The Church of Grasmere: A History
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Title: The Church of Grasmere: A History
Author: Mary L. Armitt
Editor: W. F. Rawnsley
Illustrator: Margaret L. Sumner
Release date: June 21, 2013 [eBook #43002]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHURCH OF GRASMERE: A HISTORY ***
[Illustration: THE LATE MARY L. ARMITT.
_Frontispiece._]
THE
CHURCH OF GRASMERE:
A HISTORY
BY M. L. ARMITT
(Author of _Ambleside Town and Chapel_)
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY MARGARET L. SUMNER
_Frontispiece from a portrait by Fred Yates_
Kendal:
Titus Wilson, Publisher
Highgate
1912
TITUS WILSON, PRINTER, KENDAL
CONTENTS
PART I.
PREFACE.
INTRODUCTORY.
THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH.
THE SITE.
PART II.
THE PARISH.
BOUNDARIES.
TOWNSHIPS.
LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH.
THE EIGHTEEN.
PART III.
RECORDS.
PATRONS.
MONASTIC CONTROL.
THE CLERGY.
THE CIVIL WARS.
THE COMMONWEALTH.
PART IV.
THE FABRIC.
THE FURNITURE.
THE UP-KEEP OF THE CHURCH.
CLEANING AND REPAIRS.
EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS.
PART V.
LATER PARSONS OF GRASMERE.
CHAPEL AND CURATES OF AMBLESIDE AND LANGDALE.
SCHOOLS AND CLERKS.
CHURCH RATES.
NON-RATEPAYERS.
REGISTERS.
PRESENTMENTS, BRIEFS, AND CHARITIES.
THE RUSH-BEARING.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Miss Armitt (_frontispiece_), from a portrait by Fred Yates.
Exterior of St. Oswald's Church, Grasmere, from a photo, by
Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick, to face
Part I.
Inscription on the Alms-box, p. 3.
Date on the Great Bell (Tenor), p. 20.
Map of Grasmere Parish, to face Part II.
From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Hird), p. 23.
From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Wilson. Rigg),
p. 39.
Structure of the Interior of St. Oswald's, Grasmere, p. 41.
From the Great Bell: Churchwardens' names (Mackereth). p. 45.
From the Great Bell: "Churchwardens," p. 93.
Font (from Table Book of W. Hone), copied by Miss S. Armitt, p. 95.
From the Great Bell: "Gloria in Altissimis Deo," p. 99.
Ancient Window in the South Wall. Outside View, p. 101.
Profile of Stone Head, p. 104.
Carved Stone Head, p. 105.
Date on Old Bench End, p. 108.
Old Bench End, p. 109.
Old Pitch Pipe, p. 119.
Old Altar, now used as a Credence Table, p. 127.
The le Fleming Arms on the Great and Middle Bells, p. 140.
Great Bell and Hammer, p. 142.
Iron Work on the Inner Door of the Porch, p. 146.
Hinges of the Outer Door of the Porch, p. 147.
Door Handle within the Porch, p. 147.
Old Collecting-plate with Handle, p. 150.
Plan of Grasmere Church, drawn by W. Buckton, to face Part V.
From the Great Bell: "Deo," p. 161.
Founder's Mark from the Middle Bell: "E. Seller, Ebor," p. 180.
From the Middle Bell: "Soli Deo Gloria," p. 188.
The Treble, or Little Bell, p. 203.
Recess in the Porch for Holy Water Stoup, p. 209.
EDITOR'S PREFACE
The History of Grasmere contained in this little volume was
nearly ready for the press when the author, who was working
on it to the very last, was taken away. For several years she
had been collecting material, leaving no stone unturned to get
at facts and records from the earliest times, and at last she
was arranging for its publication. Her modest estimate of the
value of her work made her often anxious, but her keen love of
investigating the antiquities of her neighbourhood and country
kept her always eager. To a kindred spirit nothing could be more
interesting than to visit with her some old hall or farm or
even a site which her historic knowledge could furnish with its
original buildings, and people with its old-world inhabitants.
What she most desired was to see for herself what she wished to
write about, or, if that were impossible, something similar which
still existed, and she had a genius for reconstructing, which
made her deductions and suggestions singularly valuable.
She was at no time strong, and for this reason her work was
perpetually liable to interruption, still her indomitable courage
and her endless patience enabled her to do wonders, and, though
never able to work for long together, bit by bit she got through
a great deal. How hard she worked and how carefully, no one
who reads her book, and sees the number of facts she has got
together, and notes the numerous references to books which she
had examined, can fail to perceive. Over and over again she
had to give in for a time, but her bright intelligence quickly
reasserted itself, and she was ready on most days to discuss the
subjects which for the time absorbed her. And this she did with
a delighted eagerness, and always with that humour which is the
salt of all conversation and companionship. On birds and their
habits she spoke with authority, and could always contribute much
valuable information obtained by personal observation. Generally
the first to hear and see the newly arrived summer migrants, and
able to distinguish the note of each, she thought no trouble too
great if it led to the chance of seeing some rare kind nesting in
the neighbourhood. Equally keenly would she follow up the threads
of some local history, for she had the true scientific spirit
and a genuine passion for archæology, so that by constant study
she had accumulated a surprising mass of information relating to
old historic Westmorland, and to Ambleside, Rydal and Grasmere
in particular. Of Ambleside she has already published a little
pamphlet, called _Ambleside Town and Chapel_. The present volume
is her completed work on Grasmere; and the History of Rydal, and
more especially of Rydal Hall, a more considerable work on which
she had been engaged for many years, has advanced so far that we
hope soon to see it published. Indeed some chapters of it have
already appeared in the columns of the _Westmorland Gazette_.
We had long ago arranged that I should help in seeing her work
through the press; and with her usual thoroughness and care, she
had got the present volume so far ready that my task has been but
a superficial one, accompanied throughout by the "one pure image
of regret" that she did not live to see, herself, the fruits of
her long labour.
W. F. RAWNSLEY.
THE CHURCH OF GRASMERE.
ERRATA.
Page 6, _for_ Galway _read_ Galloway.
" 19, _note_ 25 this pavement is not really old.
" 130, _for_ Lough _read_ Luff.
" 141, _Copia Pax Sapientia_. No Latin words are on this bell.
" 182, _note_ 182 _for_ Fox _read_ Cox.
" 191, _for_ Tremenhere _read_ Tremenheere, _and for_ Philipps _read_
Phillipps.
" 199, _for_ Swathmoor _read_ Swarthmoor.
" 208, _for_ customery _read_ customary, _and in note_, _for_ Brown
_read_ Browne.
[Illustration: ST. OSWALD'S CHURCH, GRASMERE.
_Photo. by Green, by permission of G. P. Abraham, Keswick._
TO FACE PART I.]
PART I
PREFACE
INTRODUCTORY
THE DEDICATION OF THE CHURCH
THE SITE
[Illustration: Inscription on the Alms Box]
PREFACE
Grasmere draws many pilgrims in these latter days. It has become
the Shrine of Nature and Poetry, for within its graveyard lies
buried nature's austerest and most sincere interpreter. The
natural beauty of the spot, combined with its associations,
has given rise to a copious literature; and its praises have
been rehearsed in poetry and prose of a high order. But by the
historian Grasmere has been neglected. Its geographical position
has tended to its eclipse. In ancient times locked up from the
world in the farthest chamber of the mountains, and still the
remotest parish of Westmorland (itself a neglected county),
it has missed the attention of the careful chronicler, and no
serious attempt has been made to penetrate its past. James Torre
(1649-1699) indeed in his MS. collections for a history of the
Archdeaconry of Richmondshire, compiled a list of five rectors
who had served the parish of Grasmere before the Reformation; but
no searcher has followed up his efforts. Nor has the excellent,
though necessarily limited, information given in the pages of
Nicolson and Burn (1770) been since filled up or supplemented.
The following historical sketch makes no pretensions to
completeness, which would be beyond both the writer's powers and
opportunities. It began as a small thing, a chapter merely in the
yet unfinished "Chronicles of Rydal." But there seemed a need for
the publication of such facts as had been gathered together; and
in response to an expressed desire, the sketch that had been laid
by was overhauled, expanded and prepared for press. It contains
(there is little doubt) some unsuspected errors and oversights,
for which the reader's leniency is asked.
The information has been collected from many sources, public,
private, and traditional. The earliest comes from the Record
Office, where there are treasures still to be explored. For
the seventeenth century--and particularly the period of the
Civil Wars--the MSS. at Rydal Hall have yielded facts of great
interest, especially those culled from the account-sheets of
Mr. Richard Harrison, who was agent and executor of Squire John
Fleming.
From all sources, however, the information obtained is
fragmentary, and facts are disappointingly isolated. Always there
is something beyond, that we want to know and cannot find out;
and so the story of the great Restoration Tithe Dispute has no
ending. The Presentments have been only available for a limited
number of years. The church registers are defective. Even the
church-wardens' accounts, which begin at the Restoration, are not
complete. It is fortunate, however, that the second volume of
these accounts, long missing, and strangely recovered from papers
found at the house of descendants of a former parish clerk, was
copied before it was again lost. There is a gap of seven years
between the third volume and this copy, owing no doubt to the
last leaves of the second volume having been torn off.[1]
[1] Vol. I. ends in 1735. Vol. II. overlaps four years and begins
in 1732, but the pages from 1734 to 1739 and from 1743 to 1750
are missing, and no entries are made for 1778 and 1779. The vol.
ends in 1883.--ED.
The writer has received more help and kindness than can well be
acknowledged. Thanks are specially due to Mr. Stanley le Fleming and
Sir Gerald Strickland for granting ready access to their muniments;
to Dr. Magrath, author of _The Flemings in Oxford_; to the Revs. W.
Jennings, J. H. Heywood, and M. F. Peterson for permitting the church
documents to be consulted; to Messrs. W. Farrer, J. A. Martindale,
and George Browne for their kind contributions of antiquarian
knowledge; to Mr. W. Buckton I am indebted for the plan of the
church.
INTRODUCTORY
HOW THE CHURCH WAS FOUNDED IN NORTHUMBRIA
All history begins with geography. Grasmere was from early times
the centre of a parish that embraced the twin valleys of Rothay
and Brathay, whose waters drain into the lake of Windermere, while
the lake empties itself into the great bay of Morecambe. Therefore
Grasmere has always belonged politically to the fertile region
round about the bay, and the history of that region--from the time
when the Celt enjoyed it, onward through its conquest by the Angle,
its aggregation with the province of Deira and the kingdom of
Northumbria, still onward through its conversion to Christianity and
its connection with the central church government at York as part
of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire--is the history of Grasmere
herself: and to understand the origin of her church, it is necessary
to briefly indicate the main events in the kingdom of Northumbria and
the Church of York.
The actual rise of Christianity within the valleys can only be
conjectured. The Celts who dwelt here through the rule of the Roman
may not have embraced the faith, but some whisper of Saint Ninian's
mission must surely have come to them, if not his direct teaching,
as he passed on his way from Rome through Cumberland, to found at
Whithorn in Galway a new religious community, like the one his great
teacher Saint Martin had founded at Tours. The mission of Saint
Patrick too, who in the fifth century returned to finish the work
of conversion and church establishment in Ireland, must have been
noised abroad, for his name is imprinted on many a spot hereabouts;
Patterdale or Patricdale,[2] with its well named after him, being
distant barely ten miles from Grasmere.
[2] Inquisition post mortem of William de Lancaster, 1246.
The holy Kentigern is known to have made missionary excursions from
Carlisle into the mountains, before 573; and Crosthwaite, where he
planted a cross, is but 13 miles from Grasmere, along the line of
the Roman road from Kendal to Old Carlisle. With this artery of
communication open, it is impossible that tidings of the new faith
should not have reached our valley before the close of the sixth
century.
Soon these tidings were to come from the east as well as the west,
borne by the triumphant arms of the invading Angles. Truly Ethelfrith
who, in winning the battle of Chester, first laid our mountain
fastnesses open to his kingdom of Northumbria, was a heathen; but his
successor Edwin embraced Christianity and brought Paulinus, a member
of Saint Augustine's mission, to preach the gospel (627). At York,
the capital of the kingdom, a Christian church was built, a second
one even being started in stone to replace the wooden structure; and
the new bishop moved about with the king and his court, preaching and
baptizing. The valleys of Northumberland and Yorkshire, which were
the scenes of his labours, are named by Bede, who knew them well; but
it is not known that he crossed into Westmorland.
Edwin's overthrow gave Northumbria to the pagan king of Mercia, but
it was soon regained by Oswald, who identified himself completely
with the new faith. He brought Aidan, who had been educated in the
Celtic Church (now firmly settled in Scotland) to fill the place of
the departed Paulinus. But instead of taking up the bishop's seat
at York, Aidan with the strong predilection shown by his church
for island-sanctuaries, chose Lindisfarne to be the centre of his
missionary efforts in Northumbria. Here Finan succeeded him in 651,
and rebuilt the first rude edifice, constructing it of hewn oak
thatched with reeds.
King Oswald (slain at Maserfeld, 642) was shortly after succeeded
by Oswy, an ardent disciple of the new faith, as was Alchfrith his
son. Alchfrith acted as sub-king in Northumbria under his father.[3]
He endowed a monastery at Ripon, which was presumably within his
dominion, and placed there Eata, abbot of Melrose, with a little
band of Scotic monks. At this time there was a young priest named
Wilfrith, lately returned from a journey to Rome (658), with whom
Alchfrith made fast friends. Convinced by Wilfrith that the practices
of the Anglo-Scotic church, where they differed from those of
Western Europe, were mistaken, he turned out the monks of Ripon,
when they refused to alter their customs, and gave the establishment
over to Wilfrith, to rule as abbot. The kings attempted to settle
the differences of practice between the churches at the synod of
Whitby (664), where the counsels of the Roman party under Wilfrith
prevailed; and this caused the retirement of Colman, bishop of
Northumbria, who refused to conform. It was now necessary to supply
his place, and the kings, father and son, seem without disagreement
to have selected each his own man, presumably for his own province;
thus making two bishops instead of one.[4] While Alchfrith chose
Wilfrith for his bishop, and sent him to Gaul for consecration, Oswy
chose Chad, sending him to Kent to be consecrated as Bishop of York
"for him and his" by the Archbishop. But by the time that Wilfrith
had returned from his foreign journey, things were changed at the
court. Alchfrith was dead, possibly slain in rebellion against his
father; and Wilfrith, deprived of his patron, settled down quietly at
Ripon as abbot, while Chad ruled the whole church of Northumbria from
York.
[3] Bishop Browne in _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 20 and 36,
inclines to the opinion that this sub-kingdom embraced the
western rather than the southern portion of Northumbria, as
generally supposed, in which case it would include those portions
of Lancashire and the western coasts northwards, laid open by
Ethelfrith's conquest at Chester.
[4] See _Theodore and Wilfrith_. The same.
But when Oswy died (670 or 671) and his son Ecgfrith succeeded, Chad
retired, and Wilfrith was made sole Bishop. Now began a very active
and happy period of his life. Enjoying undivided power, a position
which suited his nature, he moved about his huge diocese, everywhere
creating new foundations and building fresh churches. With skilled
workmen under him, he was the great architect and builder of his
time. First he turned his attention to the head church in York, which
had become, since Oswald's days, ruinous. After building there an
edifice unique in its time, he took his masons to Ripon, and there
he built a basilica of dressed stone with pillars and arches and
porches. He also enriched its altar with vases, and a vestment of
purple and gold, and laid upon it a book of the Gospels, marvellously
illumined, and enclosed in a gold and jewelled case. Wilfrith made
the dedication of this church, which was attended by King Ecgfrith,
and by tributary kings, reeves and abbots, an occasion of great
splendour. Standing before the altar, with his face towards the
concourse of people, he recited the names of the lands with which
Ripon was endowed, as also of certain sanctuaries of the Britons
which were taken over by it.
Now this enumeration of lands, said to be given by princes with the
consent of the bishops, is of great interest.[5] Were these lands
within Alchfrith's former sub-kingdom--the nucleus being his monastic
endowment?--and was it intended to create a bishopric there at Ripon,
separate from the one at York? Certainly the great tracts of country
mentioned were to be ecclesiastically ruled from Ripon, whether by
abbot or bishop.
[5] For the meaning and scope of these early gifts to the church,
which not only embraced whole villages, but even hundreds and
provinces, see Maitland's _Doomsday Book and Beyond_, p. 498.
Moreover, in the confused and certainly corrupt list of names that
has come down to us of Wilfrith's remarkable recitation, several have
been localized within that last conquered portion of Northumbria
lying to the west, which may have been called by the Celts who lost
it, Teyrnllwg.[6]
[6] See Rhys' _Celtic Britain_ for a suggestion that Edwin's
conquest and Teyrnllwg may represent a considerable portion of
our district, also "Rydal" in _Westmorland Gazette_, May 2nd,
1903. Mr. Farrer, while noticing this point in _Victorian History
of Lancashire_, vol. ii., considers that better authority could
be desired. For the list of names of gifts to Ripon that have
come down to us, see Canon Raine's _Historians of the Church of
York_. Amounderness, between the Ribble and the Cocker, is one.
Cartmel is probably another. The region "dunutinga" may possibly
be referred to the Duddon and beyond, where still are manor and
fells called Dunnerdale, and the hamlet of Old Dunning Well and
Dumerholme. Donya is the name of some explored earthworks at
the junction of Bannisdale beck with the Mint, north of Kendal.
"Goedyne" suggests "Gadeni" or "Cadeni," a name applied to the
people of the Borders. See Prof. Veitch's _History and Poetry
of Scottish Borders_. The lands of William de Dunnington are
mentioned in the _Furness Abbey Coucher Book_, ccviii.
Whatever had been Alchfrith's intentions about Ripon, Wilfrith's
were clear in thus making it the church centre for a district as
wide as a diocese. In effect, it was a diocese; though only for a
short time was there a recognized Bishop of Ripon. And this was after
Ecgfrith and Wilfrith had unhappily quarrelled, and Wilfrith had
been expelled from Northumbria, when Theodore, the new archbishop,
who had been called north to re-organize the huge diocese, made
finally five bishoprics out of it; and Eadhed (after temporarily
ruling a see at Lindsey) became, according to Bede, the Bishop of
Ripon. But upon the reconciliation of Wilfrith with King Aldfrith,
who succeeded Ecgfrith, Eadhed retired from Ripon, and Wilfrith again
took possession of it, and ruled it--though only as abbot--until his
death.
Wilfrith's inauguration of Ripon, which took place in the period
of his sole prelacy of Northumbria (671 to 678) was then an event
of great importance for the district round the great Bay, and for
Grasmere; indeed it is hardly too much to say that its results lasted
over a thousand years. For in spite of the bishop's loss of power,
his scheme ultimately held good. When the long dark days of Danish
anarchy were passed, the western district which he gathered in to
the fold of Ripon emerged as an ecclesiastical entity, and it kept
its bounds through the administrative changes of the Norman kings,
which carved out of it the barony of Kendal, and made of it parts of
Westmorland, Cumberland, Yorkshire and Lancashire. The archdeaconry
of Richmondshire, which was formally constituted a section of the
diocese of York in 1090, is in fact almost identical with Wilfrid's
province of Ripon. It is true that Ripon ceased to be its centre,
that establishment sinking again into a monastery, which lay indeed
a few miles beyond the boundary of Richmondshire; while a new
centre was created at Richmond, a little town without significance
standing in another Yorkshire vale.[7] This great church province
was ruled over by an archdeacon, who possessed almost the powers of
a bishop,[8] until it was transferred by Henry the Eighth in 1541
from the diocese of York to that of Chester; and it remained intact
until 1847, when it was broken up among what are now the dioceses of
Carlisle, Manchester, and Ripon.[9] Our own part of it became the
archdeaconry of Westmorland, under Carlisle.
[7] In 1140 Alan, earl of Richmond is stated to have oppressed
Ripon; and in 1143 he assaulted Archbishop William by the shrine
of St. Wilfrith within the church. _Mem. of Ripon._ Surtees
Society.
[8] Wills and inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire.
[9] This did not take effect, however, until after the death of
Bishop Percy in 1856. _Victoria History of Cumberland._
After Wilfrith had lost favour at the Northumbrian court, and carried
his grievances to Rome, King Ecgfrith secured the co-operation of
Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury (669) in the organization of
the Northern Church. As has been said, there are indications that
church work went on busily in the district of the great Bay. St.
Cuthbert, who had served his apprenticeship as a monk at Ripon, was
made bishop in 685 and administered his great See from Lindisfarne.
