Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-1839, part 2
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Title: Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-1839, part 2
Author: Josiah Gregg
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release date: November 17, 2013 [eBook #44205]
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Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREGG'S COMMERCE OF THE PRAIRIES, 1831-1839, PART 2 ***
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
Volume XX
[Illustration: Indian alarm on the Cimarron River]
Early Western Travels
1748-1846
A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best
and rarest contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive
of the Aborigines and Social and
Economic Conditions in the Middle
and Far West, during the Period
of Early American Settlement
Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by
Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL. D.
Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents", "Original
Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition", "Hennepin's
New Discovery," etc.
Volume XX
Part II of Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-1839
[Illustration]
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1905
COPYRIGHT 1905, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Lakeside Press
R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY
CHICAGO
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX
COMMERCE OF THE PRAIRIES; or, The Journal of a Santa Fé
Trader, during Eight Expeditions across the Great Western
Prairies, and a Residence of nearly Nine Years in Northern
Mexico. (Part II: Chapters xii-xvi of Volume I, and all
of Volume II of original.) _Josiah Gregg._
Author's Table of Contents 13
Text of Part II: 21
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME XX
"Indian Alarm on the Cimarron River" _Frontispiece_
"Map of the Interior of Northern Mexico" _Facing_ 21
Medal of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Mexico (text cut) 40
"Camp Comanche" 123
Mule emerging from a mine; Still Hunting (text cuts in
original) 181
"'Dog Town,' or Settlement of Prairie Dogs" 279
PART II OF GREGG'S COMMERCE OF THE PRAIRIES, OR THE
JOURNAL OF A SANTA FÉ TRADER--1831-1839
Reprint of chapters xii-xvi of Volume I, and all of Volume
II of the second edition: New York, 1845
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XII
Government of New Mexico -- The Administration of Justice
-- Judicial Corruption -- Prejudices against Americans
-- Partiality for the English -- Anecdote of Governor
Armijo and a Trapper -- Outrage upon an American
Physician -- Violence suffered by the American Consul
and others -- Arbitrary Impositions upon Foreigners --
_Contribucion de Guerra_ -- The Alcaldes and their
System -- The _Fueros_ -- Mode of punishing Delinquents
and Criminals -- Mexican System of Slavery -- Thieves
and Thieveries Outrage upon an American Merchant --
Gambling and Gambling-houses -- Game of _Monte_ --
Anecdote of a Lady of Fashion -- _Chuza_ -- Cockpits --
_Correr el gallo_ -- _El Coleo_ -- Fandangoes --
_Cigarritos_, 21
CHAPTER XIII
Military Hierarchy of Mexico -- Religious Superstitions --
Legend of _Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe_ -- A profane
Version of the Story -- A curious Plan for manufacturing
Water -- Saints and Images -- Processions -- How to make
it Rain -- The Sacred Host -- Fanaticism and Murder --
Honors paid to a Bishop -- Servility to Priests --
Attendance at Public Worship -- New Mexicans in Church
-- The Vesper Bells -- Passion Week and the Ceremonies
pertaining thereto -- Ridiculous _Penitencia_ --
Whitewashing of Criminals -- Matrimonial Connexions and
Mode of Contracting them -- Restrictions upon Lovers --
Onerous Fees paid for Marriages and Burials -- Anecdote
of a _Ranchero_ -- Ditto of a Servant and of a Widow,
illustrative of Priestly Extortion -- Modes of Burial,
and Burial Ground of the Heretics, 37
CHAPTER XIV
The Pueblos -- Their Character for Sobriety, Honesty, and
Industry -- Traditional descent from Montezuma -- Their
Languages -- Former and present Population -- The Pueblo
of Pecos -- Singular Habits of that ill-fated Tribe --
Curious Tradition -- Montezuma and the Sun -- Legend of
a Serpent -- Religion and government -- Secret Council
-- Laws and Customs -- Excellent Provisions against
Demoralization -- Primitive Pastimes of the Pueblos --
Their Architecture -- Singular Structures of Taos, and
other novel Fortifications -- Primitive state of the
Arts among the Pueblos -- Style of Dress, Weapons, etc.
-- Their Diet -- The _Guayave_, 54
{xvi} CHAPTER XV
The wild Tribes of New Mexico -- Speculative Theories --
Clavigero and the _Azteques_ -- Pueblo Bonito and other
Ruins -- Probable Relationship between the _Azteques_
and Tribes of New Mexico -- The several Nations of this
Province -- _Navajóes_ and _Azteques_ -- Manufactures of
the former -- Their Agriculture, Religion, etc. --
Mexican Cruelty to the Indians and its Consequences --
Inroads of the Navajóes -- Exploits of a Mexican Army --
How to make a Hole in a powder-keg -- The _Apaches_ and
their character -- Their Food -- Novel Mode of settling
Disputes -- Range of their marauding Excursions --
Indian Traffic and imbecile Treaties -- Devastation of
the Country -- Chihuahua Rodomontades -- Juan José, a
celebrated Apache Chief, and his tragical End, etc. --
Massacre of Americans in Retaliation -- A tragical
Episode -- _Proyecto de Guerra_ and a 'gallant' Display
-- The _Yutas_ and their Hostilities -- A personal
Adventure with them, but no Bloodshed -- The Jicarillas, 67
CHAPTER XVI
Incidents of a Return Trip from Santa Fé -- Calibre of our
Party -- Return Caravans -- Remittances -- Death of Mr.
Langham -- Burial in the Desert -- A sudden Attack --
Confusion in the Camp -- The Pawnees -- A Wolfish Escort
-- Scarcity of Buffalo -- Unprofitable Delusion --
Arrival -- Table of Camping Sites and Distances --
Condition of the Town of Independence -- The Mormons --
Their Dishonesty and Immorality -- Their high-handed
Measures, and a Rising of the People -- A fatal Skirmish
-- A chivalrous Parade of the Citizens -- Expulsion of
the Mormons -- The Meteoric Shower, and Superstition,
etc. -- Wanderings and Improprieties of the 'Latter-day
Saints' -- Gov. Boggs' Recipe -- The City of Nauvoo --
Contemplated Retribution of the Mormons, 87
CHAPTER XVII {I of Vol. II, original ed.}
A Return to Prairie Life -- Abandonment of the regular
Route -- The Start -- A Suicide -- Arrest of a Mulatto
for Debt -- Cherokee 'Bankrupt Law' -- Chuly, the Creek
Indian -- The Muster and the Introduction -- An '_Olla
Podrida_' -- Adventure of a 'Down-Easter' -- Arrival of
U. S. Dragoons -- Camp Holmes, and the Road -- A Visit
from a Party of Comanches -- Tabba-quena, a noted Chief
-- His extraordinary Geographical Talent -- Indians set
out for the 'Capitan Grande,' and we through an
unexplored Region -- Rejoined by Tabba-quena and his
'_suite_' -- Spring Valley -- The Buffalo Fever -- The
Chase -- A Green-horn Scamper -- Prairie Fuel, 99
CHAPTER XVIII {II of Vol. II}
Travelling out of our Latitude -- The Buffalo-gnat -- A
Kiawa and Squaw -- Indian _crim. con._ Affair --
Extraordinary Mark of confidence in the White Man -- A
Conflagration -- An Espy Shower -- Region of Gypsum --
Our Latitude -- A Lilliputian Forest -- A Party of
Comanches -- A Visit to a 'Dog-Town' -- Indian Archery
-- Arrival of Comanche Warriors -- A 'Big Talk' and its
Results -- Speech of the _Capitan Mayor_ -- Project of
bringing Comanche Chiefs to Washington -- Return of
Lieut. Bowman, and our March resumed -- Melancholy
Reflections -- Another Indian Visit -- Mexican Captives
-- Voluntary Captivity -- A sprightly Mexican Lad --
Purchase of a Captive -- Comanche Trade and Etiquette --
Indians least dangerous to such as trade with them, 114
CHAPTER XIX {III of Vol. II}
Ponds and Buffalo Wallows -- Valley of the Canadian, and
romantic Freaks of Nature -- Formation of Ravines --
Melancholy Adventure of a Party of Traders in 1832 --
Fears of our being lost -- Arrival of a Party of
_Comancheros_, and their wonderful Stories -- Their
Peculiarities and Traffic -- Bitter Water, and the
_Salitre_ of New Mexico -- Avant-couriers for Santa Fé
-- Patent Fire-arms and their Virtues -- Ranchero Ideas
of Distance, and their Mode of giving Directions -- The
Angostura, and erroneous Notions of the Texans -- A new
Route revealed -- Solitary Travel -- Supply of
Provisions sent back -- Arrival at Santa Fé -- Gov.
Armijo, etc. -- A 'Flare-up' with His Excellency, 132
CHAPTER XX {IV of Vol. II}
Preparations for a Start to Chihuahua -- Ineptness of
Married Men for the Santa Fé Trade -- Annoying
Custom-house Regulations -- Mails in New Mexico --
Insecurity of Correspondence -- Outfit and Departure --
_Derecho de Consumo_ -- Ruins of Valverde -- 'Towns
without Houses' -- La Jornado del Muerto -- Laguna and
Ojo del Muerto -- A Tradition of the _Arrieros_ --
Laborious Ferrying and Quagmires -- Arrival at Paso del
Norte -- Amenity of the Valley -- _Sierra Blanca_ and
_Los Organos_ -- Face of the Country -- Seagrass --
Médanos or Sand-hills -- An accidental River -- Carrizal
-- Ojo Caliente -- Laguna de Encinillas -- Southern
Haciendas -- Arrival -- Character of the Route and Soil, 145
CHAPTER XXI {V of Vol. II}
Trip from Chihuahua to Aguascalientes, in 1835 -- Southern
Trade and _Ferias_ -- Hacienda de la Zarca, and its
innumerable Stock -- Rio Nazas, and Lakes without outlet
-- Perennial Cotton -- Exactions for Water and Pasturage
-- Village of Churches -- City of Durango and its
Peculiarities -- Fruits, Pulque, etc. -- Persecution of
Scorpions -- Negro-ship in the ascendant -- Robbers and
their _modus operandi_ -- City of Aguascalientes --
Bathing Scene -- Haste to return to the North -- Mexican
Mule-shoeing -- Difficulties and Perplexities -- A
Friend in time of need -- Reach Zacatecas -- City
Accommodations -- Hotels unfashionable -- _Locale_,
Fortifications, etc., of the City of Zacatecas -- Siege
by Santa Anna and his easy-won Victory -- At Durango
again -- Civil Warfare among the 'Sovereigns' --
Hairbreadth 'scapes -- Troubles of the Road -- Safe
Arrival at Chihuahua -- Character of the Southern
Country, 162
CHAPTER XXII {VI of Vol. II}
Visit to the Mining Town of Jesus-Maria -- Critical Roads
-- Character of the Town -- Losing Speculations -- Mine
of Santa Juliana -- Curious mining Operations --
Different Modes of working the Ore -- The Crushing-mill,
etc. -- _Barras de Plata_ -- Value of Bullion -- The
Silver Trade -- Return to Chihuahua -- Resumption of the
regular Narrative -- Curious Wholesales -- Money Table
-- Redundancy of Copper Coin -- City of Chihuahua and
its Peculiarities -- Ecclesiastical Architecture --
Hidalgo and his Monument -- Public Works, and their
present Declension -- _Fête_ in honor of Iturbide --
Illiberality towards Americans -- Shopping Mania --
Anti-Masonic _Auto de Fe_, 178
CHAPTER XXIII {VII of Vol. II}
Departure for Santa Fé -- Straitened for Food -- Summary
Effort to procure Beef -- Seizure of one of our Party --
Altercation with a _Rico_ -- His pusillanimous Procedure
-- Great Preparations in Chihuahua for our Arrest --
Arrival of Mexican Troops -- A polite Officer -- Myself
with three of my Men summoned back to Chihuahua --
Amiable Conduct of Señor Artalejo -- _Junta_
_Departmental_ and Discussion of my Affair -- Writ of
_Habeas Corpus_ not in vogue -- The Matter adjusted and
Passports granted -- The _Morale_ -- Impunity of savage
Depredations -- Final Start -- Company of _Paseños_ with
their Fruits and Liquors -- Arrival at Santa Fé, 193
CHAPTER XXIV {VIII of Vol. II}
Preparations for returning Home -- Breaking out of the
Small-pox -- The Start -- Our Caravan -- Manuel the
Comanche -- A new Route -- The Prairie on Fire -- Danger
to be apprehended from these Conflagrations -- A
Comanche Buffalo-chase -- A Skirmish with the Pawnees --
An intrepid Mexican -- The Wounded -- Value of a thick
Skull -- Retreat of the Enemy and their Failure -- A
bleak Northwester -- Loss of our Sheep -- The Llano
Estacado and Sources of Red River -- The Canadian River
-- Cruelties upon Buffalo -- Feats at 'Still Hunting' --
Mr. Wethered's Adventure -- Once more on our own Soil --
The False Washita -- Enter our former Trail -- Character
of the Country over which we had travelled -- Arrival at
Van Buren -- The two Routes to Santa Fé -- Some
Advantages of that from Arkansas -- Restlessness of
Prairie Travellers in civilized Life, and Propensity for
returning to the Wild Deserts, 203
CHAPTER XXV {IX of Vol. II}
CONCLUSION OF THE SANTA FE TRADE
Decline of Prices -- Statistical Table -- Chihuahua Trade
-- Its Extent -- Different Ports through which Goods are
introduced to that Market -- Expedition between
Chihuahua and Arkansas -- The Drawback -- The more
recent Incidents of the Santa Fé Caravans -- Adventures
of 1843 -- Robbery and Murder of Chavez -- Expedition
from Texas -- Defeat of Gen. Armijo's Van-guard -- His
precipitate Retreat -- Texan Grievances -- Unfortunate
Results of indiscriminate Revenge -- Want of discipline
among the Texans -- Disarmed by Capt. Cook -- Return of
the Escort of U. S. Dragoons, and of the Texans --
Demands of the Mexican Government -- Closing of the
Santa Fé Trade, 221
CHAPTER XXVI {X of Vol. II}
GEOGRAPHY OF THE PRAIRIES
Extent of the Prairies -- Mountains -- _Mesas_ or
Table-lands -- _El Llano Estacado_ -- _Cañones_ -- Their
Annoyance to the early Caravans -- Immense Gullies --
Coal Mines and other Geological Products -- Gypsum --
Metallic Minerals -- Salines -- Capt. Boone's
Exploration -- 'Salt Plain' and 'Salt Rock' -- Mr.
Sibley's Visit -- Saline Exudations -- Unhabitableness
of the high Prairies -- Excellent Pasturage -- Rich
border Country sufficient for two States -- Northern
Texas -- Rivers of the Prairies -- Their Unfitness for
Navigation -- Timber -- Cross Timbers -- Encroachments
of the Timber upon the Prairies -- Fruits and Flowers --
Salubrity of Climate, 237
CHAPTER XXVII {XI of Vol. II}
ANIMALS OF THE PRAIRIES
The Mustang or Wild Horse -- Capturing him by 'Creasing,'
and with the Lazo -- Horse-flesh -- The Buffalo -- Its
Appearance -- Excellence of its Meat -- General Utility
to the Indian and Traveller -- Prospect of its
Extinction -- Hunting the Buffalo with Bow and Arrows,
the Lance, etc. -- 'Still-hunting' -- The Buffalo
ferocious only when wounded -- Butchering, etc. -- The
Gray Wolf -- Its Modes of killing Buffalo -- Their great
numbers -- A 'Wolf scrape' -- The Prairie Wolf, or
'Jackal of the Prairies' -- The Elk, Deer and Bear --
The Antelope -- The Bighorn -- The Prairie Dog -- Owls
and Rattlesnakes -- The Horned Frog -- Fowls -- Bees,
etc., 259
CHAPTER XXVIII {XII of Vol. II}
ABORIGINES OF AMERICA
Indian Cosmogony -- Traditions of Origin -- Identity of
Religious Notions -- Adoration of the Sun -- Shawnee
Faith -- Anecdote of Tecumseh -- Legendary Traditions --
Missionaries, and Success of the Catholics -- The
Indian's Heaven -- Burial Customs -- Ancient Accounts --
Depositing the Dead on Scaffolds -- Superstition and
Witchcraft -- Indian Philosophy -- Polygamy and other
Matrimonial Affairs -- Abhorrence of Incest --
Difference in Character -- Indian Hospitality -- Traits
of the Ancient Asiatics -- Names -- Relationship of
Different Tribes -- Dreadful Decrease of the Indians, 283
CHAPTER XXIX {XIII of Vol. II}
THE FRONTIER INDIANS
Causes of Removal West -- Annuities, etc. --
Dissatisfaction of the Indians -- Their Melioration by
the Change -- Superiority of their present Location --
Lands granted to them -- Improvements, Agriculture,
etc. -- Their Slaves -- Manufactures -- Style of Living,
Dress, etc. -- Literary Opportunities and Improvements
-- Choctaw Academy -- Harpies and Frauds -- Games --
Systems of Government -- Polygamy -- Ancient Laws and
Customs -- Intemperance -- Preventive Measures -- A
Choctaw Enactment -- Marriage and Funeral Customs of the
Choctaws -- The Creeks -- Their Summary Executions --
Mourning -- Indian Titles -- The Northern Tribes --
Census of the Frontier Nations, 299
CHAPTER XXX {XIV of Vol. II}
INDIANS OF THE PRAIRIES
System of Chiefs -- Mode of Warfare -- War-Council -- The
Scalp-dance -- The Calumet or Pipe of Peace -- Treaties
-- Public News-criers -- Arms of the Indians -- Bow and
Arrows, etc. -- Hunting -- Dancing -- Language of Signs
-- Telegraphs -- Wigwams or Lodges -- Pack-dogs --
Costumes -- Painting, Tattooing, etc. -- Indian Dandies
-- Manufactures, and Dressing the Buffalo Rug -- Indian
Diet, Fasting, etc. -- Primitive Thomsonians -- Their
domestic Animals, the Dog and the Horse -- Wampum --
Their Chronology, 318
CHAPTER XXXI {XV of Vol. II}
INDIANS OF THE PRAIRIES
Intermediate Tribes -- Their Wigwams and their Hunting
Excursions -- Dress and Cut of their Hair -- The Pawnees
-- The Osages -- Their Roguery -- Matrimonial Customs --
Accomplished Mourners -- Their Superstitions -- The
Indian Figure -- The 'Pawnee Picts' -- Wild Tribes --
Census -- The Comanches -- Their Range -- Their Sobriety
-- Their Chiefs, etc. -- Female Chastity -- Comanche
Marriage -- Costumes -- Horsemanship -- Comanche Warfare
-- Predatory Forays -- Martial Ceremonies -- Treatment
of Captives -- Burial and Religious Rites, 336
GLOSSARY.
Containing such Spanish or Hispano-Mexican words as occur
undefined in this work, or recur without definition
after having been once translated 353
[Illustration: MAP OF THE INTERIOR OF NORTHERN MEXICO.]
COMMERCE OF THE PRAIRIES
{PART II}
CHAPTER XII[1]
Government of New Mexico -- The Administration of Justice --
Judicial Corruption -- Prejudices against Americans -- Partiality
for the English -- Anecdote of Governor Armijo and a Trapper --
Outrage upon an American Physician -- Violence suffered by the
American Consul and others -- Arbitrary Impositions upon Foreigners
-- _Contribucion de Guerra_ -- The Alcaldes and their System --
The _Fueros_ -- Mode of punishing Delinquents and Criminals --
Mexican System of Slavery -- Thieves and Thieveries -- Outrage upon
an American Merchant -- Gambling and Gambling-houses -- Game of
_Monte_ -- Anecdote of a Lady of Fashion -- _Chuza_ -- Cockpits --
_Correr_ _el gallo_ -- El Coleo -- Fandangoes -- _Cigarritos_.
Prior to the adoption of the _Sistema Central_ in the Mexican
republic, the province of New Mexico was under a territorial
government. The executive was called _Gefe Político_ (political
chief), and the _Diputacion Provincial_ very inefficiently supplied
the place of a legislature. Under the present system, however, New
Mexico being a _department_, the names of these powers have been
changed, but their functions remain very nearly the same. The
_Gobernador_ (governor) is appointed by the President for eight years.
The legislative power is nominally vested in a _Junta Departamental_,
a kind of state council, with very circumscribed {226} powers,
somewhat analogous to, and certainly not more extensive than, those of
a board of aldermen with us. But even this shadow of popular
representation was 'prorogued' by Gov. Armijo soon after his accession
to power (five or six years ago), and has never since been convened;
so that [Pg022] its functions have been arbitrarily exercised by the
governor ever since.
The administration of the laws in Northern Mexico constitutes one of
the most painful features of her institutions. Justice, or rather
judgments, are a common article of traffic; and the hapless litigant
who has not the means to soften the claws of the alcalde with a
'silver unction,' is almost sure to get severely scratched in the
contest, no matter what may be the justice of his cause, or the
uprightness of his character. It is easy to perceive, then, that the
poor and the humble stand no chance in a judicial contest with the
wealthy and consequential, whose influence, even apart from their
facilities for corrupting the court and suborning witnesses, is
sufficient to neutralize any amount of plebeian testimony that might
be brought against them.
