Wise's Conjecture concerning the famous Jewel of King Alfred
further pursued; shewing it might possibly be part of the Stylus
sent by that King, with Gregory's Pastorals, to the Monastery
at Athelney.--No. XIII. p. 86. The Bull-running at Tutbury, in
Staffordshire, considered.--No. XVI. p. 100. Observations on Dr.
Percy's (afterwards Bishop of Dromore) Account of Minstrels among
the Saxons. [See vol. III. Art. XXXIV. p. 310.]--No. XIX. p. 124.
Observations on Stone Hammers.--No. XXV. p. 171. A Dissertation on
the Crane, as a Dish served up at great Tables in England.--No.
XXXVI. p. 276. A succinct and authentic Narrative of the Battle of
Chesterfield [co. Derby], A. D. 1266, in the Reign of K. Henry III.
Vol. III. No. I. p. 1. Of the Horn, as a Charter, or Instrument
of Conveyance. Some Observations on Mr. Samuel Foxlow's Horn; as
likewise on the Nature and Kinds of those Horns in general.--No. X.
p. 39. On Shoeing of Horses among the Antients.--No. XI. p. 53. The
Question considered, whether England formerly produced any Wine from
Grapes. [See vol. I. Art. LV. p. 319. This Question was answered by
the Hon. Daines Barrington in the 12th article of this volume, p.
67.]--No. XIV. p. 101. Remarks on Belatucader.--No. XVIII. p. 125.
Memoir concerning the Sac-Friars, or _Fratres de Pœnitentiâ
Jesu Christi_, as settled in England.--No. XIX. p. 132. Ἀλεκτρυόνων
Ἀγών. A Memoir on Cock-Fighting; wherein the Antiquity
of it, as a Pastime, is examined and stated; some Errors of the
Moderns concerning it are corrected; and the Retention of it among
Christians absolutely condemned and proscribed.--No. XX. p. 151. An
Inscription in honour of Serapis, found at York, illustrated.--No.
XXXIV. p. 310. A Letter to Dr. Percy (afterwards Bishop of Dromore),
on the Minstrels among the antient Saxons, occasioned by some
Observations on the Subject printed in the second Volume, p. 100.
[In this short Letter, Dr. Pegge very candidly acknowledges that
the Bishop had removed all his doubts in the most satisfactory
manner, by a more copious discussion of the subject in a subsequent
edition, which the Doctor had not seen when he wrote the Memoir in
vol. II. p. 100]--No. XXXVI. p. 316. Remarks on the first Noble
(coined 18 Edw. III. A. D. 1344) wherein a new and more rational
Interpretation is given of the Legend on the Reverse.--No. XLII. p.
371. Observations on two Jewels in the Possession of Sir Charles
Mordaunt, Bart.
Vol. IV. No. III. p. 29. An Enquiry into the Nature and Cause of
King John's Death; wherein it is shewn that it was not effected by
Poison.--No. IV. p. 47. Illustrations of a Gold enamelled Ring,
supposed to have been the Property of Alhstan, Bishop of Sherburne,
with some Account of the State and Condition of the Saxon Jewelry in
the more early Ages.--No. VIII. p. 110. Observations on Kits Cotty
House in Kent.--No. XVII. p. 190. A Dissertation on a most valuable
Gold Coin of Edmund Crouchback, son of King Henry III.--No. XXVI. p.
414. Remarks on the Bones of Fowls found in Christ-church Twynham,
Hampshire.
Vol. V, No. I. p. 1. Observations on the History of St. George,
the Patron Saint of England; wherein Dr. Pettingall's allegorical
Interpretation of the Equestrian Figure on the George, and the
late Mr. Byrom's Conjecture, that St. George is mistaken for Pope
Gregory, are briefly confuted; and the Martyr of Cappadocia, as
Patron of England, and of the Order of the Garter, is defended
against both. [N. B. Dr. Pegge's Name to this Article is omitted in
the Contents to the Volume; but see the Signature, p. 32.]--No. V.
p. 95. On the Rudston Pyramidal Stone.--No. VII. p. 101. Remarks
on Governor Pownall's Conjecture concerning the Croyland Boundary
Stone.--No. XIII. p. 160. An Examination of a mistaken Opinion
that Ireland, and [The Isle of] Thanet, are void of Serpents.--No.
XXI. p. 224. Observations on the Stone Coffins found at Christ
Church [in Hampshire].--No. XXVII. p. 272. An important Historical
Passage of Gildas amended and explained.--No. XXXVI. p. 346. The
Question discussed concerning the Appearances of the Matrices of so
many Conventual Seals.--No. XXXIX. p. 369. Remarks on the ancient
Pig of Lead [then] lately discovered in Derbyshire. [The Date is
1777.]--No. XLI. p. 390. The Penny with the name of Rodbertus IV.
ascribed to Robert Duke of Normandy, and other Matters relative to
the English Coinage, occasionally discussed.
Vol. VI. No. VIII. p. 79. Observations on the Plague in England--No.
XX. p. 150. The Commencement of the Day among the Saxons and Britons
ascertained.
Vol. VII. No. II. p. 19. Illustration of some Druidical Remains in
the Peak of Derbyshire, drawn by Hayman Rooke, Esq.--No. IX. p.
86. Observations on the present Aldborough Church, in Holderness;
proving that it was not a Saxon Building, as Mr. Somerset [_i.
e._ John-Charles Brooke, Esq. Somerset Herald] contends.--No.
XIII. p. 131. A Disquisition on the Lows, or Barrows, in the Peak
of Derbyshire, particularly that capital British Monument called
Arbelows.--No. XVIII. p. 170. Description of a Second Roman Pig of
Lead found in Derbyshire, in the Possession of Mr. Adam Wolley,
of Matlock, in that County, with Remarks.--No. XXIV. p. 211.
Observations on the Chariots of the Antient Britons.--No. XXXVIII.
p. 362. Observations on a Seal of Thomas, Suffragan Bishop of
Philadelphia.
Vol. VIII. No. I. p. 1. A Sketch of the History of the Asylum, or
Sanctuary, from its Origin to the final Abolition of it in the
Reign of King James I.--No. III. p. 58. Observations on the Stanton
Moor Urns, and Druidical Temples.--No. XX. p. 159. A circumstantial
Detail of the Battle of Lincoln, A. D. 1217 (1 Henry III).
Vol. IX. No. V. p. 45. Description of another [a third] Roman Pig of
Lead found in Derbyshire.--No. IX. p. 84. Observations on some Brass
Celts, and other Weapons, discovered in Ireland, 1780.--No. XVIII.
p. 189. Discoveries on opening a Tumulus in Derbyshire.
Vol. X. No. II. p. 17. Derbeiescira Romana.--No. IV. p. 50. Some
Observations of the Paintings in Brereton Church.--No. XIX. p. 156.
On the hunting of the antient Inhabitants of our Island, Britons
and Saxons.--No. XXIII. p. 177. Observations on an antient Font at
Burnham-Deepdale, in Norfolk.
The following articles appear to have been contributed by Mr. Pegge
to that useful and interesting reservoir of British Topographical
History, the _Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica; viz._ No. XVII.
A Memoir on the Story of Guy Earl of Warwick [1783].--No. XXI. The
History and Antiquities of Eccleshal-Manor and Castle, in the County
of Stafford; and of Lichfield House in London [1784]. [This Memoir
is inscribed to four successive Bishops of Lichfield: the Right Rev.
Dr. John Egerton (then Bishop of Durham); Hon. and Right Rev. Dr.
Brownlow North, then (and still) Bishop of Winchester; Right Rev.
Dr. Hurd, then Bishop of Worcester; and the Hon. and Right Rev. Dr.
Cornwallis, the present Bishop of Lichfield, who has done Dr. Pegge
the honour to deposit a copy of it among the Archives belonging to
that See.--No. XXIV. The Roman Roads (Ikenild-Street and Bath-Way)
discovered and investigated through the Country of the Coritani,
or the County of Derby; with the Addition of a Dissertation on the
Coritani. [1784.]--No. XXV. An Historical Account of that venerable
Monument of Antiquity, the Textus Roffensis; including Memoirs
of Mr. William Elstob, and his Sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Elstob.
[1784.]--No. XXVIII. Some Account of that Species of Prelates
formerly existing in England, usually called "Bishops _in Partibus
Infidelium_." [1784.] [The article before us is combined with some
others to consolidate what has been written on the subject. It
begins with a Letter from the Rev. Thomas Brett, LL. D. on Suffragan
Bishops in England, extracted from Drake's Antiquities of York (p.
539), which is followed by a Memoir on the same Topick from the Rev.
Mr. Lewis, of Margate. To these is subjoined Dr. Pegge's Account
of "Bishops _in Partibus Infidelium_." [N. B. This Number closes
with "A List of the Suffragan Bishops in England, drawn up by the
late Rev. Henry Wharton, M.A. and extracted from his MSS. in the
Lambeth Library."]--No. XXXII. Sketch of the History of Bolsover
and Peak Castles, in the County of Derby (in a Letter to his Grace
the Duke of Portland), illustrated with various Drawings by Hayman
Rooke, Esq. [1785].--No. XLI. A Sylloge of the authentic remaining
Inscriptions relative to the Erection of our English Churches,
embellished with Copperplates. Inscribed to Richard Gough, esq.
[1787.]
Independent Publications on Numismatical, Antiquarian, and
Biographical Subjects: 1756. No. I. "A Series of Dissertations on
some elegant and very valuable Anglo-Saxon Remains." [42 pages,
4to. with a Plate.] 1. A Gold Coin in the Pembrochian Cabinet, in a
Letter to Martin Folkes, Esq. late President of the Royal Society,
and Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. [Dated Godmersham,
1751.] 2. A Silver Coin in the Possession of Mr. John White.
[Dated Whittington, 1755.] 3. A Gold Coin in the Possession of Mr.
Simpson, of Lincoln, in a Letter to Mr. Vertue. [Dated Godmersham,
1751.] 4. A Jewel in the Bodleian Library. [No place or date.]
5. Second Thoughts on Lord Pembroke's Coin, in a Letter to Mr.
Ames, Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries. [Dated Whittington,
1755.] [These Dissertations are prefaced by a Question, candidly
debated with the Rev. George North, Whether the Saxons coined any
Gold?]--No. II. 1761. "Memoirs of Roger de Weseham, Dean of Lincoln,
afterwards Bishop of Lichfield; and the principal Favourite of
Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln." [60 pages, 4to.] [This
work (as we are told in the title-page) was intended as a prelude
to the Life of that most excellent Bishop, Robert Grosseteste;
which accordingly appeared (as will be mentioned) in the year 1795.
These Memoirs were compiled soon after Dr. Pegge was collated, by
Bishop [Frederick] Cornwallis, to the prebend of _Bobenhull_, in
the church of Lichfield, 1757, (founded by Bishop Weseham) and
gratefully inscribed to his patron the Bishop of Lichfield, and to
his friend Dr. John Green, then Dean of Lincoln, as Roger de Weseham
had successively filled both those dignities.-- No. III. 1766. "An
Essay on the Coins of Cunobelin; in an Epistle to the Right Rev.
Bishop of Carlisle [Charles Lyttelton], President of the Society of
Antiquaries." [105 pages, 4to.] [This collection of coins is classed
in two plates, and illustrated by a Commentary, together with
observations on the word _tascia_. N. B. The impression consisted
of no more than 200 copies.]--No. IV. 1772. "An Assemblage of Coins
fabricated by Authority of the Archbishops of Canterbury. To which
are subjoined, Two Dissertations." [125 pages, 4to.] 1. On a fine
Coin of Alfred the Great, with his Head. 2. On an Unic, in the
Possession of the late Mr. Thoresby, supposed to be a Coin of St.
Edwin; but shewn to be a Penny of Edward the Confessor. [An Essay
is annexed on the origin of metropolitical and other subordinate
mints; with an Account of their Progress and final Determination:
together with other incidental Matters, tending to throw light on a
branch of the Science of Medals, not perfectly considered by English
Medalists.]--No. V. 1772. "Fitz-Stephen's Description of the City of
London, newly translated from the Latin Original, with a necessary
Commentary, and a Dissertation on the Author, ascertaining the exact
Year of the Production; to which are added, a correct Edition of
the Original, with the various Readings, and many Annotations." [81
pages, 4to.] [This publication (well known _now_ to have been one
of the works of Dr. Pegge) was, as we believe, brought forward at
the instance of the Hon. Daines Barrington, to whom it is inscribed.
The number of copies printed was 250.]--No. VI. 1780. "The Forme of
Cury. A Roll of antient English Cookery, compiled about the Year
1390, Temp. Ric. II. with a copious Index and Glossary." [8vo.] [The
curious Roll, of which this is a copy, was the property of the late
Gustavus Brander, esq. It is in the hand-writing of the time, a
facsimile of which is given facing p. xxxi. of the Preface. The work
before us was a _private_ impression; but as, since Mr. Brander's
decease, it has fallen, by sale, into a great many hands, we refer
to the Preface for a farther account of it. Soon after Dr. Pegge's
elucidation of the Roll was finished, Mr. Brander presented the
autograph to the British Museum.]--No. VII. 1789. "Annales Eliæ de
Trickenham, Monachi Ordinis Benedictini. Ex Bibliothecâ Lamethanâ."
To which is added, "Compendium Compertorum. Ex Bibliothecâ Ducis
Devoniæ." [4to.] [Both parts of this publication contain copious
annotations by the Editor. The former was communicated by Mr.
John Nichols, Printer, to whom it is _inscribed_. The latter was
published by permission of his Grace the Duke of Devonshire, to whom
it is _dedicated_. The respective Prefaces to these pieces will best
explain the nature of them.]--No. VIII. 1793. "The Life of Robert
Grosseteste, the celebrated Bishop of Lincoln." [4to.] [This Work
we have justly called his _chef-d'œuvre_; for, in addition to
the life of an individual, it comprises much important history of
interesting times, together with abundant collateral matter.]--The
two following works have appeared since the Writer's death: No. IX.
