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Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes

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Title: Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes

Editor: Joseph Hall


        
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECTIONS FROM EARLY MIDDLE ENGLISH, 1130-1250. PART 2: NOTES ***

[This text is the “Notes” volume accompanying _Selections from Early
Middle English_, Project Gutenberg e-text 26413. There is no Index
or Glossary, so the notes to each selection can be treated as a
free-standing unit.

The text includes characters that require UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding,
including:

  Ȝ ȝ; ƿ ⁊ (yogh; wynn, Tironian ampersand and similar)
  ꝥ (thorn þ with stroke, unicode A765)
  ǣ ē ẹ etc. (vowels with less common diacritics)
  ἅπ. λεγ. (Greek)

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Transliterations of Greek words and phrases (rare) are given at the end
of the sections in which they occur.

_Unusual Forms_ are represented with brackets:

  [ ] half-width space, used between prefix and main verb
  [g] Orm’s special “g”
  [;] inverted semicolon

The first two are rare in this Notes volume; all three are common in the
primary text. All other brackets are in the original.

_Cross-References_ such as “see p. 123” or “see 12/34” (page/line) come
in several forms:

  -- Page numbers up to 222 refer to the primary text. See table of
  contents in the main volume for pagination; line numbers refer to
  the text, not to the physical page.
  -- The form “12/34 note”, and all higher page numbers (223 and up),
  refer to the present volume. The first kind are linenotes; the
  second refer to some earlier text’s notes, identified by physical
  line number. These references have been individually identified.

_Typography:_ Partial-word italics representing editorial expansions are
shown in braces as “mi{n}e”. Other italics are shown conventionally with
_lines_. Other markings:

  #boldface#
  =letter-spaced= (never adjacent to = signs)
  ^superscript (always continues to end of word)
  {1} {2} (subscript, only used with numerals 1 and 2)

_Errors and Inconsistencies:_ Formatting of less common characters such
as þ and ȝ has been silently corrected to agree with the rest of the
text. Inconsistent punctuation in subheaders (“#Accidence:#” and
similar) has been silently regularized. Other typographical errors are
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is an appropriately sized gap, but the letter or punctuation mark itself
is absent. Note that text format (bold or italic) has semantic meaning
in this volume.

Editorial corrections listed in the Corrigenda have been made in the
text. The page as printed is retained for completeness. Some
inconsistencies that were left as printed are listed at the end of the
full e-text.

The work cited as “NED.” is now known as OED.]




  SELECTIONS FROM
  EARLY MIDDLE ENGLISH

  1130-1250

  EDITED WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES
  by
  JOSEPH HALL
  M.A., HON. D.LITT., Durham University

  PART II: NOTES

  OXFORD
  at the Clarendon Press
  M CM XX




  Oxford University Press
  London   Edinburgh   Glasgow   New York
  Toronto   Melbourne   Cape Town   Bombay

  Humphrey Milford
  Publisher to the University




PREFACE


The order of the vowels in the phonological sections follows Bülbring’s
Altenglisches Elementarbuch, that of the consonants, Sievers’ Old
English Grammar, translated by Cook. The basis of comparison is Early
West Saxon. The object of these sections has been to provide collections
for the interpretation of the teacher. In accidence Sievers has been
followed generally, but Zupitza’s classification of the strong verbs has
been adopted for convenience of use with Bülbring’s Geschichte der
Ablaute. In the literature sections books marked with an asterisk are
those which the student will find more immediately useful.

This book has been a long time in preparation; it will perhaps help to
excuse some lack of uniformity if it be known that a great part of the
notes was in type by the end of 1915.

  J. H.
  WOODSTOCK,
  _January, 1920_.




CORRIGENDA.


225/39. Omit stop after Orm here and elsewhere.

231/1. unseihte represents #unsæht#

249/8. After &c., add wart 122

250/31. Add wart

253/27. Omit comma after sc͞i

254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden
sona þas landes, appears to me certain.

263/31. wile

266/26. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȳsendnesse#)

266/27. #ā# + #w#

271/13. #sǣdon#

312/36. After Bodleian add (D)

318/37. #gēar#

356/1. C 6

396/6. Add with before which

428/14. Add _ia_ in giarked 84

428/38. #tōgēanes#

457/8. Add #hn# to _n_ before nap

567/13. nyht, 160/185


  _Errata_

  Omit stop after Orm
    [_superfluous . (“Orm.”) occurs 21 times in the text. Corrections
    are not individually noted_]
  254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration ...
    [_the reference is to the note for l. 20, i.e. line 16 of the
    printed page_]




NOTES


#Abbreviations:# AR Ancren Riwle, ed. Morton; Archiv [für das Studium
der neueren Sprachen]; BH Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris; CM Cursor
Mundi, ed. Morris; ES Englische Studien; GE Genesis and Exodus, ed.
Morris; HM Hali Meidenhad, ed. Cockayne; KH King Horn, ed. Hall; L
Layamon, ed. Madden; NED New English Dictionary; OEH i Old English
Homilies, ed. Morris First Series; OEH ii Second Series; OEM Old English
Miscellany, ed. Morris; ON Owl and Nightingale, ed. Wells; PRL
Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, second edition; SJ
St. Juliana, ed. Cockayne; SK St. Katherine, ed. Einenkel; SM St.
Marherete, ed. Cockayne; VV Vices and Virtues, ed. Holthausen.


  _Erratum_

  SM St. Marherete, ed. Cockayne
    [_spelling as in Cockayne_]




I. WORCESTER FRAGMENTS


A

#Manuscript:# Worcester Cathedral Library, 174. It consists of sixty-six
leaves of vellum, ‘which had been cut and pasted together to form covers
for a book in the Cathedral archives’ (Catalogue of the Chapter Library,
ed. Floyer and Hamilton, Oxford, 1906). Its contents are (1) an
incomplete copy of Ælfric’s Grammar and Glossary, used by Zupitza for
his edition of the text (Berlin, 1880); (2) the scrap here marked A; (3)
the pieces B and C with five more fragments of the same poem. A
completes the page on which the glossary ends, and B is on the verso of
the leaf. The leaves have been slightly shorn at one side and reduced at
top and bottom, but probably to no great extent: the conjectural
complement, which is here printed within square brackets, is for the
most part fairly obvious, the more so as portions of the lost letters
often remain. The whole MS. is in the same large square hand, but the
pieces in verse, which are written continuously, like prose, are less
carefully executed. The handwriting is of the second half of the twelfth
century, perhaps about 1180 A.D. The Latin headings are not in the MS.

#Editions:# Phillipps, Sir T., Fragment of Ælfric’s Grammar, &c.,
London, 1838; Wright, T., Biographia Britannica Literaria, AS. Period,
p. 59, 60, London, 1842 (omits the last four lines); Varnhagen, H.,
Anglia, iii. pp. 423-25.

#Phonology:# The scribe is mainly faithful to the orthography of his
original, which was in Anglo-Saxon script (as is shown by _Sipum_ for
_Ripum_) and older language. He still uses the rune for _w_. His
spelling wavers between old and new, #ǣ# survives in ilærde, lærden,
læreþ, beside _e_ in ilerde, weren; #ea# persists in wireceastre, but
wincæstre, rofecæstre; the inflection is not levelled in leodan, but
leoden, hoteþ, losiæþ (æ = e). Drihten represents an OE. form in i; #ie#
is _e_ in derne; #ā# is _o_ in hoteþ, _eo_ (= _o_) in leore. OE. #æ# +
#g# is _æi_ in fæire, fæier, sæiþ; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in lorþeines; #ēo#
+ #h# is _i_ in liht; #ēa# + #h#, _eih_ in unwreih. Bocare goes back to
late OE. #bōcre#; #c# is written _ch_ in wisliche; #sć# [š] is still
_sc_ in sceolen.

#Accidence:# The def. article is _s. n. neut._ þet 17, 19; _s. a. f._ þa
5; _pl. n._ þeo 3, 17; _pl. d._ þen 19; _pl. a._ þeo 4. Noteworthy nouns
are the mutation _pl._ bec 7; diȝelnesse, _s. a._ 5; leoden, _pl. n._ 3,
18, leodan, _pl. a._ 15 (weak forms); leore, _pl. n._ 17. The relatives
are þe, þeo 18 (as in L 257, 2999), þet 3: the demonstrative þis, _pl.
n. neut._ 22, þeos, _pl. n. m._ 15, _pl. a. m._ 9 (properly a _sing._
form): possessives, ure 9, 15, 18; heore 16. Glod 16 is a weak preterite
beside strong #glēow#, but the cognate forms in other languages are
weak, and this may be a borrowing from the Norse (NED _s.v._).

French are questiuns, probably its first appearance, and feþ 23, with
its peculiar monophthong (OF. feid in which _d_ was the spirant [ð]);
comp. 8/91 note.

#Dialect:# Middle or Western South.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line, of somewhat rude construction, without
transitional rhymes or assonances. The alliteration extends mostly to
two consonants, sometimes to three, as 5, 17; l. 16 is pure syllabic
verse. The scribe sometimes misplaced the pause stop, as at 9, and
sometimes omitted it.

#Introduction:# In this scrap, some English patriot laments the
wholesale substitution of foreign prelates for English under William the
Conqueror. At the end of 1070 A.D. there were only two native bishops,
Wulfstan at Worcester and Siward at Rochester. This may point roughly to
the time, as the preponderance of names connected with Winchester to the
place, of the composition. The absence of the names of Wulfstan, Bishop
of Worcester (1002-1016 A.D.) and Archbishop of York (1002-1023), the
author of the Homilies; of Wærferth, Bishop of Worcester (872-915),
translator of Pope Gregory’s Dialogues; of the later Wulfstan
(1062-1095), under whose rule there was great activity in the collection
and transcription of Homilies and other literature in English (Keller,
W., Die litterarischen Bestrebungen von Worcester in AS. Zeit, p. 64);
together with the writer’s ignorance of the North, shows that it was not
composed at Worcester. And the mistakes in Sipum 1/11 and heoueshame
1/12 would hardly be made by a Worcester transcriber.

The heading is from Numbers xxvii. 17.

2. #⁊# = and: _ond_ apparently does not occur in the twelfth century.
[#writen#]: Varnhagen supplies _bec_. Comp. ‘þa writen me beoð to
icume,’ L 9131. #awende#. Bede translated into English the Gospel of S.
John and some extracts from Isidore (Baedae Opera Historica, ed.
Plummer, i. pp. lxxv, clxii).

3. #ꝥ . . . þurh#, by which. The preposition separated from its relative
and placed with the verb is common in ME. See Anklam, Das Englische
Relativ im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert, pp. 15-19, 44-6. Comp. in these
texts, _þet . . . bi_, 72/182; _inne_, 84/45, 131/104; _of_, 38/155,
66/96, 116, 117/8, 139/11, 211/476; _on_, 96/53, 179/112; _to_, 142/75,
79, 143/98; _þe . . . embe_, 81/77; _inne_, 11/3, 4; _mide_, 81/79;
_offe_, 85/84; _one_, 83/9, 119/73; _to_, 96/54; _uppe_, 84/71; _þer
. . . in_, 7/59, 54/1, 147/148; _of_, 64/61; _on_, 106/210; _to_, 89/32;
_wið_, 48/300. Similarly _hem . . . to_, 193/564; _þa . . . to_, 96/58.

4. #C[not]ten#: completed by Holthausen, Archiv, cvi. 347. Comp.
‘siȝewulf . . hine befran . . be ȝehwylcum cnottum þe he sylf ne cuþe,’
Interrogationes Sigewulfi, ed. MacLean, 58/12; ‘Ich habbe uncnut summe |
of þeos cnotti cnotten,’ SK 1150, 1; and 202/168. With #unwreih#, comp.
‘Ac Augustinus se wisa us onwreah þas deopnysse,’ AS. Homilien, ed.
Assmann, 5/103; ‘him þa toweardæn þing unwreah ⁊ swytelode,’ Twelfth
Cent. Hom. 98/17; Cursor, 22445. #questiuns#: probably Bede’s In Libros
Regum Quaestiones Triginta, answering questions put by Nothelm (Plummer,
p. cli). But there appears to have been a work known as Bedae
Quaestiones in utrumque Testamentum (Plummer, clv note), and there may
be a reference to such of his commentaries as were replies to the
queries of Acca, Bishop of Hexham. #hoteþ#: Wright supplies _we_ after
_þe_ as in 6, but _hoteþ_ may mean here ‘are called,’ though the passive
sense is commoner in Central than in Early ME.

5. #derne diȝelnesse#. Comp. ‘Þatt dærne diȝhellnesse | Þatt writenn
wass þurrh Moysæn,’ Orm 12945; and 125/296.

6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114, pp.
xxii-xliv. The writer appears not to know his translations of Joshua,
Judges, Esther, and possibly Job. His identification of Aelfric with
Alcuin, who liked to call himself Albinus, is possibly due, as MacLean
suggests, to the former having translated Alcuin’s Sigewulfi
Interrogationes (p. 47, and Anglia, vi. pp. 463, 4).

7. #bocare#. Comp. ‘Beda, se mæra bocere,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann,
22/210. [#fif#]: supplied by Varnhagen.

8. #Vtronomius#: probably a blunder, but possibly an original attempt at
abbreviation. Or the writer may have had in mind the explanation given
in De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae, ‘Deuteronomium, hoc est,
iterationem Legis,’ S. Augustini Op., iii. App. p. 13a. Observe that he
places the title next to Exodus; he would know from Jerome’s preface
that it means ‘secunda lex.’ #Numerus#: so Ælfric, ‘on Lyden Numerus and
on Englisc Getel,’ Grein’s Prosa, i. p. 179.

10. #þet weren.# Comp. for the singular of the demonstrative, 80/35:
‘Soðlice ða eagan þæt bioð ða lareowas, & se hrycg þæt sint ða
hiremenn,’ Gregory’s Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, 28/12; ‘hwet beoð þas vii
ȝeate? Det beoð ure egan,’ OEH i. 127/29. Sometimes the verb also is
singular, as at 76/8. Similarly _hit_, _it_, 117/13, 190/450. #bodeden#:
this verb usually takes an acc. as here, so 15/86; ‘bodian þa soðen
ileafen,’ OEH i. 97/31; but ‘bodiende umbe godes riche,’ id. 95/19.

11. #Wilfrid#, Bishop of York, _d._ 709. #Ripum#: Ripon; Beda’s Inhrypum
(Plummer, i. 183, ii. 104). #Johan of beoferlai#, Bishop of York, _d._
721. He is commonly associated with the foundation of a monastery at
Beverley in Yorkshire, but see Memorials of Beverley Minster, Surtees
Society, 1898, pp. xv-xix. Beverley is Beoforlic in AS. Chron. MS. D 721
(but written about 1070 A.D.); Beoferlic in MS. E; Bevrelie in Domesday
(see Stolze, Zur Lautlehre der AE. Ortsnamen im Domesday Book, p. 28,
and Zachrisson, Anglo-Norman Influence on English Place-Names, p. 152).
#Cuþb[ert]#, Cudberct, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 687. Dunholm occurs
in AS. Chron. MS. D 1056 as the oldest name; Durham descends from AN.
Dureme. The episcopal mint from Beke 1283 A.D. to Langley 1437 A.D. has
Dunholm, Dunelm, and Dureme indifferently. The seal of Richard de
Marisco (1217-1226) has Dunholmensis. Comp. Zachrisson, 133-5. #Oswald#,
Bishop of Worcester, 962-91, Archbishop of York, 972-91, _d._ 992 (see
Keller, pp. 11-21). For Latin books attributed to him, see Wright,
Biographia, i. pp. 466, 7. Worcester in AS. Charters is Wigeran or
Wiogeran Ceaster, also Wigernaceaster, Wigraceaster; in Domesday,
Wirecestre. #Egwin#, Bishop of the Hwiccas, i.e. see of Worcester;
founder of the Abbey of Evesham, _d._ 717 A.D. For works attributed to
him, see Wright, Biographia, i. p. 227. #heoueshame#: in Domesday
Evesham; in the foundation charter Egwin writes, ‘In quo loco (i.e.
Ethomme) quum beata Virgo Maria cuidam pastori gregum, Eoves nomine,
comparuisset (ob cujus viri sanctitatem eundem locum Eoveshamiam
nuncupavi),’ Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, ed. Macray, p. 18.
#æl[dhelm]#, Abbot of Malmesbury and Bishop of Sherborne, _d._ 709 A.D.
(Plummer’s Bede, ii. pp. 308, 9). William of Malmesbury says in his
Gesta Pontificum, p. 336, ‘nativae quoque linguae non negligebat
carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi . . . nulla umquam aetate par ei
fuerit quisquam.’ He is said to have translated the Psalms. #Swiþþun#,
Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 862. #æþelwold#, pupil of S. Dunstan, Abbot
of Abingdon, Bishop of Winchester, 963, _d._ 984 A.D. In the Latin Life
by Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan, it is recorded, ‘Dulce namque erat ei
adolescentes et iuvenes semper docere, et latinos libros anglice eis
solvere,’ Acta Sanctorum, August, i. p. 94. His translation of the Rule
of S. Benedict was edited by Schröer in the Bibliothek der AS. Prosa,
ii. Kassel, 1885-8. #Aidan#, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 651. #Biern#:
Birinus, Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 650. The spelling with _ie_ appears
to be analogic with the _i_-umlaut in such words as #ierre#, and so to
belong to the scribe’s original. #wincæstre#: in the Chronicle, anno
744, Wintanceaster; Venta Civitas in Bede. #[Pau]lin#, Paulinus, the
Missionary Bishop of York, and, after 634 A.D., Bishop of Rochester,
seems more likely than the less-known Cuichelm, Bishop of Rochester,
suggested by Wright. The MS. has _lin_ not _lm_. #rofecæstre#: in AS.
Chronicle, anno 604, Hrofesceaster; ‘in ciuitate Dorubreui, quam gens
Anglorum a primario quondam illius, qui dicebatur Hrof, Hrofæscæstræ
cognominat,’ Beda, i. 85. #Dunston#. S. Dunstan was Bishop of Worcester,
957-9, Bishop of London, 958, 959, Archbishop of Canterbury, 959, _d._
988. #ælfeih#: S. Ælfheah, succeeded Æþelwold as Bishop of Winchester in
984 A.D., became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1006, and was martyred by
the Danes in 1012 A.D. #cantoreburi#: a French spelling, as Canteberi,
10/174; contrast Cantuarabirȝ, 11/4. L has still Cantuarie buri, 94/15;
Cantwareburi, 2821; where O has Cantelburi.

15. #on englisc#, repeating 9. The writer does not mean that all these
produced works in English, but only to contrast them with
French-speaking clerics.

16. Comp. ‘Si ergo lumen, quod in te est, tenebrae sunt, ipsae tenebrae
quantae erunt?’ S. Matt. vi. 23.

17. #nu is#: so Wright and Varnhagen, but read _nu beoþ_; for _beo
lore_, those teachings, is plural.

19. #lorþeines#, teachers, apparently an ἅπ. λεγ., of which the second
element represents OE. #þegn#, servant, disciple. Comp. the usual
‘larþawes,’ 15/82, ‘lorþeu,’ 20/68, ‘lorþeawes,’ 84/61, ‘larðewes,’ OEH
ii. 41/28 (OE. *#lārðēowas#), ‘lareaw,’ OEH i. 241/21 (OE. #lārēow#).
#losiæþ#, in the rarer intransitive use, perish. Comp. ‘ꝥ þa men ne
losien, þe on him ilyfæð,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 2/31, 34/1, 38/23; ‘þenne
losiað fele saulen,’ OEH i. 117/18. #forþ mid#, together with, also
with, here in the rare adverbial use. Comp. ‘þenne losiað fele saulen ⁊
he seolf forð mid for his ȝemeleste,’ OEH i. 117/18; ‘& him seolf þer
forð mide,’ L 608. It is common as a preposition, as at 40/176, 77/55,
195/611; ‘his þenegas forð mid him þe he þyder brohte,’ Ælf. Lives, i.
528/645; ‘forswoleȝeð þene hoc forð mid þan ese,’ OEH i. 123/11.

20. ‘Sicut aquila provocans ad volandum pullos suos, et super eos
volitans, expandit alas suas, et assumpsit eum, atque portavit in
humeris suis,’ Deut. xxxii. 11, spoken of God’s care and training of his
people. See Bozon, Contes Moralisés, p. 60, for an elaborate application
of the text.

22. #to worlde asende.# Comp. ‘fram Gode hider on world sended,’ BH
209/23.

23. [#festen# &c.]. Comp. 190/438, 10/154. The sense required is, That
we should put our full trust in him.


  _Greek_

  ἅπ. λεγ.  [hap. leg.]
    [_short for ἁπαξ λεγόμενον [hapax legomenon], “something that has
    been said only once”, i.e. an otherwise unattested form_]

  _Errata_

  #Editions:# ... London, 1842 (omits the last four lines);
    [_text has : for ;_]
  6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114
    [E.E.T.S., O.S.]
  11. ... Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan
    [Wulstan: _spelling “Wulfstan” used everywhere else_]
  20. ... Contes Moralisés, p. 60  [Moralises]


B, C

#Manuscript:# As for A, p. 223.

#Editions:# Phillipps, as above; Singer, S. W., The Departing Soul’s
Address to the Body, London, 1845; Haufe, E., Die Fragmente der Rede der
Seele an den Leichnam, Gryphiswaldiae, 1880; Buchholz, R., Die Fragmente
der Reden der Seele an den Leichnam, Erlangen, 1889; afterwards enlarged
in *Erlanger Beiträge, ii. 6. 1890.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Worcester Fragment=. Haufe, E., Anglia, iv.
237 (emendations); Holthausen, F., Anglia, xiv. 321 (emendations);
Kaluza, M., Litteraturblatt, ii. 92; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 78
(review of Buchholz). (2) =of the Desputisoun=. Heesch, G., Language and
Metre, Kiel, 1884; Holthausen, F., Anglia, Beiblatt, iii. 302; Kaluza,
M., Litteraturblatt, xii. 12; *Kunze, O., Critical Text, Berlin, 1892;
Linow, W., Erlangen, 1889, edition enlarged in Erlanger Beiträge, i. 1.
1889; Mätzner, E., AE. Sprachproben, i. 90-103; Varnhagen, H., Anglia,
ii. 225-52; Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 84. (3) =of the Legend in
general=. *Batiouchkof, Th., Romania, xx. 236; Bruce, J. D., Modern
Language Notes, v. col. 385-401; Dudley, Louise, The Egyptian Elements
in the Legend of the Body and Soul, Bryn Mawr, 1911; id. An Early Homily
on the ‘Body and Soul’ Theme, Journal of English and Germanic Philology,
April, 1909; Gaidoz, H., Revue Celtique, x. 463-70; Kleinert, G., Halle,
1880; Paris, Gaston, Romania, ix. 311-14; Varnhagen, H., Anglia, ii.
225, iii. 569; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, xci. 369.

#Phonology:# For an account dealing with all the seven fragments see
Buchholz: what follows is based on the two here printed, with
references, where necessary, to his text of the other five.

Oral #a# is _a_, so ac, farene, habban: #a# before nasals usually _o_,
as from, mon, but _a_ in licame (wavering characteristic of the Middle
South): #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, as honden, imong, longe,
psalm-songe. #æ# is _a_ after _w_, as was, watere D 12, but nes D 19;
otherwise _e_, as crefte, þene (OE. #þænne#), þet, but the traditional
spelling survives in æt, æfter D 42, goldfæten, igædered, gæderedest
(OE. #gæderian#), þæs, wræcche (OE. #wræcca#), wrænches G 48 (OE.
*#wrænc#). Messe is a French loan-word. #e# is regularly _e_, as bedde,
heui, met, þenchen, wel, &c., but _i_ in siggen F 7, siggeþ G 34
(characteristic of South-East and Kent). #i# is regularly _i_, as him,
nimen, willæn; it is _u_ after _w_ in nulleþ, wulleþ C 35; but _i_ in
wihte D 3, nowiht D 19. #o# is regularly _o_, as bodeþ, iboren,
sorhliche; before nasal, onȝean C 6; after _w_, woldest D 50, noldest,
iwurþen F 46; but _a_ in aȝan C 18. _eo_ is written for _o_ in feorþsiþ.
#œ# (o + i) is _eo_ in seoruhfule, seorhful, seoruhliche, &c., neose.
#u# is regularly _u_, as biwunden, cumeþ, ful, tunge, &c., but _o_ in
iworþen F 45 after _w_. #y# is _u_, as ifulled, ikunde, lutiȝ, sunne,
ufel, wunne, wurmes, but _y_ is preserved in synne F 33: iflut 2/30 is
Scandinavian, OWScand. flytja; drihtenes 4/33, kinges E 39 descend from
OE. forms in _i_.

#ā# is normally _o_, as bon, loc, more, sor, woniende; but _a_ is often
preserved as þa 2/18, lac 4/25, mare E 39, wa F 4. _eo_ is written for
_o_ in þeo 2/2, greoning, greoneþ; and _oa_ in woaning 2/15, woaneþ
2/25, is an attempt to express graphically the [a^o] sound. Þe [ȝet] E
3, 36 occurs twice beside þa, þo. OE. #wāwa# gives weowe 2/7. #ǣ{1}#
(WG. ai + i) is mostly _æ_, idæled, tæcheþ, ilærede, and before two
consonants, ilæsteþ, æffre; but _e_ in bideled C 32, ilered G 29,
ilesteþ, efre D 41, þen (= OE. #þǣm#) 3/36. It is exceptionally _a_ in
þam C 25, facen (OE. #fǣcne#) G 10, atterne G 17. In bileafen D 6, _ea_
is written for _æ_. #ǣ{2}# (WG. ā) is still _æ_ in þær, þærof, wæde,
grædie, wære E 28, but commonly _e_, þerinne, seten, beden, were,
misdeden, gredi. _a_ is exceptional in hwar 3/4, 5, 7, 9, 10 (= OE.
#hwār#). #ē# is usually _e_, swetnesse, þe, 2/2, me, ne, also before
nasals, fenge, icwemdest. #ī# is normally _i_, bi, lif, iwiteþ, liþ,
hwile, &c., but after _w_ it is _u_ in hwule, swuþe: hwui 4/17 beside
hwi D 22 is an attempt to express more fully the sound of _w_. #ō# is
normally _o_, to, moder, flore, &c. #œ̄# is _eo_ in weopinde 2/10. (OE.
#wœ̄pan#). #ū# is regularly _u_, hus, wiþuten, ut, &c. #ȳ# is _u_,
ifuled, luþerliche, &c.

#ea#, breaking of #a# before #r# + consonant is _ea_, earfeþsiþ, eart,
scearp, _æ_ in ært 4/16, _e_ in ert D 15, scerpe F 29, imerked G 39; no
examples of _a_. It is _ea_ before lengthening cons. groups, earde,
bearn. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# (WS. #ie#) is _e_ in all cases, scerpeþ,
erming D 18, yerde bidernan F 6. #ea#, breaking of #a# before #l# +
cons. is _a_, alle, also, scalt, wale G 2 (#wealh#): before lengthening
groups normally _o_, colde, coldeþ, itolde, holden G 32, 45, iwold C 8,
isold D 38, monifolde, but _e_, heldan C 35. The _i_-umlaut is seen in
wældeþ, 4/41. #eo#, breaking of #e# before #r# + consonant, is _eo_,
heorte D 49 and _o_ herborwen C 23: after #w# also _eo_, andweorke F 42,
OE. #handgeweorc#, and _e_, werke D 30: the group #weor#, in LWS #wur#,
has _u_, iwurþe F 45, wurþe G 25, unwerþ 4/37, _o_, beworpen D 12;
before lengthening groups _eo_, yeorne, eorþe C 5. The _i_-umlaut of
#eo#, which after #w# had already become #y# in OE. is here _u_,
wurþest, deorwurþe, wurst D 30, wurþliche G 36. #eo# before #l# +
consonant gives _u_ in sulfen C 27, suluen F 28 (already #sylf# in LWS).
#eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _eo_ in heouene; _å_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_
in freome, feole, weolen (Bülbring, § 234); _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#
is _eo_, seouene, seoþþen. libbe 2/13 is OE. #libban#. #ea#, palatal
diphthong, is _ea_, _eæ_ in isceaft F 35, isceæftan; _a_ in schal, scal.
#ie# after #g# is _e_, ȝerde, biȝete C 13 (Bülbring, § 151 _n._), _i_ in
ȝiuen 4/21. #eo# < WG. #o# after _sc_ is _o_ in scorteþ, scoldest C 28,
but _eo_ in sceoldest G 42. #eo# < #u# is _u_, onscunedest, sculen C 38.
OE. #heom# is heom and ham C 18; #eom#, eam, am F 14.

#ēa# is normally _ea_, deaþ, heafod, bereaued, seaþe E 8, &c., but _æ_
in dædan 3/42, beræfed C 7, sæþe, and _e_, birefedest G 12. The
_i_-umlaut of #ēa# is _e_, alesed, iheren E 26, semdest 4/18, &c.
(Bülbring, § 183 _n._); and _u_, huned D 47 (WS. #ȳ#). #ēo# is normally
_eo_, beoþ, teoreþ, leoflic, freonden, &c. Its _i_-umlaut does not
occur; deore C 47, neowe C 29, neode F 5, retain _eo_ (Bülbring, § 189,
anm. 1). #īe# is _e_ in isene, E 40; yet C 2.