The evil consequences arising from maladministration of justice in New
Mexico are most severely felt by foreigners, against whom a strong
prejudice prevails throughout the South. Of these, the citizens of the
United States are by far the most constant sufferers; an inevitable
result of that sinister feeling with which the 'rival republic' views
the advancement {227} and superiority of her more industrious
neighbors. It is a notorious fact, that while the English are
universally treated with comparative consideration and respect, the
Americans residing in the southern parts of the republic are
frequently taunted with the effeminacy of their government and its
want of decision. So openly has this preference for British subjects
been manifested, and so thoroughly conscious have the Americans become
of the humiliating fact, that when a mercantile firm, consisting of an
American and an Englishman, has occasion to present a memorial of any
description, or to sue either for an act of favor or of justice from
the nation, the application is sure [Pg023] to be made in the name of
the latter, knowing it will thus be more likely to command proper
attention.
Few men, perhaps, have done more to jeopard the interests of American
traders, or to bring the American character itself into contempt, than
Armijo, the present arbitrary governor of New Mexico. I am happy to
say, however, that in the midst of his many oppressions, he was once
at least obliged to 'knock under' to one of those bold and daring
spirits of the Rocky Mountains whom obstacles rather energize than
subdue. This was about the year 1828, during Armijo's previous
governorship. A law was then in existence which had been enacted by
the general Congress prohibiting foreigners from trapping beaver in
the Mexican territory, under penalty of confiscation, etc.; but as
there were no native {228} trappers in New Mexico, Gov. Baca and his
successor (Narbona) thought it expedient to extend licenses to
foreigners, in the name of citizens, upon condition of their taking a
certain proportion of Mexicans to learn the art of trapping. In
pursuance of this disposition, Gov. Narbona extended a license to one
Ewing Young, who was accompanied by a Mr. Sublette, brother of Capt.
Wm. Sublette, and almost equally celebrated for his mountain
adventures.[2] [Pg024] Previous to the return of this party from
their trapping expedition, Armijo had succeeded Narbona in office, and
they were informed that it was his intention to seize their furs. To
prevent this, they deposited them at a neighboring village, where they
were afterwards discovered, seized, and confiscated. The furs being
damp, they were spread out in the sun before the _Guardia_, in Santa
Fé, when Sublette, perceiving two packs of beaver which had been his
own property, got by honest labor, instantly seized them and carried
them away before the eyes of the whole garrison, and concealed both
them and his own person in a house opposite. The entire military force
was immediately put in requisition, and a general search made for the
offender and his prize; but in vain: indeed, if the truth must be
spoken, the troops seemed to have as little desire to find Sublette as
the latter had of being found; for his character was too well known to
leave any room for hope that his capture could be effected without a
great deal {229} of trouble. In the meanwhile, Armijo raved, and
threatened the Americans for not ferreting out their countryman and
delivering him over to justice. Failing to produce any impression by
blustering, however, he caused a couple of cannons to be pointed at
the house where the offender was supposed to be concealed, declaring
at the same time that he would batter it down; but all to no purpose.
Mr. Sublette finally conveyed his furs in safety to the frontier, and
thence to the United States. [Pg025]
The following anecdote affords another illustration of
Armijo's summary mode of dealing with Americans. In the fall of 1840,
a gross outrage was committed upon a physician from Massachusetts
(said to be a gentleman of unexceptionable deportment), who was
travelling through the country for his health. He had loaned nine
hundred dollars to a person of the name of Tayon, who afterwards
borrowed the same amount of another foreigner and repaid this debt.
The doctor then left for the South, where he intended to pass the
winter, being afflicted with a pulmonary disease. But the individual
who had lent Tayon the money, being informed that he was insolvent,
applied to Gov. Armijo for an order to compel the doctor to return,
expecting thereby to make him reimburse the money. The order overtook
him at the village of Algodones,[3] near forty miles from Santa Fé,
where he was at once arrested by the alcalde, and detained some time,
ignorant even of the offence for which he was doing penance. {230} In
the meantime, the American Consul at Santa Fé, having been informed of
what had taken place, procured a counter-order from the governor for
the release of the prisoner. When the alcalde of Algodones received
this document, he determined at once that so extraordinary an act of
justice should cost the foreigner some trifle. Accordingly, another
order was forged on the spot, commanding that he should be taken to
the capital--yet a 'gentle hint' was given, that his liberty might be
purchased by the payment of two hundred dollars. Being in a land of
strangers, among whom he had but little hope of receiving fair play,
the doctor resolved to pay the amount demanded, and fly to Chihuahua,
where he would at least be safe from Armijo's clutches. Having been
informed, however, of the fraud [Pg026] practised by the alcalde,
before he had proceeded far on his journey, he returned and made an
attempt to bring the delinquent officer to justice, but altogether
without success.
But perhaps the most glaring outrages upon American citizens were
committed in 1841, upon the occasion of the capture of the Texan Santa
Fé Expedition. In Taos, a poor deaf and dumb U. S. creole Frenchman
was beaten to death in open day. In San Miguel, the alcalde, at the
head of a mob, entered the store of a Mr. Rowland, whom he robbed of a
considerable amount of merchandise.[4] At the same time, the greatest
excitement raged in Santa Fé against Americans, whose lives appeared
in imminent danger; and a most {231} savage attack was made upon our
excellent Consul, Manuel Alvarez, Esq., who had always taken an active
interest in the welfare of American citizens.[5]
A few minutes after the governor had departed for San Miguel, to
encounter the Texans, a fellow named Martin, his nephew and
confidential agent, aided by a band of ferocious _sans culottes_, and
armed with a large knife, secretly entered the house of the Consul,
who perceived him in time, however, to avert the blow; yet he received
a severe wound in the face during the scuffle that ensued: the rabble
running in at the same time, and vociferating, "_Sáquenlo ajuera!
mátenlo!_"--Drag him out! kill him! Mr. Alvarez doubtless [Pg027]
owed his preservation partially to the consternation with which the
failure of their clandestine attempt at his life inspired the cowardly
ruffians. Instead of being punished for this diabolical act, the
principal assassin, on the contrary, was soon after promoted in the
army.
The outrage did not end here, however; for on the Consul's demanding
his passport for the United States, it was refused for nearly a month;
thus detaining him until the cold season had so far advanced, that, of
his party (about fifteen in number), two perished from the cold; and
not one arrived without being more or less frost-bitten--some very
severely--besides suffering a loss of about fifty animals from the
same cause.
Although these and other daring outrages have been duly represented to
our Government, {232} it does not appear that any measures of redress
have yet been taken.
With a view of oppressing our merchants, Gov. Armijo had, as early as
1839, issued a decree exempting all the natives from the tax imposed
on store-houses, shops, etc., throwing the whole burden of impost upon
foreigners and naturalized citizens; a measure clearly and
unequivocally at variance with the treaties and stipulations entered
into between the United States and Mexico. A protest was presented
without effect; when our Consul, finding all remonstrances useless,
forwarded a memorial to the American Minister at Mexico,[6] who,
although the vital interests of American citizens were at stake,
deemed the affair of too little importance, perhaps, and therefore
appears to have paid no attention to it. But this system of levying
excessive taxes upon foreigners, is by no means an original invention
of Gov. Armijo. In 1835, the government of Chihuahua having levied a
_contribucion de guerra_ for raising means to make [Pg028] war upon
the savages, who were laying waste the surrounding country, foreign
merchants, with an equal disregard for their rights and the
obligations of treaties, were taxed twenty-five dollars each per
month; while the native merchants, many of whom possessed large
haciendas, with thousands of stock, for the especial protection of
which these taxes were chiefly imposed, paid only from five to ten
dollars each. Remonstrances were presented to the governor, but in
vain. In his official {233} reply, that functionary declared, "_que el
gobierno cree arreglado el reparto de sus respectivas contribuciones_,"
--the government believes your respective contributions in accordance
with justice--which concluded the correspondence, and the Americans
paid their twenty-five dollars per month.
The only tribunals of 'justice' in New Mexico are those of the
ordinary _alcaldes_ or justices of the peace; and an appeal from them
is carried to the Supreme Court in the department of Chihuahua. The
course of litigation is exceedingly simple and summary. The plaintiff
makes his verbal complaint or demand before the alcalde, who orders
him to summon the defendant, which is done by simply saying, "_Le
llama el alcalde_" (the alcalde calls you) into his presence, the
applicant acting thus in the double capacity of constable and
complainant. The summons is always verbal, and rarely for a future
time--instant attendance being expected. Should the defendant refuse
to obey this simple mandate (which, by the bye, is a very rare
occurrence), the alcalde sends his _baston de justicia_, his staff of
justice, an ordinary walking-cane, distinguished only by a peculiar
black silk tassel. This never fails to enforce compliance, for a
refusal to attend after being shown the staff, would be construed into
a contempt of court, and punished accordingly. The witnesses are
sometimes sworn upon a cross cut on the _baston de justicia_, or more
frequently, perhaps, upon a cross [Pg029] formed with {234} the
finger and thumb. Generally speaking, however, the process of
examination is gone through without a single oath being administered;
and in the absence of witnesses, the alcalde often proceeds to
sentence upon the simple statements of the contending parties. By a
species of mutual agreement, the issue of a suit is sometimes referred
to _hombres buenos_ (arbitrators), which is the nearest approximation
that is made to trial by jury. In judicial proceedings, however, but
little, or rather no attention is paid to any code of laws; in fact,
there is scarcely one alcalde in a dozen who knows what a law is, or
who ever saw a law-book. Their decisions, when not influenced by
corrupt agencies, are controlled by the prevailing customs of the
country.
In the administration of justice, there are three distinct and
privileged jurisdictions, known as _fueros_:[7] the _eclesiástico_,
which provides that no member of the clergy, at least of the rank of
curate and upwards, shall ever be arraigned before a civil tribunal,
but shall be tried by their superiors in the order; the _militar_,
which makes a similar provision in favor not only of commissioned
officers, but of every common soldier from the ranks; and the _civil_
or ordinary courts, for all cases in which the defendants are laymen.
These _fueros_ have hitherto maintained the ecclesiastical and
military classes in perfect independence of the civil authorities. The
_civil_, in fact, remains in some degree subordinate to the other two
_fueros_; for it can, under no circumstances, {235} have any
jurisdiction whatever over them; while the lay plaintiff, in the
privileged tribunals of these, may, if unsuccessful, have judgment
entered up against him: a consequence that can never follow the suits
of the ecclesiastical or military orders before the civil tribunals.
The judgments of the latter, in [Pg030] such cases, would be void. It
is no wonder, then, that the cause of freedom in Mexico has made so
little progress.
Imprisonment is almost the only sort of punishment resorted to in the
North. For debt, petit larceny, highway robbery, and murder, the usual
sentence is "_A la cárcel_" (to jail), where a person is likely to
remain about as long for inability to pay _dos reales_, as for the
worst of crimes: always provided he has not the means to pacify the
offended majesty of the law. I never heard of but one execution for
murder in New Mexico, since the declaration of independence. The most
desperate and blood-stained criminals escape with impunity, after a
few weeks of incarceration, unless the prosecutor happens to be a
person of great influence; in which case, the prisoner is detained in
the _calabozo_ at will, even when the offence committed has been of a
trivial character. Notwithstanding this laxity in the execution of the
laws, there are few murders of any kind committed.
In case of debt, as before remarked, the delinquent is sent to
jail--provided the creditor will not accept his services. If he will,
however, the debtor becomes _nolens volens_ the {236} servant of the
creditor till the debt is satisfied; and, serving, as he does, at very
reduced wages, his expenses for clothing, and other necessaries, but
too often retain him in perpetual servitude. This system does not
operate, however, upon the higher classes, yet it acts with terrible
severity upon the unfortunate poor, whose condition is but little
better, if not worse indeed than that of the slaves of the South. They
labor for fixed wages, it is true; but all they can earn is hardly
sufficient to keep them in the coarsest clothing and pay their
contingent expenses. Men's wages range from two to five dollars a
month, and those of women from fifty cents to two dollars; in payment
of which, they rarely receive any money; but instead thereof, articles
of apparel and other necessaries at the most exorbitant prices. The
consequence is that the [Pg031] servant soon accumulates a debt which
he is unable to pay--his wages being often engaged for a year or two
in advance. Now, according to the usages, if not the laws of the
country, he is bound to serve his master until all arrearages are
liquidated; and is only enabled to effect an exchange of masters, by
engaging another to pay his debt, to whom he becomes in like manner
bound.
As I have already remarked, capital crimes and highway robberies are
of comparatively rare occurrence in the North, but in smaller
delinquencies, such as pilfering and petty rogueries of every shade
and description, the common classes can very successfully compete
{237} with any other people. Nothing indeed can be left exposed or
unguarded without great danger of its being immediately stolen. No
husbandman would think of leaving his axe or his hoe, or anything else
of the slightest value, lying out over night. Empty wagons are often
pillaged of every movable piece of iron, and even the wheels have been
carried away. Pieces of merchandise are frequently purloined from the
shelves, when they happen to be in reach. In Chihuahua, goods have
actually been snatched from the counter while being exposed to the
inspection of a pretended purchaser. I once had a trick of this kind
played upon me by a couple of boys, who made their escape through a
crowd of spectators with their booty exposed. In vain I cried
"_Agarren á los ladrones!_" (catch the thieves!) not a single
individual moved to apprehend them. I then proffered the goods stolen,
to any person who might succeed in bringing the rogues to me, but to
no purpose. In fact there seems to exist a great deal of repugnance,
even among the better classes, to apprehending thieves; as if the mere
act of informing against them was considered dishonorable. I heard a
very respectable caballero once remark that he had seen a man purloin
certain articles of merchandise, but he could not be induced to give
[Pg032] up his name; observing, "O, I can't think of exposing the poor
fellow!"
The impunity with which delinquencies of this description are every
day committed is {238} perhaps in some degree, the consequence of
those severe enactments, such as the _Leyes de las Indias_ (the laws
of the Indies), which rendered many thefts and robberies punishable
with death.[8] The magistracy contracted the habit of frequently
winking at crime, rather than resort to the barbarous expedients
prescribed by the letter of the law. The utmost that can be gained now
by public prosecution, is the recovery of the stolen property, if that
be anywhere to be found, and occasionally a short period of
imprisonment for the culprit. This is more particularly the case when
the prosecutor happens to be a foreigner; while on the other hand, if
he be the party accused, he is likely to be subjected to very severe
treatment. A remarkable circumstance of this kind occurred in
Chihuahua in the year 1835. One of our most respectable Missouri
merchants had bought a mule of a stranger, but the animal was soon
after claimed by a third person, who proved that it had been stolen
from him. The Missourian would have been perfectly satisfied to lose
the mule, and end the matter there; but to the surprise of all, he was
directly summoned before an alcalde, and forthwith sentenced to jail:
the partial judge having labored to fix the theft upon the innocent
purchaser, while the real culprit, who was a native, was permitted to
go at large.
The love of gambling also deserves to be noticed as a distinguishing
propensity of these people. Indeed it may well be said, without any
undue stretch of imagination, that [Pg033] shop-lifting, {239}
pocket-picking, and other elegant pastimes of the same kindred, are
the legitimate offspring, especially among the lower classes, of that
passion for gaming, which in Mexico more than anywhere else--to use
Madame Calderon's language[9]--"is impregnated with the
constitution--in man, woman, and child." It prevails in the lowly hut,
as well as in the glittering saloon; nor is the sanctity of the gown
nor the dignity of station sufficient proof against the fascinations
of this exciting vice. No one considers it a degradation to be seen
frequenting a _monte bank_: the governor himself and his lady, the
grave magistrate and the priestly dignity, the gay caballero and the
titled señora may all be seen staking their doubloons upon the turn of
a card; while the humbler ranchero, the hired domestic and the ragged
pauper, all press with equal avidity to test their fortune at the same
shrine. There are other games at cards practised among these people,
depending more upon skill; but that of _el monte_, being one
exclusively of chance, seems to possess an all-absorbing attraction,
difficult to be conceived by the uninitiated spectator.
The following will not only serve to show the light in which gambling
is held by all classes of society, but to illustrate the purifying
effects of wealth upon character. Some twelve or fifteen years ago
there lived (or rather roamed) in Taos a certain female of very loose
habits, known as _La Tules_. Finding it difficult to obtain the means
of living in that {240} district, she finally extended her wanderings
to the capital. She there became a constant attendant on one of those
pandemoniums where the favorite game of _monte_ was dealt _pro bono
publico_. Fortune, at first, did not seem inclined [Pg034] to smile
upon her efforts, and for some years she spent her days in lowliness
and misery. At last her luck turned, as gamblers would say, and on one
occasion she left the bank with a spoil of several hundred dollars!
This enabled her to open a bank of her own, and being favored by a
continuous run of good fortune, she gradually rose higher and higher
in the scale of affluence, until she found herself in possession of a
very handsome fortune. In 1843, she sent to the United States some ten
thousand dollars to be invested in goods. She still continues her
favorite 'amusement,' being now considered the most expert 'monte
dealer' in all Santa Fé. She is openly received in the first circles
of society: I doubt, in truth, whether there is to be found in the
city a lady of more fashionable reputation than this same Tules, now
known as Señora Doña Gertrudes Barceló.
Among the multitude of games which seem to constitute the real
business of life in New Mexico, that of _chuza_ evidently presents the
most attractions to ladies; and they generally lay very heavy wagers
upon the result. It is played with little balls, and bears some faint
resemblance to what is called _roulette_. Bull-baiting and
cock-fighting, about which so much has been said by every traveller in
Mexico, {241} are also very popular 'amusements' in the North, and
generally lead to the same excesses and the same results as gaming.
The cock-pit rarely fails to be crowded on Sundays and other feast
days; on which occasions the church, the ball-room, the
gambling-house, and the cock-pit look like so many opposition
establishments; for nothing is more common than to see people going
from one place to another by alternate fits, just as devotional
feeling or love of pleasure happens to prompt them.
One of the most attractive sports of the rancheros and the peasantry,
and that which, more than any other, calls for the exercise of skill
and dexterity, is that called _correr el gallo_, [Pg035] practised
generally on St. John's day. A common cock or hen is tied by the feet
to some swinging limb of a tree, so as to be barely within the reach
of a man on horseback: or the fowl is buried alive in a small pit in
the ground leaving only the head above the surface. In either case,
the racers, passing at full speed, grapple the head of the fowl, which
being well greased, generally slips out of their fingers. As soon as
some one, more dextrous than the rest, has succeeded in tearing it
loose, he claps spurs to his steed, and endeavors to escape with the
prize. He is hotly pursued, however, by the whole sporting crew, and
the first who overtakes him tries to get possession of the fowl, when
a strife ensues, during which the poor chicken is torn into atoms.
Should the holder of the trophy be able to outstrip his pursuers, he
carries {242} it to a crowd of fair spectators and presents it to his
mistress, who takes it to the fandango which usually follows, as a
testimony of the prowess of her lover.
Among the vaqueros, and even among persons of distinction, _el coleo_
(tailing) is a much nobler exercise than the preceding, and is also
generally reserved for days of festivity. For this sport the most
untractable ox or bull is turned loose upon a level common, when all
the parties who propose to join in the amusement, being already
mounted, start off in pursuit of him. The most successful rider, as
soon as he gets near enough to the bull, seizes him by the tail, and
with a sudden manœuvre, whirls him topsy-turvy upon the plain--to the
no little risk of breaking his own neck, should his horse stumble or
be tripped by the legs of the falling bull.
Respecting _fandangos_, I will observe that this term, as it is used
in New Mexico, is never applied to any particular dance, but is the
usual designation for those ordinary assemblies where dancing and
frolicking are carried on; _baile_ (or ball) being generally applied
to those of a higher grade. The former especially are very frequent;
for nothing is more [Pg036] general, throughout the country, and with
all classes than dancing. From the gravest priest to the buffoon--from
the richest nabob to the beggar--from the governor to the
ranchero--from the soberest matron to the flippant belle--from the
grandest _señora_ to the _cocinera_--all partake of this exhilarating
{243} amusement. To judge from the quantity of tuned instruments which
salute the ear almost every night in the week, one would suppose that
a perpetual carnival prevailed everywhere. The musical instruments
used at the _bailes_ and _fandangos_ are usually the fiddle and
_bandolin_, or _guitarra_, accompanied in some villages by the _tombé_
or little Indian drum. The musicians occasionally acquire considerable
proficiency in the use of these instruments. But what most oddly
greets, and really outrages most Protestant ears, is the accompaniment
of divine service with the very same instruments, and often with the
same tunes.