Into his charge Ecgfrith expressly gave Cartmel with its Britons, and
the newly-conquered district round Carlisle. Carlisle became indeed
a thriving church centre, with royal nunnery and monastery, and
with missions spreading round it. Bede has drawn a striking picture
of the bishop's visit to the ruined Roman city, when a vision of
the king's overthrow came upon him; as well as of his last meeting
with St. Herebert, the hermit of Derwentwater, who was wont every
year to seek his counsel. The district of Cartmel he placed in the
charge of the "good Abbot Cineferth," as if it were too distant from
Lindisfarne for his immediate care. But, while his own easiest route
to Carlisle would be by the straight road along the Roman Wall, he
would not be ignorant of that other road striking northwards through
the mountains from the great Bay. He may, indeed, have travelled
this road himself on his missionary journeys, and even have halted
to preach in the vale of Grasmere. It is certain at least that some
of the holy men working for the Anglo-Scottish Church at this period
must have done so. With the defeat and death of Ecgfrith the glory
of the Northumbrian kingdom came to an end indeed; but the church
continued to prosper; and in the two hundred years between that event
and the final relinquishment of Lindisfarne as a See, on through the
ravages of the Danes, it wrought a mighty work, not only in the old
kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, but in the region westward. Many
of our existing foundations may well date back from that time; and
it is probable that the ruined or entirely vanished chapels of our
district were built in that age of piety.[10] We know from Bede
that there was a monastery at Dacre in Cumberland, which existed at
least until 926.[11] It has been suggested that a certain monastery,
founded by a Northumbrian nobleman in the reign of Osred (slain in
717) was situated at Heversham in Westmorland.[12] Certainly at
Heversham may be seen the fragments of a cross wrought in patterns
such as experts ascribe to the Anglian school of workmanship
introduced by Wilfrith.[13]
[10] See "Lost Churches in the Carlisle Diocese." _Transactions_
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. xv.
[11] See _Victorian History of Cumberland_.
[12] See Bates's _History of Northumberland_.
[13] See _Sculptured Crosses of the Diocese of Carlisle_.
Calverley & Collingwood.
Then too a thrilling event in hagiological history touched our parts
nearly. When the monks of Lindisfarne fled before the ravaging Danes
with St. Cuthbert's body, they went westward for safety, and their
wanderings brought them into Cumberland and Westmorland.[14] A gap
in their travels which the antiquary has yet failed to trace may
possibly have been filled by a route through Craven--that perpetual
haunt of refugees--and about Morecambe Bay.
[14] See "Translation of St. Cuthbert." _Transactions_ Cumberland
and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, part 1, vol. ii.
Certainly a well-used road must have passed not far from our district
in the days of Northumbrian anarchy, when Danish kings and allies
reigned alike at York and at Dublin. Windermere indeed is associated
with the murder (741) of two young princes of the royal house.[15]
[15] See D. F. Hodgkin's _History of Northumberland_.
THE DEDICATION
To the question so often asked, When was the church of Grasmere
founded? no more than a conjectural answer can be given. The district
formed part--though a remote one--of Northumbria, and doubtless
shared in the conversion of that kingdom. Even before that time it
may have been touched by those successive missionary efforts, which
have been happily classed as the Romano-British of Ninian at the end
of the fourth century, the Irish of Patrick in the fifth century,
and the Kymric of Kentigern in the sixth; and these efforts were
followed up by the steady work of the Anglo-Scottish monks, and the
establishment under the Anglian kings of an organized church.[16]
[16] See "Lost Churches in Carlisle Diocese," _Transactions_
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. XV.
The dedication of the Grasmere church favours the supposition that
its foundation was early. Its name-saint is King Oswald, who planted
a cross as a standard in the battle by which he gained Northumbria,
and who was killed at Maserfeld by the heathen Penda in 642. He
became the idol of the Northumbrian christians, and his relics were
cherished in many a shrine. When danger threatened Lindisfarne, his
head was placed for safety in the coffin of St. Cuthbert;[17] and
with this sacred burden the monks, as stated above, fled westward,
wandering for years in parts adjacent to Westmorland, if they did not
actually cross its borders.
[17] Where it is still, with the mark of a cut from sword or
battle-axe plain to see.--ED.
A well in the Grasmere valley shared the dedication with the church,
and indeed may have been antecedent to it, as a place of resort.
It is at the foot of Kelbarrow (formerly Kelbergh,[18] the hill
of the spring); and the Celts were wont to decorate their _kels_
or springs with votive offerings of a heathen kind. The church,
however, always took care to possess herself of such wells, absorbing
any sanctification that was ascribed to them; and the water of St.
Oswald's well continued to be carried to the church for baptisms
until quite recent times.[19]
[18] Monkbergh by Windermere has become Mountbarrow.
[19] The spot was pointed out to Mrs. Simpson by the Rev. Edward
Jefferies, who from 1840 was curate in charge.
Church and well are not, however, close together. The well springs in
the flat meadow between the path to the Wray and Wray Beck, but it
is now covered in. The adjacent bay of the lake is called Well-foot,
and the bridge over the beck has the same name; and when the Wray
property was "boundered" in 1683, the "welfoot bridge" was spoken of.
It is suggestive that the farmstead close by owns the name of
Pavement End, being formerly known as Padmire. Could it be proved
that the name is an ancient one, the idea that the spot was much
resorted to of old would be confirmed, since the causeway went so far
and no farther.[20]
[20] I find, however, in deeds of the early seventeenth century,
only _Padman_ hereabouts. Or is this a mistake for Padmar? Padman
appears in the register.
THE SITE
The present site of the church may not have been the original one. It
is hardly a likely halting-place for a travelling preacher. The Roman
road which traversed the valley could neither have been the present
one, that leads to church and village, nor the straight cut from Town
End that passes the Swan Inn. Both of these cross the flat bottom;
and the Romans from the summit of White Moss (by which they certainly
entered the vale) would never have dropped into the marsh below (even
now water-logged in places), only to climb out again, to that gap
of the Raise that plainly beckoned them to their goal northward.
Instead, they would maintain their level as far as might be, and
keep along the firm slope of the fells at a height of some 300 to
400 feet; then, with only two rapid becks to ford, they would come
easily and gradually to the ascent of the pass. It is interesting to
find that along this presumed route there exists a line of scattered
homesteads; while the modern road below was--until the recent spurt
in building, vacant but for a cottage and the Swan Inn; and this last
stands in reality on an ancient cross "loaning" between the higher
road suggested, and the village. Many of these homesteads have been
turned into houses for the wealthy, and great alterations have taken
place; but a track the whole way may still be made out, though hidden
in places by private drives and occupation roads. From White Moss it
dropped but little at first, passing behind the highest of the modern
houses, according to the belief of old people, who say that this
section of it, though remembered, was stopped up before their time.
It touched How Head, a farmhold now deserted; then the Hollins,
Forest Side, Ben Place and Beck Houses. It crossed Greenhead Gill and
passed behind Knott Houses, Winterseeds and Gillside, continuing by
the present ford over Tongue Gill, whence the pass is soon gained.
Now of these names many represented of old not one house, but a
couple or even a group. Doubtless most of them were planted by the
Norse settlers either upon or below the Roman road, on some spot
conveniently above their meadows and common field; and devious lanes
would in time become trodden between one and another, to the final
discarding of the old straight track. Still this can be traced in
places; and a bit to be seen above Winterseeds is probably the actual
Roman road. A stone celt was recently found in the beck close below
it. A quern was also found not far off.[21] The fact that a smithy
existed until recently at Winterseeds--which is only reached now by
climbing the steep brow from the main road--is strong presumptive
evidence of an old line of traffic passing by it. There the last
of the smiths, John Watson, made the ironwork of the present outer
church-door. When he became old, a smithy was set up on the lower
road, at Tongue Gill.
[21] See _Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian
Society, N.S. 3, p. 419.
Now it is a singular fact that a field lying a little below this
road, near the gateway of Forrest Side, bears the name of Kirk How.
And there is a tradition attached to the spot. It is said that the
church of the valley was to have been built here, and that the
materials were even gathered together ready for the start; when lo!
they vanished in the night-time, only to be found upon the present
site, and that a second attempt only produced a like result, the
inference being conveyed, by sly looks and chuckles on the part of
the narrator, that the task had been wrought by some supernatural
Being, not to be lightly mentioned. Whether this was the Hob, or
Hobthrush who played so large a part in the stories of the past,
cannot be said, but the legend, in its humorous fearlessness, and
love of a practical joke, is characteristic of the dalesman,[22]
and coupled with the name of the field it is suggestive. It seems
possible that here, at a spot where a traveller upon the road might
so conveniently halt and set up his cross and portable altar, an
early rude (perhaps timbered) structure may actually have once stood.
A well, too, for baptism was not far off. There is one in the grounds
of the Hollins whose water has remained in repute, and which was
examined by an expert at the time (1843) when an effort was made to
establish a hydropathic cure in Grasmere.[23] The water was then
pronounced finer than that of St. Oswald's Well; but as the owner of
the land would not sell, the establishment was placed at the Wray,
close to St. Oswald's. The enterprise, started by Mr. Phillips,
and conducted by a resident doctor and a German bathman, was not
successful, and was given up in five or six years. If the well at the
Hollins ever had a name, it is now unknown.
[22] The same legend is attached to three Lancashire churches,
the foundations of which date back to Saxon times. One is St.
Oswald's, Winwick, where the saint's well was once a place of
resort. Tradition has preserved, in the case of St. Chad's,
Rochdale, some particulars of the elfish rabble who wrought the
change. See _Memorials of Old Lancashire_, vol. --, p. 91-92.
[23] From Edward Wilson, parish verger till November, 1906.
His father, a joiner like himself, did the woodwork for the
hydropathic establishment.
It is hard not to let conjecture play round this tradition of a
change of site. Might it not actually have been made? Could it be
connected with the turning of Grasmere into a manor, and with the
parcelling out of a demesne in the valley? The barons of Kendal,
of whom Ivo de Talbois was the first, possessed all these parts,
from the time of Henry I. He and his successors governed by feudal
methods, through agents. There was here no intermediary lord between
baron and vassal; and the baron's officers--his bailiffs and his
foresters--would be placed in secure houses or fenced lodges, whence
they would control and govern. A demesne of Grasmere is mentioned on
the death of William de Lindesay, 1233, and a manor and park in a
charter of 1297.[24] The woods sold by Henry the Eighth in 1544 were
the residue of the lord's forest; he being the inheritor of the Fee.
[24] Inquisition post mortem. _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 25 Edward
I.
Now we may reasonably suppose this demesne to have been planted in
Kirktown, as the present village came to be called, where the meadows
were rich and the soil deep for ploughing, but distant from, and
below the ancient line of road with its scattered homesteads. The
demesne made a village nucleus; for all the accessories of a manor
house would spring up about it. We know the lord's brewery was not
far off, at Kelbergh, where springs--beside the holy one--are still
abundant.[25] In a rental, dated 1375[26] that concerned the part of
Grasmere then held by the Hotham and Pedwardyn families, it is stated
that "Richard Smyth holds the forge and should render 12d and 1d,"
with the addition that he pays 2s 0d per annum for "Kelebergh." From
another document we learn that certain tenants of Grasmere pay an
unspecified sum for the brewery of Keldbergh.
[25] The modern house built upon the knoll had a well within
it, and behind the house--where a hidden runner gushes out by a
rock--there are traces of old pavement.
[26] Levens Hall MSS.
This manorial centre was united to the high line of road on the other
side of the valley by several ways. One, a footpath, still passes
hard by Kirk How, a now disused smithy being upon it. Two others
approach and meet to cross Raise Beck together by White Bridge, the
name indicative of a stone fabric at a time when timber was commoner.
Here the village pinfold still stands.
What more natural than that the church should be added to this
central group, and at a time perhaps when enlarged space and entire
rebuilding of an existing edifice required to be done? The site by
the river would afford deep soil for burial. To such a change of site
(supposing it were made) there would naturally be opposition from
some quarter; whence the tradition.
This, however, is but conjecture. The fabric of the present church
shows no feature that is of a certainty older than the introduction
of manorial rule into Grasmere; while it may be as late as the
fourteenth century. But before considering the question of its age,
it will be well to point out other evidences of the existence of a
church in the valley before record began, and then pass on to such
scant records as time has left to us.
[Illustration: Date]
[Illustration: The PARISH of GRASMERE its Townships and Churches]
PART II
THE PARISH
BOUNDARIES
THE TOWNSHIPS
LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH
THE EIGHTEEN
[Illustration: Decoration]
THE PARISH
The church of Grasmere is found when record begins, serving as the
centre of a large and regularly constituted parish. The date of
the creation of this parish is not known; but from the fact that
its southern boundary runs by the Stock Beck--thus cutting the now
thriving town of Ambleside into two parts, one of which belonged to
Grasmere and the other to Windermere--there seems a probability of it
having been delineated at an early period, when the _sæter_ of some
Norse settler was but an insignificant clearing in the forest.
Every parish is but a unit in a complex Church organization, which
passes upwards by rural deanery, archdeaconry, to diocese. In
historical evolution, there is a descent from the greater to the
less; while each successive ecclesiastical demarcation followed as
a rule some political line of kingdom or state. The diocese for
instance was conterminous with the Anglo-Saxon kingdom; the parish
represented the township, or the manor.
But in the vast kingdom of Northumbria the superposition of church
boundaries upon state boundaries was not so simple a matter, and
the subdivisions that took place are not easy to trace. Archbishop
Theodore, when called in by King Egfrith (678) to portion his kingdom
for purposes of church rule, made at least three bishoprics out of
the one whose centre--after a removal to Lindisfarne--was fixed at
York.[27]
[27] Bright's _Early Church History_, p. 291. Bishop Browne's
_Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 132 and 690.
Next, the archdeaconries were marked out under Thomas, Archbishop
of York, some time between 1070 and 1100. The archdeaconry of
Richmondshire, lying in the mountainous region west of the old
Anglian kingdom, was a great and peculiar province, and the
archdeacon ruled over it with almost the powers of a bishop.[28]
[28] It may possibly represent an old sub-kingdom of Northumbria,
and is suggestive of Edwin's conquest of a district to the
north-west called by the Britons Teyrnllwg. See Rhys's _Celtic
Britain_ (quoted in "Rydal," _Westmorland Gazette_, May 2nd,
1903). It contained large portions at least of that great church
province which Wilfrid made over to Ripon Minster, which was for
a short time the seat of a bishop. The creation of Richmond as a
centre was a late Norman measure.
The archdeaconry was divided again into rural deaneries, of which
Kendal was one. This deanery embraced ten parishes, Grasmere being
the westermost of them. It appears singular that this group of ten
parishes lay in three different counties,--Yorkshire, Lancashire, and
Westmorland; and from this circumstance it has been argued that here
(as in our own parish) the ecclesiastical division was made prior to
the political one of counties. This probably was so; and it is clear
that the deanery represents in reality another political area, viz.:
that of the barony of Kendal created by William Rufus.[29]
[29] Whitaker's _History of Richmondshire_. Dr. Wilson
(_Victorian History of Cumberland_) gives 1120 to 1130 as dates
between which Henry I. marked out the county divisions as fiscal
areas. In the latter year the new county of Westmarieland was
placed under the jurisdiction of a separate sheriff.
Kirkby Kendale, the _caput_ of the barony, became from this period
the official church centre. There the Synods and Archidiaconal Courts
were held, and all dues were paid which the higher church authorities
exacted from the parishes--Grasmere among them.[30] Thither the
rector or his substitute, along with the churchwardens, annually
repaired.
[30] For the connection between mother churches and chapelries
or vicarages under them, see _History of English Church_, edited
by Dean Stephens, vol. ii., p. 295. ["Walter Gray, Archbishop
of York in 1233 consolidated 10 chapelries in the two parishes
of Pocklington and Pickering into five vicarages, two and two.
Each vicar had two chapels, and was endowed with a sum to support
chaplains at both, while he also paid a small sum annually to the
mother church in token of subjection."] From the rural deanery of
Kendal there were paid the following dues, according to an old
voucher, c. 1320: at Easter 12s. 0d. for Synodalia; at Michaelmas
£4 16s 8d for Procurationes; besides £3 for Presumptiones, and £3
9s 6d in Peter's pence--a goodly tribute this for the Pope from
our mountains lands! Whitaker's _History of Richmondshire_.
The exact relationship between the central church at Kirkby and the
churches of Grasmere and Windermere in early days is hard to make
out. They were considered in some sort as dependencies, and were
called chapels after they had become parish churches. This uncertain
position recalls the constitution of the early British church. And
it must be remembered that Theodore's _parochia_ was not a parish
but a diocese. Again, the laws of Edgar (959-975) place churches in
three classes: first, the ancient church or monastery of a district;
second, the church with a corpse-ground; and third, the church
without a corpse-ground.[31] Tithes moreover were enjoined to be paid
to the ancient or central church.
[31] Selden's _History of Tithes_. Easterby's _Law of Tithes_,
pp. 4, 8, and 13.
Now Grasmere may at first have ranked in the third order, as a
mission church (_capella_). It would in that case pay its tithes,
or a large proportion of them, to Kirkby Kendal, and bury its
christian dead within the consecrated soil of that church. It may not
have acquired the right of burial until the lord created a demesne
there.[32] This view is strengthened by the fact that the church of
Kendale claimed certain dues from Grasmere and Windermere down to
a late date. One was a pension of 13s. 4d. (one mark) paid to the
vicar out of the tithes of the parish. The other was a mortuary fee,
exacted by him as late as the seventeenth century.[33]
[32] The early practice of burial in distant churches is
inexplicable to this age. But it should be remembered that in
early days man was a peripatetic animal, to whom the distance
between Grasmere and Kendal, or Hawkshead and Dalton, would be
slight; and that a corpse wrapped in a winding-sheet would be
much lighter than one coffined.
[33] Of the first, still paid, there is plenty of evidence. It
was even allowed during the Commonwealth. In 1645 the Rydal
Hall account-sheets show that arrears were paid to the Kendal
parson out of the tithes "upon order for 5 yeares stypd out of
Gresmire," amounting to £3 6s 8d or five marks. Next year is
entered "Rent due to mr. M. out of Gresmire tithes" 13s 6d. The
order came from the Puritan Committee at Kendal.
A mortuary, or corpse present, was distinct from a burial fee,
and was supposed to cover any obligation forgotten by the dead
man to church or priest. The claim anciently was upon his second
best animal, the best going to his feudal lord; but it came to be
paid in coin; while a law was passed (21 Henry VIII.) limiting
the sum to 10s., and that only when the deceased owned goods to
the value of £40. Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_. The
following receipt is in existence for a fee paid to Kendal on the
death of Edward Walker of Rydal, who was buried in his parish
church of Grasmere:--
"Jan; the 2nd Anno Domj 1652.
Rec. p. fr ye Executors of Edward Walker ye Sume of ffive
shillings in full satisfaction of a Mortuary due to ye Vicar
of Kendall by me Tho: Willain I say received the day and yeare
abouesd by me Tho: Willain ye aforesd sume of 5s 0d."
BOUNDARIES
The boundary of the parish of Grasmere followed geographical lines.
Starting from the point where the Rothay and the Brathay unite for
their entrance into Windermere, it ascended the first river for a
short distance until it reached the tributary, Stock beck. This it
ascended until, near the source, it struck upwards to the line of
the watershed. It then followed a devious course along the mountain
tops, as "heven watter deales" (divides), according to the quaint
old boundary phrase. Always clinging to the sky line between waters
flowing north and south, it dropped to Dunmail Raise, to rise to
the tops again. From these lonely heights it made another short
artificial course to reach Little Langdale beck near the source, and
with these waters--named Brathay after emerging from Elterwater--it
continued to the uniting place of the two rivers at Bird-house Mouth.
Thus, with the exception of the right bank of the Brathay, the parish
embraced the whole area of the two valleys of the Rothay and Brathay
and their confluents. Its boundary marched with that of parishes
in Westmorland, Cumberland and Lancashire. Its northern line was
for centuries the boundary between the Anglian rule, and the Celtic
kingdom of Cumbria. Its circuit counted some thirty-five miles by
flat measurement; but much of it lay on summits that reach to a great
height.
THE TOWNSHIPS
This parish--a wild tract of fells, becks, and tarns, was divided
into three component parts.
It has been pointed out[34] that the ancient church of Northumbria
left certain marks upon the districts she administered which
may yet be distinguished. One peculiarity was the great extent
of the parishes, some of which embraced several--occasionally
many--townships. Another was, that each parish was governed secularly
by a body of men known as the Twenty-four. Now Grasmere conformed
nearly, though not exactly, with these rules; for the controlling
body consisted of Eighteen, not Twenty-four, being in this respect
like the Cumbrian parish of Crosthwaite to the north. But other
parishes of the district had their Twenty-four--as Cartmel and Dalton
in Furness.[35] In the next parish of Windermere, the Twenty-four are
still an active body, and collect at the church every Easter Tuesday,
eight coming from each of the three townships, Under-Milbeck,
Applethwaite and Troutbeck.