#a# + #g# is usually _aw_, as in dawes 2/14, gnawen C 42, mawe C 49, but
the older deaȝes survives 3/40. #æ# + #g# is normally _ei_, iseid, but
isæid G 19, and once dai E 13. #e# + #g# is _ei_, ileide: weile 4/19 may
represent OE. #weg lā# (see Björkman, Scandinavian Loan-Words, 51). OE.
#ongegn# is onȝean C 6, aȝan C 18. #o# + #g# is _ow_, bowe C 4,
forhoweþ: #o# + #h#, douhter G 31, wrouhte E 16, but wrohten D 25: #u# +
#ȝ#, fuweles 4/42: #y# + #h#, tuhte E 22. #ā# + #g# is _ow_ in owen C
45, sidwowes C 30: #ā# + #h# is seen in ohtest C 8, ahte E 2, 29 (a
survival). #ǣ# + #g# is _eiȝ_, iseiȝe D 8, leiȝe D 11, keiȝe F 16; _ei_
in clei: #ǣ# + #h#, aeihte 3/13, bitæiht G 52. #ē# + #g#, sweiȝe E 24.
#ō# + #g#, #h#, inouh, unifouh D 39, souhte, ibrouht. #ū# + #h# is seen
in þuþte 3/12 (= þuhte). #ea# + #ht#, becomes _ei_, istreiht, unseihte D
45. #eo# + #h# (LWS #i#) has _i_ in riht; the _i_-umlaut is represented
by besihþ 3/45. #ēa# + #g#, eiȝen, heiȝe E 39, but eȝen 3/42 and heie G
40: #ēa# + #h# is _eih_ in neih, heih G 42, but þauh G 27. #ēo# + #g#,
dreiȝen G 6, but driæn 4/36, written for drien, is due to the scribe and
may be Mercian; ifreoed 4/28 is noteworthy. #ā# + #w# is usually _ow_,
sowle C 2, blowen E 32, nowiht D 19, but soule, nouht. #ō# + #w#,
touward F 29, but reoweþ C 45. #ēa# + #w#, strau D 14. #ēo# + #w#,
usually eow, cneow C 27, icneowe C 27, þeow, þeowdome, but reouliche F
19, heou G 22.

In the vowels of final syllables, levelling has generally taken place,
but a few older forms, isceæftan, heafod, dædan, cumaþ, biddan, offrian,
weolan, remain from the original MS. In lufedæst, willæn, driæn, &c.,
_æ_ is written for _e_. The prefix #ge# is represented by _i_.

The consonants present little of note. OE. #nā māra# becomes one word
with doubled _m_ and shortened _a_ in nammore 3/34 (comp. wumme 2/13
note). farene 4/28, with _n_ for _nn_, is exceptional. OE. #ǣfre# is
æffre 2/14, so næffre C 6, but æfre 3/3. For #f# between two vowels _u_
is generally written, bereaued 2/22, but beræfedest E 20. In mænet 2/7
_t_ is French writing for þ: schal 2/9 is isolated, _sc_ [š] is the
rule, as in onscunedest 3/3: _k_ is written mostly before _e_ and _ie_,
while _ȝ_ is used initially for the palatal (y in yield) and between
vowels, once finally in lutiȝ 3/2 where the original probably had
lutiȝe; _g_ in other cases and mostly in combination with consonants.
For #cw#, French _qu_ is used once in quale 4/42.

#Accidence.# The #ā# and #jā# stems add e in the _nom._, blisse 3/8,
bote 3/11, seoruwe 3/8, sowle 2/28, soule 3/45, modinesse 3/4,
_accusatives_ are hwule 3/1, lore 4/29, soule 2/9, sunne 4/22, Godnesse
3/3. The _g._ of strong nouns ends in -es, the _d._ in -e, the _pl.
n. a._ of Masculines in -es; of Feminines in -e; Neuters as ban 2/21 are
uninflected, _pl. g._ has -e, _d._, -en, as honden 3/38. Markes 3/6,
pundes 3/5 have adopted masc. endings; honden 3/39, isceæftan 2/2,
goldfæten 3/7 have joined the weak declension. Of the latter dædan 3/42,
weolan 4/32 are _g._, heouene 4/28 (_nom. s._ heouene F 38 (OE.
#heofone#), molde 3/34, _d._, and exceptionally willæn 4/33, an archaic
form preserved by its phrasal character; _a._ is deade 3/40; æren, eiȝen
2/17, lippen 2/18, are _pl. n._, weolen 4/16, _d._, eȝen 3/42 _a._

The predicative adjective often shows strong declension, as grædie 3/13,
fuse 4/15, ikunde 3/32; but heui 2/15, leas, lutiȝ 3/2, loþ 4/37, &c.,
and the adjs. in #ig# are not inflected. Inflected attributives are
deope 4/40, _s. d. m._, muchele 2/23, _s. d. f._; durelease 4/40, _s. d.
neut._; seoruhfulne 4/19, _s. a. m._; alle 4/37, _pl. d. m._, &c. The
termination of the weak declension is -e in all cases, as seoruhfule
2/8, _s. a. m._; reade 4/27, _s. d. neut._; dimme 3/42, _pl. a. neut._

The pronoun of the third person has _pl. d._ ham, heom. The def. art. is
_s. n._ þe- þeo- þat, _d. m._ þen, _a._ þene- þeo- þat, _pl. n._ þeo- þa
-þa, þeo, þe. The relative is _s._ þet, _s._ and _pl._ þe, þeo, _pl._
only þa.

The terminations of the verb are _inf._ -en (but driæn, offrian); _ind.
pr._, e -est (contr. list 4/38), -eþ (but cumaþ 3/44, mænet 2/6); contr.
sæiþ 2/13, biþ 2/22, met 3/33, liþ 3/36; _pl._ -eþ. Come 3/11 is 2 _pr.
s. subj._ _Ind. pt._ of weak verbs, _s._ -de, -dest (but lufedæst 3/4),
-de; _part. pt._ -ed, d, t in ibrouht 4/39, _part. pr._ -inde, ende.
Strong pasts are ȝeat 4/27, beden 3/11, 4/21, seten 3/10; _part. pt._;
iboren 2/6, &c.

#Dialect:# The Dialect is Southern, outside the Kentish area, and
probably Middle South, with forms deriving from a Saxon patois. The poem
may have been written, as the preceding piece probably was, in or near
Winchester. The orthography belongs to two distinct stages of
development, the later showing the copyist’s practice towards the end of
the twelfth century, the more primitive being that of the original,
which may have been fifty or sixty years earlier. The phonetic position
of the scribe is in some respects more advanced than that of the Layamon
MS. A.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line of loose construction mixed with rhymed
syllabic verse. Occasionally four consonants alliterate, 2/6, 4/41, but
usually three 2/5, 8, or two 2/4, 23. Crossed alliteration of consonants
occurs at 2/16, 22, 27; 4/32, of consonant and vowels at 2/17; vowel
alliteration at 4/37. At 2/4, read ⁊ lif ⁊ soule · him on ileide; at
3/11, bote come. The rhymes are sometimes perfect, as at 2/15, 25; 3/6,
8; 4/15, 27, 44, but assonances like lif : siþ 2/29; wif : siþ 3/43;
dome : lore 4/29, and partial correspondences of sound like crefte :
idihte 2/3; bedde : libbe 2/13; honden : wenden 3/38; modinesse :
lufedæst 3/4; wæde : lufedest 3/9 are valid for this transitional verse.
Sometimes alliteration and rhyme are combined, as at 2/3, 10 (read
weopinde cumeþ), 3/4. Lines without either alliteration or rhyme must be
regarded as corrupt. We may perhaps read semeþ for þuncheþ 3/39; riht ⁊
godnesse 3/3; beden þe fore 4/21: icwemen woldest for icwemdest ær 4/42.
Compare the section on metre in the introduction to No. vi.

#Introduction:# This poem, in which, after an introduction on the
miseries of birth and death, a lost soul reproaches the body it has just
left, represents the original type of one of the most popular subjects
of the Middle Ages. The idea is ancient, for Kunze, p. 3, quotes a
passage from a treatise ascribed to Plutarch, and Linow, p. 2, another
from the Talmud, which contain it in the germ. But as it is used in
Christian literature, it originated in Alexandria under the influence of
Egyptian conceptions of death and the unseen world. In England before
the Conquest it had inspired (1) the poem printed in Grein-Wülker, ii.
92-105 from the Exeter and Vercelli MSS., in which a lost soul speaks;
(2) the fragment from the latter MS., in which a blessed soul consoles
the waiting body, id. 105-7; (3) the homily printed in Ancient Laws and
Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe, ii. 396-400 (8vo ed.); (4) the homily
in Wulfstan, ed. Napier, 140, 1. Versions 3 and 4 are based on a Latin
original represented by an eleventh-century text, which is printed by
Batiouchkof in Romania, xx. 576-8, comp. Zupitza in Archiv, xci. 369.
This Latin prose text professes to be the relation of a vision by a monk
to Macarius of Alexandria (_d._ 393 A.D.), and it, according to
Batiouchkof, is based on earlier Greek legends wherein Macarius is
himself the dreamer. The homily (5) printed in Angelsächsische Homilien,
ed. Assmann, Kassel, 1889, p. 167, and (6) that published by Zupitza,
Archiv, xci. 379, are independent of the Latin original just mentioned,
and they have been influenced by the Judgment Day literature. The former
contains addresses of a lost and a saved soul to their respective bodies
on the Judgment Day, the homily (6) has only the latter.

After the Conquest, contemporary with (7) the Worcester Fragment, there
is (8) the Oxford Fragment printed by Buchholz, p. 11. The theme is
again treated in (9) the twelfth-century homily, De Sancto Andrea, OEH
ii. 181, 3, which preserves as a quotation one line of its Latin
original, see 4/19 note. Closely related to the last three versions is
(10) the passage in the thirteenth-century poem printed in OEM p. 173,
ll. 65-216. In (11) the Desputisoun bitwen þe Bodi and þe Soule, ed.
Linow, based on the Latin Visio Philiberti, the matter is thrown into
_debat_ form for the first time in English. The Vision of Fulbert is
again adapted in (12) the fifteenth-century poem printed by Halliwell,
Early English Miscellanies (Warton Club), p. 12. Shorter passages in ME.
literature, as OEM 83/331-6, Böddeker, Altengl. Dicht., 235-43 are
fairly numerous.

The position of the Worcester Fragment among this literature is not easy
to define. It appears to form a group with 8 and 10, to which 9, though
too scanty to permit of an assured judgment, may be admitted. They
probably descend from a lost Latin original. Our author may indeed have
been acquainted with the oldest English version (1) and have drawn
thence the leading ideas for his poem. If so, he treated them with much
originality, for there is a wide difference between the austere
simplicity and concentrated energy of the older composition and his
diffuse and picturesque style, which reflects the influence of the new
literature imported from the Continent.

The _lacunae_ in the text were mostly filled up by Singer. It seemed
unnecessary to assign to each editor his contributions to this
complement, much of which is obvious. For [fei]ge 2/30 and foot-note,
read [fei]ȝe.

The heading is from the Book of Job, xxv. 6.

1. #en earde# is probably the remnant of on middenearde; elsewhere the
writer uses _eorþe_ for the uncompounded word.

2. And all the created things which pertain to it, i.e. to the earth.
With #isceæftan# comp. ‘He iscop þurh þene sune alle isceafte,’ Frag. F
47, 34/84, 130/80, 139/17, 187/356. For the position of #to# comp. _on_,
2/4; _fore_ 4/21, 23; 96/53, 54, mostly with relative pronouns.
#[s]cu[l]en#, the tops of long _s_ and _l_ are cut off, as also those of
_h_ and _f_ in the next line. It is not an auxiliary verb with ellipsis
of a verb of motion (H., B.); it has independent meaning as in ‘Þas
wyrte sculon to (= are proper for) lungen sealfe,’ Leechdoms, iii. 16/6.

3. #[þe]ne#. Singer’s _þonne_, then, next, adopted by H., may be right.

4. Comp. ‘se us lif forgeaf | Leomu lic and gæst,’ Christ, 775, 6, for
which Grau, Quellen . . . der älteren germ. Darstellungen des jüngsten
Gerichtes, p. 39, gives as source the poem ascribed to S. Cyprian, De
resurrectione mortuorum, ‘Qui sibi conplacitum hominem formavit in
aevum, | Hanc manibus caram dilexit fingere formam | Decoramque suam
voluit inesse figuram, | Spiritu vivificam adflavit vultibus auram,’
Opera, ed. Hartel, iii. App. 310/51, 57-9. #ileide on#, put into, a
meaning apparently without a parallel; perhaps, entrusted to.

5. #Softliche#, painlessly. #isom[nede]#. H. completed Singer’s
isom[ne]. #sor idol#, a painful parting; comp. l. 8.

6. #ꝥ# = þet; see 3/43. The child by crying at its birth predicts the
sorrowful separation of soul and body at death; comp. 2/23-28; ‘Þæt
cild, þe bið acænned, sona hit cyð mid wope | ⁊ þærrihte witegað þissere
worulde geswinc | ⁊ þa toweardan costnunga,’ AS. Hom. ed. Assmann,
77/126-8; ‘Quotquot nascuntur, vox illis prima doloris: | Incipit a
fletu vivere quisquis homo,’ S. Anselm, p. 199, col. 2 _b_; ‘Omnis homo
cum dolore mundum ingreditur, cum dolore iterum egreditur. Mox natus
plorat, quia laborem et dolorem sibi futurum pronunciat,’ Honorius
Augustod. Migne, P. L. clxxii, col. 1083.

7. The line is too short, but Buchholz’s conjecture is too long for the
gap. Perhaps the original had _hit woaneþ ⁊ weopeþ · ⁊ mænet þeo weowe_.

8. B. translates #siþ# here and at 2/16 by ‘weg’; rather lot,
experience, as in ‘wa heom þæs siðes þe hi men wurdon,’ Wulfstan, 27/3;
‘minegede alle his wrecche siðes, þe he þolede on þis wrecche worelde,’
OEH ii. 169/8; ‘weop for hire wei-sið | wanede hire siðes[;] ꝥ heo wæs
on liues,’ L 25846-8. For compounds with _siþ_ see 2/27. #sori#, not
‘schmerzlich,’ B, but mournful, sad.

9. Haufe’s completion is based on l. 28, where the verb is intransitive,
but the construction is supported by, ‘for þat he deleð þe sowle[;] and
þe lichame, þanne he wit of þisse woreld,’ OEH ii. 7/3. But the usual
construction is seen in ‘gif he þurh ferliche deð[;] saule fro þe
lichame deleð,’ id. 61/31, and it would be better to read _[fro li]
came_ here, for the position of ⁊ is awkward. Another construction is
shown in ‘wið þone lichaman seo sawle gedælan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann,
164/17.

10. #weopinde ⁊ woniende#, so, ‘wop and woninge,’ VV 17/32; see 42/231
note.

11. Haufe’s completion is too short, Singer’s too long, for the gap. For
#[swo]#, stressed form, comp. 3/4.

12. #he#, i.e. licame. #walkeþ ⁊ wendeþ#, tosses and turns in his bed.
#[oftes]iþes# H. followed by B., who afterwards expressed his preference
for [þe weas]iþes, based on ‘ȝet ic wulle þe ætwi[ten þ]e weasiþes,’
Frag. G 7. Singer read _[his si]þes_.

13. #wo me#, though written as one, are separate words; coalesced they
become wumme; comp. 121/133; ‘wumme ꝥ ich libbe,’ SJ 72/5; ‘wumme ꝥ ich
shal wunien on uncuðe erde,’ OEH ii. 149/10; ‘wel me,’ 210/441.

15. #greoning . . . woaning#: comp. 2/25; 196/662; ‘Heo woneþ ⁊ groneþ
day and nyht,’ OEM 152/187.

16. biwunden. See 2/27, 79/13, 81/79, and for similar phrases comp. ‘swo
faste bunden ⁊ swo biwunde þarinne,’ OEH ii. 11/9; ‘mid sorȝen ibunden,’
L 12635; ‘mid sorinesse bistonden,’ OEH ii. 147/26, 181/1.

17-21. Comp. ‘Hyse eres shullen dewen, | & his eyen shullen dymmen, | &
his nese shal sharpen, | & his skyn shal starken,’ PRL 253/3-6, and the
similar piece OEM 101/1. An adaptation of the last quoted line has been
inserted at l. 19 to restore the alliteration. For him, comp. 80/47.
#deaueþ#, become deaf, a rare meaning, but paralleled in the quotation
above. OE. #ā-dēafian# has that meaning; see Deave, NED. So too
#scerpeþ#, l. 18, grows sharp, usually means to make sharp.

19. #scorteþ#. Comp. ‘[þin] tunge is ascorted,’ Frag. G, l. 9. The
phrase appears to be without parallel: the corresponding texts have,
‘And þi tunge voldeþ,’ OEM 101/4; ‘& his tonge shal stameren, oþer
famelen,’ PRL 253/8.

20. #teoreþ#, flags, droops. Comp. ‘Ðin mægn is aterod · and þa mihte þu
næfst,’ Ælfric, Lives, i. 86/611.

21. #[siden]#. S reads _heorte_, H _muþ_; something more extensive is
wanted, and _sides_ is often used vaguely for body (see passages in
Minot, i. 15 note). #liggeþ . . . stille# occurs again, Frag. E 11,
otherwise one might be tempted to conjecture, _liggeþ he stan stille_,
as in Minot, ii. 32, with improved alliteration.

23. #at#, as in ‘beræfed | At þene eorþliche weole,’ Frag. C 7, 8. So L,
‘biræiuie hine at liue,’ MS. C 9205: it is the usual construction in the
older version (but simple _dat._ in ‘biræfued þan liue,’ 15283), while
MS. O has regularly _of_. With the meaning _seize_ it takes the _acc._,
‘he biræuede mi{n}e æhte,’ MS. C 8801. #also#, an emphasized _so_, quite
so, all the: comp. al = entirely, 2/29.

26, 27. #So . . . so#, even as, even so. #feorþsiþ#: comp. 135/117,
3/41, 24/189, 119/74: similar combinations are ‘balesið,’ L 567;
‘fæisið,’ L 3731; ‘houdsiþ,’ ON 1586; ‘sorhsiðes,’ L 11109; ‘vnsiþ,’ ON
1164; ‘wosið,’ OEH ii. 209/3; ‘wræc-sið,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 538/808.

29. This line is repeated with variations as a sort of refrain, Frag. C
15, 37; D 9, 16, 42; F 19.

30. #iflut#, transferred from the bed to ashes laid on the floor in the
form of a cross. Comp. ‘Sori is the fore | Fram bedde to the flore,’
Rel. Ant. i. 160; ‘on flore licgende, bestreowod mid axum, on stiðre
hǽran,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 516/30; ‘Postremo redimens elemosinis
malefacta | Ipsaque confessus mortuus in cinere est,’ Epicedium
Hathumodae, 557; ‘Cum viderint iam eius exitus horam imminere, cilicium
expandunt, cinerem desuper aspergunt, et infirmum de lecto levatum in
cilicium submittunt,’ Consuetudines Cluniacenses, Migne, P. L. cxlix,
col. 772; ‘esto memor cineris in quo tandem morieris,’ Hauréau, Notices,
ii. 183/9. See other texts in Rock, Church of our Fathers, ii. pp.
299-301.

31. #eastward.# Burial with the feet to the east was formerly the usual
practice (Rock, ii. p. 473), but the eastward placing of the dying man
is a detail which I cannot illustrate.

32. #[col]deþ.# Zupitza’s conjecture fits the place, gives a good
meaning, and accords with l. 36, but the usual phrase is seen in ‘þei
clungin so þe cley,’ Archiv, xcvii, 309/17; ‘As a clot of clay þou were
for-clonge,’ Hymns to the Virgin, 13/31; ‘ant clyngeþ so þe clay,’
Böddeker, AE. Dichtungen, 211/17; ‘The clot him clinge,’ M. L. Review,
V. p. 105. #hit is him ikunde#. Comp. 154/85; ‘Nes hit þe nowiht icunde
þet þu icore[n] hefdest | Nes hit icunde þe more þen þine cunne biuoren
þe,’ Frag. D 19, 20; ‘unfæger, swa him gecynde wæs,’ AS. Hom., ed.
Assmann, 176/208; ‘Ah nim þu þene kine-halm[;] he is þe icunde,’ L
18158, 22004, 23196; VV 57/28.

34, 35. Comp. ‘Now schaltow haue at al þi siþe | Bot seuen fet, vnneþe
þat,’ Desputisoun, 91, 2.

36. Comp. ‘Nu lið þe clei-clot | al so þe ston,’ OEM 172/73, 4.

37. #þeo he#, those to whom he. With 37-40 comp. 4/15, 16, 37; 32/34; ‘&
he þonne se deada byð úneaþe ælcon men on neaweste to hæbbenne,’ BH
59/14; ‘& se man næfre toðon leof ne bið his nehmagum & his
worldfreondum, ne heora nan hine to þæs swiþe ne lufað ꝥ he sona syþþan
ne sý onscungend, seoþþan se lichoma & se gast gedælde beoþ, & þincð his
neawist laþlico & unfæger,’ id. 111/27-30; ‘Alle his frendes he shal beo
loþ. | And helud shal ben wiþ a cloþ,’ PRL 253/1, 2. #freome dude#.
Comp. ‘him to fremen and do frame,’ GE 173: and see 176/24, 186/323.

38. #riht wen[den]#, set straight.

41. The copyist has allowed his eye to wander to the very similar line
43 and has transferred the second half of it here, to the exclusion of
something like _þe woneþ þe feorþsiþ_.

43. #[þon]ne#. The last half of _n_ and _e_ are in the MS. #riche# is
probably a mistake for _wrecche_, as S. suggests.

44. For love turns miserably into an evil under the stroke of
misfortune. To have loved and lost is an evil thing.

45. #besihþ . . . to#, contemplates; comp. 124/249 note. Zupitza quotes,
‘When þe gost it schuld go, | It biwent ⁊ wiþstode, | Biheld þe bodi þat
it com fro,’ Desputisoun, 9-11. Comp. ‘cum educerent eam (i.e. animam)
de corpore commonuerunt eam angeli tercio, dicentes: O misera anima,
prospice carnem tuam unde existi,’ Visio Pauli, Texts and Studies, ii.
3. 18/7.


C

The heading is added from the Book of Job, vii. 11.

1. S., H., and B. fill the lacuna with _Hwui noldest biþenchen_ from
4/17, but this does not fit the lower half of the letters left in the
MS. where _ligge_ as the end of the preceding line is fairly certain,
followed by a word of three letters, the middle one being _o_ and
another word of two or two and a half letters, of which the first is
_w_. Perhaps _loþ we[re]_ should be read. A question is not suited to
the context. The opening lines evidently correspond to OEH ii.
183/16-19, ‘longe habbe ich on þe wuned. swo wo is me þe hwile, for al
þat me was leof[;] hit was þe loð · þu ware a sele gief ich was wroð. To
gode þu ware slau and let · and to euele spac and hwat.’

2. This line is repeated at Frag. D 28.

4. #[mo]dinesse.# Comp. 77/52, ‘He hadde ben a modi kniȝt,’ Desputisoun,
5; ‘Me nimeð þe licome | ⁊ preoneð in a clut. | ꝥ wes so modi ⁊ so
strong | ⁊ so swiþe prud,’ OEM 172/67-70; and for the passage at large,
‘Hwær beoþ þonne his welan & his wista? hwær beoð þonne his wlencea &
his anmedlan?’ BH 111/33; ‘Hwar byð þonne heora wela, þe hi ahtan her on
life? ⁊ hi dæghwamlice gesam nodon ma ⁊ ma togædere ⁊ nystan nænigne
ende, hwænne hi ꝥ forlætan scoldan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 165/35-7;
‘Whar ben þine markes ⁊ þine pou{n}des?’ Desputisoun, 33.

5. #þurh [pa]newes igædered#, scraped together, or, more probably, wrung
from the poor, ‘Quare pecunias et alienas facultates et substantias
pauperum tulisti et congregasti in domo tua?’ Batiouchkof’s text, p.
577. Comp. also 34/67, 46/296.

6. #itolde.# Comp. ‘and þa paneȝes weoren italde,’ L 29460. An early use
of #bi# with unit of measurement.

7. #Guldene# is corrupt; with the help of ‘Hwer beoþ þine nappes | þat
þe glyde to honde,’ OEM 175/107, 8, we may restore, _hwar beoþ [nu] þeo
Goldfæten . þe glyden to þine honden_. Then _comen_ is a gloss on
_glyden_; though it is found in this connexion elsewhere, ‘þe schal com
an hors to hande,’ Richard, 5554.

8. #fornon#, also at 4/44 is not OE. #for-nēan# (H.), which means
nearly, but #foran on#, in front, ahead, still to come. Comp. ‘foren an
his hafde,’ L 23968, with local meaning, in front of his head (Germ.
vorn an); ‘⁊ aȝȝ þeȝȝ tokenn efft forrnon | To serrfenn wukemalumm,’ Orm
16/553 (= in continuation of the series); OEM 149/92. L has also ‘aforen
on, afornon,’ 10413. Similarly, ‘þe sorȝe is him biforen,’ OEH i.
63/164.

9. Comp. ‘Whare ben al þine worþliche wede,’ Desputisoun, 25.

10. #[sibbe]# is added to fill out the line. #ofer þe#, by the sick
man’s bedside; #ofer#, opposite to; more commonly expressed by _over
against_.

11. #bote#, cure or relief, an ambiguous word.

12. #þuþte#, for _þuhte_, like cniþt for cniht, L MS. O 346 a purely
graphic variation. On the other hand, _hauef_ for _haueþ_, Frag. G 26,
like _of[ ]þufte_ for _of[ ]þuhte_, 46/271, and _soþte_ for _softe_, KH
MS. L 392, represent a difference in pronunciation. See W. Horn,
Beiträge zur Geschichte der englischen Gutturallaute, pp. 91-4.

13. Comp. 22/129; ‘Þi fals air schal be ful fain | Þi fair fe to
vnderfo,’ Desputisoun, 105, 6; ‘And his freondes striveð | to gripen his
i-won,’ OEM 172/75, 6.

14. #[heo]#. B. reads [heo hit], which is too long for the gap, and
translates ‘sie thun es ohne dich.’ But it means, they put you outside;
which is varied in 15, 16. Comp. ‘Me wule for þin ahte | make striuinge,
| And pute þe wið-uten | of alle þine þinge,’ OEM 176/133-6. See 22/130.

16. #of weolen . . . bedæled#. The OE. construction is seen in ‘mínra
bóca bedæled,’ Ælfric, De vet. Test. 1/22, and it is the same generally
in L, ‘liues bidæled,’ 17365; ‘windes bidelde,’ 28239; but ‘of folke
bidæled,’ 12743.

17. Comp. ‘Wai hwi noldestu er | of þisse beon icnowe,’ OEM 178/167, 8.

18. #semdest#, didst load; see 84/73. The phrase seems to be without a
parallel; perhaps the use of the verb was suggested by ‘forðon gie sémað
menn mið seamum ðaðe gebeara ne magon,’ S. Luke xi. 46 (Lindisfarne
MS.).

19. This _motiv_ is common to the versions. Comp. ‘heu me, heu me, quare
unquam in corpore illud tenebrosum et pessimum ingredi merui,’
Batiouchkoff, p. 577; ‘Heu michi cur olidum · fueram tibi iuncta
cadaver. Aweilewei þu fule hold ꝥ ich auere was to þe iteied,’ OEH ii.
183/14, 15; ‘Walawa ⁊ wa is me. ꝥ ic efre com to þe,’ Frag. F 4;
Wulfstan, 140/20-23; ‘Ue mihi, habitacio tua mersit me in infernum,’
Revue Celtique, x. 469; ‘for hwon sceolde ic æfre ingangan on þisne
fulestan ⁊ wyrrestan lichoman,’ Thorpe, ii. 398/9. ‘Heu me miseram, quod
unquam creata fui ac nata, seu in hoc corpus maculatum posita,’ S.
August. Opera, Migne, P. L. xl. col. 1357. For #buc#, comp. 186/330;
‘Awai þu wrecche fole bali,’ OEM 172/83.

20. #[lo]kien#, preserve, maintain, as 77/46; 78/85; ‘uorte loken riht
bitweonen ou,’ AR 286/6; ‘beloken (= to look to) þe sicnesse of þe
sowle,’ OEH ii. 77/32; or perhaps, look for, seek after, as in ‘Haueden
al þa reuen[;] . . . iloked tweiene eorles,’ L 5273, 7. The phrase with
_[ma]kien_, the conjecture of H., seems not to be earlier than the
sixteenth century. #ilærede men#, ‘lerdemen,’ OEH ii. 31/9; ‘leredmen,’
8/83; ‘bokilered,’ 18/2, 19/39. Comp. ‘alle þat weoren ihadded | & þreo
biscopes wise[;] a boke wel ilæred,’ L 21856-8; and for the sense,
‘Noldest þu ær gode men for lufe g[od dæ]lan,’ Frag. D 4, and 89/33-44.

