California Athabascan Groups
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Title: California Athabascan Groups
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN GROUPS ***
CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN
GROUPS
BY
MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS
Vol. 16, No. 5
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS
Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck
Volume 16, No. 5, pp. 157-238, plates 9-11, 2 figures in text, 18 maps
Submitted by editors May 6, 1957
Issued August 1, 1958
Price, $1.50
University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles
California
Cambridge University Press
London, England
Manufactured in the United States of America
PREFACE
In March, 1950, the University of California assumed custodianship of
an extensive collection of original and secondary data referring to
California Indian ethnology, made by Dr. C. Hart Merriam and originally
deposited with the Smithsonian Institution. Since that time the Merriam
collection has been consulted by qualified persons interested in
linguistics, ethnogeography, and other specialized subjects. Some of
the data have been published, the most substantial publication being a
book, Studies of California Indians (1955), which comprises essays and
original records written or collected by Dr. Merriam.
The selection and editing of the material for the Studies volume made
us aware of the extent of the detailed information on ethnogeography
which a thorough survey of the Merriam data would provide. We therefore
approached Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution, with the proposal that a qualified graduate student be
appointed as research assistant to study and prepare for publication
a discrete amount of Merriam record material, remuneration for this
work to be paid from the E. H. Harriman fund, administered by the
Smithsonian Institution for preparation and publication of Dr. Merriam's
ethnological data. This proposal was approved, and Mr. Martin Baumhoff
began his one year of investigation on September 15, 1955.
After discussion, we agreed that the area where tribal distributions,
village locations, and aboriginal population numbers were least
certainly known--and also a field where the Merriam data were fairly
abundant--was the territory of the several Athabascan tribes of
Northwestern California. Under our direction, Baumhoff patiently
assembled all the available material on these tribes, producing what is
certainly the most definitive study yet made of their distribution and
numbers.
In this monograph the importance of the Merriam data is central,
although they are compounded with information collected by other
students of the California Athabascans. We believe that the maps showing
group distribution represent the closest possible approximation to the
aboriginal situation that can now be arrived at.
The Department of Anthropology hopes to be able to continue the work of
studying and publishing the Merriam data on tribal distributions. It
takes this opportunity to express its appreciation of the coöperation of
the Smithsonian Institution in this undertaking.
A. L. Kroeber
R. F. Heizer
CONTENTS
Page
Preface iii
Introduction 157
Athabascan culture 158
Athabascan boundaries 160
Exterior boundaries 160
Interior boundaries 161
Groups 166
Kato 166
Wailaki 167
Pitch Wailaki 176
Lassik 178
Nongatl 181
Sinkyone 184
Mattole 195
Bear River 200
Whilkut 201
Hupa 209
Population 216
Sources 216
Estimates based on village counts 216
Estimates based on fish resources 218
Gross estimate 220
Appendixes
I. The Tolowa: Data from Notes of C. Hart Merriam 225
II. Notes of Upper Eel River Indians, by A. L. Kroeber 227
Bibliography 230
Plates 233
MAPS
1. Athabascan Boundaries--Kroeber vs. Baumhoff 162
2. Athabascan Boundaries--Baumhoff 162
3. Athabascan Boundaries--Merriam vs. Baumhoff 163
4. Athabascan Boundaries--Various authors vs. Baumhoff 163
5. Villages and Tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork
Wailaki 168
6. Villages and Tribelets of the Pitch Wailaki 177
7. Presumed Nongatl Villages in the Bridgeville Region 180
8. Lassik Villages in the Alder Point Region 180
9. Nongatl Villages on Yager Creek 182
10. Nongatl Villages in the Blocksburg Region 182
11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone 186
12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone 190
13. Place Names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone 192
14. Villages and Tribelets of the Mattole 197
15. Villages of the Chilula Whilkut,
North Fork Whilkut, and Kloki Whilkut 204
16. Villages of the Mad River
Whilkut, the South Fork Hupa, and Kloki Whilkut 208
17. Villages of the Hupa and South Fork Hupa 211
18. Yuki "Tribes," according to Eben Tillotson (App. II) 228
CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN
GROUPS
BY
MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF
INTRODUCTION
In 1910 C. Hart Merriam, already well known as a naturalist, came to
California and began the study of California ethnography which was to
occupy him for the rest of his life. Almost every year from then until
his death in 1942 Merriam spent about six months in the field, talking
to Indians and recording their memories of aboriginal times. All this
field work resulted in an immense collection of data on the California
Indians, most of which has never been published (see Merriam's
bibliography in Merriam, 1955, pp. 227-229).
In 1950 the greater part of Merriam's field notes was deposited at the
University of California, with the intention of making them available
for study and publication. One volume of papers has already appeared
(Merriam, 1955), and the present study is part of a continuing program.
The California Athabascans were selected as the first group for study at
the suggestion of A. L. Kroeber, the reason being that the Athabascans
have been and still remain one of the least known aboriginal groups
in the State. This is not because they were conquered early and their
culture dissipated, as is true of the Mission Indians; there were
scarcely any whites in the California Athabascan area before the 1850's.
Indeed, as late as the 1920's and '30's there were many good Athabascan
informants still available. The reason for the hiatus in our knowledge
lies in an accident in the history of ethnology rather than in the
history of California.
The early work among the California Athabascans was done by Pliny Earle
Goddard. Goddard began his studies of the Athabascans in 1897 at the
Hoopa Indian Reservation, where he was a lay missionary. He stayed
there until 1900, when he went to Berkeley to work for his doctorate
in linguistics under Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University
of California. Between 1900 and 1909 Goddard was associated with the
University as student and professor and during this time he visited the
Athabascans periodically, until he had worked with virtually all the
groups considered in this paper.
During this same period A. L. Kroeber was engaged in gathering material
for his classic Handbook of California Indians. Because of the scarcity
of ethnographers in those years Kroeber could not afford the time to
work in the Athabascan area and duplicate Goddard's investigations.
Kroeber did study the Hupa and the Kato at either end of the Athabascan
area but, except for a hurried trip through the region in 1902, he
did not work with the other groups, and the responsibility for the
ethnographic field work therefore devolved upon Goddard.
Goddard, however, was not primarily an ethnographer but a linguist,
and he directed his chief efforts toward linguistic investigations. He
has published an impressive body of Athabascan texts and linguistic
analyses but, except for his Life and Culture of the Hupa (1903_a_),
almost nothing on the culture of the Athabascans.
The net result is that the California Athabascans are virtually unknown,
and Merriam's fresh data provide an opportunity to piece together the
available evidence.
The Merriam files, deposited at the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California, contain information on each of the tribes of
California, some of it being information gathered by Merriam himself,
the rest clippings and quotations from various historic and ethnographic
sources. The primary and secondary materials are easily distinguished,
since Merriam gave scrupulous citations to his sources.
Merriam's own data consist of word lists, ethnogeographical material,
and random notes on various aspects of native culture. I have not used
his word lists, since their usefulness is primarily linguistic and I am
not competent to perform the necessary linguistic analysis, but all the
random ethnographic notes which he recorded for the Athabascan groups
are here included under the discussion of the appropriate tribes.
Most of the Merriam Athabascan material is geographic, consisting
of lists of villages and place names, of descriptions and lengthy
discussions of tribal boundaries. Obviously Merriam attempted to
gather a complete file of this sort of information, and he was largely
successful. His work provides a good basis for establishing boundaries
and for locating tribelets and villages.
Another important source of information, serving the same purpose, is
the Goddard material. Evidently Goddard very much enjoyed the long
horseback trips he made with an informant, who could point out the
village sites, landmarks, and other points of interest of his native
territory. This information, carefully recorded by Goddard, has proved
extremely valuable in the present work, the more so since it represents
firsthand observation.
Goddard's ethnogeographic work for three of the California Athabascan
groups has already been published (1914_a_; 1923_a_; 1924). Besides
this, the present writer has been fortunate enough to have access to
Goddard's unpublished notes, which contain information on several
hundred additional villages in the area. These notes were in the
possession of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, Goddard's literary executor,
and on her death they were sent to the University of California by
Dr. Gladys Reichard. They remained in the files of the University of
California Museum of Anthropology until their use in the present work.
This unpublished material of Goddard's consists of a group of file
cards, on each of which is typed the name, location, and any other
pertinent data for a single village. Some of the lists are accompanied
by maps, showing precise location of the villages. In the lists for
which there are no maps but only verbal descriptions of the sites,
the township, range, and quarter section coördinates are given. The
township and range coördinates have been changed since Goddard's time,
in accordance with the more accurate surveys of the last thirty years,
but county maps of the appropriate period provide a perfectly adequate
way of locating Goddard's sites within a few hundred yards.
It is clear, on the basis of internal evidence, that there is or was
more Goddard material than is now accessible to the present author. For
the Kato, for instance, Goddard says that he recorded more than fifty
villages (Goddard, 1909, p. 67); all that remain in his notes are two
village cards numbered 51 and 52 respectively. There may also be some
data, once recorded but now lost, from the Lassik, Nongatl, and Shelter
Cove Sinkyone. I have communicated with the American Museum of Natural
History, where Goddard was a member of the staff, and with Indiana
University, where some of his manuscripts are deposited, but neither of
these institutions has any knowledge of the material in question.
The Merriam and Goddard material, taken together, provides a fair amount
of information on the geography of the California Athabascan groups. We
are now in the position of knowing a great deal about the location of
the tribes, tribelets, and villages of these people, while we know very
little about their way of life, except what can be gained by inference
from the surrounding groups.
The author's thanks are due to Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Dr. R. F. Heizer,
who gave their full coöperation throughout the preparation of the
present paper. Dr. Henry Sheffé was kind enough to advise on the
statistics used in the section on population.
ATHABASCAN CULTURE
The following sketch of Athabascan culture attempts to provide some
background for the later discussion of the various groups. In this
sketch I have not used the material from the Hupa, since they are
virtually identical with the Yurok and not at all typical of the more
southern Athabascans.
_Subsistence._--For information on Athabascan economy I have relied
heavily on Essene's account of the Lassik (1942, p. 84). There was, no
doubt, variation among the different groups, but for the most part, they
must have followed a similar pattern.
The most difficult time in the annual cycle of food production was
winter. There were then few fish and almost no game animals or crops for
gathering. From late November to early March people had to rely on food
that had been stored the previous year. Essene's informant said that
about every four or five years there would be a hard winter, but she
could remember only one when people actually starved to death.
In February or March the spring salmon run began, and after that the
danger of starvation was past. At about this time the grass began to
grow again, and the first clover was eaten ravenously because of the
dearth of greens during the winter.
The herb-gathering and salmon-fishing activity lasted until the spring
rains ended in April or May, when the people left their villages on the
salmon streams and scattered out into the hills for the summer. Usually
only a few families would stay together during the summer, while the men
hunted deer, squirrels, and other animals and the women gathered clover,
seeds, roots, and nuts. Food was most plentiful at this season, and
the places visited varied with the abundance of different crops. If a
certain crop was good, the Indians would spend more time that summer in
the area where the crop grew best. The next year they might go somewhere
else. The vegetation of the Athabascan habitat is not well enough mapped
to permit a precise delineation of these various summer camping grounds.
In September or October, when the acorns were ripe, the Indians would
return to their winter villages and smoke meat for storing and probably
store the acorns. Each family built a new house to protect it from the
heavy winter rains. After the first rain in the fall the salmon run
again in some of the streams of the region and were caught and smoked
for winter storage.
It is evident that the crucial factor in the economy was the amount
of food stored for winter and that this food supply was a controlling
influence on the size of the population, since, in bad years, people
starved. At least, this was so for the Lassik, and it was no doubt true
among the other groups as well. Salmon, meat, and acorns were doubtless
the chief foods stored, and thus population size would have responded
quite sensitively to the quantity and condition of the salmon, deer, and
oak trees.
_Social organization._--For social organization I have had to rely
mostly on Nomland's accounts of the Sinkyone and Bear River groups
(1935, 1938). The primary social unit among the California Athabascans
was the simple family, including a man, his wife, and his children.
Although polygyny was known, at least among some groups, it was rare,
and the possessor of two wives was reckoned a rich man. Most marriage
was by purchase; the levirate and sororate were common. Divorce was also
common and might be obtained by a man because of his wife's barrenness,
laziness, or infidelity.
The next social group, larger than the family, was the tribelet. Kroeber
(1932, p. 258) has defined the tribelet as follows.
Each of these [tribelets] seemed to possess a small territory
usually definable in terms of drainage; a principal town or
settlement, often with a chief recognized by the whole group;
normally, minor settlements which might or might not be occupied
permanently; and sometimes a specific name, but more often none
other than the designation of the principal town. Each group acted
as a homogeneous unit in matters of land ownership, trespass, war,
major ceremonies, and the entertainment entailed by them.
This definition, given for the Pomo, fits the Athabascan area very well.
Merriam usually refers to these groups as "bands," while Goddard calls
them "subtribes." In the body of this paper I use the word "band" when
quoting or paraphrasing Merriam, otherwise I call them "tribelets."
The tribelet was the largest corporate group in the area. A
larger group, which I call the tribe, has been identified by most
ethnographers. This latter group ordinarily had no corporate
functions, unless it happened to be coterminous with, and therefore
indistinguishable from, the tribelet. The tribe, as the term is used
here, was a group of two or more tribelets--or occasionally one single
group--with a single speech dialect, different from that of their
neighbors. The tribe was also culturally uniform, but not necessarily
distinct from its neighbors in this respect. The similarity between
people of a single tribe evidently gave them a feeling of community but
had no further effect on their social or political organization.
The following tribes have been identified in the Athabascan area, each
including several tribelets, except for the Bear River tribe, which
consists of one single tribelet.
Kato: The Kato probably included at least 2 tribelets, but we
have no information on this point.
Eel River Wailaki: 9 tribelets.
North Fork Wailaki: 6 tribelets.
Pitch Wailaki: 4 tribelets.
Lassik: Probably several tribelets, but there is no
information.
Nongatl: There is evidence of 6 subgroups of the Nongatl. Some
of these may be dialect divisions, that is, tribes. The information
is not sufficient to permit definition and they have therefore been
grouped under Nongatl. The extent of Nongatl territory indicates
that there must have been several tribelets.
Lolangkok Sinkyone: There were at least 2, and possibly more,
tribelets.
Shelter Cove Sinkyone: There were at least 4 tribelets.
Mattole: 2 tribelets.
Bear River: The Bear River tribe consists of a single tribelet.
Whilkut: The 4 subdivisions of the Whilkut--Chilula Whilkut,
Kloki Whilkut, Mad River Whilkut, and North Fork Whilkut--all
appear to be tribelets. It is possible that the Mad River Whilkut
spoke a different dialect than the other groups and, if so, they
should be given tribal status. The evidence is not clear on this
point and I have therefore included them simply as a Whilkut
tribelet.
Hupa: 2 tribelets are to be distinguished for the Hupa
proper. In addition, Merriam distinguishes the South Fork Hupa
as a distinct dialect division. The linguistic separation is not
supported by Goddard or Kroeber and I have therefore included the
South Fork Hupa under the Hupa proper, but as a separate tribelet.
This gives a total of 3 tribelets for the Hupa.
In general, it may be stated that the California Athabascans did not
have the strong local organization characteristic of Central California.
Emphasis on wealth, although present, was less strongly developed than
among the Yurok and therefore did not lead to the fragmented villages
and tight family organization of that group. This statement, of course,
does not apply to the Hupa, and probably not to the Whilkut, both of
which were more like the Yurok.
_Religion and the supernatural._--The clearest account of the religious
practices of the Athabascans is given by Nomland (1938, pp. 93-98),
who obtained her information from the Bear River woman, Nora Coonskin,
herself a shaman. The account, however, may not be representative of the
Athabascans as a whole.
The Athabascans thought that each person had a spirit which, leaving him
when he died, might come back to earth as a small creature about two
feet high. This returned spirit could communicate with shamans. When a
person had a fainting spell, the spirit departed from the body and a
shaman had to be called in order to get the patient's spirit back. If
the shaman failed, the patient died. Shamans' spirits went to a special
afterworld and were accompanied only by the spirits of other shamans.
Shamans were important among the Bear River people and probably among
the other Athabascans as well. They might be either men or women; most
often they were women, men being thought less powerful. The first
signs of a shaman's power came in childhood, the visible signs being,
for example, excessive drooling in sleep. If the childhood omens were
proper, the training began about the age of twelve, under the direction
of an older shaman, the main ceremony being a series of dances performed
on five successive nights. Other ceremonies followed; then the girl
was a full-fledged shaman. She was not supposed to use her power for a
period of two to five years or it would harm her. The fee for training
the initiate was large, 200 to 300 dollars in Indian money (perhaps a
6-8 ft. string of dentalia shells).
There were two types of shamans--curing shamans and sucking shamans. The
curing shaman sang and danced for two nights while her spirit searched
for the spirit of the patient. A shaman's fee was from five to ten
dollars per night; if the patient died within two months, the fee had to
be returned.
The sucking shamans could suck out pains which were causing illness.
These shamans were paid more because they were more powerful; having
greater power, they were in greater danger and had a shorter life
expectancy.
_Connections with other groups._--The foregoing account of economy,
social organization, and religious practices does not by any means make
up a complete picture of Athabascan life, but it illustrates certain
salient factors. In particular, the connections with Northwestern
California are clear. So far as influence from Northwestern California
is concerned the Athabascans may be divided into three groups: the
Hupa and Whilkut on the north are an integral part of the northwestern
culture center; the Wailaki and Kato on the south are essentially
Central Californian; and the groups in between are transitional, but
more northern than southern in their outlook.
ATHABASCAN BOUNDARIES
In evaluating boundaries I have relied most heavily on the information
of Merriam (map 3) and Kroeber (map 1). Merriam's data are contained in
a 1:500,000 map of California, together with a descriptive text. The
map and the description were made up by Dr. Merriam's daughter, Mrs.
Zenaida Merriam Talbot, during the years 1939 to 1946, from information
in Merriam's notes and journals, the latter of which are not accessible
to this writer. Often, where Merriam's boundaries disagree with those of
Kroeber or other authors, Merriam's line will follow a stream, whereas
the alternative follows a ridge or drainage diversion. When the evidence
is inconclusive, I have usually followed Kroeber's method and chosen the
ridge rather than the stream as the boundary. In this area the streams
are small and easily crossed during most of the year and therefore would
not constitute a barrier sufficient for the divergence of dialects. On
the other hand, the hills were visited only briefly for hunting and
gathering; the population depended to a great extent on the products of
streams for its subsistence, and consequently all the permanent villages
were in the lowlands and canyons. For this reason, the ridges rather
than the streams would tend to be boundaries. Kroeber has discussed this
point more generally (1939, p. 216) and also in greater detail (1925_a_,
p. 160).
EXTERIOR BOUNDARIES
The southern boundary of the Athabascans begins at Usal Creek on the
coast and goes eastward for a few miles before swinging south to include
the drainages of Hollow Tree Creek and the South Fork of the Eel in
Kato territory. It turns north to enclose the headwaters of South Fork
and proceeds along the ridge dividing Ten Mile Creek from the main Eel
until it reaches the drainage of Blue Rock Creek; it then passes around
north of the creek and crosses the Eel near the mouth of the creek. From
this point it runs in an easterly direction around the drainage of Hulls
Creek.
Kroeber's map in the Handbook shows the southern boundary beginning a
few miles south of Usal Creek, but Merriam and Nomland both maintain
that the creek itself is the boundary and Gifford (1939, p. 304) says
that both Sinkyone and Yuki were spoken in the village situated at the
mouth of the creek. The information of all four authors came from either
Sally or Tom Bell, wife and husband, who are respectively Shelter Cove
Sinkyone and Coast Yuki. I have accepted Merriam's boundary, since it
agrees with Nomland's.
Merriam maintains that the western boundary of the Kato runs along the
South Fork of the Eel and he is partly supported in this by Barrett
(1908, map), whose boundary includes the drainage of South Fork but
not the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek. Barrett, however, disavows
any certainty on this particular boundary. Kroeber's line, which
does include the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek in Kato territory, is
supported by a specific statement from Gifford (1939, p. 296) that
"Hollow Tree Creek did not belong to the Coast Yuki although they fished
there." I have therefore accepted Kroeber's version.
All authorities agree on the southern and eastern boundaries of the
Kato as far north as the drainage of Blue Rock Creek. Merriam claims
this drainage for the Wailaki, whereas both Kroeber and Foster claim it
for the ta'no'm tribelet of the Yuki. It is evident that this territory
was disputed, for it was the scene of several of the wars involving the
Wailaki, the Kato, and the Yuki (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 165; 1925_b_).
Kroeber obtained a detailed list of place names in this area from a
ta'no'm Yuki, whereas Merriam's Wailaki information is only of a most
general nature. For this reason I have given the territory to the Yuki.
All the authorities, except Foster, agree on the rest of the southern
boundary of the Athabascans. Foster has the Yuki-Wailaki line cross
Hulls Creek about five miles from its mouth instead of passing south of
its drainage. Both Kroeber and Merriam favor the more southern line, and
Goddard (1924, p. 224) says that the Wailaki claimed a fishing spot in
the disputed area, so I have accepted this version.
The eastern boundary of the Athabascans runs north along the ridge
separating the drainages of the North Fork and Middle Fork of the Eel
until it reaches the headwaters of the Mad River. Thence it runs in a
northern direction along the ridge that separates the drainage of the
Mad River from that of the South Fork of the Trinity until it reaches
Grouse Creek, where it turns eastward to cross the South Fork of the
Trinity at the mouth of the creek. It continues north on the east side
of South Fork, following the crest until it crosses the main Trinity
about five miles above its confluence with South Fork, and then follows
around the headwaters of Horse Linto Creek and Mill Creek.