[34] Creighton's _Historical Essays_.
[35] At Cartmel in 1642 measures were taken "for the makinge
upp of the twentie-fourte ... that there may be four in everye
churchwardens division as hath formerlie been used." Stockdale's
_Annales Caermoelensis_.
The parish of Grasmere also embraced three townships. One was
Grasmere proper, situated in the basin-shaped vale that catches
the sources of the Rothay, Langdale; the sister valley formed
the second township, which extended to Elterwater; the third was
Rydal-and-Loughrigg (often called Loughrigg and Beneath-Moss) which
included all the rocky mass between the converging rivers, the
compact village of Rydal with part of Ambleside.
From three sides of the parish then, by mountain path and
"horse-trod," the folk wended their way for worship to Grasmere
Church. Those of the vale of Grasmere proper would gather in units or
little groups from all the scattered farmsteads, from Far Easdale and
Blindtarn Gill, from Town Head, Gill Side, and all the houses that
lay "Aboon Beck" as far as How Head and Town End, till they met at
their lych-gate on the north side of the church.
From Loughrigg and Beneath-Moss they would collect by many a devious
track, starting as far back as Clappersgate and Ambleside. From
Ambleside ancient "trods" passed Nook End, and rose from Scandale
Bridge by easy grade to Nab Lane (where Rydal folk would join them)
and White Moss, and thence descending to cross the church bridge to
enter the garth by the present gate, which was specially their own.
The third stream of worshippers flowed from the farthest sources
west, from the recesses of Little Langdale, from Blea Tarn, and
Fell Foot, from Forge and Hackett and Colwith they came, on through
Elterwater, and across Walthwaite Bottom. Mounting the brow, they
would meet a tributary stream of fellow-townsfolk, that gathered
right from Steel End and Wall End, increasing as it flowed down
Mickle Langdale, till it crossed the ridge of Hunting Stile. Dropping
steeply into the vale, they would at Nichols (where stood an inn)
meet a third contingent (from Loughrigg) which, starting at Skelwith,
mounted by Foul Step to Little Loughrigg, passed by the Fold, the
Oaks and Scroggs, to descend by Red Bank to the level of Grasmere
Lake.[36] From Nichols onward the united groups would travel by the
lake, and past the Holy Well, to enter the church garth by a gate
at the north-west angle, now gone, called the Langdale gate.[37]
Here, at Church Stile, stood an important inn, long owned by the
Harrison family. Shelter and a fire must indeed have been often
needed (as well as something for the inner man) after the long
travel--especially at funeral gatherings, when the corpse had to be
borne through ford and flood, or through the storms and deep snows
of winter time. The Ambleside folk, when in 1674 they petitioned
their bishop for the right of burial in their chapel, stated that
"by reason of the heat in summer and the great snowes and sudden
inundations of water in winter it is very difficult and dangerous to
carry their dead thither [to Grasmere] for burial";[38] yet their
distance from the church was nothing like that of the Langdale
folk. There were not infrequent burials from the right bank of Little
Langdale beck, in the parish of Hawkshead or of "Ulverston."
[36] There is a tradition that a route from Skelwith Bridge
dropped sharply from the top of Red Bank to the old ford of the
Rothay known as Bathwath (Rydal Hall MSS.), and that it had even
been used for funerals. This seems unlikely, unless the use were
a repetition of a custom that had prevailed before the present
Red Bank road was made; and of superstitious adherence to old
corpse-roads the Rev. J. C. Atkinson (_Forty Years in a Moorland
Parish_) gives instances. There may indeed have been once a
well-trodden path there. In former times a fulling-mill stood on
the left bank of the Rothay, near to the ford, and within the
freehold property of Bainrigg. The mill was owned by the Benson
family in the fifteenth century, but Bainrigg had belonged before
that time to a family of de Bainbrigg, who had at least one
capital dwelling or mansion-house standing upon it. Now a road to
this house or houses there must have been. The woodman recently
found a track leading up from the site of the mill to the rocky
height, which emerged upon the present Wishing-Gate road. On the
line of this (which was engineered as a turnpike road only about
1770-80) the older way doubtless continued towards Grasmere,
past How Top and through Town End. A huge stone standing on this
line was known as the How Stone. Levi Hodgson who lived at How
Top, and who described the route to Mr. W. H. Hills, remembered
fragments of a cottage in the wood. If the Skelwith Bridge folk
ever used it as a church path, they would meet their townsmen
(who had come over White Moss) at How Top. Close by there is
still a flat-topped boulder used for resting burdens upon.
[37] This gate is shown in a map of 1846, as well as the stile
which gave its name to the house then still standing, that was
immediately opposite. Both disappeared at the widening of the
lane from Stock Bridge to the church.
[38] Ambleside Town and Chapel.
Once within the churchyard, the different streams of the townships
mingled as fellow parishioners. The sexes however, divided, the women
seeking entrance (presumably) by the great south porch, and the men
(after business done) herding in by the west door, known as theirs.
Yet once inside, they again fell rigorously into ranks of townships,
as we shall see.
The gathering of the dalesfolk for worship must have been a striking
sight, especially on the great feast days when--four times in the
year--the sacraments were administered. Certainly attendance at
church was obligatory upon every Sabbath Day, and fines were levied
for default. But from the early seventeenth century, if not before,
the dependent chapels in Langdale (at Chapel Stile) and Ambleside
would absorb many of the more distant worshippers. For the four
great celebrations, however, the whole of the adult population of
the valleys, except the sick and infirm, would attend the parish
church.[39] It is of course impossible to compute the number of the
people, especially in early times; but if we accept the statement
made in the Presentment of 1712, that there were then about 200
families in the parish, it may be reckoned that at that time and
for at least a century previously, no fewer than from 500 to 700
communicants would gather for the rite. Besides the master and
mistress of the homestead, there were grown-up sons and daughters,
with farm servants.[40] The garth would be crowded with the concourse
of folk; and when they trooped into the fane, each township to its
own quarter of the building, where men and women again divided to
take their accustomed places upon their separate forms, and the dogs
sneaked in, hoping to escape the dogwhipper's eye as they settled
under their masters' legs, the whole space must have been packed.
[39] It is not easy to discover what was the early practice of
the church concerning the administration of the sacrament, or the
number of times it was received yearly by the laity. As early
as 750, laymen who failed to communicate at Christmas, Easter,
and Pentecost, were not esteemed christians; they were expected
to make offerings four times a year. A later rule, which was
stringent, seems to have been once a year, though a more frequent
attendance--specially at Easter and Christmas, was urged. See
Abbot Gasquet's _Parish Life in Medieval England_, Wall's _Old
English Parishes_, p. 90, and Wordsworth's _Medieval Services
in England_. The sacrament was called _housel_, and the bread
_houselling-bread_. Henry VII's queen, Elizabeth of York, appears
to have communicated three times a year, at the festivals of
Easter, All Saints, and Christmas (Canon Simmon's _Notes to the
Lay Folks' Mass Book_, p. 239). Queen Victoria no doubt clung to
an old custom when she communicated no oftener than three or four
times a year. (See _Life_.)
[40] The population must have been greater when the Kendal trade
in cloth was at its height. There were 1300 "houseling people"
reported for the parish of Windermere in 1549 (Commission quoted
in Mr. Brydson's _Sidelights on Mediæval Windermere_, p. 95),
and there is no reason to suppose that Grasmere was far behind.
At the same time the numbers to collect at one celebration would
be considerably lessened if the Easter communion were spread
over several occasions, as was the case in the late seventeenth
century at Clayworth, Notts, where celebrations were held on Palm
Sunday, Good Friday, as well as Easter Day. All parishioners--to
judge from the rector's careful record--must at this season have
communicated; but at the celebrations of Whitweek and Christmas
(for there was none at Michaelmas) the numbers were much lower.
(_Rector's Book of Clayworth_).
The old, narrow close-set forms seated far more people than the
modern benches, but even they could not have accommodated the crowds
that attended certain funerals. (See Charities.) At Mrs. Fleming's
funeral, for instance, few short of 2000 persons must have been
present, including dole-getters, neighbours and relatives.
SOME LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHURCH
Thus for worship did the folk gather in the church. They came thither
also to bury their dead within consecrated soil--for baptism of their
"barnes" by the priest, and the binding of man and woman in holy
matrimony. But the edifice and the enclosed space about it served in
early times not only for purposes of religion, but of the law. Like
the Roman Forum, it was used for the transaction of public business
and the administration of justice. Bargains were ratified, covenants
were witnessed, and protestations made solemn by an oath taken
upon the Holy Gospel where it lay upon the altar--once a wonderful
script illuminated and jewelled, that is now represented by the
dirty little Testament of the Law Courts. Manor Courts and legal
enquiries or inquests were frequently held within it. Public notices
that concerned the townships--private ones even of auctions and the
like--were proclaimed before the assembled people in the garth or the
porch, if not in the building itself. Punishments for moral offences
were carried out in face of the congregation.[41]
[41] We have no evidence of this to show for Grasmere Church. But
in 1622 "Sir" Richard Pearson, curate of Troutbeck, was empowered
by the rector of Windermere to publicly revoke the sentence of
excommunication under which one Adam Birkhead lay. An edict was
issued from the registry of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire
as late as 1715, citing a form of penance to be gone through by
George Birkett, who before the congregation of Troutbeck, and in
"penitential habit," was to confess his grievous sin of incest
with his deceased wife's sister. An additional note, however,
empowered Mr. Barton, rector of Windermere, and Mr. Grisedale,
curate, to use their discretion as to the manner of confession,
and to allow the sinner, if properly penitent, to make it "in his
Ordinary apparell" (Browne MSS.). It may have been the dislike
of public penance, with its peculiar habit, that caused the
churchwardens of Grasmere so often, and so incorrectly, to return
a clean bill of morality in their Presentments.
The priests and the clergy acted as legal agents for the unlettered
folk till comparatively recent times. They were versed in the
intricacies of law, as well as ritual, and skilled in penmanship and
the Latin tongue. The higher of them are found acting as agents and
accountants for the holders of the fees into which the barony became
split, as documents which concern our parish show.
Frequently the chaplain or the village priest drew up indentures,
petitions, and secular agreements for the living, as well as the
testaments of the dying. Wills were proved at the church registry
of the diocese, and were stored there. The wills of the parish
of Grasmere went to the town of Richmond, the centre of the
archdeaconry; and not until 1719 were they proved at the secular
courts of Kendal and Lancaster.[42]
[42] _Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_
(Rev. J. Raine). The privilege of probate was withdrawn finally
from ecclesiastical courts by Act of 1857 (Dr. Cox's _History of
Parish Registers_).
Instances of the use of the church fabric for secular purposes in
the neighbourhood may be quoted. A Court Roll of 1443 is headed
"Court of Wynandremere held at the church of Wynandremere 9 July 21
Henry VI."[43] An award concerning a private dispute in 1534 between
George Browne of Troutbeck and Myles Dickson of Applethwaite decrees
that the former pay to the latter "upon the secunde sonday in lente
next comynge O-XLs of able ynglyshe money upon or. layde Alter in
Wyndandermer church betwixe VIII of the clock and XII of the said
sonday."[44] Again, an indenture made 1571 between Mr. John Benson
and his Baisbrowne tenants stipulates that the payment of certain
moneys should be made "in langdaill chappell betweene thoures of
eyght of the clock at aftr. noine" on the 1st of August in the two
ensuing years.[45] In 1601, when Widow Agnes Fleming of Rydal Hall
with her sons sued a Penrith man for debt, the commissioners sat and
examined witnesses in Ambleside Chapel.[46] And within this building
were probably taken down depositions in several other cases.
[43] Public Record Office Court Roll 207/122.
[44] Browne MSS.
[45] Rydal Hall MSS.
[46] Rydal Hall MSS.
As regards Grasmere itself record is scant. The manorial courts were
occasionally held in the Moot Hall of Kirkby Kendal, as in 1603,[47]
but in early times it would be impossible to summon the holders from
so far; and it is stated in 1436 that two courts were yearly held in
Grasmere.[48] No other building than the church could have contained
this official gathering. The judgment on the 1583 tithe dispute
enjoined that the parishioners were to pay their tithe of lambs in
money every Easter "in the parish church of Gresmier." The church or
chapel was as a rule the schoolroom where the priest taught.
[47] Public Record Office Court Roll 207/111.
[48] Church inquisition post mortem, Henry VI., No. 36.
The churchyard, even more than the church itself, had its secular
and popular uses, which came down from ancient time. The fairs, the
markets, the sports and the wrestlings[49] which took place within
its enclosing walls, and of which we obtain faint intimations, were
but the survival of the festivals sanctioned by the early church,
when the wake, or fair of the patron saint was kept. This again,
with its bull-baiting, its rude sports and its temporary stalls,
may be linked on to the earlier rites of heathen times, when beasts
were brought to the Temple for sacrifice, and when the people built
booths about it, in which to hold a three days' feast. The annual
or biennial fair, and even the Sunday market, were quite usual in
the churchyard, before the boroughs obtained a special privilege for
them. And though an express statute in 1285 forbade the practice,
neither this nor the later injunction of the Church were heeded. In
1300 the town of Cockermouth complained that its market was spoilt by
the bartering carried on at Crosthwaite Church, where not only flesh
and fish were sold at festivals (and this distinctly smacks of an
ancient sacrificial practice); but that corn, linen, cloth and other
commodities were conveyed thither every Sunday for barter. In 1380
the town of Appleby was suffering from a like cause. Merchants were
carrying their goods to sell in the churchyards of the surrounding
district on Sundays, to the detriment of the accredited market.[50]
If this was done in other places of the district, it was certainly
done at Grasmere, for the market town of Kendal was sixteen miles
distant on a road often impassable.[51]
[49] See Coulton's _Chaucer and his England_, where miracle-plays
and dances are added to the list.
[50] Calendar Patent Rolls, 4 Richard II., p. 1.
[51] Browne MSS.
It was not until the seventeenth century that markets were
established in the neighbouring towns of Hawkshead and Ambleside,
after Grasmere had in vain attempted to secure the privilege.[52]
[52] Rydal Hall MSS.
A good deal of informal business besides was conducted in the
churchyard, such as sales proposed or private bargains struck. Of
proclamations and sale notices made within the church or garth we
have abundant evidence; and for these the clerk received generally a
fee of 2d. No doubt the "citation" we hear of for tithe wool due to
Squire John Fleming (1631) was made at the church. The prohibition
against cutting wood in Bainrigg (1768) which the Rev. J. Wilson
suggested should "be given at our church of sunday" and which was to
deprive the holder of his winter fuel, has been preserved.[53] In
recent times, according to Edward Wilson, the notices were given out
by the clerk in the yard, outside the so-called men's or western door.
[53] Rydal Hall MSS.
The officers of the townships transacted business at church; and the
notices still hung in church porches are a survival of the custom.
The overseers of the poor worked in fact in close connection with the
wardens; and the latter were responsible for some county rates which
are found entered in their accounts, such as (1708) "To the Jaylor
at Appleby" and "Prisoner Money." The Overseers' books for Rydal and
Loughrigg show that when they failed to board a pauper within their
township, they paid to the clerk 2d. "for advertising her to let."
The constable (and there was one for each township) had a far older
connection with the parish church. He caused meetings for his
division to be proclaimed at the church. Among the miscellaneous
duties which he still performed in late times was payment for the
slaughter of harmful beasts and birds. The heads of these were hung,
we are told, on the church gates as visible proof; and Stockdale,
writing in 1872,[54] says that he has seen them so exposed both
at Cartmel and Hawkshead. The same practice no doubt prevailed at
Grasmere. The constable's books for Rydal and Loughrigg record 4d. as
the price usually given for a raven's head, and 3s. 4d. for that of a
fox. In 1786, 5s. 0d. was paid "for one old Fox and two young ones."
Ravens were frequently entered, and as the payments went to William
Parke, we must suppose them to have been taken on the precipice of
Nab Scar. Five were paid for in 1787, and twelve in 1790. These would
decorate the Rydal and Loughrigg gate. Two foxes were paid for in
1793.
[54] _Annales Caermoelensis._
THE EIGHTEEN
Not Twenty-four, but Eighteen represented the interests of the
townships in the parish church. This was the case also at Crosthwaite
in Cumberland, where this ancient body of "sworn" men were swept away
by the Charity Commissioners at the time that they took over the
schools. Of the Eighteen in Grasmere six represented--along with two
wardens--each township. While the wardens, who were all landholders,
took office for one year only, and in rotation, like all other
officials of the village communities, such as constable, overseer,
surveyor of roads, and frithman, the Eighteen appear to have been
freely elected, and they kept office for an indefinite period.
The names of those who served the office at the Restoration are given
in the important document concerning the fabric of the church printed
later, and these names were but slowly altered. In the churchwardens'
books of 1723 is written "Then chosen Edward Brockbank to be an
Eighteen man for Little Langdale in the place of John Brockbank his
father, deceased." Again in 1824 comes "Sides-Man Chosen by the
Minister Churchwardens and Sides-men," followed by their names. A
list of these was but infrequently written out, only an erasure
marking a change, as when in 1708 John Green, serving for Grasmere
"being Very Old and infirm, desired to be excused," and Thomas Green
took his place.
The choice of a new member of the body lay apparently with the
Eighteen themselves, the wardens, and the parson. This is still the
case in Windermere, where (I am told) the choice of a new member of
the Twenty-four is discussed in full vestry, the clergyman, however,
finally nominating.[55] Yet the Eighteen were acting representatives
in church affairs of the folk of the townships. All contracts for the
improvement and alteration of the church were made by them. They were
responsible for the share of their township in its upkeep, and laid
a rate on the landholders to cover the yearly expenses. It is almost
certain that the appointment of a clerk and schoolmaster lay with
them and the wardens, though the parson no doubt sat at the conclave.
We have no means of knowing whether their powers extended further.[56]
[55] From Mr. George Browne, one of the Twenty-four.
[56] At Holme Cultram, Cumberland, a like body--chosen, however,
by the people themselves--were responsible for the care of
the bridges and common wood, besides providing for the upkeep
of the sea-dyke. See "The Sixteen Men of Holme Cultram,"
_Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society,
N.S., 3. The Eighteen of Aston, Oxfordshire, were found in 1583
to have control over the common field and meadow, with the
yearly allotments made within them. See "Survival of Archaic
Communities," Prof. F. W. Maitland (_Law Quarterly Review_, vol.
9). Prof. Maitland regards the existence of this body as an
exceptional case, and thinks it dangerous to assume it to have
been a survival of ancient times. Mr. G. G. Coulton in _Chaucer
and his England_ considers that the Black Death of 1348-9 and the
consequent diminution of the clergy may have thrown the people
on their own resources, and caused the lay control over parish
finances which appears to have dated (he says) from the fifteenth
century.
It should be noted that the old name for them was simply "The
Eighteen." They are called Questmen in a contract of 1687, but this
appears to have been drawn up by a stranger. The term Sidesmen occurs
late, and so does "The Twenty-four" which reckons the six wardens,
two for each township, in the number. Strictly, the wardens (of whom
there were eight in Cartmel) should not be included.
[Illustration: Decorative]
[Illustration: Structure of the Interior of S^t Oswald's
Grasmere.]
PART III
RECORDS
PATRONS
MONASTIC CONTROL
THE CLERGY
THE CIVIL WARS
THE COMMONWEALTH
[Illustration: Decoration]
RECORDS
The church constitution of Grasmere was therefore from early times
that of a parish controlled and administered by a body of men
representing the people, who were responsible for the funds that
maintained the building and its services, while the clergy who
officiated were supported by the ancient system of the payment of
tithes.
The offering of pious folk of the tenth of their yearly yield was at
first intended to cover all expenses, but it soon became diverted
into purely ecclesiastical channels. The tithe-paying parish indeed
early excited the cupidity of the least scrupulous members of Church
and State. Already in 1254 a rector of Grasmere is found to be
drawing the revenues of the parish without troubling to serve it
except by deputy; for the Pope in that year granted a dispensation to
Henry de Galdington, rector of "Grossemer" in the diocese of York, to
hold an additional benefice with cure of souls.[57] This is the first
record of the church discovered so far.
[57] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. ii., p. 294.
The value of the rectory is stated in the dispensation to be ten
marks (£6 13s. 4d.). Estimates, however, varied widely. About 1291 a
taxation was made out for all ecclesiastical benefices in England,
the cause being Pope Nicholas I.'s promise of the tenths which he
claimed from them, to Edward I. for a term of six years, towards the
expenses of a crusade. This great valuation remained the standard
of taxation until the time of Henry VIII. It is said to have been
completed for the Province of York in 1292; and it sets down the
"church of Gressemere" in the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire as being
worth £16, and that of Wynandermere as £10.[58]
[58] _Tax. Eccle. P. Nicholai_, iv.