1801. "An Historical Account of Beauchief Abbey, in the County of
Derby, from its first Foundation to its final Dissolution. Wherein
the three following material Points, in opposition to vulgar
Prejudices, are clearly established: 1st, That this Abbey did not
take its name from the Head of Archbishop Becket, though it was
dedicated to him. 2d, That the Founder of it had no hand in the
Murder of that Prelate; and, consequently, that the House was not
erected in Expiation of that Crime. 3d, The Dependance of this House
on that of Welbeck, in the County of Nottingham; a Matter hitherto
unknown." [4to.]--No. X. 1809. "_Anonymiana_; or, Ten Centuries of
Observations on various Authors and Subjects. Compiled by a late
very learned and reverend Divine; and faithfully published from the
original MS. with the Addition of a copious Index." [8vo.]]
In the following Catalogue we must be allowed to deviate from
chronological order, for the sake of preserving Dr. Pegge's
_contributions_ to various _periodical_ and _contingent_
Publications, distinct from his independent WORKS; to all which,
however, we shall give (as far as possible) their respective dates.
The greatest honour, which a literary man can obtain, is the
_eulogies_ of those who possessed equal or more learning than
himself. "_Laudatus à laudatis viris_" may peculiarly and deservedly
be said of Dr. Pegge, as might be exemplified from the frequent
mention made of him by the most respectable contemporary writers in
the _Archæological_ line; but modesty forbids our enumerating them.
[Illustration: WHITTINGTON CHURCH, DERBYSHIRE.
_Gent. Mag. Supp. 1809. Pl. II, p. 1201._
_Schnebbelie del. 1789._]
APPENDIX TO THE PARENTALIA.
1. WHITTINGTON CHURCH.
The annexed View was taken in 1789, by the ingenious Mr. Jacob
Schnebbelie; and the following concise account of it was
communicated in 1793, by the then worthy and venerable Rector.
"WHITTINGTON, of whose Church the annexed Plate contains a Drawing
by the late Mr. Schnebbelie, is a small parish of about 14 or 15
hundred acres, distant from the church and old market-place of
Chesterfield about two miles and a half. It lies in the road from
Chesterfield to Sheffield and Rotherham, whose roads divide there
at the well-known inn _The Cock and Magpye_, commonly called _The
Revolution House_.
The situation is exceedingly pleasant, in a pure and excellent
air. It abounds with all kinds of conveniences for the use of the
inhabitants, as coal, stone, timber, &c.; besides its proximity to a
good market, to take its products.
The Church is now a little Rectory, in the gift of the Dean of
Lincoln. At first it was a Chapel of Ease to Chesterfield, a very
large manor and parish; of which I will give the following short
but convincing proof. The Dean of Lincoln, as I said, is Patron of
this Rectory, and yet William Rufus gave no other church in this
part of Derbyshire to the church of St. Mary at Lincoln but the
church of Chesterfield; and, moreover, Whittington is at this day
a parcel of the great and extensive manor of Chesterfield; whence
it follows, that Whittington must have been once a part both of the
rectory and manor of Chesterfield. But whence comes it, you will
say, that it became a rectory, for such it has been many years? I
answer, I neither know how nor when; but it is certain that chapels
of ease have been frequently converted into rectories, and I suppose
by mutual agreement of the curate of the chapel, the rector of the
mother church, and the diocesan. Instances of the like emancipation
of chapels, and transforming them into independent rectories, there
are several in the county of Derby, as Matlock, Bonteshall, Bradley,
&c.; and others may be found in Mr. Nichols's "History of Hinckley,"
and in his "Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica," No. VI.
_Fig._ 1 is an inscription on the _Ting-tang_, or Saints Bell, of
Whittington Church, drawn by Mr. Schnebbelie, 27 July, 1789, from an
impression taken in clay. This bell, which is seen in the annexed
view, hangs within a stone frame, or tabernacle, at the top of the
church, on the outside between the Nave and the Chancel. It has a
remarkable fine shrill tone, and is heard, it is said, three or four
miles off, if the wind be right. It is very antient, as appears
both from the form of the letters, and the name (of the donor, I
suppose), which is that in use before surnames were common. Perhaps
it may be as old as the fabrick of the church itself, though this is
very antient.
_Fig._ 2 is a stone head, near the roof on the North side of the
church.
In the East window of the church is a small Female Saint.
In this window, A. a fess Vaire G. and O. between three
water-bougets Sable. _Dethick._
Cheque A. and G. on a bend S. a martlet. _Beckering._
At the bottom of this window an inscription,
Rogero Cric.
Roger Criche was rector, and died 1413, and probably made the
window. He is buried within the rails of the communion-table, and
his slab is engraved in the second volume of Mr. Gough's "Sepulchral
Monuments of Great Britain," Plate XIX. p. 37. Nothing remains of
the inscription but Amen.
In the upper part of the South window of the Chancel, is a picture
in glass of our Saviour with the five Wounds; an angel at his left
hand sounding a trumpet[35].--On a pane of the upper tier of the West
window is the portrait of St. John; his right hand holding a book
with the Holy Lamb upon it: and the forefinger of his left hand
pointing to the Cross held by the Lamb, as uttering his well-known
confession: "Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of
the world[35]."
[35] Both these are engraved in the "Antiquaries Museum," from
drawings made by Mr. Schnebbelie. EDIT.
In the South window of the Chancel is, Barry wavy of 6 A. and G. a
chief A. Ermine and Gules. _Barley._
Ermine, on a chief indented G. or lozengé.
In the Easternmost South window of the nave is A. on a chevron
Sable, three quatrefoils Argent. _Eyre._
This window has been renewed; before which there were other coats
and some effigies in it.
_Jan. 1, 1793._
SAMUEL PEGGE, Rector."
2. WHITTINGTON RECTORY.
This View was taken also, in 1789, by Mr. Schnebbelie; and the
account of it drawn up in 1793 by Dr. Pegge, then resident in it, at
the advanced age of 88.
"The Parsonage-house at Whittington is a convenient substantial
stone building, and very sufficient for this small benefice. It
was, as I take it, erected by the Rev. Thomas Callice, one of my
predecessors; and, when I had been inducted, I enlarged it, by
pulling down the West end, making a cellar, a kitchen, a brew-house,
and a pantry, with chambers over them. There is a glebe of about 30
acres belonging to it with a garden large enough for a family, and a
small orchard. The garden is remarkably pleasant in respect to its
fine views to the North, East, and South, with the Church to the
West. There is a fair prospect of Chesterfield Church, distant about
two miles and a half; and of Bolsover Castle to the West; and, on
the whole, this Rectorial house may be esteemed a very delightful
habitation.
S. PEGGE."
In this Parsonage the Editor of the present Volume, accompanied by
his late excellent Friend Mr. Gough, spent many happy hours with
the worthy Rector for several successive years, and derived equal
information and pleasure from his instructive conversation.
[Illustration: WHITTINGTON RECTORY.
_Gent. Mag. Sep. 1810. Pl. II, p. 217._
_Schnebbelie del._]
3. THE REVOLUTION HOUSE.
To complete the little series of Views at Whittington more
immediately connected with Dr. Pegge, a third plate is here given,
from another Drawing by Mr. Schnebbelie, of the small public-house
at Whittington, which has been handed down to posterity for above a
century under the honourable appellation of "The Revolution House."
It obtained that name from the accidental meeting of two noble
personages, Thomas Osborne Earl of Danby, and William Cavendish
Earl of Devonshire, with a third person, Mr. John D'Arcy[36],
privately one morning, 1688, upon Whittington, Moor, as a middle
place between Chatsworth, Kniveton, and Aston, their respective
residences, to consult about the Revolution, then in agitation[37];
but a shower of rain happening to fall, they removed to the village
for shelter, and finished their conversation at a public-house
there, the sign of _The Cock and Pynot_[38].
[36] It appears, from traditional accounts, that Lord Delamere, an
ancestor of the present Earl of Stamford and Warrington, was also at
this meeting. H. ROOKE.
[37] Kennett.
[38] A Provincial name for a _Magpye_.
The part assigned to the Earl of Danby was, to surprize York; in
which he succeeded: after which, the Earl of Devonshire was to take
measures at Nottingham, where the Declaration for a free Parliament,
which he, at the head of a number of Gentlemen of Derbyshire, had
signed Nov. 28, 1688[39], was adopted by the Nobility, Gentry, and
Commonalty of the Northern Counties, assembled there for the defence
of the Laws, Religion, and Properties[40].
[39] Rapin, XV. 199.
[40] Deering's Nottingham, p. 258.
The success of these measures is well known; and to the concurrence
of these Patriots with the proceedings in favour of the Prince of
Orange in the West, is this Nation indebted for the establishment of
her rights and liberties at the glorious Revolution.
The cottage here represented stands at the point where the road from
Chesterfield divides into two branches, to Sheffield and Rotherham.
The room where the Noblemen sat is 15 feet by 12 feet 10, and is
to this day called _The Plotting Parlour_. The old armed chair,
still remaining in it, is shewn by the landlord with particular
satisfaction, as that in which it is said the Earl of Devonshire
sat; and he tells with equal pleasure, how it was visited by his
descendants, and the descendants of his associates, in the year
1788. Some new rooms, for the better accommodation of customers,
were added about 20 years ago.
The Duke of LEEDS' own account of his meeting the Earl of
DEVONSHIRE and Mr. JOHN D'ARCY[41] at Whittington, in the County
of Derby, A. D. 1688.
[41] Son and heir of Conyers Earl of Holderness.
The Earl of Derby, afterwards Duke of Leeds, was impeached, A.D.
1678, of High Treason by the House of Commons, on a charge of being
in the French interest, and, in particular, of being Popishly
affected: many, both Peers and Commoners, were misled, and had
conceived an erroneous opinion concerning him and his political
conduct. This he has stated himself, in the Introduction to his
Letters, printed A. 1710, where he says, "That the malice of my
accusation did so manifestly appear in that article wherein I was
charged to be Popishly affected, that I dare swear there was not one
of my accusers that did then believe that article against me."
* * * * *
His Grace then proceeds, for the further clearing of himself, in
these memorable words, relative to the meeting at Whittington, the
subject of this memoir.
"The Duke of Devonshire also, when we were partners in the secret
trust about the Revolution, and who did meet me and Mr. John D'Arcy,
for that purpose, at a town called Whittington, in Derbyshire,
did, in the presence of the said Mr. D'Arcy, make a voluntary
acknowledgment of the great mistakes he had been led into about me;
and said, that both he, and most others, were entirely convinced of
their error. And he came to Sir Henry Goodrick's house in Yorkshire
purposely to meet me there again, in order to concert the times
and methods by which he should act at Nottingham (which was to be
his post), and one at York (which was to be mine); and we agreed,
that I should first attempt to surprize York, because there was a
small garrison with a Governor there; whereas Nottingham was but
an open town, and might give an alarm to York, if he should appear
in arms before I had made my attempt upon York; which was done
accordingly[42]; but is mistaken in divers relations of it. And I
am confident that Duke (had he been now alive) would have thanked
nobody for putting his prosecution of me amongst the glorious
actions of his life."
[42] For the Earl of Devonshire's proceedings at Derby and
Whittington see Mr. Deering's History of Nottingham, p. 260. Mr.
Drake, p. 177 of his Eboracum, just mentions the Earl of Danby's
appearance at York.
* * * * *
Celebration of the REVOLUTION JUBILEE, at Whittington and
Chesterfield, on the 4th and 5th of November, 1788.
On Tuesday the 4th instant, the Committee appointed to conduct
the Jubilee had a previous meeting, and dined together at the
Revolution House in Whittington. His Grace the Duke of Devonshire,
Lord Stamford, Lord George and Lord John Cavendish, with several
neighbouring Gentlemen, were present. After dinner a subscription
was opened for the erecting of a Monumental Column, in Commemoration
of the Glorious Revolution, on that spot where the Earls of
Devonshire and Danby, Lord Delamere, and Mr. John D'Arcy, met to
concert measures which were eminently instrumental in rescuing
the Liberties of their Country from perdition. As this Monument
is intended to be not less a mark of public Gratitude, than the
memorial of an important event; it was requested, that the present
Representatives of the above-mentioned families would excuse their
not being permitted to join in the expence.
On the 5th, at eleven in the morning, the commemoration commenced
with divine service at Whittington Church. The Rev. Mr. Pegge, the
Rector of the Parish, delivered an excellent Sermon from the words
"This is the day, &c." Though of a great age, having that very
morning entered his 85th year, he spoke with a spirit which seemed
to be derived from the occasion, his sentiments were pertinent, well
arranged, and his expression animated.
The descendants of the illustrious houses of Cavendish, Osborne,
Boothe, and Darcy (for the venerable Duke of Leeds, whose age would
not allow him to attend, had sent his two grandsons, in whom the
blood of Osborne and D'Arcy is united); a numerous and powerful
gentry; a wealthy and respectable yeomanry; a hardy, yet decent and
attentive peasantry; whose intelligent countenances shewed that they
understood, and would be firm to preserve that blessing, for which
they were assembled to return thanks to Almighty God, presented a
truly solemn spectacle, and to the eye of a philosopher the most
interesting that can be imagined.
After service the company went in succession to view the old
house, and the room called by the Anti-revolutionists "The
Plotting-Parlour," with the old armed-chair in which the Earl of
Devonshire is said to have sitten, and every one was then pleased to
partake of a very elegant cold collation, which was prepared in the
new rooms annexed to the cottage. Some time being spent in this, the
procession began:
Constables with long staves, two and two.
The Eight Clubs, four and four; _viz_.
1. Mr. Deakin's: Flag, blue, with orange fringe, on it the
figure of Liberty, the motto, "The Protestant Religion, and the
Liberties of England, we will maintain."