Of all the petty vices practised by the New Mexicans, the _vicio
inocente_ of smoking among ladies, is the most intolerable; and yet it
is a habit of which the loveliest and the most refined equally
partake. The _puro_ or _cigarro_[10] is seen in the mouths of all: it
is handed round in the parlor, and introduced at the dinner
table--even in the ball-room it is presented to ladies as regularly as
any {244} other species of 'refreshment;' and in the dance the
señorita may often be seen whirling round with a lighted _cigarrito_
in her mouth. The belles of the Southern cities are very frequently
furnished [Pg037] with _tenazitas de oro_ (little golden tongs), to
hold the cigar with, so as to prevent their delicate fingers from
being polluted either with the stain or scent of tobacco; forgetting
at the same time its disagreeable effects upon the lips and breath.
Notwithstanding their numerous vices, however, I should do the New
Mexicans the justice to say that they are but little addicted to
inebriety and its attendant dissipations. Yet this doubtlessly results
to a considerable degree from the dearness of spirituous liquors,
which virtually places them beyond the reach of the lower classes.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Chapter xii of volume i of the original edition.--ED.
[2] Both Bartolomé Baca (Vaca) and Narbona were Mexican officers. The
former, whose term of office was from 1823 to September, 1825,
belonged to a New Mexican family, and was one of the captains of the
companies organized in 1808. Antonio Narbona came (1805) from the
province of Chihuahua, as lieutenant of soldiers sent to repel a
Navaho raid. He was governor, September, 1825, to May 1827. In 1843 he
was colonel of an expedition against the Apache in Arizona.
Ewing Young was a native of Knox County, Tennessee. He early went west
for hunting and trapping, having passports for Mexican territory
signed at Washington in 1828-29. In these years he made his first
overland trip from New Mexico to California, where he aided the padres
of San José in an expedition against revolted neophytes. In 1829 he
returned to New Mexico, married a Taos woman, and again (1831) set out
for California. There in 1834 he met Hall Kelley, and was persuaded to
accompany him to Oregon, where he formed one of the first American
settlements in the Chehalem Valley, tributary to the Willamette. A
journey to California in 1836, to purchase cattle, resulted in
stocking the Oregon pioneers. Young's Oregon settlement prospered; he
erected saw and grist mills, and upon his death (1841) the
administration of his estate was the occasion of the first tentative
experiment in civil government in Oregon. In after years, a son
Joachim came from New Mexico, and laid successful claim to the
property, which was paid by the state.
Milton J. Sublette was a younger brother of William (for whom see our
volume xix, p. 221, note 55, Gregg) and himself a noted trapper and
trader, operating chiefly in the Rocky Mountains. In 1833 he entered
into arrangements with Nathaniel Wyeth (see our volume xxi), but the
next year was compelled to retire because of injury to a leg, which
caused his death at Fort Laramie, December 19, 1836.--ED.
[3] Algodones is a small Mexican town in Sandoval County, about
fifteen miles above Albuquerque. It is now a station on the Atchison,
Topeka, and Santa Fé Railway, and has promise of becoming a junction
with the Santa Fé Central.--ED.
[4] Thomas Rowland, a native Pennsylvanian, had been a resident of New
Mexico for a number of years, and had married there. His brother John
was accused of complicity with the Texans, which led to the attack
upon Rowland's property. This was shortly restored to him, as his
friends were influential in official circles. See George W. Kendall,
_Narrative of the Texan Santa Fé Expedition_ (New York, 1844), i, pp.
271, 272, 332. John Rowland led a party of immigrants to California
(1841), where he became a leading American pioneer.--ED.
[5] Manuel Alvarez was a native of Spain, who showed much enterprise
in establishing the trade between the United States and New Mexico. In
1839 he was appointed United States consul at Santa Fé, an office
which he held until the American conquest. In 1849 he took part in the
new state movement, and was by the suffrages of the people elected
governor; but Congress having erected New Mexico into a territory, the
state government lapsed.--ED.
[6] Powhattan Ellis, for notice of whom, see our volume xix, p. 274,
note 100 (Gregg).--ED.
[7] Originally a _fuero_ was any form of charter or privilege granted
to a kingdom, province, town, or person. _Fueros_ played great part in
the constitutional development of Spain and her colonies.--ED.
[8] The "Laws of the Indies," or the codification of the ordinances,
acts, etc., passed by the Council of the Indies and other
administrative Spanish authorities for the government of the colonies,
was first issued at Madrid in 1681, under the title _Recopilacion de
Leyes de los Reynos de Indias_. A fourth edition, under the direction
of the Council of the Indies, issued in 1791.--ED.
[9] Madame Frances Erskine Inglis Calderon de la Barca was a
Scotchwoman married to a Spaniard who was minister to the United
States, and later to Mexico. While in the latter country, she
published _Life in Mexico_ (London, 1843), an interesting, racy series
of letters on the manners and customs of Spanish America.--ED.
[10] The _puro_ is a common cigar of _pure_ tobacco; but the term
_cigarro_ or _cigarrito_ is applied to those made of cut tobacco
rolled up in a strip of paper or corn-husk. The latter are by far in
the most general use in New Mexico, even among the men, and are those
only smoked by the females. In this province cigarros are rarely sold
in the shops, being generally manufactured by every one just as they
are needed. Their expertness in this 'accomplishment' is often
remarkable. The mounted vaquero will take out his _guagito_ (his
little tobacco-flask), his packet of _hojas_ (or prepared husks), and
his flint, steel, etc.,--make his cigarrito, strike fire and commence
smoking in a minute's time--all while at full speed: and the next
minute will perhaps lazo the wildest bull without interrupting his
smoke.--GREGG.
CHAPTER XIII
Military Hierarchy of Mexico -- Religious Superstitions -- Legend of
_Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe_ -- A profane version of the Story -- A
curious Plan for manufacturing Water -- Saints and Images --
Processions -- How to make it Rain -- The Sacred Host -- Fanaticism
and Murder -- Honors paid to a Bishop -- Servility to Priests --
Attendance at Public Worship -- New Mexicans in Church -- The Vesper
Bells -- Passion Week and the Ceremonies pertaining thereto --
Ridiculous _Penitencia_ -- Whitewashing of Criminals -- Matrimonial
Connexions and Mode of Contracting them -- Restrictions upon Lovers
-- Onerous Fees paid for Marriages and Burials -- Anecdote of a
_Ranchero_ -- Ditto of a Servant and a Widow, illustrative of
Priestly Extortion -- Modes of Burial, and Burial Ground of the
Heretics.
The Mexicans seem the legitimate descendants of the subjects of 'His
Most Catholic Majesty;' for the Romish faith is not only the religion
established by law, but the only one tolerated by the constitution: a
system of republican liberty wholly incomprehensible to the
independent and tolerant spirits of the United States. Foreigners only
of other creeds, in accordance with treaty stipulations, can worship
privately within their own houses.[11] The Mexicans, indeed, talk of a
'union of Church and State:' they should rather say a 'union of Church
and Army;' for, as has {246} [Pg038] already been shown, the civil
authority is so nearly merged in the military and the ecclesiastical,
that the government, if not a military hierarchy, is something so near
akin that it is difficult to draw the distinction. As Mr. Mayer[12]
very appropriately remarks, you are warned of the double dominion of
the army and the church "by the constant sound of the drum and the
bell, which ring in your ears from morn to midnight, and drown the
sounds of industry and labor."
In the variety and grossness of popular superstitions, Northern Mexico
can probably compete with any civilized country in the world. Others
may have their extravagant traditions, their fanatical prejudices,
their priestly impostures, but here the popular creed seems to be the
embodiment of as much that is fantastic and improbable in idolatrous
worship, as it is possible to clothe in the garb of a religious faith.
It would fill volumes to relate one-half of the wonderful miracles and
extraordinary apparitions said to have occurred during and since the
conquest of the Indian Pueblos and their conversion to the Romish
faith. Their character may be inferred from the following national
legend of _La Maravillosa Aparicion de Nuestra Señora de
Guadalupe--anglicè_, the marvellous apparition of Our Lady of
Guadalupe,--which, in some one of its many traditionary shapes, is
generally believed throughout the republic. I have seen some half a
dozen written versions of this celebrated tradition, and heard about
as many oral {247} ones; but no two agree in all the particulars.
However, that which has received most currency informs us, that, on
the 12th of December, 1531, an Indian called Juan Diego, while passing
over the barren hill of Tepeyacac (about a league northward [Pg039]
from the city of Mexico), in quest of medicinal herbs, had his
attention suddenly arrested by the fragrance of flowers, and the sound
of delightful music; and on looking up, he saw an angelic sort of
figure directly before him. Being terrified he attempted to flee; but
the apparition calling to him by name, "Juan Diego," said she, "go
tell the bishop to have me a place of worship erected on this very
spot." The Indian replied that he could not return, as he was seeking
_remedios_ for a dying relative. But the figure bade him to do as
commanded, and have no further care about his relative--that he was
then well. Juan Diego went to the city, but being unable to procure an
audience from the bishop, he concluded he had been acting under a
delusion, and again set off for his _remedios_. Upon ascending the
same hill, however, the apparition again accosted him, and hearing his
excuse, upbraided him for his want of faith and energy; and said,
"Tell the bishop that it is Guadalupe, the Virgin Mary, come to dwell
amongst and protect the Mexicans, who sends thee." The Indian,
returning again to the city, forced his way into the presence of the
bishop, who, like a good sensible man, received the messenger with
jeers, and treated him as a maniac; {248} telling him finally to bring
some sign, which, if really the Mother of God, his directress could
readily furnish.
The perplexed Indian left the bishop's presence resolved to avoid
further molestation from his spiritual acquaintance, by taking another
route; yet, when near the place of his first meeting, he again
encountered the apparition, who, hearing the result of his mission,
ordered him to climb a naked rock hard by, and collect a bouquet of
flowers which he would find growing there. Juan Diego, albeit without
faith, obeyed, when, to his surprise he found the flowers referred to,
and brought them to the Virgin, who, throwing them into his _tilma_,
commanded him to carry them to the bishop; saying, [Pg040] "When he
sees these he will believe, as he well knows that flowers do not bloom
at this season, much less upon that barren rock." The humble messenger
now with more courage sought the bishop's presence, and threw out the
blooming credentials of his mission before him; when lo! to the
astonishment of all, and to the entire conviction of his _Senoría
ilustrísima_, the perfect image of the apparition appeared imprinted
on the inside of the _tilma_.[13]
The reverend Prelate now fully acknowledged the divinity of the
picture, and in a {249} conclave of ecclesiastics convened for the
purpose, he pronounced it the image of _La verdadera Vírgen_ and
protectress of Mexico. A splendid chapel was soon after erected upon
the spot designated in the mandate, in which the miraculous painting
was deposited, where it is preserved to the present day. In the
suburbs of every principal city in the republic, there is now a chapel
specially dedicated to _Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe_, where coarse
resemblances of the original picture are to be seen. Rough paintings
of the same, of various dimensions, are also to be met with in nearly
every dwelling, from the palace to the most miserable hovel. The
image, with an adapted [Pg041] motto, has also been stamped upon
medals, which are swung about the necks of the faithful.[14]
[Illustration]
{250} As a further confirmation of the miracle, it is also told, that
when Juan Diego returned to his home, he found his relative in good
health--that he had suddenly risen from the last extremity about the
time of the former's meeting with the Virgin.
Now comes the profane version of the story, which the skeptical have
set afloat, as the most reasonable one; but against which, in the name
of orthodoxy, I feel bound to enter my protest. To the better
understanding of this 'explanatory tradition,' it may be necessary to
premise that the name of Guadalupe was already familiar to the
Spaniards, the Virgin Mary having, it is said, long before appeared in
Spain, under the same title; on which occasion an order of monks,
styled _Frailes Guadalupanos_, had been instituted. One of these
worthy fathers who had been sent as a missionary to Mexico, finding
the Indians rather stubborn and unyielding, conceived the plan of
flattering their national vanity by fabricating a saint suited for the
occasion. The Guadalupano had a poor friend who was an excellent
painter, to whom he said, one day, "Take this tilma"--presenting him
one of the coarsest and most slazy texture {251} (a sort of _manta de
guangoche_); "paste it upon canvass, and paint me thereon the
handsomest effigy of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe that your fancy can
portray." When [Pg042] this was done according to order, and the
tilma separated from the canvass, the picture appeared somewhat
miraculous. Viewed very closely, it showed exceedingly dim; but upon
receding to some distance, so that the eye could embrace a larger
field of the open texture, it appeared quite distinct and beautiful.
This effect is often alluded to at the present day, and easily as it
might be accounted for upon philosophical principles, I have heard
many an ignorant Mexican declare, that _la Santisima Vírgen_ concealed
herself from such as profaned her shrine by a too near approach, and
only shone forth in all her brilliancy to those who kept at a
respectful distance. But in conclusion, the story relates, that a
suitable damsel being selected and decked out to represent the Virgin,
the affair was played off as it has been narrated.
As regards the miracle of the fresh flowers in December the _profanos_
say, that there was nothing very wonderful about it, as flowers were
known to bloom in the lowlands, and only a few leagues from the spot
where the affair took place, at all seasons of the year; implying that
these had been engrafted upon the rock for the occasion. There are
some who go so far as to insinuate that the bishop and other
ecclesiastics were privy to the whole affair, and that every
precaution had been {252} taken to see the Indian who played first
fiddle in the matter, provided with a tilma, similar to the one on
which the image of the Virgin was painted, and that this was artfully
slipped in the place of the former, which the Indian had doffed when
he climbed the rock after the flowers.--I have not seen the original
portrait, but most of the copies and imitations I have met with,
represent the Virgin with that peculiarly tawny complexion which was
probably deemed indispensable to conciliate the prejudices of the
aborigines. [Pg043]
The reader may reconcile the foregoing discrepancies in the best way
he can; all that I have to add is, that the apparition having been
canonized by the Pope, a belief in it now constitutes as much a part
of the religious faith of the Mexicans, as any article of the
Apostolic Creed. To judge from the blind and reverential awe in which
the Virgin Guadalupe is held by the lowly and the ignorant, one would
suppose her to be the first person in the Divinity, for to her their
vows are directed, their prayers offered up, and all their confessions
made.
Among the many traditions implicitly believed in by the people, and
which tend to obstruct the advancement of knowledge, there is one
equally as amusing and extravagant as the foregoing, which has been
gravely recounted by the present Vicar of New Mexico and ex-delegate
to Congress. During the memorable insurrection of 1680, the Pueblo of
San Felipe was about the only one that {253} remained faithful to the
Spaniards in all the North. It was during that exciting period that
the padre of another Pueblo took refuge among them. Being besieged by
their neighbors and their communication with the water entirely cut
off, they applied for advice to the reverend padre, who bade them not
despair, as he had it in his power to supply them with water. He then
began to pray very fervently, after which he opened a vein in each of
his arms, from whence there flowed two such copious streams of water
that all fears of being reduced by thirst were completely allayed![15]
[Pg044]
It is a part of the superstitious blindness of these people to
believe that every one of their legion of canonized saints possesses
the power of performing certain miracles; and their aid is generally
invoked on all occasions of sickness and distress. The kindest office,
therefore, that the friends of a sick person can perform, is to bring
forward the image of some of those saints whose healing powers have
been satisfactorily tested. The efficacy of these superstitious
remedies will not be difficult to account for, when the powerful
influence of the imagination upon disease is taken into consideration.
The images of patron saints are never put in such general requisition,
however, as in seasons of severe drought. The priests, being generally
expert at guessing the approach of a pluvial period, take good care
not to make confident promises till they have substantial {254} reason
to anticipate a speedy fulfilment of their prophecies. When the
fitting season draws nigh, they carry out the image of Nuestra Señora
de Guadalupe, or that of some other favorite saint, and parade about
the streets, the fields and the meadows, followed by all the men,
women, and children of the neighborhood, in solemn procession. Should
the clouds condescend to vouchsafe a supply of rain within a week or
two of this general humiliation, no one ever thinks of begrudging the
scores of dollars that have been paid to the priests for bringing
about so happy a result.
Speaking of processions, I am reminded of another peculiar custom so
prevalent in Mexico, that it never fails to attract the attention of
strangers. This is the passage of the Sacred Host to the residence of
persons dangerously ill, for the purpose of administering to them the
Extreme Unction. In New Mexico, however, this procession is not
attended with so much ostentatious display as it is in the South, the
paradise of ecclesiastics, where [Pg045] it is conveyed in a black
coach drawn by a pair of black mules, accompanied by armed soldiers
and followed by crowds of _léperos_ of all sexes and ages. During the
procession of the Host, two church-bells of different tones are kept
sounding by alternate strokes. Also the carriage is always preceded by
a bell-man tinkling a little bell in regular time, to notify all
within hearing of its approach, that they may be prepared to pay it
due homage. When {255} this bell is heard, all those that happen to be
within sight of the procession, though at ever so great a distance,
instantly kneel and remain in that position till it has passed out of
sight. On these occasions, if an American happens to be within
hearing, he endeavors to avoid the _cortége_, by turning the corner of
a street or entering a shop or the house of a friend; for although it
may be expedient, and even rational, to conform with the customs and
ceremonies of these countries we are sojourning in, very few
Protestants would feel disposed to fall on their knees before a coach
freighted with frail mortals pretending to represent the Godhead! I am
sorry to say that non-compliants are frequently insulted and sometimes
pelted with stones by the rabble. Even a foreign artisan was once
massacred in the Mexican metropolis because he refused to come out of
his shop, where he was kneeling, and perform the act of genuflexion in
the street!
This abject idolatry sometimes takes a still more humiliating aspect,
and descends to the worship of men in the capacity of religious
rulers. On the occasion of the Bishop of Durango's visit to Santa Fé
in 1833, an event which had not taken place for a great many years,
the infatuated population hailed his arrival with as much devotional
enthusiasm as if it had been the second advent of the Messiah.
Magnificent preparations were made everywhere for his reception: the
streets were swept, the roads and [Pg046] bridges on his route
repaired {256} and decorated; and from every window in the city there
hung such a profusion of fancy curtains and rich cloths that the
imagination was carried back to those glowing descriptions of
enchanted worlds which one reads of in the fables of necromancers. I
must observe, however, that there is a custom in all the towns of
Mexico (which it would not be safe to neglect), providing that
whenever a religious procession takes place, all the doors and windows
facing the street along which it is to pass, shall be decorated with
shawls, carpets, or fancy cloths, according to the means and
capabilities of the proprietor. During the bishop's sojourn in Santa
Fé, which, to the great joy of the inhabitants, lasted for several
weeks, he never appeared in the streets but that 'all true Catholics'
who were so fortunate as to obtain a glimpse of his _Señoría
Ilustrísima_ immediately dropped upon their knees, and never moved
from that position till the mitred priest had either vouchsafed his
benediction or had disappeared. Even the principal personages of the
city would not venture to address him till they had first knelt at his
feet and kissed his 'pastoral ring.' This, however, is only a
heightened picture of what occurs every day in the intercourse between
the rancheros and the common padres of the country. The slavish
obsequiousness of the lower classes towards these pampered priests is
almost incredible.
No people are more punctual in their attendance upon public worship,
or more exact {257} in the performance of the external rites of
religion, than the New Mexicans. A man would about as soon think of
venturing in twenty fathoms of water without being able to swim, as of
undertaking a journey without hearing mass first. These religious
exercises, however, partake but seldom of the character of true
devotion; for people may be seen chattering or tittering while in the
act of crossing themselves, or muttering [Pg047] some formal prayer.
Indeed, it is the common remark of strangers, that they are wont to
wear much graver countenances while dancing at a fandango than during
their devotional exercises at the foot of the altar. In nothing,
however, is their observance of the outward forms of religion more
remarkable than in their deportment every day towards the close of
twilight, when the large bell of the _Parroquia_ peals for _la
oracion_, or vespers.[16] All conversation is instantly suspended--all
labor ceases--people of all classes, whether on foot or on horseback,
make a sudden halt--even the laden porter, groaning under the weight
of an insupportable burden, stops in the midst of his career and
stands still. An almost breathless silence reigns throughout the town,
disturbed only by the occasional sibilations of the devout multitude:
all of which, accompanied by the slow heavy peals of a large sonorous
bell, afford a scene truly solemn and appropriate. At the expiration
of about two minutes the charm is suddenly broken by the clatter of
livelier-toned bells; and a _buenas {258} tardes_ (good evening) to
those present closes the ceremony: when _presto_, all is bustle and
confusion again--the colloquial chit-chat is resumed--the smith plies
upon his anvil with redoubled energy--the clink of the hammer
simultaneously resounds in every direction--the wayfarers are again in
motion,--both pleasure and business, in short, assume their respective
sway.
Although the Catholics have a saint for each day in the year, the
number of canonized _fiestas_ in which labor is prohibited has been
somewhat reduced in Mexico. _La Semana Santa_, or Passion Week, is
perhaps the period when the religious feeling, such as it is, is most
fully excited: [Pg048] _Viernes Santo_ (Good Friday), especially, is
observed with great pomp and splendor. An image of Christ large as
life, nailed to a huge wooden cross, is paraded through the streets,
in the midst of an immense procession, accompanied by a glittering
array of carved images, representing the Virgin Mary, Mary Magdalene,
and several others; while the most notorious personages of antiquity,
who figured at that great era of the World's history,--the centurion
with a band of guards, armed with lances, and apparelled in the
costume supposed to have been worn in those days,--may be seen
bestriding splendidly caparisoned horses, in the breathing reality of
flesh and blood. Taking it all in all, this spectacle,--the ceremonies
and manœuvres which attend its career through the densely crowded and
ornamented {259} streets,--are calculated to produce impressions of a
most confused description, in which regret and melancholy may be said
to form no inconsiderable share.