But the high valuation of 1292 did not hold good. Complaints from the
northern clergy that through impoverishment by various causes, but
chiefly the invasions of the Scots, they were by no means able to pay
so high a tax, produced some amelioration. A correction was made in
1318, when Windermere was written down at £2 13s. 4d., and Grasmere
at £3 6s. 8d., or five marks. And at this figure it remained.
It stood indeed at five marks in 1283, when the first mention of the
church occurs in connection with the secular lordship.
EDITOR'S NOTE.
The writing down of the value of the tithes of Grasmere was the
subject of correspondence between the author and myself, and
she writes: "The so called taxation of Pope Nicholas IV. was
acknowledged to be too high for the Northern Counties; but the
reduction of Grasmere, when the alteration was made in 1318,
from £16 to five marks (£3 6s. 8d.) is unaccountable to me." It
had stood at this figure previously but had been raised to £16,
and, as will be seen in the text, as early as 1301 in the reign
of Edward I., when the abbot of St. Mary's, York, was allowed
to appropriate "the chapels of Gresmer and Wynandermere,"
Gresmer is described as being worth £20. In 1344, at the
Archbishop's Visitation, it is described as worth 5 marks; only
to be again raised in 1435. In that year upon the death of
John, duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal, to whom they had been
granted by his father, Henry IV., we find among the items of his
property "the advowsons of Wynandermere and Gressemere each of
which is worth £20 yearly." After this the tithes again reverted
to 5 marks and in the reign of Henry VIII. the "pension" paid to
the abbey is put down as only half of that sum, viz. £1 13s. 4d.
at which it still remains.
The terms "pension" and "advowson" may not always mean the same
thing, thus advowson seems to be used sometimes as synonymous
with tithe. Hence Miss Armitt writes "The parish churches, such
as Kendal, Grasmere, etc., were "taxed" from the twelfth century
onward at a certain figure--ten marks (£6 13s. 4d.) £16 or
£30. What did this taxation represent? The absolute sum to be
paid by the rector from the tithes to king, pope, archdeacon,
court, or feudal lord? or was it a valuation only of the tithes,
from which was calculated the amounts of the various 'scots'
or annual payments to ecclesiastical or temporal authorities?"
It seems not unlikely that the rise from £3 6s. 8d. to £20 in
the reign of Edward I. may be accounted for by the fact that
the "Old Valor" which was granted by authority of Innocent the
fourth to Henry III. in 1253 was superseded in 1291 by the "New
Valor" granted to Edward I. by Nicholas IV., so that when Henry
IV. granted the chapels of Grasmere and Windermere to his son
John they were valued in 1435 at £20 each. They were only being
put back to the sum named in the "New Valor" of 1291 which had
been allowed in 1344 to drop to the 5 marks at which they had
stood in the "Old Valor." The tithe taxation as established by
the "New Valor" remained in force until Henry VIII. But a "Nova
Taxatio" which only affected part of the province of York was
commanded in 11 Edward II. (1317) on account of the invasion of
the Scots and other troubles. These various taxings will account
for the variation in payments which were collected for the
benefit of the king.
W.F.R.
THE PATRONS
William Rufus, upon his conquest of Carlisle, gave over to Ivo de
Tailbois all these parts as a fief. After Ivo a confusion of tenure
and administration prevails, into which it is useless to enter. The
line of patrons of Grasmere may perhaps be begun safely with Gilbert
fitz Reinfred, who married Helwise, daughter and heiress of William
de Lancaster II., because it was he who first held the Barony of
Kendal in chief from Richard I., by charter dated 1190.[59]
[59] _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, Mr. W. Farrer.
His son William, called de Lancaster III., died in 1246 without a
direct heir; and the children of his sisters, Helwise and Alice,
shared the fief between them. It is Alice's line that we have to
follow. She married William de Lindesey, and her son Walter took that
portion of the barony which was later known as the Richmond Fee, and
which included the advowson of our church.
Sir William de Lindesey, his son, was the next inheritor. After his
death, in 1283, a jury of true and tried men declared that he had
died possessed of "A certain chapel there (Gresmer) taxed yearly
at 66s 8d."[60] The chapel of Windermere, set down at a like sum,
belonged to the same lordship.
[60] _Lancashire Inquests_, _etc._, ed. by Mr. Farrer.
Christiana, William's heiress, was then only 16. She was married to
a Frenchman, Ingelram de Gynes, lord of Coucy. There is evidence
that they spent a considerable part of their time in these parts,
their seat being at Mourholm, near Carnforth. Ingelram indeed
fought in the Scottish wars, as did his son William. Christiana
survived her husband some ten years. They had at least four sons,
William, Ingelram, Baldwin, and Robert. It was William who inherited
the chief part of Christiana's property in the barony of Kendal,
which was declared (1334) to include the manor of Wynandermere,
and the advowsons of the chapels of Wynandermere, Marieholm, and
Gressemere.[61]
[61] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. and 14 Edw. III., pt.
3, mem. 11.
The new tenant at once incurred King Edward III.'s displeasure. His
interests lay apparently in France, where he resided, being styled
lord of Coucy[62]; and without waiting to do homage for his mother's
English lands and receiving them formally from the king's hands (as
was the feudal custom), he passed them over to his young son William.
The king pardoned the offence, and ratified the grant,[63] but he
kept the youth, still a minor in 1339, about his person,[64] and
William's short life seems to have been spent in service under the
English banner.[65]
[62] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. There was a question of
a marriage between his daughter Mary and the king's brother.
[63] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III.
[64] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 13 Edw. III.
[65] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
The family of de Gynes had a difficult part to play during the wars
that followed upon Edward's claim to the throne of France. Their
hereditary instincts carried them naturally into the opposite camp,
and they lost their English possessions in consequence. On William's
death in 1343 the king--while he seems to have acknowledged the claim
of his brother Ingelram as his heir,[66] kept the heritage in his own
hands. Moreover, he declared such lands as were held by Robert de
Gynes, a son of Christiana, who was a cleric and Dean of Glasgow, to
be forfeited, because of Robert's adherence to his enemy,[67] and for
the same reason lands at Thornton in Lonsdale held by Ingelram, son
of Ingelram and grandson of Christiana, were likewise forfeited.[68]
[66] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.
[67] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.
[68] _Calendar of Close Rolls._
The king presently used the escheated heritage to reward a knight
who had served him well in the Scottish wars. John de Coupland had
had the courage and address to secure Robert Bruce as prisoner at
the battle of Durham; and Edward in 1347 granted to him and his wife
for their joint lives the Lindesey Fee which was the inheritance of
Ingelram. He excepted, however, from the grant (along with the park
and woodlands about Windermere) the knight's fees and advowsons of
churches belonging to the same.[69]
[69] _Calendar Patent Rolls_ and _Close Rolls_, 22 Edw. III.
The fortunes of war brought Ingelram, lord of Coucy, and son of
Ingelram, William's brother, as hostage for John, king of France,
to the court of Edward. There he gained by his handsome person and
knightly grace the favour of the king, who granted him the lands of
Westmorland which had belonged to his great-grandmother Christiana,
created him Earl of Bedford, and gave him in 1365 his daughter
Isabella in marriage. Ingelram for some time satisfied his martial
instincts by fighting in the wars of Italy and Alsace; but on the
renewal of the struggle between England and France, followed by the
death of his father-in-law in 1377, his scruples were at an end. He
renounced his allegiance to England, haughtily returned the badge of
the Order of the Garter, and joined the side of Charles II.[70]
[70] Rymer's _Foedera_, _Dic. of Nat. Biography_. "Proof that
Ingelram Earl of Bedford was son of Ingelram brother of William,
who was son of William de Coucy, Christiana's son, is contained
in _Inq. p.m._, 50 Edw. III. (1) No. 18." Mr. W. Farrer.
The Lindesey Fee was once more forfeited to the Crown. Richard II.
granted it, however, to Phillipa, daughter of Ingelram and Isabella,
and to her husband Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford (1382); and when
the latter was outlawed by Parliament in 1388 it was confirmed to
her.[71] After her death (1411) she was declared to have been seised
of the advowson of the chapel of Grismere, taxed at £10, and that of
Wynandermere, taxed at 100s.[72]
[71] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 5 Rich. II., 9 Rich. II., and 2
Hen. IV., part iv.
[72] _Inq. p.m._ MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71.
Phillipa had no children. Henry IV. now granted the Fee to his
son, John, created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal. He died in
1435. His property in the barony of Kendal included the "advowsons
of Wynandermere and of Gressemere, each of which is worth 20 li
yearly."[73]
[73] _Inq. p.m._, 14 Hen. VI., No. 36.
The Duke of Bedford's widow, Jaquetta of Luxemburg, received the
third part of the Fee as her dower, with the advowson "of the church
in Gresmere." She married Richard Woodville, created earl Rivers.
After her death she is said (1473) to have possessed "the advowson or
nomination of the church or chapel of Gressemere," though in 1439 she
had allowed her privilege to lapse.[74]
[74] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and
_Inq. p.m._, 12 Edw. IV., No. 47.
The Fee was next granted by Henry VI. (who inherited it as heir to
his uncle John) to John Beaufort, duke of Somerset.[75] The duke's
daughter Margaret--afterwards countess of Richmond--came into
possession of it at his death.[76] After a lapse, when Yorkists sat
on the throne, and Sir William Parr of Kendal held it, the Fee (now
including the advowson of Grasmere) returned to Margaret and passed
to her grandson Henry VIII. He sold the advowson and patronage of
Grasmere. Its subsequent history will be given later.
[75] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 22 Hen. VI.
[76] _Inq. p.m._, 22 Hen. VI., No. 19.
Such was the illustrious line of our church's early patrons--some
of them the most striking figures in a chivalrous age. But it is
not to be supposed that they knew much of the little parish hidden
amongst the mountains. When the rectorate fell vacant, they would
grant the post to some suppliant clerk or priest, who would carry
their nomination to the higher ecclesiastical authorities. The right
to nominate often fell into the king's hands, through minority of the
heir, confiscation, or inheritance. For instance, the king appointed
to the rectory of Windermere in 1282, in 1377 and in 1388. Edward
III. nominated Edmund de Ursewyk to "Gressemer" in 1349; and Henry
IV. did the same for Walter Hoton in 1401.
MONASTIC CONTROL
Our church of Grasmere was not left to the control of parson and
manorial lord like other tithe-yielding parishes, it was snapped up
by a big monastery. The abbeys that had sprung up all over England
in post-Norman times were of a very different order from the simple
religious communities of Anglo-Saxon times; and before long it became
a question as to how they were to be maintained on the splendid lines
of their foundation. By the reign of Henry I. they had begun to
appropriate rectories, and in 1212 the parish church of Crosthwaite
was given over to the control of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, which
carried off all the profits of the tithes, merely restoring £5 a
year to the rector, who was elected by its chapter.[77] St. Mary's
Abbey had been founded in York city in 1088, and its chapter found
it necessary by the end of the thirteenth century to look round
the great church province of Richmondshire to see if there were no
revenues which might by royal favour be appropriated.
[77] _Victorian History of Cumberland._
In December, 1301, Edward I. despatched a writ to the sheriff of
Westmorland, bidding him inquire of true and lawful men whether it
would be to the damage of the Crown or others if the abbey of St.
Mary of York were allowed to appropriate the church of Kirkeby in
Kendale with its chapels and appurtenances.
The inquisition was held, be it noted, not at Kendal but at Appleby,
where a sworn jury declared the appropriation would damage no one.
An explicit statement was added which concerns us. "The chapels of
the said church, to wit the chapels of Gresmer and Winandermere are
in the patronage of Lord Ingram de Gynes and Christian his wife, by
reason of the inheritance of the said Christian, and they hold of
the king in chief.... And the chapel of Gresmer is worth yearly 20
li."[78]
[78] _Inq. ad quod damnum_, 38/6.
Accordingly a license was granted by Edward I., under date February
23rd, 1302, for the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, "towards
the relief of their impoverished condition," to appropriate the
"church of Kirkeby in Kendale, which is of their own patronage, in
the diocese of York, and consists of two portions, on condition that
they appropriate none of its chapels, if there are any."[79]
[79] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 30 Edw. I.
The appropriation took effect; and moreover the Abbey succeeded in
gaining jurisdiction over the "chapels" of Windermere and Grasmere.
The nomination of the rector indeed remained in the hands of the
lord of the Fee, but it was passed on to the chapter of the Abbey
for confirmation, before being finally ratified by the Archdeacon
of Richmondshire. Thus three august authorities had to bestir
themselves, when a fresh parson was needed for our parish; and in
1349 King Edward III., the Abbot of St. Mary and Archdeacon Henry de
Walton were all concerned in the business.[80] No doubt the monks
seized the right to nominate whenever they could, and in 1439 George
Plompton was named by them before his admission by the archdeacon.[81]
[80] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
[81] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1.
This change was not put into effect, however, without fierce
opposition in the district. In 1309 an appeal went up to the king
from the Abbot of St. Mary, who styled himself "parson of the church
of Kirkeby in Kendale," wherein he stated that when his servants had
gone to carry in the tithe corn and hay, they had been assaulted by
Walter de Strykeland and others; and moreover that Roger, the vicar
and the other chaplains and clerks appointed to celebrate divine
service in that church, hindered them in the discharge of the same,
trampled down and consumed his corn and hay, and took away the horses
from his waggons and impounded them. Whereupon three justices were
appointed to adjudicate upon the case.[82]
[82] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
From this it would be seen that the local clergy were as bitterly
opposed to the monastic rule as the gentry and the people. Sir
Walter de Strickland with armed servants at his command headed
the opposition. His lands at Sizergh lay to the south of the town
of Kendal and he refused to the men of the monastery right of way
across them for the collection of the tithes of corn, which was
always made while the stooks stood upright in the field. After much
wrangling, for no abbot was ever known to withdraw a claim, articles
of agreement were made out between them, which reiterated the
statement that the church of Kirkby Kendal was "canonically possessed
in proper use" by the monastery.[83] However, the convent found it
easier to let the tithes to the opponent, rather than to wrestle with
an obstructionist policy; and in 1334 Sir Walter is found agreeing
to furnish to the monastic granary now established at Kirkby Kendal
three good measures of oatmeal for the tithe of the sheaves of
Sigredhergh, sold to him by the abbot and convent.[84]
[83] Sizergh Castle MSS.
[84] MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78.
But the people were not appeased, and when in 1344 the archbishop
made a visitation, opportunity was taken to lay before him, in the
name of "the common right," complaints against the monopoly of funds
by the convent, as the following document shows:--
Release of the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of St. Mary,
York, concerning their churches, pensions, and portions.
In the name of God, Amen, Since we, William, by divine
permission Archbishop of York, ... in our progress of visitation
which we have lately performed in and of our diocese ... have
found that the religious men the Abbot and Convent of the
monastery of St. Mary, against the common right detain the
parish churches and chapels, portions, pensions, and parochial
tithes underwritten, namely, ... the annual pensions in the
parts of Richmond: of the church of Richmond 100s. and 20
lbs of wax, ... of the vicarage of Kirkby Kendall £4, of the
churches of Gresmere and Winandermers 5 marks.... We have
commanded the said abbot and convent ... to show their rights
and titles before us and have caused them to be called, ... and
we ... having considered the rights and good faith of the said
religious men ... release the said abbot and convent ... as
canonical possessors of the said churches, chapels, portions,
pensions (&c).... Dated at Cawood, on the 20th day of the month
of August in the year of our Lord MCCCXLIIIJ, and in the third
year of our pontificate.[85]
The appeal had been made in vain. Yet opposition could not have
ceased, as the case was finally carried to Rome. In 1396 a
confirmation of the abbey's possessions (including the chapels of
Gresmere and Wynandremere, worth 5 marks each) was made by the Pope,
on petition by the abbey, according to letters patent of Thomas
Arundel, late archbishop of York, dated November, 1392.[85]
[85] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. v., p. 1-4.
THE CLERGY
Though not successful, Sir Walter de Strickland's opposition had done
some good, but for exactly 200 years longer did the monastery by the
walls of the city of York hold sway over the church of Grasmere. In
what degree its influence was felt in the mountain parish cannot be
told, or what it gave in return for the pension it abstracted. It
may have assisted in the rebuilding of the edifice, lending aid by
monastic skill in architecture. Probably it supervised the worship
in the church, and improved the ritual, passing on to the village
priest the tradition of its own richly furnished sanctuary. Signs
were not wanting at the Reformation that the district had been
ecclesiastically well served.
It has been seen that the parson of the parish was a pluralist
and a non-resident as early as 1254; and so were those of his
successors of whom we have evidence. The glimpses obtained through
scant record disclose the tithe-taking rector of the valley as a
figure distinguished by education, if not by family, and known to
the lofty in station. He is termed "Master," and bears the suffix
"clerk"; while "Sir" is reserved for the curate, his deputy, who
has not graduated at either university.[86] He was skilled in law
more than in theology. He may have served an apprenticeship in the
great office of the Chancery; sometimes men of his position are
termed "king's clerk."[87] He was not an idle man, and was often
employed in secular business by the lord of the Fee. It may have
been in the collection of the lady's dues--for the heiress Christiana
de Lindesay, had married Ingelram de Gynes, of Coucy in France, in
1283--that the parson of Grasmere suffered an assault (1290) at
Leghton Gynes (later Leighton Conyers). It is certain that when
Robert de Gynes, one of the sons of Christiana, and possessed of some
of her lands about Casterton and Levens, went "beyond the seas" in
1334, he empowered Oliver de Welle, parson of Grasmere, to act with
Thomas de Bethum as his attorney. Oliver de Welle had a footing in
our valleys besides his parsonage, for he is stated to have held,
under the lord William de Coucy, deceased, "a certain place called
Little Langedon in Stirkland Ketle," which was then (1352) in the
custody of the executor of his will, John de Crofte.[88]
[86] Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_, p. 251.
[87] In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to
the church of Warton in Kendale, _Calendar Patent Rolls_.
[88] MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2.
Edmund de Ursewyk, "king's clerk," whom the king nominated
to Grasmere in 1349--the young lord William de Coucy being
dead--doubtless came of a Furness family, and may have been related
to Adam de Ursewyk who held land for his life in the barony, by grant
of the elder William,[89] as well as the office of chief forester of
the park at Troutbeck.[90]
[89] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.
[90] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.
"Magister George Plompton" was another learned cleric of good
family, being the son of Sir William Plumpton of Plumpton, knight.
He was a bachelor-at-law, and was ordained sub-deacon in 1417. It
was in 1438-9 that he was nominated to the rectory of Grasmere, by
the Chapter of St. Mary's, and some years after he acquired that of
Bingham in Nottinghamshire. This he resigned (and doubtless Grasmere
also) in two or three years' time, owing to age and infirmities.
He retired to Bolton Abbey, and in 1459 obtained leave from the
Archbishop of York to have service celebrated for himself and his
servants within the walls of the monastery--a permit which gives a
picture of affluent peace and piety in a few words.[91]
[91] Canon Raine's Notes to _Testamenta Eboracensia_, Sur. So.,
vol. 30, p. 68.
Master Hugh Ashton, parson, acted as Receiver-general for the lands
of the Countess of Richmond (the Lindesay Fee) in 1505-6.[92] On his
resignation in 1511, Henry VIII. exercised his right as inheritor
of the Fee, and nominated John Frost to the rectory; the abbot and
convent presenting in due form. This happened again in 1525, when
William Holgill was appointed.[93]
[92] Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877.
[93] "List of Rydall-Writings." D.F.
Of other rectors of the post-Reformation period we know little or
nothing. Richard, "clericus," was taxed in 1332 on goods worth £4,
a sum higher by £1 than any land-holding parishioner in the three
townships.[94]
[94] _Lay Subsidy Roll_, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III.
LIST OF RECTORS AND CURATES
1254 Henry de Galdington. _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol.
2, p. 294.
1290-91 William de Kendale. _De Banco Rolls_, Rev. 86 in 79d.
Adam de Ottelay, "capellanus." Levens Rental of Ed.
2 or early Ed. 3.
1332 Richard "clericus." _Lay Subsidy Roll_. West., 195/1A.
1334
June 24 Oliver de Welle. _Close Rolls and Patent Rolls._ 8 Ed. 3.
1349 Edmund de Ursewyk. _Patent Rolls._
1362 Hugo de Middleton. Torre's _Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_.
Dec. 3
1401
Jan. 13 Walter Hoton "parson." _Patent Rolls_, Henry IV.
---- Reginald Pulham. Torre; no date given.
1443
May 24 Peter Yrford. Torre.
1459
Feb. 10 George Plompton. Torre. _Calendar Patent Rolls._
1486 James Chamer "capellano."
1505-6 Hugh Ashton, "clerk," Min. Acc., Henry VII., 877.
Resigns Grasmere Rectory in 1512. Rydal Hall
MSS.