2. Mr. Bluett's: Flag, blue, fringed with orange, motto,
"Libertas; quæ sera, tamen respexit inertem." Underneath the
figure of Liberty crowning Britannia with a wreath of laurels,
who is represented sitting on a Lion, at her feet the Cornucopiæ
of Plenty; at the top next the pole, a Castle, emblematical of
the house where the club is kept; on the lower side of the flag
Liberty holding a Cap and resting on the Cavendish arms.
3. Mr. Ostliff's: Flag, broad blue and orange stripe, with
orange fringe; in the middle the Cavendish arms; motto as No. 1.
4. Mrs. Barber's: Flag, garter blue and orange quarter'd,
with white fringe, mottoes, "Liberty secured." "The Glorious
Revolution 1688."
5. Mr. Valentine Wilkinson's: Flag, blue with orange fringe, in
the middle the figure of Liberty; motto as No. 1.
6. Mr. Stubbs: Flag, blue with orange fringe, motto, "Liberty,
Property, Trade, Manufactures;" at the top a head of King
William crowned with laurel, in the middle in a large oval,
"Revolution 1688." On one side the Cap of Liberty, on the other
the figure of Britannia; on the opposite side the flag of the
Devonshire arms.
Mrs. Ollerenshaw's: Flag, blue with orange fringe; motto as No.
1. on both sides.
Mr. Marsingale's: Flag, blue with orange fringe; at the top the
motto, "In Memory of the Glorious Assertors of British Freedom
1688," beneath, the figure of Liberty leaning on a shield, on
which is inscribed, "Revolted from Tyranny at WHITTINGTON 1688;"
and having in her hand a scroll with the words "Bill of Rights"
underneath a head of King William the Third; on the other side
the flag, the motto, "The Glorious Revolter from Tyranny 1688"
underneath the Devonshire arms; at the bottom the following
inscription, "WILLIELMUS DUX DEVON. Bonorum Principum Fidelis
Subditus; Inimicus et Invisus Tyrannis."
The Members of the Clubs were estimated 2000
persons, each having a white wand in his hand
with blue and orange tops and favours, with
the REVOLUTION stamped upon them.
The Derbyshire militia's band of music.
The Corporation of Chesterfield in their formalities,
who joined the procession on entering the town.
The Duke of Devonshire in his coach and six.
Attendants on horseback with four led horses.
The Earl of Stamford in his post chaise and four.
Attendants on horseback.
The Earl of Danby and Lord Francis Osborne in their
post-chaise and four.
Attendants on horseback.
Lord George Cavendish in his post-chaise and four.
Attendants on horseback.
Lord John Cavendish in his post-chaise and four.
Attendants on horseback.
Sir Francis Molyneux and Sir Henry Hunloke, Barts.
in Sir Henry's coach and six.
Attendants on horseback.
And upwards of forty other carriages of the neighbouring
gentry, with their attendants.
Gentlemen on horseback, three and three.
Servants on horseback, ditto.
The procession in the town of Chesterfield went along
Holywell-Street, Saltergate, Glumangate, then to the left along
the upper side of the Market-place to Mr. Wilkinson's house, down
the street past the Mayor's house, along the lower side of the
Market-place to the end of the West Barrs, from thence past Dr.
Milnes's house to the Castle, where the Derbyshire band of music
formed in the centre and played "_Rule Britannia_," "_God save the
King, &c._" the Clubs and Corporation still proceeding in the same
order to the Mayor's and then dispersed.
[Illustration: REVOLUTION House at WHITTINGTON.
_Gent. Mag. Suppl. to Vol. LXXX. Part II, p. 609._
_Schnebbelie del._]
The whole was conducted with order and regularity, for
notwithstanding there were fifty carriages, 400 gentlemen on
horseback, and an astonishing throng of spectators, not an accident
happened. All was joy and gladness, without a single burst of unruly
tumult and uproar. The approving eye of Heaven shed its auspicious
beams, and blessed this happy day with more than common splendour.
The company was so numerous as scarcely to be accommodated at the
three principal inns. It would be a piece of injustice not to
mention the dinner at the Castle, which was served in a style of
unusual elegance.
The following toasts were afterwards given:
1. THE KING.
2. The glorious and immortal Memory of King William the IIId.
3. The Memory of the Glorious Revolution.
4. The Memory of those Friends to their Country, who, at the risk of
their lives and fortunes, were instrumental in effecting
the Glorious Revolution in 1688.
5. The Law of the Land.
6. The PRINCE of WALES.
7. The QUEEN, and the rest of the Royal Family.
8. Prosperity to the British Empire.
9. The Duke of Leeds, and prosperity to the House of Osborne.
10. The Duke of Devonshire, and prosperity to the House of
Cavendish.
11. The Earl of Stamford, and prosperity to the united House of
Boothe and Grey.
12. The Earl of Danby, and prosperity to the united House of Osborne
and Darcy.
13. All the Friends of the Revolution met this year to commemorate
that glorious Event.
14. The Dke of Portland.
15. Prosperity to the County of Derby.
16. The Members for the County.
17. The Members for the Borough of Derby.
18. The Duchess of Devonshire, &c.
In the evening a brilliant exhibition of fireworks was played off,
under the direction of Signor Pietro; during which the populace were
regaled with a proper distribution of liquor. The day concluded with
a ball, at which were present near 300 gentlemen and ladies; amongst
whom were many persons of distinction. The Duchess of Devonshire,
surrounded by the bloom of the Derbyshire hills, is a picture not to
be pourtrayed. Near 250 ball-tickets were received at the door.
The warm expression of gratitude and affection sparkling in every
eye, must have excited in the breasts of those noble personages,
whose ancestors were the source of this felicity, a sensation which
Monarchs in all their glory might envy. The utmost harmony and
felicity prevailed throughout the whole meeting. An hogshead of ale
was given to the populace at Whittington, and three hogsheads at
Chesterfield; where the Duke of Devonshire gave also three guineas
to each of the eight clubs.
It was not the least pleasing circumstance attending this meeting,
that all party distinctions were forgotten. Persons of all ranks
and denominations wore orange and blue, in memory of our glorious
Deliverer; And the most respectable Roman Catholic families,
satisfied with the mild toleration of government in the exercise of
their Religion, vied in their endeavours to shew how just a sense
they had of the value of CIVIL LIBERTY.
Letter from the Rev. P. CUNNINGHAM to Mr. PEGGE.
_Eyam, near Tideswal,
Nov. 2, 1788._
REV. AND DEAR SIR,
You will please to accept of the inclosed Stanzas, and the
Ode for the Jubilee, as a little testimony of the Author's
respectful remembrance of regard; and of his congratulations,
that it has pleased Divine Providence to prolong your days, to
take a distinguished part in the happy commemoration of the
approaching Fifth of November.
Having accidentally heard yesterday the Text you proposed for
your Discourse on Wednesday, I thought the adoption of it, as an
additional truth to the one I had chosen, would be regarded as
an additional token of implied respect. In that light I flatter
myself you will consider it.
I shall be happy if these poetic effusions should be considered
by you as a proof of the sincere respect and esteem with which I
subscribe myself,
Dear Sir, your faithful humble servant,
P. CUNNINGHAM.
Stanzas, by the Rev. P. _Cunningham_, occasioned by the
Revolution Jubilee, at Whittington and Chesterfield, Nov. 5,
1788. Inscribed to the Rev. SAMUEL PEGGE, Rector of Whittington.
"This is the day which the Lord hath made; we will rejoice and be glad
in it." Psalms.
"Esto perpetua!" _F. P. Sarpi da Venez._
Round the starr'd Zodiack, now the golden Sun
Eventful Time a Century hath led;
Since Freedom, with her choicest wreath, begun
Smiling, to grace her long-loved Nation's head.
Welcome again, the fair auspicious Morn!
To Freedom, first and fairest of the year;
When from her ashes, like a Phœnix born,
Reviving Britain rose in Glory's sphere.
When, starting from their mournful death-like trance,
Her venerable Laws their fasces rais'd.
Her stern-eyed Champions grasp'd th' avenging lance,
And pure Religion's trembling altars blaz'd.
For then, from Belgia, through the billowy storm,
And, heaven-directed in an happy hour,
Britain's good Genius, bearing WILLIAM'S form,
Broke the dire Sceptre of Despotic Power.
Ev'n now, to Fancy's retrospective eyes,
Fix'd on the triumphs of his Patriot-Reign;
Majestic seems the Hero's shade to rise,
With Commerce, Wealth, and Empire, in his train.
Undimm'd his[43] Eagle-eye, serene his air,
Of Soul heroic, as in Fields of Death;
See! Britain's Weal employs his latest care,
Her Liberty and Laws his latest breath.
"Visions of Glory! crouding on his sight,"
With your still-growing lustre gild the day,
When Britons, worthy of their Sires, unite
Their Orisons at Freedom's Shrine to pay.
To eternize the delegated hand,
That seal'd their great forefathers' fields their own;
Rais'd ev'ry art that decks a smiling land,
And Laws that guard the Cottage as the Throne.
That to the free, unconquerable mind
Secur'd the sacred Rights of Conscience, given
To Man, when tender Mercy first design'd
To raise the Citizen of Earth to Heaven.
And hark! the solemn Pæans grateful rise
From rural Whittington's o'erflowing fane;
And, with the heart's pure incense to the skies,
Its venerable Shepherd's[44] hallow'd strain.
See! pointing to the memorable scene,
He bids that Heath[45] to latest times be known,
Whence her three Champions[46], Freedom, heaven-born Queen,
Led with fresh glories to the British Throne.
Oh, Friend! upon whose natal morn[47] 'tis given,
When seventeen Lustres mark thy letter'd days,
To lead the Hymn of Gratitude to Heav'n,
And blend the Christian's with the Briton's praise.
Like hoary Sarpis[48], patriot Sage, thy pray'r
With Life shall close in _his_ emphatic Strain;
"As on _this_ day, may Freedom, ever fair,
In Britain flourish, and for ever reign!"
_Eyam, Derbyshire._
P. C.
[43] Sir John Dalrymple's "Continuation of Memoirs of Great Britain."
[44] Samuel Pegge.
[45] Whittington Moor.
[46] Earl of Devon, Earl of Danby, and Mr. John D'Arcy.
[47] Birth-day of the Rev. Samuel Pegge, 1704.
[48] Father Paul.
* * * * *
Ode for the Revolution Jubilee, 1788.
When lawless Power his iron hand,
When blinded Zeal her flaming brand
O'er Albion's Island wav'd;
Indignant freedom veil'd the sight;
Eclips'd her Son of Glory's light;
Her fav'rite Realm enslav'd.
Distrest she wander'd:--when afar
She saw her NASSAU'S friendly star
Stream through the stormy air:
She call'd around a Patriot Band;
She bade them save a sinking land;
And deathless glory share.
Her cause their dauntless hearts inspir'd,
With ancient Roman virtue fir'd;
They plough'd the surging main;
With fav'ring gales from Belgia's shore
Her heaven-directed Hero bore,
And Freedom crown'd his Reign.
With equal warmth her spirit glows,
Though hoary Time's centennial snows
New silver o'er her fame.
For hark, what songs of triumph tell,
Still grateful Britons love to dwell,
On WILLIAM'S glorious name.
EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO MR. GOUGH.
DEAR SIR,
_Whittington, Oct. 11, 1788._
We are to have most grand doings at this place, 5th of November
next, at the _Revolution House_, which I believe you saw when
you was here. The Resolutions of the Committee were ordered to
be inserted in the London prints[49]; so I presume you may have
seen them, and that I am desired to preach the Sermon.
I remain your much obliged, &c.
S. PEGGE.
[49] "The Committee appointed by the Lords and Gentlemen at the
last Chesterfield Races, to conduct and manage the Celebration of
the intended Jubilee, on the Hundredth Anniversary of the glorious
Revolution, at the Revolution House in Whittington, in the County of
Derby, where measures were first concerted for the promotion of that
grand constitutional event, in these midland parts, have this day
met, and upon consideration, come to the following resolutions:
That General Gladwin do take the chair at this meeting. That the
Rev. Samuel Pegge be requested to preach a Sermon on the occasion,
at Whittington Church, on the 5th day of November next. That the
Gentlemen who intend to honor the meeting with their company, do
assemble at Whittington Church, exactly at eleven o'clock in the
forenoon of that day to attend divine service. That immediately
after service, they meet at the Revolution House, where a cold
collation will be provided. That they go in procession from thence
to Chesterfield, where ordinaries will be provided at the Angel,
Castle, and Falcon inns. That the meeting be open to all friends of
the Revolution. That letters be written to the Dukes of Devonshire
and Leeds, and the Earl of Stamford, to request the honour of
their attendance at that meeting. That there be a ball for the
Ladies in the evening at the Assembly Room in Chesterfield. That a
subscription of one guinea each be entered into for defraying the
extraordinary expenses on the occasion, and that the same be paid
into the hands of Messrs. Wilkinson's, in Chesterfield. That the
Committee do meet again on Wednesday the 8th of October next, at the
Angel Inn, in Chesterfield, at one o'clock. That these resolutions
be published in the Derby and Nottingham newspapers, and in the St.
James's of Whitehall, and Lloyd's Evening Posts, and the London and
English Chronicles.
_Chesterfield, Sept. 27, 1788._
HENRY GLADWIN, Chairman."
* * * * *
_Whittington, Nov. 29, 1788._
MY DEAR MR. GOUGH,
Mr. Rooke slept at the Vicarage on the 4th, in order to be ready
for our grand celebrity the next day; and to distribute then to
his friends his drawing, which he had caused to be engraved by
Basire, of the _Revolution House_ at Whittington, which he did,
with a paper of mine, respecting the meeting there of the Earl
of Devonshire, the Earl of Derby, &c. in 1688, annexed.
The 5th of November is now gone and over, and they said I
acquitted myself very well. Indeed, I was in good spirits, and,
as my Son-in-law read the prayers, I went fresh into the pulpit.
The Duke of Devon was too late; but we had the Earl of Stamford
at church, with Lord George and Lord John Cavendish, Lord Danby
(Son of the Marquis of Carmarthen), and Lord Francis Osborne,
with their Preceptor Dr. Jackson, Prebendary of Westminster, &c.