21. #fo[re]#. See 2/2 note, and comp. _fore_ after its noun in 4/23.

26. #þæne#. B. takes _þære_ of the MS. as _gen. sing._ referring to
_messe_; H. as _gen. pl._ representing _ilærede men_, but _þurh_ with
the genitive is very rare. It might be dative; but Zupitza’s correction
is certain; #þæne# refers to _Christ_, as is required by _his_ and _he_
in the next line, and _were_ is 2 _sing. past indicative_ as at 4/32.
Comp. ‘þam soðfæstan gode | þas lac geoffrian þe us alysde fram deaðe,’
Ælfric, Lives, i. 66/284; ‘Ac us is mycel neodþearf ꝥ we geþencan, hu
drihten us mid his þrowunge alysde fram deofles anwealde, þa he a rode
ahangen wæs ⁊ his ꝥ deorweorðe blod for us ageat,’ AS. Hom., ed.
Assmann, 164/7-10; ‘Hwi noldestu gelyfan þinum drihtene, þe wæs ahangen
for us and us alysde fram helle wite,’ id. 167/80, 1; ‘alesde us of
helle grunde,’ OEH i. 19/8.

29. #fenge#, betook thyself, #þurh--lore#. Comp. ‘Þurh þæs deofles lore,
þe þe licode wel,’ Frag. G 14, 43.

30. #Bi#, concerning, comp. ‘bi hwam ure Louerd seið,’ AR 158/9; ‘Nu mon
mæi [seg]gen bi þe,’ Frag. C 9; 155/92.

31. Probably not a quotation, but an imperfect reminiscence of ‘Qui enim
divitiarum servus est, divitias custodit ut servus,’ Bedae Opera (1612),
v, col. 378.

33. #for drihtenes willæn#, for the Lord’s sake (Germ. _um Gottes
willen_). Comp. ‘for willan þæs ælmihtigan,’ Ælfric, Lives, ii. 112/683,
and contrast ‘[Nol]de he nefre þærof don his drihtenes wille,’ Frag. C
11.

35. #from# must be taken closely with _forloren_, not as B. translates,
‘bist du verloren, fern von allem, was du liebtest.’ Comp. ‘And fra
folke forlese we þa,’ Surtees Psalter, Ps. 82, _v._ 5, translating
‘disperdamus eos de gente.’ But it is an uncommon combination.

37. Comp. ‘Mid clutes þu ert for [bu]nden and loþ alle freonden,’ Frag.
F 17; and see note on 3/37. For #unwurþ# see 26/258.

38. Comp. 12/11.

39. #þær--scalt#, where thou must remain. H. quotes ‘Nu me þe bringæð
þer ðu beon scealt,’ from the Oxford Frag. (The Grave) 5, and for 40
(which is repeated in Frag. E 8) ‘Dureleas is þet hus,’ id. 13.

41-3. B. explains, There worms dispose of all that was most prized by
thee, birds friendly to Death, all that thou didst formerly delight with
all kind (reading _kunde_) of sweetness, which thou didst dearly love.
But to call worms birds friendly to Death, is a flight of imagination
beyond our writer’s power, and the suggested arrangement of the two
halves of 41, 42 is artificial, though not without parallel. A
comparison of ‘Heo wulleþ freten þin fule hold,’ Frag. C 41; ‘Ac þu heo
(i.e. the earth) afulest mid þine fule holde,’ Frag. E 5; ‘Aweilewei þu
fule hold,’ OEH ii. 183/15, suggests here _fulest alre holde_, foulest
of all bodies. The meaning is then easy and straightforward. His body
was what the dead man had most prized and pleasured, ‘For þin wombe was
þin god,’ Frag. D 36; ‘þine þermes, þeo þe deore weren,’ Frag. C 47.

43. #[þære]#. The staff of the first letter has survived in the MS.; it
goes below the line.

44, 45 are repeated with small variation in Frag. D 40, 41. For #fornon#
see 3/8 note. With the rhyme of 45, comp. ‘Beornen [þer e]fre · ende nis
þer nefre,’ Frag. E 49.


  _Cross-References_

  3/8, 4/19 (notes) = I. C (Worcester Fragments)
  42/231 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)

  _Errata_

  #Literature:# ... (3) ... *Batiouchkof, Th., Romania, xx. 236;
    [Th. Romania]
    [_the passage cited as xx. 236 is actually xx. 1 and 513_]
  Bruce, J. D., Modern Language Notes
    [Languages Notes]
  #ā# is normally ... #œ̄# is _eo_ in weoþinde 2/10. (OE. #wœ̄þan#).
    [_text has “weoþinde,” and “wœ̄þan”_]
  #ea# ... _å_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_ in freome, feole, weolen
    (Bülbring, § 234); _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _eo_
    [_first “å-umlaut” misprinted as bold instead of italic;
    second misprinted as “a-umlaut”_]
  ... The prefix #ge# is represented by _i_.
    [_#ge# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  The consonants ... _k_ is written mostly before _e_ and _ie_
    [_“k” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  #Accidence.# ... Neuters as ban 2/21 are uninflected, _pl. g._ has
    -e, _d._, -en  [-e, _d_, -en]
  ... The def. art. is _s. n._ þe- þeo- þat, _d. m._ þen,
    _a._ þene- þeo- þat, _pl. n._ þeo- þa -þa, þeo, þe.
    [_all hyphens printed as shown_]
  The terminations of the verb ... _part. pt._ -ed, d, t
    [_“-ed, d, t” misprinted as italic_]

  [IB.]
  30. ... ‘Postremo redimens elemosinis
    [_form “elemosinis” for expected “eleemosinis” is in the
    source text_]
  ... Hauréau, Notices, ii. 183/9.  [Haureau]
  32. ... M. L. Review, V. p. 105  [M.L.]

  [IC.]
  26. #þæne#. B. takes _þære_ of the MS. as _gen. sing._  [_pære_]
  33. ... and contrast ‘[Nol]de he nefre þærof  [[Nol] de]
  35. ... as B. translates, ‘bist du verloren
    [_#b#ist with anomalous bold #b#_]
  37. ... For #unwurþ# see 26/258.  [#unwurp#]




II. SAINT GODRIC’S HYMNS


#Manuscript:# Royal 5 F vii, British Museum; described in Casley’s
Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the King’s Library, pp. 88, 89. The
pieces, with musical notation, in the order B, A, C, occur in a Latin
life of Godric by Geoffrey, a monk of Durham, on f. 85, apparently an
inserted leaf. This leaf is in a different hand from that of the life,
and belongs to the beginning of the thirteenth century; a hand of the
fourteenth century has added a Latin version beneath the lines of the
first stanza of A, and _onfong_ above _onfo_ in l. 3. The Royal MS.
alone contains C, but the first stanza of A, together with B, are found
in two MSS. of the life of Godric, written by his contemporary Reginald
of Durham, Laud Misc. 413, Bodleian Library, and Harley 153, B.M., and
the first stanza of A, also in another MS. of the same life, Harley 322
B.M., and in Mm. iv. 28, Cambridge University Library. Two MSS. of
Roger of Wendover, Douce 207, Bodleian, and Otho B v, B.M., and three of
Matthew Paris, C. C. C. Cambridge 26, Nero D v, and Harley 1620 B.M.,
have the whole of A. Most of these give Latin versions of the English
words. The filiation of the English copies has been determined by
Zupitza in the exhaustive article mentioned below: he gives a critical
text based on the Royal MS.

#Facsimile:# Saintsbury, G., History of English Prosody, frontispiece to
vol. i. London, 1906.

#Editions:# Ritson, J., Bibliographia Poetica, 1-4; Hazlitt’s Warton,
iii. 154 (reprint of A only); *Zupitza, J., Englische Studien, xi.
401-32.

#Literature:# Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxvi. 408 (note on the
pronunciation of druð).

#Phonology:# Godric’s Northern dialect has been well preserved, but he
would have written scild 3, ric 4, and probably birth 13. #a# is _a_ in
scamel (#sćeamol#) 9; #æ# is _a_ in þat, bare 10, at 13. #e# is _e_ in
help 3, itredie 10. #i# is _i_ in schild 3, dilie 7, and _y_ (written
for _i_ before _m_) in tymbre 12. #o# is _o_ in godes 4. #y# is _i_ in
sinne 7, winne 8. #ā# is _a_ in swa 9, clenhad 6. #ǣ{1}# (WG. ai + i) is
_e_ in clenhad 6, iledde 9; #ǣ{2}# (WG. ā) is _a_ in bare 13, þare 14.
#ō# is _o_ in moder 2, onfo 3, mod 7, fote 10. #ū# is _u_ in bur 5, hus
12. #eo# before #r# + consonant is _e_ in erðe 10. #æ# + #g# is _ai_ in
faire 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eȝ_ in heȝilich 4 (#hēa(h)līce#). Scone 12 is
Norse, the OE. is #scīene# (Björkman, Scandinavian Loan-Words, p. 77),
and burth 13 is probably so (id., p. 162). Sainte, uirgine, flur, druð,
are French. The scribe uses þ initially, ð in other positions, and once
th. So he has ƿ generally, but once w in _wel_. In selfd 8, _d_ is due
to anticipation of the following word: in wid 10 _d_ is scribal error
for ð.

#Grammar:# moderes is a new genitive (OE. #mōdor#, #mēder#); _e_ of the
dative is lost in mod, scamel, burth. fote 10 is _pl. d._, sinne _acc.
pl._ Of the possessives mine 10 is _pl. d._, the others are uninflected;
min sinne 7 is noteworthy, because the _pl._ forms at this period are
usually inflected. Iledde is a solitary _ind. pt. pl._, silde _subj. pt.
sing._; the other verbs are imperatives: rix = rixe. A new present stem
appears in onfang; it may be as old in the North as Godric’s time;
elsewhere it appears about 1200 A.D.

#Dialect:# Specifically Northern are the representation of #ā#, the form
silde and the early simplification of the inflection. The development of
#æ#, #ǣ#, and #y# exclude the South.

#Metre:# Godric’s rhythms are all to be found in the Latin hymns which
probably inspired his verses. These are S. Anselm’s Psalterium S.
Virginis (Opera, ed. Gerberon, p. 303) and the Sequence for the Feast of
S. Nicholas, to be found under Dec. 6 in the York Missal and elsewhere.
The normal line in Anselm’s hymn contains four measures with trochaic
movement, as Nón est | nóbis | récens | Déus, but there are others of
five and six, with admixture of iambic rhythm. Godric uses all these and
applies to them the licences of native prosody, elision, slurring,
omission, and doubling of light syllables. So his 1 and 5, Saínte |
marí|e uír|giné |, and Saínte | marí|e chríst|es búr |, are exactly Áve
| Regí|na vír|ginúm, and 6, maíden|es clén|had mód|eres flúr only
differs by the slurring of _e_ before r. Line 2, móder | ihésu | crístes
| náza|réne |, has one trochee more than the normal line, one less than
Cúius | laúdes | sónus | fíunt | épul|ántis, and l. 7 with _mine_
restored before _sinne_ is of the same pattern, dílie | míne | sínne |
ríxẹ in | mín mod |. Line 8, bríng me to | wínne | wið þé | selfd Gód |,
has the same mixture of trochees and iambs as Ómnis | remítt|itúr |
iní|quitás |, or Áve | cúius | virgín|eó |, but with doubled light
syllable in the first measure; similar is the rhythm of 4, ónfang |
bríng he | ȝílich | wið þé | in gód|es ríc |. Line 3, ónfo | schíld |
hélp þin | gódric, has the same movement as óbdor|míens | páti|éndo, but
with omission of light syllable after stressed long syllable in the
second measure.

The long lines 9, 10 are based on a combination of two Latin ones, Críst
and | saínte | Marí|e swá || on scá|mel mé | ilédd|è, like Áve | cúius |
in fíl|iúm || Proclám|at fíd|es már|tyrúm | but with omission of light
syllable in the last foot; and þat íc | on þis ér|ðe né | sílde || wíd
mine | báre | fótẹ i|trédie | imitates indú|ti stó|la gé|mína || Dúplex
| dícunt | Álle|lúia, but with doubling of light syllables twice and
elision.

In the last verse, Saínte | Nícho|láes | gódes | drúð | is Glóri|óse |
Níco|láe | with added foot of one stressed syllable; týmbrẹ us | faíre |
scóne | hús | is vóca|lí con|córdi|à; Àt þi búrth | àt þi bár|è
resembles ùbi páx | et glóri|à, and Saínte | Nícho|láes | bríng vs wel |
þáre is the normal Ád sal|útis | pórtum | tráhe | with added foot.

In Godric’s verse the strict syllabic principle, with its consequent
abandonment of alliteration, save for ornament, and its consistent
attempt at end-rhyme, has obtained already a complete mastery, whilst in
most of the contemporary poetry it is still struggling with the
traditional alliterative metric. His methods rank him with the writers
of popular topical verse, while the more conscious artists still linger
in the old ways.

#Introduction:# S. Godric, the hermit of Finchale, near Durham, died
1170 A.D. In his earlier days he had travelled much as merchant and
pilgrim, and learnt to venerate S. Nicholas as the patron of those in
peril of the sea. Reginald tells us that the Virgin Mary, accompanied by
S. Mary Magdalene, appeared to S. Godric, in the chapel which he had
dedicated to her at Finchale, and taught him both words and melody of
the first piece (Vita, ed. Stevenson, Surtees Society, no. 20, pp.
117-19). The occasion of the second piece was as follows. His sister
Burgwen having died, S. Godric earnestly desired to know what judgement
had been passed upon her, and he was privileged to see the Virgin Mary
followed by two angels, clothed in albs, bearing the soul of his sister,
who, from the centre of the altar in the Oratory, sang the hymn which
filled the saint with joy (Reginald, 143, 4). The third piece was
unknown to Reginald, but Godric told him that on one occasion S.
Nicholas appeared to him, with a company of angels, and bade him join
them in their hymns (id. 202).

The literary value of Godric’s verses is small, but they are the first
compositions we have in Northern English after the Conquest, and
metrically interesting. There are, however, three earlier documents
which have been printed by Liebermann in Archiv, cxi. 275-84; the first
of these, Gospatric’s letter, is also in the Scottish Historical Review,
i. 62, 105, 344, 353; ii. 340: it is possibly pre-Conquest.

1. #marie# has three syllables with the accent on the second; in OE. it
is usually Maria with accent on the first (but ‘þæt is MARÍA · mædena
felast,’ Be Domes Dæge, 18/293); in Orm naturalized as Marȝe and in ME.
generally Marye. From his Latin models Godric takes his pronunciation
and the associated uirgine, apparently its first occurrence in English.

2. #ihesu#, the general form for any oblique case, here genitive.
#nazarene# is an invariable adj. like cristene, but Orm has, ‘Forr
Nazarenuss tacneþþ sannt,’ 308/8865.

4. #heȝilich#, with honour; _gloriose_ in the MS. version. MS. Harley
322 has hegliche and translates _cito_; the Cambridge MS. hehtlic,
wrongly rendered _eternaliter_ as though it represented #ēcelīce#;
Zupitza explains it as the adverb of #higð#, ME. on hihðe, in haste; MS.
Harley 153 reads hehliche, rendered _alte_.

5. #xpistes bur#: comp. ‘Maria, Dei thalamus,’ Anselm 303/5; ‘Ave, de
cuius intimo | Christus processit thalamo, | in sole tabernaculum |
fixit, qui regit saeculum,’ Mone, ii. 234/69-72, which shows that this
use of the word came from Psalm xviii. 6 ‘In sole posuit tabernaculum
suum et ipse tamquam sponsus procedens de thalamo suo exultavit ut gigas
ad currendam viam.’ For xp = Χρ, Chr, see Traube, Nomina Sacra, 156 ff.

6. The translation in some of the MSS. is ‘virginalis puritas, matris
flos.’ Godric has in mind, ‘Ave mater per quam via | Immaculata patuit |
Quia (Qui à in text) Deo flore | Virginitas effloruit,’ Anselm,
306/93-6; ‘Ave coeleste lilium | Per florem cuius unicum,’ &c., id.
305/153, 4. Christ then is the Virgin’s pure offspring, the mother’s
flower to whom the next two lines are addressed, and _þe_ in l. 8 (which
Zupitza rejects) presents no difficulty. The abandonment of the vocative
for a new subject is artless. The first half of 7 corresponds to, ‘O
Christe, proles Virginis | Patris compar altissimi | Per tuae mortis
merita | Dele nostra peccamina,’ Anselm, 303/22-5, and the second to
‘Ave mater cuius partus | Deus in coelis habitat | In sanctorum dum
mentibus | Dulcedine sua regnat,’ id. 306/111-4.

9. #scamel#, from L. Lat. _scamellum_, dim. of _scamnum_, step, stool;
it often means the little stool for the hands of cripples, but it is
also synonymous with _scabellum_, which in the phrase _scabellum pedum_
occurs nine times in the Vulgate, with the meaning footstool. In two of
these, Psalms xcviii. 5, cix. 1, the Surtees Psalter translates by
schamel, Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter by scæmol, the Paris Psalter by
sceamul, the earliest Eng. Prose Psalter by shamel, the Lambeth Homilies
(OEH i. 91/11) by fot-sceomele. Comp. ‘Vor þi alle þe halewen makeden of
al þe worlde ase ane stol (scheomel, C; schamel, T) to hore uet, uorto
arechen þe heouene,’ Ancren Riwle, 166/15, 6. Psalm cix. 1 ‘Dixit
Dominus Domino meo: Sede a dextris meis, donec ponam inimicos tuos,
scabellum pedum tuorum,’ is quoted five times in the New Testament, and
there may be a reference to it here. Zupitza suggests that l. 10 is
based on ‘Quoniam angelis suis mandavit de te, ut custodiant te in
omnibus viis tuis. In manibus portabunt te, ne forte offendas ad lapidem
pedem tuum,’ Psalm xc. 11, 12; but _on þis erðe itredie_ is a weak
representation of _offendas ad lapidem_. Now we are told by Reginald
that the angels who bore the spirit of Burgwen halted ‘supra Altaris
crepidinem,’ and the Harleian MS. has, more definitely, ‘eam super
Altaris crepidinem statuerunt.’ The _scamel_ is simply the footpace of
the altar on which she has been set. Reginald’s version points in this
direction, ‘Sancta Maria super scamni sedile me deduxit’; as also
Geoffrey’s paraphrase, ‘Ne pede calcarem terre contagia nudo (_a. l._
mundo), | Sic mea me domina deduxit sancta Maria.’ The meaning then is,
I have been conducted to this altarstep in such a way that I should not
touch _this_ earth with my bare foot. I am divinely protected and lifted
above the world. And Godric understood, ‘statim intellexit quod anima
sororis suae super coelestibus Angelorum choreis esset associata’ (p.
145).

11. #Nicholaes# occurs in AS. Chron. E. 1067 as Nicolaes. It corresponds
to Nicolaus, which in the Latin hymns is always four syllables, and so,
I think, it must be here.

#godes druð#: comp. ‘dilectus Dei Nicholaus,’ Aberdeen Breviary; ‘amicus
Dei,’ York Breviary, ii. col. 106; ‘et amico Dei magno | Nicolao
condole,’ Anselm, 307/168, 9; ‘godes drut,’ Be Domes Dæge, 18/290.

12. #hus# does not rhyme and has no reference to anything in the legend
of S. Nicholas. But he was invoked by sailors in peril (York Breviary,
ii. 105), and we are told that Godric would often interrupt a
conversation by saying ‘Quaeso, fratres, oremus; quia ecce, navis in
pelago periclitatur,’ and that, ‘facta oratione, iterum consuevit
adjicere, “Nunc navis mea applicuit”’ (Reginald, p. 130). If _huð_ might
be restored here, as an un-umlauted form of #hȳð#, harbour, on the
evidence of _to huþe_ = _ad portum_, quoted in Bosworth-Toller from the
Lambeth Psalter, it would correspond to ‘O beate Nicolae, | Nos ad maris
portum trahe’; ‘Gloriose Nicolae, | Ad salutis portum trahe’ of the
Sequence. #tymbre# can mean provide, prepare, see Minot, vi. 2.

13. Zupitza connects this line with _druð_, but its position requires it
to be taken with _tymbre_ or _bring_, #at# means from, by the merits of
(NED i. 529 †11). The singular piety of the infant Nicholas is told in
all his legends, ‘quarta et sexta feria tantum semel (= semel tantum)
sugebat ubera,’ Aurea Legenda, ed. Graesse, p. 22; ‘Qui in cunis adhuc
iacens | Servando ieiunia | a papilla coepit summa | promereri gaudia,’
in the Sequence. And he was helpful in his tomb, ‘Ex ipsius tumba manat
| unctionis copia | quae infirmos omnes sanat | per eius suffragia.’


  _Greek_

  Χρ  [Chr]

  _Errata_

  #Manuscript:# ... Harley 322 B.M.,  [B.M,]
  #Phonology:# ... #e# is _e_ in help 3, itredie 10.  [3.]
  4. ... #ēcelīce#  [#ecēlīce#]




III. THE PETERBOROUGH CHRONICLE


#Manuscript:# Laud Misc. 636, Bodleian Library (MS. E). Described in
Plummer, ii. xxxiv, v. A new hand begins with 1132 and continues to the
end in 1155 A.D.

#Facsimile:# Keller, Wolfgang, Angelsächsische Palaeographie, Berlin,
1906: plate xii gives ll. 1-25.

#Editions:# For the earlier editions see Plummer, ii. cxxvii-cxxxv.
Thorpe, B., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 2 vols., London, 1861; Earle, J.,
Two of the Saxon Chronicles parallel, Oxford, 1865; *Plummer, C., Two of
the Saxon Chronicles parallel, 2 vols., Oxford, 1892, 1899; Emerson,
O. F., A Middle English Reader, New York, 1905.

#Literature:# Behm, O. P., The Language of the Later Part of the
Peterborough Chronicle, Gothenburgh, 1884: Würzner, A., Review of Behm,
Anglia, viii, Anzeiger, 18-24: Meyer, H., Zur Sprache der jüngeren Teile
der Chronik von Peterborough, Jena, 1889: Horst, K., Beiträge zur
Kenntniss der Altenglischen Annalen, ES xxv. 195-218: Robertson, W. A.,
Tempus und Modus in der altenglischen Chronik, Marburg, 1906. =For
History:= Hugo Albus, ed. Sparke in Hist. Angl. Scriptores, Londini,
1723 (comp. Liebermann, F., Ueber ostenglische Geschichtsquellen,
Hannover, 1892): Gesta Stephani in Chronicles of the Reign of Stephen,
Rolls Series; William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, Rolls Series;
Bridges, J., History of Northamptonshire, 2 vols., Oxford, 1791:
Norgate, K., England under the Angevin Kings, 2 vols., London, 1887:
Round, J. H., Geoffrey de Mandeville, London, 1892.

#Phonology:# #a# is regularly _a_, whether oral, faren 9, makede 23, ac
39, pades 59 (*#pad#); or before nasals, Godman 22, nam 42; or before
lengthening groups, land 1, enmang 26. It is _e_ in henged 55, 56
influenced by Scand. _hengja_; _æ_, which in this text lies near _e_, in
the Scand. loan-word tæcen 120, 139; _o_ in oc 7, but, through influence
of Scand. _oc_, also. #æ# is mostly _a_, was (34 times), þat (9), at
(5), -masse (3), but no instance of after; the pasts, bar 85, spac 141,
stal 165; but _e_, wes (7 times, all between ll. 20 and 76), þet (once),
-messe (once), efter (15), analogy of #eft#; and _æ_, wæs (9), þæt
(once), æt (6), -mæsse (once), æfter (once), stæl 132. #e# is generally
_e_, nefe 7, wel 72; before lengthening groups, sende 4, 9, þrengde 61
(*#þrengan#), ferde 166; but _æ_ in bæron 63, 66, wæl 95, 203, þæ 100,
æten 124. #i# is regularly _i_, milce 4, scip 14, but _y_ is sometimes
written for it, uurythen 58, suyken 135, wyd 141. #o# is regularly _o_,
ouer 13, smoke 56, o 74 (= #on#); before length. groups, uuolde 3, gold
24. It is _a_ in an 14, a 20; _u_ in durste 22. #u# is regularly _u_,
sunne 15, cumen 18, sturuen 75; before length. groups, wurþen 17, hungær
67, wurthen 147. It is omitted in of uundred 17 (a French spelling). #y#
is _i_, dide 9, 18, bebiriend 22, sinnes 88, mint 98; written _y_ in
byrthen 24, yfel 29, 51, 88, fyrst 30, fylden 49, 51, styred 136.

#ā# is normally _a_, þa 1, sua 3, an 10, athes 46, mare 76, 87, mar 136;
before two consonants, halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
axen 128. It is _o_ in nan more 71, nan mor 6, to 111, 117 through loss
of stress. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, todeld 39, neure 73, flec 74, hethen 77, here,
her 190, or _æ_, æuricman 20, sæ 13, ælc 102, æuez 117 (#ǣfæst#),
todælde 178; exceptionally _a_ in ani 52, lastede 68; _o_ in onne 63
(#ǣnne#). #ǣ{2}# is normally _e_, slep 14, uueron 84, ormete 114, eten
123, or _æ_, wæron 6, 54, þær 61, 145, ræd 156, but _a_ occurs before
#r# some fifteen times, uuare 16, 183, uuaren 50, 75, war 85, 172, thar
40, 84, 136, thare 96, 149, bare 24, forbaren 78, nadres 59, stali 147.
#ē# is mainly _e_, fet 55, slep 86, refen 92, cuen 145; before consonant
groups, underfeng 27, uuenden 38, spedde 171, but _æ_ in læt 92, 164,
and rounded into _eo_ before _rd_ in feorde 6, 125, feorden 34, 150. #ī#
is regularly _i_, suithe 8, lic 21, for which _y_ is sometimes written,
suyðe 49, 92, gysles 157. #ō# is _o_, com 1, oþre 5, moste 97. #ū# is
_u_, ut 9, abuten 16. #ȳ# is _i_, litel 35.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in quarterne 59, nareu 60; _æ_ in scærpe
61, 64, iærd 78, 102; _a_ generally before lengthening groups, uuard 15,
18, 122, 189, 201, forewarde 157, 185, nowiderwardes 65, but _æ_ in wærd
176, 177, 193. The _i_-umlaut is represented by _æ_, _e_, _eo_, færd
115, 180, ferd 133, feord 164. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_,
als 15, alre 30, alle 45, hals 65; but ælle 43; before #ld#, ald 16,
halden 143, 186, 189; but manifældlice 113. Palatal #ea# is _a_, iaf 10,
128, 129, 158, 205; _æ_ in begæt 96, 98. Palatal #ie# is generally _i,
y_ after #g#, gyuen 9, 71, ííuen 144, 158, but gæildes 70, bigæton 170;
after #č#, cęste 60. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, weorces 50,
weorkes 103 (influence of _w_); _e_ in sterres 16; before length. groups
_e_, erthe 85, _eo_, eorl 116, _æo_, æorl 132. To the #wur# group belong
wurscipe 11, wurtscipe 93. #w# + #ie#, umlaut of #eo# before #r# + cons.
is represented in uuerse 69, wærse, 156, 159. #eo# before #l# + cons. is
_e_ in helde 184, _æ_ in sælf 202. #eo#, umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in
clepeden 70, here 44; _i, y_ in sithen 153, siððan 32, sythen 79, sylure
24, syluer 40, 53. #eo# after #g# is seen in iunge 178; after #sc# in
sculde 18, 38, scort 60; after #w# in suster 170; beionde 196, heom 34,
represent #eo# of obscure origin.

#ēa# is mostly _e_, ded 19, 176, 177, 193, hefed 56, estren 108, forles
140, reuede 173; or _æ_, ræuede 20, ræflac 29, ræueden 71, ræueres 83,
hæued 58, but _eo_ in eom 38, beom 64. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in flemden
118, herde 163, cæse 74. Palatal #ēa# after #g# is _æ_ in gære 13, 18,
undergæton 44; _ea_ in gear 1, _a_ in iafen 44 (#gēafon#).

#ēo# is mostly _e_, underþeden 3, ben 7, frend 21, helden 32, undep 61,
ieden 75, but _æ_ in dær 23, gæde 58, scæ 140 (*#sēo# Anglia, Beiblatt,
vii. 331), iæde 165, wæx 127, and _eo_ in heolden 47, 49, deoules 51,
preostes 80, freond 151. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in þestrede 15, 122,
dære 74, sæclede 201 and atywede 111 (#ætīewan#). #gīet# is gæt 76, get
38.