Merriam's eastern Athabascan boundary conflicts with the one drawn by
Kroeber, Foster, and Goddard in assigning the northern part of the
drainage of the Middle Fork of the Eel to the Pitch Wailaki instead of
to the Yuki. Merriam is almost certainly wrong here, for Goddard (1924)
definitely does not include this area within Wailaki territory and his
information in this region appears to have been especially reliable.
Moreover, Merriam got his information from natives of the main Eel
River, who were evidently not on good terms with their relatives to the
east and knew little about them. I have therefore accepted the Kroeber
boundary.
The next conflict is to the north of this, where Kroeber's boundary
runs up the ridge separating the Mad River from the South Fork of the
Trinity, whereas Merriam's runs along South Fork itself in the twenty
miles from Yolla Bolly Mountain northwest to Ruth. Essene (1942) agrees
with Merriam on this point, but his data add nothing to the argument,
since he worked with the same Lassik informant as Merriam. I have
accepted Kroeber's version because it is corroborated by both Goddard
(1907) and Du Bois (1935, map 1), who agree in assigning the valley of
the South Fork of the Trinity to the Wintun.
Kroeber and Merriam agree on the line running north of Ruth as far as
a point about fifteen miles south of Grouse Creek, where Merriam's
line drifts westward to follow the north-south channel of Grouse Creek
for a short distance, whereas Kroeber's line follows due north along
the drainage pattern. Essene supports Kroeber, but his informant did
not come from this region so her testimony perhaps cannot be relied on
heavily. I have accepted Kroeber's line because it follows the drainage
pattern.
Kroeber's boundary also conflicts with Merriam's on the east side of
South Fork. Kroeber's line runs along the ridge separating South Fork
from the main Trinity whereas Merriam's runs along the Trinity itself.
The testimony of Dixon on the Chimariko (1910, pp. 295-296) supports
Kroeber, so I have accepted the latter's line.
The northern boundary of the Athabascans runs west, parallel to Mill
Creek, crossing the Trinity a few miles south of its confluence with
the Klamath, and then continues west until it reaches Bald Hills Ridge,
which separates Redwood Creek drainage from Klamath River drainage. It
continues north along this ridge and then turns east to cross Redwood
Creek about ten miles southeast of Orick.
Goddard (1914_a_, pl. 38) indicates three Athabascan summer camps on the
Yurok side of the dividing ridge. This may mean that some Athabascan
territory was included in the Klamath drainage, but if so, it would
contradict the testimony of the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, fig. 1;
Waterman, 1920, map 2). However, the land away from the Klamath was
little used by the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 8), so it may be that
this territory was claimed by both groups. I have accepted Kroeber's
boundary here. Otherwise there are no conflicts on the northern boundary.
The western boundary of the Athabascans runs due south from Redwood
Creek, following the 124th Meridian, crossing the North Fork of the Mad
River at Blue Lake and crossing the main Mad River a few miles above
the mouth of North Fork. From here the line follows south around the
drainage of Humboldt Bay until it crosses the Eel River at the mouth
of the Van Duzen, whence it runs south to Bear River Ridge, which it
follows west to the ocean.
A major conflict in the western boundary of the Athabascans involves
the drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River. Kroeber and Loud
both assign this area to the Wiyot, whereas Merriam assigns it to the
Athabascans. Neither Kroeber nor Loud gives specific data in support of
his contention; thus Merriam's specific local information quoted below,
renders his line preferable.
Sunday, August 11, 1918.... I found two old men of the
same tribe, who were born and reared at the Blue Lake rancheria
'Ko-tin-net--the westernmost village of the Ha-whil-kut-ka tribe.
I have therefore accepted Merriam's boundary.
From the Mad River south to the Eel there is general agreement except
that, as usual, Merriam's lines tend to follow the streams, whereas
those of Kroeber and Loud follow the ridges. Another conflict comes
at the crossing of the Eel River. Curtis (1924, 13:67) says the line
crosses at the mouth of the Van Duzen. Nomland (1938, map 1), Loud,
and Merriam all agree with this. Powers (1877, p. 101) and Kroeber
both locate the line a few miles up the river from this point at Eagle
Prairie, while Nomland's Wiyot informant (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map
1) places the line even farther south at the mouth of Larabee Creek. The
weight of evidence indicates that the line was probably near the mouth
of the Van Duzen; Goddard (1929, p. 292) states that there was a Bear
River village near there.
There is also some disagreement on the northern boundary of the Bear
River group. Nomland says that it is at Fleener Creek, about five miles
north of Bear River Ridge, whereas Kroeber indicates a line about two
miles north of Bear River Ridge. Loud, Merriam, and Goddard, on the
other hand, all indicate that the boundary is Bear River Ridge itself.
Nomland's boundary is almost certainly in error, since Loud gives Wiyot
villages occurring south of that line. Most of the evidence points to
Bear River Ridge as the line, and this version has been accepted.
INTERIOR BOUNDARIES
There is no disagreement on the western boundary of the Hupa. It
runs north and south along Bald Hills Ridge, dividing the drainages
of Redwood Creek and the Trinity River. Merriam gives the Hupa
two divisions--the Tin-nung-hen-na-o, or Hupa proper, and the
Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a], or Southern Hupa. The line dividing these two
groups lies just north of the main Trinity to the east of South Fork and
along Madden Creek to the west of South Fork. Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 129)
and Goddard (1903_a_, p. 7) do not give any support for a linguistic
division, as indicated by Merriam, but there does seem to have been some
cultural difference.
In the division of the territory west of the Hupa Merriam differs
radically from Kroeber and Goddard, although all three scholars divide
the area between two groups. Kroeber and Goddard call the northernmost
group Chilula, an anglicization of the Yurok word tsulu-la meaning "Bald
Hills people," and the southern, Whilkut, from the Hupa word hoilkut-hoi
meaning "Redwood Creek people" or "upper Redwood Creek people."
Merriam calls the first of his two divisions Hoilkut and says that they
lived on Redwood Creek and on the North Fork of the Mad. This group he
further subdivides into three parts: one, living on lower Redwood Creek,
corresponds to the Chilula of Kroeber and Goddard; another, on upper
Redwood Creek, corresponds to part of Kroeber's Whilkut; and a third, on
the North Fork of the Mad River, corresponds to a part of Loud's Wiyot.
Merriam calls his second division Ma-we-nok. They live in the drainage
of the main Mad River and correspond to a part of Kroeber's Whilkut.
It would appear that, except for Goddard's Chilula information (Goddard,
1914_a_), Merriam's data are the most detailed and therefore preferable.
He had informants from lower Redwood Creek, from the North Fork of the
Mad River, and from the main Mad River. For this reason I have accepted
his boundaries. I therefore propose that all the peoples previously
included under the terms Whilkut or Chilula be called Whilkut. This
seems justified by Merriam's statements, on the one hand, that the
Mad River Ma-we-nok differed but little in speach from their Whilkut
neighbors, and, on the other hand, that the other groups in the area
called themselves hoilkut or terms related to this.
[Illustration: Map 1. Athabascan boundaries: Kroeber vs. Baumhoff.]
[Illustration: Map 2. Athabascan boundaries: Baumhoff.]
[Illustration: Map 3. Athabascan boundaries: Merriam vs. Baumhoff.]
[Illustration: Map 4. Athabascan boundaries: various authors vs.
Baumhoff.]
If this proposal is accepted, the Whilkut may then be divided into
four subgroups--the Chilula Whilkut, the Kloki Whilkut, the Mad River
Whilkut, and the North Fork Whilkut. The Chilula Whilkut would occupy
essentially the territory assigned to the Chilula by Goddard and
Kroeber--the drainage of Redwood Creek from about ten miles southeast
of Orick to about a mile above the mouth of Minor Creek. Above them are
the Kloki Whilkut, occupying the upper drainage of Redwood Creek. The
name Kloki Whilkut means "prairie" Whilkut, a name used by these people
for themselves, according to Merriam, and derived from the prairies that
occur on upper Redwood Creek. The Mad River Whilkut would be the group
in the drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork as far up as
Bug Creek above Iaqua Buttes. The North Fork Whilkut would then be the
group in the entire drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River.
The northern boundary of the Nongatl begins in the west near Kneeland
at the Wiyot boundary and runs southeast around Iaqua Buttes and the
drainage of the Mad River, then northeast to Grouse Creek. Kroeber and
Merriam agree on this boundary east of Iaqua Buttes, but west of that
landmark Merriam's line takes a northeast-southwest direction whereas
Kroeber's line runs due east-west. I have accepted Merriam's line here
because he has more detailed information than Kroeber on the neighboring
Whilkut. Neither has much information on the Nongatl themselves.
One of the main interior lines of the Athabascans is the one which,
running north and south along the South Fork of the Eel, divides the
coastal groups on the west from the interior peoples to the east. It
begins at the mouth of the Van Duzen on the main Eel and runs south
along the Eel as far as Scotia, dividing the Nongatl from the Bear
River group. At Scotia it coincides with the Sinkyone-Nongatl boundary
and then continues in a southerly direction but, instead of lying
immediately on the river, it drifts slightly to the east to include also
the land adjacent to the stream. It continues thus near to, but off, the
main Eel until it crosses the river at about McCann, a few miles above
the mouth of South Fork. After crossing the main Eel, the line goes
south, including the immediate river valley of the South Fork of the Eel
in Sinkyone territory, until it turns west to cross South Fork at the
mouth of Hollow Tree Creek, continuing to the coast at Usal Creek.
This section of the Athabascan boundary has been much disputed. It seems
certain that the western side of the Eel from the mouth of the Van Duzen
to Scotia was Bear River territory. This distribution is attested by
Powers (1877, p. 107), who says that the Bear River group owned as far
south as the mouth of South Fork, by Nomland's Bear River informant
(1938, map 1), by Kroeber, and by Goddard, who says (1929, p. 291),
"There was, however, one village at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which
was allied to Bear River both in its dialect and politically." This
evidence is fully in accordance with that of Merriam.
The eastern side of the river along this stretch goes to the Nongatl by
default. Kroeber claims it for the Bear River people and Nomland's Wiyot
informant claimed it for the Wiyot (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map 1)
but except for these sources possession is denied by Wiyot, Bear River,
and Sinkyone alike.
South of Scotia the area is also in dispute. Nomland and Kroeber claim
that the eastern side of the Eel from Scotia to the mouth of South Fork
is Nongatl. They say (1936, p. 40):
In any event, Eel river from Scotia to Larrabee was not
Mattole, as Kroeber has it in map 1 of his Handbook, nor was it
Sinkyone. Nomland's Bear River, Mattole, and Sinkyone informants
were positive on the point. If Athabascan, the stretch in question
belonged to the Nongatl (Saia). Otherwise it was Wiyot.
Merriam, on the contrary claims that this territory was definitely
Sinkyone.
We must evaluate the statements of the informants involved before
reaching a decision on this point. Nomland's Bear River informant was
evidently not particularly accurate on boundaries, for she placed
the northern boundary of the Bear River group at Fleener Creek when
it was almost certainly at Bear River Ridge (see p. 163). Therefore
her testimony may be questioned on the present point also. Nomland's
Sinkyone informants were from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone of the Briceland
area to the south, and furthermore only one of them was said to be
reliable. Merriam, however, presents detailed evidence in the form
of place names obtained from George Burt, a very good informant who
was born and raised among the northern Sinkyone at Bull Creek. I have
therefore accepted the evidence of George Burt via Merriam, even though
several of Nomland's informants deny it.
Actually, I have accepted Merriam's line as far south as Phillipsville
on the South Fork of the Eel, even though it conflicts somewhat with the
lines of Nomland and Kroeber. Merriam's information for this stretch of
South Fork is supported in detail by Goddard's village lists. South of
Phillipsville, Merriam's line runs along South Fork itself instead of
lying slightly east of it. This line is contradicted by Goddard, whose
informant, a native of the region, gave Goddard village names on both
sides of the river as far south as Garberville. I have accepted the line
indicated by Goddard's information along this stretch.
South of Garberville I have relied heavily on Nomland. She had three
informants from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone--Sally Bell, Tom Bell, and
Jack Woodman, of whom she considered only the last reliable. Merriam
seems to have relied entirely on Sally Bell for information about this
group and his information should therefore be somewhat discounted.
The Bear River-Mattole boundary is not disputed. Merriam and Nomland
agree that it begins on the coast at Davis Creek and then follows the
ridge east to the headwaters of Bear River. The two authors do not agree
on the Bear River-Sinkyone line. Nomland's boundary goes due east from
Bear River headwaters to strike the South Fork of the Eel a few miles
above its mouth. Merriam's line instead goes north to intercept the main
Eel at Scotia. I have accepted Merriam's version on the basis of George
Burt's evidence, even though Kroeber agrees with Nomland.
The Mattole-Sinkyone boundary begins at Spanish Flat on the coast
and goes northeast from there, crossing the Mattole River just above
the mouth of Upper North Fork, Mattole River, and continuing in that
direction to the headwaters of the Bear River. I have altered Merriam's
map on this point. It shows the Mattole-Sinkyone line reaching the
coast at Big Flat, a point about six miles down the coast from Spanish
Flat. Merriam's notes say, however, that the line ends at Spanish Flat.
Merriam's line crosses the Mattole River near the town of Upper Mattole
about five miles below the mouth of Upper North Fork, but Goddard's
Mattole informant gave him villages as far up as the mouth of Upper
North Fork and I have considered this fact to be decisive. Nomland's
Mattole-Sinkyone line reaches the coast at Four Mile Creek, about five
miles up the coast from Merriam's line at Spanish Flat. This line of
Nomland's is probably a tribelet boundary, which Merriam and Goddard
give as occurring at about that point (see Mattole Tribelets). Otherwise
Nomland's boundary agrees with that of Merriam.
Merriam's line dividing the northern or Lolangkok Sinkyone from the
southern or Shelter Cove Sinkyone begins in the east on South Fork Eel
about a mile or two above the mouth of Salmon Creek, runs west from
there through Kings Peak, and crosses the Mattole River just north of
Ettersberg, intersecting the Mattole line a few miles from the coast.
This line as given is the same as Merriam's, except that his begins in
the east at Redwood Creek instead of at Salmon Creek. The change here is
based on Goddard's village list, which indicates the present line.
The Lassik-Nongatl line begins in the east just below Ruth on the Mad
River. It goes west from there around the headwaters of the Van Duzen
River until it crosses the Eel at the mouth of Dobbyn Creek and thence
west to the Sinkyone line. Kroeber and Merriam agree on the eastern
part of this line but Essene disagrees with them, including a much
larger portion of the drainage of the Mad and Van Duzen rivers in Lassik
territory. I am at a loss to explain this version, since Essene's
informant from the Lassik was the same one consulted by Merriam. It is
not clear that Essene's boundaries were obtained from his informants,
and this fact may explain the discrepancy. I have accepted the
Kroeber-Merriam line here. To the west of this, Kroeber's line, instead
of crossing the Eel, follows the river toward the northwest, so none
of the main Eel River valley falls in Nongatl territory. Goddard gives
villages on the main Eel which are said to be allied with others in the
Blocksburg region, so the Nongatl must have claimed at least a small
section of the Eel. I have therefore accepted the Merriam version.
The Wailaki-Lassik boundary begins in the east at the head of the Mad
River and runs west to the North Fork of the Eel, which it crosses at
the mouth of Salt Creek. It follows Salt Creek for a short way and
then goes west to Kekawaka Creek, which it follows to its mouth on the
main Eel. It crosses the Eel here and then goes west to intersect the
Sinkyone boundary at the East Branch of the South Fork of the Eel. The
boundary as given here is identical with the one given by Merriam,
except that he includes part of the drainage of the Mad within Wailaki
territory whereas Kroeber does not. I have accepted Kroeber's version,
because it is supported in a negative way by Goddard (1924), who fails
to include any Mad River drainage in Pitch Wailaki territory.
West of this area, Kroeber's boundary runs considerably north of
Merriam's and of the boundary I have accepted. Merriam's line seems
preferable because it is supported by Goddard and because Merriam's
information is more specific than Kroeber's.
According to the information of Merriam and Goddard, the Wailaki may
be divided into three groups--the Eel River Wailaki, the North Fork
Wailaki, and the Pitch Wailaki. The eastern group, the Pitch Wailaki,
occupy the drainage of North Fork Eel River above Asbill Creek, Hulls
Creek, and Casoose Creek. Their western boundary begins in the north
on Salt Creek near its confluence with North Fork Eel. It runs south
from this point along Salt Creek and beyond it, crossing the North Fork
of the Eel just above the mouth of Asbill Creek and intersecting the
Yuki-Wailaki line near Summit Valley. The northern border of the North
Fork Wailaki begins in the west on the main Eel River at the mouth of
Cottonwood Creek, about three miles north of the mouth of North Fork
Eel, and runs from there eastward for about six miles, where it hits the
western boundary of the Pitch Wailaki. The western boundary of the North
Fork Wailaki is the main Eel River from the mouth of Cottonwood Creek
south to the Yuki line near Bell Springs Railroad Station.
The Kato-Wailaki line runs from the head of Blue Rock Creek in the
east to the mouth of Hollow Tree Creek on the South Fork of the Eel in
the west. This is Kroeber's version of the boundary. Merriam's version
places the line somewhat south of this, beginning at Rattlesnake Creek
in the west and going eastward south of Blue Rock Creek. Since I have
ceded the drainage of Blue Rock Creek to the Yuki (see p. 160) in
accordance with the views of Kroeber, I must, as a corollary, accept the
northern boundary of the Kato as given by him.
The net result of the foregoing discussion is that the line surrounding
the Athabascan peoples of Northwestern California remains much the
same as Kroeber showed it in 1925, whereas the tribal boundaries are
considerably changed. In the north, the Chilula and Whilkut occupy
almost entirely different areas and the Hupa have been divided into two
subgroups. On the coast, the Bear River and Mattole are divided, but
this division had been shown by Goddard and Nomland previously. The
Sinkyone have been divided into two subgroups and the Wailaki into three.
A really major difference is the accretion of territory by the Nongatl.
This group is one about which least is known and this may be the reason
why the map shows their territory as so extensive. It is very likely
that data from a few good informants would show that the Nongatl
actually comprise several distinct groups. There is a hint of this in
Essene's account of Lassik war stories (1942, p. 91). He notes that
the Nai'aitci, centering near the town of Bridgeville, were distinct
from the Blocksburg people. Both of these groups are placed within the
Nongatl area. No doubt more detailed information than we possess would
show that the area which we have labeled Nongatl was actually occupied
by two, three, or even more distinct groups.
GROUPS
KATO
The Kato are the southernmost of the California Athabascans (see pl. 11,
_e_ for a view of Kato territory). They are surrounded on three sides
by Yukian peoples and consequently resemble culturally the peoples of
Central California rather than those of Northwestern California. The
name Kato appears to be of Pomo origin and it was first thought that
the Kato language was a dialect of Pomo (Powers, 1877, p. 147). It was
not until 1903 that Goddard showed their Athabascan affinity (Goddard,
1903_b_).
Information on the ethnogeography of the Kato is derived from several
sources. Merriam's notes contain some information, which seems to have
come from a man named Bill Ray, who was living near Laytonville on
August 16, 1922. This man had been Goddard's informant in 1906, when Ray
was already between sixty and sixty-five years old (Goddard, 1909, p.
68, pl. 9) and he served also as Kroeber's informant in 1923 (Kroeber,
1925_b_).
The Merriam notes contain, in addition to several village names, a few
place and tribal names which I present herewith.
Kato: to-chil´-pe ke´-ah-hahng
Jackson V. people (inc. Branscom): sin´-k[=o]k ke´-ah-hahng
Wailaki: we´-tah^ch
Yuki of Round V.: chinch´
Coast Yuki: bahng´-ke´-ah-hahng
Southern Sinkyone: ketch´-ing ke´-ah-hahng
Tribe on the N side of Rattlesnake Cr. and E of South Fork Eel
division of Wailaki (?): tek´ ke´-ah-hahng
Long V.: kin-t[)e]^{hl}-pe
Laytonville: ten-tah^{ch}-tung
Cahto Pond (now drained): to-chil´-pa
Long V. Cr.: shah´-nah
South Fork Eel R.: nahs-ling´-che
Rattlesnake Cr.: tal-tl[=o]l´-kwit
Main Eel R.: tah-ke´-kwit
Blue Rock: seng-chah´-tung
Bell Springs: s[)e]^{ch}-pis
Round V.: kun-tel-ch[=o]-pe
Jackson V.: kus´-cho-che´-pe; kas-tos´ cheek´-be
Branscomb Mt.: k[=i]k; ch[=i]s´-naw
VILLAGES
The villages of this group are mostly taken from Barrett (1908, pp.
280-283) indicated below by (B). Those taken from Merriam's notes are
distinguished by (M). The information given with each of the villages is
sometimes a direct quotation but most often is paraphrased.
1. netce'l[=i]gût (B). At a point about 9 mi. nearly due W of
the town of Laytonville and about 3 mi. SE of the confluence of the
E fork of the South Fork of Eel R. with the South Fork of Eel R.
This village is on top of the ridge separating these two streams
and is on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb.
2. yictciLti'ñkût, "wolf something-lying-down creek" (B). On
the S bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a point about 5 mi. WNW of the town
of Laytonville.
3. sentca'[=u]kût, "rock big creek"; or kave'mato (Northern
Pomo dialect name), "rock big" (B). On Big Rock Cr. at a point
about 1-1/2 mi. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr., or about
5-1/2 mi. nearly due W of the town of Laytonville.
sen-chow´-ten (M). Kato name for their village at Big Rock,
about 4 mi. N of their present rancheria in Long V.
4. ka'ibi, "nuts in" (B). On the NE bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a
point about 3 mi. downstream from the town of Laytonville.
5. neb[=o]'c[=e]gût, "ground hump on-top" (B). On what is
known as the Wilson ranch at a point about 1 mi. W of Laytonville.
6. seLgaitceli'nda, "rock white run-out" (B). About 300 yds. E
of the house on what is known as the "old" John Reed ranch about 1
mi. N of Laytonville.