The cavalcade from Whittington to Chesterfield, where we were
to dine at four o'clock, was amazingly grand, no less than 50
coaches and chaises with horses dressed with orange ribbons;
large and fine banners, with sundry bands of music. There were
about 1000 on foot, with orange cockades, and about 300 on
horseback, many of whom, besides cockades, were in blue, with
orange capes. At half past six the fireworks, by an Italian
artist, began, and very admirable they were; he had twenty
pounds given him by the _Managers_. The ball room, at nine, was
so crowded that, though it is large, there could be but little
dancing. The ball was given to the Ladies, with an entertainment
of cakes, sweetmeats, negus, &c. It was a fine day; and not the
least accident happened, though it is supposed not less than
30,000 people were assembled. Hogsheads of liquor were given by
the Managers at Whittington and Chesterfield, and the Duke of
Devon gave twenty-four guineas to the footmen mentioned above. I
saw nobody however in liquor; and when Mr. Rooke and I returned
to Whittington, at one o'clock or after, we had a sober driver.
It happened to be my birth-day; which being known to some
gentlemen at all the three great inns where the company dined,
they drank my health with three cheers, requesting me to print
my Sermon. This request I have complied with, and it is now
printed at Chesterfield; I will take care that a copy be sent to
you and Mr. Nichols. But I must observe to you on the occasion,
that the Sermon will not read so well as it was heard, because
having good command over myself at the time, I delivered it with
energy and emphasis.
There will be a monument erected at the Revolution House in
Whittington; a column I suppose; and 148 guineas are already
subscribed. N. B. The Duke of Devon and the Earl of Stamford
were excepted from subscribing, so they reluctantly desisted.
Sir H. Hunloke, a Catholic, is a subscriber, and went in the
cavalcade, but was not at church, as you may suppose.
We have a very fine time here, no signs of winter but the
absence of leaves; the want of water however is very wonderful,
considering the time of year, and is even distressing. I grow
very idle and good for nothing; but, such as I am, I remain your
very affectionate and much obliged servant,
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Whittington, Dec. 22, 1788._
DEAR SIR,
By this time I hope you are in possession of my Sermon, as I
desired my Son to send one copy to you, and another to Mr.
Nichols. If I know you, your sentiments in politics coincide
with mine; so that I have no fear of your concurrence in that
respect and have only to wish that the composition may please
you.
I am, dear Sir, your truly affectionate and much obliged servant,
S. PEGGE.
SEQUEL TO THE PARENTALIA.
BY THE EDITOR.
Samuel Pegge, Esq. the only surviving Son[50] of the venerable
Antiquary whose Life has just been recorded, was born in 1731.
After an excellent classical education, at St. John's College,
Cambridge, he was admitted a Barrister of the Middle Temple; and
was soon after, by the favour of the Duke of Devonshire, then
Lord Chamberlain, appointed one of the Grooms of His Majesty's
Privy-Chamber, and an Esquire of the King's Household.
[50] Another son, Christopher, died an infant in 1736.
Mr. Pegge married Martha, daughter of Dr. Henry Bourne, an eminent
Physician, of Spital, near Chesterfield, in Derbyshire[51], and
sister to the Rev. John Bourne[52], Rector of Sutton, and Vicar of
South Wingfield, co. Derby.
[51] Who died in 1775, in his 89th year.
[52] Who married Anne-Katharine, Mr. S. Pegge's only sister.
By this lady, who was born in 1732, and died in 1767, he had
one son, Christopher, of whom hereafter; and one daughter,
Charlotte-Anne, who died, unmarried, March 17, 1793.
Mr. Pegge married, secondly, Goodeth Belt, daughter of Robert Belt,
Esq. of Bossall, co. York, by whom he had no issue[53].
[53] She died Oct. 23, 1807, in her 82d year.
After the death of his Father, Mr. Pegge, though somewhat advanced
in life, was desirous of becoming a Member of the Society of
Antiquaries. He was accordingly elected in 1796; having previously
shewn that he was well deserving of that distinction, by the
accuracy and intelligence displayed in the "Curialia."
He survived his Father little more than four years; during which
period he enjoyed but an indifferent state of bodily health. His
mental faculties, however, were, to the last, strong and unimpaired;
his manners truly elegant; his conversation always sensible and
pleasant; and his epistolary correspondence[54] lively and facetious.
[54] A few extracts from his Letters are given in p. lxxxiii.
His death is thus recorded on an upright stone on the West side of
Kensington church-yard:
"SAMUEL PEGGE, Esq.
died May the 22d, 1800, aged 67 years.
MARTHA, Wife of SAMUEL PEGGE, Esq.
died June 28, 1767, aged 35 years.
CHARLOTTE-ANNE, the only Daughter
of SAMUEL and MARTHA PEGGE,
died March 17, 1793, aged 31 years.
Mrs. CHRISTIANA PEGGE died July 1, 1790."
To Mr. Pegge, we are indebted for the foregoing circumstantial
Memoir or his very learned Father; and for several occasional
communications to the Gentleman's Magazine.
But his principal Work Was intituled, "_Curialia_; or, an Historical
Account of some Branches of the Royal Household[55];" Three
Portions of which he published in his life-time:
Part I. consisted of "Two Dissertations, addressed to the
President of the Society of Antiquaries, London; _viz._ 1. On
the obsolete Office of the Esquires of the King's Body. 2. On
the original Nature, Duty, &c. of the Gentlemen of the King's
Most Honourable Privy Chamber, 1782."
Part II. contains "A Memoir regarding the King's Honourable Band
of Gentlemen Pensioners, from its Establishment to the present
Time, 1784."
Part III. is "A Memoir respecting the King's Body-Guard of
Yeomen of his Guard, from its Institution, A. D. 1485; 1791."
[55] Had Mr. Pegge lived to have completed his whole design, the
Title would have run thus: "_Hospitium Regis_; or, a History of
the Royal Household, and the several Officers thereof, principally
in the Departments of the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the
Master of the Horse, and the Groom of the Stole. Collected and
digested by Samuel Pegge, Esq. F.S.A."
During the remaining period of his life, Mr. Pegge amused himself
in preparing several other Numbers of his "Curialia" for the press;
the materials for which, and also his "Anecdotes of the English
Language," he bequeathed to Mr. Nichols; who printed "The Anecdotes
of the English Language" in 1803. This Work having been noticed
with much approbation in the principal Reviews, and very favourably
received by the Publick at large, a Second Edition (corrected and
improved from his own detached MSS.) was published in 1814. To this
Edition was added, "A Supplement to the Provincial Glossary of
Francis Grose, Esq." compiled by Mr. Pegge.
In 1806 Mr. Nichols published Two additional Numbers of the
"Curialia:"
Part IV. "A History of Somerset House[56], from the Commencement
of its Erection in 1549."
Part V. "A Dissertation[57] on the ancient Establishment and
Function of the Serjeant at Arms."
[56] The History of Somerset House was with Mr. Pegge a favourite
subject; and to this, with the exception of the two concluding
pages, he had put the finishing hand.
[57] Announced by the Author in his Introduction to Part III. and by
himself very nearly completed for the press.
The further continuation of that interesting work was broken off by
the melancholy accident mentioned in page v.
In the early part of his life Mr. Pegge was a considerable
proficient in Musick. He composed a complete Melo-Drama, both the
words and the musick in score, which still remains in MS. Many
Catches and Glees also, and several of the most popular Songs for
Vauxhall Gardens were written and set to music by him.
His Muse was very fertile; and though his modesty forbade the
avowal, he was the Author of some occasional Prologues and Epilogues
which were favourably received by the Publick: a Prologue,
particularly, spoken by Mr. Yates at Birmingham in 1760, on taking
the Theatre into his own hands; an Epilogue spoken by the same
excellent Actor, at Drury Lane, on his return from France, and
another Epilogue, filled with pertinent allusions to the Game of
Quadrille, spoken by Mrs. Yates, at her Benefit, in three different
seasons, 1769, 1770, and 1774. He was the Author also of a pathetic
Elegy on his own Recovery from a dangerous Illness; and of some
pleasant Tales and Epigrammatic Poems.
His other acknowledged writings were,
1. "An Elegy on the Death of Godfrey Bagnall Clerke, Esq. (late one
of the Representatives in Parliament for the County of Derby), who
died Dec. 26, 1774.[58]"
2. "Memoirs of Edward Capell, Esq."[59]
3. "Illustrations of the Churchwardens' Accompts of St. Michael
Spurrier Gate, York," in the "Illustrations of the Manners and
Expences of Antient Times, 1797."
4. "On a Custom observed by the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland."
(Antiquarian Repertory, Edit. 1809, vol. IV. p. 622.)
5. "Historical Anecdotes of the French Word Carosse." (Ibid. p.
642.)--The two last mentioned Tracts are re-printed in the present
volume.
[58] Of this Elegy Mr. Pegge printed only a few copies to be given
to particular Friends; but, by his permission, it was re-printed for
sale by Mr. Joseph Bradley, of Chesterfield.
[59] See the "Illustrations of Literature," vol. I. p. 427.
Mr. Pegge also superintended through the Press the greater part of
his Father's "History of Beauchief Abbey;" but died before it was
completed.
His only Son, the present Sir Christopher Pegge, was admitted a
Commoner at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1782; took the Degree of B. A.
there in 1786; was elected Fellow of Oriel College in 1788; resigned
his Fellowship in 1790, and was re-admitted of Christ Church, having
been appointed, through favour of the Dean and Chapter, Dr. Lee's
Reader in Anatomy (which situation he resigned in 1816, an asthmatic
complaint having rendered change of residence adviseable); took the
Degrees of M. A. and M. B. 1789, and that of M. D. 1792. He was
elected one of the Physicians to the Radcliffe Infirmary in 1791
(which he resigned in 1803); F. L. S. 1792; F.R.S. 1795; and Fellow
of the College of Physicians 1796; received from his Majesty the
Honour of Knighthood in 1799, and the Dignity of Regius Professor of
Physic in 1801.
Sir Christopher Pegge married, in 1791, Amey, the eldest daughter of
Kenton Couse, Esq. of Whitehall; by whom he has issue one daughter,
Mary, married in 1816 to the Rev. Richard Moore Boultbee, of Merton
College, Oxford (second son of Joseph Boultbee, Esq. of Springfield
House, near Knowle, Warwickshire), and had a daughter, born Dec. 9,
1817.
APPENDIX, No. II.
To RICHARD GOUGH, Esq.
_Whittington, March 17, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
There are no persons in the world to whom so much regard is due,
respecting my late Father's Collections in the literary line, as
to yourself and Mr. Nichols. I daily see obligations, from Books
which you have respectively conferred upon him, which call for every
acknowledgement. I am as daily concerned in looking over papers of
various kinds; and will preserve them all sacredly, and report upon
them when I return to Town, which must be in May or June.
I am labouring to keep possession of this house as long as I can,
and believe I shall be amply indulged; a circumstance which will
enable me to pay every attention to what may be of real use to my
Father's Friends: for, as Botanists allow nothing to be weeds, so I
admit nothing to be waste paper.
What I write to you I mean should be said to Mr. Nichols, with every
kind remembrance. I have only to desire that I may be considered (by
descent at least) as
Your obliged Friend,
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
To Mr. Deputy NICHOLS.
_Whittington, March 30, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
A peck of March dust is said to be worth a King's ransom;--and to
you (who know this house) I may say that I am enveloped in as much
dust[60] as would ransom an Emperor. I shall be in Town at the end
of May at the farthest, and would wish to work double tides in
the History of Beauchief-Abbey while I stay; for I shall find it
necessary to pass as long a Summer as I can here, where (by the new
Rector's leave) I hope to continue till the approach of Winter.
S. PEGGE.
[60] The Books in the Library at Whittington had, probably, not been
dusted for 20 to 30 years.
* * * * *
_Whittington, April 12, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
I am really so much engaged (for I am not half through my Herculean
labour) that I have not leisure to think of my late nearest Friend,
so as to _erect_ any memorial in the Gentleman's Magazine _at
present_.
I have written to Lord Leicester and to Mr. Topham by this post, to
request that I may be _hung up, according to Law_, at the Society of
Antiquaries, in hopes of being honourably cut down, and receiving
Christian Burial. The _Director_[61], I trust, will appear _to
character_ when my Trial comes up. God send me a good deliverance!
What I write to you, I write to Mr. Gough also through you.
Your obliged Friend, &c.
S. PEGGE.
[61] Mr. Gough was then Director of the Society of Antiquaries.
* * * * *
To GEORGE ALLAN, Esq. Darlington.
_Whittington, May 2, 1796._
SIR,
In the course of the last year my late Father (Rev. Dr. Pegge) among
other Books made me a present off "The Northumberland Household
Book;" which he told me (as I since find by his memoranda) was lent
to you. I take the liberty of wishing to have it returned soon,
directed to my Friend Mr. Nichols.
I have heard my Father often speak of you, Sir, with much respect,
and I shall always honour my Father's Friends. I am, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Whittington, May 23, 1796._
SIR,
I thank you for the favour of your Letter, which was anticipated
by a line from Mr. Nichols, advising me that "The Northumberland
Household Book" was safe in his hands. The honourable mention I
hear of my late Father, almost every day, is very gratifying to me,
though I know it is not undeserved on his part. As to Mr. Brander's
Print of my father, I have a very few in London; and one of the
best of them shall be at your service. I cannot think the Print in
the least like my Father; but I have a Painting[62] which is a very
strong resemblance.
Your very obedient humble servant,
S. PEGGE.
[62] This striking resemblance of my worthy old friend Dr. Pegge,
which I have often had the agreeable opportunity of comparing with
the Original when conversing with the good Doctor at Whittington,
is now in the possession of his Grandson, Sir Christopher Pegge;
by whose kind permission a faithful Engraving from it, admirably
executed by Philip Andinet, accompanies the present Publication.