#æ# + #g# is _æi_ in dæi 15, 16, 19, 52; _ei_ in dei 11, 14; _ai_ in lai
14, mai 67; _æ_ in sæde 143, sæden 17, 86. #e# + #g# is _æi_ in æie 22,
sæin 87, læide 173, læiden 70; _ei_ in eie 196, sei 24. #ongegn# is
represented by agænes 48, 130, agenes 30, 180, so togænes 116. #i# + #g#
is _i_ in ani 52. #o# + #h# is _oh_ in wrohte 91, bohton 107. #u# + #g#
is _ug_, flugen 76, 135, 147; #u# + #h#, _uh_ in fuhten 117. #ǣ{1}# +
#h# is seen in bepaht 4. #ē# + #g# is _ei_ in uureide 2, beien 176. #ī#
+ #g# is _i_ in fridæi 109. #ō# + #g#, #h# is _oh_ in onoh 63, brohten
21, brohte 92. #ea# + #h# gives _uh_ in muhten 147. #ēa# + #g# is _eg_
in rachenteges 63; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, neh 4, fleh 140, 149, 165, hehlice
204; but heglice 112.

#ā# + #w# gives _au_ in saule 40; #ō# + #w# is represented in nouther
78, 154 (#nōhwæðer#), noht 8 (#nōwiht#); #ēa# + #w# in fæumen 117; #ēo#
+ #w# in neuuæ 93, treuthe 47, 154, treothes 47.

In syllables of minor or no stress, #swā# is reduced to _se_, alse 38,
55, ware se 172; #o# to _e_, altegædere 79, enmang 26. _æ_ is written
for e, flugæn 82, forcursæd 84, War sæ 85, neuuæ 93, bletcæd 198. In
sona 30, _a_ is traditional spelling, instead of _e_. The suffix in
wreccehed 76 represents *#hæd#. Inflectional vowels are mostly levelled
to _e_, but _a_ persists in the infinitives winnan 115, rixan 176, and
is found in the _pt._ plurals, tocan 32, coman 82; _o_ in wæron (11
times), undergæton 44, bræcon 62, brendon 72, heoldon 143, fæston 154;
in macod 41, begunnon 210 and the _inf._ bæron 63, bigaeton 170. In
wicci 155 _i_ is miswritten for e.

For #w#, the scribe adds to the OE. symbol ƿ the French _uu_, which
occurs for the most part initially, as uureide 2, but medially in
þohuuethere 33, Noruuic 107; and for #sw#, #cw#, _su_, _cu_, as sua 3,
cuen 145. Once for #cw# he has French _qu_ in quarterne 59. In cusen
201, cosan 204, _s_ has been substituted for #r#, by influence of
#cēosan#, #cēas#, &c. An inorganic _n_ appears in conjunction with _d_
in bebiriend[en] 22, þolenden 87. In umwile 70, the prefix is O. Scand.
#um#; þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_: in hauen, 131, #bb# has
passed through f, by analogy of #hafað#, to _u_; similarly liuen 98. #f#
between vowels is generally represented by _u_, as æuez 117, ræueres 83;
but hefed 56, yfel 29: it is also _u_ in æure 69, deoules 51, sturuen
75: it is assimilated in wimmen 53, lammasse 13. #t# is lost in efsones
156, and misplaced in sa`t´hleden 153: OE. #milts# is milce 4. #d# has
fallen off in þusen 66, and interchanged with þ in wurþen 17, wurthen
147. The contraction ⁊ = and 47, 198, but the _d_ as well as that of mid
142, 160 was evidently pronounced _t_ when followed by _te_ for þe. #þ#,
#ð#, #th# all occur indiscriminately; the last is French. #þ# of the
article þe is assimilated to a preceding _t_, as ð{at} te 3, þatte 8, æt
te 13, ⁊ te 5, and often, ⁊ to 111, 117, mid te 142, 160, but not after
_d_ in fand þe 90, nor in mid þemperice 160, wyd þemperice 162, where
the article coalesces with the noun. In wurtscipe 93, &c., wart 122, _t_
has displaced #þ#; while in wurscipe 11 #þ# has been lost: #þ# often
interchanged with _d_, as uuard 15, 176, 201, nowiderwardes 65,
fordfeorde 125, wyd 141, widuten 147. In bletcæd 198 (#bletsod#) _c_ is
written for #s#, as in emperice 141. #Sc# is [š], _sh_ in ship; so
sculde 7, scip 14, lundenisce 27, scort 60, scærpe 61, scæ 140, -scipe
11, &c. Voiced #s# is once written _z_, æuezmen 117.

The scribe uses _ch_, as often in Anglo-Norman, with the value of [k] to
represent #c#, #g#, as rachenteges 63 (#racente#, always with k
elsewhere in ME.), halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
folecheden 148 (#folgodon#), Burch 2, burch 163 (#burg#); being all the
instances of _ch_ which occur. But he also has _c_ with the same value
as folc, com, tocon, macod, &c., and _c_ for #č# (_ch_ in chin), which
may be assumed for ricemen 30, cæse 74, circe 78, ceste 60, cild 107,
cusen 201, cosan 204, -cestre 133, -rice 9, and for final ic.

Palatal #g# is mostly _i_, iaf 128, 129, 158, 205, iafen 44, aiauen 168
(#āgiefan#), ííuen 144, 158, iunge 178, iærd 78, 102, beionde 196, iæde
165, ieden 75 (#ge-ēodon#), but _g_ in gear 1, begæt 98, get 38, gæt 76,
gæde 58, bryniges 57. In sloghen 118 (#slōgon#) the guttural sound is
expressed.

Initial #h# in words of less stress has largely disappeared, so, it 8,
&c., but hit 189: it is added in hær 159, here, her 190. #hw# is reduced
to _w_, War 85, wile 69, umwile 70, and is _wu_ in Wua 24. #h# is lost
in þur 112 through confusion with the following word, but its guttural
character is sufficiently indicated by added _c_ in þurhc 155, 156. _þ_
is written for #h# in þoþ 35, þoþwethere 91, 181; but þohuuethere 33.

#Accidence:# In the strong declension #sunu# _m._ is levelled to sune
_s. n._ 21; _f._ sæhte _s. n._ 184 has added _e_. Gen. _s._ -es, as
kinges 29; no examples of fem. or neut. nouns. The dative is mostly
without distinctive inflection, as land 1, king 2; eie 196, sune 184,
rice 177, genge 119 do not differ in termination from the nom., but
exceptionally kinge 28, tune 73; lande 10, 76, gære 13, quarterne 59,
wiue 179 have _e_. The dat. fem. forms saule 40, ceste 60, strengthe 99,
145, rode 109, forewarde 157, and the accusatives milce 4, treuthe 47,
blisse 175 probably correspond in this text to ME. nominatives with
added _e_, as is the case with the acc. fare 72, helpe 169, sahte 182.
Men 23 is probably dat. sing.: the gen. is mannes 65. Sylure 24 is
probably for syluer, as at 53. The plural _n. d. a._ inflection is -es;
sandes 34, tunes 70, 72; once s in martyrs 54. Neuters in es are gæildes
70, landes 92, weorkes 103, but wunder 46, 67 _pl. a._ retains the OE.
plural. Fote 165 is prob. _pl. d._ (= #fōtum#); wintre 69, 89 is a _pl.
a._ corresponding to OE. pl.#winter#; similarly threniht, _pl. a._ 16.
Pining 54, 108 (#pīnung# _f._) appears to be treated as a neut. pl.,
comp. pines 68: freond 151 is OE. _pl. a._ #frēond#. No example of _pl._
gen. occurs.

The weak declension of all genders has e in all cases of the singular;
_n._ mone 16; _d._ messe 11, lammasse 13, smoke 56, pape 95, time 106,
luue 109; _a._ throte 65, cyrce 79. But sunnen (dæi) 198 preserves an
old genitive; cyricen 203, circewican 97, horderwycan 98 are datives.
The plurals are mostly in -es. _n._ nadres 59, _d._ þumbes 56, _a._
neues 43; but halechen _pl. n._ 87, estren _pl. d._ 108 descend from OE.
forms.

Most of the adjective inflections are lost, and there is little trace of
the distinction between strong and weak. There is no instance of
undoubted inflection of a strong adj. in the singular, but ful 56, an
60, scort 60, al 66, 88 are uninflected: micel is invariable. Strong
_pl._ in e are sæhte 35, alle 45, 62, 67, 68, 72, 96, 129, yuele 51,
scærpe 61, suilce 86, manie 102, gode 104, wunderlice, manifældlice 112:
not inflected are al 15, cnotted 57, hethen 77, mani 103. I take
untellendlice 54, alle, ilce 108 as _pl. a._ The weak declension is
exemplified in the singular, lundenisce 27, 139, yfele 88, ilce 200; but
ilc 18, &c. Wise 182 is plural; not inflected, æuez 117, &c. onne 63,
_s. a. f._ corresponds to #ǣnne#, rather than #āne#.

The personal pronouns are i 67; he, him; hi _pl. n._ 37, her _pl. g._
(#hiera#) 154, heom, and once hi _pl. a._ 51; scæ 140 (first
appearance), hire; it: relatives þe, ð{at}, used also in oblique cases,
_pl. g._ 63, _s. d._ 116: article _s. pl._ þe, but _pl._ to 111, 117
(for þo).

Strong verbs have _inf._ in -en, but bæron 63, bigæton 170. The _dat.
inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, occurs 63, 71, 124, 170, 186, 189;
_part. pr._ are sittende 73, ridend 82; _pr. pl._ lien 97; _pt. s._ I a.
iaf, lai, besæt, begæt, spac: I b. com, nam, bar, stæl, stal: I c.
warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart, fand, wan, belamp: III. fleh, forles:
IV. for, toc, suor, forstod: V. underfeng, held, slep, læt, wæx, hatte;
_pt. pl._ usually ends in -en, but on, an, æn also occur; I a. iafen,
undergæton 44, drapen, eten: I b. comen, coman 82, namen, bæron,
forbaren, stali (error for stalen) 147, bræcon 62: I c. wurþen, fuhten,
fuhtten 181, sturuen: II. risen, uurythen, suyken: III. flugen, flugæn
82, 135, cusen: IV. tocan 32, sloghen: V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen
44, bræcon 62 are possibly subjunctives; bare 24, helde 184 are _pt. s.
subj._: _pp._ I b. forholen: I c. begunnon: III. cosan, forloren: IV.
suoren, forsworen: V. underfangen.

Weak verbs have _inf._ in en, but rixan 176, uuerrien 33, sæin 87, sei
24; _dat. inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, at 33, 98, 131; _pr. s._
maket 112, _pt. s._ in -de, -ede; but besætte 131, wrohte 91: beteht
117, goded 92, henged 55, 56, læd 135, macod 41, mint 98, scatered,
to-deld 39 have lost final _e_; gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._; þole(n)den 1
_pt. pl._ 87; _pt. pl._ in -en, as sæden 17, &c.; once in on, brendon
72. bebiriend 22, bebyried 111 are for bebyrieden; comp. byrieden 110,
the loss of _en_ is due to the following word; _part. pt._ in -ed, but
forcursæd 84, bepaht 4.

Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._; muhten _pt. pl._;
cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._; wæron, uuaren _pt. pl._; uuare 16,
ware 183, _pt. s. subj._; hatte 113, gehaten 11, 202.

#Dialect:# This is, no doubt, substantially the North-East Midland of
Peterborough, but with traces of Northern influence, such as the form
saule 40, and the extensive representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_;
of #ā#; and of #a# before lengthening groups. The last two perhaps need
no such explanation in this early text; they are indeed usual in Orm
fifty years later, but the inclination to #o# is marked in other East
Midland texts. There is a considerable survival of traditional spelling,
especially noticeable in the use of #æ# and in inflections of the verbs.

#Vocabulary:# French are acordede, canceler (pre-Conquest), castles,
carited, cuntesse (first appearance), curt (f. a.), emperice (f. a.),
justise, iudeus (f. a., OF. judeu, Reimpredigt 14/27), messe, miracles
(f. a.), pais (f. a.), prisun, processiun, rentes (f. a.), sot(lice),
Standard, tenserie, treson (f. a.), tresor (f. a.), tur, uuerre,
uuerrien 33: Latin are crucet (hus) 60, priuilegies 96; anno 94 is an
early use. Scandinavian are bathe 52, brendon 72 (OWScand. brenna),
bryniges, carlmen (already in OE.), drapen, hærnes, sæht, sæhtlian,
tæcen 139, þoh, til (in OE.), um (while).

#Introduction:# The Peterborough Chronicle continues the history for
seventy-five years beyond any of the other redactions of the AS.
Chronicle. The last section of it here printed differs in form and
language from the rest. It is not in annal form; only six dates are
given as headings and events are not recorded in their chronological
order. Places like 6/29, 7/68, 8/88, 104 show that, at least from the
first-mentioned passage, the whole was written down at the same time,
and that not long after 1155 (comp. 11/210). Though there is
considerable variation in spellings, there is no evidence of progressive
change, or of the influence of earlier documents. These variations are
distributed quite impartially over the whole piece, and witness to
nothing but the strong effort of the scribe to express as accurately as
possible the sounds he heard. For I think it was taken down at the
dictation of an old monk, who had lived through the Anarchy, by a
younger man acquainted with French scribal methods. His mistakes, such
as false grouping of syllables 6/20, failure to grasp what was said
7/62, dropping and altering of end syllables under the influence of the
following word, 6/22, 8/111, 8/112, 9/147, the omissions shown by the
interlineations, are mistakes of dictation. And the brevity and absence
of subordination in the sentences, the confusions in construction, as at
7/64-7, the frequent changing of the number of the verbs 7/48, 9; 7/56,
7; 7/60, 61, are hardly consistent with deliberate written composition.

Throughout this time there was an historian at Peterborough. Hugo Albus
was a monk there from 1114, and sub-prior from 1134 to 1154. In advanced
age he wrote the History of the Monastery in Latin, in which, at any
rate, he utilized the English Chronicle. Some have thought him the
author of the latter also, but that view is rejected very decidedly by
Liebermann (Ueber osteng. Geschichtsquellen, 5). His strongest argument
is the difference of style, the comparative smoothness, elaboration, and
coldness of the Latin. Some of that may be due to lapse of time, for
there is probably fifteen years between the two compositions. Something
too should be allowed for the difference in language and in purpose.

1. King Henry returned from Normandy to England in July, 1131. Henry of
Poitou had been in turn bishop of Soissons, monk and prior of Cluny,
prior of Savigny, abbot of S. Jean d’Angely in 1104, and, ‘quia versutus
erat et callidus et ingeniosus,’ as Hugo says, he acquired the
archbishopric of Besançon, from which he was expelled by the abbot of
Cluny after three days’ tenure. Then he got and lost in the same way the
bishopric of Saintes, which he held for a week. In 1123 he came to
England as legate for the collection of Rome-scot, and returning in 1127
on the same errand he told the king, to whom he was related, that being
old and tired of war and dissension in his own land, he desired to
abandon S. Jean for Peterborough. But being made abbot of the latter in
1128, he held both till the monks of S. Jean expelled him in 1131, when
he went to Cluny and was detained there till he swore to the abbot that,
if permitted to return to England, he would procure the subjection of
Peterborough as a priory to Cluny. What he charged the monks with is not
known.

2. #burch#: S. Petri Burgum: ‘Medeshamstede monasterium . . quod nunc
. . Burch vulgariter nominatur,’ Hugo, 23.

3. #ð# = þat 6/34, 7/60, 64; but þet 11/186 and þæt demonstrative
11/195, each once only.

4. #sende efter#: summoned the monks to Brampton in Hampshire: ‘rex . .
misit propter monachos apud Bramtune,’ Hugo, 75. With #efter# comp. 5/9,
6/28.

5. Roger of Salisbury, chancellor 1101; named bishop of Salisbury 1102,
but not consecrated till 1107; ‘secundus a rege,’ Henry of Huntingdon,
245; deprived of his castles at Oxford 1139 (6/42); died in the same
year. Alexander, nephew of Roger, created bishop of Lincoln 1123; died
1148. #b# = biscop, see 8/83, 9/140. #Seresberi# with inorganic _s_ is
Sereberi 6/42, OE. #Searoburg#: Sælesberi in the AS. Chronicle MS. F
_anno_ 552 has dissimilated _r_, while the corresponding Latin is
Seleberi: #lincol# is influenced by the common French form, Nicol: on
Lincollan occurs at E 627.

6. In #he feorde#, he may be the king, who had to deal with guile: comp.
‘Al es bot a fantum þat [we] with ffare,’ ES xxi. 201/1; ‘Tandem non
post multum temporis post haec intellexit rex fraudulentias eius,’ Hugo,
75. If _he_ is the abbot, as in the next sentence, the sense is, he
employed guile, so ‘_Iactantia_, ꝥ is idelȝelp on englisc, þenne mon bið
lof-ȝeorn ⁊ mid fikenunge fearð,’ OEH i. 103/29. With the next sentence
comp. ‘Cum autem quod cogitaverat perficere non posset, voluit nepotem
suum Gerardum haeredem & abbatem facere pro se, ut quod ille non potuit,
iste perficeret,’ Hugo, 75.

9. Henry returned to S. Jean. Hugo says he made a good end. His
successor, Martin de Vecti, native of the Isle of Wight, usually called
Martin de Bec, first prior after its second foundation of St. Neots, a
cell to Bec, was received by the monks on June 29th, 1132. #S’# = seint,
sometimes sein; a French fashion. In MS. E, from 1066 to 1122, where a
new section begins, _sc̄e_ for sancte is normal and frequent, exceptions
being Octab{us} sc͞i Martini 1114, Octab{us} sc͞i Joh{ann}is 1117, while
sc͞e Marie is treated as a genitive depending on words like _nativitas_.
From 1122 to 1131, S’ is regular save for three entries in 1125 and sc͞e
Marie twice as genitive. #neod# = Neotus may be due to the Anglo-Norman
tendency to substitute _d_ for final _t_ (Stimming, Boeve de Haumtone,
221). The pronunciation persisted, for in the church of St. Neots in
Cornwall, whence the body of the saint was stolen by the people of St.
Neots in Huntingdonshire, there is a tablet over his tomb with verses
said to have been written in the sixteenth century, in which occurs the
line ‘The vulgar call it now St. Need’s’ (Gorham, History of Eynesbury,
340). Sancti Neothi occurs twice in a document, Palaeograph. Society,
First Series, pl. 193. The name is now pronounced like mod. Eng. neats.

10. Comp. ‘An preost wes on leoden[;] Laȝamon wes ihoten,’ L 1: ‘he
co{m} to þere dune oliueti his ihaten,’ OEH i. 3/5. This paratactic
construction with _hatan_ is confined to names of persons and places; it
is colloquial and does not involve ellipsis of a relative.

11. #mid micel wurscipe#: ‘cum magno honore et gaudio,’ Hugo, 75: comp.
8/93, 11/188, 197, 207, 108/241.

13. #gære#: 1133 A.D. The eclipse took place on August 2nd ‘ð oþer dei’;
it lasted ‘ab hora fere 3 usque ad horam 6,’ Liebermann,
Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, 79. Henry died at Lions-la-Forêt
on the night of December 1st, 1135, and was buried January 6th, 1136.

18. #sua dide#: Comp. ‘sua diden’ 10/152; ‘swa ibeoð’ 14/70: similar are
8/84, 110, 9/115, 10/165, 176, 12/v. 5, 140/30, 146/117, 215/27, 217/97.
The subject is often omitted when it would represent the same thing as a
noun or pronoun in an oblique case in the preceding clause or phrase, as
at 16/122, 45/239, 98/71, 102/133, 118/42, 128/5, 140/25, 207/354,
217/94; see KH 1268 note.

19. #Andreas# is the Vulgate form.

20. #þe mihte#: comp. 8/81.

21. #sune . . . frend#: Robert of Gloucester and Hugh, archbishop of
Rouen, were at his death-bed.

22. ‘Corpus eius . . . apud Radingum in monasterio cuius ipse devotus
fundator largusque ditator exstiterat, sepultum est,’ William of
Newbury, 30. #Redinge#, L. Radingia.

23. #wið#: the usual prepositions are against and to, but comp. ‘nalde
na mon mis-don wið oðre,’ OEH i. 15/17, 35/2, and see 48/300 note.
#dær#. Their peace was soon broken, ‘Ferae quoque, quae in tota prius
regione, tanquam in indagine reclusae, cum summa pace reservabantur,
nunc quaquaversum turbari, a quolibet passim dispergi, ab omnibus,
abiecto metu, prosterni,’ Gesta, 4.

27. #blais#: L. _Blēsae_: _ai_ is an English graph for _ei_. Tonic e
free (L. ē) passed through _ei_ to _oi_ in most French dialects, but in
Norman it stopped at the first stage: in the Norman _patois_ of to-day,
L. _me(n)sem_ is meis, mes. Similarly L. Pictavum passed through Peitou
to Poitou in central French, but remained at the first stage for some
time in Anglo-Norman; see 10/179. Stephen was ‘filius comitis
Blesensium’; he was himself ‘comes Boloniensis.’

28. #Willelm curbuil#, Guillelmus Curbuliensis, W. of Corbeil (L.
Corboilum), a canon regular of the Augustinian Order, became archbishop
of Canterbury in 1123, and died 1136. The subject of #halechede# is
lundenisce folc: according to the Gesta (p. 4) they claimed the right to
elect. #mide-wintre dæi#, Christmas Day; the pre-Christian name for the
festival.

30. #ricemen#, powerful men, nobles: comp. 8/99, 19/34, 206/324.
#Balduin de Reduers#, Balduinus de Radvariis; in France, Baudouin de
Réviers (near Caen). An _e_ for Fr. _ie_ is characteristic of
Anglo-Norman. He was created Earl of Devon sometime before June, 1141.
The order of events is here confused. The settlement with David of
Scotland by which Stephen granted the earldoms of Carlisle, Huntingdon
and Doncaster to David’s son, Henry, was made before Easter, 1136; Hugh
Bigod seized Norwich castle in May; Stephen laid siege to Bampton in
June and took Exeter in September; Milo of Beauchamp held Bedford castle
against the king early in 1138. Stephen was much blamed for his clemency
to the rebels at Exeter; see Round, 24.

31. #Execestre# is the spelling of Domesday Book; OE. #Exanceaster#.
Similarly gloucestre 9/133, OE. #Glowecester#; Wincestre 9/140 (contrast
wincæstre 1/13), and Rouecestre 10/149 (contrast rofecæstre 1/14): all
show the Anglo-Norman [ts]. In the two last words the English sound has
prevailed.

35. #forstode#: comp. 10/155. Morris translates availed, as in ‘hu micel
forstent · and hu mære is · seo soþe hreow,’ Be Domes Dæge, 4/55; but
the ME. dictionaries and NED have only hinder, which would answer here.

37. #underfangen#, &c., accepted as ruler, for they thought he would be
exactly like his uncle, and he had still something to give away.
Elsewhere 6/27, 11/187, 197, 207 used of ceremonious welcome.

39. #sotlice#, foolishly, not ‘soothly’ (Norgate). Stephen lavished it
in personal expenditure, payments to mercenaries and subsidies to
discontented barons. ‘Habebat enim . . . rex immensam vim thesaurorum,
quos multis annis rex Henricus avunculus suus aggesserat; aestimabantur
denarii . . . fere ad centum milia libras. Hanc copiam gazarum habenti
auxiliatores deesse non poterant; praesertim cum esset ipse in dando
diffusus et, quod minime principem decet, prodigus,’ Malmesbury, ii.
540; Annales de Wintonia, 50.

40. #na god#, &c. Comp. 4/20-28.

42. The Oxford Council was held in June, 1139. The Chancellor Roger
Pauper was Bishop Roger’s son. The castles surrendered were Devizes,
Malmesbury, Newark, Sherborne and Sleaford.

44. #milde#: ‘lenis et exorabilis hostibus, affabilis omnibus,’
Malmesbury, 539. For a modern estimate see Norgate, i. 280.

45. #na iustise ne dide#, inflicted no punishment, as in OF. _faire
justise_, _justiser_; comp. ‘de li iert faite granz justise: | a glaive
sera turmentee | u vendue en altre cuntree,’ Marie, Lais, ed. Warnke,
154/60.

46. #wunder#, dreadful deeds, destruction; a development of OE.
#wundor#, portent: comp. 7/67, 66/120; ‘þa scipen wenden to wu{n}dre,’ L
7855; ‘of hem ðat haued ðis wunder wrogt,’ GE 3588. The picture of
oppression and desolation which follows was probably drawn from the
doings of Geoffrey de Mandeville in the Fen country during Dec.
1143-Sept. 1144 (Round, 214-19). Comp. L 4034-53, an original passage
based on the tradition of this evil time. #hi nan#, none of them;
extension of the OE. appositional constr. in #hi sume#. Comp. ‘alle he,’
7/47.

49. Under the treaty of Wallingford one thousand one hundred and fifteen
‘adulterine’ castles were to be razed. With #suencten# comp. 44/250; and
Round, 416.

52. #þe--hefden#, lit. whom they thought that they had any property. For
this periphrasis comp. 119/58, 9; ‘breðren ꝥ he hefde iherd ꝥ weren of
muche speche,’ AR 74/9. The subject of the dependent verb is not
expressed.

53. #efter#, with an eye to, to extort; a use mostly with verbs of
pursuit or desire, but comp. 60/12, 118/28. See Round, 214 note for
instances of these extortions.

54. #pining#, notwithstanding the scribe’s punctuation, is a cognate
_acc._ to _pined_; with the adj. it is practically equal to unutterably;
comp. 8/108.

55. Comp. ‘Sumne hi o{n}hengon be þan fotu{m} ⁊ sumne be þan earmum,’
AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 171/36. After _henged_ the object _heom_ is
omitted as being the subject of the previous verb.

58. #to ð#, to the extent that, so far that, so that. OE. #to þon þæt#.

60. #crucethus#, torture house: the first element is L. _cruciatus_.
Comp. ‘Heo deden heo in quarterne[;] in ane quale-huse,’ L 3769; ‘þis
meiden wes bicluset | þe hwile in cwarterne | ⁊ i cwalmhuse,’ SK 600.

62. #him . . . þe limes#, his limbs. Emphatic is ‘þ{a}t his ribbes him
to brake,’ KH 1077. #lof ⁊ grim#: the passage is corrupt: grī may be
gri{n} or gri{m}; lof can only be for loþ, as Thorpe suggests in his
translation, ‘loathly and grim,’ as if two adjectives for the name of
the contrivance. Possibly grine has dropped out after grī; the words are
associated in ‘Forðon he me alysde of laðum grine’ = ‘Quoniam ipse
liberavit me de laqueo,’ Paris Psalter, xc. 3. But more probably the
scribe has heard indistinctly an unfamiliar word such as, wæron loþ
engins. It is true that engine, device, machine does not appear in
English till 1300, but it is found in Anglo-Norman books in the last
half of the twelfth century, and it must have come to England with the
castle.

63. #rachenteges#, chains, fetters; but the gloss #collario# racentege
(Napier, 2062) is noteworthy in the present connexion. #ð . . . onne#,
one of which.

64. This may mean, ‘That was adjusted in this way, namely it is
fastened,’ &c., but it is not clear. Perhaps _it_ has been lost before
_is_. The contrivance must have resembled that described in Reade’s It
is Never too Late to Mend, ch. xi.

66. #bæron#: supply _sculde_ out of _myhte_.

70. #æure umwile#, at regularly recurring times; it became a regular
tax. #tenserie#, protection money. Round, 215, quotes from a letter of
Pope Lucius to Archbishop Theobald, ‘Quidam etiam sub nomine tenseriarum
villas et homines suos spoliant.’ LL. _tensare_ means, to protect, and,
through extortion of money on pretence of protection, to rob. See Round,
414 and NED _s.v._ Other references for _tenserie_, _tenser_ are
Wistasse le Moine, 2112; Roman de Rou, 9554.

71. Worcester was burnt in 1139, Nottingham in 1140 and 1153, Winchester
in 1141, Oxford in 1142, Cambridge by Geoffrey in 1144.

72. Comp. ‘Ærst aswond þat corn here[;] ȝeond al þas kineriche. | þer
aft{er} hit wes swa deore[;] & al folc gon to deȝen. | swa þat þu mihtes
fare[;] fulle seouen nihte | ꝥ no mihtest þu þurh nene chep[;] finde
neouwer na bred. | an b{ur}ȝe and on londe,’ L 31793-31801; ‘ꝥ folc ut
of londe[;] flah on ælche ænde. | monie hundred tune{n}[;] bi-læued
weoren of monne{n}. | þat lut me uinde mihte[;] me{n} uaren ȝeond
londe,’ L 31845-50.

75. #ieden on#, ‘went about asking,’ Norgate. This meaning requires the
verbal subst.; rather, ‘subsisted on,’ with _on_ of manner.

78. #ouer sithon# is usually taken as, everywhere subsequently, which is
not suitable here. Earle equates it with OE. #ofer sīþum#, as meaning
times past reckoning, but #ofer# in the sense of surpassing requires an
acc., and the phrase is without parallel. Perhaps sithon is a weak acc.
sing. of #sīþ#, which is often weak in ME.; the phrase might then mean,
contrary to experience. For #ofer# in that sense, comp. ‘ofer aþas ⁊
treowe’ = ‘contra fidem iurisiurandi,’ Bede, 148/10. William of Ypres
burnt Wherwell, plundered Abingdon, and tried to burn S. Albans.
Geoffrey de Mandeville sacked Ramsey in 1143; ‘nec ecclesiis nec
coemiteriis parcebant,’ Ann. de Wintonia, 52; Malmesbury, ii. 540.
#forbaren#, abstained from injuring; comp. ‘That the pore is thus
i-piled, and the riche forborn,’ Pol. Songs, 337/312.