It has been customary for great malefactors to propitiate Divine
forgiveness by a cruel sort of _penitencia_, which generally takes
place during the _Semana Santa_. I once chanced to be in the town of
Tomé[17] on Good Friday, when my attention was arrested by a man
almost naked, bearing, in imitation of Simon, a huge cross upon his
shoulders, which, though constructed of the lightest wood, must have
weighed over a hundred pounds. The long end dragged upon the ground,
as we have seen it represented in sacred pictures, and about the
middle swung a stone of immense dimensions, appended there for the
purpose of making the task more laborious. Not far behind followed
another equally destitute of clothing, with his whole body wrapped in
chains and cords, which seemed buried in the [Pg049] muscles, and
which so cramped and confined him that he was scarcely able to keep
pace with the procession. The person who brought up the rear presented
a still more disgusting aspect. He walked along with a patient and
composed step, while another followed close behind belaboring him
lustily with a whip, which he flourished with all the satisfaction of
an amateur; but as the lash was pointed only with a tuft of untwisted
sea-grass, its application merely served to keep open the wounds upon
the penitent's {260} back, which had been scarified, as I was
informed, with the keen edge of a flint, and was bleeding most
profusely. The blood was kept in perpetual flow by the stimulating
juice of certain herbs, carried by a third person, into which the
scourger frequently dipped his lash. Although the actors in this
tragical farce were completely muffled, yet they were well known to
many of the by-standers, one of whom assured me that they were three
of the most notorious rascals in the country. By submitting to this
species of penance, they annually received complete absolution of
their past year's sins, and, thus 'purified,' entered afresh on the
old career of wickedness and crime.
In New Mexico, the institution of marriage changes the legal rights of
the parties, but it scarcely affects their moral obligations. It is
usually looked upon as a convenient cloak for irregularities, which
society less willingly tolerates in the lives of unmarried women. Yet
when it is considered that the majority of matches are forced and
ill-assorted, some idea may be formed of the little incitement that is
given to virtue. There are very few parents who would stoop to consult
a young lady's wishes before concluding a marriage contract, nor would
maidens, generally, ever dream of a matrimonial connection unless
proposed first by the father. The lover's proposals are, upon the same
principle, made in writing direct to the parents themselves, [Pg050]
and without the least deference to the wishes or inclinations {261} of
the young lady whose hand is thus sought in marriage. The tender
emotions engendered between lovers during walks and rambles along the
banks of silent streams, are never experienced in this country; for
the sexes are seldom permitted to converse or be together alone. In
short, instances have actually occurred when the betrothed couple have
never seen each other till brought to the altar to be joined in
wedlock.
Among the humbler classes, there are still more powerful causes
calculated to produce irregularity of life; not the least of which is
the enormous fee that must be paid to the curate for tying the
matrimonial knot. This system of extortion is carried so far as to
amount very frequently to absolute prohibition: for the means of the
bridegroom are often insufficient for the exigency of the occasion;
and the priests seldom consent to join people in wedlock until the
money has been secured to them. The curates being without control, the
marriage rates are somewhat irregular, but they usually increase in
proportion to the character of the ceremonies and to the circumstances
of the parties. The lowest (about twenty dollars) are adapted to the
simplest form, solemnized in church at mass; but with the excuse of
any extra service and ceremonies, particularly if performed at a
private house, the fees are increased often as high as several hundred
dollars: I have heard of $500 being paid for a marriage ceremony. The
following communication, which {262} appeared in a Chihuahua paper
under the signature of "_Un Ranchero_" affords some illustration of
the grievances of the plebeians in this respect. Literally translated
it runs thus:
"_Messrs. Editors of the Noticioso de Chihuahua:_
"Permit me, through your paper, to say a few words in print, as
those of my pen have been unsuccessfully employed [Pg051] with the
_curas_ of Allende and Jimenez, to whom I applied the other day for
the purpose of ascertaining their legal charge to marry one of my
sons. The following simple and concise answer is all that I have
been able to elicit from either of these ecclesiastics:--'_The_
_marriage fees are a hundred and nineteen dollars_.' I must confess
that I was completely suffocated when I heard this outrageous demand
upon my poor purse; and did I not pride myself on being a true
Apostolic Roman Catholic, and were it not that the charming graces
of my intended daughter-in-law have so captivated my son that
nothing but marriage will satisfy him, I would assuredly advise him
to contrive some other arrangement with his beloved, which might not
be so ruinous to our poor purse; for reflect that $119 are the life
and all of a poor ranchero. If nothing else will do, I shall have to
sell my few cows (_mis vaquitas_) to help my son out of this
difficulty."--The 'Ranchero' then appeals to the Government to
remedy such evils, by imposing some salutary restrictions upon the
clergy; and concludes by saying, "If this is not done, I will {263}
never permit either of my remaining three sons to marry."
This article was certainly an effort of boldness against the
priesthood, which may have cost the poor 'Ranchero' a sentence of
ex-communication. Few of his countrymen would venture on a similar act
of temerity; and at least nine-tenths profess the most profound
submission to their religious rulers. Being thus bred to look upon
their priests as infallible and holy samples of piety and virtue, we
should not be so much surprised at the excesses of the 'flock' when a
large portion of the _pastores_, the padres themselves, are foremost
in most of the popular vices of the country: first at the
fandango--first at the gaming table--first at the cock-pit--first at
bacchanalian orgies--and [Pg052] by no means last in the contraction
of those _liaisons_ which are so emphatically prohibited by their
vows.
The baptismal and burial fees (neither of which can be avoided without
incurring the charge of heresy) are also a great terror to the
candidates for married life. "If I marry," says the poor yeoman, "my
family must go unclad to baptize my children; and if any of them
should die, we must starve ourselves to pay the burial charges." The
fee for baptism, it is true, is not so exorbitant, and in accordance
to custom, is often paid by the _padrino_ or sponsor; but the burial
costs are almost equally extravagant with those of marriage, varying
in proportion to the age and {264} circumstances of the deceased. A
faithful Mexican servant in my employ at Chihuahua, once solicited
forty dollars to bury his mother. Upon my expressing some surprise at
the exorbitancy of the amount, he replied--"That is what the cura
demands, sir, and if I do not pay it my poor mother will remain
unburied!" Thus this man was obliged to sacrifice several months'
wages, to pamper the avarice of a vicious and mercenary priest. On
another occasion, a poor widow in Santa Fé, begged a little medicine
for her sick child: "Not," said the disconsolate mother, "that the
life of the babe imports me much, for I know the _angelito_ will go
directly to heaven; but what shall I do to pay the priest for burying
it? He will take my house and all from me--and I shall be turned
desolate into the street!"--and so saying, she commenced weeping
bitterly.
Indigent parents are thus frequently under the painful necessity of
abandoning and disowning their deceased children, to avoid the
responsibility of burial expenses. To this end the corpse is sometimes
deposited in some niche or corner of the church during the night; and
upon being [Pg053] found in the morning, the priest is bound to inter
it gratis, unless the parent can be discovered, in which case the
latter would be liable to severe castigation, besides being bound to
pay the expenses.
Children that have not been baptized are destined, according to the
popular faith, to a kind of negative existence in the world of {265}
spirits, called _Limbo_, where they remain for ever without either
suffering punishment or enjoying happiness. Baptized infants, on the
other hand, being considered without sin, are supposed to enter at
once into the joys of heaven. The deceased child is then denominated
an _angelito_ (a little angel), and is interred with joy and mirth
instead of grief and wailing. It is gaudily bedecked with fanciful
attire and ornaments of tinsel and flowers; and being placed upon a
small bier, it is carried to the grave by four children as gaily
dressed as their circumstances will allow; accompanied by musicians
using the instruments and playing the tunes of the fandangos; and the
little procession is nothing but glee and merriment.
In New Mexico the lower classes are very rarely, if ever, buried in
coffins: the corpse being simply wrapped in a blanket, or some other
covering, and in that rude attire consigned to its last home. It is
truly shocking to a sensitive mind to witness the inhuman treatment to
which the remains of the dead are sometimes subjected. There being
nothing to indicate the place of the previous graves, it not
unfrequently happens that the partially decayed relics of a corpse are
dug up and forced to give place to the more recently deceased, when
they are again thrown with the earth into the new grave with perfect
indifference. The operation of filling up the grave especially, is
particularly repulsive; the earth being pounded down with a large
maul, {266} as fast as it is thrown in upon the unprotected corpse,
with a force sufficient to crush a delicate frame to atoms. [Pg054]
As the remains of heretics are not permitted to pollute either the
church-yard or _Campo Santo_, those Americans who have died in Santa
Fé, have been buried on a hill which overlooks the town to the
northward. The corpses have sometimes been disinterred and robbed of
the shroud in which they were enveloped; so that, on a few occasions,
it has been deemed expedient to appoint a special watch for the
protection of the grave.
FOOTNOTES:
[11] Religious freedom, and entire separation of church and state,
were secured in Mexico, after a long and bitter struggle, by the
constitution of 1873.--ED.
[12] Brantz Mayer (1809-79), a native of Baltimore, Maryland,
historian and diplomat. In 1843 he was secretary of legation at
Mexico, and upon his return published _Mexico as it was and as it is_
(New York, 1844), to which book Gregg here refers. Mayer was the
author of several other works, both on Mexico and American history,
and founder of the Maryland Historical Society.--ED.
[13] This is a kind of mantle or loose covering worn by the Indians,
which, in the present instance, was made of the coarse filaments of a
species of maguey, and a little resembled the common coffee sacks. The
painting, as it necessarily must be on such a material, is said to be
coarse, and represents the Virgin covered with a blue robe bespangled
with stars.--GREGG.
[14] The accompanying cut represents both sides of a medal of
"_Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Mexico_," of which, as I have been
informed, 216,000 were struck at Birmingham in the year 1831, designed
for the Mexican market. Similar medals are worn by nearly nine-tenths
of the population of Northern Mexico. On one side, as will be seen,
the Virgin is represented in her star-spangled robe, supported by a
cherub and the moon under her feet: a design, which, it has been
suggested, was most probably drawn from Revelation xii. 1. The date,
"A. 1805," is that perhaps of some one of the innumerable miracles,
which, according to fame in Mexico, have been wrought by the Virgin
Guadalupe. The motto, "_Non fecit taliter omni nationi_" (She "hath
not dealt so with any nation") which is found on the reverse of the
medal, is extracted from Psalm cxlvii. 20.--GREGG.
[15] This story is apochryphal, since the pueblo was besieged neither
during the revolt of 1680 nor that of 1696. The pueblo of San Felipe
is of Queres origin, and was known in the seventeenth century. Its
first friar was Cristobal Quiñones, who died in 1609. The pueblo was
faithful to the Spanish, its people killing none of that nation during
the revolt. It now occupied its fourth site in Sandoval County, at the
foot of a mesa which is crowned with the ruins of an earlier site. It
is the southernmost pueblo of Queres stock, and had (1903) a
population of five hundred and sixteen.--ED.
[16] The Parroquia, or cathedral of Santa Fé, stands upon the site of,
and partially incorporates the early building of 1627. It is built of
light brown stone, and flanked by two bell towers.--ED.
[17] Tomé is a town on the east bank of the Rio Grande, some distance
below Albuquerque. It was at one time the seat of Valencia County, and
in 1900 had a population of about eight hundred.--ED.
CHAPTER XIV
The Pueblos -- Their Character for Sobriety, Honesty, and Industry --
Traditional Descent from Montezuma -- Their Languages -- Former and
present Population -- The Pueblo of Pecos -- Singular Habits of that
ill-fated Tribe -- Curious Tradition -- Montezuma and the Sun --
Legend of a Serpent -- Religion and Government -- Secret Council --
Laws and Customs -- Excellent Provisions against Demoralization --
Primitive Pastimes of the Pueblos -- Their Architecture -- Singular
Structures of Taos, and other novel Fortifications -- Primitive
state of the Arts among the Pueblos -- Style of Dress, Weapons, etc.
-- Their Diet -- The _Guayave_.
Allusion has so frequently been made to the aboriginal tribes of New
Mexico, known as _Los Pueblos_, that I think I shall not be
trespassing too much upon the patience of the reader, in glancing
rapidly at some of the more conspicuous features of their national
habits and character.
Although the term _Pueblo_ in Spanish literally means the _people_,
and their _towns_, it is here specifically applied to the
_Christianized Indians_ (as well as their villages)--to those
aborigines whom the Spaniards not only subjected to their laws, but to
an acknowledgment of the Romish faith, and upon whom they forced
baptism and the cross in exchange for {268} the vast possessions of
which they robbed them. All that was left them was, to each Pueblo a
league or two of land situated around their villages, the conquerors
reserving to themselves at least ninety-nine hundredths of the whole
domain as a requital for their generosity. [Pg055]
When these regions were first discovered it appears that the
inhabitants lived in comfortable houses and cultivated the soil, as
they have continued to do up to the present time. Indeed, they are now
considered the best horticulturists in the country, furnishing most of
the fruits and a large portion of the vegetable supplies that are to
be found in the markets. They were until very lately the only people
in New Mexico who cultivated the grape. They also maintain at the
present time considerable herds of cattle, horses, etc. They are, in
short, a remarkably sober and industrious race, conspicuous for
morality and honesty, and very little given to quarrelling or
dissipation, except when they have had much familiar intercourse with
the Hispano-Mexican population.
Most of these Pueblos call themselves the descendants of Montezuma,
although it would appear that they could only have been made
acquainted with the history of that monarch, by the Spaniards; as this
province is nearly two thousand miles from the ancient kingdom of
Mexico. At the time of the conquest they must have been a very
powerful people--numbering near a hundred villages, as existing {269}
ruins would seem to indicate; but they are now reduced to about
twenty, which are scattered in various parts of the territory.[18]
There are but three or four different languages spoken among them, and
these, indeed, may be distantly allied to each other. Those of Taos,
Picuris, Isleta, and perhaps some others, speak what has been called
the _Piro_ language. A large portion of the others, viz., those of San
Juan, Santa [Pg056] Clara, Nambé, Pojuaque, Tezuque, and some others,
speak _Tegua_, having all been originally known by this general name;
and those of Cochití, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, and perhaps Sandía,
speak the same tongue, though they seem formerly to have been
distinguished as _Queres_. The numerous tribes that inhabited the
highlands between Rio del Norte and Pecos, as those of Pecos, Ciénega,
Galisteo, etc., were known anciently as _Tagnos_, but these are now
all extinct; yet their language is said to be spoken by those of Jemez
and others of that section. Those further to the westward[19] {270}
are perhaps allied to the Navajoes. Though all these Pueblos speak
their native languages among themselves, a great many of them possess
a smattering of Spanish, sufficient to carry on their intercourse with
the Mexicans.[20]
The population of these Pueblos will average nearly five hundred souls
each (though some hardly exceed one hundred), making an aggregate of
nine or ten thousand. At the time of the original conquest, at the
close of the sixteenth century, they were, as has been mentioned,
much, [Pg057] perhaps ten-fold, more numerous.[21] Ancient ruins are
now to be seen scattered in every quarter of the territory: of some,
entire stone walls are yet standing, while others are nearly or quite
obliterated, many of them being now only known by their names which
history or tradition has preserved to us. Numbers were no doubt
destroyed during the insurrection of 1680, and the petty internal
strifes which followed.
Several of these Pueblos have been converted into Mexican villages, of
which that of _Pecos_ is perhaps the most remarkable instance. What
with the massacres of the second conquest, and the inroads of the
Comanches, they gradually dwindled away, till they found themselves
reduced to about a dozen, comprising all ages and sexes; and it was
only a few years ago that they abandoned the home of their fathers and
joined the Pueblo of Jemez.
Many curious tales are told of the singular habits of this ill-fated
tribe, which must no {271} doubt have tended to hasten its utter
annihilation. A tradition was prevalent among them that Montezuma had
kindled a holy fire, and enjoined their ancestors not to suffer it to
be extinguished until he should return to deliver his people from the
yoke of the Spaniards. In pursuance of these commands, a constant
watch had been maintained for ages to prevent the fire from going out;
and, as tradition further informed them, that Montezuma would appear
with the sun, the deluded Indians were to be seen every clear morning
upon the terraced roofs of their houses, attentively watching for the
appearance of the 'king of light,' in hopes of seeing him 'cheek by
jowl' with their immortal sovereign. I have [Pg058] myself descended
into the famous _estufas_, or subterranean vaults, of which there were
several in the village, and have beheld this consecrated fire,
silently smouldering under a covering of ashes, in the basin of a
small altar. Some say that they never lost hope in the final coming of
Montezuma until, by some accident or other, or a lack of a sufficiency
of warriors to watch it, the fire became extinguished; and that it was
this catastrophe that induced them to abandon their villages, as I
have before observed.
The task of tending the sacred fire was, it is said, allotted to the
warriors. It is further related, that they took the watch by turns for
two successive days and nights, without partaking of either food,
water, or sleep; while some assert, that instead of being restricted
to {272} two days, each guard continued with the same unbending
severity of purpose until exhaustion, and very frequently death, left
their places to be filled by others. A large portion of those who came
out alive were generally so completely prostrated by the want of
repose and the inhalation of carbonic gas that they very soon died;
when, as the vulgar story asseverates, their remains were carried to
the den of a monstrous serpent, which kept itself in excellent
condition by feeding upon these delicacies. This huge snake (invented
no doubt by the lovers of the marvellous to account for the constant
disappearance of the Indians) was represented as the idol which they
worshipped, and as subsisting entirely upon the flesh of his devotees:
live infants, however, seemed to suit his palate best. The story of
this wonderful serpent was so firmly believed in by many ignorant
people, that on one occasion I heard an honest ranchero assert, that
upon entering the village very early on a winter's morning, he saw the
huge trail of the reptile in the snow, as large as that of a dragging
ox. [Pg059]
This village, anciently so renowned, lies twenty-five miles eastward
of Santa Fé, and near the _Rio Pecos_, to which it gave name. Even so
late as ten years ago, when it contained a population of fifty to a
hundred souls, the traveller would oftentimes perceive but a solitary
Indian, a woman, or a child, standing here and there like so many
statues upon the roofs of their houses, with their eyes fixed on {273}
the eastern horizon, or leaning against a wall or a fence, listlessly
gazing at the passing stranger; while at other times not a soul was to
be seen in any direction, and the sepulchral silence of the place was
only disturbed by the occasional barking of a dog, or the cackling of
hens.[22]
No other Pueblo appears to have adopted this extraordinary
superstition: like Pecos, however, they have all held Montezuma to be
their perpetual sovereign. It would likewise appear that they all
worship the sun; for it is asserted to be their regular practice to
turn the face towards the east at sunrise.[23] They profess the
Catholic faith, however, of which, nevertheless, they cannot be
expected to understand anything beyond the formalities; as [Pg060]
but very few of their Mexican neighbors and teachers can boast of
more.
Although nominally under the jurisdiction of the federal government,
as Mexican citizens, many features of their ancient customs are still
retained, as well in their civil rule as in their religion. Each
Pueblo is under the control of a _cacique_ or _gobernadorcillo_,
chosen from among their own sages, and commissioned by the governor of
New Mexico. The cacique, when any public business is to be transacted,
collects together the principal chiefs of the Pueblo in an _estufa_,
or cell, usually under ground, and there lays before them the subjects
of debate, which are generally settled by the opinion of the majority.
No Mexican is admitted to these councils, nor do the {274} subjects of
discussion ever transpire beyond the precincts of the cavern. The
council has also charge of the interior police and tranquility of the
village.[24] One of their regulations is to appoint a secret watch for
the purpose of keeping down disorders and vices of every description,
and especially to keep an eye over the young men and women of the
village. When any improper intercourse among them is detected, the
parties are immediately carried to the council, and the cacique
intimates to them that they must be wedded forthwith. Should the girl
be of bad character, and the man, [Pg061] therefore, unwilling to
marry her, they are ordered to keep separate under penalty of the
lash. Hence it is, that the females of these Pueblos are almost
universally noted for their chastity and modest deportment.[25]
They also elect a _capitan de guerra_, a kind of commander-in-chief of
the warriors, whose office it is to defend their homes and their
interests both in the field and in the council chamber.[26] Though not
very warlike, these Pueblos are generally valiant, and well skilled in
the strategies of Indian warfare; and although they have been branded
with cruelty and ferocity, yet they can hardly be said to surpass the
Mexicans in this respect: both, in times of war, pay but little regard
either to age or sex. I have been told that when the Pueblos return
from their belligerent expeditions, instead of going directly to their
homes, they always visit their council cell first. Here {275} they
undress, dance, and carouse, frequently for two days in succession
before seeing their families.