* * * * *
To Mr. NICHOLS.
_Whittington, July 28, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
We left London on Monday the eleventh; but did not _make_
Whittington till last Sunday the 24th inst. We passed part of
Wednesday the 13th, and all the 14th and 15th, at Southwell, with
the new Rector of Whittington, and had a very pleasurable visit. We
next _touched_ at Spital, and as we thought only for three or four
days, but were detained there by _contrary winds_, which _blew_ us
into parties of company and venison.
I am, dear Sir, yours very sincerely, S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_York, Sunday, Sept. 11, 1796._
DEAR SIR,
Where and when this will find you, whether in _Urban_ or in _Sylvan_
scenes, I know not: but the purport of it is to desire that you
would send me (to Whittington) the _last Impression_ of the Family
Pedigree of _Bourne_.
Whether you ever insert it in your _Leicestershire_ or not, I wish
to have it completed, as far as may be, from my own connexion with
it; and because I know that every difficulty is doubled to every
succeeding generation. The Historian of Leicestershire must have had
repeated experience of this circumstance in his investigations.
Yours, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Scotland yard, Feb. 20, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
I am now going seriously to work, to bring the Coins forward by
auction. The whole collection amounts in number to between 1100 and
1200; but of what value the hammer must determine.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_June 10, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
Mr. Gough was so obliging as to mention hopes of seeing us at
Enfield; and I have been for several days on the point of writing to
him a line of thanks, and to express the willingness of the spirit,
and the weakness of the flesh; for, alas! I have got as much gout as
will last me till we go into Derbyshire in the second week in July.
In this situation it would be much to the honour of your humanity to
come and pass an evening with us. I am sure to be found at home.
S. P.
* * * * *
_Scotland yard, June 18, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
I hope this will find you safely returned from your excursion,
and disengaged, as I wish you to pass a _long_ evening with me.
Mr. Bowyer Nichols would tell you that I am now at leisure to go
on with "Beauchief Abbey" for a little while; but without your
assistance, know not how. Send me word what evening you can best
spare, and bring your Son with you, and let it be very _speedily_. I
shall soon put an end to the Session, and this _Printing-ment_ will
be prorogued to the 5th of October, then to meet for dispatch of
business.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_December 7, 1797._
DEAR SIR,
As you are connected with the Representatives of Dr. Farmer, or the
person who acts for them, I wish you would procure a receipt for a
copy of Skelton, which was found in my Father's collection after his
death, and which was evidently Mr. Farmer's property.
As I hear that Dr. Farmer's Library is intended for sale, I should
be glad that this book might be soon restored to the Executors; and
my original wish to return it, may appear from a letter of mine to
Dr. Farmer, dated so long ago as the 4th of February last, which has
probably been found among his papers. I received no answer to it,
which I imputed to his then bad state of health.
Yours, &c.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Harrowgate, Aug. 25, 1799._
DEAR SIR,
Our history, since I saw you, is briefly this. We left London on
the 18th of July, and made a journey of three days to Spital, near
Chesterfield. After resting there, for as many days, we set off for
this place, which we found very full, and made our quarters good
at the humblest house we could find; but with the most comfortable
accommodations that a very uncomfortable place can afford; and
are reconciled to our situation. We dine (_en masse_) about 20 on
the average, keep good hours, and are not pestered with gamblers,
ladies-maids, or lap-dogs. In some houses they dine 120 people!!!
The water of this place is a very strong sulphur, and I believe,
is the most powerful of any in the kingdom. The most quiet of this
sort of houses is much too turbulent for me; besides that it is
difficult for one who cannot walk, or even saunter about, as others
do, to fill up the chasms between meals, except by reading, which
is scarcely practicable here. I find myself, however, tolerably
habituated to noise and talk; and as to the art of doing nothing, I
have made myself perfectly master of it. As a proof of it, I have
been three weeks in writing this letter.
If you ask me how I do? I answer, I don't know at present. I have
experienced much _non_-valescence, and am told _con_-valescence will
follow.
S. PEGGE.
* * * * *
_Monday, January 27, 1800._
DEAR SIR,
The Lady[63] mentioned in the enclosed Article is my Niece, who
hopes to open the Ball in the List of Marriages in this Month. I
send also an article for the Obituary[64], the death of a Brother of
my Wife, and whose death has long been expected. I am a lodger in my
own first-floor, with some gout, which will neither lead nor drive;
but I should be very happy to receive a charitable visit of chat in
any evening that you can spare. I do not ask Mr. Bowyer Nichols, as
I cannot encounter more than one person at a time.
Your very sincere friend,
S. PEGGE.
[63] Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. John Bourne, of Spital, was
married, Jan. 1, 1800, to Robert Jennings, Esq. of Hull.
[64] Mr. John Belt, of York, Surgeon, died Jan. 23, 1800.
* * * * *
_March 17, 1800._
DEAR SIR,
Presuming that you are returned from Hinckley, and _have nothing
in the world to do_, I hope you will give us your company in an
evening very soon; for at that time of the day I see nobody else.
Let me hear by one of your _Representatives in Parliament_[65] on
what evening I may expect you, that I may _rectify_ my spirits
accordingly.
Adieu!
S. PEGGE.
[65] So he humourously styled the Printer's Errand Boys.
Hospitium Domini Regis;
OR,
THE HISTORY
OF THE
ROYAL HOUSEHOLD.
INTRODUCTION.
I was led into the following investigation from a natural and kind
of instinctive curiosity, and a desire of knowing what was the
antient state of the Court to which I have the honour, by the favour
of his Grace William the late Duke of Devonshire, to compose a part.
It is obvious to suppose that so large a body must have undergone
various revolutions, and have borne very different complexions
according to times and circumstances: and having occasion to consult
some MSS. in the Lord Chamberlain's Office, by his Lordship's
permission, upon a matter of no consequence to relate, I thought
I discerned, in the course of my search, that materials were to be
found sufficient to furnish out a detail. Having free access to the
use of a large Library, and by the favour of many friends, to whom
I take this opportunity of testifying my obligations, I was enabled
to trace back the state of the Court in darker ages, though but by a
glimmering light.
Notwithstanding ample revenues have always been provided for support
of the dignity and splendour of the Royal House of the Kings of
England, equal, if not perhaps superior, to those of any Court in
Europe, yet we shall find they have varied very much in different
Reigns, as times and circumstances have required; though not always
for laudable reasons. Some of our Kings have been so profuse,
that, either from their extensive liberality, or more frequently
worse inducements, they have thereby lessened the estates of the
Crown so very much, that retrenchments, either in the number or
expence of their Households (and sometimes both) have become the
necessary consequence. Others[66] have found the Crown Revenues so
much contracted at their Accession, that they have been obliged to
demand resumptions of grants made by their immediate Predecessor,
in order to enable themselves to support the Regal dignity with a
proper degree of splendour. Others[67], again, from a wanton spirit
of prodigality, have rendered it necessary for them to resume even
_their own_ grants; a measure equally scandalous to the character of
the Prince, as derogatory to the honour of the Crown.
As to _resumptions_, several of each sort will be seen in the
following sheets, antecedent to the Reformation; and since that
period there have been repeated occasions for _reductions (ex
necessitate rei)_ in the tumultuous reigns of Charles the First,
Charles the Second, and James the Second.
When we speak of the superior magnificence of our own Court, we may
add, that no other makes so liberal appointments to its Officers,
could we know the Establishments of the rest.
[66] Henry II.
[67] William Rufus.
In France they figure away with thousands of livres _per annum_;
but, when these come to be liquidated into pounds sterling, the idea
is lost, and the appointment of a Lord of the Bed-chamber sinks down
into a salary not superior to our Gentlemen Ushers.
In Poland the Officers of the State and Household have no salaries
nor fees[68]; but are content with the honour, unless the King chose
to reward them with a _Starostie_, a kind of Fiefs inherent in the
Crown for this purpose.
[68] See Letters concerning the present state of Poland, printed for
T. Payne, 1773, Letter iii. p. 57.
At the Court of Turin, the salaries of the Officers of the Court
are extremely small, and every way inadequate to their rank.
Frugality and œconomy, exercised in a Royal manner, are the
characteristics of that Court; insomuch as that, if the Officers of
State had not an income arising from their patrimony, their salaries
would not afford them food and raiment[69].
[69] Lord Corke's Letters from Italy, published 1773, p. 52.
The Emperor of Germany has one very singular prerogative, very
inconvenient to the inhabitants of Vienna, that of taking to himself
the _first floor_ of every house in the City (a few privileged
places excepted) for the use of the _Officers of his Court and
Army_; so that, on this account, says my Author[70], "Princes,
Ambassadors, and Nobles, usually inhabit the second stories; and
the third, fourth, and even fifth floors (the houses being large
and high) are well fitted up for the reception of opulent and noble
families." The houses being so large, a single floor suffices for
most of the principal and largest families in the City.
[70] Dr. Burney, in his Present State of Munich, in Germany, vol. I.
pp. 205, 295.
For particulars relative to the Court of Denmark, it may be
sufficient to refer to the account given by Lord Molesworth, who
resided several years as Envoy Extraordinary from King William III.
WILLIAM I.
After that great Revolution called _The Conquest_, it is to be
supposed that a competent part, and that no inconsiderable one,
was allotted for the support of the Dignity of the King's House.
How large the establishment of the Household was, it would be very
difficult to ascertain at this distance of time; but we know that
the Conqueror's Revenues were very great, and that, besides the
public branch of it for the defence of the Kingdom against invasions
from abroad, there must have been an ample residue to maintain the
Court in dignity and magnificence at home. William, as soon as he
was seated on his new Throne, was careful to make a general and
accurate Survey of the whole kingdom, notwithstanding there had
been a Survey taken within less than 200 years by King Alfred, then
remaining at Winchester.[71] But William's jealous caution did
not permit him to trust to this. He saw the necessity there was to
make the most of things; and, looking on money as a necessary means
of maintaining and increasing power, he accumulated as much as he
could, though rather, perhaps, from an ambitious than a covetous
motive; at least his avarice was subservient to his ambition; and he
laid up wealth in his coffers, as he did arms in his magazines, to
be drawn out on proper occasions, for the defence and enlargement of
his dominions[72].
[71] Called Codex Wintoniensis. See Sir John Spelman's Life of
Alfred.
[72] Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74; edit. 8vo.
In William's Survey, which we call _Domesday Book_, particular
attention was first paid to the King's right; and the _Terra Regis_
(as it was called), which consisted of such lands as either had
belonged to the Crown, or to the King individually, was placed
first; and, upon the whole, 1422[73] manors, or lordships, were
appropriated to the Crown; besides lands and farms, and besides
quit-rents paid out of other subordinate manors. Whether William
assumed to himself and the Crown more than he ought, is hard to
say; but it is to be supposed he was not very sparing or delicate.
The _Terra Regis_ is said to have consisted of such lands as Edward
the Confessor was found to have been possessed of, the alienation
of which was held impious; to which some think William added the
forfeited estates of those who opposed him at the decisive battle of
Hastings[74]; and likewise the lands of such Barons, and others, who
afterwards forsook him. These advantages he might, perhaps, be glad
to take, as they enabled him better to reward his Norman friends
and followers, who were numerous; and furnished him likewise with a
plea to enrich himself, by annexing part of such lands to the Crown,
and distributing the rest, with a reservation of quit-rents and
services. We may add to these, many apparently unjustifiable means
which the Conqueror used to enrich himself, though by the greatness
of the antient Crown-estate, and the feudal profits to which he
was legally entitled, he was already one of the richest Monarchs
in Europe. The Saxon Chronicle says, he omitted no opportunity of
extorting money from his subjects upon the slightest pretext, and
speaks of it as a thing of course[75]. It must be owned, however,
(says Lord Lyttelton) that, if his avarice was insatiably and
unjustly rapacious, it was not meanly parsimonious, nor of that
sordid kind which brings on a Prince dishonour and contempt. He
supported the _dignity of the Crown_ with a _decent magnificence_;
and, though he never was _lavish_, he was sometimes _liberal_[76].
[73] Domesday Book.
[74] Rapin.
[75] "_Pro more suo_, extorsit multum pecuniæ suis subditis
ubicunque haberet aliquem pretextum, sive jure sive aliter."
Chron. Sax. p. 187. In another place the writer says, he extorted
money, "partim justè, maximâ verò ex parte injustè, rebus parùm
urgentibus." p. 191.
[76] Lord Lyttelton's Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.
Thus did the Conqueror leave an ample and splendid revenue to
his Successor, sufficient to maintain his Court in dignity and
magnificence, and adequate to every expence both foreign and
domestic. It is, at this day, almost impossible to discover the
nature and magnitude of William's Household; but most probably,
as it was numerous, it was likewise magnificent; though, perhaps,
composed of Officers and Offices very different from what have been
adopted in succeeding Reigns.
We read of Treasurers, for such a King _must_ have: and in the
next Reign mention is made of Robert Fitz-Hamon, _Gentleman of the
Bed-chamber_[77], who conquered Wales, while William Rufus was
engaged in a war with Scotland, anno 1091; and we afterwards read
of other Officers similar to what we have at present, though the
rudeness of the times rendered most of the offices now in being
unnecessary, which seem to have been added from time to time, as
luxury and refined necessity required, and in conformity to the
pride and ostentatious spirit of the Prince who erected them.
[77] _Gentleman of the Bed-chamber_ means what we now call a _Lord
of the Bed-chamber_; which last is a title of a late introduction.
When the _Gentleman_ was the superior, the next subordinate Officer
was the _Groom_; which last title continues to this day. Had the
first been originally called _Lords_, the latter would probably have
been styled the _Gentleman_. William of Malmsbury speaks of the
_Cubicularius_ in that ridiculous instance of William Rufus's absurd
profusion with respect to the price of a pair of hose; by whom, I
should suppose, he means an inferior Officer of the _Bed-chamber_,
by the rough language he uses to him; no less than calling him a
_son of a whore.--Filî, ait, meretricis._
It is probable, however, that what was wanting in parade, was
equalled by an expence in hospitality, which must, of course,
employ a great many Domestics of different kinds in their several
departments, to which we may suppose were added many of a Military
nature, which the situation of the Conqueror rendered necessary in
his new dominion.