7. bûntcn[=o]ndi'lyi, "fly settle-upon under" (B). Just NW of
Laytonville and but a short distance from the place now occupied by
the Indians near Laytonville.
8. ko'cbi, "blackberry there" (B). About 1-1/2 mi. WSW of
Laytonville and on the SW bank of the Ten Mile Cr.
9. tc[=i]b[=e]'takût, "fir tips creek" (B). About a mile SW of
the town of Laytonville and about 1/2 mi. up the creek which drains
Cahto V. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr.
che-pa-tah-kut (M). A former village in the northern part of
Long V. on the James White place.
10. dist[=e]gû'ts[=i][=u], "madrona crooked under" (B). On the
western side of Long V. at a point about 2 mi. SSE of Laytonville.
11. t[=o]dji'Lbi, "water? ... in" (B). At the site now
occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the W bank of the
small creek running from Cahto into Ten Mile Cr.
12. bûntcten[=o]ndi'lkût, "fly low settle-upon creek" (B). On
the N bank of the northern branch of the head of the South Fork of
the Eel R. at a point about a mile SSW of Cahto.
13. kûcy[=i]'[=u]yet[=o]kût, "alder under water creek" (B). On
the N bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. SW of
Cahto. This site is about 1/2 mi. E of the ranch house on the Clark
ranch.
14. ne'[=i]yi, "ground under" (B), probably signifying that
the village was situated under a projecting ridge. On the S bank of
the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. S of Branscomb.
15. s[=e]ne'tckût, "rock gravel creek" (B). On the NW bank
of the small stream known as Mud Springs Cr., which is tributary
to the South Fork of Eel R. This site is about 3 mi. a little S
of E of Branscomb. There are on this creek, and not far from this
village site, several springs which flow a very thin blueish mud,
thus giving the creek its name.
16. tontce'kût, "water bad creek" (B). About 1/4 mi. W of the
South Fork of Eel R. and about 1 mi. SW of Branscomb.
17. senansa'^{n}kût, "rock hang-down creek" (B). On the E bank
of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 1-1/2 mi. downstream
from Branscomb.
In addition to this list, there are two other sources of information on
villages. First, Curtis (1924, 14:184) presents a list of six villages,
almost all of which it is impossible to locate. None of the names
corresponds to any given by either Barrett or Merriam, and they are
therefore suspect as village names, though they may be valid place names
and are certainly good Athabascan. In the list below Curtis' orthography
has been changed slightly. The changes follow the pattern set by Curtis
in his Hupa village lists (Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13).
_Curtis List (1924, 14:184)_
chunsandung, "tree 1-1/2 mi. W of Laytonville
prostrate place" on the site of the cemetery
tsetandung, "trail emerges At the foot of the mountain
place" W of Laytonville
totakut, "water center" N of tsetandung. On a knoll
down which water flowed
on two sides
chekselgindun, "they N tsetandung
killed woman place"
yitsche Ltindung, "they found wolf place"
seyuhuchetsdung, "old stone house place"
The second source is the notes of Goddard, who did extensive work in
the area in 1906 (Goddard, 1909), though mostly on language and myth.
His notes contain information on two villages, neither of which can be
located because the township and range coördinates have been changed
since the time of recording and also because the name of the creek
mentioned does not appear on maps in my possession. The two cards
bearing the information have the penciled notations 51 and 52 written
on their corners. This indicates that Goddard had recorded at least 50
other sites for the Kato, a conclusion which is further corroborated
by his own statement (Goddard, 1909, p. 67). Our information on Kato
villages is therefore correspondingly incomplete.
_Goddard List (Goddard, Notes)_
ne^{=e=}[-l]soki, "ground blue tail" SW sec. 26, T. 22 N.,
R. 15 W. On a flat 200 yds. N of Blue Hill Cr. and 150 yds. W of
the river. There are 3 deep pits on the eastern edge of the higher
flat. Bill thought there were 3 others 100 yds. S where a white
man's house had stood, ne'^{[-l]}s[=o]k[=i] k[=i]yahûn.
t'un[-l]tcintcki, "leaves black tail" W sec. 26, T. 22 N., R.
15 W. On the higher bank 50 yds. N of tûn[-l]tcintckw[=o]t, the
next creek N of Blue Hill Cr. and 400 yds. W of the river. There is
timber W. Dr. Wilson used to live there. The site has been plowed.
Bill counted six places where he thought houses had been.
WAILAKI
The Wailaki, the southernmost group of Athabascans on the Eel River,
are as little chronicled as most of the Athabascan groups. As far as
geography and language are concerned we have very good information
(Goddard, 1923_a_; 1923_b_), but there is very little general
ethnography. Kroeber was able to devote to them only a little more than
three pages in the Handbook (1925, pp. 151-154), and we know scarcely
more today.
The territory of the Wailaki lies for the most part outside the redwood
forest (pls. 11_b_, _c_) and for that reason they had access to a more
abundant supply of the food, particularly acorns, used by the interior
peoples than did most of the Athabascan groups. Perhaps for this reason,
or perhaps simply because of proximity, the culture of the Wailaki
shows considerable affinity with the culture of Central California and
correspondingly less with that of Northwestern California. This affinity
is particularly evident in their tribelet organization, which obtrudes
itself in the accounts of both Goddard and Merriam. In the groups
farther north such organization receives little attention.
Merriam's information on the Wailaki consists for the most part of
ethnogeography, including villages, tribelets, and place names. His
informants in this group were Fred Major and Wylakki Tip. I have been
able to find out nothing about Fred Major, but Merriam gives the
following statement on Wylakki Tip.
My informant, known as Wylakki Tip, a full blood Tsennahkennes
[Eel R. Wailaki, but see Kroeber's data, p. 229], whose father and
mother were born and lived at Bell Springs, tells me that they
belonged to the Bell Springs Canyon band known as Tsi-to-ting
ke-ah, named from the neighboring mountain tsi-to-ting. He adds
that from the mouth of Blue Rock Creek northward the Tsennahkennes
owned the country to the main Eel, and that the present location of
Bell Springs Station, on the west side of the river, is in their
territory but that the east side of the river from Bell Springs
Station to the mouth of Blue Rock Creek was held by a so-called
Yukean tribe.
In Merriam's notes there is no general statement on the Bahneko or North
Fork Wailaki; he was evidently somewhat undecided whether they were
truly a distinct group. However, he comments on the Tsennahkennes, or
Eel River Wailaki, as follows.
[Illustration: Map 5. Villages and tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the
North Fork Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets, arabic numerals
village sites.]
Tsennahkennes ... A Nung-gah^{hl} Athabascan tribe in north-central
Mendocino County, California, occupying the greater part of the
mountainous country on both sides of main Eel River from Red Mountain
and the upper waters of East Branch South Fork Eel easterly to Salt
Creek, and from a few miles south of Harris southerly to Rattlesnake
Creek. Their territory thus includes the major part of Elkhorn Creek,
the headwaters of East Branch South Fork Eel, Milk Ranch Creek, and Red
Mountain Creek, practically all of Cedar Creek, and the whole of Bell
Springs and Blue Rock Creeks. The old stage road from Cummings north to
Harris, passing Blue Rock and Bell Springs, traverses their territory.
WAILAKI PHONOLOGY
It is clear that in recording Wailaki words Merriam followed the same
principles that guided him in his published works on other Californian
languages. In transcribing the Achomawi language he said (1928, p. vi),
"All Indian words are written in simple phonetic English, the vowels
having their normal alphabetic sounds." For a more precise determination
I have made a comparison of words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard.
The values of the symbols used by Goddard are taken from a list he
gives in his Wailaki Texts (1923_b_, p. 77) together with Phonetic
Transcription of American Indian Languages (Amer. Anthro. Assoc., 1916),
a report which Goddard helped prepare.
A total of twenty-eight words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard were
found. Although the discrepancies seem great, this is because Merriam
used Webster's English orthography whereas Goddard used a technical one
modified from the old Smithsonian system. Whatever the limitations of
Merriam's orthography for considerations of grammar (which he did not
try to obtain), his recordings consistently check Goddard's independent
information and serve as complete identifications of places and
ethnographic facts.
_Goddard's Wailaki Phonology_
-------------+--------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------
| | Labial | Apical | Frontal| Dorsal
-------------+--------------------+--------+--------+--------+--------
| fully voiced | g
| +-----------------------------------
| medium voiced | b d G
+--------------------+-----------------------------------
Stops | voiceless |
| non-glottalized | t k
| +-----------------------------------
| voiceless |
| glottalized | t' k'
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
| non-glottalized | ts tc
Affricates +--------------------+-----------------------------------
| glottalized | ts' tc'
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
| voiceless | s c
Spirants +--------------------+-----------------------------------
| voiced |
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
Nasals | | n ñ
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
Semivowels | | w y
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
| voiced | l
Laterals +--------------------+-----------------------------------
| voiceless | [-l]
-------------+--------------------+-----------------------------------
Goddard gives the following vowels.
i as in pique (written with an iota by Goddard)
e as a in fate
E as in met (written with an epsilon by Goddard)
a as in father
A as u in but (written with an alpha by Goddard)
o as in note
Following is a rough correspondence between Goddard's and Merriam's
orthographies.
_Comparison of Orthographies_
_Goddard_ _Merriam_
a ah (occasionally a or e)
A ah, e, u, i (in order of frequency)
ai a, i
Ai i
b b
c s (once sh)
d d, t
e e
E e, [=a]
g [-l]g written as sk
G does not occur
h h
i [=e], [)e] (oi written i)
I i, u
k k (ky written ch)
k' k
l does not occur
[-l] kl, often not recorded at all ([-l] written sk)
m n (Goddard says n sometimes becomes m by assimilation.
Evidently it is n phonemically)
n n (occasionally ng, once not recorded at all)
ñ ng (occasionally n, twice not recorded at all)
o o (occasionally u)
s s
t t
t' does not occur
tc ch (once tch)
tc' does not occur
ts does not occur
ts' does not occur
u does not occur
w does not occur
y y, ky written ch, kiyah always written ke-ah or ka-ah
TRIBELETS
The subgroups of the Wailaki (map 5) are called bands by Merriam and
subtribes by Goddard but it is clear that they correspond precisely to
the definition of tribelet given by Kroeber (1932, pp. 258-259), a fact
which Kroeber noted at the time (p. 257). Goddard says (1923_a_, p. 95):
[They] had definite boundaries on the river as well as
delimited hunting grounds on an adjoining ridge. In the summer
and fall they appear to have been under the control of one chief,
and to have camped together for gathering nuts and seeds and for
community hunting. In winter they lived in villages and were
further subdivided.
I. There is close agreement on the boundaries of the northernmost
Wailaki tribelet on the western side of the Eel. Merriam gives the
names kun-nun´-dung ke´-ah-hahng, ki´-kot-ke-ah-hahng, ki-ketch-e
k[=a]-ah-hahng, and ki-ke´-che ke´-ah-hahng as designations for the
group. He says the territory of this group runs from Chamise Creek
in the north to Pine Creek in the south. Goddard gives the same name
(rendered kaikitcEkaiya) and the same boundaries for the group.
The territory north of Chamise Creek on the west side of the river is
assigned by Merriam to the taht´-so ke´ah tribelet of the Lassik. This
attribution would seem to indicate that Merriam has put his northern
Wailaki boundary too far north, that it should hit the Eel at Chamise
Creek rather than at Kekawaka Creek. Goddard calls these people the
da[-l]sokaiya, "blue ground people," which no doubt corresponds to
taht´-so ke´ah. He says, "It is doubtful that they should be counted as
Wailaki, but they were not Lassik and probably spoke the same dialect as
the Wailaki."
II. This tribelet is called s[)e]-tah´-be ke´-ah-hahng or
s[=a]-tah´-ke-ahng by Merriam. In one place his notes say that the
territory includes land on both sides of the Eel, running south of
Indian Creek on the western side. This is clearly not so, for he refers
several times to a different tribelet occupying that area. That the
tribelet was confined to the east side of the river is further indicated
by Goddard, who gives Pine Creek on the north and Natoikot Creek on the
south as the boundaries. Goddard's name for the tribelet is sEtakaiya.
III. Goddard says that there was a tribelet on the west side of the Eel
whose territory was bounded on the north by Natoikot Creek and extended
south to a point opposite the mouth of North Fork. His name for this
group is taticcokaiya. Merriam's name for the group in this general area
is tah-chis´-tin ke-ah-hahng. He does not give any boundaries for them.
IV. and V. Merriam gives the following names for the tribelet occupying
the territory around Blue Rock and Bell Springs Creeks: tsi-to´-ting
ke´-ah, from the name of Bell Springs Mountain; sen-chah´-ke´-ah;
s[)e]-so ke´-ah-hahng, "Blue Rock Band"; then´-chah-tung k[=a]´-ah,
"Blue Rock Band." On the other hand, he gives the following names for
the people who occupied the west bank of the Eel for a mile or more
south of the mouth of North Fork: nin-ken-n[=e]tch k[=a]-ah-hahng;
nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah; n[)e]-tahs´ ke-ah-hahng. Goddard says that the
entire stretch from the mouth of North Fork south to Blue Rock Creek
on the west bank of the river was occupied by a single tribelet called
nIñkannitckaiya, a name clearly corresponding to Merriam's names for the
people on the west bank of the Eel, south of North Fork. I am inclined
to think that Merriam is correct and that there were two tribelets in
this area. Merriam's notes include five different references to the
southern tribelet as a separate group, so there is a distinct impression
of autonomy. If Merriam is correct in separating the two groups, the
division line no doubt falls a mile or two north of Bell Springs Creek.
VI. On the eastern side of the river Merriam gives two names for the
tribelet holding the land south from Kekawaka Creek. He says the
yu-e-yet´-te ke´-ah was the tribelet north of Chamise Creek. Their
southernmost village, called sko´-teng, was on the east side of the
river a half-mile or a mile south of Kekawaka Creek. The sko´-den ke´-ah
Merriam gives as the name of the tribelet on the east side of the Eel
River and about a half-mile south of Kekawaka Creek. Goddard gives
i[-l]kodAñkaiya, corresponding to Merriam's sko´-den ke´-ah, as the
name of the group extending from about two miles south of the mouth of
Chamise Creek nearly to the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. Both Merriam and
Goddard indicate some doubt whether these people were Wailaki.
VII. Merriam gives the names ch[=e]s-kot k[=e]-ah-hahng,
chis´-ko-ke´-ah, and t[=o]s-ahng´-kut for the tribelet living in
Horseshoe Bend. The first two names come from the word chis-kot, the
name for Copper Mine Creek. Goddard also gives these last two names for
the group (written tciskokaiya and tosAñkaiya, "water stands people"),
and he says their territory includes the land between Copper Mine Creek
on the south and a point a mile or two south of Chamise Creek on the
north.
VIII. Goddard says that a tribelet named slakaiya or sEyadAñkaiya
occupied the territory between Copper Mine Creek in the north and Willow
Creek in the south. Merriam gives the name nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah to
this group, which he locates on the east side of the Eel River at Island
Mountain. He gives no boundaries for the group.
IX. Merriam gives two names for the tribelet occupying the Indian Creek
region. The chen-nes´-no-ke´-ah was the band on chen-nes-no´-kot Creek
(Indian Cr.) from Lake Mountain to the Eel River; he also writes this
name ken-nis-no-kut ke-ah-hahng. His other name for the group has the
variants bas-k[=a]´-ah-hahng, bas-ki´-yah, bus-k[=a]-ah-hahng. This
group is said to have been on the east side of the Eel River a mile
or two north of Indian Creek (in the Fenton Range country). Goddard
gives the name bAskaiya, "slide people," corresponding to the last of
Merriam's names, for the tribelet from Willow Creek south to Cottonwood
Creek. The name refers to a hillside, usually of clay, which has broken
loose and has slid down.
X. Merriam identifies no group as occupying the land from Cottonwood
Creek south to the mouth of North Fork. Goddard says the region was
occupied by a tribelet called sE[-l]tchikyokaiya, "rock red large
people."
XI. Merriam says the s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng was the name of
a tribelet on the north side of North Fork and about a half-mile from
its junction with the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into the
water." Goddard's name for this same group is sEtandoñkiyahAñ, a clear
correspondence, and he indicates that their land was on about the last
mile of North Fork.
XII. According to Merriam the next group up North Fork was named
s[)e]-cho ke´-ah-hahng. Its land was on the north side of North Fork a
mile or more above its mouth. Goddard has the same name for the group,
sEtcokiyahAñ; he says the people occupied both the north and south sides
of a one-mile stretch of North Fork beginning a little way below the
mouth of Wilson Creek and extending downstream from there.
XIII. Merriam says ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng was the name of the tribelet on
both sides of North Fork at the mouth of Wilson Creek. This is in accord
with Goddard's data. He gives the name as kAiyEkiyahAñ. Neither Goddard
nor Merriam gives the limits of this group up North Fork. Presumably
they coincide with the tribal boundary.
XIV. According to Goddard a tribelet called nE[-l]tcikyokaiya was in
possession of the territory on the east bank of the Eel from McDonald
Creek northward to the mouth of North Fork. Merriam does not record this
group.
XV. The southernmost tribelet on the eastern side of the Eel is called
sE[-l]gAikyokaiya, "rock white large people," by Goddard. They are said
to have occupied the territory from McDonald Creek south to Big Bend
Creek. This group is not recorded by Merriam.
VILLAGES
The list of villages which follows includes all those contained in
Merriam's notes and also all those given by Goddard (1923_a_) that could
be located with accuracy (map 5). Occasionally there is a conflict
between Merriam and Goddard and then it has usually seemed best to
accept Goddard's information, since he actually visited the sites of
most of the villages he mentions.
All the data are either from Merriam or Goddard, as indicated by (M)
or (G). Ancillary comment by myself is placed in square brackets. The
notations (Tip) and (Maj) refer to Merriam's informants (see p. 167).
The arabic numbers correspond with those on map 5, indicating separate
villages. These run consecutively from north to south, first on the west
side of the Eel (1-22) and then on the east side (23-67).
_Villages on West Side of the Eel_
1. The main village of the ki-ketch-e tribelet is said to have
been on the S side of the mouth of Chamise Cr. (M).
kAntEltcEk'At, "valley small on" (G). The most northern
village of the kaikitcEkaiya, whose northern boundary was Chamise
Cr.
[Both Merriam and Goddard give this as the native village
of the wife of Wylakki Tip so there is no doubt that they are
referring to the same village.]
2. kun-tes-che´-kut (M). Said to have been a Wailaki village
on the W side of the Eel R. a half-mile N of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel,
probably nearly opposite Horseshoe Bend Cr. (Tip).
[Horseshoe Bend Tunnel cuts out the meander of Horseshoe
Bend. Horseshoe Bend Cr. appears to enter the Eel from the E about
a mile S of Boulder Cr. If Goddard's kAntEltcEk'At is really
kAntE[-l]tcEk'At, with the bar on the "l" dropped in error, then
these names are nearly the same. If so, kun-tes-che´-kut might
be the name of village no. 1 even though the location differs
slightly.]
3. basEtcE[-l]galk'At, "throw stone outside on" (G). On the
western side of the Eel, just N of the mouth of Pine Cr.
4. sEdAkk'añdAñ, "rock ridge place" (G). On the point of the
ridge around which the Eel turns toward the W at Horseshoe Bend.
5. kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din (Tip), kit-ken-n[)e]-tung (Maj) (M).
At or near the S end of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel. It was the biggest
village of the tribelet and was said to have been the native
village of the father of Wylakki Tip.
s[)e]-tah´-be (M). A large village on the W side of the Eel
River just S of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel near Island Mt. Station. It
was nearly opposite the mouth of Copper Mine Cr.
tcInnagañtcEdai, "eye closed door" (G). At the base of the
ridge described in no. 4. It was said to have been the home of
Captain Jim.
[These names may or may not refer to the same village. If
they do, it is likely that Merriam's kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din is the
correct one. His s[)e]-tah´-be evidently refers to the name of
the tribelet, sEtakaiya, given by both him and Goddard. Goddard's
designation looks as though it might very well refer to the tunnel
and thus would be very modern.]
6. lacE[-l]kotcEdAñ, "buckeye small hole place" (G). This
seems to have been only a few hundred yards S of Horseshoe Bend.
7. kaigAntcik'At, "wind blows up on" (G). A big winter camp
about 1/4 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend.
8. sait'otcEdadAñ, "sand point on" (G). Also about 1/4 mi. S
of Horseshoe Bend but was about 500 ft. above the river near a big
spring.
9. tcIbbEtcEki, "gather grass tall" (G). A little more than
a mile S of Horseshoe Bend a very small stream runs into the Eel
from the W. On the N side of the mouth of this stream was this
house site where Captain Jim's father used to build his house some
winters and live by himself.
10. sEnanaitAnnik'At, "stone trail across on" (G). About a
mile S of Horseshoe Bend.
11. Isgaikyoki (G). About 1-1/2 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend a
small creek called Isgaikyokot enters the Eel from the W. The
village with this name was situated on the N side of the mouth of
this creek. It was the home of the father of the wife of Wylakki
Tip.
12. IsgaidadAbbIñlai (G). N of the creek mentioned in no. 11
but on higher ground away from the river.
13. [-l]tAgtcEbi', "black oaks in" (G). About a mile N of
Natoikot Cr. on a flat above the river.
14. sEnagatcEdAñ, "stones walk around place" (G). About 200
yds. N of no. 15.
15. sE[-l]sokyok'At, "stone blue large on" (G). About 1/2 mi.
N of the mouth of Natoikot Cr. There was said to have been a pond
here.
16. [-l]tcicsEyEbi', "ashes rock shelter in" (G). This shelter
was under a large rock which stood on the hillside a short distance
downstream from no. 17. Two or three families used to spend the
winter in it.
17. bantcEki, "war [ghosts] cry" (G). On the W side of the Eel
a little more than a mile N of the mouth of North Fork and opposite
the mouth of Cottonwood Cr. It was close to a fishing place that
the tribelet shared with the bAskaiya tribelet.