1511 John Frost, on resignation of Hugh Ashton. Rydal
Oct. 18 Hall MSS.
1525 William Holgill or Hawgill. Rydal Hall MSS. Chester
Mar. 14 Diocesan Registry.
1548 Gabriel Croft, instituted on death of Holgill. Chester
Jan. 11 Registry. Called Rector at Visitation of Bishop of
Chester, 1554, when the following names accompany
his.
Dns William Jackson. His will was proved Jan. 21,
1569, which calls him "late curat of Gresmer."
Dns John Hunter.
Dns Hugo Walton. Hugh Watson "preist" bur. March
8, 1577. Grasmere Church Register.
1563 "Sirre Thomas Benson, curate" witnesses will of John
Benson Esq. of Baisbrowne.
1569 ? Master John Benson, rector.
? Lancelot Levens. Chester Diocesan Registry.
1575[95] John Wilson, instituted on death of Lan. Levens.
July 18 Chester Diocesan Registry. Bur. May, 13, 1627.
Grasmere Church Register.
[95] 1575--March 20. James Dugdall, "Clericus" witnesses Indenture
between Wil. Fleming of Rydal and his miller.
1627 Robertus Hogge. Removed following year. Rydal Hall
July 16 MSS.
1628 Henry Wilson, B.A., instituted, according to Chester
May 24 Diocesan Registry, on death of John Wilson, by
presentation of Agneta Fleming. Ejected 1644.
Died 1647.
CLERGY DOING DUTY DURING THE COMMONWEALTH
1645. "Mr. Benson."
1646. "Sir Christopher Rawling." Probably had served as
Curate for some time previously. The Register
gives the baptism of his child in 1641 when he is
called "Clericus." He likewise joined Parson Wilson
in a bill in 1642.
1653. John Wallas. Independent. Ejected 1655.
1655 John Tompson. Probably Presbyterian.
RECTORS AFTER RESTORATION
1660. John Ambrose. Probably nominated on death of Henry
Wilson, but not allowed to serve.
1684 Henry Fleming, B.A. on death of J. Ambrose.
1728 William Kilner on death of H. Fleming.
1728 George Fleming, LL.D. (Dean of Carlisle) on session of
W. Kilner.
1733 William Fleming, M.A. on resignation of Geo. Fleming.
1743 John Craik, B.A. on death of W. Fleming.
1806 Thomas Jackson on death of J. Craik.
1822 Sir Richard Fleming, Bart., on death of T. Jackson.
CURATES
The curates who officiated under the rectors were a different class
of men. Constantly resident, and seemingly holding the post for
life, they belonged as a rule to the district--even it might be,
to the township--as did William Jackson, who died 1569. A sharp
boy, son of a statesman, might attract the notice of the parson,
or of the visiting brother from St. Mary's Abbey. After serving an
apprenticeship, as attendant or acolyte within the church, he might
be passed on from the curate's tuition--for the latter almost always
taught school--to Kendal or even to the abbey at York. On being
admitted into the order of priesthood, he would return to his native
place (should the post be vacant) and minister week by week to the
spiritual needs of his fellows and his kinsfolk. Sometimes he even
took up land to farm. Adam de Ottelay, "chaplain," is set down in an
undated rental of the early fourteenth century, as joining in tenure
with John "del bancke."[96]
[96] Levens Hall MS.
The "chaplain" James Chamer, who witnessed a Grasmere deed in 1486,
was probably the curate there.[97] It must be remembered, however,
that the three townships appear to have been, from an early (but
unknown) date, furnished with resident curates, acting under rector
and abbot. Little Langdale too, if tradition be correct, had its
religious needs supplied by a chapel. It is possible, indeed,
that this may have been served through the priory of Conishead in
Furness, to which William de Lancaster III.--the last baron to rule
Kendal as a whole, who died 1246--granted a settlement or grange
at Baisbrowne and Elterwater, which was later called a manor. This
grange lay within Grasmere parish, as does the field below Bield,
where tradition asserts the chapel to have stood. The first express
mention of a chapel at Ambleside (within the township of Rydal and
Loughrigg) is found in a document of Mr. G. Browne, dated 1584. But
in the rental of 1505-6, William Wall, "chaplain," is entered as
holding in Ambleside one third of the "pasture of Brigges." There
is little doubt, therefore, that he was resident in the town, and
uniting husbandry with his clerical office. Of a chapel in Great or
Mickle Langdale the first evidence that occurs (after the strong
presumptive evidence of the four priests serving the parish to be
given immediately) is the indenture of 1571, which expressly mentions
it.
[97] Rydal Hall MS.
THE START OF THE REFORMATION
The revolution which Henry VIII. brought about in the ecclesiastical
world of England shook our parish, as the rest of England.
Not content with the suppression and spoliation of the lesser
monasteries, he turned to the greater ones, whose riches in gold and
jewels, in land and revenue, excited his cupidity. Remote Grasmere
even, by diversion of the pension she had dutifully paid her church
superior, might supply something to the royal pocket! So the new
supreme Head of the Church is found in 1543, bartering what he could
to two of those job-brokers of ecclesiastical property, who were so
evil a feature of the Reformation. The parchment at Rydal Hall runs
thus:--
A Breuiate of the Kings Grant of Gersmire Advowson to Bell &
Broksbye in 35^{to} Hen. 8
Be it remembered that in the charter of our most illustrious lord
Henry the Eight, by the grace of God king of England, France, and
Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the
English and Irish church, made to John Bell and Robert Brokelsby
within named, among other things it is thus contained:--
The king to all to whom, &c. greeting. We do also give, for
the consideration aforesaid, and of our certain knowledge and
mere motion for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to
the aforesaid John Bell and Robert Brokelsbye, the advowson,
donation, denomination, presentation, free disposition, and
right of patronage of the Rectory of Gresmere in our county of
Westmorland, which, as parcel of the possessions and revenues
of the late Monastery of St. Mary near the wall of the City
of York, or otherwise or in any other manner or by any reason
whatsoever, has or have fallen, or may fall, into our hands.
Witness the king at Walden the twenty-first day of October in
the thirty-fifth year of our reign.
This is clearly a copy of but a part of the original charter, and the
"consideration" which Henry received does not transpire; but in the
following month the two speculators procured a licence to sell again,
and they passed over their purchase of the Grasmere advowson, and of
all woods upon the premises--meaning no doubt the old demesne of the
Lindesay Fee--to Alan Bellingham, gent., for £30 11s. 5-1/2d.[98]
Bellingham in the same year purchased direct from the Crown that
portion of Grasmere known as the Lumley Fee--thus gaining the
lordship of some part of the valley.
[98] "List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the
names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee.
Henry's sale of the advowson did not touch the tithes, which were
left in the hands of the rector; but he reserved for himself the
"pension" of 2-1/2 marks which had been regularly paid out of them to
the abbey. It passed down with other Crown property to Charles II.,
and in his reign was sold, according to an Act of Parliament which
was passed permitting the sale of such royal proceeds. Since that
time it has been in private hands, and bought and sold in the money
market like stocks. It may perhaps be traced by sundry entries in
account books, as paid by the tithe-holder: in 1645, "for a pension
for Gresmire due at Mich: last" £1 13s. 4d. It was paid in 1729 by
Dr. Fleming as "Fee-farm Rent" to the Marquis of Caermarthen; and
later by Mr. Craike to the Duke of Leeds; while Sir William Fleming,
as owner of the tithes of Windermere, paid the same from them.[99]
It is still paid through a London agent, being officially set down
as "Net Rent for Grasmere, £1. 6s. 8d.: Land tax, 6s. 8d." This sum
represents--not five marks--but five nobles, or half-marks. Thus it
may be said that the dead hand of Henry VIII. still controls the
tithes of Grasmere.
[99] Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai.
This tyrant wrought other changes for Grasmere. When creating the new
diocese of Chester, he swept our parts of Westmorland within it. The
archdeaconry of Richmondshire remained, but the archdeacon was shorn
of power. He no longer instituted our parson, as in the days prior to
the rule of St. Mary's Abbey, and this empty form fell to the Bishop
of Chester; who, on the death of parson Holgill in 1548, appointed to
the office one Gabriel Croft, upon nomination by the patron.[100]
[100] Chester Diocesan Register.
Now Croft was seemingly a man of unscrupulous temper. The boy Edward
was by this time upon the throne, and spoliation of church revenues
was, under his advisers and in the name of Protestantism, the order
of the day. The parson of Grasmere was one of those who seized the
opportunity offered by the general misrule; and he committed an act
for which there could be no legal pretext. Previous rectors had
drawn the tithes of the parish, and pocketed the large margin that
remained, after the stipends of the worthy curates who did their work
had been paid. But Croft went beyond this. In 1549 he sold the tithes
on a lease, and not for the period of his life (which he might have
claimed as his right) but for ninety-seven years. The purchaser was
his patron, Dame Marion Bellingham of Helsington, widow; and she paid
him a lump sum of £58 11s. 5-1/2d., upon the agreement that she and
her heirs would furnish from the tithes a stipend for the rector of
£18 11s. 7d.[101]
[101] List of Rydall Writings. D.F.
The bargain, ratified by John, Bishop of Chester, was excellent for
both parties; but it was disastrous for the parish. So far, the
tithes, however mismanaged, had lain in the hands of the church
and the clergy, for whose support they were rendered. The Abbey
of St. Mary, while exacting a pension from them, exercised in
return a supervision that was doubtless of benefit; for under it,
the rector--though he took the bulk of them himself--could hardly
escape providing the three priests resident within the parish with
sufficient stipends. Moreover, as he was an absentee, it is probable
that he made a stable arrangement for their ingetting, that would
be convenient to himself and comfortable for the parishioners (such
as obtained later), and that he even farmed them to the dalesmen
themselves. This method saved him the risks of an annual tithing
carried out by a paid agent, and it insured him a regular (if more
moderate) income, in easily transported silver money. The evidence
of the lawsuits shows that the system of paying a certain fixed
sum instead of the tenth in kind was actually in force for some
commodities, while in some cases this composition or prescription
extended to the whole of a landed estate.
The change was sharp, from church control to control by a lay
improprietor, whose simple business it was to squeeze as large an
income as he could out of his investment. He was not likely to leave
the tithing on the old easy footing, nor was the parishioner inclined
to increase his offering without resistance. Squire William Fleming
was a big enough man to front on his own account the common foe.
Averring that, in satisfaction of all tithes the customary annual sum
of 20s. had been paid for "the demeanes of Rydall," he refused Alan
Bellingham's demand for a tenth of hay, wool and lambs taken from the
yearly yield. Alan, who denied the custom, sued him in the Consistory
Court at York, including in his claim the proceeds of the years 1569
to 1572, for which payment had been made. The spiritual court judged
in his favour; whereupon Fleming carried the case to the civil court
of King's Bench. Here, after several adjournments, and a trial before
justices connected with the county, the final verdict was given in
his favour (1575).[102]
[102] _Coram Rege Roll_, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218.
Before the case was settled, the contenders struck a bargain, and the
ownership of the advowson of Grasmere passed from Alan Bellingham
of Fawcet Forrest, executor of Marion Bellingham, to the Rydal
squire for the sum of £100, and that of the remainder of the lease
of the rectory and tithes for £500.[103] The tenfold increase of
the purchase money in twenty-four years time shows the enormous
increase in tithe value when in the grasp of lay hands; for a rise
of agricultural prosperity would not account for it. Squire William
now became in his turn the oppressor; but the tale of the powerful
opposition he roused in the parish must be left to another chapter.
The advowson remains yet in his family.
[103] Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings."
To return to the parsons. Croft, with an annuity assured to him,
and a small capital in gold, no doubt troubled himself little about
his parish. He had defrauded it and crippled its funds for the
next hundred years. The curates we suppose stuck to their posts,
though where their stipends came from is a problem. Little change
in ritual could have been made, before Edward's death and Mary's
accession brought a reinstitution of the old form of faith, as well
as a hopeless attempt to restore stolen church property. In 1554 the
Bishop of Chester held a visitation at Kendal for these parts, and
the officials of the parish are set down in the following list:--[104]
Gresmer. Mr. Gabriel Croft, Rector ibm. pt.
Dns Willmus Jackson, pt. xh.
Dns Joh^{es} Hunter pt.
Dns Hugo Walton pt.
pt. Joh^{es} Benson }
pt. Georgius Mylforth } Guardiani
pt. Edwardus Benson }
pt. Rogerus Gregg }
pt. Nicolaus Dicson } Inquisitores
Tho^{as} Gregg }
pt. Hugo Gregg}
[104] Chester Diocesan Registry.
It is clear from this that three curates then served the
parish--"Dominus" being the latinized "sir" of the customary title.
Of the third in the list evidence is found in the parish register,
where the burial is recorded on March 8th, 1577, of "Hugh Watson
preist," this no doubt being the correct form of his name. It seems
likely that he officiated in Ambleside, which by this time was a
thriving little town. Of John Hunter nothing further is known: he may
have served the chapel in Langdale.
Record of William Jackson is found in his will:--[105]
Sir William Jackson _late curet at Gresmer_.
Jan. 21, 1569. I William Jackson clarke and curat of Grysmer--to
be buriede within ye parishe church of Grysmer, near where my
IJ brothers was buried--To my parishe church VIs. VIIId. And yt
to be payd.... Kendaill for a booke at I bought of (erased) to
the betering of the.... To the poor folkes XXXs. to be divided
at the sytct of my supervisores. Item I give to every on of my
god children, VId.--To every sarvent in my maister's house XIId.
Item I geve to Sir Thomas Benson a sernet typet. To my Mr. John
Benson a new velvet cap--By me Sir William Jaikson at Grysmer.
Inventory, 21 Jan. 1569.--Rament unbequested to be sold be my
executores and supervisores. A worsate jaccate, a brod cloth
jacate, a brod clothe side goune, a mellay side goune, a shorte
goune, a preiste bonate, a velvate cape, a sylke hate, II. pare
of hosse, a mellay casseck, a worsat typat, a matras, a great
chiste, a ledder dublat. Summa, III li. XIIs.... In wax and
sergges, books and parchment, with other small thyngs to be sold
within my chamber. I owe to Christofor Wolker's wyff Under Helme
XIIs. of newe money to be payed to hyr, whych she dyd bowrere
for me in my tyme of nede.
[105] Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire.
Surtees Society.
The following extract from the Kendal Corporation MSS. may not be
inappropriate here:--
MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal.
This MS. commences 10th Report.
Sept. 26, 1653. Prov. at election of a Mayor. Order that every
Alderman shall provide _a gowne_ for the following Sunday, or
be fined 40s. _Gowns_ according to an ancient order, to be all
of one form "of blacke stuffe, to be faced with black plush or
velvet, _and Mr. Maior himselfe to have one readie_ against
Sunday next or else forfeit 40s."
(A 13). "Abstract of fines of Leete Courte," Oct. 20, 1612.
Various penalties for misdemeanours.
"Abstracte of Fines for the Bilawes Courte," Dec. 14, 1612.
Various injunctions and fines.
"_Offerings and bridehowes_ allowed by Mr. Alderman" (then
head of Corporation) and 4 Burgesses and the Vicar then being.
Bidden dinners or "nutcastes, or _merie nightes_" for money not
to exceed 12 persons. Same for "_churching dinner_" for monie
taking, only 12 wives allowed.
From this will something may be gathered of the life of the village
priest who belongs to the vale, and whose simple wish is to be buried
by his two brothers within the church. He has his appointed chamber
in his master's house--doubtless the rectory. His possessions are
few. There are some books, also parchment and wax, for the making of
wills and indentures; there is the mattress on which he slept, and
a great "chiste," in which no doubt papers and clothes were stored
together. Of clothes he had a goodly stock, in jackets, gowns,
tippets, caps, and the stout leather doublet which no doubt he donned
for his long tramps through storm and rain and snow to the dying. The
sale of all these was to furnish money for his legacies--for coin he
had none. His benefactions are characteristic: loyally to his parish
church a noble, or half a mark; to every servant of his master 12d.;
to each of his godchildren 6d.; and he desires besides that an old
debt, incurred in his "tyme of nede," should be paid in new money.
Some crisis is suggested here, when the good wife of Under Helm
collected money for him.
But other facts may be gathered from this will. Our good curate
bequeaths to "Sir Thomas Benson" his sarsnet tippet, clearly from its
superior stuff, the best that he had. This, the usual outer dress
of the priest, was a long garment made with sleeves, reaching to
the ankles, and was tied with a girdle.[106] Now a Thomas Benson,
"curate," witnessed the will of John Benson of Baisbrowne in 1563; he
must then have served the chapel of Langdale for a series of years.
Also it seems probable that the curate's master, John Benson, was the
rector, succeeding Croft or another.
[106] Wall's _Old English Parish_.
A spirit of peace and goodwill breathes through this document, and
one too that suggests continuity in the order of the church. Yet it
must be remembered that it was written in the reign of Elizabeth,
when the Protestant religion had been firmly established by law, and
written moreover by a man who had undoubtedly followed the Catholic
ritual fifteen years before. His fellow curate too of that date,
"preist" Watson, was still alive, surviving him by eight years. There
is a Protestant odour about the cassock, and Jackson possessed one;
but his wardrobe is distinctly of the old-world, priestly type. It
is probable indeed that there was little change made for some time
even in the services of the church. The people of the north-western
mountains were conservative, and it was they who most stoutly
resisted the suppression of the monasteries. There is evidence to
show that the new tenets were but slowly adopted in these parts.
The church at Crosthwaite was found as late as 1571 to be still in
possession of the furniture and pictures that had lent a touch of
splendour to the former ritual; and they were then most stringently
ordered to be destroyed.[107]
[107] Victorian _History of Cumberland_.
The people were not likely to welcome changes that brought in their
train not only impoverishment of service, but reduction in the number
of the clergy; for with the diversion of the tithes, there ceased to
be any provision for the salaries of curates.
Langdale did without a curate, and not until over 200 years was
the township once more blessed with a resident minister, though the
chapel was used for services. Ambleside was in different case. Now a
thriving little town, equally distant from the two parish churches
that claimed it, with fulling mills bringing in wealth, it was able
to maintain a curate independently, and did so.
James Dugdale the cleric, who witnessed a Rydal deed in 1575, might
have been supposed to serve at Ambleside, only that Priest Watson was
then alive. Certain it is that in 1584 the townsfolk placed their
support of chapel and curate on a solid basis, pledging each man his
portion of land thereto. This was immediately before the appointment
of John Bell as curate. The pledge was repeated in a deed of the year
1597.
The rector of the parish, with no more than £18 odd as stipend,
had now to perform the entire duty of the wide parish. Nothing is
known of Croft's later dealings with the rectorate, nor of Lancelot
Levens, who followed him. But on the latter's death in 1575, John
Wilson was instituted, and for fifty-two years he served as rector.
From his handwriting, seen in the market-deed, and from the register
(most negligently kept during his time of office) an unfavourable
impression is created. When he died in 1627, there followed--after
a few months interlude, when Robert Hogge served--the Rev. Henry
Wilson, B.A., who was to become notorious as a Royalist and
High-Churchman. He was nominated by Dame Agnes Fleming, the clever
widow of Squire William, who at this time ruled at Rydal Hall for her
son John.
The expenses of the tithe gathering were not great. An item of
2s. 0d. is paid to David Harrison, the Rydal inn-keeper, against
"tythinge," and "for gathering tith Eggs" 1s. 0d. These last
offerings were paid in kind, and we know from subsequent accounts
that this persuasive office was somtimes filled by women, "two
wiues," being paid in 1643 "for goeing 3 dayes gathering Eggs at
Easter."
The later account-sheets kept by Richard Harrison show less
completely than Tyson's the income derived from the tithes.
li s d
Rec. in pt. of Lambe booke of gresmire at seaverall
tymes due before this 23 June 1643 due at Easter
last 11 6 0
Rec. more in pt. of lambe booke, for gresmire that
was begun at Easter last. Rec. this 10 Aug. 3 1 10
The tithes on lambs amounted therefore in 1643 to £14. 7s. 10d. Next
year:--
li s d
Rec. more at before this 16 Julie 1644 in pt. of Easter
Reckinings of Gresmire due at Easter last 7 1 9
Rec. more in pt. of Lambe booke then due 11 12 6
Rec. for Easter Reckininges Lambe silvr and some
arreares due before this 26 Julie 1645 for gresmire 35 12 0
Rec. of Easter booke & Lambe booke due at Easter
1646 for gresmire before this 4 Ap. 1646 30 2 6
We have no entries discriminating between tithe and demesne wool,
which was now selling at a high price; nor do we hear of the tithe
corn, except that in 1643 the sum of 10s. 0d. was paid for the hire
of a barn for it. In Tyson's accounts the even money received for
it--as well as other entries which connect its payment with the
holder of Padmire in Grasmere--give an appearance of it having been
then farmed, as it was at a later time.