There being but few Placemen in those times, the Court was chiefly
composed of Ecclesiastics, Barons, Knights, and other Military
Gentlemen, led by the hopes of preferment or promotion; and Lord
Lyttelton says, William was always liberal to his Soldiers and to
the Church[78]. The Barons were, at this time of day, the chief
Council of the Realm; they held their Baronies of the King, for
which they were perpetually doing homage; and on these accounts the
Court must have been crowded,--at least much frequented.
[78] Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 74.
As to the internal part of the Court, I mean the Attendants on the
Royal person, we know but very little. King Alfred, however, who
lived 200 years before the Conquest, during his attention to the
Police of his Kingdom in general, did not forget the internal good
government of his Household; for we learn from Ingulphus[79] that
he divided his Attendants into three classes, who were appointed to
wait by turns, _monthly_.
[79] Dividens Familiam in tres Turmas, singulis Turmis singulos
Principes imposuit; et unusquisque Princeps cum suâ Turmâ per unum
mensem in Regis Ministerio Palatium conservavit. Uno mense completo,
exiens ad proprios agros cum suâ Turmâ, propriis negotiis per duorum
mensium spatium intendebat; et interim secundus Princeps per unum
mensem, et tertius Princeps per alium mensem post illum in Regis
Palatio ministrabat: ut postea propriis utilitatibus per duos menses
quælibet Turma vacaret. Hâc revolutione Servorum suorum, totiusque
familiæ suæ rotatione, usus est omni tempore vitæ suæ. Ingulph.
Hist. p. 870.
Whether this mode was continued by his Successors, I do not
learn. William might perhaps reject it as being Saxon, and
adopt a plan similar to the French Court, in compliment to his
Norman adherents. This routine of waiting, not much unlike the
present mode, rendered the service of Alfred's attendants both
œconomical, and agreeable to themselves. Sir John Spelman, in
his Life of King Alfred, supposes that the Officers who are now
called _Quarter-waiters_ are, from their title, a relique of this
mode of waiting established by Alfred. But this (with deference to
the Gentlemen of that Corps) seems to be going too far, and does
not agree with Ingulphus, from whom Sir John takes his account; who
says, that the Officers of King Alfred's Household were divided
into three classes, and that each class waited alternately monthly,
not quarterly; so that no one class waited two consecutive months,
and each would, of course, wait _four months_ in the year, with an
interval of two months between each wait. It is true, they would
renew their waiting once in a quarter of course, from the number of
classes, but no part of them attended for a quarter together; and
I apprehend the Quarter-waiters received their name because they
waited a quarter of a year at a time by turns, as their superiors,
the Daily-waiters, waited daily by turns. Alfred's Household most
resembled the Gentlemen Pensioners in the mode of attendance, who,
to this day, wait in _classes_ quarterly.
I shall now give Sir John Spelman's account at large (as I have
Ingulphus's), where he gives a supposed, and not improbable, reason
for this mode of attendance.
"He [Alfred] having, it seems, observed the course that Solomon
took in preparing timber at Lebanon for the Temple, where thirty
thousand, assigned to the work, went by ten thousand at a time,
wrought there a month, and then returning, stayed two months at
home, until their turn in the fourth month came about again[80]--he,
applying this to his own occasions, ordained the like course in
his attendance, making a triplicate thereof, insomuch that he had
a three-fold shift of all Domestic Officers; each of which were,
by themselves, under the command of a several _Major-domo_[81], or
Master of the Household, who, coming with his servants under his
charge, to wait at Court, stayed there a month, and then returning
home, were supplied by the second ternary, and they again by the
third, until the course coming about, the first of them (after
two months recess at home) did, with the quarter[82], renew their
monthly service at the Court. I should conjecture (continues he)
that the King, for his more honourable attendance, took this course
in point of Royalty and State, there being (as it then stood with
the State) very few men of quality fit to stand before a King,
who, by their fortunes or dependency, were not otherwhere besides
engaged; neither was there, in those times, any great assurance
to be had of any man, unless he were one of such condition, whose
service, when the King was fain to use one month in the quarter,
it was necessary for the common-wealth that he should remit them
the other two months unto their own occasions. Neither used he
this course with some of his Officers only (as there are those who
understand it to have been a course taken only with those of his
Guard), but with all his whole attendance; neither used he it for a
time only, but for his whole life; and I little doubt but that the
use at Court, at this day, of Officers, _Quarter-waiters_, had the
first beginning even from this invention of the King[83]."
[80] Ingulph. ubi supra.
[81] Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.
[82] This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about
the Quarter-Waiters.
[83] Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.
The Translator of this Life of Alfred into Latin, Dr. Obadiah
Walker, has taken a little latitude in the last sentence of
this passage, and has wandered totally from the mark. His
words are, "Neque multum dubito quin _Dapiferi_ hodierni (quos
_Quarter-waiters_ appellamus) qui per singulos anni quadrantes,
Regi ad _mensam_ ministrant, ab hoc Regis instituto, manarint." Now
it is pretty certain that the Quarter-waiters are not Officers at
all connected, by their post, with the King's _table_, they being a
secondary degree of _Gentlemen Ushers_, called in a grant of Fees
temp. Car. I. (in Rymer's Fœdera) _Ante-Ambulones_. The Doctor
seems, by the word _Dapiferi_, to have confounded them with the
_Sewers_; which is strengthened by the following words, "qui ad
_mensam_ ministrant."
It is allowed that King Alfred enlarged his Household very much;
but, what was the nature and office of the individuals of it, we
shall probably never be able to gather. We may, however, fairly
suppose his Retinue in number, and his Court in splendour, was far
superior to those of any of his Predecessors.
Of the _Conqueror's Court_ we know still less, neither do I learn
that King Alfred's establishment was followed by his immediate
successors; but it is reasonable to suppose that the _Court_, as
well as the _Kingdom_, would be new-modelled, and assume a different
face, upon so great a revolution as that of the Conquest.
WILLIAM RUFUS.
Notwithstanding the fair inheritance left by the Conqueror, equal
to the Regal Dignity, and the exigences of the State, William
Rufus, the successor, not only dissipated the great treasure of
which he was possessed at the demise of his Father, but ran into so
extravagant a profusion of expence, that he was at last obliged to
apply to resources, unwarrantable in themselves, and derogatory to
his Crown and Dignity. The late King's treasures were said to amount
to 60,000_l._; but, according to Henry of Huntingdon[84], who lived
very near the time, to 60,000 pound _weight_ of silver, exclusive of
gold, jewels, plate, and robes; and "the silver money alone (says
Lord Lyttelton[85]), according to the best computation I am able to
make, was equivalent at least to nine hundred thousand pounds of our
money at present:" but this would not suffice; for the Crown-lands,
which were held so sacred by his ancestors, were alienated; and
he was at last compelled, as a dernier resort, to resume his own
grants, a practice now used for the first (but not the last) time,
and a measure equally scandalous and iniquitous. Rufus's ordinary
revenues did not probably exceed those of his Father; but, as he
ran into more needless and wanton expenses, he was necessitated to
make frequent demands upon his people. Considering the influence
of artful Churchmen, in those times of Papal tyranny, over weak
Princes, it is not to be wondered that Rufus should be easily
prevailed upon by Ranulphus, Bishop of Durham[86], who was Master
both of his Councils and his Conscience, to resume his own grants,
though made for valuable considerations; or to take any measure,
however unwarrantable and unprecedented--
"Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum."
[84] Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.
[85] Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his
Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage.
The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures were _difficiles
numeratu_, p. 192.
[86] Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of
Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.
Amongst other acts of rapacity, made in a manner necessary by his
former profusion, he kept the See of Canterbury vacant four years
(upon the death of Lanfranc), that he might take the profits to
his own use; nay, he did the same by the Bishoprick of Lincoln,
and all others that became void in his Reign; and at the time of
his death he had in his hands the Sees of Canterbury, Winchester,
Salisbury, twelve[87] rich Abbeys, besides many other Benefices
of less consideration[88]; so little regard has ever been paid to
things _sacred_ by Arbitrary Princes (as our Kings were at that
time) to gratify either their necessities or their passions. But
this was not the worst part of the story; for, not satisfied with
the First-fruits, to which he was entitled,--after he had seized the
vacant Benefices, and pillaged them of every thing valuable (even
to the very Shrines), he sold them publicly to the best bidder,
without regard to merit or capacity[89].
[87] The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.
[88] Matthew Paris.
[89] Saxon Chronicle.
After having been led, by the nature of the subject, to speak thus
freely of this King's rapacity, it is but justice to mention an
instance of his generosity. It is related that, two Monks striving
to outbid each other for a rich Abbey, the King perceived a third
standing by, who did not bid any thing; to whom the King addressing
himself, asked "how much _he_ would give?" The Monk replied, "he had
no money, and, if he had, his conscience would not suffer him to lay
it out in that manner:" upon which the King swore his usual oath[90]
"that he best deserved it, and should have it for nothing[91]."
[90] "Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p.
424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in
defence of his opinion.
[91] Higden.
Though William was thus continually filling his coffers with these
dishonourable and sacrilegious spoils, yet was he avaricious
without frugality, covetous and prodigal at the same time; always
in want, and devising new ways to raise money, however mean and
despicable. I cannot omit one artful and almost ludicrous method
which Rufus practised to raise money, in the war with his brother
Robert, who had engaged the French in his interest. "Under pretence
(says M. Rapin, from Simeon Dunelmensis, Matthew Paris, &c.) that
there was occasion for supplies of men, William Rufus [then in
Normandy] sent orders into England, to raise, with all possible
speed, 20,000 men. In raising this army, such were purposely
taken for soldiers who were well to pass, or to whom it was very
inconvenient to leave their families. When these levies were going
to embark, the King's Treasurer told them, by his order, "that
they might every man return home, upon payment of ten shillings
each." This news was so acceptable to the soldiers, listed thus
against their wills, that there was not one but who was glad to be
dismissed at so easy a rate. By this means William raised the sum
of 10,000_l._ with which he bribed the French to retire. Various
other instances of extortion and rapacity (though not attended with
so much ingenuity as this) might be adduced from the history of
this Reign, recorded by contemporary writers; but enough has been
mentioned to convince us that but little order or decorum is to be
expected within the walls of the Court of so unprincipled a King.
On the contrary, indeed, all writers agree[92] in their accounts of
the dissolute manners of his Household and Adherents, which called
forth rigid edicts in the next Reign, for the suppression of vices
which had grown too flagrant to be removed by reprobation alone. The
crimes laid to the charge of his retinue were, some of them, of the
most serious nature, and required an uncommon exertion of severity;
as we shall see presently. "In the magnificence of his _Court_
and buildings, however, (says Lord Lyttelton[93],) he _greatly_
exceeded any King of that age. But though his profuseness (continues
his Lordship) arose from a noble and generous nature, it must be
accounted rather a vice than a virtue; as, in order to supply the
unbounded extent of it, he was very rapacious. If he had lived long,
his expences would have undone him, and they had brought him some
years before his death into such difficulties, that even if his
temper had not been despotic, his _necessities_ would have rendered
him a Tyrant.
[92] "Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia
rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter,
et _impunè_ committebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non
erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly
the same, but rather stronger, expressions.
[93] Introduction to History of Henry II.
HENRY I.
After so bad an œconomist (to say no worse of William Rufus),
we may hope to see a more prudent direction of the revenues of the
State, and a less abandoned Retinue about the Royal Person. This
is, however, no great compliment to Henry, who succeeded: for a
moderate character will appear with some degree of lustre, after
one so very much disfigured as that of Rufus. Henry had, without
question, many good qualities. He was a wise and prudent Prince,
and, as the Saxon Chronicle says, "magno honore habitus[94];" but
yet, we shall discover, one of his ruling passions was avarice, when
we come to look nearly into his interior conduct in life. There was
a glaring inconsistency in his very outset; for, soon after his
accession, we find him punishing and imprisoning the abettors of
William Rufus's exactions, and, among the rest, Ranulph Bishop of
Durham, the _Minister_ and instrument of all those oppressive and
unwarrantable measures; and yet, very soon after, we behold Henry
sequestering to his own use the revenues of the Archbishopric of
Canterbury, and keeping them in his hands for five years, after the
example of the very man whose rapacious conduct he had, but just
before, publicly condemned[95]. It is true he recalled many grants
bestowed upon _creatures_ and undeserving persons in the late Reign;
but whether upon motives of justice or avarice I do not determine.
It will be found that he died exceedingly rich for those times (by
whatever means the wealth was amassed); for he did not omit any
opportunity of taxing his subjects, where he could do it with a
tolerable grace, though he did it not in so bare-faced a manner as
Rufus had done. Thus he availed himself of an antient Norman feudal
custom, on occasion of the marrying his eldest daughter[96]. This
custom was not now first established by Henry himself, as some have
supposed[97]; but was one of the antient aids due to the King from
his subjects, and having lain dormant many years, was now revived,
but not introduced otherwise, than that Henry happened to be the
first King, of the Norman race, who married his eldest daughter.
In this he might be justifiable enough; but then he seems to have
laid the tax at a prodigious high rate, for it is said, by some
calculations, to have amounted to upwards of 800,000_l._ sterling.
Among other things, Henry was very attentive to the reformation of
abuses and irregularities that had crept into the _Court_ during the
Reign of his Brother.
[94] Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.
[95] Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.
[96] Aide à Fille marier.
[97] Polydore Vergil.