18. tah-t[=e]s-cho´-tung, tah-t[=e]s-cho´-ting, tah-chis´-ting
(M). 1/2 mi. or more N of the mouth of North Fork on the W side of
the main Eel.
taticcodAñ (G). In a grove of oaks about 1/4 mi. downstream
from the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the Eel.
19. ne´-tahs, ning-ken-ne´-tset (M). Ne´-tahs is the name of
the town on a rocky stretch of the river. The town ran for a mile
or more S of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). Ning-ken-ne´-tset was
the name of the village which was at the fishing place opposite the
mouth of North Fork and extending S. It was also called "fishtown."
Tip's mother lived there (Tip).
nEtacbi', "land slide in" (G). About a mile S of the mouth
of North Fork on the W side of the Eel. It was a noted fishing
place. Goddard says: "There is no mention in the notes of a village
at this point, but several Wailaki were spoken of at times as
belonging to the nEtacbi'."
20. sE[-l]tcabi' (G). Nearly opposite the mouth of McDonald
Cr. It was named for the large rock beneath which it stood.
21. tco[-l]Attcik'At, "graveyard on" (G). A large village on
the western side of the river a few hundred yards downstream from
the mouth of djoñkot.
[The stream that Goddard calls djoñkot seems to be the one
that appears on the modern maps as Cinch Cr.; that is the only one
in the vicinity. On his map it is shown entering the Eel about
a mile downstream from the mouth of Bell Springs Cr. but it is
actually a tributary of Bell Springs Cr., joining that stream a
scant hundred yards from its mouth. On the assumption that Cinch
Cr. is, in fact, the stream that Goddard meant to indicate I have
moved the village about a mile to the S.]
22. sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ, "beaver valley place" (G). About midway
between the mouth of Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr. on a fine
large flat.
_Villages on East Side of the Eel_
23. sE[-l]kaibi, "make a noise in the throat" (G). Opposite
the mouth of Chamise Cr.
24. tcadEtokInnEdAñ (G). Located only approximately--in
Horseshoe Bend at the point where the river turns toward the NE.
25. k'AcsAndAñ, "alder stands place" (G). About a mile
downstream from the point where the river turns W at Horseshoe Bend.
26. sEtcokInnEdAñ, "rock large its base place" (G). About 1/2
mi. downstream from the point where the river turns toward the W at
Horseshoe Bend.
27. nEtcEdEtcAñk'At, "ground rolling on" (G). A short distance
W of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).
28. dAndaitcAmbi, "flint hole in" (G). On the downstream side
of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).
29. taht-aht (M). On the E side of the Eel R. at Horseshoe
Bend and opposite s[)e]-tah´-be. It was a big town (Tip).
kaitcIlIñtadAñ, "Christmas berries among place" (G). There
was a graveyard about 1/4 mi. N of the village and just beyond the
graveyard was Copper Mine Cr.
30. to-ch[)e]´-ting (M). A big village on the E side of the
Eel R. at Horseshoe Bend (opposite s[)e]-tah´-be), only a short
distance S of taht-aht (Tip). It was probably less than 1/4 mi. S
of Island Mt. Station on the opposite side of the river.
kaslInkyodAñ. "spring large place" (G). On the E bank of the
river about 300 yds. S of kaitcIlIñtadAñ, or about 1/2 mi. S of
Copper Mine Cr.
[The names of these two villages are not the same at all and
since Goddard gives many villages in the near vicinity the chances
are good that the names do not represent the same village.]
31. kaslInkyobi, "spring large in" (G). A rock shelter near
Goddard's kaslInkyodAñ. A family used to spend the winter here.
Captain Jim's father-in-law was left here to die after he had been
wounded by the whites.
32. skEtcE[-l]kascanAñ, "mush thrown away sunny place" (G).
Evidently situated about a mile S of Copper Mine Cr., where the
river makes a slight turn toward the N. Here there is a flat 50 ft.
higher than the river and 150 ft. from it, in which 17 house pits
were counted. This village was just upstream from a rock called
skEtcE[-l]kaiyE. Each spring a mush-like substance appears on the
face of this rock and is washed away each winter. The thickness of
the deposit is supposed to indicate the abundance of the year's
acorn crop.
33. ah-chahng´-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel a mile or two
S of Horseshoe Bend. It was more than a mile S of to-che-ting (Tip).
akyañk'At, "right here on" (G). Some distance N of Willow Cr.
and on the river.
[These two names doubtless represent the same village but
neither Merriam nor Goddard gives a very exact location for it.]
34. slAsyanbi', "squirrels they eat in" (G). Only a
short distance S of Willow Cr. and back from the river near
nE[-l]tcAñk'At. slAsyañkot was an alternate name for Willow Cr. and
the name of the village was derived from this.
35. n[)e]-chung-ket´ (M). On the E side of the river about
1/2 mi. S of ah-chahng´-ket (Tip). The inhabitants were called
n[)e]´-chung ke-ah-hahng (Maj and Tip).
nE[-l]tcAñk'At, "ground black on" (G). Said to have been the
second one S of Willow Cr.
[It is evident that both Merriam and Goddard have the same
name here. Goddard's location is more precise and thus has been
accepted.]
36. dabAstci'Añdañ, "ants' nest place" (G). A little way S
of the mouth of Willow Cr. The name comes from the name of Willow
Cr.--dabActci'Añkot.
37. dAstatcElai, "string (?) point" (G). Evidently only a
short distance above Indian Cr. It was said to have been a large
winter camp.
38. tcA[-l]sAl (G). Just N of the mouth of Indian Cr. was a
sharp rock with this name; the Indians camped near this in the
springtime.
39. tA[-l]djInlai, "water clayey point" (G). On the S side of
Indian Cr. The large village appears to have stood just a little E
of the NW corner of sec. 36, T. 5 S., R 6 E. Its inhabitants were
exterminated by mixed bands of white men and Kekawaka Indians.
40. tah-bus-che-sahng´-tung (M). A small village in the hills
1 mi. E of the Eel R. and 1 mile S of Indian Cr. (Maj).
41. sE[-l]tcikyok'At, "red rock large on" (G). 1/4 mi. N of
the first creek downstream from North Fork on the E bank of the
main Eel.
42. chug´-ge´-tah (M). A small village on the E side of the
Eel N of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). It was about 2 mi. S of
Indian Cr.
sEtatcikaiya (G). A tall rock is situated N of the mouth of
the first creek N of the mouth of North Fork. The village was just
to the W of this rock and was named for it.
[The villages given by Merriam and Goddard are in about the
same place but Merriam's location is so indefinite that their
identity is uncertain.]
43. kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). A short distance N
of the mouth of North Fork a ridge runs down to the river. On the
northern side of the ridge a village was situated.
44. t[=o]n-klan´-be-ko-cho´-be (M). On the E side of the Eel
on the northern side of the mouth of North Fork (Tip).
ton[-l]Embi', "streams come together in" (G). Situated on a
terrace N of the mouth of North Fork and on the E side of the main
Eel. In the summer of 1922 10 house pits were counted there, 4 of
them being large and deep.
[These two sites are evidently the same, since both the names
and the locations match.]
45. s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). In a rocky stretch on
the N side of the North Fork about 1/2 mi. above its junction with
the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into water."
sEtandoñtci, "rock runs to the water" (G). On the N bank of
North Fork about 1/2 mi. above the mouth.
46. sEntciyE, "rock large under" (G). About 3/4 mi. above the
mouth of North Fork. The rock for which it was named, with a large
spruce tree, stands opposite the village site, on the S side of the
stream.
47. s[)e]-cho-ke´-ah-hahng (M). A village and band at
s[)e]-cho, "big rock," on the N side of the North Fork of the Eel
a mile or more above its mouth. "Thousands of Indians killed here"
(Maj).
sEtcolai, "rock large point" (G). On the N side of North Fork
a little more than a mile above its mouth.
48. lacEnadailai, "horse chestnut stand point" (G). About 60
yds. upstream from no. 47. A house pit 4-1/2 ft. deep was seen
there.
[This site was no doubt included under no. 47 by Merriam's
informant.]
49. About halfway between the main Eel and Wilson Cr. a small
stream enters North Fork from the S (G). Near this there was a
village before the whites came. An incident there is said to have
occurred at a time when the informant's grandmother's grandmother
was small.
50. stAstcok'At, "rope large on it" (G). Somewhat farther
upstream than no. 49 and back a way from the bank of the stream,
also on the S side. The village is said to have been a large one
when the white people came to this region. In 1906 there was still
a house on the site.
51. totAkk'At, "between water" (G). Summer camp a little way
below the mouth of Wilson Cr. on the N side of North Fork.
52. se[-l]tcidadAñ, "stone red mouth place" (G). An old
village, occupied before the whites came. It stood between no. 11
and the mouth of Wilson Cr.
53. nolEtcotadAñ, "water falls large among" (G). On the N side
of North Fork about 1/2 mi. below Wilson Cr. It was on two levels;
one near the stream, the other on a terrace some yards N.
54. ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng (M). On North Fork at the mouth of
Wilson Cr. and covering both sides of North Fork and Wilson Cr.
(Maj).
[This name is evidently the same as Goddard's name for the
tribelet on North Fork above Wilson Cr.--kAiyEkiyahAñ.]
55. sEnEsbInnAñkai, "rock tall its slope" (G). On the northern
side of North Fork and about midway E and W of sec. 12, T. 24
N., R. 14 W. is a tall rock called sEnEs. Just W of this was the
village.
56. k'asolEtcobi', "arrowwood rotten flat" (G). On the S side
of North Fork opposite the tall rock mentioned in no. 55. The
informant said his uncle remembered the building of the dance house
when he was a small boy.
57. s[=a]´-yahs kun´-dung (M). A fishing camp for drying
salmon at Fishtown Spring or Upgraff fishery on North Fork about 5
mi. up, "march till creek dries up."
[Upgraff must be an error for Updegraff; the latter is a local
place name whereas the former is not, so far as I can see.]
58. sEnEstconatAñkai, "rock tall large crossing" (G). A small
stream comes into North Fork about 1-1/2 mi. above Wilson Cr. The
village of this name was situated 1/2 mi. S of North Fork and just
to the W of this tributary. The village had not been occupied in
the memory of the informants.
59. Another village not occupied in historic times was
situated on the S side of North Fork just above the mouth of the
stream mentioned in no. 58 (G).
60. s[=a]h-gah´-ket, se-kah´-ke-ah-ahng, se-ki´-ah-hahng (M).
A rancheria on the E side of the Eel R. on the S side of the mouth
of North Fork (named for s[=a]-gah-nah´-ting, the name of the land
on the S side of the mouth of North Fork in the angle between the
two rivers) (Tip).
kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). This was apparently near
Merriam's s[=a]h-gah´-ket.
[These different names may not represent the same village. If
these were two villages, they were very close together. Goddard
gives kai[-l]tcitadAñ as the name of another village N of North
Fork (no. 43) so it may be an error here (see pl. 11, b for a view
of this region).]
61. tsEgolkAllinseyE (G). A rock shelter situated back from
the river a short distance above McDonald Cr. The Indians lived
here in the winter.
62. ne-che´-cho-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel about a mile
S of the mouth of North Fork. It was apparently opposite part of
the elongate village ning-ken-ne´-tset (no. 19). "Salmon stop here;
great fishing; rocky place; Red Hill ground" (Tip).
nE[-l]tcikyok'at, "ground red large on" (G). On a point of
land running down to the river on the E side just above nEtacbi',
the fishing place of the region.
[Goddard adds some information which explains the statement
of Merriam's informant. He says, "About two-thirds of a mile below
the mouth of McDonald Creek a number of large rocks lie in the bed
of the river. This place is called nEtacbi', 'land slide in,' and
seems to have been a noted fishing place."]
63. sah-nah´-chung-kut, sah-nah-chin´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M).
On the E side of the Eel R. 1-1/2 or 2 mi. S of the mouth of North
Fork and near McDonald Cr. (Tip).
64. sel-di´-kot (M). On the E side of the Eel R. S of Bell
Springs Cr. (Maj).
65. s[)e]-ski´-cho-ding (M). Claimed as a Wailaki village
on the E side of the Eel R. at White Rock near Big Bend. On the
opposite side of the river from Bell Springs Station (Tip).
se[-l]GaitcodAñ (G). On a flat on the E side of the river.
"The east and west section line dividing sections 84 and 85 of T.
24 N., R. 14 W. was noted as passing through this flat."
[These two names doubtless represent the same village; the
names are similar and the locations are the same.]
66. chin-to´-bin-nung (M). On the upper part of McDonald Cr.,
about 3 mi. up from the Eel (Maj).
67. chus-nah-teg-gul-lah chen-ne-tung (M). An old village
about 2 mi. S of North Fork and 3 mi. E of the Eel.
PLACE NAMES
The following list includes ethnogeographic information taken from
Merriam's notes in addition to information on creeks from Goddard
(1923_a_), the latter being especially important because most villages
are located with respect to streams. All streams and rivers may be found
on map 5. Locations of other features have been given after consulting
the appropriate United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle
but they are not shown on the map. For this area the quadrangles are
Alderpoint (1951), Hoaglin (1935), Leggett (1952), and Spyrock (1952).
Asbill Cr.--djoñot (G).
Bell Springs Cr.--sAlt´okot (G).
Bell Springs Mt.--tsi-to´-ting; si-to´-ting (M). This is the
mountain cut through by Bell Springs Cr.
Bell Springs Station (native name for the site of the
station)--sah´-ten´-t[)e]´-te; sah-ten-t[)e]^{hl}-t[)e] (M). Bell
Springs Station is on the W side of the Eel about halfway between
Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr., about the same place as village
22. In fact, Merriam's names for this site may correspond to
Goddard's name for village 22, sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ.
Big Bend Cr.--dAndaikot (G).
Blue Rock--sen-chah´-tung (M). Evidently this is near Blue
Rock Cr.
Chamise Cr.--sah-nah´-ting; shah-nah-ting (M); canAndAñkot (G).
Chamise Cr. crossing--ses-ki´-be (M).
Chamise Cr., mouth of--sun-ti´-che, soon-di´-che (M).
Cinch Cr.--djoñkot (G). Goddard evidently has this creek
placed incorrectly on his map. If I understand his description, it
should be a tributary of Bell Springs Cr. rather than of the Eel R.
directly.
Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr. on the more recent
maps)--chis´-kot, ch[=e]s-kot (M); tciskot (G). Both Merriam and
Goddard say that this name refers to red paint and was probably
suggested by the color of the water in the creek. This is also
responsible for the English name.
Cottonwood Cr.--tgActcEkot (G). The English name is a
translation of the Wailaki name. The creek is unnamed on USGS maps.
Dawson Flat--choo´-e-kun-tes´-te (M). This flat was W of Lake
Mt. between Horse Ranch and Fenton Ranch.
Eel R.--tan´-cho-kut (M). Eel R. valley--bus´-be (M). This
name refers to a part of the valley of the main Eel R., especially
the E side, between Horseshoe Bend and North Fork.
Eel R., E branch of South Fork--to-k[=a]-kut (M).
Eel R., Middle Fork--tahng-cho-skus (M). The junction of the
Middle Fork with the main Eel was called t[=o]s-kahs-k[=a].
Eel R., North Fork--bah´-ne-kut (M); banikot (G).
Eel R.-North Fork junction--ch[=a]-lin´-ding, kl[=a]-lin-ding
(M).
Harris region--tah-sahn-ting´, tahs-ahng (M). Harris is a
small town about 8 mi. W of the main Eel R. in the territory of the
Lassik (according to Merriam's boundaries).
Hettenshaw Valley--ken-tes´-tung (M). This valley is in Lassik
territory about 12 mi. N of the Wailaki boundary. It lies between
the headwaters of the North Fork of the Eel and the headwaters of
the Van Duzen R.
Horse Ranch Cr.--kus´-ken-tes´-be (M); canAñtcakot (G). These
are clearly not the same names but sometimes streams have alternate
names. Cf. Willow Cr. below.
Horseshoe Bend--ch[=e]s (M). The bend is named for the red
copper spring of Copper Mine Cr. ki´-ke-che (M) is the name for
the western part of the loop of Horseshoe Bend, to-sahng´-kut,
t[=o]s-ahng-kut (M) is the name of the part of Horseshoe Bend N of
Island Mt. Horseshoe Bend is the big switchback curve in the Eel R.
about 6 mi. N of the mouth of North Fork.
Indian Cr.--chen-nes-no´-kut, ken´-nis-no´-kut (M). The name
Indian Cr. does not appear on any of the USGS maps but it is the
name used by Merriam.
Island Mt.--bahng-kut, bahn-kut (M); bañk'At (G). Island Mt.
is a range of hills bordered on the E by the Eel R. and extending
from the mouth of North Fork in the S to beyond Horseshoe Bend in
the N.
Jewett Cr.--sel-di´-kot (M); dAsk'Ekot (G).
Kekawaka Cr.--kas-n[=a]´-kot, kahs´-ne-kot (M); kasnaikot (G).
Lake Mt.--s[=a]-kahn-den, se-kahn´-ting (M). Lake Mt. is about
3 mi. E of the Eel and 3 mi. N of North Fork.
McDonald Cr.--sah´-nah-chin-che (M); canAñtcIntci (G).
Middle Trail--be-ten-na´-be (M). This trail was in the hills E
of the Eel R. about a mile south of Indian Cr.
Mina--to-les´ cho´-be (M). Mina is a modern place name for a
town about 2 mi. N of North Fork and 5 mi. E of the main Eel R.
Natoikot Cr.--no-toi´-kut (M); natoikot (G). I have given this
creek its Wailaki name because it has no English name and is not,
in fact, located on modern maps. It is said to have run into the
Eel R. about 1-1/2 mi. S of Island Mt. Station, which is on the
southern side of Horseshoe Bend. It has been placed on the map in
accordance with the topography shown on USGS Hoaglin Quadrangle.
Pine Cr.--ten-di´-kot (M); lacEtcikot (G). Merriam was not
certain that his name was correct.
Pipe Cr.--taht-so´-kut (M).
Poonkinny Ridge--nel-kis´-te (M). Merriam says this is the
name of the open ridge between the main Eel R. and the northern
part of Round V. That area is marked Poonkinny Ridge on the USGS
Spyrock Quadrangle. It is in Yuki territory.
Rattlesnake Cr.--to-nah´-ling (M). This creek is a tributary
of the South Fork of the Eel R. and forms a part of the southern
boundary of the Eel River Wailaki, according to Merriam.
Rockpile Mt.--sen´-ning ah´-kut (M). This mountain is said to
be on the E side of the Eel R. S of Alder Point, but the name does
not appear on modern maps.
Round V.--ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). The inhabitants of Round V.
were called ken´-tes cho´-be ke´-ah, a locative rather than a
tribal name.
Summit V.--ken-tes´[-l]-be (M). Summit V. lies about 2 mi. SE
of the bend of North Fork and seems to have marked the southeastern
limit of North Fork Wailaki territory. It is said that there was
once much camass there.
Willow Cr.--dabActci'Añkot, slAsyañkot (G). The latter was
used occasionally for the stream.
Wilson Cr.--dat'olkot (G).
ETHNOZOÖLOGY AND ETHNOBOTANY
The following notes are from Merriam's records.
Badger is called ye-ku-gus-cho, "he pulls into his hole."
The Steller Crested Jay is called chi-cho, while the
California Jay is chi-che. In speaking of related species the
Indians often indicate the larger by the suffix _cho_, the smaller
by _che_.
The Owl is called bis-chil-lo-che if it is small, the Great
Grey Owl is bis-chil-lo-cho.
The Crow is kah-chan-che, the Raven is kah-chan-cho.
The Meadow Lark sings in the daytime; the Yellow-breasted Chit
sings at night.
The Bluebird is a dangerous bird. If a person throws a stone
at it, he should shout first to attract its attention, otherwise it
will throw a pain to him.
The Junco is a great rustler, always busy hunting for food.
The Chewink, or Towhee, called Nahl-tse, was instrumental in
procuring the first fire. In the very early days his parents threw
him out. He located the fire and Coyote-man went and got it.
The Kildeer Plover is called nah-til yah-che, "necklace
wearing."
The Toad is Rough Frog.
The Cicada is used as a remedy for headache. The live insect
is pushed up into the nose, where, by kicking around, it makes the
nose bleed, thus curing the headache.
The Dragonfly feeds rattlesnakes.
Oak galls, called kim-mos, are excellent for sore eyes, and
also for suppression of urine in children. For weak eyes, the fresh
juice of a green gall is dropped into the eye. (It is astringent
and an excellent remedy and is a common eye drop among many
California tribes.)
Oak mistletoe is used as a medicinal tea, also as a head-wash,
and sometimes for bathing the entire body.
The thick creamy juice of the milkweed is called "snake milk."
ETHNOGRAPHY
Each tribelet had its own chief and its own hunting, fishing, acorn,
and seed grounds. In winter the families of each band were scattered
along the river in small rancherias, each consisting of from four to
seven families, mostly blood relations, living together in two or three
houses. Usually there were seven or eight people in each house.
The winter houses were of split pine slabs, standing upright or sloping
in at the top to form a conical house (pl. 11, _a_).
People dying at home were buried. Those dying at a distance were burned
(cremated) and their burned bones were wrapped in buckskin, carried home
in a pack-basket, and then buried.
PITCH WAILAKI
The Pitch Wailaki are close relatives of the Eel River Wailaki. They
live in the drainage of the North Fork of the Eel above Asbill Creek.
Virtually nothing is known of this group except their villages and
tribelets, which were recorded by Goddard (1924). Presumably they are
similar in culture to the Eel River Wailaki and the Round Valley Yuki.
Merriam's notes contain very little information concerning the Pitch
Wailaki. He apparently was never in contact with any informants from
that group and what information he gives is derived from the Eel River
Wailaki. The following summary is presented verbatim from his notes.