81. #ouer#, written for ower, anywhere. OE. #āhwær#. #Gif#, &c.: comp.
‘Ubicunque alter alterum in itinere conspicebatur, totus protinus
contremiscere, meticulose visum effugere, vel prope in silva vel in
divortio aliquo latere, usquequo, resumpto tandem spiritu, viam coeptam
tutior carperet, et audacior,’ Gesta, 41.

83. #leredmen#: see 4/20.

84. #oc--þarof#, lit. but to them was nothing concerning that; it
concerned them not at all. Comp. 46/292; ‘ne beo ha{m} nawt of’ = let
them be unconcerned, 70/167; ‘þe dead (_d._) nis nout of, þauh he ligge
unburied’ = the dead does not mind, AR 352/5; ‘þe deade nis nan more of
scheome þen of men[s]ke,’ AR 352/29 (in both places Morton wrongly takes
_nis_ as _ne wis_); ‘Wha summ itt iss þatt mann, þatt niss | Nohht off
to wurrþenn fullhtnedd,’ Orm 140/4074. Similarly 180/131; ‘lutel me is
of ower luue, leasse of ower laððe,’ SJ 27/14. With #of# comp. 44/260,
164/256.

86. #xpist slep#. Said by the wicked, H. of Huntingdon, 277; by the
good, W. of Newbury, i. 45. See Norgate, i. 335 note, and comp. ‘Sed
. . . unicum mihi consilium superest, Deum hominem . . . exorare: qui
velut in navi dormiens, fidelium precibus excitandus est, ut procellam
componat naufragantis Ecclesiae,’ John of Salisbury, Metalogicus, 206.

89. #suinc#: ‘cum maximo labore abbatiam tenuit, sed adiuvabant eum
monachi sui, et tamen invenit eis abbas, et hospitibus, quicquid
necessarium fuit, et erat caritas magna in domo illa,’ Hugo, 76.

91. #carited#: _d_ is written for ð: similar forms are ‘kariteþ,’
‘cariteþ,’ Orm 3000, 3008; ‘kariteð,’ VV 19/34, &c.; ‘Natiuiteð,’ Chron.
E 1116; ‘plenteð,’ GE 3709. This ð represents the final t (sometimes
_d_) of the corresponding French words in the older texts, which had a
voiced [ð] or a voiceless [þ] sound according to the beginning of the
following word. This final _t_ disappeared from Central French in the
eleventh century; it lingers on in Anglo-Norman texts of the twelfth:
see Behrens, Beiträge, 175, 6. The word may mean alms, but _caritas_ had
the technical meaning of commemoration feasts, ‘epulae solennes et
extraordinariae’ ‘caritativae comestiones,’ Ducange, at the
anniversaries of benefactors, &c., ‘gaudies.’ #þoþwethere#,
nevertheless: ‘et in omnibus tribulationibus hiis operatus est in
ecclesia,’ Hugo, 76. #sette þarto#, assigned for that purpose; ‘ad
ecclesiam faciendam, villam Pilesgatam & omnes decimas & omnes
offerendas . . . constituit,’ Hugo, 78.

92. #Rentes# are incomings generally, not rent. #goded#, endowed, i.e.
with the aforesaid lands, tithes, and offerings. Comp. 72/190 for
another meaning. #læt it refen#, had it covered (with lead). Thorpe
translates ‘had it provided with vestments.’

94. The fire took place on August 4, 1116. The convent entered the
church (Martin built the choir only and the transepts were added by his
successor) on June 29th, 1140, according to the text and Hugo, but the
Chronicon Petroburgense and John the Abbot say 1143.

95. #fram#, by. Comp. ‘wearð Romeburg getimbred from twam gebroðrum,’
Orosius, 64/21; ‘Her swealt Herodus from him selfum ofsticod,’ AS.
Chron. A 3; ‘I sothlike set am for-þi | King fro him,’ Surtees Psalter,
ii. 6 (= ‘constitutus sum rex ab eo’).

96. The termination of #priuilegies# is due to direct borrowing of the
technical term from L. _privilegium_. The two documents are printed in
Hugo, 78, 82, and the former also in Dugdale, Monasticon, i. 390. They
are dated A.D. 1146: Eugenius was elected in 1145. The former protects
the lands, property, and rights of the monastery in general, and these
are given in detail: the latter recounts and confirms that part of the
properties which was specially allocated for the expenses of the sacrist
(#ciricweard#) (‘terras, quae ad sacristiam pertinent,. . . vel decimas,
vel servitia plurimorum, & domus,’ Hugo, 82). #of#, for, relating to.

97. #lien to#, appertain to: a phrase of the charters. B-T. quotes, ‘mid
eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest tólæg,’ Kemble, vi. 190; ‘ǽlc ðára
landa ðe . . . læg intó Cristes cyrcean,’ id. iv. 232. #gif#, &c., if he
might have lived longer, he meant to do the same for the office of
store-keeper; ‘similiter & redditus cellerarii & camerarii affluenter
augere & Romae confirmare, si posset vivere, cogitaverat,’ Hugo, 87. The
_camerarius_ had to keep the stores of clothes and bedding for the
monastery, the _thesaurarius_ was an officer in charge of the sacred
vessels and the plate under the direction of the sacrist. Martin did
assign two manors for the provision of clothes, but he did not live long
enough to get the protection of a _privilegium_ for the appropriation.
#Hordere# is a word of wide application; in Wright, Vocabularies,
330/18, it glosses _cellerarius_; here it is the reilþein (_vestiarius_)
of the Chronicle, 1131. For the purpose of these special appropriations
see Plummer’s note, ii. 311.

98. He recovered property of the Abbey in the shape of lands which
powerful men possessed by force. In Domesday the Abbey has holdings at
Cotingeham (Cottingham, Bridges, ii. 208), Ascetone (Easton-Mauduit, id.
163), Erdiburne (Irthlingborough, id. 235), Stanwige (Stanwick, id.
195), and Eldewincle (Aldwincle, id. 208), all in Northamptonshire. They
are all in one group in the first _privilegium_, duly protected under
threat of excommunication. #Malduit# (Maledoctus; Hugo says Maledictus)
was constable of the king’s castle of Rockingham and warden of the
Forest. #Rogingham# is Roegingahám in a charter dated 811, Kemble, i.
243. Hugo has Rogingeham 43, Rochingham 88, Rokingham 89. Hugh de
Waterville, lord of Adington Parva and Thorp Waterville, was probably
kin of the succeeding abbot, 11/202. He paid to Peterborough sixty
shillings per annum for Aldwincle (‘LX solidos de Aldewincle reddendos
annuatim,’ Hugo, 88). Dele stop after sol in text.

102, 3. ‘Conventum quoque de viginti monachis augmentavit,’ Hugo, 88,
89. #winiærd#. For vine-growing in England see Plummer, Bedae Opera, ii.
5, and Anglia, Beiblatt, xvii. 208. The #weorkes# were domestic
buildings, ‘cameram abbatis & aulam ad familiam aedificavit.’ #wende#,
‘Forum mutavit,’ Hugo, 88. He changed the site of the town and
afterwards of the market, it is supposed, from the east to the west of
the monastery.

106. #Stephnes kinges#: see 15/87 note.

107. #iudeus# is _pl._ of iudeu, Orm’s Judeow, Judew, OF. _Judeu_.
English forms Judeas _pl. a._, Judea _pl. g._, occur in the early part
of MS. E. #bohton#. In Thomas of Monmouth’s Life of S. William of
Norwich, ed. Jessop and James, the mother of the boy is said to have
been persuaded, by a gift of three shillings, into letting him go away
with the supposed cook of the Archdeacon of Norwich, to be a helper in
his kitchen, p. 17.

108. #pining#: see 7/54. #ð#, with which; see 46/292.

109. #langfridæi#: see 85/101. The date in the Life is Wednesday before
Easter, March 22nd, 1144, but the chroniclers differ as to the year
(Plummer, ii. 311). A miraculous light in the sky led to the discovery
of the body. The charge of ritual murder at large has been investigated
by Dr. Strack in Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit,
München, 1900.

111. The body was first buried in the wood where it was found, then
about a month after in the monks’ cemetery, and after six years it was
translated to the chapter-house, probably the occasion referred to in
the text. It was afterwards moved twice at least.

114. David crossed the Tweed in April, 1138. The battle of the Standard
was fought at Cowton Moor on August 22nd.

116. #Albamar#: ‘Willelmus de Magna Villa, comes de Alba Mara apud
Gisortum,’ Ricardus Divisiensis, 389; William of Albemarle (Aumale),
recently created Earl of York. #þe#, to whom; see 46/292.

117. #euorwic#: OE. #Eoforwic#; see Zachrisson, 63. Other English
captains were Walter Espec, Walter of Ghent, Ilbert de Lacy, and Robert
Bruce. The English were greatly inferior in numbers to the invaders.

120. Robert landed with the empress at Arundel in September, 1139.
Leaving her at Arundel he rode across the south of England to Bristol
with a few followers; ‘ediscensque [Stephanus] a veris exploratoribus
comitem cum suis evasum Bristoam sub nocturno silentio tetendisse . . .
ipse ad capiendum comitem totus intendit,’ Gesta, 55.

122. #wart it war#: comp. 48/330, 203/204; #it# = of it, may be regarded
as an _acc._ of reference, comp. 192/518, 200/116.

124. March 20th, 1140.

125. William of Corbeil died in 1136; Theobald was elected Dec. 24th,
1138, and consecrated, Jan. 8th, 1139.

126. #the bec#: the monastery of Le Bec-Hellouin; the village and
commune of to-day have the same name. It is stated that the article
appears where _bec_ means a beak or wedge of land at the junction of two
streams, but not where it is the Scandinavian loan-word meaning stream.
The rule does not hold here, for the monastery was built ‘in vallem ad
rivum, qui Beccus dicitur,’ Robert de Torigni, 27.

128. The king gave Ranulf des Gernons all that he asked for, save the
earldom of Carlisle, which was held by Henry of Scotland. William de
Roumare (de Rollonis mara: _o_ for _ou_ is Anglo-Norman) was his elder
half-brother. The king appears to have made him Earl of Lincoln about
this time. The brothers got into Lincoln Castle by a trick, and Stephen
at the appeal of the men of Lincoln besieged them there. The battle was
fought on Feb. 2nd, 1141.

135. Comp. ‘plurimis autem antequam manus consererent, ut comes
Mellonensis et Willelmus ille de Ypra, proh pudor! fugitantibus,’ Gesta,
70; ‘Capto itaque rege, tota Anglia concussa obstupuit,’ id. 71.

137. #þer efter com.# She had been in England more than four months. The
news of Stephen’s capture reached her at Gloucester, and her brother
joined her there with his royal captive on Feb. 9th. The interview with
Bishop Henry (9/140) took place before Winchester on March 2nd. The
empress was elected queen, with an interim title of ‘domina,’ on a
second visit to Winchester on April 8th at the Great Council summoned by
the bishop (Round, 70). At this meeting was pronounced the
excommunication of l. 143. The empress reached London some time in June
and fled from it on the 24th. She reached Winchester on July 31st, and
laid siege to the bishop’s stronghold, but was herself besieged by
Stephen’s queen (l. 145), and fled on the 14th of September, when Robert
of Gloucester was taken.

139. #Angou#: the scribe has made a better attempt in Angæu 10/167, 176.
His predecessor wrote Angeow at 1111 E and eleven times after (_ge_ =
Fr. j).

150. #minstre.# She was at Ludgershall, Devizes and Gloucester in her
flight. The last is, no doubt, meant.

151. The negotiators were Stephen’s wife and Mabel, Countess of
Gloucester.

152. Early in 1142, when Stephen was on his way to York, he was met at
Stamford by Ranulf and William de Roumare. There the king and the earl
bound themselves by oath to mutual fidelity (Round, 159). But the barons
compelled the king to proceed against him at Northampton in 1146. He was
seized and only regained his freedom at the price of surrendering his
castles. He gave up Lincoln at any rate. On his release he attacked
Lincoln and Coventry. The Gesta (p. 124) calls the ‘wicci ræd’ of the
barons ‘sanum consilium.’

154. #treuthes fæston#, made solemn declaration of fidelity: comp. ‘To
the kyng Edward hii fasten huere fay,’ Pol. Songs, 214/9; ‘treowðe
staðeluæste,’ L 9819.

155. #hamtun#, Northampton: _p_ in the modern spelling is parasitic.

157. #to ð forewarde#, on condition: comp. ‘Al Denemark i wile you yeue,
| To þat forward þu late me liue,’ Havelok, 485, 6. This rare use of
_to_ has probably developed from the notion of associated with.

159. #dide . . . sculde#: ‘did worse here than he should,’ Thorpe. For
#hær sculde#, read ær dide: comp. her, 11/190.

163. Oxford Castle was surrendered to Matilda in the summer of 1141, and
Stephen’s men entered the city, Sept. 26th, 1142. Matilda escaped a few
days before Christmas 1142; she left England early in 1147.

164. #sægen#, if a noun, OE. #sægen#, means report; it is a verb at
8/106, and may be here.

165. #mid rapes#, a detail peculiar to the Chronicle.

167. By 1144 Geoffrey of Anjou was completely master of Normandy. The
Angevin house was not popular there. #here thankes#, with their
goodwill, willingly: _thankes_ is an adverbial genitive, _here_, poss.
adj. Comp. 116/155, 153/70: with gen. noun, ‘warschipes vnþonkes,’
118/42; with gen. of possessive pron. ‘þines þonkes,’ OEH i. 17/35;
‘hares unþances,’ 14/56: absolutely, ‘sume þances sume unþances,’ AS.
Chron. MS. C 1066: uninflected, ‘unþonc hise teð,’ HM 47/26, comp. ‘þat
him wes mucheles unðonc,’ L 22370; ‘mid his gode þonke,’ 34/69.

170. #suster#, Constance, sister of Louis VI of France. The betrothal
took place in 1140 when Eustace was about ten years old. The attempt to
secure Normandy took place in 1151. Just before his death, Aug. 18th,
1153, Eustace ravaged East Anglia and tried to extort money from Bury
St. Edmunds.

174. #Canteberi#: see 1/14.

176. #rixan#: Stephen sought in vain to have Eustace crowned in 1152.
Geoffrey of Anjou died Sept. 7th, 1151; Matilda of Boulogne, May 3rd,
1152. Louis VII was divorced from Eleanor of Aquitaine, March 18th,
1152; she married Henry of Anjou at Whitsuntide. She sent for Henry, and
he hastened to Poitiers where the marriage took place; ‘ad nuptias ducis
quas concupierat convolavit,’ Ann. Monast. iv. 28.

180. Henry landed in England Jan. 6th, 1153. He captured Malmesbury,
demolished Stephen’s tower at Wallingford, took Stamford and Nottingham.
By Nov. 6th he had come to terms with Stephen at Wallingford.

184. ‘Rex Stephanus ipsum ducem . . . adoptavit in filium,’ Gervase,
1375; ‘Ducem siquidem Normannorum rex in filium arrogavit,’ R. de
Diceto, 527. #sib ⁊ sæhte#: comp. ‘betere weore sæhte[;] þene swulc
vnisibbe,’ L 9844, and see 70/158.

188. #lundene#, L. Lundonia: Lundone 656 E, but generally with -en.

190. Comp. ‘Annis enim iam plurimis fere nudo regis nomine insignis,
tunc recipere visus est huius rem nominis, et quasi tunc primo regnare
coepit,’ W. of Newburgh, 91. #æuert#, ever as yet: comp. 218/135,
221/248, with #her# (#ǣr#), ever at any time previously.

194. #fauresfeld#, Faversham, where Stephen and his queen founded a
Clugniac abbey in 1147, is meant: in the charters Febresham, Feferesham,
Ferresham. Lambard, Perambulation, 270, says it is called in Saxon
Fafresfeld, a statement probably founded on this place. The mistake was
probably due to confusion with the place now called Fairfield, a manor
once belonging to Christ Church, Canterbury, which Hasted (iii. 486)
says was anciently called Feyrsfelde.

196. Comp. 6/22.

198. #sunnen dæi#, December 19th. Martin died Jan. 2nd.

201. #innen dæis#: Thorpe translates ‘within a day’; that is the sense
required: comp. ‘Eodem vero die, quo [Martinus] obiit, convenit omnis
congregatio in unum, ut quempiam ex suis eligerent . . . ne propter
moram aliquis extraneus per pecuniam se inmitteret,’ Hugo, 89. But the
text does not give that sense, and _innen_ with a gen. is strange: read,
‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.

202. William de Waterville was one of Henry’s chaplains at the time of
his appointment. He belonged to a family founded by Ascelin (Azzelino)
de Waterville, who was a tenant of Peterborough in 1086 at Thorp
Waterville in Northamptonshire. Hugo, 8/100, was a descendant of his.
William de Waterville was deposed in 1175 for sheltering a relation who
had incurred the king’s displeasure (Hoveden, ii. 86).

204. #sone#: on the day after his election.

206. #bletcæd#: by Robert of Chesney, bishop of Lincoln. The new abbot
made a tour of the surrounding monasteries, which had many interests in
common with his own: Ramsey, Benedictine Abbey in Huntingdonshire
(Dugdale, ii. 546); Thorney, Benedictine Abbey in Cambridgeshire (D. ii.
593); Spalding, Benedictine Priory in Lincolnshire (D. iii. 206). The
gap before Spallding may be filled by Bourn, that after it by Sulby
baresworth. Sulby Priory, to the south-west of Peterborough, is said to
have been founded about 1155; it was connected with the Waterville
family and had extensive possessions in Baresworth; possibly the abbot’s
visit was connected with its inauguration. The last gap may have held
Croyland. In the last two lines the italics indicate letters in the MS.
which are very faint and doubtful. #Ramesæie# corresponds to L.
Rameseia, Fr. Rameseie, in contemporary documents: #Torney# is mostly
Torny in Domesday; sometimes in L. Torneia.


  _Cross-References_

  15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  48/300 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)

  _Errata_

  #Phonology:# ... þat (9), at (5), -masse (3)  [(5) -masse]
  _æ_, wæs (9), þæt (once)
    [_æ misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  _æ_ in bæron 63, 66  [_œ_]
  ... #eo#, umlaut of #i#
    [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  #ā# + #w# gives _au_
    [_“au” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  For #w# ... þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_  [inorganic _m_]
  In wurtscipe 93 &c., wart 122, _t_ has displaced #þ#
    [_“wart 122” added by author_]
  Most of the adjective inflections ... onne 63
    [_“onne” misprinted as bold_]
  Strong verbs .. I c. warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart
    [_“wart” added by author_]
  _pt. pl._ usually ends in -en
    [_“-en” misprinted as italic_]
  V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen 44, bræcon 62  [braecon]
  Weak verbs ... gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._
    [_final . invisible_]
  Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._;
    muhten _pt. pl._; cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._
    [_final . missing in first “pt. s.”, invisible in second_]
  #Dialect:# ... representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_  [æ{2}]
  9. ... exceptions being Octab{us} sc͞i
    [_superfluous comma after “sc͞i” deleted by author_]
  20. #þe mihte#: comp. 8/81.
    [_Author’s Corrigenda:_
    Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden
    sona þas landes, appears to me certain.]
  95. #fram#, by.  [_“by” printed in bold_]
  97. ... B-T. quotes, ‘mid eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest
    tólæg,’  [ðær]
  201. ... ‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.
    [_corrected by author from “hwile”_]




IV. CHARTER OF HENRY THE SECOND


#Manuscript:# Harleian Charter 111 B. 49, British Museum. The upper half
contains a version in Latin, excepting the passage ‘sacha . . . frimþa,’
which is in English; the names of six witnesses are appended. On the
lower half is the present text; on the back, ‘carta reḡ. H. ii de sacha
& socne.’ The document is in a French record hand, and the writer was
evidently little versed in the insular script. He uses both þ and th, ƿ
and w.

#Facsimile:# Keller, plate xiii.

#Editions:# Hickes, G., Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus,
i. p. xvi; Dugdale, W., Monasticon, i. 111; Birch, W. de Gray,
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series, xi. 312;
Stratmann, F. H., Anglia, vii. 220; Earle, J., A Handbook to the Land
Charters, 346 (with the Latin); Kluge, F., Mittelenglisches Lesebuch, 5.

#Phonology:# The language is not contemporary, for the drafter, who was
not the scribe, used as a model a charter (H^2) in the same terms,
granted to William of Corbeil (see 6/28) and the monks of Christ Church
by Henry the First in 1123 A.D., a copy of which exists in Campbell
Charter, xxi. 6, B.M., reproduced in Facsimiles of Royal and other
Charters in the British Museum, i. no. 6, and printed in Lye’s
Dictionary, ii. appendix. H^2 differs from our text in its dialect,
which is mainly Southern, with some Kentish forms, in greater regularity
of grammar, in details of names and relationships, but in little else.
It was derived from a charter (H^1) granted to S. Anselm and Christ
Church by Henry the First, _c._ 1107 A.D., extant in Campbell Charter,
xxix. 5, and Cotton Charter, vii. 1, printed in the Journal of the
British Archaeological Association, xxix. 242, also imperfectly in
Hickes and in Dugdale, i. 109, 111. It also shows traces of its Kentish
origin. But it was ultimately based on the Charter (E) granted by Edward
the Confessor to Archbishop Stigand, _c._ 1052 A.D., Campbell Charter,
xxi. 5, reproduced in Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British
Museum, part iv, no. 38, and printed in Transactions of the Royal
Society of Literature, i., New Series; and the chain extended back to
the first extant example of the formula, the charter (C) of Cnut to
Æthelnoth, A.D. 1020, preserved by a copy in a Canterbury book, the
MacDurnan Gospels (now at Lambeth), and printed in Earle, 232.

There is another copy of the present document, but fragmentary and
decayed, in the muniment room of Canterbury Cathedral.

H^1, H^2, and the Harley Charter (H^3) here printed, have been accepted
by Dölle in his book, Zur Sprache Londons vor Chaucer (Morsbach’s
Studien, xxxii), as specimens of the English of the London Chancellery.
As the editors of the Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters point out,
H^1, H^2 are in a book hand, not that of an official court scribe; they
are without witnesses or place of execution. Their seals do not prove
them to be the original grant, for both H^1 and its duplicate Cotton
Charter, vii. 1, have seals, and a note on the back of the latter
appears to indicate that it is one of four copies. The duplicate of H^3
also has its seal, attached, like the others, in an unusual way to the
left side of the document, as if to show that both documents and seals
are replicas of the original. They are, in fact, copies, and the natural
assumption is that they were made at Canterbury to provide against risk
of loss or damage to the actual grant.

H^3 is on a different footing: it is properly attested, its place of
origin is given, and its seal is attached in the usual way at the foot.
But it is not in a charter hand, and its language shows that it was
prepared by a Canterbury scribe to be placed before the king for his
acceptance.

It should be noted that the English words from saca to frimtha also
appear in the Latin version with the following variants: Sacha, Wude,
felde, tolnes, grithbreches, thiofes, flemene.

The charter is then a patchwork of old and new; its phonological
position may be defined by an attempt at a version in Late West-Saxon.
Ic Henric · þurh Godes gife Englalandes cyng · grēte ealle mīne
bisceopas ⁊ ealle mīne scīrgerēfan ⁊ ealle mīne þegnas frencisce ⁊
englisce · on þām scīrum þe Þeobald ærcebisceop ⁊ se hīrēd æt xpīstes
cyrican on Cantwarabyrig habbað land inne frēondlice · ⁊ ic cȳðe ēow þæt
ic hæbbe heom geunnen ꝥ hi bēon ǣlc þāra landa wurðe þe hi hæfdon in
Ēadweardes cynges dæge · ⁊ on Willhelmes cynges mīnes furðor ealdefæder
· ⁊ on Henrices cynges mīnes ealdefæder · ⁊ sace ⁊ sōcne · on strande ⁊
on streame · on wudum ⁊ on feldum · tolles ⁊ tēames · griðbryces · ⁊
hāmsōcne · ⁊ fōrstealles · ⁊ infangeneþēofes · ⁊ flȳmena fyrmðe · ofer
heora āgene menn · binnan burgum ⁊ butan · swā ful ⁊ swā forð swā mīne
āgene wīcneras hit sēcan sceoldon · ⁊ ofer swā fela þegnas swā ic heom
tolǣten hæbbe · And ic nelle ꝥ ǣnig mann ǣnig þing þǣrof tēo · butan hī
⁊ heora wīcneras þām þe hi hit betǣcan willað · ne frencisce ne englisce
· for þām þingum þe ic hæbbe Crīste þās gerihta forgifen minre sāwle to
ēcere ālȳsednesse · ⁊ ic nelle geþafian ꝥ ǣnig mann þis ābrece be mīnum
fullan frēondscipe. God ēow gehealde.

It will be seen that the OE. phonetic position is largely maintained;
noteworthy divergences are: #æ# as _e_ in hebbe, ercebisceop; as _a_ in
habbe (occasionally in OE.), ealdefader; as _ea_ (= #e#) in eafdon, #æ#
+ #g# in deȝe. ænglelandes (also in H^1, H^2) shows a survival of
primitive #æ#, characteristic of the south-east. en 12/6 for #on# is
due to loss of stress; Layamon 8059 has æn; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in þeinas.
#y# is _e_ in grithbreces of the Latin text and H^1, H^2 (but
grithbrices is OE. #griðbrice#); _i_ in Cantuarabirȝ. #ǣ# is _e_ in
bitechan, enig, eni, echere, toleten, þer; #ȳ#, _e_ in keþe. #ea# before
#l# + cons. is _a_ in forstalles; frimtha is descended from #fiermð#
with metathesis of _r_: the others have fermþe and H^1 also feormþe,
forms without umlaut: #giefu# appears as ȝefu, but #giefan#, forgifan.
#heora# is heara (early Kentish hiara) beside heore; scolden answers to
a non-diphthonged OE. form. #flīema# gives flemene in the Latin text (so
E, H^1, H^2, the latter also flæmene) and fleamene: alisendnesse is OE.
#ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#), the others have alysednesse.
#ēo# is _e_ in frenscipan: _io_ in thiofes of the Lat. text, _ia_ in
thiafes; #ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule; #ēo# + #w# appears as geau (ȝeu,
Poema Morale, Digby MS.) with ȝ borrowed from the _nom._, helped, no
doubt, by the general tendency exemplified in gearfoþe, ungeaþe of the
MK. gospels.

#w# is written _u_ in Cantuarabirȝ; an inorganic _n_ is inserted in
alisendnesse; #f# is _u_ in geþauian, scirereuan. The dentals are
confused: _þ_ for #t#, _t_ for #þ#, _t_ for #d#, _d_ for #þ# appear in
theames, theo, teobalt, hiret, habbad, ford; #d# is omitted in
frenscipan, as in stan, halen, &c., of the MK. gospels; #č# is written
_ch_ in chyrchen, bitechan, echere, ich, grithbriches; the scribe
apparently uses _ch_ for [k] in Sacha of the Latin text; #h# is omitted
in eafdon; _cht_ for #ht# in gerichtan is an attempt to indicate the
guttural sound.

The inflections of OE. are largely preserved, but levelling of #a# to
_e_ is shown in fele, fleamene, fullen, heore, lande (_pl. g._), þare,
Wicneres, while _a_ is written for older #e# in frimtha, saca, wurþa,
and _o_ for #e# in geunnon. OE. #um# is _an_ in burgan, feldan, minan,
sciran, þingan, wudan; #þām# appears as þan. Weak forms are gerichtan,
frenscipan; ȝefu is nom. form for accusative.

#Dialect:# The levelling of #y#, #ȳ#, #æ#, #ǣ# to _e_; #ea# as _a_, the
old Kentish #io#, #ia# in thiofes, thiafes, heara point to Kent. The
absence of _v_, _z_ for #f#, #s# initial, the retention of #a# in lande,
strande, and of #n# final either mark an early stage in the dialect, or
show the conservative influence of the older documents.

#Introduction:# King Henry the Second grants, or rather confirms, to
Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Christ Church their
lands and privileges of jurisdiction. The date is February, 1155 (Eyton,
Itinerary of Henry II. 5) and the place York. For alisendnessee 12/15,
read alisendnesse.

1. #gret . . . mine#, verb of the third person, pronoun of the first: so
CE; it is formal, and not a scribe’s error as Stratmann thinks; H^1, H^2
have grete. #bissceopas#, &c.: in Latin, ‘Ep{iscop}is · Com{itibus} ·
Bar{onibus} · Justic{iariis} · Vi{c}e{comitibus} · Cet{er}isq{ue} suis
fidelib{us}.’

3. #þe . . . inne#, in which; see 1/3 note. E has þær . . . inne.

4. #Cantuarabirȝ#; see 1/14.

5. #ꝥ# = þet. #ælc#, each of them: the archbishop and the monks
severally, as well as jointly; so H^1, H^2; E omits.

6. #kinges#: see 15/87 note.