The accounts given of William's Court are surprizing for that
age, when one would suppose our ancestors to have been rough and
unpolished, little addicted to the softer vices, and totally
unacquainted with the effeminacies of succeeding times; but we
find that, notwithstanding men's minds were then so much turned
to war and athletic diversions, excess and sensuality prevailed
in a very scandalous manner among the Nobility, and even among
the Clergy. Vanity, lust, and intemperance, reigned through the
whole kingdom. The men appeared so effeminate in their dress and
manners, that they shewed themselves men in nothing but their
attempts upon the chastity of women[98]. So William of Malmsbury,
speaking of the effeminacy of William Rufus's Court, says,
"Mollitie corporis certare cum fœminis--gressum frangere--gestu
soluto--et latere nudo incedere, Adolescentium specimen erat:
enerves--emolliti--expugnatores alienæ pudicitiæ, prodigi suæ." By
many evidences it appears that a luxury in apparel was very general
among the Nobles and Gentry of that age; even the Nuns were not free
from it.
[98] Eadmer.
The garments of the English, before their intermixture with the
Normans, were generally plain; but they soon adopted the fashions of
these new-comers, and became as magnificent in their dress as their
fortunes could bear[99]. So that we see the French have, ever since
the Conquest, been the standard of the English dress; and though we
often complain of the folly of our times, in adopting French modes,
it appears to be a practice that has existed time immemorial. Lord
Lyttelton informs us (from Ordericus Vitalis) that there was a
revolution in dress in William Rufus's reign, not only in England,
but in all the Western parts of Europe; and that, instead of close
coats, which till then had been used, as most commodious for
exercise and a military life, trailing garments with long sleeves,
after the manner of the Asiaticks, were universally worn. The men
were also very nice in curling and dividing their hair, which,
on the fore-part of their heads, was suffered to grow very long,
but cut short behind[100];--a style of head-dressing, which, if
introduced now, would spoil all the _Macaroni's_ of the age; for
their comfort, however, it may be inferred from hence that similar
beings have long subsisted in some shape or other.
[99] Lord Lyttelton.
[100] Introduction to Life of Henry II.
To return to Henry. We find the reformation of his _Court_ was one
of the first steps towards ingratiating himself with his subjects.
The _Courtiers_, for the most part, sure of impunity, were wont to
tyrannize over the people in a shameful manner. Not content with
every species of oppression, and of secretly attempting the chastity
of women, they gloried in it publicly. To remedy these disorders
in his _Court_, Henry published a very severe edict against all
offenders in general, and particularly against _Adulterers_; and
such as abused their power by oppressing the people, he ordered to
be put to death without mercy. Some who were already notorious on
that account were banished the Court, among whom was Ranulph Bishop
of Durham, who was likewise imprisoned by the advice of the great
Council of the Kingdom[101]. This was in the first year of Henry's
Reign; but it had so little effect, that five years afterwards we
find a _second_ reformation; for, the former proclamation being
ineffectual, it was necessary to publish another, with still greater
penalties; and this severity was unavoidably necessary, to check the
licentiousness that had crept in, from the connivance which offences
of every kind had hitherto met with.
[101] Matthew Paris.
Thus, we see, the dissoluteness of William Rufus's Court did not
die with him; nor is it an easy thing to subdue so many-headed a
monster as Vice in power. When the Magnates set bad examples in
_Courts_, the inferior Officers are always ready to ape them;
and crimes that in the commission are common to all men very soon
descend from the _Prince_ to the _Page_. In the King's progresses
during the late Reign, the _Court_ and its Followers committed many
outrages of a very serious nature, in places where they lodged; such
as extorting money from the hosts who entertained them, and abusing
the chastity of women without restraint. But now the grievance
was become much worse; for Henry's Attendants, in his progresses,
plundered every thing that came in their way; so that the country
was laid waste wherever the King travelled; for which reason people,
when they knew of his approach, left their houses, carrying away
what provisions they could, and sheltering themselves in the woods
and bye-places, for fear their provisions should be taken away by
the King's Purveyors[102]. These things called loudly for redress:
it was therefore made public, by the King's command, that whoever,
belonging to the Court, spoiled any goods of those who entertained
them in these progresses, or abused the persons of their hosts,
should, on proof, have their eyes put out, or their hands and feet
cut off[103]. To us these seem cruel and unwarrantable punishments;
but it must be remembered that, at this day, punishments were not
prescribed, but arbitrary; there was no common law, and but little
statute-law, and nothing to regulate the hand of Justice, which was
directed by caprice, and the temper of the reigning King. Coiners
of false money were grown so numerous and bare-faced, employed and
even protected by the great men about the Court, that this kind
of imposition on the publick became, among the rest, an object of
redress, and the penalty inflicted was the loss of eyes and genitals.
[102] Eadmer.
[103] Eadmer.
Taking the whole together, one must conclude that the profligacy,
and wanton cruelty, of the King's _Suite_ must have been very
enormous, to have required punishments so repugnant to natural
mercy;--but we can but ill judge, at so distant a period, of the
necessity there might be for such severity.
The Kings, in these ages, moved their _Court_ very frequently, and
often to considerable distances; and, as the state of the roads
would not permit them to travel far in a day, they were forced to
accommodate themselves as well as they could at such houses as lay
convenient, there being then no receptacles of a public nature.
These motions of so large a body of people, added to the frequency
of them, were often, of themselves, very oppressive to the Yeomanry,
who were obliged to supply the Court with carts and horses from
place to place; and the abuse the people sustained in this kind of
Purveyance was the occasion of edicts afterward to restrain any from
_taking carriages_ from the subject, for this purpose, except by
the persons authorized and appointed to the office, who were called
the King's _Cart-takers_, a post which is now in being, though out
of use. But, although the Court was not fixed in these times, yet
the Kings generally kept the Feast of Christmas in one place[104],
according to their liking or convenience. The other Feasts they kept
at different places, as it happened, they having Palaces almost
at every considerable place in the Kingdom, _viz._ besides London
and its environs, at York, at Gloucester, Winchester, Salisbury,
Marlborough, Bath, Worcester, and many other places, too numerous
to mention _nominatim_. The great Feasts (together with that of St.
George, after the institution of the Order of the Garter,) were kept
with great solemnity, even so late as the Reign of King ... when the
public observance of them was dropped by the King and Court.
[104] _Pro more_, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does
not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas
at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had
stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore
their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis
quoties esset in Angliâ; ad _Pascha_ eam gessit in _Winchester;_
ad Pentecosten in _Westminster;_ et ad _Natales_ in _Gloucester_."
Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rex _induta Corona_
tenuit Curiam in _Winchester_ ad _Pascha_, atque ita Itinera
instituit ut esset ad _Pentecosten_ apud _Westminster;_ ubi armis
militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.
William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court
at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the
Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide
1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at
Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he
built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his
Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where
else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of
magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the
Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left
off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees
into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns
on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they
would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was,
nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the
reason.
Henry was not wanting in splendour and magnificence on these
occasions. Eadmerus, speaking of one of them, and more might be
produced, says, "Rex Henricus [in Festivitate Pentecostes] _curiam_
suam Lundoniæ in _magnâ_ mundi _gloriâ_, et _diviti apparatu_
celebravit." Wherever the King kept his Court, or indeed wherever
he resided, _there_ was, of course, the general resort of all the
great men of the time, who brought with them, no doubt, large
retinues; and in so great a concourse it is no wonder there should
be many disorderly and abandoned people, in spite of all edicts and
penalties.
Hitherto I have met with very little mention of any Officers
of the _Court_ or _Household_. In this Reign, however, we hear
of William de Tankerville, whom Lord Lyttelton calls, "Henry's
_Great Chamberlain_." The Annotator on M. Rapin calls him
only _Chamberlain_; and Matthew Paris, _Camerarius_; but this
unquestionably means _Treasurer_, or _High Treasurer_, and not
the great Officer we now understand by the _Chamberlain_, or the
_Great Chamberlain_. The Latin term for these is _Cambellanus_,
which Du Cange says, is--"diversus à _Camerario_, penes quem erat
cura _Cameræ_ seu Thesauri Regii--_Cambellano_ autem fuit cura
_Cubiculi_[105]. We have the term _Chamberlain_, in the sense of
_Camerarius_, still preserved in the City of London, where the
Treasurer is called the _Chamberlain_, and the office the _Chamber_;
and indeed this Officer, of every Corporation, is, for the most
part, called the _Chamberlain_. In the account given by the Saxon
Chronicle[106] of the persons who were so unfortunately drowned with
Prince William, King Henry's son, in returning from Normandy, in the
year 1120, it is said there perished "quamplurimi de Regis familiâ,
_Dispensatores_[107], _Cubicularii_[108], _Pincernæ_[109], aliique
Ministri;" indeed all who were on board perished, except one man.
These, it is supposed, were all menial and inferior Officers of the
King's Household; those of a higher rank, and who appertained to the
King's person, probably being on board the same ship with himself.
[105] Du Cange, Gloss. in voce _Cambellanus_.
[106] P. 222.
[107] The _Dispensatores_ should seem to be something like our
Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out
provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.
[108] The _Cubicularii_ I have already supposed to mean the inferior
Officers of the Bed-chamber.
[109] The _Pincernæ_, Butlers,--"_Pincerna_, qui Vinum Convivis
miscet;" Du Cange in voce: and _Pincernare_, he says, is "Vinum
prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it
seems to be what we call _A Yeoman of the Mouth_.
STEPHEN.
Stephen, at his accession, found in his Uncle's Treasury upwards of
100,000_l._[110] besides plate and jewels, the fruits of Henry's
rapacity and oppression. As Stephen came in upon a doubtful
title, the people were willing to take this opportunity of
securing themselves against future usurpations and exactions; and
accordingly, after some debate about the succession, when Stephen
was placed on the throne, they imposed a new oath upon their new
King; which imported, that he should fill the vacant Bishoprics,
that he should not seize the Woods which belonged to private
persons, upon frivolous pretences, as his Predecessors had done; but
be content with the Forests which belonged to the two Williams, and
make restitution of such as Henry had usurped. The Bishops, on the
other hand, took a conditional oath, that they would pay allegiance
no longer than he should continue to maintain the privileges of the
Church. All this, and more, Stephen afterwards confirmed by Charter;
but yet it tended only to amuse the people, till he was fully seated
in his Throne, and felt himself a King; for, not many months after
the signing the Charter, wherein he particularly covenants not to
meddle with vacant Bishoprics, do we find that, upon the death of
the Archbishop, he seized the revenues of the See of Canterbury, and
kept them in his hands above two years. It is true, he only followed
the examples of his Predecessors; but with this aggravation, that
Stephen had given the most sacred engagements that can be had
between men, that he would not intermeddle with the revenues of the
vacant Bishoprics, but that they should be sequestered in the hands
of Ecclesiastics till the vacancy was filled. No wonder then that
a King, with so little regard to every tie, however sacred, should
soon be involved in tumultuous scenes of disaffection and revolt. To
heal this wound, and to buy off the reproaches of his subjects (of
whose assistance he foresaw he should soon have occasion, in growing
ruptures with neighbouring Powers), he not only became lavish of
_titles_ and _honours_, but alienated many of the Crown lands, to
secure the interest of such as he thought might be serviceable to
him. But this bounty had not the desired effect: some who accepted
his favours thought them no more than their due; others, who were
passed by, became jealous, and thought themselves neglected, and
soon shewed their resentment, which proved the source of the
approaching troubles. So difficult is it to regain the lost esteem
of a brave and spirited people!
[110] William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum
millia libras," p. 179.
One very great error in the politics of the preceding three Kings
was, heaping favours and honours on the Normans, to the exclusion
of the English; by which the affection of the Natives was warped,
the natural security of the Kingdom (the People) divided, and their
hearts turned against the King and his Adherents. The filling the
Court with Normans, and lavishing honours and estates amongst them,
was weakening the attachment of the English to such a degree, that
it became eventually out of the power of the latter to support the
Royal Family when it wanted protection. Stephen, at his accession,
had made large promises to the Barons, to engage them in support of
his weak title to the Throne; and had given them strong assurances
that they should enjoy more privileges and offices under him, than
they had possessed in the Reigns of his Norman Predecessors. These
promises (which, perhaps, were never intended to be performed)
answered Stephen's end, by securing to him the Crown, and were the
sole motive that induced the Barons to concur so warmly in his
interest; and the non-performance was the cause of the general
revolt that happened in a few years. From the time of Stephen's
accession, he had been perpetually reminded by his _Courtiers_ of
his large promises, which he was forced to parry by other still
larger promises, and often by actual grants, to satisfy those that
were most importunate.
Their private resentments were covered with public outside[111]; but
most Writers agree that this was only an ostensible excuse for an
opportunity to gratify their revenge; and that the true reasons of
discontent were, that they did not receive rewards and emoluments
equal to their expectations, and Stephen's promises. The greatest
after-engagements that the King could devise were not, however,
sufficient to secure the allegiance of his Courtiers; every one was
grasping at the same posts, the same estates, the same honours.
Reason has little weight among such claimants; and it is no wonder
that the situation of the parties should kindle a flame that should
spread itself over the whole Kingdom.
[111] The breach of his oath to Matilda.
During so turbulent a period, it is not to be supposed that much
attention should be paid to the interior regulation of the King's
House or Household; it was probably as much distracted as the rest
of the Kingdom. The King being obliged to fly about from place
to place, as the exigency of affairs required, there was little
time to study _State_ and _Magnificence_ in his _Court_. In the
former part of Stephen's Reign his Court was extremely magnificent,
exceeding that of his Predecessors. He held his Court at Easter,
in the first year of his Reign, at London, which was the most
splendid, in every respect, that had yet been seen in England[112].