Although the Pueblos are famous for hospitality and industry, they
still continue in the rudest state of ignorance, having neither books
nor schools among them, as none of their languages have been reduced
to rules, and very few of their children are ever taught in
Spanish.[27] A degree of primitiveness characterizes all their
amusements, which bear a strong similarity to those of the wilder
tribes. Before the New Mexican government had become so much [Pg062]
impoverished, there was wont to be held in the capital on the 16th of
September of every year, a national celebration of the declaration of
Independence, to which the Pueblos were invited. The warriors and
youths of each nation with a proportionate array of dusky damsels
would appear on these occasions, painted and ornamented in accordance
with their aboriginal customs, and amuse the inhabitants with all
sorts of grotesque feats and native dances. Each Pueblo generally had
its particular uniform dress and its particular dance. The men of one
village would sometimes disguise themselves as elks, with horns on
their heads, moving on all-fours, and mimicking the animal they were
attempting to personate. Others would appear in the garb of a turkey,
with large heavy wings, and strut about in imitation of that bird. But
the Pecos tribe, already reduced to seven men, always occasioned most
diversion. {276} Their favorite exploit was, each to put on the skin
of a buffalo, horns, tail, and all, and thus accoutred scamper about
through the crowd, to the real or affected terror of all the ladies
present, and to the great delight of the boys.
The Pueblo villages are generally built with more regularity than
those of the Mexicans, and are constructed of the same materials as
were used by them in the most primitive ages. Their dwelling-houses,
it is true, are not so spacious as those of the Mexicans, containing
very seldom more than two or three small apartments upon the ground
floor, without any court-yard, but they have generally a much loftier
appearance, being frequently two stories high and sometimes more. A
very curious feature in these buildings, is, that there is most
generally no direct communication between the street and the lower
rooms, into which they descend by a trap-door from the upper story,
the latter being accessible by means of ladders. Even the entrance to
the upper stories is frequently at the roof. This style of [Pg063]
building seems to have been adopted for security against their
marauding neighbors of the wilder tribes, with whom they were often at
war. When the family had all been housed at night, the ladder was
drawn up, and the inmates were thus shut up in a kind of fortress,
which bid defiance to the scanty implements of warfare used by the
wild Indians.
Though this was their most usual style of architecture, there still
exists a Pueblo of Taos, {277} composed, for the most part, of but two
edifices of very singular structure--one on each side of a creek, and
formerly communicating by a bridge. The base-story is a mass of near
four hundred feet long, a hundred and fifty wide, and divided into
numerous apartments, upon which other tiers of rooms are built, one
above another, drawn in by regular grades, forming a pyramidal pile of
fifty or sixty feet high, and comprising some six or eight stories.
The outer rooms only seem to be used for dwellings, and are lighted by
little windows in the sides, but are entered through trap-doors in the
_azoteas_ or roofs. Most of the inner apartments are employed as
granaries and store-rooms, but a spacious hall in the centre of the
mass, known as the _estufa_, is reserved for their secret councils.
These two buildings afford habitations, as is said, for over six
hundred souls.[28] There is likewise an edifice in the Pueblo of
Picuris[29] of the same class, and some of those of Moqui are also
said to be similar.
Some of these villages were built upon rocky eminences deemed almost
inaccessible: witness for instance [Pg064] the ruins of the ancient
Pueblo of San Felipe, which may be seen towering upon the very verge
of a precipice several hundred feet high, whose base is washed by the
swift current of the Rio del Norte. The still existing Pueblo of Acoma
also stands upon an isolated mound whose whole area is occupied by the
village, being fringed all around by a precipitous _ceja_ or cliff.
{278} The inhabitants enter the village by means of ladders, and by
steps cut into the solid rock upon which it is based.[30]
At the time of the conquest, many of these Pueblos manufactured some
singular textures of cotton and other materials; but with the loss of
their liberty, they seem to have lost most of their arts and
ingenuity; so that the finer specimens of native fabrics are now only
to be met with among the Moquis and Navajoes, who still retain their
independence. The Pueblos, however, make some of the ordinary classes
of blankets and _tilmas_,[31] as well as other woolen stuffs. They
also manufacture, according to their aboriginal art, both for their
own consumption, and for the purpose of traffic, a species of
earthenware not much inferior to the coarse crockery of our common
potters. The pots made of this material stand fire remarkably well,
and are the universal substitutes for all the purposes of cookery,
even among the Mexicans, for the iron castings of this country, which
are utterly unknown there. Rude as this kind of crockery is, it
nevertheless evinces a great deal of skill, considering that it is
made entirely [Pg065] without lathe or any kind of machinery. It is
often fancifully painted with colored earths and the juice of a plant
called _guaco_, which brightens by burning. They also work a singular
kind of wicker-ware, of which some bowls (if they may be so called)
are so closely platted, {279} that, once swollen by dampness, they
serve to hold liquids, and are therefore light and convenient vessels
for the purposes of travellers.[32]
The dress of many of the Pueblos has become assimilated in some
respects to that of the common Mexicans; but by far the greatest
portion still retain most of their aboriginal costume. The Taosas and
others of the north somewhat resemble the prairie tribes in this
respect; but the Pueblos to the south and west of Santa Fé dress in a
different style, which is said to be similar in many respects to that
of the aboriginal inhabitants of the city of Mexico. The moccasin is
the only part of the prairie suit that appears common to them all, and
of both sexes. They mostly wear a kind of short breeches and long
stockings, the use of which they most probably acquired from the
Spaniards. The _saco_, a species of woollen jacket without sleeves,
completes their exterior garment; except during inclement seasons,
when they make use of the tilma. Very few of them have hats or
head-dress of any kind; and they generally wear their hair
long--commonly fashioned into a _queue_, wrapped with some colored
stuff. The squaws of the northern tribes dress pretty much like those
of the Prairies; but the usual costume of the females of the southern
and western Pueblos is a handsome kind of small blanket of dark
color, [Pg066] which is drawn under one arm and tacked over the other
shoulder, leaving both arms free and naked. It is generally {280} worn
with a cotton chemise underneath and is bound about the waist with a
girdle. We rarely if ever see a thorough-bred Pueblo woman in Mexican
dress.[33]
The weapons most in use among the Pueblos are the bow and arrow, with
a long-handled lance and occasionally a fusil. The rawhide shield is
also much used, which, though of but little service against fire-arms,
serves to ward off the arrow and lance.
The aliment of these Indians is, in most respects, similar to that of
the Mexicans; in fact, as has been elsewhere remarked, the latter
adopted with their utensils numerous items of aboriginal diet. The
_tortilla_, the _atole_, the _pinole_,[34] and many others, together
with the use of _chile_, are from the Indians. Some of the wilder
tribes make a peculiar kind of _pinole_, by grinding the bean of the
mezquite tree into flour, which is then used as that of corn. And
besides the tortilla they make another singular kind of bread, if we
may so style it, called _guayave_, a roll of which so much resembles a
'hornets' nest,' that by strangers it is often designated by this
title. It is usually made of Indian corn prepared and ground as for
tortillas, and diluted into a thin paste. {281} I once happened to
enter an Indian hut where a young girl of the family was baking
_guayaves_. She was sitting by a fire, over which a large flat stone
was heating, with a crock of prepared paste by her side. She [Pg067]
thrust her hand into the paste, and then wiped it over the heated
stone. What adhered to it was instantly baked and peeled off. She
repeated this process at the rate of a dozen times or more per minute.
Observing my curiosity, the girl handed me one of the 'sheets,'
silently; for she seemed to understand but her native tongue. I found
it pleasant enough to the taste; though when cold, as I have learned
by experience, it is, like the cold tortilla, rather tough and
insipid. They are even thinner than wafers; and some dozens, being
folded in a roll, constitute the laminate composition before
mentioned. Being thus preserved, they serve the natives for months
upon their journeys.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] On the subject of Pueblo Indians, consult T. Donaldson, _Moqui
Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico_
(Washington, 1893), extra bulletin of eleventh census; John T. Short,
North _Americans of Antiquity_ (New York, 1880); A. F. A. Bandelier,
Archæological Institute of America _Papers_, American Series, i-iv; N.
O. G. Nordenskiold, _Cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde_ (Chicago and
Stockholm, 1893); C. F. Lummis, _Land of Poco Tiempo_ (New York,
1893).--ED.
[19] Of these, the Pueblo of Zuñi has been celebrated for honesty and
hospitality. The inhabitants mostly profess the Catholic faith, but
have now no curate. They cultivate the soil, manufacture, and possess
considerable quantities of stock. Their village is over 150 miles west
of the Rio del Norte, on the waters of the Colorado of the West, and
is believed to contain between 1,000 and 1,500 souls. The "seven
Pueblos of Moqui" (as they are called) are a similar tribe living a
few leagues beyond. They formerly acknowledged the government and
religion of the Spaniards, but have long since rejected both, and live
in a state of independence and paganism. Their dwellings, however,
like those of Zuñi, are similar to those of the interior Pueblos, and
they are equally industrious and agricultural, and still more
ingenious in their manufacturing. The language of the _Moquis_ or
_Moquinos_ is said to differ but little from that of the
Navajoes.--GREGG.
_Comment by Ed._ For the Moki (properly Hopi), see Pattie's
_Narrative_, in our volume xviii, p. 130, note 64. The articles by
Frank H. Cushing in American Bureau of Ethnology _Reports_ first
directed attention to the Zuñi; consult also Bandelier, "Outline of
Documentary History of Zuñi Tribe," in _Journal of American Ethnology
and Archæology_ (Boston, 1891-94), iii.
[20] On the linguistic stocks of the pueblos, consult our volume xix,
p. 266, note 90 (Gregg).--ED.
[21] Bandelier, "Final Report," Archæological Institute of America
_Papers_, American Series, iii, pp. 121-136, considers the pueblo
population at the time of the Spanish conquest to have been about
twenty-five thousand. The present population of New Mexican pueblos,
exclusive of the Moki, is about nine thousand.--ED.
[22] The pueblo of Pecos was situated thirty miles southeast of Santa
Fé, and at the close of the seventeenth century had a population of
two thousand, being the largest pueblo in either New Mexico or
Arizona. It was visited as early as 1540 by Alvarado, a lieutenant of
Coronado. In 1598, the inhabitants rendered submission to Oñate, and a
mission was established among them for which a large church was built
in the seventeenth century, its ruins being still conspicuous. In the
revolt of 1680 the Pecos remained neutral; but soon thereafter decline
in numbers set in, and by 1837 but eighteen adults were left. A fever
swept away the majority of these, when in 1840 the remnant of five men
sold their lands to the government, and retired to their kinsmen at
Jemez. A son of the tribe was found in 1880 among the Mexicans of the
village of Pecos, a small, comparatively modern town. Bandelier
discredits the Montezuma myth, which he considers a Spanish-Mexican
importation. See Archæological Institute of America _Papers_, American
Series, i, pp. 110-125. He found among the ruins, however, evidences
of the existence of the sacred fire.--ED.
[23] The Pueblo Indians still cling to many features of aboriginal
worship. The sun-father and moon-mother are revered--not the orbs
themselves, but the spiritual beings residing therein. Consult on this
subject, Bandelier, _op. cit._, iii, pp. 276-316.--ED.
[24] The office of the cacique is in essence religious; but as
religion is interwoven with the entire life of the Pueblos, he is in a
sense a civil official as well. He is chosen because of fitness,
frequently on the nomination of his predecessor, and his education in
the mysteries and secrets of his people is exacting. The office is for
life, unless terminated by improper behavior, when the cacique may be
deposed. The candidate sometimes declines the office because of the
severity of the duties, which involve much fasting and abnegation.
The _estufa_ is not always subterranean. It originated before the
introduction of Christian family life, in a common home for the male
members of the pueblo. It has become the council house of the tribe.
Some pueblos contain more than one; unless rites are in progress, it
is a bare, rude room usually unornamented. For details, consult John
G. Bourke, _Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona_ (New York,
1884).--ED.
[25] Matrimonial relations among these people have been much modified
by the introduction of Christianity, and the requirements of the
friars, so that the monogamous family is now the rule among the
sedentary Indians; although there are still in force certain clan
restrictions in the choice of the mate.--ED.
[26] Although the Pueblos have, since the subjugation of the Apache,
engaged in no wars, a war-captain is each year selected by the
cacique, who has, as Gregg relates, certain protective and religious
functions.--ED.
[27] Primary schools were established for several pueblos, about 1872,
but met with opposition from priests, who did not desire Indian
children to learn English. There are in the territory at present
(1903), about eighteen day-schools, and two industrial boarding
schools.--ED.
[28] For a brief sketch of the history of Taos, see our volume xviii,
p. 73, note 44. The Taos communal architecture is of the primitive
type; after the Spanish conquest, the separate houses of the other
pueblos were gradually adopted.--ED.
[29] Picuries is one of the northern group. Like Taos, it is of Tiguan
stock, and participated in the history of the region, being visited by
one of Coronado's party in 1540. It yielded to Oñate in 1598, took
part in the revolts of 1680 and 1696, and in the uprising against the
Americans in 1848. The pueblo was formerly much larger than at
present, its population now consisting of only about a hundred poor
and rather unprogressive Indians. It is in Taos County about seventy
miles north of Santa Fé.--ED.
[30] Acoma is a Queres pueblo, built upon a cliff, about seventy miles
southwest of Santa Fé, in Valencia County. Because of its
inaccessibility, and the charm of its situation, it has been much
noted. Coronado described it in his journey of 1540--see George P.
Winship, _Journey of Coronado_ (New York, 1904); and here a great
battle was fought between Spaniards and Acomans in 1599. The pueblo
took part in the revolts of 1680 and 1696; but has since lived
quietly, and has at present a population of about six hundred.--ED.
[31] The _tilma_ of the North is a sort of small but durable blanket,
worn by the Indians as a mantle.--GREGG.
[32] Recent authorities do not consider the decline of domestic arts a
sign of deterioration among the Pueblos. They taught the Navaho to
weave, and now purchase blankets from the latter. Pottery is still
manufactured among the New Mexican pueblos. See on these subjects
Washington Matthews, "Navaho Weavers," in U. S. Bureau of Ethnology
_Report_, 1881-82, pp. 371-391; and William H. Holmes, "Pottery of the
Ancient Pueblos," _ibid._, 1882-83, pp. 265-358.--ED.
[33] The Pueblos still retain their native dress, which is
picturesque, healthful, convenient, and often relatively costly--a
woman's costume sometimes being worth as much as twenty-five
dollars.--ED.
[34] _Pinole_ is in effect the _cold-flour_ of our hunters. It is the
meal of parched Indian corn, prepared for use by stirring it up with a
little cold water. This food seems also to have been of ancient use
among the aborigines of other parts of America. Father Charlevoix, in
1721, says of the savages about the northern lakes, that they "reduce
[the maize] to Flour which they call _Farine froide_ (cold Flour), and
this is the best Provision that can be made for Travellers."--GREGG.
CHAPTER XV
The wild Tribes of New Mexico -- Speculative Theories -- Clavigero and
the _Azteques_ -- Pueblo Bonito and other Ruins -- Probable
Relationship between the _Azteques_ and tribes of New Mexico -- The
several Nations of this Province -- _Navajóes_ and _Azteques_ --
Manufactures of the former -- Their Agriculture, Religion, etc. --
Mexican Cruelty to the Indians and its Consequences -- Inroads of
the Navajóes -- Exploits of a Mexican Army -- How to make a Hole in
a Powder-keg -- The _Apaches_ and their Character -- Their Food --
Novel Mode of settling Disputes -- Range of their marauding
Excursions -- Indian Traffic and imbecile Treaties -- Devastation of
the Country -- Chihuahua Rodomontades -- Juan José, a celebrated
Apache Chief, and his tragical End, etc. -- Massacre of Americans in
Retaliation -- A tragical Episode -- _Proyecto de Guerra_ and a
'gallant' Display -- The _Yutas_ and their Hostilities -- A personal
Adventure with them, but no blood shed -- Jicarillas.
All the Indians of New Mexico not denominated Pueblos--not professing
the Christian religion--are ranked as _wild tribes_, although these
include some who have made great advances in arts, manufactures and
agriculture. Those who are at all acquainted with the ancient history
of Mexico, will recollect that, according to the traditions of the
aborigines, all the principal tribes of Anahuac descended from the
North: and that those of Mexico, especially [Pg068] the Azteques,
emigrated {283} from the north of California, or northwest of New
Mexico. Clavigero, the famous historian heretofore alluded to,[35]
speaking of this emigration, observes, that the _Azteques_, or Mexican
Indians, who were the last settlers in the country of Anahuac, lived
until about the year 1160 of the Christian era in Aztlan, a country
situated to the north of the Gulf of California; as is inferred from
the route of their peregrinations, and from the information afterwards
acquired by the Spaniards in their expeditions through those
countries. He then proceeds to show by what incentives they were
probably induced to abandon their native land; adding that whatever
may have been the motive, no doubt can possibly exist as to the
journey's having actually been performed. He says that they travelled
in a southeastwardly direction towards the Rio Gila, where they
remained for some time--the ruins of their edifices being still to be
seen, upon its banks. They then struck out for a point over two
hundred and fifty miles to the northwest of Chihuahua in about 29° of
N. latitude, where they made another halt. This place is known by the
name of _Casas Grandes_[36] (big houses), on account of a large
edifice which still stands on the spot, and which, according to the
general tradition of those regions, was erected by the Mexican
Indians, during their [Pg069] wanderings. The building is constructed
after the plan of those in New Mexico, with three stories, covered
with an _azotea_ or terrace, and without door or entrance {284} into
the lower story. A hand ladder is also used as a means of
communication with the second story.
Even allowing that the traditions upon which Clavigero founded his
theoretical deductions are vague and uncertain, there is sufficient
evidence in the ruins that still exist to show that those regions were
once inhabited by a far more enlightened people than are now to be
found among the aborigines. Of such character are the ruins of _Pueblo
Bonito_, in the direction of Navajó, on the borders of the
Cordilleras; the houses being generally built of slabs of fine-grit
sand-stone, a material utterly unknown in the present architecture of
the North.[37] Although some of these structures are very massive and
spacious, they are generally cut up into small irregular rooms, many
of which yet remain entire, being still covered, with the _vigas_ or
joists remaining nearly sound under the _azoteas_ of earth; and yet
their age is such that there is no tradition which gives any account
of their origin. But there have been no images or sculptured work of
any kind found about them. Besides these, many other ruins (though
none so perfect) are scattered over the plains and among the
mountains. What is very remarkable is, that a portion of them are
situated at a great distance from any water; so that the inhabitants
must have depended entirely upon rain, as is the case with the Pueblo
of Acoma at the present day.
The general appearance of Pueblo Bonito, {285} as well as that of the
existing buildings of Moqui in the [Pg070] same mountainous regions,
and other Pueblos of New Mexico, resembles so closely the ruins of
Casas Grandes, that we naturally come to the conclusion that the
founders of each must have descended from the same common stock. The
present difference between their language and that of the Indians of
Mexico, when we take into consideration the ages that have passed away
since their separation, hardly presents any reasonable objection to
this hypothesis.
The principal wild tribes which inhabit or extend their incursions or
peregrinations upon the territory of New Mexico, are the _Navajóes_,
the _Apaches_, the _Yutas_, the _Caiguas_ or Kiawas, and the
_Comanches_.[38] Of the latter I will speak in another place. The two
first are from one and the same original stock, there being, even at
the present day, no very important difference in their language. The
Apaches are divided into numerous petty tribes, of one of which an
insignificant band, called Jicarillas, inhabiting the mountains north
of Taos, is an isolated and miserable remnant.[39]
The _Navajóes_ are supposed to number about 10,000 souls, and though
not the most numerous, they are certainly the most important, at least
in a historical point of view, of all the northern tribes of Mexico.
They reside in the main range of Cordilleras, 150 to 200 miles west of
Santa Fé, on the waters of Rio Colorado of California, not far from
the region, according to historians, from whence the [Pg071] {286}
Azteques emigrated to Mexico; and there are many reasons to suppose
them direct descendants from the remnant, which remained in the North,
of this celebrated nation of antiquity. Although they mostly live in
rude _jacales_, somewhat resembling the wigwams of the Pawnees, yet,
from time immemorial, they have excelled all others in their original
manufactures: and, as well as the Moquis, they are still distinguished
for some exquisite styles of cotton textures, and display considerable
ingenuity in embroidering with feathers the skins of animals,
according to their primitive practice. They now also manufacture a
singular species of blanket, known as the _Sarape Navajó_, which is of
so close and dense a texture that it will frequently hold water almost
equal to gum-elastic cloth. It is therefore highly prized for
protection against the rains. Some of the finer qualities are often
sold among the Mexicans as high as fifty or sixty dollars each.
Notwithstanding the present predatory and somewhat unsettled habits of
the Navajóes, they cultivate all the different grains and vegetables
to be found in New Mexico. They also possess extensive herds of
horses, mules, cattle, sheep and goats of their own raising, which are
generally celebrated as being much superior to those of the Mexicans;
owing, no doubt, to greater attention to the improvement of their
stocks.