THE CIVIL WARS
It is clear that the tithes were dropping in value; and this is
little to be wondered at when the condition of the country is
considered.
War was rife, and the "troubles" that affected every household--high
and low, either in actual fighting or in tax-paying--were felt with
peculiar poignancy at Rydal Hall. Squire John Fleming, as a rich
man, had not stooped to conceal his religion, and had cheerfully
paid his fine of £50 a year as a Catholic of the old faith. He died
on February 27, 1643, at an unfortunate time for his young children,
when warfare was just beginning in the north-west. He was buried
the same evening, like many another recusant, in Grasmere Church;
and though Parson Henry Wilson was paid a fee for "ouersight of his
buriall" it is possible that mass was first said over the body in
the "Chapel" chamber at Rydal; for one Salomon Benson, a mysterious
member of the group of papists gathered about the Squire, in receipt
of a pension of five marks a year, was probably a priest.
The orphaned children--two girls growing to womanhood and a younger
boy--were now left with all the wealth that would be eventually
theirs, in charge of executors. Chief among these was Richard
Harrison, a nephew of the Squire, and a Roman Catholic. He appears
to have lived with his wife and son at Rydal Hall, and to have had
entire management of the household in the years that followed.
The position was a difficult one, and naturally grew more so as
time went on, and success began to attend the Parliamentary party.
The money-coffers of Squire John were freely dipped into for loans
to support the Royal cause, which the young heir joined in person;
and the house was the resort of Royalist soldiers and gentlemen of
the neighbourhood. As a consequence, it was peculiarly obnoxious
to the supporters of the Parliament, and was likewise detested by
the Puritans as a hotbed of Papists. Therefore, when the houses
of Royalists were sacked up and down the county, there was little
probability that it would escape.
A tradition has always existed that Rydal Hall was entered and
plundered by the soldiers of the Commonwealth; but it is in the
account-sheets of Richard Harrison that explicit evidence of the fact
has now, and for the first time, been found. The catastrophe would
belong wholly to Rydal history, but for a clause in the accounts
which concerns Grasmere church.
Dates are difficult to follow in the sheets, but it is clear that
the year 1644 marked the turning-point of the war. The hopes of the
Royalists had been high when Prince Rupert marched through Lancashire
to meet the enemy; but they were crushed by the terrible defeat of
Marston Moor on July 1st. The king's forces in these parts were
completely scattered, and there was a tremendous exodus of loyalists,
who left to join the king's army in the south. The band was led by
Sir Francis Howard, and it included the young heir of Rydal. The
exodus is marked in the account-sheets by the numerous sums borrowed
from the Rydal chests by various people, beginning with the chief
himself. Even the loyal parsons borrowed, and small sums were lent
about this time to two of the Cumberland curates, who possibly went
off on king's business too. Henry Wilson, the rector of Grasmere, was
a noted Royalist, and apparently acted as an emissary in the cause.
The following entry records one of the many loans to him, at a time
when he too was leaving the country:--
li s d
Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent of Mr.
Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes that he hath lately lent
8 li wch. he will either repay or els giue satisfaction that
it may allow when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire
Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0
It is clear that in this year, 1644, the hall and its inmates shared
in the general sufferings. Friendly messengers rode by night to give
warning when another hall was sacked. Hostile soldiers were quartered
on the premises, and some pillaging of horses and other things was
done, for which Harrison tried to obtain restitution. He also sought
protection--if it might be granted by wire-pulling and bribery--from
Colonels Bellingham and Briggs, who commanded the Scots troops in
Westmorland. It is possible that the new glass required both for the
hall and for the choir of Grasmere church, "which was broken," may
have been the result of some hostile demonstration.
But the actual raid upon the hall was made at Eastertide, 1645. The
soldiers of "Captaine Orfer & Collonell Lawson" entered it, searched
for money and took all they could find (which was little) and carried
off Richard Harrison to prison, where he remained till Pentecost.
Further mischief is recorded in another paragraph of the sheets, when
the sum of £2 4s. 8d. is set down at Easter, 1645, as "pd. for bread
and wine twice at Gresmire Church in regard it was once plundered by
Lawson's souldiers."
Now this provision for the Easter communion, which the tithe-holder
was bound to make, was a special provision, always accounted for
separately, and probably delivered direct to the church from the wine
merchant, whose name is occasionally mentioned. So in this case, the
church itself was presumably entered with violence, and by the same
troop that visited Rydal Hall.
It was a Cumberland troop that did the mischief, as is evident from
the names of the officers. Colonel Wilfred Lawson of the Isell
family was an ardent fighter for the Parliament. Captain Orfeur was
doubtless a member of the stock of Plumbland Hall.[108]
[108] He may have been one of the brothers of William, head of
the family, who died in 1660. See "The Orfeurs of High Close,"
_Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society,
vol. iii.
The troop may have marched from the siege of Carlisle Castle, which
had been held for the king through the winter; and nothing is more
likely than that, on their march over the Raise, they would halt at
Grasmere, and do what despite they could to a sacred building held
by an episcopalian parson and a recusant patron, who were of course
odious for their so-called "delinquency." The event, however, is
inferred rather than actually stated in Harrison's account.[109]
[109] It is necessary to be explicit on this point, for, on the
authority of the writer's MS., a statement that the church of
Grasmere was broken into by the Parliamentary forces appeared
twice in print in 1910, without any reference being given to the
actual source of information, or its ambiguity.
At Whitsuntide, on his release from prison, Richard Harrison
returned to his post at Rydal Hall as factotum and financier. The
position became steadily worse. Young William Fleming had returned
from Bristol, after reverses in the south, only to be captured and
imprisoned in Kendal; and his freedom had to be procured by a heavy
ransom. In restless mood he declared his intention of going overseas,
and considerable sums were paid for his fitting out; but he never
got beyond London, where he died shortly after of smallpox. The
Parliamentary Committee, then sitting at Kendal, exacted heavy fines
from the estate for delinquency. Oppressive taxes too were repeatedly
levied for the support of the Parliamentary forces and the Scotch
army. This extraordinary outflow of money, as well as the loans made
to friends, must have materially reduced the wealth of Squire John,
and have left less for the suitors who presently appeared to claim
the hands of the heiresses.
Not the Rydal estate alone, but the whole country-side groaned under
the burden of taxation. It is therefore not surprising that from the
hardness of the times, as well as from possible illwill, the tithes
began to yield an uncertain return; and that to come by them at all
it was sometimes necessary to engage a strong man or a stout party
for the business. An item in the account-sheets for 1645 runs:--
li s d
spent in 3 dayes when we went to gather the tith woole
being ten in company 1 4 0
Spent more when Mr. Mason & I went to gather the
Easter dues at severall tymes 15 0
Oct. Adam Fisher & young Jarrat for Inning the tith
corne at Gresmere this yeare 1645 1 0 0
Adam Fisher was the Rydal blacksmith, and doubtless a strong man.
Clearly no farmer could be found to take up a contract for the tithes
of corn; and as we have seen, a barn had been hired for its housing.
In 1648 Harrison went into Cumberland, and spent a week getting the
"tith-rents" due on St. Mark's Day; and he enters:--
li s d
geaven my cosen Lamplougs man for his paynes in
comeinge to meete me there with directions from
[parliamentary] comittee to pay there rents unto
me, otherwise I had gotten none payd 0 5 0
Harrison was subjected to another imprisonment, and squeezed by
the hostile government of many further sums. His account-sheets
close in 1648-9, when the hall--soon to lie under the ban of
sequestration--was itself closed.
THE COMMONWEALTH
The year 1645 marked the beginning of a great change in the church
government of Grasmere. Already the new system devised by the
Presbyterian party (which was now in the ascendant after the success
of the Scotch at Newcastle) was being put into force as a substitute
for episcopal rule. The division of the country into sections, each
called a _classis_--to be administered by a committee of laymen
empowered to nominate for each parish a minister and four elders--was
very rapidly carried out. The following answer was sent to the
Parliament's demand, by letter from the Speaker, that _classes_ for
South Westmorland should be formed:--[110]
[110] Shaw, in his _Church under the Commonwealth_, says that the
scheme was already working in Northumberland and Durham at the
close of 1645, and that it seems to have been put in force in
Westmorland early in 1646. This letter explains the delay.
Honourable Sir
We received your Honours letter (dated the 22nd September last)
the 3d of February last Wherein is required of us with advise
of Godly Ministers, to returne to your Honour such Ministers
and Elders as are thought fitt for the Presbiteriall way of
Government (which wee much desire to be established) and the
several classes. After wee received your Honours letter to that
purpose (though long after the date) wee speedily had a meeting;
and upon due consideration nominated the Ministers and Elders
which wee thought fitted (as your Honour may conceive by this
enclosed) for the Presbiteriall imployment as is desired and
have divided the County of Westmerland into two Classes. Since
the expediting of this your Honours direction: Wee have heard
of an Ordinance of Parliament directing to the election of such
persons: But as yet neither Order or Ordinance hath come unto
us; Only your Honours letter, is our Warrant and Instruction;
And accordingly we make bould to send (here inclosed) the names
both of Ministers and Elders. And if we faile in the Parliaments
method in this particuler, Wee shall willingly (upon your
Honours next direction) rectify any mistake for the present,
and shalbe willing to submitt to your Honours and Parliamentary
directions; Which wee shall duly expect, that in wharsoever
wee haved missed, wee may amend it. Thus with our Service
recommended Wee remaine
Yours Honours Servants
Ric Prissoe, Maior Edmond Grey
Thomas Gleddall Rich Branthwait
Ger Benson Allan Gilpin
Rowland Dawson Thom Sandes
John Archer
Kendall 10 Martii, 1645
(Endorsement) 10 Martii, 1645 (1645/46). From the Maior and
Committee at Kendal with their Classes.
For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq., Speaker of the
Commons House of Parliament. These--[111]
[111] MSS. Tanner, 60, fol. 527, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
In the list of the parishes with their church officials which
accompany this servile epistle, ours appears thus:
Grasmere
Mr. Henry Wilson, minister of Gressmer a notorious malignant and
articled against at Parliament.
Elders.
Mr. Thomas Brathwait Edward Knotts and
Michaell Benson Francis Benson
The newly-elected elders were men of good position and character.
Mr. Brathwaite, son of Gawen, and grandson of James, was soon to
become the head of the Ambleside Hall family. The Bensons were the
descendants of the rich clothiers of Elizabeth's days. Francis,
living at his freehold of the Fold, Loughrigg, was later to display
his indomitable will as a disciple of George Fox. Edward Knott was
one of a race of Grasmere statesmen whose course was a forward one
for some hundreds of years, and whose later history belongs to Rydal
and Coniston.
But before these men were chosen, or this letter written, the
"Committee" in Kendal had already interfered in church matters in
Grasmere, and had suspended the parson. The Rev. Henry Wilson had
served the king's cause in other ways than by preaching; and it is
probable that the sums of money he began to borrow from 1643 from the
Rydal Hall estate (whose coffers all the needy Royalists had recourse
to) were used upon journeys to and fro as an emissary, or were
expended in some other way for the cause.[112]
[112] The secret messengers who passed with despatches between
the king and his army endured great perils and sometimes lost
their lives.
li s d
Lent to P'son wilson upon his bill & Sr. Chr: Rawlings
13th of August for 6 weekes or els to Allow in his
wages at Martinmas 1 0 0
* * * * *
Lent to Mr. Wilson P'son of Gresmire the 16 July
upon his bill to be allowed in his sty. pd. at martinmas
next 1644 3 0 0
By September he had borrowed £4 more, and on December 30th, £2 10s.
But the Parliamentary party had by this time determined to put a curb
on the Royalist parson's excursions. There exists among the MSS.
of the Corporation of Kendal, a bond, dated November 16th, 1644,
entered into by him to Colonel James Bellingham, "that the said Henry
Wilson shall appear and render his body into the hands of the Provost
Marshall of Kendall, at the end of twenty dayes next after the date
hereof, and in the mean tyme shall not travell forth of the County of
Westmorland nor hold any intelligence nor send any message by word or
writeing to any of that party now in armes against the parliament,
but in all things demeane himselfe well, and not indeavour in any
wise to seduce or withdrawe the affections of any of his parishioners
or others from the service of King & Parliament."
Attested by James Bellingham, Thomas Brathwaite, and Thomas
Kelver.[113]
[113] Communicated by Mr. J. A. Martindale.
Under the pressure of military force he was constrained to appear
before the Parliamentary tribune at Kendal; and he must have been
then formally inhibited from duty; for the Rydal account-book shows:--
li s d
pd to Mr. Benson who serues at Gresmire put in by
the Committee & ordered to pay the stypend to
him that was due to Mr. Wilson for Halfe A
yeare ended at penticost last 1645 9 5 9-1/2
pd to mr. benson by an order from the Committee for
Halfe A yeares wage for serving the Cure at Gresmire
ended at Martinmas last 1645 9 5 9-1/2
It is singular that in the Committee's report of its action to the
Parliament, in the letter already given, it makes no mention of
Mr. Benson's supersession of the rector. It was not destined to
stand however; and possibly there was opposition in the parish. For
Harrison enters, under February, 1646:--
li s d
pd. to Sr. Chr: Rawling in pt. of his wages for seruing
the Cure of Gresmire for Halfe A yeare to end at
penticost next & either to pay it again or els to
stand in paymt. 5 0 0
The remaining £4 was paid on May 22nd, "by order of the Comittee."
It would be interesting to know who this server of the cure was. He
had been resident since at least 1641, when a child of his "Christe:
Rawlinge, cler," had been baptized. He had likewise joined Parson
Wilson in his bill three years earlier. His prefix "Sir," betokened
him to be of the lower order of clergy, who had not graduated at
either University.
Meanwhile Wilson, without stipend, was sinking under a weight of
debt. A year after the death of his first wife, he had married (in
1639) Mrs. Dorothy Forrest, and he had (besides a former family)
young children born in 1642 and 1643. Harrison thought it necessary
now, in 1645, to obtain the consent of the young heir of Rydal, and
of another executor, before lending him further sums of money:--
li s d
Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent
of Mr. Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes
that he hath lately lent 8 li wch. he will either
repay or els giue satisfaction that it may allow
when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire
Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0
Possibly he left Grasmere for a time, yet it is clear that he had
hopes of recovering his position there. It is noteworthy that the
curates of St. John's and St. Bride's, Cumberland, borrowed money
about the same time, and probably for the king's business likewise.
Parson Wilson--for so he was still called--borrowed £2 more in April,
1646, making in all £10, and £5 more in May. This was done by consent
of the executors of the late Squire John Fleming, and he gave them a
bill which terminated on September 29th. He was quite incapable of
meeting such a bill, and it became necessary to devise a plan for
securing repayment.
Now steps upon the scene a figure destined to play for long a
prominent part in Grasmere church affairs. "My Cozen Ambrose" is
mentioned in Harrison's account-book as ordering an additional 15s.
to be paid to parson and clerk on death of Squire John "for oversight
of his buriall" and now he took more pronounced action. He was nephew
of Squire John, whose sister Dorothy--his mother--had married the
lord of Lowick. He had been educated for the church, and in 1629 was
elected Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.[114] From the first
he was doubtless intended to fill the post of rector of Grasmere,
as the patronage belonged to the family. Truly, the living for the
moment was worth no more than £18 11s. 7d., the stipend paid by the
tithe-holder; but Gabriel Croft's lease of the tithes was to lapse in
1647, when they would again belong to the rector. So when Wilson was
found to be in the last straits for money, John Ambrose came forward
(with the lease in view) to adjust matters. Under date January, 1647,
Harrison entered in his book:--
pd. to Mr. Wilson P'son of gresmire accordinge to articles
made betwixt Mr. Wm. and him by doctor Ambrose order for
delapidations for gresmire Rectorie and for confirmeinge all
the tythes of Rydall at 20s P' annm. duringe his life upon his
agrement 24 mch 1646, and a bill 15 li lent money deliuered him
in, and pd. him this daie more to make up the Some to 22 li 10s,
set down by doctor Ambrose 7 li 10s 0d.
[114] Dr. Magrath's _Flemings in Oxford_.
Thus the broken-down parson was mercifully left in his dilapidated
house with his debt cleared, a few pounds in hand, and the prospect
of £1 yearly in lieu of the Rydal demesne tithe, which was the
ancient prescription.
Little as it was, it was better than nothing, and the incoming of
other tithes to the parson was problematic, even if he were again
allowed to serve the cure. But this doubtful future he had not long
to face. The church register of that year records on June 26th
"buryall Henry Willson Clerk of Gresmyre."
There is scarcely a doubt that the Rev. John Ambrose was at once
nominated to the post by the Fleming family. In evidence given for
the Restoration lawsuit over the tithes, it is stated that he had
been inducted "about 15 years since," and had kept the office and
officiated, till ejected by "the late usurpers." The position with
tithes restored to it, was worth a struggle to keep, and the parish
elders and the Presbyterian party at large would seem to have offered
no real opposition to this powerful nominee.
That party indeed was losing ground all over England, where a
personal examination before administration of the sacrament--rigidly
enforced under the Scotch system of eldership--was much disliked;
and by 1649 its control over church affairs was practically at an
end.[115]
[115] Shaw's _Church under the Commonwealth_.
The successes of the Parliamentary army had besides, after the
victory of Naseby (1645), brought the Independents into power.
Without passing a law to annul the Presbyterian scheme, they brought
forward in Parliament various fresh ones of their own; and in 1650
a bill was framed for "the better propagating of the Gospel" in
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and Durham, these counties
having petitioned that the vexed question of "settling ministers"
might be finally resolved. The Act was to hold good for three years;
and after a slight extension it was abandoned, as the Commissioners
appointed to carry it out had not given satisfaction. It was while
the Commissioners under the Act were in office, and no doubt by
them, that Ambrose, an episcopalian and a Royalist, and nominated
moreover by a family of recusants, was ejected. In the depositions
taken at Ambleside, October, 1663, for the tithe lawsuit, John Newton
of Ambleside declared that the ejection took place about Martinmas,
1653; and "John Wallace of Kendall clerk," aged 32, gave evidence
"that the complainant Ambrosse, by some of the late usurped powers
was sequestered out of the parish church of Grasmere, sitting at
Newcastle on Tyne before 1653, after which this deponent officiated
in the said cure 1653, 4 and 5; and after he left one John Tompson,
clerk, officiated till complainant was restored. During deponent's
officiating most of the parishioners paid their tithes to him,
and owned him as patron; and he believes they did the like to
Thomson."[116]
[116] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.
Wallas was clearly placed in the Rev. John Ambrose's post by the
Independents, who now--with John Archer at their head--ruled the
municipal and religious affairs of Kendal, for the Parliament, by
a strong-handed committee; and that it was an ill-judged choice
as well as an ill-favoured one (at least by one section of the
community) is certain. By no religious party should John Wallas have
been considered a suitable pastor for the wide and conservative
parish, since he was either a man of low, disorderly life, or
unfortunate in making enemies who could successfully libel him. In
1655 he was summoned before the justices at the Quarter Sessions
upon two charges. One was the attempted ravishment of Clara Barwis
of Loughrigg, "a virgin" twenty-two years old, and of this offence
he was declared not guilty; while the unhappy girl--likewise charged
with "ye detestable sinne of fornication with John Wallass Clke"--was
by an irrational and shameful verdict sentenced to three months
imprisonment for the joint offence. The other charge against him was
an assault upon one John Hird; but as he brought a counter charge
against Hird, this disturbance of "ye publique peace" must have
assumed the aspect of a free fight.[117]
[117] Book of Quarter Sessions Indictments, Kendal Corporation.
Wallas was not long to enjoy unchallenged his position at Grasmere.
The situation was being watched by one who only awaited opportunity
for action. It was a time of unrest and seething thought; and in 1651
George Fox, after beholding his vision of blood--when he ran through
the streets of Lichfield crying "Woe, woe"--had begun his wandering
life as a preacher. The country was swayed to and fro by contending
religious factions. The more sober and rational-minded among these,
shocked by the confusion that prevailed, formed themselves into
"Voluntary Associations," under which the acting church authorities
of each district--whether Independent or Presbyterian--united for the
purpose of settling (if this were possible) the vexed questions of
the administration of the sacrament and the ordination of ministers.
At once an Association was formed for Cumberland and Westmorland,
where the success that attended George Fox's first missionary journey
through the distracted counties in 1652-3, had brought consternation
to all sections of the Puritan party, and under the leadership of
Mr. Richard Gilpin it proceeded to action.[118] Meetings for the
settlement of church affairs were held every month at Carlisle,
Penrith and Cockermouth, and in 1656 the counties put forth a joint
manifesto, called "Articles of Association."
[118] Fox's _Journals_. He says that he had "large meetings" in
Westmorland.