_The Che-teg-ge-kay._--The most southeasterly of the southern
Athabaskan tribes of California and consequently the southernmost of
the Nung-gah^{hl} division. They call themselves Che-teg-ge-kah (Pitch
Indians) and are nicknamed Si-yahng (sand-eaters). Neighboring tribes
call them Che-teg-gah-ahng and Wylakke.
Beginning on the northwest just below the junction of Salt Creek with
North Fork Eel River (a short distance southeast of Hoaglin Valley)
their northern boundary extends from Salt Creek northeasterly along the
south side of Rock Creek and of Van Horn Creek to its junction with Mad
River, where it turns easterly, crossing the long ridge known as South
Fork Trinity Mountain immediately south of Kelsey Peak, and continuing
easterly to the upper waters of South Fork Trinity River, the west bank
of which it follows upstream to the southwest of North Yolla Bolla
Mountain, where it ends. From North Yolla Bolla the eastern boundary
follows the crest of the high divide southerly past Hammerhorn Peak to
Buck Rock (4 or 5 mi. north of Anthony Pk.) where it turns westerly.
From this point the southern boundary runs west-northwest to North Fork
Eel River, passing just south of Blue Nose Mountain and Hulls Valley
to the northern part of Summit Valley just south of Bald Mountain, and
crossing North Fork Eel River a few miles south of Mina. Salt Creek
forms the principal part of the western boundary.
They had many summer camps but only two principal winter villages:
To-nis-cho-be (named for an unidentified blue flower), a large village
with a roundhouse situated on the site of Mina on what is now known
as the Charley Moore place; and Uk-ki, situated on Hulls Creek at the
southeast base of Bald Mountain. They always wintered on Bald Mountain
Ridge.
They had also a permanent summer fishing camp called Ko-sen-ten, known
to the whites as Fishtown, located on Fishtown Creek, a small tributary
rising on Buck Rock and emptying into North Fork of Middle Fork Eel
River directly east of Leach Lake Mountain.
Their houses were of bark and conical in form.
Among the enemies of the Che-teg-ge-kah was a related Athapaskan
tribe which they called Theng-tah-hahn (called Then-chah-tung by the
Settenbiden) vaguely described as on the main Eel River between Island
Mountain and Bell Springs.
TRIBELETS
The rest of the information on the Pitch Wailaki presented here concerns
tribelet and village organization and is taken from Goddard (1924). He
lists four tribelets among the Pitch Wailaki (Roman numerals, map 6).:
I, t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ; II, t'okya kiyahAñ; III, tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ; IV,
tcokot kiyahAñ.
VILLAGES
The villages belonging to each of these tribelets are listed below
(Arabic number, map 6). All are from Goddard's lists.
I. _t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ_
1. t'otcadAñ. On the N side of North Fork not far below the
mouth of Hulls Creek. The site was sheltered by ridges on the E and
W and by the main mountainside on the N. Four pits were counted.
This was the only site visited but the names of other villages
of the group were obtained. In their order downstream from Hulls
Creek they are AntcAnyacbAnnAñ, "pepperwood slope;" sEtcAmmi';
nE[-l]=g=indAñ; lawasonk'ait; t'AntcankyodAñ. At this last there
is said to have been a large conical earth-covered lodge and many
dwellings.
II. _t'okya kiyahAñ_
2. [-l]Eliñkyobi', "streams flow together large in." On the
W side of North Fork just upstream from the mouth of Hulls Creek,
situated close to the hillside on a bench about 50 ft. higher than
the river. The site is divided by a gulch on the upstream side of
which, it was said, there had once been houses. Four distinct pits
and 3 less distinct ones were seen there.
3. tAntcInyasbAnnAñ. Nearly opposite nando'ndAñ on a point
of land running toward the SW. About 75 ft. above the stream 2
pits, one above the other, were seen. No more could well have been
accommodated.
4. nando'ndAñ. On the E side of the river and about 1/4 mi.
above the mouth of Hulls Creek, 30 ft. above the bed of North Fork.
Four house pits were counted there, one of which was 15 ft. in
diameter and 5 ft. deep. This was the village of Goodboy Jack's
father.
5. kAllata. Named for a big jagged rock standing N of the
village site. It was on the W side of the river 1/4 mi. N of
tAntcInyasbAnnAñ and 300 ft. higher than the river. A grove of oaks
stands on a rounded point where 3 house pits were seen. A gulch on
the southern side furnished water in winter.
6. tco'Ammi'. On the W side of the river about 1/4 mi.
upstream from kAllata. The site is on a wide point of land covered
with oaks and pepperwood trees. There is a sheer rock on the
opposite side of the river. Three pits were seen here.
7. tAltcAskIñ. Named from a knoll, tAltcAs. Situated on the
slope of a large ridge around the end of which North Fork swings,
from flowing SE, to S. It was about 500 ft. higher than the stream
and distant from it about 1/8 mi. Here once stood an earth lodge,
the pit of which was 30 ft. in diameter. The center post was said
to have been 18 ft. high. The doorway was toward the N. Goodboy
Jack remembered going into this house when he was a small boy.
Messengers had been sent out to invite people from a distance of
two days' travel and Indians from the main Eel R. and from the
north were present.
8. sAñ'AnyE. Named from a very large rock standing on the
E side of the river. The village was on the W side a little
downstream from this rock. On a bench 30 ft. above the river bed
were seen 5 house pits and above were 6 more, one above the other,
on the slope. In this village lived tAntcAnyacta', who had charge
of the earth lodge at tAltcAskIñ, and si'idonta, who was "boss" of
all the villages of the t'okya kiyahAñ, especially when they camped
together in summertime.
[Illustration: Map 6. Villages and tribelets of the Pitch
Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets according to Goddard
(1929); arabic numerals mark village sites.]
9. t'AntcAntantE[-l]dAñ, "pepperwood flat." About 100 yds. S
of the large rock called kai[-l]tsotci on a small bench on the
mountainside about 1,000 ft. above North Fork. Three pits were
found. A rock shelter higher on the hillside and to the S was
pointed out. At this village, shortly before the coming of white
people, lived dA=g=a'tco, "large beard," chief of this village
and of annEnE'tcAñ, of all the t'okya kiyahAñ, in fact. He was
succeeded by his son kissEkE', who was killed by the whites.
10. kai[-l]tsotci canAndAñ. Named for the large rock
kai[-l]tsotci, under the shelter of which the village stood. Four
pits were seen here and N of a small ridge were 3 others.
11. annEnE'tcAñ. On the NE side of the river stand two huge
rocks, the upstream one called sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, the downstream one
sAnAn. Between these two rocks flows a creek and on its N side, 75
ft. below the summit of the rocks, were 3 house pits in a hollow.
A little S and 100 ft. higher were found in succession 3, 2, and 5
pits.
12. mAntc'aik'At. On the mountainside N of a large rough
ravine and about 900 ft. higher than the bed of North Fork. Four
pits were found.
13. mIstco'ca'nAndAñ. Up the hill from no. 12. It was not
visited.
14. sE[-l]tcAnnAnt'a. Named for a high rock, sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, on
the S side of which there are 5 pits and, 100 yds. below, 6 more.
The site is about 700 ft. above North Fork and has a wonderful
outlook on the valley of that stream.
15. k'AckAntE[-l]dAñ, "alder flat." On the W side of the river
on a curving bench. Two pits were found close to the hillside, and
2 nearer to the stream. Downstream on a little bench there were
also 2 indistinct ones, said by Jack to have been used long ago.
16. sE[-l]tcAnnAñ yE. At the base of the rock mentioned in no.
14. Three pits were found on a small bench.
III. _tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ_
17. lonbAstEdAñ. On a flat on the S side of Casoose Cr. a
short way above its mouth. There were some unoccupied buildings
there at the time of Goddard's visit. The place was seen from the
trail on the N side of the creek.
18. sE[-l]kantcilai'. Mentioned as situated on the E side of
the creek below no. 25.
19. Goddard gives no name or other information for this
village but it is shown on his map.
20. sEttcitcikItdatdAñ, Named for a rock, settci. It was at
the base of a mountain on the N side of the creek and just above
the flood waters. It had a good SE exposure. Three pits in a row
were found.
21. yIctAnnEbi', "wolf's road in." About 300 yds. below the
large butte mentioned in no. 23. It was across an open knoll and
back from the creek somewhat, so the sun reaches the spot. There
are 2 pits there. Steelhead salmon are able to come up the creek
this far.
22. kIlkokyodAn. On the S side of the butte mentioned in no.
23 and about 100 yds. distant. Four large pits were noticed.
23. kIkokyokInnEdAñ. Named for the bushy butte at the base of
which the village stood. The site is 100 ft. higher than the creek,
on its NW side just below a canyon. Three pits were seen.
24. mAñk'AtdAñ. Named from a small pond, near which are
deserted buildings and an old orchard. A hundred yards NE of this
pond, back against the hill, 4 pits were found in a row, 2 more
above them, and 2 others near by, making 8 altogether. The last
chief of this village was named tcAsnainIñaita'.
25. I[-l]t'Aktcibi'. Named from black oaks. It is nearer the
creek than no. 24. The number of pits was not recorded but signs of
a village there were unmistakable.
26. t'AntcigIt'tcAñ. On the W side of the creek nearly
opposite no. 27. It was N of a small creek with running water and
of a ridge which runs down to the main creek and terminates in a
great, nearly sheer cliff. The village site is about 500 ft. higher
than the stream. Eight pits in two rows were counted.
27. k'aickontE[-l]dAñ. On the E side of Casoose Cr. on a flat
100 ft. higher than the creek, which flows just below it. The
village site is near a post which marked the old boundary between
Trinity and Mendocino counties. Two pits were seen.
28. tc'iañmiyE. On the E side of and 100 ft. higher than
Casoose Cr. It was 100 yds. downstream from the beginning of the
canyon. Five pits were counted.
IV. _tcokot kiyahAñ_
The winter villages of this group were on Red Mountain Cr. Goodboy Jack
said that he did not know the village names. The impression had been
received that Salt Creek V. was inhabited but Jack said it was too cold
to live there in the winter. Presumably it was the hunting ground of the
tcokot kiyahAñ.
LASSIK
The Lassik occupied the drainage of the main Eel River between the
mouths of Dobbyn and Kekawaka creeks and the territory east of there
to the crest of the Coast Range. There is almost no ethnographic
information on this group in the literature except a few notes gathered
by Essene (1942) when he was compiling a Culture Element List for the
area. Even the geographic information on this group is weak. Merriam
does not seem to have spent much time among them. Goddard may have
recorded their villages but, if so, I have been able to find only a
small part of his data. What there is I give below.
Merriam records only random notes on the Lassik. His informant from that
group was Lucy Young, the same woman Essene worked with so effectively
(Essene, 1942; see also Kroeber's data, App. II). According to Merriam,
she lived with her daughter, Mrs. William Clark, on a ranch about two
miles south of Zenia; Mrs. Clark's husband came originally from Hyampom.
Merriam seems to have visited Lucy Young in 1922. His only statement on
the group follows.
Sit-ten-biden keah ... Main Eel River from Fort Seward region
on north, southerly to Harris and Kekawaka Creek; westerly to South
Fork Eel River; easterly to Forest Glen and South Fork Trinity
River near Kelsey Peak.
TRIBELETS
Merriam's notes contain no systematic information on the tribelets of
this group but do give the following miscellaneous data.
Kos-kah-tun-den ka-ah is the Settenbiden name for a related tribelet in
the Blocksburg region [the territory E of Alder Pt.], now extinct. Their
language is the same as that of the Bridgeville group but with many
words different from Settenbiden.
Sa-tahl-che-cho-be is the Settenbiden name for the band on the east
side of the Main Eel River just below the mouth of Kekawaka Creek.
This tribelet is the "sko-den ke-ah" of the Eel River Wailaki. Neither
Merriam nor Goddard was sure whether the group ought not more properly
to be included in the Lassik or the Wailaki.
Taht-so keah is the name of a tribelet to the north of the Eel River
Wailaki which the latter said was related to them. This group, together
with the sa-tahl-che-cho-be, is said to constitute the then-chah-tung
tribelet of the Lassik.
VILLAGES
For the most part the Lassik villages recorded by Merriam (and listed
below) cannot be located, hence they have not been placed on the map.
Kahsh-bahn. A Lassik village on the W side of the main Eel R.
about 2 mi. above (S of) the mouth of Jewett Cr. This was a big
town and there were lots of acorns near there.
Kes-tah-che. On the E side of the main Eel R. nearly opposite
(a little above) the mouth of Jewett Cr.
'Ki-che-be. On the site of the present (1923) store at Ruth on
the Mad R. This was a big town with many houses and a sweathouse.
There were lots of deer, bear, and acorns in this area. During
the cold weather, usually in January, a dance, which lasted three
nights, was held in this village.
Sa-cho-yeh. A large village on the E side of the main Eel R.
about 2-1/2 mi. S of Alder Pt.
Sa-tahl-che-cho-be. The name means "red rocks." On the E side
of the main Eel R. about 1/2 mi. or a mile below the mouth of
Kekawaka Cr. There were falls and a whirlpool there.
Tah-kah-ta-cho-be. On the E side of the Mad R. on a flat near
the Hay place about 10 mi. above Ruth. It was a big town with a
sweathouse.
Taht-so. On the Underhill ranch, which was owned by Glenn or
Green at the time Merriam was in the area (1920's). Evidently it
was somewhere in the Harris region W of the main Eel R.
Tha-cho-yeh. On the main Eel R. on a flat under a high
standing rock. The rock is now called Cain Rock. It is on the E
side of the river about 3 mi. S of Alder Pt.
Tha-ken-nes-ten. The name means "talking rock." The village
was on the E side of the main Eel R. near a big rock which stood at
a bend of the river at the Johnson place (near a big white house).
It was a big town with a sweathouse.
Tha-tah-che. A large winter village in Soldier Basin on the
North Fork of the Eel (near present Gilman place). This was a big
town but had no sweathouse. In the winter they hunted deer and bear
here.
To-be-se-a-tung. On the E side of the Mad R. above the Bushman
place. It was about a mile above the river.
To-sos-ten. On the E side of the main Eel R. a mile or two
above Alder Pt.
There is some ambiguity in Merriam's notes on the status of the Lassik
living in the western part of their territory near the South Fork of
the Eel. The Sinkyone George Burt told Merriam that a group called the
To-kub´-be ke´ah or To´-kah-be held the land on the east side of South
Fork from Rocky Glen Creek south to above Garberville. This tribe was
said to be centered on the east branch of South Fork and in the Harris
region and to be a different tribe from the one on the main Eel River
at Alder Point and Kekawaka Creek, but Merriam himself has refused to
accept this assertion.
Goddard's information indicates that the east bank of South Fork was
owned by the Sinkyone, and it is so detailed that it has been accepted
here (see p. 164).
Goddard's unpublished material on the Lassik consists of a single map
(here reproduced as map 8), which apparently shows the locations of 27
villages. A list of what are presumably the village names accompanies
it, but Goddard changed the numbers on his map. Hence on our map the
correct name may not be assigned to each site.
_Goddard's Lassik Villages_
1. gastc[=i]kdûñ
2. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ
3. satcin[=i]tc[=i]dûñ
4. naslintce
5. ist'etatc[=i]dûñ
6. t[=o]kseye
7. kiñk'ûtek[=o]nte^{l}dûñ
8. k'ûct[=o]t[=o]dûñ
9. d[=i]y[=i]ckûk
10. nûndûkkatûndûñ
11. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ
12. g[=o]sn[=o]lindûñ
13. t[=o]tcadûñ
14. sait[=o]tc[=i]
15. nûnsûn^{l}tc[=i]kkinne^{=e=}dûñ
16. y[=i]stcûttcadûñ
17. tois[=i]b[=i]
18. lesbatc[=i]tdûñ
19. k'ûstc[=i]kdûñ
20. tcûggûstatc[=i]^{=e=}
21. lesbaitc[=i]^{=e=}
22. setatc[=i]^{=e=}
23. kast[=o]ntc[=i]^{=e=}dûñ
Goddard lists other names, presumably for the Lassik villages, as
follows: sekû[-l]ne, tectatalindûñ, dûltc[=i]kyacdûñ, t'o-todûñ,
k'ûsnesdûñ, ne ga b[=i], kûttantc[=i]tc[=o]dûñ. The sites corresponding
to these names cannot be located.
[Illustration: Map 7. Presumed Nongatl villages in the Bridgeville
region.]
[Illustration: Map 8. Lassik villages in the Alder Point region.]
NONGATL
The Nongatl are almost entirely confined to the drainages of the Van
Duzen River and upper Mad River. Their culture is the least known of
any group in northwestern California. Merriam evidently did not work
in their area although he recorded a few of their words given him by
George Burt's wife. George Burt was a Sinkyone, but his wife was born
and raised near Bridgeville. Goddard recorded some villages for this
group, whose names are given below. Nomland worked with someone from the
Nongatl in 1928 (Nomland, 1938, p. 9), but her results have not been
published.
The territory of the Nongatl lies, for the most part, east of the main
redwood belt. It is therefore no doubt well supplied with oaks, and
plant foods are thus readily available. Salmon are abundant in the Van
Duzen River (pl. 10, _c_) and Yager Creek but not in the Mad River
in eastern Nongatl territory. In much of their territory then, the
subsistence patterns of the Nongatl must have differed from those of
most of northwestern California, where fishing was of primary importance.
According to Merriam (1923) the word Nung-kah^{hl} is "a general or
blanket name used by themselves for all the southern Athapaskan tribes,
from Iaqua and Yager Creek on the north to the northern border of
Round Valley on the south, thus including the Athapaskan Wilakke." In
anthropological literature, however, especially in the work of Kroeber
and Goddard, this name has come to be used for the group living between
Iaqua Buttes and Mad River on the north and Dobbyn Creek on the south.
Merriam's name for this group is Kit-tel´. He does not seem to have
obtained any information from them although one of his notes mentions
the fact that the wife of George Burt, his Lolangkok Sinkyone informant,
was a Kit-tel´ woman.
At times Merriam seems to have confused the Nongatl with the Lassik. In
his general statement on the Nongatl, which follows, he lists them as
Lassik although the area in which he places them marks them as Kit-tel´
or Nongatl.
Las´sik ... Name (from Chief Lassik, now dead) in common use
for a Non-ga´h^{hl} tribe occupying a rather large area, extending
from Iaqua Butte in the latitude of the mouth of Eel River,
southerly to Dobbyn Creek and to the head of Van Duzen River, and
from the eastern boundary of the Lolahnkok of Bull Creek and South
Fork Eel River easterly to Mad River and the crest of the long
ridge known as South Fork Mountain, and southerly to within about
two miles of Ruth on Mad River; to the headwaters of Van Duzen
River (but not reaching Kettenshaw Valley), and to Dobbyn Creek on
the main Eel; thus including the entire course and drainage area of
Larrabee Creek.
There is doubt as to the northern boundary of the so-called
Las´sik for the reason that I have not been able to obtain the
necessary vocabularies for comparison. Goddard's information points
to a division south of the Bridgeville region but I have been told
by both the Nek´-kan-ni´ of Bear River and the Lolahnk[=o]k of Bull
Creek and South Fork Eel that the language is exactly the same from
Iaqua Butte southerly and that the languages of the Nek´-kan-ni´
and Lo-lahn-k[=o]k do not differ essentially from that of the
Larrabee Creek region.
The Indians over whom Chief Lassik held sway had no common
tribal name but consisted of a number of bands or subtribes, now
mostly or quite extinct, said to have spoken the same or closely
allied dialects.
However, since the entire drainage basin of Larrabee Creek is
included in their territory, it may be desirable to adopt the term
Kos´-ten ke´-ah, by which term the Larrabee Creek band was known to
neighbors on the south--the Set-ten-bi´-den ke-ah.
SUBGROUPS
There is evidence of several subgroups among the Nongatl, but it is not
known whether these were tribelets or dialect divisions. Essene (1942,
pp. 90-92) got information from the Lassik woman Lucy Young indicating
that there was a distinct group around Blocksburg, which the Lassik
called Kuskatundun, and another group around Bridgeville they called
Nai'aitci. This latter group is said to have been a roving band which
preyed on all the neighboring peoples.
Goddard's village data indicate six other groups but do not give
boundaries. These were as follows.
bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya. In the neighborhood of Indian Cr. in the
upper part of the drainage of Yager Cr. (map 9).
tcillûndûñ. On the upper reaches of North Yager Cr. (map 9).
bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya. In the vicinity of the junction of
North and Middle Yager creeks. The language of this group was said
to be the same as that of the tcittelk[=i]ya (map 9).
senûñka. On upper Larabee Cr. in the vicinity of Blocksburg
(pl. 10, _e_, _f_). This no doubt is the same as Essene's
Kuskatundun, which was the Lassik name for the group (map 10).
tcittelk[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen R. above Bridgeville. Appears
to be the same name as Merriam's Kit-tel´.
na'aitcik[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen above the tcittelk[=i]ya
group. This name appears on the Goddard map from which map 1 was
taken but is not otherwise recorded. This is evidently the same as
Essene's Nai'aitci.
k[=o]sdûñk[=i]ya. On the South Fork of the Van Duzen,
including Larabee V.
VILLAGES
The Nongatl villages recorded below are all taken from Goddard's
unpublished notes (maps 7, 9, 10). This is evidently far from a complete
count but it is clear that there were about as many villages in the area
covered by these maps as in other parts of the Athabascan area.
_bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya group (1-7, map 9)_
1. In the swag of a large ridge running toward the SSE to the
junction of the main components of Indian Cr., perhaps a mile from
it. There is one deep pit. There is a flowing creek 200 yds. E.
2. A single pit found by Pete E of a small stream flowing
south into Indian Cr. from the lowest place in the ridge at Big
Bend of the Mad R. Nearly 1/2 mi. from Indian Cr. W of a hill above
which the wagon road passes. This is where Goddard camped in 1906.