7. #saca# and the other genitives are, like lande, dependent on wurþa.
Each of these words has a threefold aspect: (1) the simple meaning of
the word itself; (2) the right to adjudicate in connection with that;
(3) the right to profit by fee or fine arising out of such jurisdiction.
#Sacu# and #sōcn# are glossed, _litis, contestatio_ and _quaestio,
inquisitio_ respectively. #Sōcn# is the leading word and #sacu# was
added to round off the phrase; together they express a single idea,
inquisition into a disputed matter (sometimes the area of jurisdiction);
then the right to adjudicate privately within one’s own jurisdiction on
certain cases which arise within it, and the right in consequence to
appropriate the proceeds in fines, &c. #Toll#, tax on merchandise,
sometimes exemption from such, the right to collect it, the profit
arising therefrom. Sometimes merely the right to tallage one’s villeins.
#Tēam#, vouching to warranty, right to adjudicate in cases which
involved the production of a guarantor (#getēama#), right to
forfeitures, &c., arising out of such processes (see B-T. _s.v._).
#Griðbryce#, breach of a special peace, that is, a protection accorded
specially to a person, place, or period of time by the king, the right
to try such cases and fine. #Hāmsōcn#, in Domesday hāmfare (OE.
#hāmfaru#), attack on a man’s house, trial for the offence and fine.
#Fōrsteall#, assault on the king’s highway; in Norman law, ‘assultus
excogitatus de veteri odio’ (PM. ii. 453). #Infangeneþēof#, thief caught
red-handed in a privileged area, the right to judge and hang him. In =
within, _adverb_: fangene = #fangenne#, _s. acc._ of the participle
agreeing with þēof: as the phrase was almost always _acc._ after a verb
of granting, these formed a compound regarded as the _nom._ as well, but
a _nom._ by form is sometimes found as _acc._, ‘infangenðeóf,’ Kemble,
iv. 226. The dat. ‘mid infangenumþeofe’ occurs, id. 227, but usually
‘mid infangeneðéf,’ id. 190; _gen._ ‘infangeneðeófes,’ id. 193. C, E,
H^1, H^2 all have both words inflected _gen._ as here: I have not found
the double inflection elsewhere. #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang
one’s own thief wherever caught, if he were found in possession of the
stolen property: it appears to have been rarely granted. #Flȳmena
fyrmð#, the harbouring or supporting of a wrongdoer or fugitive from
justice. (Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen; Pollock and
Maitland, History of English Law.)

10. #binnan Burgan#, &c.: a phrase for everywhere. Comp. ‘on ǽlce styde,
be lande and be strande,’ Earle, 344/11; ‘be wætere and be lande,’ id.
344/21; ‘inne tíd and út of tíd, binnen burh and búten burh, on stráte
and of stráte,’ id. 340/21.

11. #swa ful ⁊ swa ford#: ‘in tantum et tam pleniter,’ as fully and
extensively as my own officers are in duty bound to exact: comp. ‘swá
wel and swá freolíce swá ic hit meseolf betst habbe,’ Earle, 343/16.

12. #habben#: read habbe as in H^1, H^2; C, E have hæbbe. For #toleten#,
granted, E, H^1, H^2 have to gelæten. The Latin has ‘super tot
theines[;] quot eis concessit Rex Willelmus proauus meus,’ which is
probably the correct version.

13. #þeron theo#: ‘þær on teo,’ C, E; ‘þær on tyo,’ H^1; ‘þer on tyo,’
H^2. The Latin ‘se intromittat,’ meddle (also in H^1, H^2), is not an
equivalent, but rather ‘subtrahere,’ ‘exigere,’ ‘ad se trahere’ of
similar documents. The meaning is, take any thing from these lands and
rights: for #þer on#, comp. ‘ne teó se hláford ná máre on his ǽhte butan
his rihtan heregeate,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 308. Fuller expressions are
‘ænig þæra sócna him to hánda drægen,’ Kemble, iv. 222: ‘fram honde
téo,’ id. 212, 196: ‘of handa átéo,’ id. 226. #þe#, to whom: see 46/292.

14. #for þan þingan#, for the reason that, because: see the examples of
the phrase in B-T., p. 1060. C has for þā; H^1 for þam þingan; E, H^2,
as in the text.

15. #to echere alisendnesse#, for the eternal salvation of my soul;
comp. ‘to ecere alysednysse,’ Ælfric, Lives, 258/320, ii. 154/178.
Keller prints eche, treating the curl attached to the final _e_ as a
mere flourish, but the scribe’s model, H^2, had æcere: see 23/161.

16. #bi#, as concerning, having regard to, i.e. on pain of losing. Comp.
‘unrihtwisan deman þe heora domas awendað æfre be þam sceattum,’ Ælfric,
Lives, 430/233; ‘bebead eallum his folce, be heora life, þæt hí sceoldon
feallan adune,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 18/23; ‘þat ælc mon bi his liue[;]
comen to him swiðe, | bi heore liue & bi heore leme,’ L 19434.


  _Cross-References_

  1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)

  _Errata_

  The charter is then a patchwork ... land inne frēondlice
    [_printed as shown: expected form “frēondlīce”_]
  binnan burgum ⁊ butan ... butan hī ⁊ heora
    [_printed as shown: expected form “būtan”_]
  ... alisendnesse is OE. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#)
    [_initial ā in both words corrected by author from “a”_]
  #ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule
    [_#ā# corrected by author from #a#_]
  7. ... #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang one’s own thief
    wherever caught  [Utfangeneþēof]




V. A PARABLE


#Manuscript:# Cotton Vespasian A 22, British Museum. It is composite; a
second MS., 224 × 153 mm. in two columns, begins at f. 54 with the
pieces printed in OEH i. 217-45. It is written in a small and crabbed
hand unlike that of a professed scribe. The use of the contraction marks
is unsystematic and the readings are sometimes uncertain. The other
articles bound up with this MS. before and after are historical and
largely connected with Rochester Monastery.

#Editions:# Morris, R., Old English Homilies, i, pp. 231-41 (with
translation), and Specimens of Early English.

#Literature:# Vollhardt, W., Einfluss der lateinischen geistlichen
Litteratur auf einige kleinere Schöpfungen der englischen
Übergangsperiode, Leipzig, 1888; Lauchert, F., Englische Studien, xiii.
83; Heuser, W., Anglia, xvii. 82.

#Phonology:# #a# is _a_, fram 38, maniȝe 54, lange 83, sandon 30, but
_o_ in longe 155, sonden 161. #æ# wavers between _e_ (28 times), feder
42, hwet 17, stef creft 89, þes 72, &c., wes 1, 94, 96, and _a_ (16),
fader 40, hwat 49, þas 43, was 19, 27, water 46. #e# is regularly _e_,
engel 41, menn 31, but _æ_ in ængles 166 (#ængel#), mæn 22, 78, næmmie
112, and _a_ in anglene 139, angles 146, man, _pl._ 23, 76. #i# is _i_,
for which _y_ is written in cyldren 42, cyrce 108, scyft 117: it is _e_
in ȝeðe (= iþe) 165, þeser 74, þeses 113, repen 169 (= #ripon#), swepen
13; _u_ in swupen 132. #o# is _o_, but a, an 4, &c. (= on), þann 120,
þáleð 123 (comp. the dialectic taal, Dan. _taale_, EDD). #u# is _u_, but
_o_ in come 7, icome 115, sonne 46, all associated with _m_ or _n_. #y#
is regularly _e_, berie 7, ded 73, drench 46, euel 41, ferst 167, gelty
153, senne 91, 95, 151, but _i_ in þrimsettles 36, (dier)chin 45; _y_ in
cyme 87 (? #cime#); _o_ in formest 50, 72. #mycel# is represented by
mucele 129, 137, moche 90: king 1, drihte 52 have _i_, as often.

#ā# is mostly _a_, fa 25, na 55, þa 106; but _o_ in anon 12, cofe 27,
cofer 17, gefo 22, go 22, more 97, 120, non 38, soriȝe 104, to 147, þo
140. clone 15, an isolated form, represents #clāne#. #ǣ{1}# is mostly
_e_, arerde 80, clene 103, elc 112 (3), er 117, geð 157, helendes 87
(4), þer 139 (4); the traditional _æ_ appears in ælc 91, 152, ær 18, 99,
æer 21, ærst 69, ærndraches 16, 69; but it is _a_ in halende 93, lat
124, stanene 81, þar 19 (7), unwraste 23; _ea_ in unwreaste 79, 100,
104, 130, and _eo_ once in leorde 109 (#lǣrde#) between _l_ and _r_.
#ǣ{2}# is uniformly _e_, adredeð 147, letes 129. #ē# is regularly _e_,
but dieð 51 (= #deð#). #ī# is _i_; written _y_ in tyme 77: gescung 54 is
apparently #gītsung#. #ō# is _o_ without exception. #ū# is _u_; but
uncoðe 22. #ȳ# is normally _e_, ceðen 16, 70, 113, fer 46, 143, 155,
scred 42; but litl 160, leoðre 169.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in arme 51, barn 60, middenard 39 (5),
widerwardnesse 24; _ea_ in bearn 50, 159, ȝearceon 6, ȝearnede 27; _æa_,
gæarced 156; _æ_ in ærfeð 3, and _e_ in merchestowe 124. #ea# before #l#
+ cons. is regularly _a_, alle 4 (21), manifald 79; but manifeald 46,
90. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# is represented by weregede 131 (#wiergod#).
#eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in eorðe 36 (4), heorte 72,
leorninchnihtes 106; _e_ in sterren 47; _æ_ in ærlen 20. In the #wur#
group, _wur_ is written in wurð 143, otherwise _wr_ = _wur_, derewrlice
10, wrð 77, 123, wrðeð 108, wrhmint 65, 93. The _i_-umlaut is
represented by birne 154, abernð 143, sterfeð 163, werpð 45 (#wierpð#),
werpeð 142, ?stiarne 13 (#stierne#). #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in
self 61 (7), sielfe 48. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _e_ in heuene 107,
163, hefenen 36, but heofene 171; _å_-umlaut is seen in fele 83; #eo#,
umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in clepeien 49, ȝeclepien 6, lefede 102, 155,
lefie 155, seþe 51, 76, 170; _eo_ in neowelnesse 36; _i_ in silure 92
(#silofr#); _u_ after _w_ in cwuce 162, wude 47. Here also belong tolie
44, #teolian# and hare 85, 172, hares 56 from #heora# through #heara#,
both with shifted accent. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in gat 13, 117; _e_
in scel 135; _eo_ in sceol 147, _ea_ in ȝesceafte 93, _ia_ in ȝiaf 97;
scandlice 151 is #sceandlice#, before nasal, ȝescepe 56 is #gesceapen#.
#ie# after #g# is _i_ in gife 86, ȝife 88, 109; _ie_ in gief 98, ȝief
119, ȝiefe 11, forȝiet 60, underȝeite 4; _e_ in forȝeten 59, 61, bigeten
55; #scieppend# gives sceappend 65, 93, sceppend 40, 41. The conj. #gif#
is gief 12 (EWS. #gief#), ȝief 60, gif 63, ȝef 9. #eo# after #g# is seen
in iunglenges 107 (#geongling#); #eo# after #sc# in sceolde 7, 25, 87,
sceolden 12, 160; #heom# is ham 18, 55, heom 5; #eom# is am 162, ham 63.

#ēa# is _ea_ in bread 162 (4), lean 135, deade 115, deaþe 123 (4),
abreað 83; _a_ in admoded 104, brad 29 (4), ȝecas 81, grate 6, hafed 51,
hafedmen 108; _e_ in eðelice 124; _æ_ in ære 166. niatt 45 represents
#nēat#, ȝie 49, #gēa#. The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# is represented by
unhersamnesse 84. #ēo# medial is _eo_ in beoð 108, &c., ibeoð 70, beon
69, bitweone 9, underþeod 6, 66, underþeoden 3, 17, leoem 45 written for
leome (#lēoma#); _e_ in betwenen 169, befel 3, 4, ȝede 95, fend 5 (8),
frend 5 (9), frenden 28, 157, lefe 96, prestes 111; _ie_ in bieð 54, 65,
bienn 135, to bienne 43, diefles 95, dierchin 45, frienden 21, lief 59,
underþiede 137; _io_ in þiode 91. Final #ēo# is _i_, hi 50 (4), ibi 135,
isi 55 (4), si 50 (6), þri 99, 101, and _ie_, besie 14 (#besēon#). The
_i_-umlaut of #ēo# is seen in dierewurð 20, istriened 96, þiestre 53,
þiesternesse 14; but derewrþe 138, derewrlice 10, fendes 133, aþestreð
144, þesternesse 27. #īe# gives _ie_ in giet 53, ȝeiet 56, ȝie 24, 26.
#ēo# from #ō# after #sc# is _eo_, ȝesceod 8, toȝesceodeð 117, ȝesceop
33, 39; but ȝescod 74, ȝescop 54.

#a# + #g#, #h#, is _ag_, lage 71, &c.; muȝe 49 has _u_ by imitation of
other pret. presents. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, deie 126, 137, meide 139,
meiden 141, meidenes 166, neiles 146, seið 158, seieð 153; _eȝ_ in deȝe
108, isegd 27, seȝð 163; _eiȝ_ in seigd 34; _e_ in sede 117, 119, seden
69, 160 (= #sǣdon#), ȝesed 114, mede 94 (= #mæden#); _ai_ in mai 152,
maie 148. The peculiar spellings dȝeie 68, dȝeies 52, dȝei 134 show the
development of a _y_ sound, but deȝie 7, 8, 116, maȝie 59, maȝi 34
appear to be for deiȝe, maiȝe, maiȝ. #e# + #g# is _ei_, þeinen 21, rien
47, written for rein: þenið 142, þeninge 46 go back to #þēnian#,
#þēnung#: #ongegn# is represented by aȝen 101, aȝenes 24. A _y_ sound
has developed in ȝeie 43, 142 (#ege#); aȝeie 64 seems to have been
influenced by OWScand. _agi_. #ig# is preserved in niȝen 138; #ih# in
dihte 39, 41: exceptional is forðteh 42 (#forðtihþ#). #o# + #g# is seen
in abroden 134, 156, abruden 27; heretoche 80; #u# + #g# in ȝebugon 25;
#y# + #h# in drihte 52. #ā# + #g#, #h# give oge 59, ogen 60, oȝeð 64,
aȝen 88, ah 43, fa 5. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, echte 55, tehten 110: #ō# + #h#,
brochte 101, ibrocht 146, innoh 152: #ū# + #h#, þuhte 11.

#ea# + #h#, #ht# is _ea_ in leahtrum 79, _a_ in wax 81; miht, niht have
uniformly _i_. #eo# + #ht# is _i_ in cnihten 20: the _i_-umlaut is
represented in isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (= #siehð#), ȝesecðe 134, 156
(#gesiehð#). #ēa# + #g#, #h# is _ag_, _ah_, hagefaderen 140, hahes 171,
þah 112, þahhweðer 60. #ēo# + #h# is _e_ in wex 168; _ih_ in
rihtwisnesse 40, richtwise 147, 148, brictnesse 145, with _ct_ for _ht_:
lichte 50, 53; loht 45 is #lēoht# with shifted accent: #īe# + #h# gives
nixtan 73. #ā# + #w#, daw 47, ȝesawen 165, sawe 44, sawle 42 &c., but
feawe 96, scewie 22: ahte 122, nahte 33, ahct 49 come from #āht#,
#nāht#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# occurs in ȝecnowe 71: #ēa# + #w# in unþeawes 132:
#ēo# + #w# in ableow 42, bleowu 168, treowe 92, fierðe 105 (#fēowerða#),
ȝeu 24, 113, ȝehw 119, ȝiu 117, ȝiure 52.

The vowels of the inflections are generally levelled to _e_, but a few
remain from the scribe’s original; _inf._ wunian 159; _pr. s._ blissið
50, _pr. pl._ þenið 142; cwaciað 147; _pt. pl._ arerdon 85; _pl._ dunan
37, lagan 70, sandon 30; _s. d._ nixtan 73; _pl. d._ leahtrum 79; buton
38, 72, 95, bufon 149. Among vowels of minor stress are noteworthy _ie_
in laðienge 6 (#laðung#), ȝelaðieres 82 (*#laðere#); _a_ for #e#, þina
37; _æ_ for #e#, anæ 6, ȝæarced 156; _e_ for #æ#, rigtleceden 86, 103;
_e_ for #i#, iunglenges 107; _e_ for #o#, hefenen 36, 107, sicernesse
128; _i_ for #e#, adiligde 79, 84; _eo_ for #ie#, ȝearceon 6; _ei_ for
#i#, clepeien 49. ableow 42 possibly represents #onblēow#. _e_ is lost
in ærndraches 16 (4), witȝin 89, and added in seneȝeden 153: seneȝden
154 is for senȝeden. The prefix #ge#, once written ge, gelest 2, is
largely retained, but it is reduced to _i_ in _pp._ ibroht, icome 115,
idon, imaced, isent, istriened; _inf._ ibite, isi; ibruce 25, ibeoð 70,
isecgð 148, iseȝð 150, innoh 152, uniredlice 131, iwiss 37; noteworthy
is unitald 47.

#w# is lost in sa 54, se 86, alse 115; it represents _wu_ in the #wur#
group, wrð 77, wrhmint 65, derewrlice 10 &c., and similarly wlcne 145:
_u_ is written for it in uin 160, _wu_ in bleowu 168, hwu 99. #l# is
lost in swice 75, wic 142: final #ll# often becomes _l_, befel 3, bispel
31, ful 102. #mm# is simplified in wiman 59. The loss of final #n# in
inflections is characteristic: it occurs also in bine 90 (#binnan#),
bitweone 9, bute 17, morȝe 119, to fore 138, to for 22, upe 132: #n# is
assimilated to _m_ in næmmie 112, it is added in hesne 98, doubled in
bienn 135, sennenn 132, þann 120 &c. #on# is weakened to a 126 (an 153).
#bb# is simplified to _b_ in habe 161; it is _u_ in sweueð 53, perhaps
influenced by Scand. _svefja_. For #f# the scribe writes þ in sielþe 48,
selþ 61, 149, which perhaps represents an individual pronunciation. The
voiced sound between vowels is represented by _f_, not _u_. The added
#t# in mistlice is found in OE., that after _n_ in berient, melstanent
170 is local, as sarment, suddent, varmint in the SE. modern dialects:
#t# is doubled in fett 14; #ts# is _s_ in milsi 59, _c_ in milce 102. In
an 130 #d# is lost (and 145), as in hlafor 21: it is written for þ in
dierewurd 20, had 152, hafd 56, sede 170. For #þ#, _f_ is written in of
11, 15, 108, _ft_ in oft 134, 136; _t_ in to 36 (?), 147 after ⁊ = ant:
#æt þǣre# is eter 13, 117: it is lost after _h_ in forðteh 42, and
intrudes before _h_ in awiðhst 37. #sc# is [š] in biscopes 111, sceolde
7, scandlice 151; _ss_ is written for it in wasse 10, 123. #c# is
palatalized in cheðen 70 (ceðen 16), dierchin 45 (fiscynn 46),
ærndraches 16, machede 41 (macede 91). #c# is doubled in accenned 94.
#g# is lost in witien 140 and final in almihti 32, ȝegen 156, leornin
(ch[n]ihtes) 106: it is _ch_ in heretoche 80, _c_ in strencþe 97. The
scribe generally uses ȝ for #ġ#: exceptions are gelest 2, gife 86, gief
98, gif 63, bigeten 55, iunglenges 107. The development of a _y_ sound
is seen in ȝeðe (= #iþe#), ȝeie 43; ȝ in ȝeu 24, ȝiu 117, ȝehw 119 has
been adopted from the nom. #ȝe#. Initial #h# before a vowel is often
omitted, abben 160, afeð 150, alste 36, is 28 &c., us 167; before
consonants, laford 12, 61, wa 4, wat 24 (hwet 17), wic 142, wile 82: it
is added in her 160, his 128 &c., hofne 170, hur 65, hure 44, hus 43,
and hwe 69, which helps to the understanding of ȝehw 119. For #ht#,
_cht_ is written in echte 55, ibrocht 146, lichte 50, richtwise 147:
ahct 49 is for acht (= #āht#); _ct_ in brictnesse 145.

#Accidence:# Strong decl. of _m._ and _neut._ nouns. _Sing. n._ halende
93, helende 109, 163, sceppende 41 with participial terminations
(sceppend 40), endedeie 118, gate 117 have added _e_: tacne 145 is
#tacen#; drihte 52 has lost _n._ _Gen._ -es. _Dat._ -e: exceptions,
anginn 115, bearn 50, barn 60, fer 155, gat 13 (gate 117), ȝegen 156,
innoð 60, godspel 161 (godspelle 165), hlaford 65, licht 53 (lichte 50),
mancyn 99, sceappend 65 (sceappende 93), þing 53. _Acc._ as _nom._:
accennende 103, a participle used as noun, fultume 47 with added _e_.
_Plur. n. m._ -es: deade 115 has adj. term., wude 47 (#wuda#); _neut._
wlcne 145. _Dat._ -en, as apostlen 139, bearnen 159, bredene 81, cnihten
20, aldren 20, esten 158, kingen 32, martiren 140, melstanent 170,
þeinen 21: exceptions, had 139 (= #hādum#), leahtrum 79, meiden 141,
neiles 146, write 85, and ME. repples 13. The accent on hlafordé 32 may
be a contraction mark. _Acc. m._ -es: _neut._ folc 68, niatt 45, þing
33, 101, 109; þrimsettles 36 has masc. form. Weak are anglene 139, _pl.
g._, esten 159 _pl. n._, hefenen 36 _s. g._ comp. hefene 163. Strong
decl. of _fem._ nouns: blisse 125, eorðe 45, lare 90, mihte 38, þiode
91, underþiede 137 (treated as compound of #þēod#), witnisse 149 have
added _e_ in the _nom. sing._: ȝefered 138 has lost _en_; its _dat._ is
ȝeferede 20. The other cases sing. and pl. which occur end in _e_, as
merche (stowe) 124, rode 145, _s. g._; echte 55 (possibly _pl._), gife
86, 88, 109, _s. d._; hesne 98, laðienge 6, lage 80, _s. a._; senne 80,
91, 151, _pl. d._; ahte 122, _pl. a._ Exceptions are wrldes 77, a masc.
form, berient 170 (= #byrgenne#), ȝescung 54, gief 98 (possibly for
gife), hand 37, nicht 53, _s. d._; wrhmint 65 (wrhminte 93), _s. a._;
ceðen 16, 70, 113, underþeoden 17, _pl. d._; hand 14, _pl. a._
underþeod, 6 is adj. used as noun. Weak forms are dunan 37, _pl. a._,
lagan 70, _pl. n._, sennenn 132, _pl. a._, underþeoden, _pl. n._ 3.

Weak declension: _Sing. nom._ halege 126, mone 47, sonne 46, tyme 77,
witiȝe 35: _d._ ære 166, heorte 72, heretoche 80, time 84, witie 57,
uuantruce 122, _acc._ deme 148, lichame 41, 126: leoem 45 is probably
for leome. _Plur. nom._ ȝeferen 15, sterren 47, 144; _dat._ swepen 13,
swupen 132, witȝin 89, witien 140; _acc._ witiȝe 85, ȝefo 22. ærndraces
69, _pl. n._, 16, _pl. a._ have adopted a strong inflection: nixtan 73,
_s. d._ is adj. used as noun.

Minor declensions: burh 166, berie 7, _s. d._; fader 40, 44, feder 42,
_s. n._, feder 48, _s. d._, hagefaderen 140, _pl. d._; fett 14, _pl.
a._; frienden 21, 28, 157, _pl. d._; mannes 72, 118, _s. g._; man 76,
_s. d._, 41, _s. a._; menn 31, hafedmen 108, man 23, 76, _pl. n._;
mannen 153, _pl. d._, 159, _pl. g._; mæn 22, mænn 78, _pl. a._

Adjectives: Remnants of the strong decl. linger in ecer 128, _s. d. f._,
soðe 65, grate 6, _s. a. f._; and perhaps hage(faderen) 140
(= #hēagum#); of the weak decl. in fulle 127, gode 121, _s. n. m._, lefe
96, _s. n. f._, mucele 137, _s. d. m._, 129, _s. d. f._, richtwise 148,
soriȝe 104, _s. a. m._, unwreaste 104, _s. a. neut._ hahes 171 is a
strong form for weak; haliȝe 102 a strong fem. qualifying lif, _neut._
The _pl._ inflection in all cases is -e, so ȝeredie 131, stanene 81.
Longer words are often uninflected, as manifald 79, 90, dierewurd 20
(derewrþe 138), wrldlic 55; also ful 54, gelty 153, hali 122, 140.
Adjectives used as nouns are senfulle 147, _s. n._; fa 25, fo 156, latst
8, 69, nixtan 73, _s. d._; innoh 152, _s. a._; richtwise 147, _pl. n._

Pronouns: Noteworthy are hwe 69, ȝie 24, 26 (ȝe 116); ȝeu 24, 113, ȝiu
117, 160, ȝehw 119. The pronoun of the third person is, _Sing. n._ he,
_m._ hi 50, 51, 59, 60, _f._; hit, _neut._; _d._ him, _m._; _a._ hine 10
&c., him 14, _m._ hit, _n._ _Plur. n._ hi, i in combinations icome 17,
ibeoð 70, mihti 55; _d._ heom 5, ham 18, 55, 147; _a. m._ hi 117. From
*seo _f._ are his 81 _s. a. f._ (= is) and his 117, _pl. a. m._ (= is),
es in letes 129, _pl. a. n._, for which forms see Anglia, Beiblatt vii.
331, xi. 302. The dat. _s. pl._ with self uninflected occurs as
definitive adj. 61, 81, 149; _s._ and _pl._ with selfe as reflexive, 55,
91, 151, 152; us sielfe 48. Possessives are mine 64, mi 63, _s. n. m._,
mine 25, 156, _s. d. m._, mire 24 (with rice _neut._) 26, 154, mine in
other cases; þina 37, _s. d. f._; ure, hure, ur, hur 65, with ures 87,
106, _s. g. m._; is, his, hire; ȝiure 52, ȝeur 153; hare 85, 172, hares
56, _s. g. m._ his 21, 29, _pl. d._ is used as noun, his men. The def.
article is, _Sing. n. m._ se, once seo 66; _f._ si, with _neut._ tacne
145, but rode is _fem._, gate 117; _neut._ þat 143: _g. m._ þes, with
wrldes 77, ses 87, by analogy from #se#; _neut._ þes: _d. m._ þa, þe,
(to) ðe 22; _f._ þare 93, with _neut._ gate 129, þar 19, þer 139, (i)þer
123, with _m._ 141, with _neut._ 13, 117; _neut._ þam, þan 118, 158, þe
50, 145, (i)þe 161, ȝeðe 165, þa 110, probably for þa{n}: _a. m._ þann
120; _f._ þa 54 &c., _neut._ þat 168. _Pl. n. m._ þa, þe, (⁊) to 147;
_d. m._ þa, þo: _a. m._ þe 85. Used pronominally si 83, _s. n. f._; þat
97, _s. n. neut._; þa 26, _pl. n. m._; þan 141, _pl. d. m._ The compound
demonstrative is, _Sing. n. m._ þes; _f._ þes; _neut._ þis: _d. m._ þese
48; _f._ þisser, þesser, þeser; _neut._ þese 118, 163: _a. f._ þas 80;
_neut._ þis. _Pl. n._ þes, þas: _g._ þeses: _d._ þesen: _a._ þes.
Exceptional is þas 43, _s. n. neut._ (OE. occasional #þæs#). The
relative is þe 26, 32, 97; wam 48, 96, _s. d._; introducing dep.
questions, wa 4, 66, hwa 67: interrogatives, hwat, hwet, wat 24, wic
142: indefinites are _n. m._ an 1; _d. m._ ane 68, _neut._ ane 164, ene
7, an 53; _a. m._ ænne 7, _f._ anæ 6, _neut._ a 57; _n. m. f._ ælc, elc;
_g. m._ elces 118; _a. m._ elce 116; swice, _pl. n. m._; nahte 33,
_s. d. n._ Sum 17, _s. n._ has oblique cases in _e_ 56, 82, but sum 92,
_pl._: fele 83, maniȝe 54, 109 are plurals: oðre (once oðere) is
constant: #eall# is _sing. n._ all, al; _d. f._ alle 66, _neut._ 4, 24
(rice is regarded as _fem._); _a. f._ alle 96, _neut._ all, al 47. The
plural is alle; but all 15, al 141.