Though Baron Humboldt[40] tells us that some missionaries were
established among this tribe {287} prior to the general massacre of
1680, but few attempts to christianize them have since been made. They
now remain in a state of primitive paganism--and not only independent
of the Mexicans, but their most formidable enemies.[41] [Pg072]
After the establishment of the national independence, the
government of New Mexico greatly embittered the disposition of the
neighboring savages, especially the Navajoes, by repeated acts of
cruelty and ill-faith well calculated to provoke hostilities. On one
occasion, a party consisting of several chiefs and warriors of the
Navajoes assembled at the Pueblo of Cochiti,[42] by invitation of the
government, to celebrate a treaty of peace; when the New Mexicans,
exasperated no doubt by the remembrance of former outrages, fell upon
them unawares and put them all to death. It is also related, that
about the same period, three Indians from the northern mountains
having been brought as prisoners into Taos, they were peremptorily
demanded by the Jicarillas, who were their bitterest enemies; when the
Mexican authorities, dreading the resentment of this tribe, quietly
complied with the barbarous request, suffering the prisoners to be
butchered in cold blood before their very eyes! No wonder, then, that
the New Mexicans are so generally warred upon by their savage
neighbors.
About fifteen years ago, the Navajoes were subjected by the energy of
Col. Vizcarra, who succeeded in keeping them in submission for {288}
some time; but since that officer's departure from New Mexico, no man
has been [Pg073] found of sufficient capacity to inspire this daring
tribe either with respect or fear; so that for the last ten years they
have ravaged the country with impunity, murdering and destroying just
as the humor happened to prompt them. When the spring of the year
approaches, terms of peace are generally proposed to the government at
Santa Fé, which the latter never fails to accept. This amicable
arrangement enables the wily Indians to sow their crops at leisure,
and to dispose of the property stolen from the Mexicans during their
marauding incursions, to advantage; but the close of their
agricultural labors is generally followed by a renewal of hostilities,
and the game of rapine and destruction is played over again.
Towards the close of 1835, a volunteer corps, which most of the
leading men in New Mexico joined, was raised for the purpose of
carrying war into the territory of the Navajoes. The latter hearing of
their approach, and anxious no doubt to save them the trouble of so
long a journey, mustered a select band of their warriors, who went
forth to intercept the invaders in a mountain pass, where they lay
concealed in an ambuscade. The valiant corps, utterly unconscious of
the reception that awaited them, soon came jogging along in scattered
groups, indulging in every kind of boisterous mirth; when the
war-whoop, loud and shrill, followed by several shots, threw them all
into a state of speechless consternation. {289} Some tumbled off their
horses with fright, others fired their muskets at random: a terrific
panic had seized everybody, and some minutes elapsed before they could
recover their senses sufficiently to betake themselves to their heels.
Two or three persons were killed in this ridiculous engagement, the
most conspicuous of whom was a Capt. Hinófos, who commanded the
regular troops.[43] [Pg074]
A very curious but fully authentic anecdote may not be
inappropriately inserted here, in which this individual was concerned.
On one occasion, being about to start on a belligerent expedition, he
directed his orderly-sergeant to fill a powder-flask from an
unbroached keg of twenty-five pounds. The sergeant, having bored a
hole with a gimlet, and finding that the powder issued too slowly,
began to look about for something to enlarge the aperture, when his
eyes haply fell upon an iron poker which lay in a corner of the
fire-place. To heat the poker and apply it to the hole in the keg was
the work of but a few moments; when an explosion took place which blew
the upper part of the building into the street, tearing and shattering
everything else to atoms. Miraculous as their escape may appear, the
sergeant, as well as the captain who witnessed the whole operation,
remained more frightened than hurt, although they were both very
severely scorched and bruised. This ingenious sergeant was afterwards
Secretary of State to Gov. Gonzalez, of revolutionary {290}
memory,[44] and has nearly ever since held a clerkship in some of the
offices of state, but is now captain in the regular army.
I come now to speak of the _Apaches_, the most extensive and powerful,
yet the most vagrant of all the savage nations that inhabit the
interior of Northern Mexico. They are supposed to number some fifteen
thousand souls, although they are subdivided into various petty bands,
and scattered over an immense tract of country. Those that are found
east of the Rio del Norte are generally known as _Mezcaleros_, on
account of an article of food much in use among them, called
_mezcal_,[45] but by far the greatest portion of the nation is located
in the west, and is mostly known by the sobriquet [Pg075] of
_Coyoteros_, in consequence, it is said, of their eating the _coyote_
or prairie-wolf.[46] The Apaches are perhaps more given to itinerant
habits than any other tribe in Mexico. They never construct houses,
but live in the ordinary wigwam, or tent of skins and blankets. They
manufacture nothing--cultivate nothing: they seldom resort to the
chase, as their country is destitute of game--but depend almost
entirely upon pillage for the support of their immense population,
some two or three thousand of which are warriors.
For their food, the Apaches rely chiefly upon the flesh of the cattle
and sheep they can steal from the Mexican ranchos and haciendas. They
are said, however, to be more fond of {291} the meat of the mule than
that of any other animal. I have seen about encampments which they had
recently left, the remains of mules that had been slaughtered for
their consumption. Yet on one occasion I saw their whole trail, for
many miles, literally strewed with the carcasses of these animals,
which, it was evident, had not been killed for this purpose. It is the
practice of the Apache chiefs, as I have understood, whenever a
dispute arises betwixt their warriors relative to the ownership of any
particular animal, to kill the brute at once, though it be the most
valuable of the drove; and so check all further cavil. It was to be
inferred from the number of dead mules they left behind them, that the
most harmonious relations could not have existed between the members
of the tribe, at least during this period of their journeyings. Like
most of the savage tribes of North America, the Apaches are
passionately fond of spirituous liquors, and may frequently be seen,
in times [Pg076] of peace, lounging about the Mexican villages, in a
state of helpless inebriety.
The range of this marauding tribe extends over some portions of
California, most of Sonora, the frontiers of Durango, and at certain
seasons it even reaches Coahuila: Chihuahua, however, has been the
mournful theatre of their most constant depredations. Every nook and
corner of this once flourishing state has been subjected to their
inroads. Such is the imbecility of the local governments, that the
savages, in order to dispose of {292} their stolen property without
even a shadow of molestation, frequently enter into partial treaties
of peace with one department, while they continue to wage a war of
extermination against the neighboring states. This arrangement
supplies them with an ever-ready market, for the disposal of their
booty and the purchase of munitions wherewith to prosecute their work
of destruction. In 1840, I witnessed the departure from Santa Fé of a
large trading party freighted with engines of war and a great quantity
of whiskey, intended for the Apaches in exchange for mules and other
articles of plunder which they had stolen from the people of the
south. This traffic was not only tolerated but openly encouraged by
the civil authorities, as the highest public functionaries were
interested in its success--the governor himself not excepted.
The Apaches, now and then, propose a truce to the government of
Chihuahua, which is generally accepted very nearly upon their own
terms. It has on some occasions been included that the marauders
should have a _bonâ fide_ right to all their stolen property. A
_venta_ or quit-claim brand, has actually been marked by the
government upon large numbers of mules and horses which the Indians
had robbed from the citizens. It is hardly necessary to add that these
truces have rarely been observed by the wily savages longer than
[Pg077] the time necessary for the disposal of their plunder. As soon
as more mules were needed for service or for traffic--more cattle for
beef--more {293} scalps for the war-dance--they would invariably
return to their deeds of ravage and murder.
The depredations of the Apaches have been of such long duration, that,
beyond the immediate purlieus of the towns, the whole country from New
Mexico to the borders of Durango is almost entirely depopulated. The
haciendas and ranchos have been mostly abandoned, and the people
chiefly confined to towns and cities. To such a pitch has the temerity
of those savages reached, that small bands of three or four warriors
have been known to make their appearance within a mile of the city of
Chihuahua in open day, killing the laborers and driving off whole
herds of mules and horses without the slightest opposition.
Occasionally a detachment of troops is sent in pursuit of the
marauders, but for no other purpose, it would seem, than to illustrate
the imbecility of the former, as they are always sure to make a
precipitate retreat, generally without even obtaining a glimpse of the
enemy.[47] And yet the columns of a little weekly sheet published in
Chihuahua always teem with flaming accounts of prodigious feats of
valor performed by the 'army of operations' against _los bárbaros_:
showing how "the enemy was pursued with all possible vigor"--how the
soldiers "displayed the greatest {294} bravery, and the most
unrestrainable desire to overhaul the dastards," and by what
extraordinary combinations of adverse circumstances they were
"compelled to relinquish the pursuit." Indeed, it would be difficult
to find a braver race of people than the [Pg078] _Chihuahueños_[48]
contrive to make themselves appear upon paper. When intelligence was
received in Chihuahua of the famous skirmish with the French, at Vera
Cruz, in which Santa Anna acquired the glory of losing a leg,[49] the
event was celebrated with uproarious demonstrations of joy; and the
next number of the _Noticioso_[50] contained a valiant fanfaronade,
proclaiming to the world the astounding fact, that one Mexican was
worth four French soldiers in battle: winding up with a "_Cancion
Patriótica_," of which the following exquisite verse was the
_refrain_:
"_Chihuahuenses, la Patria gloriosa_
_Otro timbre á su lustre ha añadido;_
_Pues la_, ıuʌıɔʇɐ lɐ פɐlıɐ ıupoɯɐqlǝ
AL VALOR MEXICANO _ha cedido_."
Literally translated:
Chihuahuenses! our glorious country
Another ray has added to her lustre;
For the _invincible, indomitable Gallia_
Has succumbed to Mexican valor.
By the inverted letters of "_invicta, la Galia indomable_," in the
third line, the poet gives {295} the world to understand that the
kingdom of the Gauls had at length been whirled topsy-turvy, by the
glorious achievements of _el valor Mexicano_!
From what has been said of the ravages of the Apaches, one would be
apt to believe them an exceedingly brave people; but the Mexicans
themselves call them cowards when compared with the Comanches; and we
are wont to look upon the latter as perfect specimens of poltroonery
when brought [Pg079] in conflict with the Shawnees, Delawares, and
the rest of our border tribes.[51]
There was once a celebrated chief called Juan José at the head of this
tribe, whose extreme cunning and audacity caused his name to be
dreaded throughout the country. What contributed more than anything
else to render him a dangerous enemy, was the fact of his having
received a liberal education at Chihuahua, which enabled him, when he
afterwards rejoined his tribe, to outwit his pursuers, and, by robbing
the mails, to acquire timely information of every expedition that was
set on foot against him. The following account of the massacre in
which he fell may not be altogether uninteresting to the reader.
The government of Sonora, desirous to make some efforts to check the
depredations of the Apaches, issued a proclamation, giving a sort of
_carte blanche_ patent of 'marque and reprisal,' and declaring all the
booty that might be taken from the savages to be the rightful property
of the captors. Accordingly, in the {296} spring of 1837, a party of
some 20 men composed chiefly of foreigners, spurred on by the love of
gain, and never doubting but the Indians, after so many years of
successful robberies, must be possessed of a vast amount of property,
set out with an American as their commander, who had long resided in
the country.[52] In a few days they reached a _ranchería_ of about
fifty warriors with their families, among whom was the [Pg080] famous
Juan José himself, and three other principal chiefs. On seeing the
Americans advance, the former at once gave them to understand, that,
if they had come to fight, they were ready to accommodate them; but on
being assured by the leader, that they were merely bent on a trading
expedition, a friendly interview was immediately established between
the parties. The American captain having determined to put these
obnoxious chiefs to death under any circumstances, soon caused a
little field-piece which had been concealed from the Indians to be
loaded with chain and canister shot, and to be held in readiness for
use. The warriors were then invited to the camp to receive a present
of flour, which was placed within range of the cannon. While they were
occupied in dividing the contents of the bag, they were fired upon and
a considerable number of their party killed on the spot! The remainder
were then attacked with small arms, and about twenty slain, including
Juan José and the other chiefs. Those who escaped became afterwards
their own avengers in a {297} manner which proved terribly disastrous
to another party of Americans, who happened at the time to be trapping
on Rio Gila not far distant. The enraged savages resolved to take
summary vengeance upon these unfortunate trappers; and falling upon
them, massacred them every one![53] They were in all, including
several Mexicans, about fifteen in number.[54] [Pg081]
The projector of this scheme had probably been under the
impression that treachery was justifiable against a treacherous enemy.
He also believed, no doubt, that the act would be highly commended by
the Mexicans who had suffered so much from the depredations of these
notorious chiefs. But in this he was sadly mistaken; for the affair
was received with general reprehension, although the Mexicans had been
guilty of similar deeds themselves, as the following brief episode
will sufficiently show.
In the summer of 1839, a few Apache prisoners, among whom was the wife
of a distinguished {298} chief, were confined in the calabozo of Paso
del Norte. The bereaved chief, hearing of their captivity, collected a
band of about sixty warriors, and, boldly entering the town, demanded
the release of his consort and friends. The commandant of the place
wishing to gain time, desired them to return the next morning, when
their request would be granted. During the night the forces of the
country were concentrated; notwithstanding, when the Apaches
reappeared, the troops did not show their faces, but remained
concealed, while the Mexican commandant strove to beguile the Indians
into the prison, under pretence of delivering to them their friends.
The unsuspecting chief and twenty others were entrapped in this
manner, and treacherously dispatched in cold blood: not, however,
without some loss to the Mexicans, who had four or five of their men
killed in the fracas. Among these was the commandant himself, who had
no sooner given the word, "_¡Maten á los carajos!_" (kill the
scoundrels!) than the chief retorted, [Pg082] "_¡Entónces morirás tu
primero, carajo!_" (then you shall die first, carajo!) and immediately
stabbed him to the heart!
But as New Mexico is more remote from the usual haunts of the Apaches,
and, in fact, as her scanty ranchos present a much less fruitful field
for their operations than the abundant haciendas of the South, the
depredations of this tribe have extended but little upon that
province. The only serious incursion that has come within my
knowledge, was some ten {299} years ago. A band of Apache warriors
boldly approached the town of Socorro[55] on the southern border, when
a battle ensued between them and the Mexican force, composed of a
company of regular troops and all the militia of the place. The
Mexicans were soon completely routed and chased into the very streets,
suffering a loss of thirty-three killed and several wounded. The
savages bore away their slain, yet their loss was supposed to be but
six or seven. I happened to be in the vicinity of the catastrophe the
following day, when the utmost consternation prevailed among the
inhabitants, who were in hourly expectation of another descent from
the savages.
Many schemes have been devised from time to time, particularly by the
people of Chihuahua, to check the ravages of the Indians, but
generally without success. Among these the notorious _Proyecto de
Guerra_, adopted in 1837, stands most conspicuous. By this famous
'war-project' a scale of rewards was established, to be paid out of a
fund raised for that purpose. A hundred dollars reward were offered
for the scalp of a full grown man, fifty for that of a squaw, and
twenty-five for that of every papoose! To the credit of the republic,
however, this barbarous _proyecto_ was in operation but a few weeks,
and [Pg083] never received the sanction of the general government;
although it was strongly advocated by some of the most intelligent
citizens of Chihuahua. Yet, pending its existence, it was rigidly
complied with. I saw myself, on one {300} occasion, a detachment of
horsemen approach the Palacio in Chihuahua, preceded by their
commanding officer, who bore a fresh scalp upon the tip of his lance,
which he waved high in the air in exultation of his exploit! The next
number of our little newspaper contained the official report of the
affair. The soldiers were pursuing a band of Apaches, when they
discovered a squaw who had lagged far behind in her endeavors to bear
away her infant babe. They dispatched the mother without commiseration
and took her scalp, which was the one so 'gallantly' displayed as
already mentioned! The officer concluded his report by adding, that
the child had died not long after it was made prisoner.
The _Yutas_ (or _Eutaws_, as they are generally styled by Americans)
are one of the most extensive nations of the West, being scattered
from the north of New Mexico to the borders of Snake river and Rio
Colorado, and numbering at least ten thousand souls. The habits of the
tribe are altogether itinerant. A band of about a thousand spend their
winters mostly in the mountain valleys northward of Taos, and the
summer season generally in the prairie plains to the east, hunting
buffalo. The vernacular language of the Yutas is said to be distantly
allied to that of the Navajoes, but it has appeared to me much more
guttural, having a deep sepulchral sound resembling ventriloquism.
Although these Indians are nominally at peace with the New Mexican
government, they do not hesitate to lay {301} the hunters and traders
who happen to fall in with their scouring parties under severe
contributions; and on some occasions they have been known to proceed
[Pg084] even to personal violence. A prominent Mexican officer[56] was
scourged not long ago by a party of Yutas, and yet the government has
never dared to resent the outrage. Their hostilities, however, have
not been confined to Mexican traders, as will be perceived by the
sequel.
In the summer of 1837, a small party of but five or six Shawnees fell
in with a large band of Yutas near the eastern borders of the Rocky
Mountains, south of Arkansas river. At first they were received with
every demonstration of friendship; but the Yutas, emboldened no doubt
by the small number of their visitors, very soon concluded to relieve
them of whatever surplus property they might be possessed of. The
Shawnees, however, much to the astonishment of the marauders, instead
of quietly surrendering their goods and chattels, offered to defend
them; upon which a skirmish ensued that actually cost the Yutas
several of their men, including a favorite chief; while the Shawnees
made their escape unhurt toward their eastern homes.
A few days after this event, and while the Yutas were still bewailing
the loss of their people, I happened to pass near their _rancherías_
(temporary village) with a small caravan which mustered about
thirty-five men. We {302} had hardly pitched our camp, when they began
to flock about us--men, squaws, and papooses--in great numbers; but
the warriors were sullen and reserved, only now and then muttering a
curse upon the Americans on account of the treatment they had just
received from the Shawnees, whom they considered as half-castes, and
our allies. All of a sudden, a young warrior seized a splendid steed
which belonged to our party, and, leaping upon his back, galloped
[Pg085] off at full speed. Being fully convinced that, by acquiescing
in this outrage, we should only encourage them to commit others, we
resolved at once to make a peremptory demand for the stolen horse of
their principal chief. Our request being treated with contumely, we
sent in a warlike declaration, and forthwith commenced making
preparations for descending upon the _rancherías_. The war-whoop
resounded immediately in every direction; and as the Yutas bear a very
high character for bravery and skill, the readiness with which they
seemed to accept our challenge began to alarm our party considerably.
We had defied them to mortal combat merely by way of bravado, without
the least expectation that they would put themselves to so much
inconvenience on our account. It was too late, however, to back out of
the scrape.
No sooner had the alarm been given than the _rancherías_ of the
Indians were converted into a martial encampment; and while the
mounted warriors were exhibiting their preliminary {303} feats of
horsemanship, the squaws and papooses flew like scattered partridges
to the rocks and clefts of a contiguous precipice. One-third of our
party being Mexicans, the first step of the Indians was to proclaim a
general _indulto_ to them, in hopes of reducing our force, scanty as
it was already. "My Mexican friends," exclaimed in good Spanish, a
young warrior who daringly rode up within a few rods of us, "we don't
wish to hurt _you_; so leave those Americans, for we intend to kill
every one of _them_." The Mexicans of our party to whom this language
was addressed, being rancheros of some mettle, only answered, "_Al
diablo_! we have not forgotten how you treat us when you catch us
alone: now that we are with Americans who will defend their rights,
expect ample [Pg086] retaliation for past insults." In truth, these
rancheros seemed the most anxious to begin the fight,--a remarkable
instance of the effects of confidence in companions.
A crisis seemed now fast approaching: two swivels we had with us were
levelled and primed, and the matches lighted. Every man was at his
post, with his rifle ready for execution, each anxious to do his best,
whatever might be the result; when the Indians, seeing us determined
to embrace the chances of war, began to open negotiations. An aged
squaw, said to be the mother of the principal chief, rode up and
exclaimed, "My sons! the Americans and Yutas have been friends, and
our old men wish to continue so: it is only a {304} few impetuous and
strong-headed youths who want to fight." The stolen horse having been
restored soon after this harangue, peace was joyfully proclaimed
throughout both encampments, and the _capitanes_ exchanged
ratifications by a social smoke.
The little tribe of Jicarillas also harbored an enmity for the
Americans, which, in 1834, broke out into a hostile _rencontre_. They
had stolen some animals of a gallant young backwoodsman from Missouri,
who, with a few comrades, pursued the marauders into the mountains and
regained his property; and a fracas ensuing, an Indian or two were
killed. A few days afterward all their warriors visited Santa Fé in a
body, and demanded of the authorities there, the delivery of the
American offenders to their vengeance. Though the former showed quite
a disposition to gratify the savages as far as practicable, they had
not helpless creatures to deal with, as in the case of the Indian
prisoners already related. The foreigners, seeing their protection
devolved upon themselves, prepared for defence, when the savages were
fain to depart in peace.