He hunted all around here without finding other pits.
[Illustration: Map 9. Nongatl villages on Yager Creek.]
[Illustration: Map 10. Nongatl villages in the Blocksburg
region.]
3. k'onûseb[=i]'. On a point running down SSW toward Indian
Cr. There were two pits near the creek and two more 200 ft. up the
hill. A few large and small oaks were growing there. Water was to
be had a few yards E. Pete saw a house there when he was a boy.
4. W of a small stream flowing into Indian Cr. from the N, and
E of a large flat. There was a flat place with dirt thrown out in
front of it but with no pit. About 1/8 mi. E on the round end of a
ridge was a fairly evident pit and a sekal.
5. About 200 yds. E of the small stream mentioned in no. 4
were a few small pits.
6. One pit was on the W bank of a S-flowing branch of Indian
Cr. Small ridges N and S of it form a small basin, giving it
protection from the winds. Madrone and black oaks are growing
there. It is possible that a depression on the southern ridge is
also a house pit.
7. On a small ridge on the E side of the branch of Indian Cr.,
which flows from the S past Fork Baker ranch buildings. About 1-1/2
mi. north of these buildings Pete found 3 pits. He said there were
small streams N and S of the ridge. Goddard did not visit the place
but it was pointed out by Pete as W of a big Douglas spruce tree
and a large rock. Goddard described it as above.
_tcillûndûñ group (8-12, map 9)_
8. On the slope N of North Yager Cr. close to the county road
and about 100 yds. from the bridge. There are 2 pits close to the
wagon road and 1 or 2 a little farther N. The site is 65 ft. higher
than the bridge.
9. kactc[=o]tc[=i]b[=i]', "redwoods..?.. in." On the N side
of North Yager Cr. at the W end of a flat of about an acre. There
are a few redwoods on the opposite side of the creek. Six pits were
found about 100 yds. back from the creek. Pete had heard of the
flat but not that Indians lived there. A hunter told Goddard of the
Indians being killed there by whites.
10. About 1/4 mi. up a branch which flows into North Yager Cr.
from the north. On the W side of the creek on a rounded ridge were
3 pits, 2 of which were very distinct.
11. On a small flat on the N side of Yager Cr. and close to it
Pete saw 2 large deep pits. They were about 1/4 mi. downstream from
the branch where village 10 was found.
12. tse'dûttc^{l}bûtta'dûñ. A half-mile N of North Yager Cr.
at the edge of Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber. Stones used
by the Indians were lying near the water and 2 pits were found
there. To the W, on the crest of the ridge, there were 5 pits at
the S end of the timber. A cabin stands there.
Goddard lists five more sites found in this vicinity on North Yager
Creek but they are not named and their locations are indefinite so they
will not be given here.
_bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya group (13-18, map 9)_
13. senindûsc[=i]m[=i]. On the W bank of North Yager Cr. 1/4
mi. below a waterfall of the same name. Two pits were located 100
ft. above the creek in brush and timber. On the same side of the
creek but 1/4 mi. downstream were 4 more pits, in one of which a
sekal lay.
14. nakat[=o]dûñ. On the E side of North Yager Cr., on a flat
now covered with huckleberry brush. Pete found 2 pits here. On the
W side of the creek, a little downstream, were 2 more pits. The
flat had been badly washed away by freshets.
15. Two pits were found among the redwoods and thick brush at
the junction of North and Middle Yager creeks.
16. ist'egab[=i]', "madrones in." Just at the eastern edge of
the timber on a point running down toward Middle Yager Cr. were 4
pits.
17. k[=o]ntc[=o]wetc[=i]kinnedûñ. About 1/4 mi. N of Middle
Yager Cr. On a small flat on a hillside, facing SW in open timber
above a small stream. There were 7 pits here. Pete had heard that
there used to be a village so situated.
18. An overhanging rock on the N side of Middle Yager Cr.
shows signs of occupation and there is a pit near by.
_senûñka group (19-35, map 10)_
19. On a little point 200 yds. N of Curless' house. There is
one pit. Charlie Taylor's grandmother was born here, according to
Curless, who showed the site to Goddard. This was the most northern
village of the senûñka on Larabee Cr.
20. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the hillside on either side of the
stream which crosses the road about a mile S of Curless' place.
It is nearly a mile from Larabee Cr. and is close to the timber.
The village was in a line of Douglas spruce south of an oat-field.
There were 7 large pits on the W side of the stream and 5 on the E
side. With one exception these were N of the fence; others may have
been filled by plowing.
21. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the E side of Larabee Cr. a
good-sized stream flows across the county road by a group of farm
buildings. On the E side of the road close to the N side of this
stream are from 4 to 6 pits. Douglas spruce and tanbark timber with
brush obscured them. On the W side of the road is a large sheep
barn. W of this barn are 4 pits, some quite uncertain because the
ground has been cleared of large Douglas spruce timber. There is a
large plowed flat 1/4 mi. W, near Larabee Cr. Andrew's wife told
Pete of such a place where there used to be many Indians.
22. k'ûcna'aidûñ (?). In a swag on the W side of a gulch lined
with Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber with exposure toward the
S. There are 5 distinct pits.
23. On a point 200 yds. N of the junction of the two main
components of Larabee Cr., W of a small stream. There were 4 pits,
only one of which was large. The end of a pestle was lying in this
one.
24. On the E side of Larabee Cr., between it and the county
road, on the S side of a small stream. There was one pit. The
building of the road may have destroyed others.
25. On a large flat N of the junction of the two components of
Larabee Cr. and a little to the E. There were 10 pits. There is a
cabin and a corral here and many pits may have been filled in.
26. On the hillside N of the eastern component of Larabee Cr.
Pete thought there were 3 pits. There had been slides there and
Goddard was not sure of them.
27. On the N side of a large branch of Larabee Cr. from the E,
200 yds. N of where it is joined by a stream from the N. The stream
from the E is bûstadûñk[=o]t. There were 3 pits among the Douglas
spruce and black oaks.
28. On the E side of the Eel R. about 3/4 mi. N of the mouth
of Coleman Cr. at the edge of timber on a small bench. There were 2
small house pits.
29. On the E side Of the Eel about 300 yds. N of the mouth of
Coleman Cr., 75 yds. back from the river and 40 ft. above it. There
were 2 large deep pits. The exposure is SW.
30. canak[=i]', "creek tail." On the E side of the Eel R. S of
the mouth of Coleman Cr. There were 3 pits close to the creek but
high above it on the bank, 2 on a flat 25 yds. S, and 2 more near a
dry gulch 200 yds. S of the creek. Near the creek the brakes were
so thick that many pits may have been overlooked. This place was
mentioned by Charlie in 1908.
31. On the E side of the Eel R. about 500 yds. S of the mouth
of Coleman Cr. on a flat close to the S side of a gulch lined with
maple and peppernut trees. There were 8 pits here and 7 or 8 more
from 50 to 75 yds. S.
32. N of the knoll which is just below the forks of Coleman
Cr. There was 1 pit.
33. On the E side of the Eel R. about 300 yds. N of the mouth
of Mill Cr. on a brushy point. There were 5 pits.
34. On the E side of the Eel R. N of the mouth of Mill Cr.
just S of a big rock. There were 2 pits.
35. nadaitcûñ. This name was supplied by Charlie in 1908 as
belonging to the village at the mouth of a large creek on the E
side of the Eel R. above Coleman Cr.
SINKYONE
The Sinkyone occupied the territory on the west side of the South Fork
of the Eel from Scotia south to Hollow Tree Creek. From the Mattole
boundary at Spanish Flat south to the Coast Yuki line at Usal Creek they
held the coast.
We have more ethnographic information about the Sinkyone than about
most of the Athabascan groups. Merriam's material and Goddard's data
combined provide a virtually complete village list for the northern,
or Lolangkok, Sinkyone and a few villages for the southern, or Shelter
Cove, Sinkyone. Kroeber's Handbook (1925_a_, pp. 145-150) gives a fair
amount of general ethnography and this is well augmented by Nomland's
paper (Nomland, 1935).
Sinkyone territory is in the redwood coastal zone and this location no
doubt reduced somewhat the supply of vegetal food. The Sinkyone were,
however, well supplied with fish products by the Eel River, which not
only had an excellent salmon run but also provided quantities of lamprey
eel.
On the basis of Merriam's linguistic evidence the Sinkyone have been
divided into a northern group, called Lolangkok after the native
name for Bull Creek, and a southern group, called Shelter Cove after
a sheltered spot on the coast midway between the Mattole and Yuki
boundaries. This division is rendered somewhat questionable by the
unreliability of Sally Bell, Merriam's Shelter Cove Sinkyone informant.
It is doubtful, however, whether Sally Bell's linguistic information
could be falsified. In any case, the separation is partly verified by
Goddard's data and I have therefore accepted it.
The Merriam notes contain a comparatively large amount of material on
the Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following general statement on that group is
taken verbatim from that source.
The Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Information is from George Burt, a member
of the tribe, who was raised on Bull Creek at the rancheria called
Kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah about seven miles upstream from Dyerville,
at a place now known as Schoolhouse Flat, and who now lives near
Fortuna (1922).
The territory of the Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k began on the north at
Shively and covered a narrow strip on the east side of the main Eel
River to Dyerville, and a much broader area on the west side, and
continued southerly on the west side of South Fork Eel River nearly
to Garberville. On the west it not only covered the South Fork
drainage, but continued over Elk Ridge to the head waters of Upper
Mattole River.
The southern boundary ran a little north of Ettersburg,
Briceland, and Garberville.
Informant states that on the east side of South Fork Eel River
their territory included only the immediate river valley.
Merriam's informant from the Southern Sinkyone was Sally Bell. She had
evidently lived at Briceland for more than thirty years when she was
interviewed in 1923. Nomland (1935, p. 149) says of her that she was
"born Needle Rock; reared from childhood by white settlers, married
Coast Yuki, Tom Bell; blind, senile, sees spirits in rafters, etc."
(See fig. 1, _d_.) This group Merriam describes only in a brief general
statement, summarized as follows.
[Illustration: Fig. 1. Athabascan tattooing noted by C. Hart Merriam.
_a_, _b_. Whilkut women, _c_. Bear River woman from a sketch made by
Merriam in 1921. _d_. From a sketch made by Merriam of the Shelter Cove
woman named Sally Bell.]
To´-cho´-be ke´ah is their own name and the Lolahnkok name
for the tribe (and village) in the Briceland region (between the
South Fork of the Eel and the coast). It is used also in a larger
sense for all bands speaking the same dialect from the west side of
the South Fork of the Eel River (in the Garberville region) to the
coast. The Set´tenbi´den [Lassik] call this group Yis-sing´-kun-ne.
The name of the group is pronounced To-cho´-be ke´ah by the
Lolahn´k[=o]k and Taw-chaw´-be-ke´ah by themselves.
TRIBELETS
None of the tribelets of the Sinkyone is described or located
specifically enough to permit the drawing of boundaries. Hence they are
merely listed here, with available location data. Nomland (1935, p.
151) says: "Two informants always gave names of land areas in place of
village names." These names are no doubt those of tribelets.
chi-chin-kah ke-ah (Merriam). This is the name for the
tribelet between the upper waters of Bull Cr. and Elk Ridge.
Nomland gives the name chacingu´k for the group in the ridge N of
Briceland, which is evidently Elk Ridge.
yese'kuk (Nomland). This is given as the Mattole R. area,
possibly a tribelet designation.
The two tribelets listed above are the only ones noted in the
area of the Bull Creek or Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following, all
from Merriam except where noted, are in the area of the Shelter
Cove Sinkyone.
to-cho-be ke-ah (taw-chaw-be keah). Name for the tribelet and
village in the Briceland region between the South Fork of the Eel
and the coast. Used in the larger sense for all the tribelets from
Briceland south to Usal Cr. totro'b[=e] (Nomland, 1935). This was
the name of the Briceland area.
nahs-lin-che-ke-ah. This was the name of the tribelet on South
Fork S of Garberville. senke'kut (Nomland). This is given as the
area "to the South Fork from Garberville."
tahng-ah-ting keah. This was the Bull Creek Sinkyone name
for the Shelter Cove and Point Delgada tribelet. They were called
tahng-i-keah by themselves and by the Briceland Sinkyone. Kroeber
(1925, p. 145) gives tangating as the place name for Shelter Cove.
Usal (Yosawl). This is the southernmost tribelet of the
Briceland Sinkyone, said to extend from Usal Cr. to Shelter Cove.
According to Kroeber (1925, p. 145) "This word seems to be from
Pomo Yoshol, denoting either the Coast Yuki or the Mankya, both of
whom are north of the Pomo; but yo is 'south' and shol 'eastward'
in that language."
The following names are given by Nomland for Sinkyone areas. They do not
correspond to Merriam's tribelets and are probably just place names.
anse'ntakuk The land south of Briceland
cusacic'ha The region north of Garberville
yenekuk The area southeast of Briceland
yese' The coast area to the Mattole boundary at Four Mile Cr.
VILLAGES
Most of the Sinkyone villages given here are taken from Goddard's notes.
A few are also given by Merriam. In the list the source is indicated
by (G) for Goddard, (M) for Merriam. Merriam's notes contain, besides
the village names, a list of place names on the Eel and on South Fork,
running from Scotia to south of Garberville (see pp. 191-193, map 13).
In areas where Merriam's material can be compared with Goddard's these
place names nearly all turn out to be village names. It seems likely
therefore that, in other areas also, nearly all are village names. In
calculating population (see p. 216), I have occasionally used these to
augment the village count.
_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on the main Eel (map 11)._--Of the
following villages, the two north of the mouth of South Fork are from
Merriam's notes, for which George Burt was the informant. Merriam also
gives several place names for the area below the mouth of South Fork,
and it seems probable that most, if not all, of these were actually
villages rather than mere landmarks; this was certainly so farther south
on South Fork.
[Illustration: Map 11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.]
Above the mouth of South Fork the villages are from Goddard's notes; the
informant was Charlie and the information was gathered in 1903 and 1908.
It is possible that these villages are not Sinkyone. However, there is
no specific evidence for attributing this region to the Nongatl and it
is known that Charlie was a Lolangkok Sinkyone, so I have placed them in
this latter group. Goddard has given the section, township, and range
locations as he did for the preceding villages. These have been helpful
in locating the sites, but I have omitted his notations because they
are no longer accurate; the maps have been changed since the time of
Goddard's original work.
1. lah-s[=a]-se´-te (M). At Shively on the main Eel R.
2. kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat" (M). At a place now called
Englewood, a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia bridge. The name is
said to refer to things growing up there.
3. seûstcelindûñ (G). On the S bank of the main Eel not far
downstream from Dyerville.
4. t[=o]nesdadûñ (G). On the NE bank of the Eel directly
across from seûstcelindûñ.
5. tetcinne (G). On the E side of the Eel upstream from
t[=o]nesdadûñ. A big rock, pointing downstream, is said to project
into the river there.
6. tûggûstc[=o] dasañke (G). On the E side of the Eel S of
tetcinne. A large rancheria in an open place.
7. naltcûñka (G). On the W side of Eel R. S of tûggûstc[=o]
dasañke. There is a big slide there. It is below Camp Grant on the
S side, according to Charlie, 1903.
nahl-tsin´-kah (M). Camp Grant.
8. t[=o][-l]tciñyasta' (G). On the E side of the Eel about 1
mi. above naltcûñka. A large rock stands back of the village site.
9. tadûttc[=i]' (G). On the E side of the Eel not far above
t[=o][-l]tciñyasta', at the mouth of a large creek in which salmon
run (tadak[=o]k, Thompson Cr.?). Above Camp Grant.
10. tcillûñdûñ (G). On the E side of the Eel 1/4 mi.
above tadûttc[=i]'. An open place without a creek. (Given as
k[=i]lûndûñk[=i]a by Charlie in 1903.)
11. ne'gakak, "moss"? (G). On the W side of the Eel opposite
tcillûñdûñ.
12. ne'tcink[=o]k (G). At the mouth of a creek on the W side
of the Eel some way above ne'gakak.
13. gactc[=o]bi', "redwoods in" (G). In a large open flat
among the redwoods on the E side of the Eel above ne'tcink[=o]k.
Given by Charlie in 1903 as kûctc[=o]bek[=i]a on the S side.
14. On the E side of the Eel just S of a creek which flows
down a steep rough bed on a rather high bench are 4 pits. The
ground is black with refuse and cooking stones lie about. The river
enters a canyon N of this creek. A round timbered butte is close to
the mouth of the creek on the N. A great timbered butte seems to
occupy the E bank of the river for several miles.
15. seda'dûn, "rock mouth place" (G). On the E side (W also?),
where the river flows out between rocks. A small creek is there.
About 2 mi. above gactc[=o]bi'.
_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on South Fork (map 11)._--
16. [-l]tcûnta'dûñ (G). Said to have been on the W side of
South Fork and the S side of the Eel R., where the store and saloon
of Dyerville now stand.
chin-tah´-tah (M). The flat occupied by Dyerville; this is no
doubt the same as the name given by Goddard.
17. kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah (M). A large village on Bull Cr.
about 7 mi. upstream from Dyerville. The place is now known as
Schoolhouse Flat.
18. [-l][=o]lûñk[=i]' (G). On the S bank of Bull Cr. at its
mouth, in large redwood timber. There were 10 pits along the bank
of South Fork and the pit of a yitco', 8 paces across, about 200
yds. W of the mouth of Bull Cr. A large redwood, hollowed by
fire, had fallen, the floor being 4 ft. below the ground. Charlie
remembered seeing Indians living in it. Charlie thought there used
to be three or four houses on the S side of the creek, but we found
no evidence of them. Three men were once killed here by whites, and
a woman was shot through the hips; she lay here a day or two and
died. One of the white men, named Steve, cut a piece from the arm
of one of the Indians, built a fire, cooked it, and ate it. The
best man of the Indians escaped.
lo-lahn´-k[=o]k (M). Bull Cr. Merriam does not mention a
village at its mouth.
19. [-l][=o]lûñk[=o]k y[=i]bañ (G). On the E bank of South
Fork opposite and N of the mouth of Bull Cr. Two pits were seen
directly across from Bull Cr. and 2 about 100 yds. downstream. They
are in heavy redwood timber, but receive a good deal of sun because
they are close to the river, which flows NW at this point.
20. s[=o]snoibûndûñ (G). On the E bank of South Fork about a
mile S of the mouth of Bull Cr. Five pits were counted in small
redwood timber, where there is a spring which supplied the village.
There used to be a yitco' here, in which Charlie remembered dancing
when he was a small boy.
21. nûnsûntc[=o]tc[=i]', "butte large mouth" (G). On both
sides of the mouth of Brush Cr. (Canoe Cr.) in large redwood
timber. On the N side are 6 pits, 5 of them in a row back about 30
yds. There are seven pits on the S side of the creek, some of them
much plainer than others. The father of Albert's wife, Sally, came
from this village.
nahn´-sin-cho´-ke (M). See Place Names.
22. sedj[=o]cb[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork, which
flows toward the W at this point. A stream from the E (Feese Cr.)
flows in a little above the village. There are many tanbark oaks
growing near by, which Charlie suggested were the reason for the
village's being located here. Seven pits could be distinguished;
the clearing away of timber may have obscured some others. The name
setc[=o]sdiñ was also given by Charlie. Tc[=o]s means vagina, "what
woman has."
s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (M). See Place Names.
23. gûtta'bûndûñ, named from a deep hole in the stream (G). On
the W side of South Fork, where it flows toward the NE just below
Myer's. The site has been completely washed away. Charlie's father
belonged here and Charlie lived here when a boy. Jack, Charlie's
half-brother, was born at this village. There used to be a yitco'
and a large hollow tree in which a family used to spend the winter.
kah-tah´-be (M). See Place Names.
24. tantañaik[=i]' bûndûñ (G). On the E side of South Fork.
A creek, along which are many tanbark oaks, flows into South Fork
on the opposite side and a little above. The name of the creek is
tantañaik[=o]k (Coon Cr.). The site is just below a garden. The
place was so grown up with brakes it was impossible to count the
pits.
25. t[=o]dûnni', "water sings" (G). On the NW corner of Myer's
Flat on the right bank of South Fork, where it completes its course
toward the W and turns toward the NE. The site has been washed
away. There used to be large peppernut trees growing there. A few
are still left. The name of Myer's Flat is kûnteltc[=o]b[=i]. It is
also mentioned as kontelky[=o]b[=i].
ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). See Place Names.
26. sestcicbandûñ (G). On the right bank of South Fork on a
narrow bench between the hill and that stream. There is an eddy
in the river just above, which furnished good fishing, and many
oaks are on the hills. The site received plenty of sun because the
river flows W at this point. Four pits were seen. Also given as
sûstc[=i]cb[=i], "rough like a rasp."
ses-che´-is-ke (M). See Place Names.
27. sebûggûnna', "rock around" (G). On the right side and
close to South Fork just downstream from a rocky point around which
the river changes its direction from S to NW. Fourteen or fifteen
pits could be distinguished, most of them quite distinct.
s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´ (M). See Place Names.
28. sek[=o]ntc[=o]bandûñ (G). On the left side of South Fork
nearly opposite sebûggûnna'. The sandy bench is covered with
brakes. Five pits were made out. Charlie lived here for four
years after he came back from the reservation. Also mentioned as
tañaib[=i].
29. s[=o]ldek[=o]k bûkk[=i]'d[=u]ñ (G). On a small flat
covered with large redwood timber on the N side of South Fork and
on the W side of Elk Creek (s[=o]ldek[=o]k), which flows into it
from the N. Seven pits were counted along the banks of the river
and the creek.
s[=o]l´-te-che (M). See Place Names.
30. sente[-l]tcelindûñ, "rock flat flows out place" (G).
Close to the W bank of South Fork near a deep fishing place. There
are three pits between the county road and the river. Also called
sentelduñ.
sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be (M). See Place Names.