The infinitive of verbs ends mostly in _e_, fandie 130: noteworthy are
besie 14, isi 55: ȝief 119 has lost _e_ before him. wunian 159 is a
survival; others in _n_ are ȝearceon 6, ȝeclepien 6, clepeien 49, don
88, finden 173, forȝeten 59, abben 160. _Dat. inf._ with inflection,
bienne 43, donne 152; without inflection abiden 11, bigeten 55, don 51,
fulforðie 98, ȝelaðie 17, 78, isi 137, sawe 44, tolie 44. _Pres. s._ 1.
forȝete 61, lefie 155, nell(ic) 60; 2. awiðhst 37, belocest 37, halst
36; 3. blisseð 52 and 8 others, but contracted forms predominate, abernð
143, belimpð 128, cumþ 114, 121, 129, ett 163, fett 42, fet 171, ȝemet
133, ȝestrenð 112 (#gestrengeþ#), isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (#siehð#), lat
124 (#lǣdeþ#), sit 138 and 9 others. Exceptional are blissið 50, had 152
(#hæfð#), scred 42 (#scrȳt#), scyft 117, forðteh 42 (#tyhð#).
_Subjunctive pr. s._ forȝiet[e] 60, habbe 74, letes 129 (lete + es),
milsi 59, underfo 126. _Pres. pl._ 1. habbeþ 48, siggeð 114, wene (we)
49; 3. adredeð 147, aþestreð 144 &c.; but cwaciað 147, þenið 142 (Archiv
lxxxix, 160-6). _Subj. pr. pl._ næmmie 112, scewie 22. _Imp. pl._
understandeð 31, 99, witeð 155, wite (ȝe) 125. Past of Strong Verbs:
_Sing._ I a. cweð 21, et 28, ȝiaf 97; I b. com 19, nam 5; I c. dranc 28,
ȝelamp 1; II. astah 162, wratẹ 81 (#wrāt#); III. abreað 83, ȝecas 81;
IV. ȝesceop 33; V. ableow 42, bleowu 168, befel 3, wex 168. _Pl._ I a.
cweðe 18, 1. _pl._; I b. come 9; I c. sturfe 28; II. repen 169; III.
ȝebugon 25. _Subjunctives_ are I b. come 12, 20; V. ȝewold[e] 55. _Pp._
I b. icome 115; I c. abruden 27, abroden 134, 156; II. begripe 95; III.
belocen 16; IV. ȝescepe 56, understande 116; V. beswapen 151, ȝesawen
165, ȝewasse, uniwasse 123. _Past_ of Weak Verbs ends in -de, -ede,
arerde 80, clensede 103 &c.: diht 41, gelest 2, send 78, sett 72 have
dropped final _e_. _Pl._ -den; once arerdon 85: sede 117, 119, lefede
155, acolede 90, ȝearnede 27 have lost _n_. The _pp._ ends in -ed, -d,
-t; once acende 101, beside accenned 94: unwemmede 94, weregede 131 are
inflected. Minor groups: wat 54, _pr. s._; ah 43, _pr. s._, oȝeð 64
(#āgon#), 1 _pr. pl._; scel 135, sceol 147, _pr. s._, scule 26 &c., _pr.
pl._, once sculen 161, sceolde 87, _pt. s._, sceolde 7, sceolden 12,
160, _pt. pl._; mai 152, _pr. s._, but maȝi 34, maie 148, maȝie 59, _pr.
s._ are subjunctive in form; muȝe (we) 49, 1 _pr. pl._, mihtí (mihte hi)
55, mihten 86, _pt. pl._; am 162, ham 63, 1 _pr. s._, his 33 &c., is 36,
_pr. s._, beoð 70, 108, 146, bieð 54, 65, _pr. pl._, beon 69, bienn 135,
_pr. pl. subj._, was 19, wes 1 &c., _pt. s._, were 99 &c., wer 69, 75,
_pt. pl._, were 5, 10 &c., _pt. s. subj._, 8, 15, 16 &c., _pt. pl.
subj._, ibi 135 (*#gebion#), _pp._; don 72, 73, _pr. s. subj._ but
plural in form, ded[ė] 73, _pt. s._; to gað 145, _pr. pl._, go 22, 1
_pr. pl. subj._

Accents are used extensively, but on no consistent principle, so láge
79, lage 80; arerde 80, arérdon 85; áȝenes 34, aȝénes 24. They are
mostly placed over long vowels, but they are used to indicate separate
pronunciation of the vowels in méé 158, bethléem 167, besíé 14.
Similarly they show that a vowel is not to be slurred in belocést 37,
clénséde 103, macéde 91, ?Æér 21; that _i_ is to have its full vowel
value (not _y_) in ȝeclepíen 6, ȝelaðíe 17, halíe 85, 107, halíȝe 140,
maníȝe 54, 109, witíe 57, 62, witíge 85; and that final _e_ is to be
pronounced in forté 137, mihté 38. Sometimes the accent has been
exchanged with a contraction mark, as hlafordé 32, acénde 101. It is
only a diacritic, answering to the printed dot, in íunglenges 107,
ímaced 164, þenínge 46 &c., and over _y_ written for _i_ in scýft 117,
cýme 87, týme 77. In diphthongs it marks the stressed element, séo 66,
unterþéod 6, líef 59, níatt 45; in leóem 45 it shows shifted accent (as
in loht 45), so feáwe 96, ?bleówu 168, ?leórde 109: sónne 46, féce 7 are
hard to understand. In unwēmmed 139, the contraction mark has been kept,
although _m_ has been added; hīne 133 is curious.

#Dialect:# There is a considerable survival of older spellings from the
West-Saxon original. The scribe’s language is South-Eastern strongly
affected by Kentish, a mixed dialect such as might be current on the
south-eastern border of Kent, or used by a southern man, not of Kentish
extraction, but resident in the county, possibly at Rochester.

#Introduction:# This piece, like its predecessor in the MS., which is a
transcription of Ælfric’s De Initio Creaturae, is, at least in part, an
adaptation of an older, probably pre-Conquest homily, as is shown by the
occurrence of archaic inflections and constructions (comp. to 8, hungre
28, hatrede 24, &c.; the extensive use of the subj. mood), and by its
OE. vocabulary (þrimsettles 36, hagefaderen 140 &c.) almost free from
any foreign element. Vollhardt suggested as its source the 46th chapter
of the Liber de S. Anselmi Similitudinibus, a collection of parables and
sayings of S. Anselm recorded by his biographer Eadmer, probably after
the death of his master in 1109 A.D. This is printed in Anselmi Opera,
ed. Gerberon, App. 161; Migne, P. L. clix., 625 and Vollhardt, 25. That
the two versions are related cannot be doubted, but a consideration of
dates compels the conclusion that they have a common source, or that the
Latin is not S. Anselm’s.

The parable and its application is in the Latin brief and direct, in
marked contrast to the vivacity, fullness of detail, and diffuseness
(comp. 3. 19, 136) of the English. The latter has also expanded the
application of the parable by much extraneous matter: i. The Creation
Theme, 31-66; ii. The Five Ages of the World; iii. The Doomsday Theme,
136-156; iv. The Living Bread, 160-173, all of which is wanting in the
Latin.

For filii 58 read filio, and for descendit 162, descendi.

There is no title in the MS.: Rex Suos Judicans is from Anselm’s title.

2. #gelest#, extended; probably the earliest example of the word in this
sense. OE. #gelǣstan#, to accomplish, follow, last. With #wide ⁊ side#,
spacious, extensive, comp. ‘Ðu leof cyningc leod-scipas ðine wide and
side þu hætst,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 496/145; ‘⁊ ta wass Romess kinedom | Full
wid ⁊ sid onn eorþe,’ Orm 173.

3. #ærfeðtelle#, difficult to number; comp. ‘earueðhealde,’ 48/311;
‘Earfoðfynde,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 492/82; ‘arueðwinne,’ OEH ii. 49/14. OE.
#earfoðe#, #ēaðe#, #unēaðe# are usually followed by the _dat._ of the
infinitive, ‘earfoðe is ænegum men to witanne,’ Cura Past. 51/5, to
which corresponds, ‘Hit is arfeð to understonden,’ OEH ii. 205/14; but
they are also associated with a kind of verbal noun having a _dat._
termination in _e_, in imitation of the Latin supine in _u_, as
earfoðlǣre, ēaþlǣre, unēaþlǣce, and the two words come to be treated as
a compound adjective. For the _acc._ inf. comp. ‘Ac þe ben swo fele ꝥ
hie ben arfeð tellen,’ OEH ii. 201/30.

4. #ꝥ--befell#, lit. that it occurred to him in purpose, that he formed
a resolution: comp. ‘Ich wilnie a mine þo{n}ke[;] to walden al Rome,’ L
25091; ‘þat him wes on þonke,’ id. 13258.

5. #nam him to rede#, lit. took to himself for counsel, adopted the
plan: comp. 110/298; ‘nam him to ræde,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 64/230; ‘let him
to ræde,’ id. 506/319; ‘hwæt him to ræde þuhte,’ id. 244/113; ‘him to
ræde fand,’ BH 201/25. See Minot vi, 68 note. For omission of subject
after ꝥ, see 6/18 note.

7. #berie# was meant to supersede #curt#, but the scribe forgot to put
dots under the latter. He uses berie regularly afterwards. With ꝥ comp.
‘& swa he nom enne dai[;] þat come heore drihtlice folc,’ L 2550.

8. #be þe latst#, at the latest; so 14/69. #to#, at: comp. 14/68; ‘to
þan dæie heo comen,’ L 13187.

9. #mistlice#, variant of mislice (Bülbring § 535). It means, diversely,
of different sorts, friends and foes. But note fastlice, 16/114.

10. #derewrlice#, so as to confer honour on him.

11. #formemete#, first meat, breakfast, the ‘morȝemete’ of 16/125;
‘mixtum cibi,’ Ans. With #to lang#, comp. 4/38.

12. #none#, after formemete is probably for nonemete, midday meal,
dinner: though #to# might mean _at_, as at l. 8. See 206/323.

13. #stiarne swepen#: ‘strong whips,’ Morris: ‘stiff (strong) whips,’
Specimens: comp. 16/132. But the adj. is rarely applied to a thing:
perhaps stearce or smerte would suit better.

14. #besie#, look to, provide for, handle: comp. underfangeð 16/131;
‘Euele thai gonnen him bisen,’ Seuyn Sages, 507 (said of a whipping);
bisen, 202/195 is similar, look after.

15. #abide#, _inf._ depends on _he sceolde_ understood from sceolden 12.
#clone#, without exception, entirely: comp. ‘Ne dude hit noht þe king
ane[;] ah duden we alle clæne,’ L 8825; ‘mare ich habbe ane[;] þane þa
oðere al clæne,’ id. 13059, 13264.

17. #hwet bute icome#, lit. What but they came? i.e. What did they but
come? they came of course. Comp. ‘nis þer bute þonken God.’ AR 382/26
with ‘Hwæt magon we secgean buton ꝥ hi scotedon swiðe,’ AS. Chron. E
1083. Similar in effect but exclamatory is ‘Hwæt þá se casere cwæð him
tó andsware,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 46/358; OEH i. 229/26.

18. #bi ham#, with reference to them, in their case: comp. ‘gif þu witan
wille hwæt be Criste gedón wæs on Iudea lande,’ BH 177/1.

23. #wente he hin#, ‘then turned he,’ Morris, as though for hine. But
#hin# is rather for in.

24. #lacede#: Morris altered to makede, but the text means, of what did
you feel the want?

25. #ȝewinne#, with the rare meaning of contend; usually, to conquer. It
takes #wið# in OE., but comp. ‘wunnen aȝean,’ AR 238/17. #ȝebugon#, not
‘bow to, be obedient to,’ Morris, but, turned aside from me and to my
foes; L. _declinare_: comp. ‘hi alle to rede gebuȝon,’ OEH i. 219/27.
#Swa ibruce# &c., As surely as I possess my kingdom: #brūcan# usually
takes a genitive; here with dative or accusative.

26. #mete ibite#: comp. ‘ne moste he nauere biten mete,’ L 15340; KH MS.
L 1131 note.

28. #þe#: conj. = #þæt# consecutive, with the result that: see 50/334
note. #sturfe hungre#: contrast 7/75: the construction, like that of the
_dat._ ‘hatrede ⁊ widerwardnesse’ 24, is OE., ‘menn . . . lætað cwelan
hungre Cristes ðearfan,’ Cura Past. 326/5. Morris translates nam hit
him, betook himself: for the correction in the text comp. 17/157,
213/539 note.

30. #sandon#, courses: comp. 207/349; ‘þas beorn þa sunde[;] from
kuchene to þan kinge,’ L 24601. For the meaning of #vii.# comp. ‘Id enim
frequens & usitatum est in sacris Litteris, ut septenarius numerus
interpretetur dona illa, quae perfecta sunt, & quae desursum sunt,’
Gilbert of Hoyland in S. Bernardi Opera, ii. col. 120.

31-39. A parallel passage is ‘He is ealra cyninga Cyning, and ealra
hlaforda Hlaford. He hylt mid his mihte heofonas and eorðan, and ealle
gesceafta butan geswince, and he besceawað þa niwelnyssa þe under
þyssere eorðan sind. He awecð ealle duna mid anre handa, and ne mæg nan
þing his willan wiðstandan,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. i. 8: comp. OEH i. 219,
1-3 for a modernization of the first half to _geswince_. Our writer was
acquainted with the De Initio Creaturae, but he has translated ‘Qui
celorum,’ l. 35, independently. The ultimate source is the antiphons,
&c., at vespers in October and November. ‘Benedictus dominus qui creavit
celum et terram,’ York Breviary i. 597; ‘Domine rex omnipotens in
ditione tua cuncta sunt posita: et non est qui possit resistere
voluntati tue,’ id. 599; ‘Qui celorum contines thronos et abyssos
intueris, domine rex regum, montes ponderas, terram palmo concludis,’
id. 610.

34. #wiðstande# has double construction (#1#) with #aȝenes#, (#2#) with
#him#: for the former comp. ‘Ic wiðstande ongen eow,’ ‘Ponam faciem meam
contra vos,’ Levit. xxvi. 17; for the latter the quotation from Ælfric
in the preceding note. #him seigd#: this use of the dative pronoun,
mostly in the third person, with intransitive verbs to reinforce the
subject, is seen in ‘warschipe hire easkeð,’ 119/75; ‘Affrican hire
feader wundrede him swiðe,’ 141/62; ‘ȝe schulen . . . sinken . . . ow,’
146/111; ‘He is him ripe,’ 159/167; 197/16; ‘ꝥ word him herde
Androgeus,’ L 8525; ‘þer him cumeþ iudas,’ OEM 42/174, 38/31; ‘men
sullen . . . hem þar bidden,’ OEH ii. 23/21; KH 137 note: with acc.
exceptionally, ‘And gon hyne to abidde,’ OEM 41/156. See also 54/27,
81/90, 215/25.

35. #witiȝe#: the antiphon is drawn from Isaiah xl. 12, Daniel iii. 55;
see 14/57.

36. #to#: Morris altered to tho without necessity, if it is the art.
(see 17/47); but it is probably a preposition, see 124/249 note.

37. #· iii · prou.#: Morris read in pon. The reference is to the Third
Book of the Proverbs (the division into books, as in Bede’s commentary,
preceded that into chapters), and probably to ch. xxx. 4.

38. #for þan þe# is the usual expression: for þat þe may be right.

42. #sawle ableow#: comp. ‘God þa geworhte ænne mannan of láme, and him
on ableow gast,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i, 12/28; ‘him on bleow gast’, OEH i.
221/17; ‘him anbleow sawle,’ id. 223/9; ‘And his licham of erðe he nam,
| And blew ðor-in a liues blast,’ GE 200; ‘dû bliese im dînen geist în,’
MSD i. 81/7. #fett# &c.: comp. ‘he scryt me wel and fett,’ Wright’s
Vocabularies, i. 93/27.

43. #þas#: Morris read [_vel_ as].

44. #his# as a correction is not inevitable, but it improves the
rhetorical effect.

45. #werpð#, lit. casts, i.e. sends forth: comp. 151/45. #leoem ⁊ lif#:
comp. ‘to lif ⁊ to leomen,’ SK 1046.

48. #of wam#: from ‘In ipso enim vivimus et movemur et sumus,’ Acts
xvii. 28.

49. #acht#, _acc._ used as _adv._, in any wise, at all: comp. ‘Ne mihte
he neuere finde{n} mon[;] þe him oht wolde fulsten,’ L 6601. #moder#:
comp. ‘Sed et tu, Jesu, bone Domine, nonne et tu mater? Annon es mater
qui tanquam gallina congregat sub alas pullos suos?’ Anselmi Opera, 300.

50. #chereð#. The MS. reading cheteð is explained, console, cheer, as
possibly from OWScand. kǣta, but this is rejected by Björkman, 260.
There is no other instance of the word. #be# = mid, l. 52, with.

52. All this doth your lord.

53. Comp. ‘Est autem noctis umbra mortalibus ad requiem corporis data,
ne operis avida continuato labore deficeret ac periret humanitas,’ Bedae
Opera, ed. Giles, vi. 158.

55. #ȝewold#, for omission of subject see 6/18 note.

56. #hares unþances#, see 10/167 note.

57. #word#: Morris reads worden, in wonderful words, which may be right:
the same scribe writes wordon once, wordum twice elsewhere. #Numquid#
&c. The Vulgate has ‘Numquid oblivisci potest mulier . . . ut non
misereatur filio?’ Isaiah xlix. 15.

59. #la lief#, O beloved: comp. ‘Eala men þa leofoston,’ BH 165/32; ‘La
leof ic bidde eow,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 522/580; ‘Eala, leof hlaford’ = O mi
domine, Thorpe, Analecta, 19. #his#: OE. #wīmman# is masculine.

61. #be -- is#, as regards his being father.

62. In the Vulgate, ‘Si ergo Pater ego sum ubi . . . et si Dominus ego
sum’ &c., Malachi i. 6.

63. #manscipe#, the first occurrence of the word in the sense of homage.
In OE. it means humanity, courtesy.

64. #G. m.#, Gode men.

70. #fif lagan#: the five laws correspond to five ages of the world. The
division here is unusual. The English writers mostly follow S.
Augustine, who gives six, so Bede, Alcuin, Ælfric, de vetere Testamento;
but Wulfstan has seven, Anselm and Herbert de Losinga eight. In another
place Ælfric has five, but different from those of our writer; see Hom.
Cath. ii. 74.

71. #ȝecnowe#, revealed.

74. #ȝescod#, discretion, reason: see 122/176.

77. #nas tid# &c. Comp. ‘he fram frymðe middaneardes oð his geendunge ne
ablinð to asendenne bydelas and láreowas to lǽrenne his folc,’ Ælf. Hom.
Cath. ii. 74/10, which is probably from ‘a mundi huius initio usque in
finem ad erudiendam plebem fidelium praedicatores congregare non
destitit,’ S. Greg. Hom. i. xix.

79. #adiligde#, was destroyed: passive use, OE. #ādīlegian#, to destroy.
#unwreaste leahtrum#: see 118/30 note.

81. #wrate# &c. Comp. ‘God awrát ða ealdan ǽ mid his fingre on ðam
stǽnenum weax-bredum,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 204/1. #his#, the law.

82. #ȝelaðieres#: comp. ‘sende hire his sondesmen biforen, þet weren þe
patriarkes ⁊ þe prophetes of the Olde Testament,’ AR 388/14.

83. #fele#; see 132/9.

84. #wat#, until: comp. 217/102: often with _al_, 215/26; ‘al hwat hie
hine fordemden,’ VV 51/12 and frequently: #wat# is relative conj.
substituted for þat, with same meaning; see 72/179, 108/245: so þen
exchanges with hwanne, þer with hwær. #þe#, when, so þa 93.

85. #arerdon#, set up, established: comp. ‘þæt is þonne ǽrest þæt ic
wylle þæt man rihte laga upp arǽre,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 270.

87. #hlafordes . . . helendes . . . cristes#: this appositional
construction is OE.; comp. ‘on drihtnes naman ures hælendes cristes,’
Ælf. Lives, i. 366/46: it is fairly common in early ME.; comp. 8/106,
9/121, 9/137, 12/6, 7.

89. #stef creft#: OE. #stæf cræft#, the art of letters, and hence, book
learning.

90. #Eft bine fece ⁊#: with this superfluous and connecting a phrase to
the main sentence, comp. ‘Him þa gyt sprecendum ⁊ soþlice þa beorhtwolcn
hig oferscean,’ S. Matt. xvii. 5. (= ‘Adhuc eo loquente, ecce nubes
lucida obumbravit eos.’) #acolede#, cooled, lost its vigour: comp. ‘⁊
forþam þe unryhtwisnys rixað manegra lufu acolaþ,’ S. Matt. xxiv. 12
(= ‘refrigescet charitas multorum’). See 159/161.

91. #hur ⁊ hur#, especially: a doubling for emphasis of OE. #hūru#, at
least: comp. 149/11.

92. #awente# &c.: ‘Qui commutaverunt veritatem Dei in mendacium: et
coluerunt et servierunt creaturae potius quam Creatori,’ Romans i. 25.

95. #begripe#, seized, in the grip of: comp. ‘seo sawul bið micele
atelicor, gif heo mid mislicum leahtrum begripen bið,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath.
i. 122/23. #diefles muðe#: comp. 17/150. Mediaeval art gave a very
literal rendering of ‘infernus . . . aperuit os suum absque ullo
termino: et descendent fortes eius, et populus eius, et sublimes,
gloriosique eius ad eum,’ Isaiah v. 14; see Wright, History of
Caricature, 69-71.

97. #sette#, ordained, established: comp. ‘þis synd þa . . . laga þe
drihten gesette betwyx him and Israhela folc,’ Levit. xxvi. 46.

99-104. Comp. ‘Triplici morbo laborat genus humanum: principio, medio et
fine, id est nativitate, vita et morte. Nativitas immunda, vita
perversa, mors periculosa. Venit Christus, et contra triplicem hunc
morbum attulit triplex remedium. Natus est enim, vixit, mortuus est:
atque eius nativitas purgavit nostram, mors illius destruxit nostram, et
vita eius instruxit nostram,’ S. Bernardi Op. ii. 776. The Liber
Sententiarum, from which this passage comes, is placed by Mabillon among
the doubtful works. There can be little doubt that it is the source of
the English passage.

100. #ful#: comp. 29/33. #grislic#: inspiring terror and shrinking: see
120/94.

101. #þer aȝen#, to remedy these blemishes of our nature: L. _remedium_.

102. #efer þurh#, ever through, throughout, perpetually. #milce#, not
the active mercy, compassion, but meekness, patience.

103. #acennende#, the being born, birth: present participle with the
same meaning as the new verbal noun acenneng, 100. The OE. noun is
#ācennednes# or #ācennes#.

104. #admoded#, submissive: ‘Humiliavit semetipsum factus obediens usque
ad mortem,’ Philippians ii. 8. The contrast is between man’s shrinking
from death and His voluntary acceptance of it.

105. #ȝelice#: read grislice as suggested by W. H. Brown, Mod. Lang.
Notes, vii. 226.

106. Omit _þer_, put full stop after _iunglenges_, and understand from
the previous sentence _were ærndraces_.

110. #þa# may be dat. sing of the article as at 14/57, but more probably
it = þan, then. #folce to freme#, for benefit to the folk; see 176/24
note. #bedeles#, heralds: comp. ‘Þa halgan apostolas, þe ðam hælende
folgodon, wæron þa getreowan þeowan ⁊ ða fyrmestan bydelas, þe godes
lare geond þas land toseowon,’ AS. Hom. ed. Assmann, 56/141; ‘wearð se
halga iohannes ætforan him asend swa swa heofonlic bydel,’ Ælf. Lives,
i. 342/94; Orm 19/633.

112. They are all one in God’s purpose. For #on# comp. ‘Alle hie bieð
forsakene o{n} godes awene muðe,’ VV 3/2.

114. #fastlice#, in steady flow, or, corresponding to ‘þicce þringeð,’
116, crowding. It sometimes means vigorously, as in ‘hi fengon togadre
fæstlice mid wæpnum,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 98/489; sometimes firmly, ‘þing ðe
godd fastliche ðe forbett,’ VV 37/23. See 12/9.

117. #his#, them. #scyft#, separates, is a mere synonym of ‘to
ȝesceodeð.’ Perhaps scryft = #scrifeþ#, fixes their destiny.

119. #morȝe mete#, the ‘forme mete’ of 12/11.

120. #more mete#, the ‘fulle mete’ of 16/127; ‘none,’ 12/12; ‘vii
sandon,’ 13/29.

121. #witetlice# of the MS. may represent OE. #witodlīce#, assuredly.

122. #uuantruce#, failure; as being compounded of #wan#, wanting, and
the noun of #trucian#, to fail, it should mean absence of failure.
#hað#: for omission of nom. see 6/18.

123. For the pain of dying as penance, comp. ‘Quidam autem electi in
fine suo purgantur a levibus quibusdam peccatis,’ Isidore vi. 361;
‘Nullus tui Ordinis peribit, si Ordinem amaverit; aut in morte
purgabitur, aut in brevi post mortem,’ Arnulf of Boheries in S. Bern.
Opera, ii. 802.

124. #eðelice lette#, easy hindrance, i.e. slight delay. #merchestowe#:
Morris suggests ‘merthestowe, a place of mirth,’ or alternatively
translates the MS. reading, place marked out, place of separation. The
word is not found elsewhere; it is probably a special coinage for the
intermediate state, the place of the soul waiting for the body, the
place of the ‘morȝemete,’ the limited joy of which the soul is capable
in its severed state (‘requies ei, sed in anima sola, interim datur,’
Anselm, in Eadmer, 161 col. 2 B); the banquet of perfect felicity, ‘se
fulle mete,’ follows when soul and body meet again at the resurrection,
17/157 (‘in anima simul & corpore laetabuntur,’ Ans.). Comp. #March#,
‘myddys be-twyn ij cu{n}treys,’ Prompt. Parv. ed. Mayhew, 282.

128. #belimpð hit#: a superfluous nominative, as if, what is it that
happens?

129. #letes# in Specimens is resolved into lete + his, the latter being
_gen._ of hit, governed by fandie, and so like ‘ȝif we his abiriȝdon,’
OEH i. 223/22. But support is lacking for enclitic es = his: it seems
better to take letes as lete + es, _pl. acc._, them, or even as _s. a.
f._ used incorrectly as _neuter_.

131. #anu# is taken by Morris as for anu{m}, but neither his ‘at once,’
Specimens, nor ‘only,’ OEH, is satisfactory. Probably the original had
anūge (= #ānunge#) gerǣde, entirely, quite ready, very keen.

132. #hade#, a past among the presents, is probably a mistake for habe
_subj. pres._ of indefinite comparison, Howsoever many vices he has on
him, just so many fiends he there encounters: fele has dropped out after
swa 133.

135. In Specimens [habbeþ] is inserted after _hi_, with the translation,
‘and they shall have for their reward the home that long shall last.’
The text given means, they shall be thrust from his sight and into their
reward which must last long for them. For #hin# = in, comp. 13/23, and
for #abroden into#, 13/27. But the original may have had, ⁊ higien him
to hire lēan þe lange sceal gelǣstan.

136. #a þa mucele deie#: comp. ‘on þam miclan dæge,’ Christ 1049, and
often; ‘in iudicium magni diei,’ S. Jude, 6. See Deering, W., The
Anglo-Saxon Poets on the Judgment Day, 8.

138. #niȝen anglene had#: ‘Novem esse distinctiones, vel ordines
angelorum sacrae scripturae testantur: id est, Angelos, Archangelos,
Thronos, Dominationes, Virtutes, Principatus, Potestates, Cherubim et
Seraphim,’ Isidore, vi. 137.

141. #þer midenarde . . . werpeð abec#. The article is _s. d. fem._, the
noun _s. d. masc._ The phrase might mean, with all those who for his
love turn backwards to the world, but not, ‘put aside the world,’
Morris. It seems to be without parallel: such expressions as,
‘projecerunt legem tuam post terga sua,’ ii Esdras ix. 26, suggest the
_acc._ þes midenard here.

142-146. The ultimate source is Ephraem Syrus, ‘Quomodo sustinebimus,
Fratres, quum videbimus igneum fluvium . . . comburentem omnem terram et
quae in ea sunt opera? Tunc, dilecti, ab illo igne flumina deficient et
fontes evanescent, stellae cadent, sol extinguetur, luna abibit, coelum
plicabitur ut volumen, sicut scriptum est . . . Quomodo sustinebimus
tunc, Christo dilecti, quum videbimus terribilem thronum praeparatum et
signum crucis apparens, in quo affixus est Christus voluntarie pro
nobis,’ ed. Lamy, ii. 192. Comp. with the present passage BH 91.

144. With #aþestreð# comp. 123/230.

145. #to gað#, should ordinarily mean, parts in sunder, but in view of
plicabitur in the quotation above (‘et complicabuntur sicut liber
caeli,’ Isaiah xxxiv. 4), it may mean here, is rolled up. Comp. ‘& on
þæm dæge heofon biþ befealden swa swa boc,’ BH 91/25. #si hali rode
tacne# usually means, the sign of the cross, 130/65; BH 237/21; AR
106/9; here and OEH i. 121/9 it is the cross itself as a sign. Comp. ‘et
tunc parebit signum Filii hominis in caelo,’ S. Matt. xxiv. 30, ‘and seo
hea ród | Ryht aræred rices to beacne,’ Christ 1063. See also Deering,
42.