CHAPTER XVI
Incidents of a Return Trip from Santa Fé -- Calibre of our Party --
Return Caravans -- Remittances -- Death of Mr. Langham -- Burial in
the Desert -- A sudden Attack -- Confusion in the Camp -- A Wolfish
Escort -- Scarcity of Buffalo -- Unprofitable Delusion -- Arrival
-- Table of Camping Sites and Distances -- Condition of the Town
of Independence -- The Mormons -- Their Dishonesty and Immorality
-- Their high-handed Measures, and a Rising of the People -- A
fatal Skirmish -- A chivalrous Parade of the Citizens -- Expulsion
of the Mormons -- The Meteoric Shower, and Superstition, etc. --
Wanderings and Improprieties of the 'Latter-day Saints' -- Gov.
Boggs' Recipe -- The City of Nauvoo -- Contemplated Retribution of
the Mormons.
I do not propose to detain the reader with an account of my
journeyings between Mexico and the United States, during the seven
years subsequent to my first arrival at Santa Fé. I will here merely
remark, that I crossed the plains to the United States in the falls of
1833 and 1836, and returned to Santa Fé with goods each succeeding
spring. It was only in 1838, however, that I eventually closed up my
affairs in Northern Mexico, and prepared to take my leave of the
country, as I then supposed, forever. But in this I was mistaken, as
will appear in the sequel.
The most usual season for the return of the {306} caravans to the
United States is the autumn, and not one has elapsed since the
commencement of the trade which has not witnessed some departure from
Santa Fé with that destination. They have also crossed occasionally in
the spring, but without any regularity or frequency, and generally in
very small parties. Even the 'fall companies,' in fact, are small when
compared with the outward-bound caravans; for besides the numbers who
remain permanently in the country, many of those who trade southward
return to the United States _via_ Matamoros or some other Southern
port. The return parties of autumn are therefore comparatively small,
varying in number from fifty to a hundred [Pg088] men. They leave
Santa Fé some four or five weeks after their arrival--generally about
the first of September. In these companies there are rarely over
thirty or forty wagons; for a large portion of those taken out by the
annual caravans are disposed of in the country.
Some of the traders who go out in the spring, return the ensuing fall,
because they have the good fortune to sell off their stock promptly
and to advantage: others are compelled to return in the fall to save
their credit; nay, to preserve their homes, which, especially in the
earlier periods, have sometimes been mortgaged to secure the payment
of the merchandise they carried out with them. In such cases, their
goods were not unfrequently sold at great sacrifice, to avoid the
penalties which the breaking of their engagements at home {307} would
involve. New adventurers, too, are apt to become discouraged with an
unanticipated dullness of times, and not unfrequently sell off at
wholesale for the best price they can get, though often at a serious
loss. But those who are regularly engaged in this trade usually
calculate upon employing a season--perhaps a year, in closing an
enterprise--in selling off their goods and making their returns.
The wagons of the return caravans are generally but lightly laden: one
to two thousand pounds constitute the regular return cargo for a
single wagon; for not only are the teams unable to haul heavy loads,
on account of the decay of pasturage at this season, but the
approaching winter compels the traders to travel in greater haste; so
that this trip is usually made in about forty days. The amount of
freight, too, from that direction is comparatively small. The
remittances, as has already been mentioned, are chiefly in specie, or
gold and silver bullion. The gold is mostly _dust_, from the Placer or
gold mine near Santa Fé:[57] [Pg089] the silver bullion is all from
the mines of the South--chiefly from those of Chihuahua. To these
returns may be added a considerable number of mules and asses--some
buffalo rugs, furs, and wool,--which last barely pays a return freight
for the wagons that would otherwise be empty. Coarse Mexican blankets,
which may be obtained in exchange for merchandise, have been sold in
small quantities to advantage on our border.
{308} On the 4th of April, 1838, we departed from Santa Fé. Our little
party was found to consist of twenty-three Americans, with twelve
Mexican servants. We had seven wagons, one dearborn, and two small
field-pieces, besides a large assortment of small-arms. The principal
proprietors carried between them about $150,000 in specie and bullion,
being for the most part the proceeds of the previous year's adventure.
We moved on at a brisk and joyous pace until we reached Ocaté creek, a
tributary of the Colorado,[58] a distance of a hundred and thirty
miles from Santa Fé, where we encountered a very sudden bereavement in
the death of Mr. Langham, one of our most respected proprietors. This
gentleman was known to be in weak health, but no fears were
entertained for his safety. We were all actively engaged in assisting
the more heavily laden wagons over the miry stream, when he was seized
with a fit of apoplexy and expired instantly. As we had not the means
of giving the deceased a decent burial, we were compelled to consign
him to the earth in a shroud of blankets. A grave was accordingly dug
on an elevated spot near the north bank of the creek, and on the
morning of the 13th, ere the sun had risen in the east, the mortal
remains of this most worthy [Pg090] man and valued friend were
deposited in their last abode,--without a tomb-stone to consecrate the
spot, or an epitaph to commemorate his virtues. The deceased was from
St. Louis, {309} though he had passed the last eleven years of his
life in Santa Fé, during the whole of which period he had seen neither
his home nor his relatives.
The melancholy rites being concluded, we resumed our line of march. We
now continued for several days without the occurrence of any important
accident or adventure. On the 19th we encamped in the Cimarron valley,
about twelve miles below the Willow Bar. The very sight of this
desolate region, frequented as it is by the most savage tribes of
Indians, was sufficient to strike dismay into the hearts of our party;
but as we had not as yet encountered any of them, we felt
comparatively at ease. Our mules and horses were 'staked' as usual
around the wagons, and every man, except the watch, betook himself to
his blanket, in anticipation of a good night's rest. The hour of
midnight had passed away, and nothing had been heard except the
tramping of the men on guard, and the peculiar grating of the mules'
teeth, nibbling the short grass of the valley. Ere long, however, one
of our sentinels got a glimpse of some object moving stealthily along,
and as he was straining his eyes to ascertain what sort of apparition
it could be, a loud Indian yell suddenly revealed the mystery. This
was quickly followed by a discharge of fire-arms, and the shrill note
of the 'Pawnee whistle,' which at once made known the character of our
visitors. As usual, the utmost confusion prevailed in our camp: some,
who had been snatched {310} from the land of dreams, ran their heads
against the wagons--others called out for their guns while they had
them in their hands. During the height of the bustle and uproar, a
Mexican servant was observed leaning with his back against a wagon,
and his fusil elevated at an [Pg091] angle of forty-five degrees,
cocking and pulling the trigger without ceasing, and exclaiming at
every snap, "_Carajo, no sirve!_"--Curse it, it's good for nothing.
The firing still continued--the yells grew fiercer and more frequent;
and everything betokened the approach of a terrible conflict.
Meanwhile a number of persons were engaged in securing the mules and
horses which were staked around the encampment; and in a few minutes
they were all shut up in the _corral_--a hundred head or more in a pen
formed by seven wagons. The enemy failing in their principal
object--to frighten off our stock, they soon began to retreat; and in
a few minutes nothing more was to be heard of them. All that we could
discover the next morning was, that none of our party had sustained
any injury, and that we had not lost a single animal.
The Pawnees have been among the most formidable and treacherous
enemies of the Santa Fé traders. But the former have also suffered a
little in turn from the caravans. In 1832, a company of traders were
approached by a single Pawnee chief, who commenced a parley with them,
when he was shot down by a Pueblo Indian of New Mexico who happened
{311} to be with the caravan. Though this cruel act met with the
decided reprobation of the traders generally, yet they were of course
held responsible for it by the Indians.
On our passage this time across the 'prairie ocean' which lay before
us, we ran no risk of getting bewildered or lost, for there was now a
plain wagon trail across the entire stretch of our route, from the
Cimarron to Arkansas river.
This track, which has since remained permanent, was made in the year
1834. Owing to continuous rains during the passage of the caravan of
that year, a plain trail was then cut in the softened turf, on the
most direct route across [Pg092] this arid desert, leaving the
Arkansas about twenty miles above the 'Caches.' This has ever since
been the regular route of the caravans; and thus a recurrence of those
distressing sufferings from thirst, so frequently experienced by early
travellers in that inhospitable region, has been prevented.
We forded the Arkansas without difficulty, and pursued our journey to
the Missouri border with comparative ease; being only now and then
disturbed at night by the hideous howling of wolves, a pack of which
had constituted themselves into a kind of 'guard of honor,' and
followed in our wake for several hundred miles--in fact to the very
border of the settlements. They were at first attracted no doubt by
the remains of buffalo which were killed by us upon the high plains,
and {312} afterwards enticed on by an occasional fagged animal, which
we were compelled to leave behind, as well as by the bones and scraps
of food, which they picked up about our camps. Not a few of them paid
the penalty of their lives for their temerity.
Had we not fortunately been supplied with a sufficiency of meat and
other provisions, we might have suffered of hunger before reaching the
settlements; for we saw no buffalo after crossing the Arkansas river.
It is true that, owing to their disrelish for the long dry grass of
the eastern prairies, the buffalo are rarely found so far east in
autumn as during the spring; yet I never saw them so scarce in this
region before. In fact, at all seasons, they are usually very abundant
as far east as our point of leaving the Arkansas river.
Upon reaching the settlements, I had an opportunity of experiencing a
delusion which had been the frequent subject of remark by travellers
on the Prairies before. Accustomed as we had been for some months to
our little mules, and the equally small-sized Mexican ponies, our
[Pg093] sight became so adjusted to their proportions, that when we
came to look upon the commonest hackney of our frontier horses, it
appeared to be almost a monster. I have frequently heard exclamations
of this kind from the new arrivals:--"How the Missourians have
improved their breed of horses!"--"What a huge gelding!"--"Did you
ever see such an animal!" This delusion is frequently availed of by
the frontiersmen {313} to put off their meanest horses to these
deluded travellers for the most enormous prices.
On the 11th of May we arrived at Independence, after a propitious
journey of only thirty-eight days.[59] We found the town in a thriving
condition, although it had come very near being laid waste a few years
before by the [Pg094] Mormons, who had originally selected this
section of the country for the site of their New Jerusalem. In this
they certainly displayed far more taste and good sense than they are
generally supposed to be endowed {314} with: for the rich and
beautiful uplands in the vicinity of Independence might well be
denominated the 'garden spot' of the Far West. Their principal motive
for preferring the border country, however, was no doubt a desire to
be in the immediate vicinity of the Indians, as the reclamation of the
'Lost tribes of Israel' was a part of their pretended mission.
Prior to 1833, the Mormons, who were then flocking in great swarms to
this favored region, had made considerable purchases of lots and
tracts of land both in the town of Independence and in the adjacent
country. A general depot, profanely styled the 'Lord's Store,' was
established, from which the faithful were supplied with merchandise at
moderate prices; while those who possessed any surplus of property
were expected to deposit it in the same, for the benefit of the mass.
The Mormons were at first kindly received by the good people of the
country, who looked upon them as a set of harmless fanatics, very
susceptible of being moulded into good and honest citizens. This
confidence, however, was not destined to remain long in the ascendant,
for they soon began to find that the corn in their cribs was sinking
like snow before the sun-rays, and that their hogs and their cattle
were by some mysterious agency rapidly disappearing. The new-comers
also drew upon themselves much animadversion in consequence of the
immorality of their lives, and in particular their disregard for the
sacred rites of marriage.
{315} Still they continued to spread and multiply, not by conversion
but by immigration, to an alarming extent; and in proportion as they
grew strong in numbers, they [Pg095] also became more exacting and
bold in their pretensions. In a little paper printed at Independence
under their immediate auspices,[60] everything was said that could
provoke hostility between the 'saints' and their 'worldly' neighbors,
until at last they became so emboldened by impunity, as openly to
boast of their determination to be the sole proprietors of the 'Land
of Zion;' a revelation to that effect having been made to their
prophet.
The people now began to perceive, that, at the rate the intruders were
increasing, they would soon be able to command a majority of the
country, and consequently the entire control of affairs would fall
into their hands. It was evident, then, that one of the two parties
would in the course of time have to abandon the country; for the old
settlers could not think of bringing up their families in the midst of
such a corrupt state of society as the Mormons were establishing.
Still the nuisance was endured very patiently, and without any attempt
at retaliation, until the 'saints' actually threatened to eject their
opponents by main force. This last stroke of impudence at once roused
the latent spirit of the honest backwoodsmen, some of whom were of the
pioneer settlers of Missouri, and had become familiar with danger in
their terrific wars with the savages. They were therefore by no {316}
means appropriate subjects for yielding what they believed to be their
rights. Meetings were held for the purpose of devising means of
redress, which only tended to increase the insolence of the Mormons.
Finally a mob was collected which proceeded at once to raze the
obnoxious printing establishment to the ground, and to destroy all the
materials they could lay hands upon. One or two of the Mormon leaders
who fell into the hands of the people, were treated [Pg096] to a
clean suit of 'tar and feathers,' and otherwise severely punished.[61]
The 'Prophet Joseph,' however, was not then in the neighborhood.
Having observed the storm-clouds gathering apace in the frontier
horizon, he very wisely remained in Ohio, whence he issued his flaming
mandates.
These occurrences took place in the month of October, 1833, and I
reached Independence from Santa Fé while the excitement was raging at
its highest. The Mormons had rallied some ten miles west of the town,
where their strongest settlements were located. A hostile encounter
was hourly expected: nay, a skirmish actually took place shortly
after, in which a respectable lawyer of Independence, who had been an
active agent against the Mormons, was killed. In short, the whole
country was in a state of dreadful fermentation.
Early on the morning after the skirmish just referred to, a report
reached Independence that the Mormons were marching in a {317} body
towards the town, with the intention of sacking and burning it. I had
often heard the cry of "Indians!" announcing the approach of hostile
savages, but I do not remember ever to have witnessed so much
consternation as prevailed at Independence on this memorable occasion.
The note of alarm was sounded far and near, and armed men, eager for
the fray, were rushing in from every quarter. Officers were summarily
selected without deference to rank or station: the 'spirit-stirring
drum' and the 'ear-piercing fife' made the air resound with music, and
a little army of as brave and resolute a set of fellows as ever trod a
field of battle, was, in a very short time, paraded through the
streets. After a few preliminary exercises, they started for a certain
point on the road where they intended to await the approach of the
Mormons. [Pg097] The latter very soon made their appearance, but
surprised at meeting with so formidable a reception, they never even
attempted to pull a trigger, but at once surrendered at discretion.
They were immediately disarmed, and subsequently released upon
condition of their leaving the country without delay.
It was very soon after this affair that the much talked of phenomenon
of the meteoric shower (on the night of November 12th) occurred. This
extraordinary visitation did not fail to produce its effects upon the
superstitious minds of a few ignorant people, who began to wonder
whether, after all, the Mormons might not be in the right; and whether
this was not a sign sent from heaven as a remonstrance for the
injustice they had been guilty of towards that chosen sect.[62]
Sometime afterward, a terrible misfortune occurred which was in no way
calculated to allay the superstitious fears of the ignorant. As some
eight or ten citizens were returning with the ferry-boat which had
crossed the last Mormons over the Missouri river, into Clay county,
the district selected for their new home, the craft filled with water
and sunk in the middle of the current; by which accident three or four
men were drowned![63] It was owing perhaps to the craziness of the
boat, yet some persons suspected the Mormons of having scuttled it by
secretly boring auger-holes in the bottom just before they had left
it.
After sojourning a few months in Clay county, to the serious annoyance
of the inhabitants (though, in fact, they [Pg098] had been kindly
received at first), the _persecuted_ 'Latter day Saints' were again
compelled to shift their quarters further off. They now sought to
establish themselves in the new country of Caldwell, and founded their
town of Far West, where they lingered in comparative peace for a few
years.[64] As the county began to fill up with settlers however,
quarrels repeatedly {319} broke out, until at last, in 1838, they
found themselves again at open war with their neighbors. They appear
to have set the laws of the state at defiance, and to have acted so
turbulently throughout, that Governor Boggs deemed it necessary to
order out a large force of state militia to subject them: which was
easily accomplished without bloodshed. From that time the Mormons have
harbored a mortal enmity towards the Governor: and the attempt which
was afterwards made to assassinate him at Independence, is generally
believed to have been instigated, if not absolutely perpetrated, by
that deluded sect.[65]
Being once more forced to emigrate, they passed into Illinois, where
they founded the famous 'City of Nauvoo.' It would seem that their
reception from the people of this state was even more strongly marked
with kindness and indulgence than it had been elsewhere, being
generally looked upon as the victims of persecution on account of
[Pg099] their religious belief; yet it appears that the good people of
Illinois have since become about as tired of them as were any of their
former neighbors.[66] It seems very clear then, that fanatical
delusion is not the only sin which stamps the conduct of these people
with so much obliquity, or they would certainly have found permanent
friends somewhere; whereas it is well known that a general aversion
has prevailed against them wherever they have sojourned.
Before concluding this chapter, it may be {320} proper to remark, that
the Mormons have invariably refused to sell any of the property they
had acquired in Missouri, but have on the contrary expressed a firm
determination to reconquer their lost purchases.[67] Of these, a large
lot, situated on an elevated point at Independence, known as the
'Temple Lot,' upon which the 'Temple of Zion' was to have been
raised,--has lately been 'profaned,' by cultivation, having been
converted into a corn-field!
FOOTNOTES:
[35] See our volume xix, p. 293, note 116 (Gregg).--ED.
[36] The Casa Grande ruin in Pinal County, Arizona, just south of Gila
River, has been known to antiquarians since the first discovery of the
region. The earliest detailed description was written after the visit
of Father Kuehne (Kino) in 1694. American explorers noted it during
the passage of 1846; Bartlett's description of 1854 was the most
faithful. For recent accounts, see Cosmos Mindeleff, in U. S. Bureau
of Ethnology _Reports_, 1891-92, pp. 295-361; 1893-94, pp. 321-349. In
1889 congress appropriated funds for its preservation and repair, and
in 1892 set it apart as a public reservation. Modern archæologists
discredit any connection of its builders with Mexican Aztecs. It is a
work of Pueblo Indians, probably of the ancestors of the modern
Pima--see our volume xviii, p. 200, note 96. This ruin should not be
confused with one of a like name in Northern Mexico, for which see
volume xviii of our series, p. 155, note 88.--ED.
[37] It is uncertain to which ruin Gregg here refers. That of
Cebolitta, not far from Acoma, answers his description as built of
sandstone. There is a small ruin at Ojos Bonitos, not far from Zuñi,
that may be intended; but the more probable is the former, on the
well-known trace between Acoma and Zuñi, and of remarkably good
workmanship in stone.--ED.
[38] For the Navaho, Apache, and Ute tribes, see our volume xviii, p.
69 (note 41), p. 109 (note 60), p. 140 (note 70); for the Kiowa,
volume xv, p. 157, note 48; for the Comanche, volume xvi, p. 233, note
109.--ED.
[39] The Jicarrilla (Xicarrilla) are of _Athapascan_ stock, but from
the similarity of their language are classed as Apache, although they
are not known to have had any tribal connection with them. Their
alliance was more frequently with the Ute, with whom they
intermarried, and whose customs they assimilated. They were a
predatory race, and from their vantage ground on the upper waters of
the Rio Grande, Pecos, and Canadian, caused much annoyance. They are
now located on a reservation in Rio Arriba County, and number about
seven hundred and fifty.--ED.
[40] For Humboldt, see our volume xviii, p. 345, note 136.--ED.
[41] The Navaho were friendly with the Spaniards until about 1700,
when they began depredations and cattle lifting, and frequent
campaigns against them were undertaken. In 1744 a mission was
attempted among them, which was abandoned after six years' futile
efforts. Serious difficulties, however, did not recur until the
beginning of the nineteenth century. The period of Gregg's sojourn in
New Mexico was that of greatest hostility. For over twenty-five years
the United States government had much difficulty with the Navaho.
There are yet over twenty thousand of these tribesmen on the different
reservations, chiefly in Arizona.--ED.
[42] Cochiti is one of the smaller Queres pueblos, situated on the
west side of the Rio Grande, almost directly west of Santa Fé. It was
near the same spot, at the time of the Spanish accession in 1598. The
Cochitiaños took part in the rebellions of 1680 and 1696, and part of
the mutineers were, about 1699, removed to the pueblo of Laguna. There
are now less than two hundred and fifty inhabitants of this Indian
village.--ED.
[43] The only other authority for this campaign is A. R. Thümmel,
_Mexiko und die Mexikaner_ (Erlangen, 1848), pp. 350, 351.--ED.
[44] For Governor José Gonzalez and his exploits during the
insurrection of 1837 see preceding volume, ch. vi (Gregg).--ED.
[45] _Mezcal_ is the baked root of the _maguey_ (_agave Americana_)
and of another somewhat similar plant.--GREGG.
[46] Like the Jicarrilla, the Mescallero were in reality a distinct
tribe, and related to the Apache only by linguistic affinities. Since
1865 they have been confined upon a reservation in southern New
Mexico, where about four hundred still exist. The Coyoteros is one of
some dozen tribes or bands among the Apache proper.--ED.
[47] It has been credibly asserted, that, during one of these 'bold
pursuits,' a band of Comanches stopped in the suburbs of a village on
Rio Conchos, turned their horses into the wheat-fields, and took a
comfortable _siesta_--desirous, it seemed, to behold their pursuers
face to face; yet, after remaining most of the day, they departed
without enjoying that pleasure.--GREGG.