31. ca'nak[=i]', "creek trail" (G). On the W bank of South
Fork 100 yds. N of the mouth of Salmon Cr., in large redwoods.
The river has washed the soil away so no evidence of occupation
remains. Willow brush is now growing there. Also called
natonank[=o]k bûttc[=i]'dûñ.
sah-nah´-k[=o]k (M). Name for Salmon Cr. See Place Names.
32. tc[=i]stc[=i]bi' (G). On the E bank of South Fork opposite
the mouth of Salmon Cr. It is on the end of a ridge. Charlie had a
ne'y[=i]k' here after returning from the reservation (village site
not visited). This village was mentioned by Sam as his birthplace.
His mother may have been from here. Also referred to by Charlie as
canak[=i]' and tcûstc[=e]k[=o]ok.
33. nant'[=o]' (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr. in a bend.
Large redwoods fill the valley of the creek as well as the
particular site of this village. Five deep, distinct pits were
seen. There are said to be one or two on the south side of the
creek.
34. k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i], "flat in" (G). On a large flat, through
which Salmon Cr. flows. The village was on the N side of the creek
near where Tomlinson's barn now stands. There is a spring there
near a pepperwood tree. This flat is now in peach orchard.
35. kaslintc[=o]'dûñ, "riffle large place" (G). On the N side
of Salmon Cr. about 400 yds. upstream from k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i]'.
36. setcinnabatse tcelindûn (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr.
in a basin-like flat. Four pits were seen near the creek and 4 in a
row back about 50 yds. against the base of the hill. There were 2
more pits in front of the last 4, making 10 in all. There is heavy
Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber on the southern side of the
creek. About 200 yds. upstream is a waterfall, which provided fine
fishing, since large salmon could not jump the falls.
37. bandûñ (G). On the end of a ridge, W of a small run lined
with peppernut trees. About 200 yds. NE of se[-l]tcindûñ. There
were 5 pits, 2 of which were very large.
38. setcinnabatse (G). On a flattened end of the ridge E of
se[-l]tcindûñ, 300 yds. S and a little W of it. Two pits were
certain.
39. se[-l]tcindûñ (G). On the E side of a gulch, in which
there was flowing water in July, about 300 yds. N of Salmon Cr.
There were 4 or 5 pits. The ground is strewn with black stones.
40. tcebanedûñ (G). On the flattened portion of a ridge, with
southern exposure. Black oaks and buckeyes are growing there.
Seven pits were to be seen with black stones lying in them. Great
broken rocks lie in a gulch to the west. About 350 yds. NNW of
se[-l]tcindûñ.
41. setc[=o]'seye (G). A large rock, with the overhanging side
facing SE. A rim of earth showed where the house wall used to be on
the W. The E was left open. About 1/4 mi. W of the falls of Salmon
Cr.
42. t[=o][-l]elindûñ, "water flows together place" (G). On the
flat W of Salmon Cr. and W of a large creek flowing into it from
the S (South Fork Salmon Cr.). Four pits are close to the bank of
Salmon Cr. and a fifth was partly caved in. One was seen on the
lower part of the flat to the S.
43. nesdai'dûñ (G). Said to be on a side hill.
44. to[-l]elindûñ, "water comes together place" (G). Said to
be where three creeks join, forming the South Fork of Salmon Cr.,
about 5 mi. from its mouth. Distinguished from the village at the
mouth of the same creek by being called "small."
45. ses[=o]sye' (G). At the end of a ridge running down to
Salmon Cr. from the E. So close to the bank of the stream that
one pit has been undermined. Four remain. About 1/2 mi. NW of
to[-l]elindûñ.
46. ne'kañk[=i]' (G). In the saucer-shaped end of a ridge,
close to the E bank of Salmon Cr. and facing a little S of W.
Opposite, a large creek, called ne'kañk[=o]k, flows in from the W.
There are 9 pits, which may still be seen. Five of them, situated
close to the base of the hill, are very large and deep. Black oaks
grow there.
47. ne'i[-l]ga[-l]dûñ, "land shinny-playing place" (G). On a
flat close to the E side of Salmon Cr., which swings around it. A
gulch heads in the cedar grove N of the Hunter ranch buildings.
Twelve or 13 pits were counted, 5 of which were quite distinct.
48. seistc[=i]' (G). About 1/2 mi. E of Salmon Cr. on the
flattened southern slope of a ridge about 100 yds. from its crest.
There are 8 pits in a row and 1 other, not in line with them. There
is a gulch 100 ft. S of the row of pits. Cedars, black oaks, and
buckeyes grow there. A small pond of water is E of the site.
49. mûñkkasaik[=o]k (G). On the W side of a branch of Salmon
Cr. which flows from the N about 1/2 mi. W of the Burnell ranch
house. Two pits are close to the stream and 4 or 5 are 10 or 15
ft. higher. The higher ones have good sun in the winter. The trail
crosses the creek at this place.
50. setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ (G). On the W side of the South Fork of
the Eel about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Butte Cr. (nûnsûnk[=o]k),
which provided desirable fishing. A large rock stands there close
to the river. There are said to have been four houses. This site
was not visited. It was mentioned by Charlie as sesuñt[=o]; he said
it was the most southerly village of his people. Sam called it
senûns[=i]mkûk and said it belonged in Charlie's territory.
The first name given by Goddard is evidently related to
Merriam's s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock," which was said
to be a place in the river near Goddard's setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ. See
Place Names.
_Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages (map 12)._--The following list of
villages comes almost entirely from Goddard's notes (G); relevant
comments by Merriam are noted (M). Goddard's informants were Sam,
Albert, and Charlie, of whom the first two were Shelter Cove Sinkyone,
the last Lolangkok Sinkyone.
1. ke'kestc[=i]' (G). Close to South Fork on the E side about
1/8 mi. S of the mouth of Fish Cr. (kekek[=o]k). A large house with
a garden is just below. A deep place in the river provided fishing,
in addition to the creek. Three pits and a grinding stone were
found. Plowing had probably filled in other pits. The first store
of Phillipsville stood here. According to Sam (1903), this was the
most northern village of his people.
k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (M). Fish Cr.
2. kûtdûntelb[=i]', "flat in" (G). At the NW part of the
Phillipsville flat. It is said to have been a large village. There
is fishing in an eddy just upstream. The site has been washed away
and therefore was not visited.
ket´-tin-tel´-be (M). At a place called Phillipsville, 18 mi.
S of Dyerville. The site is in an orchard on a ranch and has a fine
redwood grove and a good camping place.
3. seb[=i]ye, "at base of rock" (G). On the E side of South
Fork at the upper end of the Phillipsville flat. The site has been
plowed and was in fruit and garden when visited. One pit could
still be seen. The river flows nearly W, hence the village has
southern sun. Large redwoods occupy the left bank of the stream. A
deep place here provided fishing.
s[)a]-be-y[)e]´ (M). The flat on the E side of South Fork, S
of Phillipsville. See Place Names.
4. tcingûlge[-l]dûñ (name of a tree) (G). On the right bank
of South Fork just below a turn to the E. Between the road and the
river two pits were seen. There is a schoolhouse on the E side of
the road. Many eels were caught near this village.
chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke (M). A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.
See Place Names.
5. da[-l]tcimmûndûñ (G). On the right (S) bank of South Fork,
where it flows W around a long ridge sloping down from the E.
Seven pits were counted between the county road and the river,
which may have carried others away. A large creek, seyekok (Rocky
Glen Cr.), empties N of this place. This village was mentioned as
t'altcimmûndûñ by Albert in 1907.
[Illustration: Map 12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone.]
s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k (M). Rocky Glen Cr. See Place Names.
6. tca'lûñk[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork. A small
stream flows down from the E. Three pits were found on the N side
of it and two on the S side. The place had been plowed. Charlie
said there used to be many houses there. This village was given by
Albert as tca'lûntc[=i].
7. da[-l]kaik[=o]k (G). On a flat 50 yds. E of the county
bridge across Buhne Cr. (now called Dean Cr.), along both sides of
the stream. Seven pits were found on the S side of the creek and
two on the N side. The road and plowed fields may have reduced the
number. This village was mentioned by Sam in 1903 as a settlement
of his people.
tahs-ki´-ke (M). Merriam attributes this village to the
to-kub´-be people, who ranged E from here.
8. da[-l]kaik[=i]' (G). On the W side of South Fork, opposite
the mouth of Dean Cr. Albert said there used to be a village there.
This is evidently the village Merriam refers to in the
paragraph above on village 7.
9. [-l]tûggan[=o]b[=i]' (G). On a flat on the E side of South
Fork about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Redwood Cr. Goddard noted
that the place had a favorable location, but did not find the pits.
Albert said there used to be a village there.
stuk´-kan-no´-be (M). Name for the flat at this place. See
Place Names.
10. k[=o]sc[=i]k[=i] (G). A short way below Garberville,
according to Sam (1903). Charlie said it was named k[=o]ssetc[=i]'
or k[=o]setc[=i]' and that it was just below Garberville on the E
side of the river. There used to be a store there.
11. seb[=i]yedadûñ, "rocks under..?... place" (G). A village
at Garberville.
12. kûnte[-l]tc[=o]b[=i]', "flat large in" (G). On a flat
above Garberville.
ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te (M). A beautiful deep valley on
South Fork just SW of Garberville.
13. Usal (not necessarily the native name). Not mentioned by
Goddard, Merriam, or Nomland, but Gifford (1939, p. 304) says that
both Coast Yuki and Sinkyone were spoken here (pl. 11, _d_).
Following are a number of Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages which I have
not been able to locate precisely.
kahs´-cho-so´-be (M). A village of the Briceland Sinkyone
on South Fork about 4 mi. S of Garberville and not in sight from
the present highway. It may not actually be one of the Briceland
Sinkyone villages.
kaicañkûk (G). On a ridge below Garberville. Information from
Sam, 1903.
[-l]tc[=i]kûk (G). On a ridge below seyadûñ on South Fork.
Information from Sam, 1903.
t[=o]kûbb[=i] (G). On a ridge above Garberville. Information
from Sam, 1903. seya(e)dûñ (G). On a ridge on the E side of South
Fork, probably below Garberville.
PLACE NAMES
The first list of place names below was taken by Merriam from George
Burt in 1923. (See map 13.) It starts at Scotia, runs upstream to the
confluence of the Eel and South Fork, and then runs up South Fork as
far as Garberville. Many of the places indicated cannot be located
from maps and it would even be difficult to identify them on the spot.
Merriam seems to have driven by auto from Scotia to Garberville, marking
locations in tenths of miles.
tah´-cho. Main Eel R.
hah´-tin cho´-be. A stretch of land on the S side of the main
Eel extending from Scotia Bridge E at least to Brown's Mill, and S
from the river to the top of the ridge.
kahn-so´-ti-y[)e]´, "under maple trees." A big loop of the
river 2 mi. E from Scotia Bridge.
hah´-ting-k[=o]k. Jordan Cr., 2.2 mi. E of Scotia Bridge.
hah´-tin cho´-be. The prairie on top of the ridge S of Jordan
Cr. An old Indian trail goes up there. [Harrow Prairie. Merriam
gives the same name for the prairie and the stretch of land above.
The stretch of land is probably a village named for the prairie.]
ahn´-sin ken-tes´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side
of the Eel, 3 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. [Pepperwood.]
lah´-sa tal´-k[=o]k, "Buckeye Creek." Bear Cr., nearly 6 mi. E
of Scotia Bridge. "Used to be lots of salmon there."
lah-s[=a]-se´-te. The present town of Shively.
bis´-kahl chum´-me. A bluff on Eel R. where the river makes a
loop to the S. About 6.3 mi. from Scotia Bridge.
s[=a]-tahs´ ch[=a]-lin´-te. An extensive gravel flat on the N
side of the Eel in the curve of a big loop in the river, 6.5 mi.
from Scotia Bridge.
s[=a]-tahs´-be. A bluff on the N side of the Eel at the
railroad tunnel 6-3/4 or 7 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Said to be a
rough place.
ahn-sin´-tah´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side of
the river 7.5 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Place now called Pepperwood.
ahn-sin-tah´-k[=o]k, "Pepperwood Creek." A small creek closely
followed by the highway, about 7.5 to 8 mi. E from Scotia Bridge.
[Evidently Chadd Cr.]
kahs-tes´-be. Holmes' lumber camp, on S side of Eel about 7.5
mi. E of Scotia Bridge.
slahn´-k[=o]. Larabee Creek, entering the Eel from the E.
kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat." At a place called Englewood,
a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia Bridge and continuing to
Englewood Roadhouse at 9.8 mi. The name is said to refer to things
"growing up" there.
tan´-k[=o]s tah´-te (tan´-k[=o]s means _Equisitum_). A long
ford 10.5 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. It is a long gravel bar on the
N side of the river. It is named for the abundance of Horsetail
(_Equisitum_) found there.
s[=a]´ cho´-te (sa means "rock"). A big rock projecting into
the river from the S side, 11.5 mi. from Scotia Bridge. [It appears
to be what is now called High Rock.]
s[=a]-tah´-ting. A redwood forest and flat near the rock sa
cho-te and named for that rock.
chin-tah´-tah. An extensive flat on the S side of the Eel from
the mouth of South Fork W, including Dyerville, 13 mi. from Scotia
Bridge.
ts[)a]-vel´-be. An area on the S side of the Eel immediately W
of and adjoining chin-tah´-tah.
lel´-lin teg´-o-be. The junction of South Fork with the main
Eel R.
sin´-ke-k[=o]k. The South Fork of the Eel R.
tah´-tung-i´-kut. South Fork railroad station.
nahl-tsin´-kah (nahl-tsuk´-kah). Old Camp Grant.
·hles-yah´-kah (les-yah´-kah). Fruitland in Elk Prairie.
s[=a]-tah´-be. Eel Rock, about 12 mi. up the Eel from its
junction with South Fork.
tah´-cho. The main Eel R.
nah-tah´-ting i-k[=a]. Dyerville Redwood Flat in the point
between the main Eel and South Fork. The name means "pointed out,"
a descriptive term suggested by the geographical feature.
lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Bull Cr.
kahs-cho´ chi-net´-tah. Schoolhouse Flat, 7 mi. up Bull Cr.
s[=a]´-es-ch[=a]-lin´-te, "rock run out." On the E side of
South Fork 1/2 or 3/4 mi. S of Dyerville.
sit´-se-tahl´-ko. A small creek on the W side of South Fork
about 1/2 mi. S of Bull Cr. [Evidently Decker Cr.]
s[=a]´-es´-kuk, "on top rock." A hill on the E side of South
Fork 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville.
lah´-s[=a]-cho´-te. A straight shoot of South Fork beginning
at s[=a]´-es´-kuk Hill 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville. Lots of eels there
in the spring.
to-be´-ah. Schelling Camp Flat (lumber camp, garden, and
orchard) on the E side of South Fork beginning 2.2 mi. and
extending about 1/2 mi. to the S. [Evidently this is the present
town of Weott.]
[Illustration: Map 13. Place names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.]
nahn´-sin-cho´-ke. The big hill to be seen on the E side of
South Fork 3 mi. S of Dyerville.
s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (s[=a]-cho-st[)a]), "vulva rock." A long
gravel bar along both sides of the river and including a redwood
flat 4 mi. S of Dyerville. Named for a mark on a rock resembling a
woman's vulva, cho´-s[=a].
che-[=o]s-cho´-te. A stretch of river 4.75 mi. S of Dyerville,
including a small but good redwood flat. The name refers to foam on
the water.
s[=a]´-boo-i-chan´-te. A big perforated rock in the river at a
sharp bend 5.1 mi. S of Dyerville.
kah-tah´-be. A stretch along both sides of the river 7.5 mi.
S of Dyerville. It includes the State Redwood Park office building
and adjacent redwoods.
ken´-tes-cho´-be. Myers Flat, a little over 8 mi. S of
Dyerville, including Myers Roadhouse. The Indians say this place
was never covered with timber.
ses-che´-is-ke. A place 8.7 mi. S of Dyerville, above
ken-tes-cho-be.
s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´. A place 9 mi. S of Dyerville where the
river goes around rocks. [Evidently Eagle Pt.] George Burt once
lived here and his son Guy Burt was born here.
tub´-bel-chin´-tah ch[=a]-gel-k[=o]k. A small creek 10 mi. S
of Dyerville, entering South Fork from the E just S of a bend in
the river. [Evidently Bridge Cr.]
s[=o]l´-te-che. A place at the mouth of Elk Cr., on the E side
of South Fork. Includes the eastern part of Bolling Grove.
s[=o]l-te-k[=o]k. Elk Creek, entering South Fork from the E in
Bolling Grove, 10.3 mi. S of Dyerville.
sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be. A rock in the river at a small bend 11.2
mi. S of Dyerville.
ni´-te´-t[)e] el-lah´-t[)e], "dog drowned" ... A place where a
new bridge is now (1923) being built across South Fork, 12 mi. S of
Dyerville. [Evidently this refers to the bridge at Blair Grove.]
suk´-ke-ch[=o]s kah´-me, "eagle pawn." A big flat on the W
side of the river 12.5 mi. S of Dyerville.
chah´-ni-che´. Another large flat on the W side of the river,
13.5 mi. from Dyerville.
sah-nah´-k[=o]k. Salmon Cr., entering South Fork from the W
nearly opposite Miranda.
kahs´-cho-boo´-ah´-me. This was a small settlement in a flat
at Miranda, 14.5 mi. S of Dyerville.
s[=a]-nan-sung´ (·s[=a]-nan-tsin´-kah). Bear Butte, a
conspicuous peak on the W side of South Fork, about 18 mi. S of
Dyerville.
s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock." A place in the river
16 mi. S of Dyerville.
k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (k[)e]-kes´-k[=o]k). Fish Cr., 16.9 mi. S of
Dyerville.
kin´-tes-tah´-te. A big flat, probably a mile long and very
broad, on the W side of the river, 17.5 mi. S of Dyerville. Just N
of Phillipsville but on the opposite side of the river.
ket´-tin-tel´-be. A flat (now orchard and ranch) and village
on the E side of South Fork, 18 mi. S of Dyerville, at a place now
called Phillipsville. It comprises a fine redwood grove and a good
camping place.
s[)a]-be-y[)e]´. A flat on the E side of the river 0.7 mi. S
of Phillipsville.
A mile south of Phillipsville there is a good view of Garberville Ridge,
s[)e]-chung´-kuk, a fine ridge, part timbered and part open grassy
hillside, which slopes west from Little Buck Mountain, n[=a]-ah-ki´-kah,
the highest point, some distance back on the east.
to-be-y[)e], "prairie under." A small flat on the W side of
the river 1 mi. S of Phillipsville.
yen-nes´-be. A place 1.6 mi. S of Phillipsville.
chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke. A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.
s[)e]´-chin-k[=o]k´. A small stream probably 1.2 mi. S of
Phillipsville. A possibility of error here. If the location is
correct, the stream is probably Ohman Cr.
s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k. A creek 2.1 mi. S of Phillipsville. The
preceding location is probably an error and this is Ohman Cr.
s[)e]-ki´-ke. The land S of s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k Creek,
reaching to 2.5 mi. S of Phillipsville.
s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k, "hard rock creek." Rocky Glen Cr., 2.5 mi.
S of Phillipsville.
ki-tes´-be, "hard brush." A place 2.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.
There is a small ranch and orchard there now (1923).
chan-tan-che´. A place a little more than 3 mi. S of
Phillipsville. There are two big rocks and a creek there.
s[)e]-to´-be. A big rock facing a high bluff 4.3 mi. S of
Phillipsville.
s[=a]-ken-nes´, "talking rock." A big rock on a creek on the W
side of the river, 5.6 mi. S of Phillipsville.
tuk´-ke-tahk. A beautiful open and partly wooded hill on the W
side of the river 6 mi. S of Phillipsville.
tuk´-[)a]-tah´-be. A place on the E side of the river 6 mi. S
of Phillipsville. Named from tuk´-ke-tahk hill.
tahs-ki´-k[=o]k, "white flag creek." Dean Canyon Cr., 6.4 mi.
S of Phillipsville.
tahs-ki´-ke. Village at the mouth of tahs-ki´-k[=o]k creek. It
belongs to the To-kub´-be tribe.
to´-che-be. A flat on the W side of the river 7.8 mi. S of
Phillipsville.
bus´-ken-nes´, "cliff talking." A cliff or bluff opposite
to´-che-be.
stuk´-kan-no´-be. A big semicircular grassy flat on the E side
of the river beginning about 8 mi. S of Phillipsville. The present
town of Redway.
ahn´-chin-tah´-k[=o]k. Redwood Cr.
se´-ken-t[)e]^{ch}-t[)e]. A place 9.5 mi. S of Phillipsville.
sah-nah´-che-chel´-le. A place and creek 9.7 mi. S of
Phillipsville.
bus-ki´-cho. A white bluff on the road 10 mi. S of
Phillipsville.
k[=o]s-kun-tes´-kah. A sloping, grassy, open flat 10.3 mi. S
of Phillipsville. There was a To-kub´-be village here.
ko´-se-che´. The area on both sides of the river 10.6 mi. S of
Phillipsville. Just N of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon.
s[=a]-g[)e]´-ch[)e], "egg rock." A bold upright rock at the
N end of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon; 10.6 mi. S of
Phillipsville.
ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te. A beautiful deep valley on South
Fork just SW of Garberville. The bridge across the river on the way
to Briceland is in this valley.
si-cho´-kuk. A large village of the To-kub´-be near the site
of the bridge across South Fork on the way from Garberville to
Briceland.
nahs-lin´-che. An area and village in a loop of South Fork a
few miles S or SW of Garberville.
ken´-nahl-lag´-gah-k[=o]k (kan´-no-lig´-ah-k[=o]k). East
Branch of the South Fork of the Eel R.
n[=a]-yahn´-kah. A hill on the W side of South Fork near the
bridge over East Branch.
kahs´-cho-so´-be. A place and village on South Fork about 4
mi. S of Garberville and 3 or 4 mi. from the highway. Not in sight
from the highway.
kahs´-cho so´-ning-i´-be. A large redwood flat (Richardson
Grove) on the W side of South Fork on the Humboldt side of the
Humboldt-Mendocino County line.