147. #cwaciað#: comp. 34/94; ‘oðe dom of Domesdai, þer þe engles schulen
cwakien,’ AR 116/19. #senfulle#: comp. ‘þer þe crysmechild for sunnes
sore schal drede,’ OEM 90/11. The passage bears considerable resemblance
to ‘hinc erunt accusantia peccata, inde terrens justitia: subtus patens
horridum chaos inferni, desuper iratus judex: intus urens conscientia,
foris ardens mundus. Justus vix salvabitur; peccator sic deprehensus in
quam partem se premet?’ S. Anselmi Op. 208.

148. #bechece# is translated in Specimens, ‘gainsay’ and connected with
#cigan#, which is difficult both as to form and sense: probably it is
written for beceche, deceive. #beswice#, get the better of.

151. #beswapen#, clothed: ‘et induit maledictionem sicut vestimentum,’
Ps. cviii. 18; ‘Qui oderunt te, induentur confusione,’ Job viii. 22.

152. #an himselfe#, concerning himself: comp. ‘Eft ne mot nan mann . . .
secgan on hine sylfne,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 274/177.

153. #ecenesse# is strangely said of man’s earthly existence. Perhaps
recelesnesse.

158. #esten#, dainties: comp. 50/359; metaphorically, it means delight,
at 159. #Delicie# &c.: Prov. viii. 31; _sunt_ is not in the Vulgate.

160. #litl her#, a little time ago.

161. #Ego# &c.: S. John vi. 51; in Vulgate, _descendi_.

162. #astah#: OE. #astīgan# is a neutral word the direction of which is
indicated by an adverb. When alone, it is generally used of rising; but
comp. ‘Ah crist . . . asteh of heuene riche,’ OEH i. 17/25; ‘he (Christ)
asteh to þisse liue,’ id. 19/7.

164. #alswa se#, not, ‘as he also,’ Morris, but, just as, even as,
17/173: so alswa alse, 17/169; alse, 13/42, alswa, 17/170 = as.

165. #⁊ c.#: ‘cadens in terram mortuum fuerit, ipsum solum manet,’ S.
John xii. 24. #was ȝesawen#, at the Annunciation. The fanciful
comparison is common in mediaeval writers: comp. ‘Elegit autem sibi
quasi granum tritici Deus corpus de Spiritu sancto in utero virginali
conceptum . . . in cruce illa [grana] moluit, in resurrectione
cribravit,’ Petri Cellensis Sermones (Migne, P. L. ccii), 808.

167. #com#, sprang up; a common use in mod. dialects. #ꝥ cweð us of
breade# is translated in Specimens, ‘which speaketh to us by bread.’ It
means, of course, that is called house of bread: comp. ‘Bethleem is
gereht “Hlaf-hús,” and on hire wæs Crist, se soða hlaf, acenned, þe be
him sylfum cwæð, “Ic eom se liflica hláf,”’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 34/14;
‘In coelis erat panis angelorum, set in bethleem factus est panis
hominum. Merito igitur locus iste domus dicebatur panis, unde angelorum
et hominum carnaliter fuerat oriundus panis,’ H. de Losinga, ii. 12; Orm
121/3528-35.

170. #melstanent#: ‘Pastor farinam moluit in cruce tanquam in
molendino,’ P. Cellensis, 807. #berient#: the tomb as the oven is
original. Comp: ‘Iste est ille, qui seipsum coxit in clibano passionis,’
Bede, vii. 369 (Cologne ed.); ‘Et sicut panis igne coquitur, ita
Christus in camino passionis assatur,’ Elucidarium Honorii Augustodun.,
1129; Adam. Praemonstr. 178 (Migne, P. L. cxcviii); Petrus Blesensis,
iv. 33.

173. #Ego sum# &c.: S. John xv. 1.


  _Cross-References_

  6/18, 10/167 (notes) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
  50/334 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  118/30, 124/249 (notes) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
  176/24 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)

  _Errata_

  #Phonology:# ... _y_ in cyme 87 (? #cime#)  [cyme,]
  .... #ǣ{2}# is uniformly _e_  [#æ{2}#]
  #ē# is regularly _e_, but dieð 51 (= #deð#)
    [_text unchanged: error for “dēð”?_]
  ... Final #ēo# is _i_, hi 50 (4), ibi 135, isi 55 (4), si 50 (6)
    [(4) si 50]
  ... #æ# + #g# ... _eiȝ_ in seigd 34  [seigð]
  _e_ in sede 117, 119, seden 69, 160 (= #sǣdon#)
    [_corrected by author from #sædon#_]
  #ǣ{1}# + #h#  [#æ{1}#]
  Minor declensions: ... feder 48, _s. d._  [_d. s._]
  ... man 76, _s. d._, 41, _s. a._  [41.]
  The infinitive of verbs ... _Pres. s._ 1. forȝete 61  [1:]
  ȝestrenð 112 (#gestrengeþ#)  [ȝestrend]
  V. ableow 42, bleowu 168  [V ableow]
  oȝeð 64 (#āgon#), 1 _pr. pl._  [1. _pr. pl._]
  muȝe (we) 49, 1 _pr. pl._  [1. _pr. pl._]
  26. ... KH MS. L 1131 note.  [Ms.]
  28. ... see 50/334 note.  [_final . missing_]
  37. #· iii · prou.#  [_anomalous spacing unchanged_]




VI. THE PROVERBS OF ALFRED


#Manuscript:# Jesus College, Oxford, E 29, formerly Arch. i. 29 (J). It
consists of two distinct MSS. bound in one; the second begins at f. 217
r. (new foliation) and was written not long after 1276 (Anglia xxx,
222). Its contents are best described in the Owl and the Nightingale,
ed. J. E. Wells, Boston, 1907, at pp. ix-xiii. Our piece is written
continuously as prose, each stanza forming a paragraph, but iv and v are
in one without l. 54, which is here supplied, while l. 43 is written at
the end of the preceding paragraph and similarly the lines beginning
viii-xvii, xix-xxiii. The scribe was evidently struggling with an
original which he could not always read; see footnote to l. 105.

Another MS. is B. 14. 39, Trinity College, Cambridge (T): see The
Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, by
M. R. James, vol. i. p. 438. It gives a much longer text very badly
copied by a scribe little skilled in English.

A third copy in MS. Cotton Galba A. xix was destroyed in the fire at
Dean’s Yard in 1731. But Wanley had printed a specimen (W),
corresponding to ll. 1-21 of this edition, in his Catalogue (published
in 1705), p. 231; and Richard James (1592-1638) had copied, from a
transcript furnished to Thomas Allen (1542-1633), Fellow of Trinity
College, Oxford, by Sir Robert Bruce Cotton (1571-1631), in what is now
MS. James 6, Bodleian Library (RJ), p. 68, pieces corresponding to ll.
1-23; 27-49; 52, 53; 55-64; 78-85; 168, 9; 173, 4; 211-13; 204-206; 236,
7; 307, 8, and two fragments which correspond to the text in MS. T, ll.
516-32; 652, 3, but are not in MS. J. Allen’s MSS. passed into the
possession of Sir Kenelm Digby, who presented them to the Bodleian in
1638. But the transcript was not among them. It is a curious mistake to
think that it ever formed part of MS. Digby 4, which has been caused by
Langbaine’s calling the copy of the Poema Morale in that MS., Alfredi
Regis Parabolae. This is clear from MS. Rawlinson D 325, which consists
of Hearne’s notes to Spelman’s Life of Alfred; it contains the note
printed on p. 131 of the Life, which is immediately followed by a
cancelled extract from the Poema Morale in the Digby version. Allen’s
transcript has disappeared.

The Cotton MS. was again used by Sir John Spelman (1594-1643) for his
Life of Alfred. He says that ‘by the Courtesy of Sr Thomas [Cotton,
1594-1662] I am provided of a Copy of them.’ Apparently he was himself
the copyist, for he speaks of the MS. as ‘faulty and ill writ, in a
mungrel Hand (as well as Language).’ He gives what corresponds to ll.
1-64, and a paraphrase of six stanzas more. It is hard to say what
Spelman actually wrote, for his own MS., which was probably University
Coll. MS. 136. 8, has disappeared, and the three versions of it differ
considerably. They are (1) Hearne’s transcript (SH^1) of Spelman
prepared for the printer, now MS. Rawlinson D 324 (p. 225); (2) the Life
of Alfred in English (SH^2), published in 1709; (3) the Latin
translation (SL) published in 1678. A fragment of the latter was copied
in MS. Stowe 163, B.M. ff. 101-135; of the English poem it has ll. 1-19.
The evidence which is to be got from the Spelman sources as to the text
of MS. Galba is suspect. S signifies their agreement.

#Editions:# Wright, T., in Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 170 (J,T): Kemble,
J. M., Salomon and Saturn. (T only). This book, without title-page, is
dated in pencil in my copy, 1845, 6. It seems a first attempt for the
following: Kemble, J. M., The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus. Ælfric
Society, London, 1848, p. 225. Morris, R., An Old English Miscellany,
1872 (J; and T from Wright and Kemble), p. 53: *Skeat, W. W., The
Proverbs of Alfred, Oxford, 1907 (J,T); *Borgström, E., The Proverbs of
Alfred, Lund, 1908 (J,T).

#Literature:# Wülker, R., Ueber die neuangelsächsischen Sprüche des
Königs Ælfred. Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 240: Gropp, E., On the Language
of the Proverbs of Alfred, Halle, 1879: Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 570;
Holthausen, F., Archiv, lxxxviii. 370-2 (emendations). Ekwall, E.,
Anglia, Beiblatt, xxi. 76-8. Skeat, W. W., Transactions of the
Philological Society, 1895-8, p. 399. =For Proverbs:= Förster, M., in ES
xxxi. 1-20: Kellner, L., Alteng. Spruchweisheit, Wien, 1897: Kneuer, K.,
Die Sprichwörter Hendyngs. Leipz. Dissert. 1901: Skeat, W. W., Early
English Proverbs, Oxford, 1910; Tobler, A., Li Proverbe au Vilain,
Leipzig, 1895: Catonis Disticha, in Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores,
iii. 205-42: Senecae Monita, ed. Woelfflin: Publilii Syri Sententiae,
ed. Woelfflin, Lipsiae, 1869: Alanus de Insulis, ed. C. de Visch,
Antwerpiae, 1654: Arnulf, Deliciae Cleri, Romanische Forschungen, ii.
211: Columbani Monostichon, Poetae Lat. Aevi Carolini, i. 275: Fecunda
Ratis, ed. Voigt, Halle, 1889: Florilegium Gottingense, Rom. Forsch.
iii. 281, 461: Florilegium S. Omer, id. vi. 557: Florilegium
Vindobonense, Müllenhoff u. Scherer, Denkmäler, xxvii: Otloh, Beda, i.
1080: Proverbia Heinrici, MSD: Proverbia Rustici, Rom. Forsch. iii. 633:
Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, ed. Croke, Oxford, 1830: Wipo, ed.
Pertz., Hannoverae, 1853.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups,
_o_, but can 231, manyes, 295, fremannes, 299: me, _indef. pron._ <
#man# is due to loss of stress: þanne, þane, þan, hwanne are usual, but
þenne 72, 91, hwenne 254. #æ# is mostly _a_, as always in after, at,
fader, hwat, war 16, but _e_ in eþelyng 44, gedelyng 214, gled 209,
glednesse 30, gres 81, heuedest 187, queþ 19, &c., þet 154 (once), þes
63 (once), wes 4 and always; Ealured 6 occurs beside Alured 12, &c. #e#
and #e# before lengthening groups is _e_, but ny 124 < #ne#: imulten 276
represents #myltan#. #i# is _i_, often written _y_, mostly in
conjunction with _n_, but wule 91, 254, 286 (beside wile 154, wille
142), nule 69, after _w_, nele 254, OE. #nele#. #o# is _o_, but #on# is
weakened to a 112, 200; #ðone# is þane 247, 248, þene 114, 116, 198
(LWS. #ðane#, #ðæne#). #œ# is represented in seorewe 151, 233, serewe
156. #u# is _u_, but bycome 138, where _o_ is associated with _m_. #y#
is _u_: munye 25 is OE. #mynian#; vordrye 227, OE. #fyrþrian#, is a
French spelling; king, kyng, dryhten with _y_ for _i_ are exceptions as
usual; steorne 207 is corrupt.

#ā# is _o_; _a_ remains in bihat 245, mayþenes 130, madmes 133, 276.
#ǣ{1}# is _e_: exceptions are vyches 276, euer uyches 54, which descend
from #ylc#, agoþ 146, ouergoþ 143, without umlaut: nenne 296 is #nænne#.
#ǣ{2}# is also _e_, but þar 4 &c., always. #ē# is _e_, but doþ 81. #ī#
is _i_, often written _y_, but me 140 (#mīn#) is due to loss of stress.
#ō# is _o_, but reowe 96 (#rōwan#), a French spelling. #ū# is _u_: for
it _w_ is written in hw 11, 22, 42. #ȳ# is _u_ in byhud 163, cuþe 254,
cuþeþ 170, lutel 215, 277, 312, luþre 257, but litel 281; #þȳ# has _i_
in forþi 304, _e_ in þe 82.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_ in erewe 156, _a_ in arewe 152, þarf 108,
244; before length. groups, _e_ in bern 311; its _i_-umlaut is seen in
churreþ 53 (#cierran#), and, before length. group, yeorde 328 (#gierd#):
#ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, as al 105, &c.; before length. groups,
_e_ in weldan 130 &c., awelde 320, _o_ in cold 237, holde 42, 102, 280,
304, &c., vpholde 113; its _i_-umlaut is seen in ealde 319, 330, elde
68, 71, 72 (#ieldo#), ildre 125 (#ieldran#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is
_eo_ in heorte 163, 166, smeorte 164, but _e_ in werk 15, werke 16;
before length. groups, _eo_ in cheorl 58, eorl 4, eorþe 81, &c., yeorne
66, 69, leorne 170 &c., but furþ 113; its _i_-umlaut is shown in durlyng
7, hurde 6, vrre 136. The #wur# group has invariably _u_. #eo# before
#l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 308 &c., but sulue 284 (#sylfe#). #ea#,
_u_-umlaut of #a#, is wanting in balewe 282, baleusyþes 189. #eo#,
_å_-umlaut of #e#, is shown in feole 2, 249, and weole 78 (5), but fele
2, 132, 302 is without change; vale 300 is #feala# with shifted accent.
#eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in heonne 115, heore 11,
seoluer 121, 134, but is wanting in huntseuenti 79; #leofian# appears
only as libben 135. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in schal 35 (8),
#gesc(e)apen# is ischapen 92; #ie# after #g# is _e_ in foryeteþ 137,
yeue 90: #eo# after #g# is _o_ in yong 195, yonge 328, yongmon 87; youþe
105, youhþe 66, 69, 98 (#geogoð#) show combination with the following
_g_: #eo# after #sc# is _o_ in scolde 87 &c., scholden 11: #heom# is
heom 9.

#ēa# is normally _a_, but reade 80, lyen (= #lēan#) 289; its _i_-umlaut
is _e_, foryemeþ 137, ilef 132, 248, nexte 265, iherest 251, but _u_ in
ihure 10, ihurd 205. #ēo# is normally _eo_, but _e_ in forleseþ 137,
fremannes 299, _o_ in wolde 278, loþ 234, the latter miswritten for
leoþ, _r. w._ forteoþ; the rhyme istreon 125 : lone (#lān#) is
noteworthy: neode 141, 217, 265 is LWS. #nēod# arising beside #nied# by
confusion with #nēod#, desire. #īe# in #scīene#, #gesīene# gives schene
213, isene 75.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, but seye 152, seyþ 234, 246, sayþ, 305: #æ# + #g# is
_ay_, but seyde 24, iseyd 236, ised 230: #e# + #g# is always _ey_: ayeyn
95 = #ongegn#: #o# + #g# always _ow_: #u# + #g# gives mvwe 113 (LWS.
#muge#), doweþes 118 (#duguða#).

#ā# + #g# is always _ow_: #ā# + #h# is _ah_ in ahte 79: #ǣ{1}# + #g#
occurs in feye 113; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in ayhte 125, 171, 274, but eyhte 145:
#ī# + #h# in lyeþ 109 (#lihþ#): #ō# + #g# in inowe 133, plouh 61,
brouhte 181: #ū# + #g# in buwe 201.

#ea# + #h# occurs in wexynde 112, 113, iauhteþ 171 (#geeahtian#),
probably a miswriting of iachteþ in the scribe’s exemplar (T has hachte
for #æht#, nocht, &c.): #eo# + #h# in bryht 211, rihtwis 34, mixe 276
(#meox#), vouh 129 is #feoh#; in case it corresponds to #fēo#, dative;
Skeat and Borgström read veoh. #ēa# + #h# gives þeih 88 (9), þey 79. #ā#
+ #w# is _ow_ in mowe 53, 60, sowen 59, isowen 80, _au_ in saule 23,
_ou_ in nouht 35 &c. and _ey_ in iseye 186 (#gesāwe#): #ēa# + #w# is
_ew_ in fewe 301, þewes 195, 312, vnþewes 262, _eu_ in glev 256, vnþev
198, _eaw_ in gleaw 30: #ēo# + #w# is _eow_ in greowe 81, reowe 330,
treowe 202, _ew_ in rewe 71: the _pron._ #ēow# is ou 21, eu 142, #ēower#
ower 141, eure 20, 23.

The acute accent is used twenty-one times over long vowels, in ten cases
over _e_ representing #ǣ#: séé 95, 132 is furnished with two, as often
in MS. O of Layamon, comp. 95/2. In v́uel 217 it serves to distinguish
the vowel.

The consonants show little divergence from OE. use. For #w#, _u_ is
written in uexynde 112, for #u#, _w_ in hw 22, 42: #wur# is _wr_ in
wrþsipes 22, wrþie 36, 286, wrþe 124: iwrche 83 is OE. #gewyrcan#, wrt
112 is #wyrt#. OE. #swa# is regularly so, but once swo 99, influenced by
the initial _sw_ of the following word. #l# is lost in vyches 276,
eueruyches 54 and other pronominal words of similar formation: #n# is
dropped in euelyche 49, owe 111, wyndrunke 184; uppe _prep._ 132 occurs
beside vpen 123. #f# between vowels is commonly _v, u_, but hafst 133,
oferhoweþ 323, wife 185 where it is probably voiced; initially it is
largely maintained, but it is _v, u_ in urouer 37, velde 112, vouh 129,
forvare 147, 260, vere 148, vordrye 227, vayre 245, 6, avynde 291, vale
300, in all these cases before a vowel. #d# is _t_ in huntseuenti 79;
schaltu 168 has _t_ for #þ# after a dental: #þ# is represented by _d_ in
vordrye 227; madmes 138 answers to LWS. #mādm#: #t# is omitted in lest
316. #c# + #s# is represented by _x_ in arixlye 329. #hw# is generally
preserved, but wile 149: in initial combinations with other consonants
#h# is lost: swyhc 159 is written for swych, iscohte 303 for ischote.
The prefix #ge# is regularly _i_: _k_ is often used for #c#; #cw# is
_qu_; #č# is _ch_, as chireche 57, cheorl 58, &c. #sc# is generally
_sch_, but scolde 87, wrþsipes 22: #ġ# is regularly _y_.

In syllables of minor stress the vowels have mostly been levelled to
_e_, as in egleche, sadelbowe, sikerliche, vppen, &c. An _e_, generally
slurred in scansion, is inserted in clerek, euere, seorewe, arewe,
erewe, foleweþ, pouere.

#Accidence:# Nouns of the strong declension _m._, _neut._ have _s. g._
-es, cristes 283, cunnes 276; _d._ -e, bure 212, balewe 282, &c., but
the termination is sometimes not written before a vowel, god 104, word
16, or omitted by the scribe, lyf 28, lond 12, mod 224, þing 188, or an
accusative form is used, cotlyf 174, fryþ 58, loþ 234, through confusion
of the prepositional constructions. The plural of masculines ends in
-es, _n._ þeynes 1, _d._ wrenches 257, _a._ acres 79: neuter nouns with
masc. terminations are _n._ wordes 24, _a._ sedes 59, þinges 21, wyttes
40, but the normal þing, _pl. a._ 143; treowe 202, _pl. n._ represents
#trēowu#; þinge 250 is an isolated _pl. a._; worde 300 is probably _pl.
g._, an OE. construction after vale; worde 301 is _pl. d._: englene _pl.
g._ 6, &c. (#Engla#), iwriten _pl. a._ 67 are weak forms. Of the strong
feminines, ayhte 125, blisse 31, 282, 310, lone 126 (read lon), neode
141, vnhelþe 73, youþe 105 have added _e_ in the _s. n._, and worlde
278, wunne 279 in the _s. a._: worldes 22, _s. g._ shows confusion of
declensions: the _s. d._ ends regularly in -e, except world 122 (see
note): _s. a._ in e. The general termination of the _pl._ is e, _n._
eyhte 145, ayhte 274, leode 20 &c., wene 74; _g._ quene 237 (#cwēna#),
or _s. g._ (#cwēne#); _d._ leode 264, honde 259; _a._ custe 170, saule
23, but _d._ blissen 31, deden 47, spechen 249: tales 295, _pl. d._
medes 60, _pl. a._ (#mǣdwa#) show confusion of declensions: doweþes 118
appears to be meant for _s. g._, but it answers to OE. #duguþa#; perhaps
doweþe is to be read. Loss of final _n_ has greatly simplified the weak
declension, so _s. d._ heorte 163, sadelbowe 153, weole 82, 103, ivere
144, vere 148, wille 35; _s. a._ tunge 190, tyme 114, weole 91, 100,
wille 185 &c., but wyllen 283: dwales 296 is a strong _pl. a._ The minor
declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 17, monnes _s. g._ 54,
fremannes 299, mon _s. d._ 159, wymmon _s. a._ 204, monne _pl. g._ 32,
_pl. d._ 253, 269; boke _s. d._ 39; fader _s. n._ 33, _s. g._ 212, moder
_s. d._ 203; freond _s. a._ 83, 245, _pl. v._ 25, _pl. a._ 267.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives are longes _s. g. neut._
109, reade _s. d. n._ 80 (#rēadum#), yonge 328 (#geongum#), godne _s. a.
m._ 45, vuelne 231, swikelne 252; wenliche _s. n. m._ 68, godlyche 204
have e, contrary to OE. usage, but vnlede _s. n. m._ 238, is OE.
#unlǣde#. Weak forms are wise _s. n. m._ 287, betere _s. n. neut._ 325,
327, wysuste _s. n. m._ 17; for mildest _s. n. m._ 32 mildeste should be
read. OE. #āna# is one 29, 41, 118, #ān# is o 79, 278. The participial
#āgen# gives _s. n. neut._ owe 149, _d. f._ owere 54, _a. m._ owene 318,
_a. neut._ owe 128. With exception of the above, the adjective is not
inflected in the singular. The plural in all cases ends in e. Adjectives
used as nouns are arewe _s. d._ 152, erewe _s. n._ 156, fayre _s. d._
172, feye _s. g._ 113, frakele _s. a._ 172, god[e] _s. d._ 225, god
_s. a._ 90, ifon _pl. n._ 129, ivo _pl. d._ 186, ildre _pl. g._ 125,
loþe _s. a._ 247, more _s. a._ 162, pouere _s. d._, riche _s. d._ 268,
_s. a._ 50, vuele _s. d._ 90.

The personal pronouns are ich, we, us, þu, þe, ye, ou 21, eu 142:
_s. n._ he _m._ 9, heo _f._ 169 &c.; _d._ him _m._ 35, 71, 88, 330, _n._
312, 316; _a._ hine _m._ 36 &c., hyne 144 &c., hi _f._ 187, 192, 242,
hit _n._ 118, it 96; _pl. n._ hi, heo 76; _d._ heom 9; _a._ hi 80, 170.
Reflexives are him seolue 260, hymseolue 137; definitives, heo seolf
308, himseolf 41, seoluen 38: possessives, mi, me 140, myne _pl._ 25,
26; þi _s. n. m._ 272, þin _s. n. f._ 166, þire _s. d. f._ 163, þin
_s. a. neut._ 323, þi 168, in all other cases þine, þyne; hire, hyre,
once heore 11; vre; eure, ower 141. The definite article is _s. n._ þe
_m._ 4 &c., _f._ 141; þes _g. m._ 63, þas 113; þan _d. m._ 55, 152, þare
_f._ 5, 217, þe 216 (read þare); þane _a. m._ 247, 248, þene 114, 116,
198, þe _f._ 95 &c., þe _n._ 220, 234, þat 46, 56; _pl._ þe in all
cases; for þan _adv._ 240. The compound demonstrative is þis _s. n. f._
63; _d._ 122: the relatives, þe, þat, once þet 154, hwat 181:
interrogative, hwat 84: indefinites, oþre _pl. d._ 242; non _n._ 38, no
112, nones _g._ 299, none _d._ 169, _a. f._ 280, non _a. neut._ 308,
nenne _pl. a._ 296; eny _s. d. neut._ 225: nouht _n._ 35, nouhte _d._
275: me 245, 247: fewe _pl. d._ 301: fele, feole 2, 249, vale 300:
vyches _s. g. neut._ 276, echere _s. d. f._ 161, eueruyches _s. g. m._
54: hwych _s. a. neut._ 52: swuch 53, swyhc 159: al _s. n. neut._ 105,
alle _d. f._ 29, 30, _a. m._ 185, al _a. f._ 278, 279, _a. neut._ 89
&c., alre _pl. g._ 62, 110, in other cases of the _pl._ alle; mid alle
128.

Two-thirds of the infinitives end in e, ie, ye, y, lokie 41, wrþie, 36,
286, wyssye 21, arixlye 329, leorny 69, weny 244; n is retained mostly
before vowels and at the end of lines and half-lines, but leten and
forleten occur six times against lete once. A dative infinitive with
inflection is to fone 55, others without inflection are leden 46, mowen
60, reowe 93, sowen 59, swynke 96, for to do 229, for to werie 56, for
to vordrye 227. Presents are _s._ 1. holde 304, munye 25; 2. hauest 151,
hafst 133, lest 316 (#lǣtest#); 3. leorneþ 66, seyþ 234 &c., foþ 289,
wurþ 209, iwinþ 100 (read iwinneþ), let 204, 329, bihat 245: _pl._ 1.
wurcheþ 283; 3. ibureþ 45, forteoþ 235: _subjunctive s._ 3. fare 64,
lykie 88, lyke 155, loke 64; _pl._ 1. biþenche 284; 2. adrede 27,
luuyen, lykyen 28: _imperative s._ 2. seye 152, leorne 170, ilef 132,
248, ryd 153, let 165, wurþ 184, but wrþe 124; _pl._ 2. lusteþ 140. Past
of Strong Verbs: _s._ 3. Ia. cweþ 19 &c.; Ic. bigon 9, _pl._ Ia. sete 1;
_subj. s._ 2. Ia. iseye 186; 3. Ib. bycome 138; V. greowe 81, wolde 278.
Participles present: I c. singinde 153; V. uexynde 112, 313; past: I b.
iboren 138, 328, vnbore 327; I c. forswunke 200, aswunde 76; II. biswike
76, idryue 61; III. idrowe 105, iscohte 303; IV. ischapen 92; V. isowen
80; VI. bitowe 106. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 2. heuedest 187; 3. brouhte
181, hadde 80, luuede 15, seyde 24, wiste 181. Participles present:
lyuyinde 188, werende 316; past: ihurd 205, ilered 2, 39, iseyd 236,
ised 230, iwreþþed 187, 222. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 118, 156, not
114; ahte _pt. s. subj._ 79; on _pr. s._ 160, 162; con _pr. s._ 154,
302, kunne _pr. s. subj._ 40, cunne 41; schal _pr. s._ 35 &c., schulle 1
_pr. pl._ 127, schulen 276, schulle _pr. pl._ 49 &c., schule _pr. s.
subj._ 42, 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 119, scolde _pt. s._ 87 &c., scholden _pt.
pl._ 11; myht 2 _pr. s._ 159, 263, may _pr. s._ 38 &c., mawe 1 _pr. pl._
286, 2 _pr. pl._ 10, mvwe _pr. s. subj._ 113, myhte _pt. s._ 199 &c., 2
_pt. pl._ 22; mote _pr. s. subj._ 149; beon _inf._ 68, nys _pr. s._ 112,
125, biþ _pr. s._ 322, beoþ _pr. pl._ 74, 76, beo _pr. s. subj._ 35 &c.,
_pr. pl. subj._ 202, wes _pt. s._ 4, were _pt. pl._ 24, _pt. s. subj._
200, 325, nere 82; wille 1 _pr. s._ 142, wile _pr. s._ 154, wule 91 &c.,
nele 254, nule 69, wolde _pt. s._ 21, 2 _pt. pl._ 20, _pt. s. subj._
191; do _inf._ 197, for to do _dat. inf._ 229, deþ _pr. s._ 288, 321,
doþ 81 (read deþ); agoþ _pr. s._ 146, ouergoþ 143, ago _pr. s. subj._
145.

Noteworthy adverbs are frakele 246, ifurn 236 (#gefyrn#), lihte 198,
muchele 162, vuele 171, 176, vayre 245, 246: #oft# is always ofte.

#Dialect:# Southern, free from South-Eastern influence. The wavering in
the representation of #a# before nasals points to the Middle South, but
ihure 10, ihurd 205 are South-Western. But this representation of #īe#,
as well as

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