One may judge a little of the hospitality of the Court in those
days, by the manner of living among the Nobility: for at this time,
and many ages after, the great halls of the castles or principal
manor-houses of the Nobility and Gentry were crowded with vast
numbers of their vassals and tenants, who were daily fed at their
cost. And in houses of inferior rank, upon occasions of feasting,
the floor was strewed with flowers, and the jovial company drank
wine out of gilded horns, and sang songs when they became inebriated
with their liquor[113]. This custom of strewing the floor, in those
days, was a part of the luxury of the times; and _Becket_, when
he was Chancellor, in the next Reign, according to a contemporary
Author[114], ordered his hall to be strewed every day, in the winter
with fresh straw or hay, and in summer with rushes, or green leaves,
fresh gathered; and this reason is given for it, that such Knights
as the benches could not contain might sit on the floor without
dirtying their fine cloaths. But even this rustic simplicity was
mixed with great magnificence in gold and silver plate[115]. This
custom of strewing the rooms extended to the apartments of the Kings
themselves in those days; for in the time of Edward I. "Willielmus
filius Willielmi de Aylesbury tenet tres virgatas terræ ... per
serjeantiam inveniendi _stramen_ ad straminandam cameram Domini
Regis in _Hyeme_ et in _Æstate Herbam_ ad juncandam[116] cameram
suam[117]." It may be observed, further, that there is a relique
of this custom still subsisting; for at Coronations the ground is
strewed with flowers by a person who is upon the establishment,
called the _Herb-strewer_, with an annual salary.
[112] Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidior _in Angliâ_ multitudine,
magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.
Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.
[113] Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.
[114] Fitzstephen.
[115] Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.
[116] _Juncare_ is properly, to strew with rushes.
[117] Blount's Jocular Tenures.
But the commotions of this Reign even put a stop to these meetings
of the Court and Council[118], and all Royal magnificence was broken
down and defaced. Had it not been for the turbulency of the times,
Stephen might doubtless have kept a very large Household, and a
splendid Court; for, added to the wealth he inherited with the Crown
from his Predecessor, he had large revenues, derived from different
sources; _viz._ the demesnes of the Crown, escheats, feudal profits
from the demesnes of others, fines, aids, and several others; but
the exigency of his affairs, and the situation to which he was
reduced with his Barons, obliged him to give largely, and at last
to resume what he had before given, the price of the dissembled
affection of his Courtiers.
[118] Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus
evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.
Stephen had liberality, and loved splendour; so that, had he lived
in times more favourable to it, he would, probably, have shone with
great lustre in his _Court_ and _Household_, if we may take the
Court which attended him in his first year, and the magnificence
there exhibited, for a specimen.
King Stephen, being a Foreigner, and an Usurper, might not choose
to ask _Aids_ of the people of England, and it does not appear that
he did. He had two sons, Eustace and William, both of whom lived to
be married, and no doubt were _Knights_, which, according to the
complexion of the times, every person of the least consequence was,
though these Princes do not appear to have received that honour in
England. King Stephen was unpopular; and being embroiled in domestic
wars with his Cousin the Empress Maud, made no demands of _aids_ of
this sort of which we are speaking. His two elder Sons died in his
life-time; and his third, William, was by Henry II. restored to his
titles of Earl of Bolleigne, Surrey, and Mortaine; and dying without
issue, was succeeded by his sister Mary, who, after having been
Abbess of Ramsey, was married to the second son of Theodoric, Earl
of Flanders, who, in her right, was Earl of Bolleigne.
King Stephen, during the internal disquietudes in the Kingdom, was
taken prisoner by _Maud_, the Empress, and afterwards released at
the suit of his Son _Eustace_. It is not said that any sum of money
was paid on the occasion, and indeed it will admit of a question
whether the Norman _aid_, allowed for ransom of the King's Person
if taken prisoner, would extend to such a domestic war. The Kingdom
was divided; and the Title to the Crown suspended, and in such an
unquiet hour, it was difficult for the Nation at large to refuse or
comply.
HENRY II. (PLANTAGENET.)
Henry at his Accession found himself so contracted in his Royal
Revenues, by the imprudence of his immediate Predecessor, Stephen,
that some spirited measures became necessary, to enable him to
support his dignity equal to the Sovereign of a great Kingdom, and
his own wishes.
Henry soon saw that the resumption of several grants made by
Stephen was absolutely necessary; and these having been conferred
on great and powerful men, the measure must be conducted with
firmness and delicacy. In a Treaty made at Winchester, after the
close of the Civil Commotions in the late Reign, after Stephen
had contented himself that Henry, then Duke of Normandy, should
assume the Rights and Power of a King, reserving to himself only
_the Image of the Royal Dignity_, it was stipulated, _inter alia_,
by a separate and secret article, that the King (Stephen) "should
resume what had been alienated to the Nobles, or usurped by them,
of the Royal Demesne[119]." This article was limited to whatever
lands or possessions had belonged to the Crown at the death of
King Henry I.; all which were to be restored, except those that
Stephen had granted to William his Son, or had bestowed on the
Church. Among these resumable gifts were some made by Matilda; for
she too, acting as Sovereign, had followed Stephen's example, in
giving away certain parts of the Estate of the Crown, to reward
her adherents. Add to these, much that had been usurped by the
Barons of both Parties, without any warrant, by the licence of the
times, on unjustifiable pretences[120]. No article of the Treaty
of Winchester was more necessary to be fulfilled than a resumption
of all these alienations, which had been neglected by Stephen,
indigent as he was; for, had this not been now executed, Henry
would have been little better than Stephen, a Sovereign without
a Royal Revenue--"Rex et preterea nihil."--His power would soon
have vanished; and the Barons, having usurped the Crown Lands,
would very soon have contended for the Sovereign Power: and had
not Henry exerted the spirit and conduct which he soon shewed, it
is more than probable the Government of the Kingdom at this period
had sunk into an Aristocracy. Henry, therefore, as soon as he was
well and fully confirmed on the Throne, set about the execution of
this secret article of the Treaty of Winchester, relating to the
alienated lands, which Stephen had neglected. The necessity of this
measure, however arduous and disagreeable in itself, appeared in the
most glaring colours to Henry; for Stephen's extravagance, and the
insatiable demands of his faction, had induced him to alienate so
much of the ancient Demesne of the Crown, that the remaining Estate
was not (as has been said) sufficient to maintain the Royal Dignity.
Royal Cities, and Forts of great consequence, had been also granted
away, which could not be suffered to continue in the hands of the
Nobles, without endangering the peace of the Kingdom. Policy and Law
concurred in demanding these concessions back again. The Antient
Demesne of the Crown was held so very sacred, and so inalienable,
that no length of time could give a right of prescription to any
other possessors, even by virtue of grants from the Crown, against
the claim of succeeding Princes[121]. William Rufus made grants, and
revoked them at pleasure, to supply his extravagance and ridiculous
humour. This was base and unmanly. Henry's resumptions neither
impeached his generosity nor his justice. The grants he reclaimed
were such as sound policy and the exigencies of the State demanded,
being made by a weak Prince in embarrassed situations; as they were
all of no earlier date than the Reign of King Stephen, and had not
been transmitted down through several generations. Foreseeing,
however, that this step would raise much discontent in those who
were to be affected by it, who were numerous and powerful, Henry was
cautious not to act without a legal sanction, and the approbation
of his Council. He therefore summoned a Parliament, wherein almost
all his Nobles were present; and having properly laid before them
the wants of the Crown, the losses it had suffered, the illegality
of the grants, and the urgent necessity of a speedy resumption;
obtained their concurrence to it, and proceeded to put it into
immediate execution. The vigour of his government was such, that he
met with less opposition than he had reason to expect; very near
all that had been granted to Laymen, or usurped by them, from the
Royal Demesne, was surrendered to him without bloodshed, after a
little delay, and some ineffectual marks of reluctance in a few of
the greatest Barons[122]. The cause assigned for these resumptions
was not a defect in the title of the grantor, nor any unworthiness
in the grantee, but the apparent and indispensable necessity
of recovering the just and inseparable Rights of the Crown. No
distinction was made between the grants of Stephen and Matilda;
for that would have carried an appearance of Henry's acting from
motives, not of Royal economy and public expediency, but of party
revenge; and by this equal and impartial proceeding, he left the
adherents of Stephen no reason to complain. In the course of this
business, however, Henry was once very near losing his life; for
Roger de Mortimer would not submit, which obliged Henry, incensed by
his obstinacy, to lead an army against him, with which he assaulted,
among others, the castle of Bridgnorth, in Shropshire, which was
defended by Mortimer himself. Henry commanded in person, and exposed
himself to so much danger, that he would have been infallibly slain,
if a faithful vassal (Hubert de St. Clare[123]) who stood by his
side, had not preferred the King's life to his own; for, seeing an
arrow aimed at Henry by one of Mortimer's archers, he stepped before
him, and received it in his own breast. The wound proved mortal,
and he expired in Henry's arms; recommending his daughter, an only
child, and an infant, to the care of that Prince[124]. It is hard
to say which deserves the most admiration (continues my Noble
Author[125]) a subject who died to save his King, or a King whose
personal virtues could render his safety so dear to a subject whom
he had not obliged by any extraordinary favours[126].
[119] Lord Lyttelton.
[120] Lord Lyttelton.
[121] Lord Lyttelton.
[122] Lord Lyttelton.
[123] Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.
[124] The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he
owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a
Nobleman of great distinction.
[125] Lord Lyttelton.
[126] A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland.
The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H.
Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own
breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773)
to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.
Henry, now firmly seated on his Throne, possessed of an ample Royal
Revenue, confirmed the Charter of his Grandfather, Henry I; but, not
content only to restore good Laws, he enforced a due execution of
them. This Reign is so pregnant with interesting events, and shining
transactions of a public nature, that it is no wonder Historians
are silent as to lesser matters, such as the internal direction of
his _Court_; but there is, I think, little question to be made but
that it was magnificent; and as England became in his Reign one
of the most powerful States in Europe, one would infer that his
_Court_ was likewise equal (at least) to any other in dignity and
splendour. He entertained at one time, in his Palace at Westminster,
the several Ambassadors of Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople; of
Frederic, Emperor of the Romans; of William, Archbishop of Triers;
of the Duke of Saxony; and of Philip, Earl of Flanders: an uncommon
resort in these days, who, doubtless, were attracted by the power
of the King, and both received from, and added, lustre to the
brilliancy and magnificence of his Court[127].
[127] Speed, p. 519.
Lord Lyttelton, after giving an account of his person and temper,
speaking of his munificence, says, he assigned the tenth part of
the Provisions of his _Household_ to be constantly given in daily
alms to the poor; which one must imagine to have been a very
considerable donation, considering the hospitable manner of living
in those days. "His own table (continues his Lordship) was frugal,
his diet plain, and in his dress he affected the utmost simplicity,
disliking all ornaments which might encumber him in his exercise, or
shew an effeminate regard to his person." He introduced the Angevin
fashion of wearing short cloaks or mantles (contrary to the mode
that prevailed in William Rufus's Reign), which he himself had worn
from his childhood, and from which he obtained the sobriquet, or
nick-name, of Court-Mantle[128]. In this he would soon be followed
by his Court, and the People; for it is every day seen how fast
the fashions of the Great descend into the remotest parts of the
Kingdom. Lord Lyttelton, however, observes, that the long garments
introduced temp. Will. Rufus, were not wholly laid aside; so that
Henry's fashion did not prevail universally[129]. The use of silk
made by silk-worms (the _Bombycina_) was brought hither from Sicily
about this time; there was also a costly stuff at this day in great
request here, called in Latin _Aurifrisium_. What it was called in
English, Mr. Camden declares himself ignorant[130]; but supposes it
_not_ to mean Embroidery, although, by other testimonies, _that_ was
much worn by the Nobility, and was termed in Latin _Opera Phrigia_,
and the corruption seems very easy and allowable. "Whatever it was,"
says he, "it was much desired by the Popes, and highly esteemed in
Italy."
[128] _i.e._ Short Mantle.--"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur Henricus
_Curtmantell_, nam iste primus omnium _curta mantella_ ab Andegaviâ
(Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.
[129] Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.
[130] Camden's Remains, p. 194.
Hitherto I have not been able to learn any thing concerning Henry's
_Household_, or the internal disposition of his Family. He appears
himself to have lived in a great degree of familiarity with his
Courtiers, whom he honoured with his intimacy; and would frequently
unbend, and lay aside the King, and was fond of the _desipere in
loco_. But "his good humour and jocularity," says Lord Lyttelton,
"seems to have been sometimes too _playful in the eye of the
public_; and to have carried him into things that were _infra_
_dignitatem_[131]." In a note on this passage, his Lordship gives
a pleasant story, which I shall relate, to relieve the Reader, and
certainly cannot do it better than in his Lordship's own words, from
Fitz-Stephen's Life of Archbishop Becket. "As the King and Becket,
his Chancellor[132], were riding together through the streets of
London, in cold and stormy weather, the King saw, coming towards
them, a poor old man, in a thin coat, worn to tatters. Would it not
be a great charity (said he to the Chancellor) to give this naked
wretch, who is so needy and infirm, a good warm cloak? Certainly,
answered that Minister; and you do the duty of a King, in turning
your eyes and thoughts to such objects. While they were thus
talking, the man came near; the King asked him if he wished to have
a good cloak? and, turning to the Chancellor, said,--_You shall have
the merit of this good deed of charity_; then suddenly laying hold
on a fine new scarlet cloak, lined with fur, which Becket had on,
he tried to pull it from him, and, after some struggle, in which
they had both like to have fallen from their horses, prevailed.
The poor man had the cloak, and the Courtiers laughed, like good
Courtiers, at the pleasantry of the King[133]."
[131] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.
[132] He was not then Archbishop.
[133] Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.
King Henry II. in the early part of his life, was in a very doubtful
situation with regard to his accession to the Crown of England,
which depended upon the success of his Mother, the Empress, against
the Usurper, King Stephen. As soon, however, as he attained his
_sixteenth_ year, A. D. 1149, he came over into England; and at
Carlisle, where his Great Uncle David, King of Scots, then lay, was
by him made a Knight, among several others of equal age, at the
feast of Pentecost[134], and for which no _Aid_ could be demanded.
[134] Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.
His issue, which is all that concerns the matter before us,
consisted of four Sons: Henry, Richard, Geoffrey, and John; and
three Daughters, Maud, Alianor, and Joan.
It is difficult, in a
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