It was the existence of this body with its moderate and conciliatory
policy, that doubtless enabled the new squire of Rydal to take the
step he had for some time been preparing. Barely of age in 1654, and
not yet in possession of the family estates, he nevertheless--while
studying law in London--kept his eye on the condition of affairs in
Grasmere and sought how he might--if not restore his kinsman Ambrose
to the rectory--at least oust the intruder. An entry in his accounts
of 1s. paid on May 24th "for ye Parrishioners of Gresmire their
Caveat" shows that he had secured the support of part of the parish
at least. Again on June 27th he paid 1s. 6d. "for a cop. of the
Refferees names concerning Wallas." Without doubt he was preparing,
even to the co-operation of Mr. Brathwaite of Ambleside Hall, for
the swift stroke of ejection which was carried through on the eve of
his own entrance to Rydal by his faithful servant John Banks. John
communicated the result in the following letter:--[119]
[119] Rydal Hall MSS.
Hounoured Sir,
I praise God I got saffe to Rydale wth the oxen on Saturday at
night where I was fforced to staye all night it was so late I
acquainted the P'ishors that you had sent them word to get a
minister every Lord's daye till such tyme as you presented one,
and that the might paye them out off the tythes, but none would
meddle unless I would goe to the Church and appear wth them soe
I was fforced either to neglect it or send to Mr. Turner off
Amblesyd to procure him to goe to preach wch I did And he went
to your Cousin Bratwhait to aske his advice and leave that he
might goe, soe he came to Rydale and I went along wth him But
Wallas seeing us cum almost at the Church went quite away to
Langdale Chapple whether he intended to goe beffore or noe I
knowe not But he lefft the Clarke to oppose us who would not
suffer Mr. Turner to read in the usuall place soe I wished Mr.
Turner to goe into the pulpit and officiate But the Clark begun
to read a Chapter and I bid him giue over but he would not soe I
shutt the booke soe Mr. Turner read a Chappter and sung a psalme
and begune to preach and when the sermon was done I spoke to
some of the P'ishoners to procure every Lords daye a minister &
pay them off theire tithes.
Conyston this 11 Feb. 1655.
Your obedient servant
John Bankes.
Good John, with the squire's authority at his back and the
co-operation of the Ambleside curate (a Presbyterian no doubt), had
successfully carried the situation through for that day, but his
spirit quailed before it, as did that of the people. Under date
February 18th he again wrote to his absent master:--
I should be glad to hear ffrom you iff you have heard anything
ffrom Oxford or London concerninge the P'sonage of Grasmire,
ffor wallas keepes the place still and saith he will doe it and
that he is instructed by Mr. Archer to keepe it til such tyme as
he present another, And he saith that he will cause Mr Turner
to be put off his place ffor goeing that one daye to officiate
there, Sir I desire that you will be pleased iff you heare
anythinge to lett me knowe that I may encourage the P'ishoners
ffor the are nowe more dismayed then the were beffore.
In a postscript he reverts to the subject:--
Sir it will not be amisse to remynd them aboue (probably meaning
any grandee with whom young Daniel might come into contact
during his honeymoon visits) concerning Grasmire ffor it is the
Generall oppinion off all heare that Mr. Archer will doe you a
preiudice in it iff he can.
Mr. Archer was of course disputing the right of the Rydal squire
to nominate. But he and the Independents were yet to learn the
indomitable nature of the will that now opposed theirs. The young
squire, too wise to attempt the reinstating of his kinsman, and
assuming the right to nominate, appointed one John Thompson to the
rectory: and he won his way in spite of obstacles placed in it.
li s d
10 ber 4, 56. Spent at Penrith when Mr. Thompson
appeared there to showe unto ye Coms. by wt.
title hee officied att Gresmer 00 01 06
John Banks, then doing business in London, wrote in perplexity
on October 23rd, saying that counsel's opinion was talked of in
connection with the matter. Thompson, however, kept his post. He may
have acted in tune with the Presbyterians for the time being, but at
the Restoration he returned at once to the uses of the re-established
Church of England. At the Quarter Sessions held at Kendal, September,
1660, William Willson of Langdale was charged with "disquietinge,
abuseinge, & disturbinge John Tompson Clerk vicar of Gressmire in
readinge ye booke of comon prayer or service of ye Church & in his
collaton or preachinge at Langdale Chappell" on the 26th, "beinge ye
lord's day" and the said Willson, refusing to submit or to swear the
oath of allegiance, was committed to gaol, with the option of a fine
of 100 marks.[120] Willson indeed was a Quaker or Friend, who abjured
all oaths--a fact at first misunderstood, and which so frequently
caused their committal on political grounds. He was one of George
Fox's most fiery adherents, and a speaker among the little band that
had sprung up in the parish during the anarchy; and in denouncing the
clergy on their own ground (the "steeple-house") he did but imitate
his master.
[120] Book of Indictments, Kendal Corporation.
On the other hand John Wallas--who had apparently been appointed by
his friends to another church--was charged before the Justices with
not reading the Book of Common Prayer, as ordained by law. His next
appearance at court, in 1663, was in connection with the plot against
the king and government, lately discovered. He was suspected of being
mixed up in it, and was committed to Appleby gaol for three months.
The young squire of Rydal, Daniel Fleming, had now a free hand in the
congenial task of setting the church of Grasmere on the old footing.
There was some delay or uncertainty, however, in the return of his
cousin Ambrose to the rectory. The church register contains a note
of money collected, August 25th, 1661, and this is signed by John
Brathwaite, "Rector of Grasmere," by John Browk, "curate," and the
churchwardens; and John Browk's signature as curate occurs again
August 7th, 1663. But it is certain that Parson Ambrose soon made
good his claim to the position of rector, and that John Brathwaite
remained as his principal curate in charge. He was a man who had
seemingly no mind for strife or commotion. He showed supineness in
allowing the squire to conduct the dispute about the tithes which now
arose; as well as later to oppose the scheme of the Ambleside folk to
secure the privileges of baptism and burial for their chapel. On this
occasion the excuse was made of his being then (1674) in residence as
Fellow of St. John's, Cambridge.[121] Perhaps he loved too well the
cloistered ease of the University. He never attempted to reside at
the rectory, and would seem to have arranged for bachelor quarters
to be fitted up at the hall, where he might spend such time as he
thought it necessary to devote to the parish. These entries occur in
the great account book:--
[121] See Cumberland and Westmorland Society's _Transactions_,
vol. vi., N.S.
li s d
Aug. 11. 59. Payed unto Grigg for 3 dayes paveing
& guttering of ye Roome under Mr. Ambrose's
Chamber 00 01 00
Jan. 26. 59. Lost at Tables unto Parson Ambrose 00 01 00
Such peaceful hours of card-playing--restricted to the festival time
of Christmas--were occasionally varied by polemical events; if so, we
may interpret the scene at the Loughrigg inn:--
li s d
June 23, 1669. Spent at Braythey Bridge end in ye
contest betwixt Jos. Penny & my Cosin Ambrose 00 00 06
For the recovery of the tithes, the rector relied entirely on the
legal knowledge and acute judgment of his relative; and the draft
of the Bill presented in the Court of Exchequer, and now lying at
Rydal Hall, is in the latter's handwriting. From this we learn that
certain parishioners refused to pay tithes to the newly-instituted
rector, and that their refusal was moreover of some years standing,
as neither Wallas nor Thompson had been in a position to compel
payment from the refractory. There are twenty-one names cited in the
bill. Many of these were no doubt conscientious objectors, though
some would be of that ever-present class, who seize any excuse for
shirking an obligation. From the wording of the petition, that the
objectors "pretended" John Ambrose never was parson of Grasmere,
nor had been lawfully restored, it looks as if there had been some
opposition to the squire's change of minister at the Restoration.
Mr. Thomas Brathwaite had assisted him as we have seen in the
removal of the Independent, but now the expulsion of the (probable)
Presbyterian minister in favour of the Episcopalian roused the ire
no doubt of the Presbyterian party, headed by the Ambleside Hall
family. Robert Brathwaite, gentleman, was younger brother of Thomas,
and had inherited from his father Gawen not only the property of
High House, Hugill (where he generally resided) but the small
"manor" of Baisbrowne in Langdale. It was on this estate that tithes
were claimed from its owner, who heads the list of recalcitrant
parishioners. Another prominent statesman among them was Christopher
Nicholson, of Padmire, Grasmere, of whose religious persuasion we
know nothing. A third was Francis Benson, freeholder; he, along with
Mr. Brathwaite and Michael Benson, had served as an elder on the
Presbyterian _Classis_, and had now become an ardent Quaker. These,
with the rest, had--so the petition declared--combined to resist
payment, and had persuaded others to do the like. Their position was
certainly weakened by the fact that they had failed to pay these
customary dues for its support, while they were satisfied with the
ministry; yet the demand now made for fourteen years' arrears, may
well have irritated them. The claim upon Mr. Robert Brathwaite's
estate stands thus, when placed in the form of a table:--
£ s. d.
Meadows, of which the "tythe-hay" is worth yearly 0 0 10
Ten cow's milk each yearly 2d. 0 1 8
One tithe-calf 0 1 8
Two foals, each 2d. 0 0 4
Three hundred sheep, of which, the tythe wool is worth yearly 2 0 0
One hundred lambs paying a customary sum each year of 1s. 2d. 11 8
Three sows, the tithe pigs being yearly 10
Ten geese, ten hens, and ten ducks, tithe yearly 5 0
two swarms of bees, customary payment 2d. each 4
Five bushels of plums, with other fruit, tithe worth 3 0
Twenty acres, pastured with barren cattle 5 0
Hemp grown, tithe worth yearly 2 0
Oblaytions 2 6
The demand made upon each of the foremost defendants in the lawsuit
was exactly the same, showing that the estimate of the tithes was
a purely conventional one. It amounted then for each prosperous
statesman to £3 14s. 10d.--a large sum compared with the commutation
of the Rydal Hall tithe; and when this figure is multiplied by
fourteen for arrears, a total of £52 7s. 8d. is reached, which was
likely enough to arouse dismay and opposition. The case dragged
on; and on October 20th, 1663, a commission sat at Ambleside, when
witnesses were called on both sides. The smaller statesmen were no
longer cited, while Robert Brathwaite, Christopher Nicholson, Francis
Benson, and John Benson stood as the defendants.[122] The verdict
is not known; but payment of tithes once more became customary.
The refusal of the Quakers to pay the church rate will be noticed
hereafter.
[122] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.
The tithes seem often to have been let on lease, which saved the
rector the trouble and annoyance of collection. Edward Benson of
Loughrigg declared, in 1663, before the commission, that he and
Miles Mackereth and John Brathwaite held a lease of them from Parson
Ambrose for three years, which ended April 15th, 1665. About the year
1726 they were apparently farmed by the statesmen jointly. A paper
exists[123] entitled "Grasmere Tyth Corn lett to the Inhabitants Anno
1726. Some wanting." It contains the names of 55 landholders, with
the amount--varying from 1s. to 18s.--paid by each as an equivalent
for the tithe of corn. The total is £18 6s.
[123] Rydal Hall MSS.
This agrees with the statement of Miss Craik, who in 1752 was
corresponding with Sir William Fleming on behalf of her incapable
brother, the rector. While expressing her surprise that he should
think of renting the tithes of corn, she tells him that Mr. Craik's
collector had been persuaded to grant a three years' lease at £14
10s., which was too little. The salary of the collector, she adds,
had been in a former year £5.
The growth of corn increased seemingly in this district as the
eighteenth century went by, owing no doubt to its heightened price
throughout the kingdom. The tithe of it accordingly went up in value,
while wool, from the decay of the cloth trade, went down.
[Illustration: CHURCH WARDENS]
[Illustration: FONT IN GRASMERE CHURCH.
(FROM TABLE BOOK BY WM. HONE, 1827.)]
PART IV
THE FABRIC
THE FURNITURE
THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH
CLEANING AND REPAIRS
EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS
[Illustration: Decorative]
THE FABRIC
Grasmere Church, as it stands at present, is itself the sole guide we
have to its age and the method of its building. No document exists,
prior to the Restoration, that concerns the fabric. It was then
apparently the same as it is now. As one steps within the portal,
and sees through the gloom its strange double nave, the rude spaces
broken through the thick intersecting wall, and the massive, split,
misshapen timbers that support its roof, one wonders who were its
planners and builders. Here surely in this strange and original
structure we see a work conceived and carried out by the very men who
worshipped within it. Sturdy, strong, and self-dependent, they would
seem to have asked little or no aid either in money or skill, for the
rearing and decoration of their church. Yet its builders, when they
came to remodel, if not to rebuild their ancient place of worship,
must have known edifices of statelier plan. There was Kendal, their
great centre, with a church that must always have kept abreast of the
time in architectural beauty, and which--from the earliest fifteenth
century at least, showed the dressed columns of stone, the soaring
arches, and chantried aisles which yet remain. St. Martin's of
Windermere, too, in the next parish, possessed a duly proportioned
nave, chancel, and aisle; and the columns--built though they were of
undressed stone--rose to support a clerestory and the evenly-timbered
roof. Hawkshead again (whither the dalesmen often repaired to market
or fair) owned a church that was ruder than the others, indeed--since
its huge cylindrical piers support circular arches, and the timber of
its roof is rough-hewn--but had a well-proportioned plan for nave and
aisles.
[Illustration: Old Window in the South Wall.
Outside View]
These places, it is true, had advantages over Grasmere. Kendal was
in contact with the great world and with the heads of the church,
who visited it regularly. It had, besides, access to freestone.
Windermere, like Hawkshead, had to let the intractable slate of
the neighbouring mountains suffice for the main structure: hence
the great piers without capitals and the plaster finish of their
interiors. But Windermere had an advantage in its nearness to Kendal;
and Hawkshead in its association with the abbey of Furness, which
was easily accessible from there. Grasmere, on the other hand, was
probably ignorant of the beauties of the Abbey Church of St. Mary's
at York, to which it was attached. The church was practically shut
up within the remotest chamber of the mountains, and could only be
reached by 17 miles of bad road from Kendal, over which no wheels
could travel. But with no freestone near, with only the hard mountain
slate to rive, or the boulders of the beck to gather; without
traditional skill and with very little hard cash, our builders of
Grasmere proceeded--when need came--to alter and enlarge their
House of God by such simple methods as house and barn "raising" had
made familiar to them. Thus we read the story of the structure as
it stands at present, and see that the builders had clearly little
help from the outer world. We see, too, that this structure was an
alteration of an earlier one; which was not itself the first, for
the first stone fane probably replaced a wooden one, either here
or on Kirk How. It was doubtless of that simple oblong form, without
chancel or tower, which was technically known as a chapel,[124] and
of which specimens have remained among the mountains to this day. But
an _ecclesia parochia_, possessed of daughter chapels, could not be
permitted by the higher powers--whether of church or manor--to retain
so lowly a form. The manorial lords may have interested themselves
in its reconstruction, though there is no evidence of the fact. In
any case, it is likely that the Abbey of St. Mary would take the
necessary steps to bring it up to the requirements of its position,
and of the worship to be conducted within its walls. The visiting
brother would carry accounts of the remote little church to York; and
a monk skilled in architecture could be brought over to plan a new
building, and to direct its construction. The customary model for
a small parochial church would be adopted, which allowed a chancel
for priests officiating at the mass; then a nave without aisles
for the worshippers, lighted by narrow windows--for before glazing
was possible the opening had to be guarded from weather by wooden
shutters--and to the west a tower, in which to hang the bells that
should call the parishioners from far.
[124] _Gothic Architecture in England_, Francis Bond, p. 191.
Such doubtless was the existing church in its first state, and of
it there may remain the tower, the porch, the south wall, and one
window. There are indications that before its enlargement it was more
ornate then now. Freestone was used, though sparingly, to emphasize
the chief architectural points. The opening into the tower, piercing
four feet of solid wall, has a moulding of freestone (now battered
away) to mark the spring of its slightly-pointed arch; while a
string-moulding is discernible in the north wall of the nave, which
may once have accentuated the window heads. The windows--if we may
suppose the one left between porch and tower to be a relic of the
original set[125]--were simple openings finished by an "ogee" arch.
The font may be as old as the window, if not older. Its mouldings,
which originally followed the rim and divided the bowl into a
hexagon, are almost obliterated; and though no doubt it suffered
during the Commonwealth, when it was degraded from its sacred use,
the damage may not be wholly due to that cause. The freestone used
in the building was unfortunately friable, and must have suffered at
every alteration--such as the piercing of the north wall by arches,
and the building up of the tower-arch for a vestry. It could not be
replaced by the remodellers; and they seem to have intentionally
chipped and levelled it, and then freely whitewashed it over, with a
general view to tidiness. They even went beyond this; for when the
east wall was reconstructed in 1851, a stone carved with the likeness
of a face was found built into it. This is now in the Kendal Museum.
The piscina, too, now refixed (and, unfortunately, redressed), was
found, covered with plaster, lower down in the same wall.
[125] This is almost a certainty. A drawing made by a friend of
Mrs. Fletcher, of Lancrigg, showed two like windows on the south
side; but it is unfortunately lost.
[Illustration: Profile of Stone Head]
The worn, maltreated freestone might, if we knew its origin, tell
something of the tale of the building. A well-squared yellow block,
recently laid bare in the porch, is certainly not the red sandstone
of Furness.
[Illustration: SCULPTURED STONE FOUND IN TAKING DOWN THE EAST
WALL OF GRASMERE CHURCH]
Now should the age of the fabric, decorated thus simply though
judiciously, be questioned, it must be owned that there is nothing
to indicate its being older than the fourteenth century. It is true
that a western tower with no entrance from outside was a feature
of many Saxon churches, but such towers continued to be built for
parish churches until a late date. The rough masonry of the Grasmere
tower is due to the material; and the massive boulders used in the
foundation were no doubt gathered from the beck, whose proximity must
have been highly convenient for builders who were poorly equipped
for the quarrying of their slate rock. The "ogee" or trefoiled arch
was a development of the Decorated style of architecture, which
evolved the form from the elaborate traceries of its windows.[126]
The Decorated style is roughly computated as lasting from the open
to the close of the fourteenth century, and the period of its use
coincides fairly with the time when our church fell under the
influence of the monastery.
[126] S. Holborne: _Architecture of European Religions_.
A church of primitive size would be sufficient for the folk of the
three townships, while they lived in scattered homesteads and were
all bent upon husbandry, with short intervals of warfare with the
Scots. But it would become too small for a growing population that
throve in times of peace upon the wool trade.[127] With walk-mills in
the valleys, and families growing rich as clothiers, some extension
of the church would be necessary; and this extension seems to have
been started in a fashion strangely simple. Leaving the walls of the
edifice intact with its roof, a space almost equal--for it is but one
yard narrower--was marked off on the northern side, enclosed by walls
and roofed over. The intervening wall could not be removed, because
the builders were incapable of spanning the double space by a single
roof. It was therefore left to sustain the timbers of the two roofs,
and through its thickness (over three feet) spaces were broken in the
form of simple arches. Thus--though one is called an aisle--two naves
were practically formed, separated by the pierced wall. The date
of this enlargement is uncertain. If we place it in the era of the
prosperity of the townships from the cloth trade, it could have been
done no earlier than the reign of Henry the Seventh, and no later
than the early days of Elizabeth; while a supposition that it was not
taken in hand until the dissolution of the monastery had thrown the
men of the three townships on their resources is strengthened by the
character of the work.
[127] See Fullers and Freeholders: _Trans. of Cumberland and
Westmorland Ant. So._, N.S.
How long the enlarged church remained under a double roof cannot be
said. Trouble would be sure to come from the long, deep valley, where
snow would lodge and drip slowly inside. Clearly there was urgent
need for action and radical alteration when the powerful Mr. John
Benson, of Baisbrowne, made his will in 1562. A clause of this runs:
"Also I giue and bequeath towardes the Reparacions of the church of
gresmyre XXs so that the Roofe be taken down and maide oop againe."
But how to construct a single roof over the double space? This
insoluble problem (to them) was met by the village genius in a
singular manner. The arched midwall was not abolished. It was
carried higher by means of a second tier of arches whose columns
rest strangely on the crowns of the lower. These upper openings
permit the principal timbers to rest in their old position, while
the higher timbers are supported by the abruptly ending wall. Thus
a single pitched roof outside is attained, sustained by a double
framework within. The result is unique, and remains as a monument of
the courage, resource, and devotion to their church of our mountain
dalesmen.
* * * * *
[Since this chapter was written the stone face--p. 104--has been
returned by Kendal to Grasmere.--ED.]
THE FURNITURE
Of early furniture there is, of course, no trace within the
church. All the accessories of the ritual of the mass, whether in
metal, wood, or textile, as well as such as would be required for
processions on Rogation Days, were swept away at the Reformation. A
reminder of these processions may perhaps be found in the field at
the meeting of the roads near the present cemetery, which goes by
the name of Great Cross, for here, doubtless, a Station of the Cross
stood where the priest and the moving throng would halt and turn.