[48] Or _Chihuahuenses_, citizens of Chihuahua.--GREGG.
[49] During the so-called "Pastry War," for which see our volume xix,
p. 274, note 101 (Gregg).--ED.
[50] _Noticioso de Chihuahua_ of December 28, 1838.--GREGG.
[51] The experience of the United States army with the Apache has not
proved their cowardice. Since the running of the boundary line after
the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo (1848) up to 1886, one outbreak after
another characterized our relations with the Apache. For fifteen years
(1871-86) General Crook watched the Apache, and after each raid forced
them back upon their reservations. Geronimo's band, which surrendered
in September, 1886, was transported to Florida and Alabama.--ED.
[52] The leader's name was James Johnson, who afterwards removed to
California, where he died in poverty. See H. H. Bancroft, _History of
Arizona and New Mexico_, p. 407.--ED.
[53] Bancroft (_op. cit._) relates the escape of Benjamin Wilson, who
afterwards narrated the event, and the death of the leader, Charles
Kemp.--ED.
[54] The Apaches, previous to this date, had committed but few
depredations upon foreigners--restrained either by fear or respect.
Small parties of the latter were permitted to pass the highways of the
wilderness unmolested, while large caravans of Mexicans suffered
frequent attacks. This apparent partiality produced unfounded
jealousies, and the Americans were openly accused of holding secret
treaties with the enemy, and even of supplying them with arms and
ammunition. Although an occasional foreigner engaged in this
clandestine and culpable traffic, yet the natives themselves embarked
in it beyond comparison more extensively, as has been noted in another
place. This unjust impression against Americans was partially effaced
as well by the catastrophes mentioned in the text, as by the defeat
and robbery (in which, however, no American lives were lost), of a
small party of our people, about the same period, in _La Jornada del
Muerto_, on their way from Chihuahua to Santa Fé.--GREGG.
[55] For Socorro, consult Pattie's _Narrative_, in our volume xviii,
p. 86, note 52.--ED.
[56] Don Juan Andrés Archuleta, who commanded at the capture of Gen.
McLeod's division of the Texans.--GREGG.
[57] For the placer mines, see our volume xix, p. 304, note 128
(Gregg).--ED.
[58] Ocaté Creek is in Mora County, New Mexico, a tributary of the
upper waters of the Canadian, one of the several streams called
Colorado by the Mexicans. Because of this name, it was thought (until
Long's expedition in 1820) to be the headwaters of Red River.--ED.
[59] Having crossed the Prairies between Independence and Santa Fé six
times, I can now present a table of the most notable camping sites,
and their respective intermediate distances, with approximate
accuracy--which may prove acceptable to some future travellers. The
whole distance has been variously estimated at from 750 to 800 miles,
yet I feel confident that the aggregate here presented is very nearly
the true distance.
From INDEPENDENCE to _M._ _Agg._
Round Grove, 35
Narrows, 30 65
110-mile Creek, 30 95
Bridge Cr., 8 103
Big John Spring, (crossing sv'l. Crs.) 40 143
Council Grove, 2 145
Diamond Spring, 15 160
Lost Spring, 15 175
Cottonwood Cr., 12 187
Turkey Cr., 25 212
Little Arkansas, 17 229
Cow Creek, 20 249
Arkansas River, 16 265
Walnut Cr., (up Ark. r.) 8 273
Ash Creek, 19 292
Pawnee Fork, 6 298
Coon Creek, 33 331
Caches, 36 367
Ford of Arkansas, 20 387
Sand Cr. (leav. Ark. r.) 50 437
Cimarron r. (Lower sp.) 8 445
Middle spr. (up Cim. r.) 36 481
Willow Bar, 26 507
Upper Spring, 18 525
Cold spr. (leav. Cim. r.) 5 530
M'Nees's Cr., 25 555
Rabbit-ear Cr., 20 575
Round Mound, 8 583
Rock Creek, 8 591
Point of Rocks, 19 610
Rio Colorado, 20 630
Ocatè, 6 636
Santa Clara Spr., 21 657
Rio Mora, 22 679
Rio Gallinas (Vegas), 20 699
Ojo de Bernal (spr.), 17 716
San Miguel, 6 722
Pecos village, 23 755
SANTA FE, 25 770
--GREGG.
[60] This paper, the first printed in Jackson County, was called The
Evening and Morning Star, the first issue being in June, 1832.--ED.
[61] This occurred July 20, 1833. Bishop Partridge and Charles Allen
were the victims of the punishment.--ED.
[62] In Northern Mexico, as I learned afterwards, the credulity of the
superstitious was still more severely tried by this celestial
phenomenon. Their Church had been deprived of some important
privileges by the Congress but a short time before, and the people
could not be persuaded but that the meteoric shower was intended as a
curse upon the nation in consequence of that sacrilegious act.--GREGG.
[63] The following were drowned: James Campbell, George Bradbury,
David Linch, Thomas Harrington, William Everett, Smallwood Nolan.--ED.
[64] Far West was begun in 1836; by 1838 there was a Mormon population
of twelve thousand in and around the city.--ED.
[65] Lilburn W. Boggs was born in Kentucky in 1798. Early removed to
Missouri, he became prominent as a trader, pioneer, and political
leader. In 1832 he was elected lieutenant-governor, serving as the
acting-governor during part of his term. At its close (1836) he was
chosen governor, and served for four years. During this term he
incurred the animosity of the Mormons, by what was known as his
"extermination order," issued in October, 1838. The attempt to
assassinate him at the close of his term of office, at his home in
Independence (1841), was popularly ascribed to a Mormon fanatic, who
was, however, acquitted in the courts. In 1846 Governor Boggs led an
overland party to California, where he assisted in the American
occupation. Removed to Napa Valley in 1852, he died there nine years
later. His wife was a granddaughter of Daniel Boone.--ED.
[66] The year in which Gregg's book was published (June, 1844),
Prophet Joseph Smith was killed by a mob in the jail of Carthage,
Illinois.--ED.
[67] After the death of the founder there was dissension in the ranks,
one wing being headed by his eldest son, Joseph Smith III. The latter
founded what is known as the Reorganized Church of Latter Day Saints,
which repudiates polygamy. These were the sectarians who returned to
Jackson County, Missouri, where a large number now reside.--ED.
CHAPTER XVII {I}[68]
A Return to Prairie Life -- Abandonment of the regular Route -- The
Start -- A Suicide -- Arrest of a Mulatto for Debt -- Cherokee
'Bankrupt Law' -- Chuly, the Creek Indian -- The Muster and the
Introduction -- An '_Olla Podrida_' -- Adventure of a 'Down-Easter'
-- Arrival of U.S. Dragoons -- Camp Holmes, and the Road -- A Visit
from a Party of Comanches -- Tabba-quena, a noted Chief -- His
extraordinary Geographical Talent -- Indians set out for the
'Capitan Grande,' and we through an Unexplored Region -- Rejoined by
Tabba-quena and his '_suite_' -- Spring Valley -- The Buffalo Fever
-- The Chase -- A Green-horn Scamper -- Prairie Fuel.
An unconquerable propensity to return to prairie life inclined me to
embark in a fresh enterprise. The blockade [Pg100] of the Mexican
ports by the French also offered strong inducements for undertaking
such an expedition in the spring of 1839; for as Chihuahua is supplied
principally through the sea-ports, it was now evident that the place
must be suffering from great scarcity of goods. Being anxious to reach
the market before the ports of the Gulf were reopened, we deemed it
expedient to abandon the regular route from {10} Missouri for one
wholly untried, from the borders of Arkansas, where the pasturage
springs up nearly a month earlier. It is true, that such an attempt to
convey heavily laden wagons through an unexplored region was attended
with considerable risk; but as I was familiar with the general
character of the plains contiguous to the north, I felt little or no
apprehension of serious difficulties, except from what might be
occasioned by regions of sandy soil. I have often been asked since,
why we did not steer directly for Chihuahua, as our trade was chiefly
destined for that place, instead of taking the circuitous route _via_
Santa Fé. I answer, that we dreaded a journey across the southern
prairies on account of the reputed aridity of the country in that
direction, and I had no great desire to venture directly into a
southern port in the present state of uncertainty as to the conditions
of entry.
Suitable arrangements having been made, and a choice stock of about
$25,000 worth of goods shipped to Van Buren[69] on the Arkansas river,
we started on the evening of the 21st of April, but made very little
progress for the first eight days. While we were yet but ten or
fifteen miles from Van Buren, [Pg101] an incident occurred which was
attended with very melancholy results. A young man named Hays, who had
driven a wagon for me for several months through the interior of
Mexico, and thence to the United States in 1838, having heard that
this expedition was projected, {11} was desirous of engaging again in
the same employ. I was equally desirous to secure his services, as he
was well-tried, and had proved himself an excellent fellow on those
perilous journeys. But soon after our outset, and without any apparent
reason, he expressed an inclination to abandon the trip. I earnestly
strove to dissuade him from his purpose, and supposed I had succeeded.
What was my surprise, then, upon my return after a few hours' absence
in advance of the company, to learn that he had secretly absconded! I
was now led to reflect upon some of his eccentricities, and bethought
me of several evident indications of slight mental derangement. We
were, however, but a few miles from the settlements of the whites, and
in the midst of the civilized Cherokees, where there was little or no
danger of his suffering; therefore, there seemed but little occasion
for serious uneasiness on his account. As it was believed he had
shaped his course back to Van Buren, I immediately wrote to our
friends there, to have search made for him. However, nothing could be
found of him till the next day, when his hat and coat were discovered
upon the bank of the Arkansas, near Van Buren, which were the last
traces ever had of the unfortunate Hays! Whether intentionally or
accidentally, he was evidently drowned.
On the 28th of April we crossed the Arkansas river a few miles above
the mouth of the Canadian fork.[70] We had only proceeded {12} a short
distance beyond, when a Cherokee shop-keeper came up to us with an
attachment for debt [Pg102] against a free mulatto whom we had
engaged as teamster. The poor fellow had no alternative but to return
with the importunate creditor, who committed him at once to the care
of 'Judge Lynch' for trial. We ascertained afterwards that he had been
sentenced to 'take the benefit of the bankrupt law' after the manner
of the Cherokees of that neighborhood. This is done by stripping and
tying the victim to a tree; when each creditor, with a good cowhide or
hickory switch in his hand, scores the amount of the bill due upon his
bare back. One stripe for every dollar due is the usual process of
'whitewashing;' and as the application of the lash is accompanied by
all sorts of quaint remarks, the exhibition affords no small merriment
to those present, with the exception, no doubt, of the delinquent
himself. After the ordeal is over, the creditors declare themselves
perfectly satisfied: nor could they, as is said, ever be persuaded
thereafter to receive one red cent of the amount due, even if it were
offered to them. As the poor mulatto was also in our debt, and was
perhaps apprehensive that we might exact payment in the same currency,
he never showed himself again.
On the 2d of May we crossed the North Fork of the Canadian about a
mile from its confluence with the main stream. A little westward of
this there is a small village of {13} Creek Indians, and a shop or two
kept by American traders.[71] An Indian who had quarrelled with his
wife, came out and proposed to join us, and, to our great surprise,
carried his proposal into execution. The next morning his repentant
consort came into our camp, and set up a most dismal weeping and
howling after her truant husband, who, notwithstanding, was neither to
be caught by tears nor [Pg103] softened by entreaties, but persisted
in his determination to see foreign countries. His name was
Echú-eleh-hadjó (or _Crazy-deer-foot_), but, for brevity's sake, we
always called him _Chuly_. He was industrious, and possessed many
clever qualities, though somewhat disposed to commit excesses whenever
he could procure liquor, which fortunately did not occur until our
arrival at Santa Fé. He proved to be a good and willing hand on the
way, but as he spoke no English, our communication with him was
somewhat troublesome. I may as well add here, that, while in Santa Fé,
he took another freak and joined a volunteer corps, chiefly of
Americans, organized under one James Kirker to fight the Navajó and
Apache Indians; the government of Chihuahua having guarantied to them
all the spoils they should take.[72] With these our Creek found a few
of his 'red brethren'--Shawnees and Delawares, who had wandered thus
far from the frontier of Missouri. After this little army was
disbanded, Chuly returned home, as I have been informed, with a small
{14} party who crossed the plains directly from Chihuahua.
We had never considered ourselves as perfectly _en chemin_ till after
crossing the Arkansas river; and as our little party experienced no
further change, I may now be permitted to introduce them collectively
to the reader. It consisted of thirty-four men, including my brother
John Gregg and myself. These men had all been hired by us except
three, two of whom were Eastern-bred boys--a tailor and a
silversmith--good-natured, clever little fellows, who had thought
themselves at the 'jumping-off place' when they reached [Pg104] Van
Buren, but now seemed nothing loth to extend their peregrinations a
thousand miles or so further, in the hope of 'doing' the 'Spaniards,'
as the Mexicans are generally styled in the West, out of a little
surplus of specie. The other was a German peddler, who somewhat
resembled the Dutchman's horse, "put him as you vant, and he ish
alvays tere;" for he did nothing during the whole journey but descant
on the value of a chest of trumperies which he carried, and with which
he calculated, as he expressed it, to "py a plenty of te Shpanish
tollar." The trip across the Prairies cost these men absolutely
nothing, inasmuch as we furnished them with all the necessaries for
the journey, in consideration of the additional strength they brought
to our company.
It is seldom that such a variety of ingredients are found mixed up in
so small a compass. {15} Here were the representatives of seven
distinct nations, each speaking his own native language, which
produced at times a very respectable jumble of discordant sounds.
There was one Frenchman whose volubility of tongue and curious
gesticulations, contrasted very strangely with the frigidity of two
phlegmatic wanderers from Germany; while the calm eccentricity of two
Polish exiles, the stoical look of two sons of the desert (the Creek
already spoken of, and a Chickasaw), and the pantomimic gestures of
sundry loquacious Mexicans, contributed in no small degree to heighten
the effects of the picture. The Americans were mostly backwoodsmen,
who could handle the rifle far better than the whip, but who
nevertheless officiated as wagoners.
We had fourteen road-wagons, half drawn by mules, the others by oxen
(eight of each to the team); besides a carriage and a Jersey wagon.
Then we had two swivels mounted upon one pair of wheels; but one of
them was attached to a movable truckle, so that, upon stopping, it
could be transferred [Pg105] to the other side of the wagons. One of
these was a long brass piece made to order, with a calibre of but an
inch and a quarter, yet of sufficient metal to throw a leaden ball to
the distance of a mile with surprising accuracy. The other was of
iron, and a little larger. Besides these, our party was well supplied
with small arms. The Americans mostly had their rifles and a musket in
addition, which {16} they carried in their wagons, always well charged
with ball and buckshot. Then my brother and myself were each provided
with one of Colt's repeating rifles, and a pair of pistols of the
same, so that we could, if necessary, carry thirty-six ready-loaded
shots apiece; which alone constituted a capacity of defence rarely
matched even on the Prairies.
Previous to our departure we had received a promise from the war
department of an escort of U.S. Dragoons, as far as the borders of the
Mexican territory; but, upon sending an express to Gen. Arbuckle at
Fort Gibson to that effect,[73] we were informed that in consequence
of some fresh troubles among the Cherokees, it was doubtful whether
the force could be spared in time. This was certainly no very
agreeable news, inasmuch as the escort would have been very
serviceable in assisting to search out a track over the unexplored
wilderness we had to pass. It was too late, however, to recede; and so
we resolved at all hazards to pursue our journey. [Pg106]
We had advanced beyond the furthest settlements of the Creeks
and Seminoles, and pitched our camp on a bright balmy evening, in the
border of a delightful prairie, when some of the young men, attracted
by the prospect of game, shouldered their rifles and wended their
steps through the dense forest which lay contiguous to our encampment.
Among those that went forth, there was one of the 'down-easters'
already mentioned, who was much more familiar with the interior of
{17} a city than of a wilderness forest. As the shades of evening were
beginning to descend, and all the hunters had returned except him,
several muskets and even our little field-pieces were fired, but
without effect. The night passed away, and the morning dawned upon the
encampment, and still he was absent. The firing was then renewed; but
soon after he was seen approaching, very sullen and dejected. He came
with a tale of perilous adventures and 'hair-breadth 'scapes' upon his
lips, which somewhat abated the storm of ridicule by which he was at
first assailed. It seemed that he had heard our firing on the previous
evening, but believed it to proceed from a contrary direction--a very
common mistake with persons who have become bewildered and lost. Thus
deceived and stimulated by the fear of Indians (from a party of whom
he supposed the firing to proceed), he continued his pathless
wanderings till dark, when, to render his situation still more
critical, he was attacked by a 'painter'--_anglicè_, panther--which he
actually succeeded in beating off with the breech of his gun, and then
betook himself to the topmost extremity of a tree, where, in order to
avoid a similar intrusion, he passed the remainder of the night. From
a peculiar odor with which the shattered gun was still redolent,
however, it was strongly suspected that the 'terrific painter' was not
many degrees removed, in affinity, from a----polecat.
We had just reached the extreme edge of {18} the far [Pg107] famed
'Cross Timbers,'[74] when we were gratified by the arrival of forty
dragoons, under the command of Lieut. Bowman, who had orders to
accompany us to the supposed boundary of the United States.[75] On the
same evening we had the pleasure of encamping together at a place
known as Camp Holmes, a wild romantic spot in latitude 35° 5′, and but
a mile north of the Canadian river. Just at hand there was a beautiful
spring, where, in 1835, Colonel Mason with a force of U. S. troops,
had a 'big talk' and still bigger 'smoke' with a party of Comanche and
Witchita Indians.[76] Upon the same site Col. Chouteau had also caused
to be erected not long after, a little stockade fort, where a
considerable trade was subsequently carried on with the Comanches and
other tribes of the southwestern prairies. The place had now been
abandoned, however, since the preceding winter.
From the Arkansas river to Chouteau's Fort, our route presented an
unbroken succession of grassy plains and fertile glades, intersected
here and there with woody belts and numerous rivulets, most of which,
however, are generally dry except during the rainy season. As far as
Camp Holmes, [Pg108] we had a passable wagon road, which was opened
upon the occasion of the Indian treaty before alluded to, and was
afterwards kept open by the Indian traders. Yet, notwithstanding the
road, this stretch gave us more trouble--presented more rugged passes,
miry ravines and steep {19} ascents--than all the rest of our journey
put together.
We had not been long at the Fort, before we received a visit from a
party of Comanches, who having heard of our approach came to greet us
a welcome, on the supposition that it was their friend Chouteau
returning to the fort with fresh supplies of merchandise. Great was
their grief when we informed them that their favorite trader had died
at Fort Gibson, the previous winter.[77] On visiting their wigwams and
inquiring for their _capitan_,[78] we were introduced to a corpulent,
squint-eyed old fellow, who certainly had nothing in his personal
appearance indicative of rank or dignity. This was Tábba-quena (or the
Big Eagle), a name familiar to all the Comanche traders. As we had
frequently heard that he spoke Spanish fluently, we at once prepared
ourselves for a social chit-chat; but, on accosting him in that
tongue, and inquiring whether he could talk Spanish, he merely replied
'_Poquito_,' putting at the same time his forefinger to his ear, to
signify that he merely understood a little--which proved true to a
degree, for our communication was chiefly [Pg109] by signs. We were
now about to launch upon an unknown region--our route lay henceforth
across that unexplored wilderness, of which I have so frequently
spoken, without either pilot or trail to guide us for nearly 500
miles. We had to depend entirely upon {20} our knowledge of the
geographical position of the country for which we were steering, and
the indications of a compass and sextant. This was emphatically a
pioneer trip; such a one also as had, perhaps, never before been
undertaken--to convey heavily laden wagons through a country almost
wholly untrod by civilized man, and of which _we_, at least, knew
nothing. We were therefore extremely anxious to acquire any
information our visitors might be able to give us; but Tábba-quena
being by no means experienced in wagon tactics, could only make us
understand, by gestures, mixed with a little wretched Spanish, that
the route up the Canadian presented no obstacles according to _his_
mode of travelling. He appeared, however, very well acquainted with
the whole Mexican frontier, from Santa Fé to Chihuahua, and even to
the Gulf, as well as with all the Prairies. During the consultation he
seemed occasionally to ask the opinions of other chiefs who had
huddled around him. Finally, we handed him a sheet of paper and a
pencil, signifying at the same time a desire that he would draw us a
map of the Prairies. This he very promptly executed; and although the
draft was somewhat rough, it bore, much to our astonishment, quite a
map-like appearance, with a far more accurate delineation of all the
principal rivers of the plains--the road from Missouri to Santa Fé,
and the different Mexican settlements, than is to be found in many of
the engraved maps of those regions.
{21}Tabba-quena's party consisted of about sixty persons, including
several squaws and papooses, with a few Kiawa chiefs and warriors,
who, although of a tribe so entirely distinct, are frequently found
domiciled among the Comanches. As we were about to break up the camp
they all started for [Pg110] Fort Gibson, for the purpose, as they
informed us,
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