_West of South Fork Eel_
Bear Buttes sa-nan-sin-kah
Bear River chahn´-k[=o]k
Briceland to-cho´-be
Elk Ridge chi-chin´-kah
Mattole River mouth tah´-che
North Fork Mattole nahn-tsin-tah´-k[=o]k
Rainbow Peak tsa-che-be, tsa-bahng´-um
Rainbow Ridge tsa-bung-ah
Taylor Peak nahn-tsin´-kah
Upper Mattole kun-sah´-ke
_On or near the Van Duzen River_
Alton chen´-n[)a]-che
Bald Jesse Mt. k[=o]ng-kel-tel´-kah
Bridgeville ahn´-sin-tah´-che-be´
Buck Mt. nahn´-tsin´-kah
Carlotta yah-hlahn´-che
Chalk Mt. s[=a]-til-bi´
Chalk Mt. Ridge n[)e]-chin´-tuk-kah,
n[=a]-chin´-t[)a]-kah
Fort Baker s[=a]-sh[=a]-be
Iaqua region k[=o]ng-tel-kil´-k[=o]k
Iaqua Buttes s[)e]^{hl}-kus´-[)a]-kuk
("two points")
Larabee Buttes yah-kah´-nik-kah
(t[)a]´-che-kah)
Larabee Cr. slahn´-ko
Lawrence Cr. yah-tlahn´-k[=o]k
(ye-tah´-nah-ling´-k[=o]k)
Lassik Buttes tse´-nahn-tsin´-kah
Lassik Pk. ki´-chil-kahn-kah
Little Larabee Cr. so´-k[=o]k
Metropolitan yah-hlahn´-kuk
Rohnerville to-ti´-kah
Rio Dell ken-tel-cho´ (kin-tel´-te)
Scotia kahs-cho ken-tel´-te
Showers Pass s[=a]-ch[)a]-be
Van Duzen R. chin´-ne-kok (ken´-ne-kok)
Van Duzen R. mouth kin´-ne-ke
Yager Cr. yah-'hlahn´-k[=o]k
Yagerville chis-sis´-ahn´-tah
ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES
_Lolangkok Sinkyone._--The following notes on the Lolangkok Sinkyone are
taken verbatim from Merriam's notes. The informant was George Burt.
The Lolahnkok did not fight much with other tribes but were
sometimes attacked by the Ch[)e]-teg´-ge-kah of the region north of
Round Valley [Pitch Wailaki]; and they think the Long Valley people
also used to make raids on them to steal women.
Chief Lassik, whose name is often used in a tribal sense,
belonged to the Kittel´ tribe--a tribe reaching from Iaqua south to
Dobbyn Creek [Nongatl].
Chalk Mountain was only a few miles east of the boundary
between the Kittel´ and the Lolahnkok, and the Lolahnkok were
permitted to hunt there.
_Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--Trees are felled by means of elkhorn
chisels called beh-cho, and stone mauls called s[=a]´tah--a very
tedious and laborious operation. When the tree has fallen, the logs
are cut in lengths by the same process. Planks are split off from
these logs by driving the elkhorn wedges into the ends of the logs.
After several planks have been split off, one below the other,
another set is started at right angles to the first.
The dugout canoes are made of redwood logs dug out by means
of the elkhorn chisels. After the greater part of the inside has
been removed, fires are used to char the wood, which is then
scraped away by the chisels. This is continued until the walls of
the dugout are sufficiently thin. The fires are spread out thin in
order not to burn too deeply at any one place.
Buckskin is tanned with deer brains, rubbed on with a stick
rolled in ashes, after which the hide is placed on warm ashes
until dried. It is then soaked and rubbed until soft.
Wild tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovi_) was always used by the
Bull Creek Sinkyone. It was originally found growing on burned-over
places and the people planted the seeds in ashes, usually on a
burned place.
Buckeye nuts, called lah-s[)e]´, were cooked in a basket with
hot stones after the manner of acorns. They were then mashed and
kneaded into dough, which was buried for a while in fine sand.
Wild Ginger (_Asarum_ sp.) is called tan-nas-bos´. It is good
medicine for pain in the stomach. The leaves are pounded and soaked
in cold water. The sick person drinks plenty of this water and
vomits. After a little while he gets well and is hungry and eats.
A species of _Angelica_ is called s[=o]l. If a girl holds off,
rub s[=o]l on your hands, and if you get a chance rub her neck and
she will give in. S[=o]l is strong medicine.
An aromatic _Umbellifer_ (species not identified) is called
s[=o]l´-che-but-tah´; the root, s[=o]l´-che. It is used for
purification and as a disinfectant. The root is burned and the
smoke wafted around to make the house more plentiful. It does not
grow on Bull Creek or South Fork Eel River but grows on Rainbow
Mountain and some of the other high ridges. The root is highly
prized.
The Spotted Owl (_Strix occidentalis caurina_) is called
kah-ko´. He is a bad bird. If he flies close to a person, the
person will faint.
The Dove (_Zenaidura_) is called bi´-yu. His grandmother was
burned to death. Bi´-yu was asked to gamble and replied, "I'll
gamble every winter; in spring and summer I'll cry." Now we always
hear the Dove cry in summer.
The Red-shafted Flicker (_Colaptes cafer_) is called
mun´-chis-bul. He makes a rattling noise in the spring. He was told
that by doing this he would make the horns of the deer grow. He was
told also that when the deer became fat he would grow fat, but the
people fooled him for he did not grow fat.
The Yellow-bird (_Astragalinus tristis_) is called
sin-sun-s[)e]-gahng-ti-ne tahs´-che, "to take away pain." If the
old folks were suffering, they would get him to sing to take the
pain away.
The Kildeer (_Oxyechus vociferus_) is called ni´-til-yi´-che
from the necklace, ni-tal-yah, on its throat. In the long ago time
the water was very high and rough; big waves were coming in and
the people were afraid to cross in their canoes, so they got the
Kildeer to take them. He was a high person among the Water People
and could handle a boat better than any of the others. The people
talked about him and said he was the best and the only one to get
them across. So he took them across and saved them.
The Coyote (_Canis latrans_), called sh[)u]´-b[)e], and the
Shrewmole (_Neürotrichus_ sp.), called ske´-cho, made the world and
the people. The Coyote had a number of children. The Shrewmole said
that when people died they should come back to live again. Coyote
said, "No, there would be too many people; when they die they had
better stay dead." The Shrewmole agreed. After a while Coyote's
children took sick and died. He wanted them to come back to life,
but the Shrewmole said, "No; you said there would be too many
people and you wanted dead people to stay dead, so your children
cannot come back." Then Coyote cried.
The Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_) is called nah´-ke-gis´-chah.
A long time ago he was a doctor. He was able to talk to persons
suffering severe pains and could draw the pain out. He would dance
and sing and pull out the pains and fall back. One time he took a
flint out of a sick person.
In the olden time the people tried to make the Elk (_Cervus
roosevelti_), called y[=e]s´-cho, out of the Cottontail Rabbit
(_Sylvilagus_ sp.). They put horns on his head and sent him into
the brush, but the horns stuck in the bushes and he could not move.
Then the people called him sti´-che and told him he must always
stay in the brush.
The Bat is called nah´-t[)a]-bahn´-se. He wears a robe of bear
hide over his shoulders. A long time ago when the First People were
at war they wanted the Bat to make peace and they hired him to make
peace. The people told him to fix up good. He did so and said, "I
am the one who can talk big." He sang ho-w[=a]´-nah han´-nah. The
enemy agreed, and peace was made.
Our people have songs for the Elk, Deer, Coon, Otter, Mink,
Bat, and some other animals.
Slugs (_Arion columbianus_) are called nah´-tos. To prepare
[them] for eating, a slender stick is thrust through the head to
hold the animal easily. It is then cut open lengthwise on the belly
and the dark insides removed, after which it is dried. When wanted,
it is roasted in hot ashes and eaten.
BOTANICAL NOTES
_Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--These notes are from Sally Bell of the
Briceland-Shelter Cove region.
Acorns of the tanoak (_Lithocarpus densiflora_) form the
principal vegetable food. Hazel nuts also are eaten.
Among the berries used for food are those of the Elder,
Manzanita, Blackberry, Thimbleberry, Strawberry, Huckleberry,
Salal, wild Currant and Gooseberry.
The sprouts of a species of _Angelica_ are eaten raw in spring
and early summer.
The bulb of the large red Tiger Lily is cooked and said to be
very good. The same is true of the handsome _Brodiaea_ sp.
The seeds of the Manroot (_Echinocystis_) are roasted and
eaten. The seeds of _Godetia amoena_ are used for making pinole.
Wild Tobacco does not grow along the coast and is not used.
The Wood Sorrel (_Oxalis_) is used for poultices.
Leaves of the narrow-leaf Iris (_Iris macrosiphon_) are used
for cord and nets and are much better than the leaves of the
broad-leaf species.
MATTOLE
The Mattole occupied the drainage of the Mattole River below the mouth
of Upper North Fork and the coast from Davis Creek south to Spanish Flat.
The village lists of Merriam and Goddard provide a complete picture of
the Mattole settlements but almost nothing is known of them aside from
this. In the Handbook Kroeber reported (1925_a_, p. 142) that "not a
single item of concrete ethnology is on record regarding the Mattole,
other than the statement that they burned their dead." Almost nothing
has been learned since that time, but Nomland (1938) has published a
monograph on the neighboring Bear River group and the culture of the two
groups was no doubt much the same.
The territory of the Mattole lies wholly within the cold coastal
belt and consequently plant food was less abundant and no doubt less
important. The products of the rivers, when taken together with sea
mammals and other creatures caught in the ocean, provided an ample food
supply.
When Kroeber published the Handbook (1925_a_), he lumped the Mattole
proper with the Bear River group. Nomland (1938) and Goddard (1929)
showed that these two groups were distinct. This division is supported
by Merriam's data and I have therefore retained it.
Merriam appears to have spent a comparatively brief time among the
Mattole. The only informant mentioned for this group is a man called
Indian Joe Duncan, who is said to have lived at the mouth of the Mattole
River below Petrolia. Merriam seems to have visited the area in 1923.
His statement on these people, taken verbatim from his notes, follows.
The Bett[=o]l´ or Pet´-t[=o]l´, as they call themselves,
(commonly called Matt[=o]l´), inhabit the coast region from Davis
Creek, about six miles south of Bear River, southerly to Spanish
Flat, which is about 12 miles below the mouth of Mattole River.
Their center of distribution appears to have been the Valley of
Mattole River, at whose mouth the four or five survivors still
reside.
They say that before the Whites came they numbered between 300
and 500 persons.
Their southern boundary, Spanish Flat, is the northern
boundary of the Shelter Cove tribe, which reached thence southerly
to or beyond Bear Harbor. The Matt[=o]l´ say that the Shelter Cove
language is materially different from their own, and different also
from that of the Briceland Tribe, and that the Briceland language
is very hard to speak or understand. They declined to give the name
of either of these tribes.
The eastern boundary of the Matt[=o]l´ I was unable to locate
exactly. They gave it as along or near the west base of Elk
Mountain Ridge, including the Valley of Upper North Fork Mattole
River. At the same time they gave the names of two 'tribes' or
bands as inhabiting the Rainbow Ridge and Elk Ridge region. The
Elk Ridge tribe they call S[)a]-bahng-kahng, the Rainbow Ridge
people S[)e]-tso´-ik (from S[)e]-tso-[=e]k, Rainbow Peak). There is
uncertainty as to the relations and geographic locations of these
bands.
The tribe inhabiting the coast at Needle Rock they call
E´-l[)e]-tung. It is the same as the Shelter Cove tribe.
TRIBELETS
According to Merriam's data, the people at Cooskie Creek in the southern
part of Mattole territory form a distinct band. This agrees with
Goddard's village data, and Goddard also assigns to this group some
of the villages on the upper Mattole. There is no evidence of further
subdivision.
VILLAGES
Most of the information on villages of the Mattole is taken from
Goddard's notes. (See map 14.). In addition, there are a few data
recorded by Merriam. Below, Goddard's information is indicated by (G),
Merriam's by (M).
1. sitc[=i]b[=i]' (named from sand bar?) (G). On the S side of
Domingo Cr. nearly a mile from the surf. The county road leaves the
coast at this point. Plenty of signs of occupation but no definite
pits.
2. sesnoik[=o]', "rocks stand up creek" (G). About 1/2 mi. E
of the line of the surf, close to the hill through which the stream
in McNutt Gulch comes from the SE. A large quantity of cooking
stones and shells have been exposed by the blowing away of the
soil. Salmon run in the creek.
3. sesn[=o]t, "rocks stand up" (G). N of a large rock which
is 30 or 50 ft. higher than the surrounding sand. Another large
rock stands 300 yds. W, with a chain of rocks and ledge running
out into the surf. Many shells and stones mark the village site.
This village stood in the middle of a 2-mi. stretch of sandy beach,
which reaches from gotxenin to a mile N of this village.
4. sedjildaxdiñ (G). Close up under the hill. The wind has
carried away the soil, leaving a great pile of shells. Just S, a
stream comes down the hillside with only a gulch [La Rue Gulch], no
valley.
5. gotxenin (G). Known to white people as Mussel Rancheria. On
a bench with Peter B. Gulch at the southern end and La Rue Gulch in
the middle. A great quantity of shells were to be seen but no pits.
Joe said the houses were scattered along for nearly a mile. Many
rocks are in the surf.
6. ne'bitt'a, "earth fold" (G). On a bench 1/2 mi. long in a
cove a mile N of the mouth of Mattole R. There is a creek at the S
end, a small gulch in the middle, and a larger one at the N end.
These probably furnished water in winter. Joe said the houses were
scattered along the whole length of the bench. [It is likely that
this is part of no. 5.] Between 500 and 800 yds. from the shore is
a large flat rock (tciyatcise) occupied by sea lions. The Indians
used to swim to it and club the sea lions to death. They kept a
fire going near a rock on shore to warm themselves afterward.
7. seb[=i]ye (G). Perched on the steep mountainside just N of
the mouth of the Mattole R. At the southern end two pits could be
made out in the weeds. Slides had covered or taken away most of the
evidences of occupation. The trail was evident and pieces of lumber
were still lying about. The village was not burned, according to
Joe. The burying place is 100 yds. N on a separate bench of the
same mountainside.
s[)a]-be´-ah (M). On the ocean beach 1 mi. N of the mouth of
the Mattole.
Goddard and Merriam do not give quite the same location for
these villages but Merriam's description is vague and the names are
evidently the same.
[Illustration: Map 14. Villages and tribelets of the Mattole.]
8. beken[=o]'adiñ (G). This was 300 yds. S of the mouth of
the Mattole R. and 100 yds E of the present surf line. There is an
elevation of broken shells and other refuse on the sandy beach. Joe
Duncan remembers seeing the village when it was inhabited.
9. lasaidûk (G). On the sand of the beach 1/3 mi. S of the
mouth of Mattole R., the second village S of there. The wind has
blown the sand and soil away exposing the shell fragments.
10. dzindiñ (G). By the mouth of a small stream 3/4 mi. S of
the mouth of the Mattole R.
11. sastecdiñ (G). On a small bench N of a little stream a
mile S of the mouth of the Mattole R. Fragments of shells were to
be seen.
12. senalindiñ (G). About a mile and a half S of the mouth of
the Mattole R.; on a small flat with a point of land S of it and a
rocky bluff to the E. Broken shells are to be seen. There are now a
hut and corral on this flat. The point S, a part of Punta Gorda, is
called "Windy Point"; sevinnagintcidin is the Indian name.
13. kailistc[=i] (G). A flat of 3 or 4 ac. immediately N of
the mouth of Four-mile Cr., about 2-1/2 mi. S of the mouth of the
Mattole R.
14. saitc[=i]bi^{=e=} (G). On a bench on the coast S of a bold
headland. A small stream here [Lion Gulch] has a large delta of
gravel. This was the southernmost of the villages of the Mattole R.
tribelet. A house and barn said to belong to John Mackey are on a
higher bench.
15. bitc[=i]b[=i]' (G). On the N side of Cooskie Cr. (called
k[=u]sk[=i]c by the Indians), 1/4 mi. from its mouth. Unlike
most such streams, this one has something of a valley behind the
bordering sea wall, through a gap in which it reaches the ocean.
Salmon enter it. This was the northernmost village of the Cooskie
tribelet.
koos-ke (ko^{ch}kshe) (M). A very large band and village
("hundreds of people") formerly on Cooskie Cr. on or near the coast
2-1/2 mi. SE of Punta Gorda Lighthouse. Joe Duncan said these were
the most warlike people of the region.
16. dec[=i] (G). On a large flat in a cove on the coast,
immediately N of Spanish Flat. A row of shallow but evident pits
are to be seen 200 yds. S of the northern end of the flat.
17. y[=i]nak[=i] (y[=i]natc[=i]) (G). On a flat, called
Spanish Flat, 3/4 mi. long and 300 yds. wide between the ocean and
the terrace. It has a creek at its southern end (Spanish Cr.),
with a large deposit of gravel which has almost entirely buried a
group of buildings. Plenty of evidence of Indian occupation but no
decided pits. It is said to have been a very large village. The
men of this village were killed by a band of white men who came
down from the mouth of the Mattole R., which they had likewise
occupied. An Indian ran down the coast to give warning but arrived
too late. The women also were killed some years later.
18. seyetc[=i] (G). On a bench at the W end of a flat on the N
side of the Mattole R. about a mile from its mouth.
19. sedanadaaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E end of the same flat
on which seyetc[=i] is situated. The site is now said to have been
washed away.
20. daxdeginkatik (G). On a rocky timbered point which is an
extension of the hills N of the Mattole R. This point is 25 ft.
higher than the main flat, called nestik. Several indistinct pits
are still to be seen. The Goff buildings are close by and occupy
part of the village site. This flat was plowed for the Indians in
186..(?). There is water in a gulch W (Jim Goff Gulch).
nes-te´-be (M). On the present Goff Ranch on a bench on the N
side of the Mattole R., about 3 mi. upstream from the ocean.
The names are different but the locations are identical, so
these are no doubt the same village.
21. daaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the SW part of the large flat W of
Petrolia, on the S side of the river. It was here that the Indians
settled when they came back from the reservation.
seb´-bin-ne bug´-gah-be (M). An acorn camp on the S side of
the Mattole R. a little below the present Hanson place, 3 mi. from
the mouth of the river.
The locations for these two villages are the same but the
descriptions are obviously different. It may be that this was
an acorn camp in pre-white times and was subsequently used as a
village site when the preferred land had been taken by the settlers.
22. bisyet'ob[=i]^{=e=}, "slide place" (G). On a point on the
N side of the Mattole R. W of Petrolia, overlooking Wright's place.
Buckeye and peppernut trees are growing there. It has fine exposure
toward the S. There are pits still to be seen.
23. tcegiltcexb[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E bank of the North
Fork of the Mattole R.; the site is now included in the village of
Petrolia. It is said to have been a large village.
24. s[=o]Lkaiye (G). On a large flat on the W side of the
North Fork of the Mattole, E of the road to Ferndale. A white man's
house, on a higher flat near the creek, has been burned. It was
here the Indian village stood.
25. djetxeniñ (G). On the N side of the North Fork of the
Mattole just W of a creek flowing into it from the N. It is at the
western end of a long crooked canyon. Under a point were five very
large distinct pits. There were evidences of occupation on the
point above (the creek is called Wild Goose Cr.?).
26. djinsibbai, "elbow" (G). In the bed of the North Fork of
McNutt Gulch. The inhabitants of sitc[=i]cb[=i] (no. 1) camped here
in summer to hunt. Timber and brush.
27. djibbedaxtûkkab[=i]^{=e=} (G). On a point on the S side of
North Fork of Mattole R. Opposite djetxeniñ. Joe saw people living
here when he ran away from the white man who was taking him away
for a slave.
28. natsinnadaat (G). At the junction of two streams which
make up the North Fork of the Mattole (North Fork Mattole and East
Branch, North Fork Mattole). The stream valleys are wide. The
northern one (North Fork Mattole) is badly washed out, as is also
the main valley of the combined streams. A group of ranch buildings
belonging to Si Minor now occupies the village site, and Billy Wood
once lived there. There was a pit on the W side of the stream from
the N and two pits on the N side of the main stream 1/4 mi. below
the junction.
29. sedjegûnk[=o][-l]diñ, "right angle" (?) (G). On a flat on
the N side of the Mattole R. E of the bridge. It is now occupied by
John Evarts.
30. djegaslinab[=i]^{=e=} (G). At the mouth of the creek
flowing into the Mattole R. from the N, 3/4 mi. W of the county
bridge SE of Petrolia (Conklin Cr.).
31. da[-l]oidiñ, "wild grape place" (?) (G). At the mouth of
a creek (Indian Cr.) flowing into the Mattole R. from the SE at
the northern end of a flat nearly a mile long. Saw what may have
been pits, one on each side of the road by the duck pond near the
buildings belonging to Cummings. This was the northernmost village
of the Cooskie tribelet.
32. djan[=o]ldin (G). On a bench 1/8 mi. long and 200 yds.
wide on the E side of Mattole R., which here flows N. It is at the
ford.
33. saiq[=o]tLûndiñ (G). On a long flat bordering the eastern
side of the Mattole R. Joe said the village was at the southern end
of the flat, which is now owned by Lee Minor.
34. g[=o]danindjaib[=i] (G). Just E of the mouth of Squaw Cr.,
a large stream flowing into the Mattole R. from the S. The regular
inhabitants were joined by others, who camped here to gather acorns.
35. n[=o]willeneb[=i] (G). On a large flat on the E side of
Mattole R. upstream from the mouth of Squ
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