Another field is named Little Cross.
[Illustration: Date on Bench End]
One upright piece of oak, roughly cut with the date 1635, remains
to show us the style of the old benches--or forms as they were
called--which filled the space above the earthen floor. The bench
itself, to judge by the aperture left in this end-piece, would appear
to have been no more than six inches wide, and almost as thick; the
bench-end, which was further steadied by a slighter bar below, was
sunk into the ground.
[Illustration: BENCH END.]
These benches could not have been fixed with any permanence, for the
earthen floor was often broken up for the burial of parishioners.
The custom of burial inside the church was a favourite one, and
was continued down to the nineteenth century. While the choir was
reserved for the knight or gentleman (and of the former there were
none within the parish) and for the priest, the statesman was buried
in the nave or aisle; and only
the landless man or cottar would be laid in the garth outside.
Frequently in wills the testator expressed his wish to be buried
as near as possible to a deceased relative, or the place where he
had worshipped. He was in any case buried within the limits of his
township's division in the church. In 1563 Mr. John Benson, of
Baisbrowne, who was a freeholder and probably a cloth merchant,
desired to be buried "in the queare in the parish church of
gresmire as neare where my wife lyethe as convenientlye may be."
After the Fleming family of Rydal and Coniston became possessed of
the advowson, they were many of them--beginning with William the
purchaser in 1600--buried within the choir; though no monument or
tablet exists prior to the one commemorating Sir Daniel's father,
1653. The tithe-paper shows the rate of payment for interment in the
higher or lower choir. Besides fees paid to the officials of the
church, the townships, through their individual wardens, took payment
for all "ground broken," as the phrase went, within their division,
and the receipts from this source appear regularly in their accounts.
The usual fee for an adult was 3s. 4d. (a quarter mark), and out of
this 2d. had to be paid by the wardens for laying the flag. Less was
charged for children, while women who died in childbirth were buried
for nothing but the actual cost of the flag-laying. Under the year
1693, when seven parishioners were laid within the church soil, we
read "& more for the burying of two Women yt. dyed in Childbed in
the Church00li 00s 04d." There were seven burials in 1723, five in
1732, five in 1766, and four in 1773. As late as 1821 Rydal and
Loughrigg buried one inhabitant in the church, and Langdale three. It
is singular that the Grasmere township discontinued the custom before
the two others, for no interment took place in her division after
1797.
The following extracts from the wardens' accounts show how frequently
the floor of the church was disturbed and levelled:--
£ s. d.
1674 It. for lying Flags of 2 graves in our third 00 00 04
1689 For lying the Grave Flags and mending
Forms 00 00 06
1690 All three townships pay for "lying Flags
and mending Fourmes."
1713 For Lying ye Flaggs upon Several Graves
wh. had fallen in 00 01 00
1728 For mending the Flaggs and Fourms 00 02 02
1729 For flagging and Leavelling ye Church
floor 00 00 10
1763 Grasmere mende forms and levell flags, 1s. 6d.; Loughrigg
and beneath Moss the same, 1s. 8d.
1772 New flags bought, and extensive work done upon the
floor, at a total cost of £9 8s. 1-3/4d.: the flagging of the
"low end" not being completed till next year.
1774 For "mending Furmes in Church & a Soal-tree" 12s. 4d.
is paid.
1782 Grasmere purchases an oak tree for seats in her third,
13s. 4d., carpenter 13s. 4d.; with a final 11s. 6d. next
year for repair of the old ones.
1783 Loughrigg and beneath Moss proceeds to the same; and
two new "Sole-trees" [foot-rail] with the railing and
repairing of four forms cost £1 9s. 0d., besides 1s. 8d.
spent in ale at the public auction of the contract, and 2d.
for advertisement of same.
s d
1811 For Levelling Church & mending Windows 1 6
1819 To clearing Church of Stones and Rubbish 1 6
1828 Outlay unusual. Grasmere shows "To Flags & Flagging
in the Church" 19s. 4d. "To repairing seates" 2s. 0d.
Loughrigg and beneath Moss "To Ambleside Church-warden
paid for New Seats" £2 1s. 6d. Langdale "To
Repairing Flags in Church" £1 6s. 6d.; Seats and Wood
19s. 9d.
1833 Grasmere repairs "fermes" in Church, 6d.
The soil beneath the church is thus literally sown with bones, and
the wonder is that room could be found for so many. But in this
connection it must be remembered that the practice of burying without
coffins was the usual one until a comparatively recent period.
No wonder that plague broke out again and again, that the fragrant
rush was needed for other purpose than warmth, and that fires within
the church could not have been tolerated.
The custom concerning these forms or _ferms_, as locally pronounced,
was rigid. Every man had a right, as townsman or member of a _vill_,
to a recognized seat within the church, which was obtained through
the officials of his township. This seat was, of course, within the
division of his township. The women sat apart from the men, and even
the maids from the old wives. So tenaciously was the hereditary seat
clung to, that reference to it may occasionally be met with in a
will.[128]
[128] Edward Forrest, of Ambleside, when providing, in 1637,
for his younger son (then under age) as a landholder, adds "and
it is my mind and will that my said son Richard shall sitt next
his elder brother Edward in the same forme, and likewise to haue
another seate for a woman in the other forme, or seate accustomed
for women." This was in Ambleside Chapel, but the custom was
general.
Mr. George Browne possesses a copy of a document drawn up in
1629, after there had been contention, which gives the order of
seating in Troutbeck Chapel. As this has not been printed, it may
be briefly summarized here. A plan accompanies the paper. The
general order was, for the men to be seated round the chancel,
and upon a certain number of the front benches on the north side,
which was free. The women were behind the men, five being placed
on each form. They paid for their seats, at a diminishing rate
from the front, the price starting at 20d.--one-eighth of a mark.
The plan gives the place of every townswoman, and it is expressly
stated that if there be a young wife in the family as well as an
old one, she is to take her place on another form.
Some serious alteration in the allotment of seats was probably made
in 1676, judging from these entries in the wardens' accounts.
li s d
Ittem for Laughrig third for lifting seatts upon
Church & when ther names was sent in writting 00 2 00
Itt. for grasmyre third for ye like 00 2 00
The Squire of Rydal, as soon as the Restoration permitted it, set
to work to furnish that part of the church in which he worshipped
suitably to the honour and dignity of his family. The family seats
had before his time long stood vacant, even if they had been ever
regularly used. His predecessor, John, as an avowed Roman Catholic,
had preferred to pay heavy fines rather than obey the law in the
matter of attendance at the Communion of the parish church; and there
is little doubt that the mass was celebrated in private for him at
Rydal Hall. John's mother, Dame Agnes, may have attended during her
widowhood; but her husband William, the purchaser of the tithes and
patronage, must--always supposing him to be a good Protestant--have
attended more frequently at Coniston.
But Squire Daniel was a pillar of the church as well as of the State
in his neighbourhood, and his accommodation within the building was
framed in view of the fact. The following entry occurs in his account
book, under July 13th, 1663. The monument referred to is doubtless
the brass tablet we now see in the chancel, and it appears to have
waited for its fixing for ten years after its purchase in London:--
li s d
Spent at Gresmer, when ye wainscott seat, & my
father's monum.t were set up 00 00 06
And two days later the bill for the seat was paid. It is not very
intelligible, but reads thus:--
Paid unto Christ. Robinson of Kendall (Joyner) li s d
for 10 yards and foot 2/1 of double wainscott at
4s P' yard, and yards 4 foot 2/1 of single wainscott
at 3s P' yard, for a Board, Ledging & knobs in
all (being for ye seats at Gresmere) ye sum of 03 06 06
No doubt this is the fine old pew which still stands between the
pulpit and the priest's door of the chancel. In it, for nearly forty
years, the squire worshipped, with his growing family about him. The
regularity of his attendance is shown by his account book, where
every collection is entered; and in spite of his frequent ridings on
public and private business, he never but once (till the close of
the book in 1688) missed the four yearly communions in his parish
church. On that occasion, when Easter Day, 1682, was spent at Hutton,
he attended a service at Grasmere on the previous Good Friday (held
possibly by his order), at which his Easter offering was given.
Given this day (being Good-Fryday) at ye Offertory in Gresmere
Church for myselfe 5s., for Will, Alice, Dan, Barbara & Mary 5s.
The sums given were invariable: 5s. for himself, 2s. 6d. for his wife
(while she lived), and 1s. for each child.[129]
[129] For the custom of Easter offerings, see Canon Simmons'
Notes to _The Lay Folks' Mass Book_, pp. 239-241.
It was in 1675 that the sad necessity rose of putting up a monument
to his excellent wife. The brass was apparently cut in London, for he
sent to his Uncle Newman there:--
3li 10s. 0d. towards ye paying for my late dear wifes Epitaphs
engraving in brass.
Though 2s. 6d. more was paid afterwards.
Unto Rich. Washington of Kendall for amending of my late Dear
Wifes Epitaph in brass.
Washington, who was entered in 1642 among the "Armerers Fremen and
Hardwaremen" of Kendal, and was mayor of the city in 1685,[130] was
wholly entrusted with the next family brass; for we find that under
date February 10th, 1682, he was paid "for ye Brass & the cutting
of ye Epitaph for my Mother and Uncle Jo. Kirkby, £4 10s 0d which
my brothers Roger & William are to pay me again." But this was for
Coniston Church.
[130] _Boke off Recorde of Kirkbie Kendal._
It was after the squire's second son, Henry, had become Rector of
Grasmere, and by his encouragement, that the church was freshly
beautified and "adorned." The entry of 1s. paid in 1662 to James
Harrison for "makeing ye sentences w'in ye church" shows that
something was at once attempted; for it was as imperative that a
church should be "sentenced" as that the Royal Arms should be put
up, or the Commandments or Lord's Prayer. All these were devices
(expressly enjoined by the sovereign) for covering up the nakedness
of the churches after they had been stripped by the Reformers of
all objects of beauty and reverence, in roods, images of saints,
tapestries, &c., &c.; for Elizabeth and many of her subjects had
been horrified at the effect of changes that appeared to rob the
churches of their sacred character.[131] Frescoes on plaster had, of
course, been used from early times as a means of teaching Holy Writ
and Legend to the unlettered folk, and fragments of such pictures
are still to be seen in Carlisle Cathedral. But at the Reformation,
when plaster and paint were again resorted to, only the written
word was permitted (with the exception of the Lion and Unicorn);
and the wall-spaces of the churches became covered with texts
and catechisms,[132] which were surrounded or finished by "decent
flourishes."[133]
[131] _English Church Furniture_, Cox and Harvey.
[132] An unusual catechism, printed in the Rev. E. J. Nurse's
_History_, may be seen in the parish church of Windermere.
[133] So important was this scheme of decoration considered, that
in the reign of Charles II. the Archbishop of Canterbury gave
a commission to his "well-beloved in Christ," a craftsman who
belonged to the "Art and mysterie of Paynterstayners of London"
to carry it out in all those churches of his province where it
was found wanting.--_English Church Furniture._
In its turn the reformed style has disappeared, even in churches
peculiarly suited to it, like those of the Lake District, where the
rough unworkable slate is bound to be covered by a coat of plaster.
During recent restorations, however, at both Windermere and Hawkshead
the sentences were found under coats of whitewash, and they were
in a truly conservative spirit painted in again. Grasmere, weary
of "mending" the sentences and whitening round them, finally wiped
them out in the last century, and substituted the ugly black boards
painted with texts, which still hang between the archways. Fragments
of the old sentences were descried when the walls were recently
scraped and coloured.
It was in 1687 that a complete scheme of decoration was carried out
within the church, and one James Addison, a favourite decorator in
the district, was engaged for the purpose. The contract made with him
is preserved in the churchwardens' book:--
Mr. Adison is to playster what is needfull & whiten all the
Quire & Church except that within the insyde of the Arche of
the steeple to paint the 10 Coman's on the one syde of the
Quire window & the beliefe & Lordes prayer on the other with 8
sentences & florishes in the Quire & 26 sentences in the Church
with decent Florishes & the Kinges Armes well drawn & adorned.
Later on comes the copy of an agreement in later handwriting:--
March the 29th An'o Dom'i 1687.
Mem'd. It was then agreed on by and between James Addison of
Hornby in the County of Lancaster Painter on the one part
and Mr. Henry Fleming of Grasmer the churchwardens and other
Parishioners of the Parish aforesaid: That the said James
Addison shall and will on this side the first day of August
next after the date hereof sufficiently plaster wash with
Lime and whiten all ye church of Grasmer aforesaid (except ye
inside of the steeple) and well and decently to paint ye Tenne
Commandm'ts, Lord's prayer and thirty Sentences at such places
as are already agreed on together with the Kings Arms in proper
colours and also to colour the pulpit a good green colour and
also to flourish the Pillars and over all the Arches and doors
well and sufficiently, the said Parson and Parishioners finding
lime and hair onely. In consideration whereof the sd. Parson and
Parishioners doe promise to pay him nine pounds Ten shillings
when or so soon as the work shall be done.
And be it likewise remembered the s'd Parson and Parishioners
gave him 05s in earnest and that the Parson is to pay the fifth
part of the nine pounds Ten shillings, the parishioners being at
the whole charge of the lime and Hair.
The names of the 18 Questmen
For Grasmer For Langdale Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg.
Reg. Thompson W. Satterthwaite Thomas Benson
John Hird Jno. Middlefell Jo. Banks
Jo. Hawkrigge Geo. Cowperthwaite Reg. Braithwaite
of townhead Chr. Dawson Jo. Newton
Jo. Hawkrigge Leo. Benson Jo. Braithwaite de[134]
of Howhead James Dixon Hawkshead
Hen. Hird Hen. Barrow
Eadwin Green
[134] This is somewhat inexplicable unless the copyist, who has a
late hand, has mistaken Howhead (in Ambleside) for Hawkshead. And
the last figure in the account should be £1 18s.
Church Wardens
For Grasmer Eadwin Green
Rob't Hird
For Langdale Geo. Cowperthwaite
Leo. Benson
For Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg Ed. Benson de Highclose
Tho Newton de Ambleside
Memorand. That to promote ye Painting of ye ch'h ye Parson did
offer to pay according to ye proportion ye Quire did bear to
ye whole ch'h to ye plastering washing w'h lime and painting
of ye ten Command'ts Creed L'ds prayer and 30 sentences, tho'
y'er had but been 4 or 5 Sentences in ye Quire before and now ye
ten Comma'd'ts and Creed were to be painted on each side of the
quire windows The Charge of all which was commuted at £8 0 0 and
ye K'gs Arms and ye painting of ye pulpit at ye remainder. So
that the quire appearing by measure to be a 5 part ye Parson was
to pay £1 12s. 0d. but to be quit of the trouble of providing
his proportion of lime and hair he did prefer to pay ye 5 part
of the whole £9 10s. 0d. ye parish finding all lime and hair
which was agreed to. Besides ye £9 10s. 0d. agreed to be paid
there was 5s. 0d. given to the painter in earnest to have the
work done well.
£ s d
March 29. Paid for ye 5 part of the earnest money
given to the painter 00 01 0
June 21. Paid to Mr. James Addison for ye parsons
share of painting the Church being ye 5 part of
£9 10 0 00 18 0
The contract included the painting of the pulpit of a cheerful green,
as we read. It was a plain structure of wood, and the "Quission"
bought for it in 1661, as well as the cloth then procured for the
Communion Table, were doubtless worn out; for we learn from the
church-wardens' Presentment for 1707 that these and some other
points about the church had been found wanting by the higher church
authorities. The paper runs:--
The defects found in our church for and at ye late Visitation,
viz. The Floor of the Church-porch & Isles uneven Flagg'd; The
South wall of the Inside fro' ye Bellfry unto ye East, dirty;
A decent Reading-pew, Com'unio'-Table-cloth of Linen, & pulpet
Cushio' wanting; A Table of degrees wanting, & a crackt Bell.
All these faults except two (viz. The Reading-pew & crackt Bell)
are amended. The porch & Isles even Flagg'd. The Wall made
white & clean, A decent Table-cloth, Pulpet-Cushion, & Table of
degrees, procured.
A new Reading-pew is in making at present, & will shortly be
perfected. & as for the Bell it was referr'd to Dr. Fleming's
discerec'on to be amended & made tuneable; & he resolves in
convenient time to call together & consult w'th the chief of his
Parishion'rs to do it, & in w't time and manner, to the best
Advantage."
Accordingly we find entries of the expense incurred by a few of these
requirements:--
li s d
1706 For Cloth, Silk, Fring and Tassles for ye pulpitt
Cushion 01 02 05
For Flocks harden and making ye pulpitt
Cushion 00 03 01-1/2
For Cloth for ye Table Cloth and makeing 00 05 11
1709 For mending the Stairs and laying ye Flaggs
in ye Clarks pew 00 10 00
Nothing is heard, however, of a new reading-pew, and in 1710 the old
one was mended at a cost of 1s. 8d. The bells, as we shall see, had
to wait.
Not until a hundred years later was a vestry thought of. In 1810
Thomas Ellis was paid 7s. for planning it, and George Dixon £12 2s.
1d. for its erection. It is said to have been made of wood, and
simply partitioned off the north-west angle of the church. It was
fitted with a "grate," that cost with carriage 19s.; and this being
set on the side nearest to the pews, diffused what must have been
but a gentle warmth through the edifice. It is the first heating
apparatus that we hear of, and the expenses for charcoal and wood,
with 3s. paid annually to the clerk for setting on the fire, were
small. Tradition says that while George Walker lighted the vestry
fire he rang the eight o'clock bell--a call to matins which had
survived the Reformation, and the service then abolished.[135]
[135] _Mediæval Services in England._ Chr. Wordsworth. Tradition
from Edward Wilson.
Time brought other improvements. The harmony of a church choir
entailed its special expenses. In 1812 the ladies of Rydal Hall,
widow and heiress of Sir Michael Fleming, provided "Psalmody" for
Grasmere church at a cost of £2 2s., and for Langdale at £1 1s.
Probably the price of this early tune-book was one guinea. A charge
of 7s. 6d. appears in 1829 for a new pitch-pipe. A "singing school"
was started, causing considerable expense in candles (12s. in 1844).
Edward Wilson fitted the "singing pews" with drawers in 1851. There
was apparently no instrumental music in the Grasmere choir, though
there may have been in Langdale chapel to judge from an item of
expense for violin strings.
[Illustration: Old Pitch Pipe]
Many odd expenses are noted in the accounts, as well as the
replenishing of worn books and garments. A large Common Prayer Book
cost in 1692 13s. 6d., and another in 1733 14s. Prayer Books began,
too, to be supplied in the body of the church; the townships buying a
few at a time, at a price varying from 6d. to 1s. In 1808 a new Bible
cost £2 2s., while the price of a large Prayer Book in 1823 was £2
5s., and another in 1835 £1 12s.
The "surp-cloth," "surpless," or "surplice" was renewed at various
prices. After the marvellously cheap one of 1661 (5s.; surely the
product of the valley, in flax-growing, spinning, and weaving),
others were got in 1697 for £1 12s., in 1730 for £1 11s. 4d., in 1734
for £2 7s. In 1755 a new one is set down at the modest sum of 1s.
5-3/4d., which, if multiplied by three, is barely 4s. 6d.; and in
1775 one (or perhaps the same) was altered for 1s. An amusing item
appears in the receipt columns of the three townships in 1795, when
they sold the old surplice and divided the amount. "By 1/3 of the
Old Surplice 2s. 7-1/2d."
"Communion Linnen" cost in 1823 14s. 6d. In 1820 a surplice cost £2
18s. 4d., and in 1830 £1 17s. 9d.
THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH
The one document that exists concerning the fabric of the church and
of its upkeep was written as late as 1661, when the Episcopal Order
of church government was restored.[136] There is every probability,
however, that in substance it merely reinstitutes an old custom. The
document is printed here:--
[136] Rydal Hall MSS.
A true Cattollogue made the twenty-first day of Apprill in
the 13th yeare of the Kings Ma'tyes reigne in the yeare of
our lord god 1661 by the eighteene men Appointed for the good
of the parish church of Gresmyre whos names are here under
written that is to say what particulars both of the church &
church-yard-wall; and what parte is divided to every Third and
what parte is not divided; what hereafter shall be expressed &
to whom they doe belong of right to be mayntayned & uphoulden.
Imprimus the chancell or quire ought to be maintained by the
parson or rector that is to say the roofe to the midle of the
rigging soe ffarr as the quire doth extend and the quire doore &
ffoure windowes within the Compass of quire: & the pues within
the quire and all the body of the church both roofe walles &
Timber doth belong to the whole parish equally amongst them that
is to say; Gresmyre third: Langdall Third & Loughrigg, Ridall
& Ambleside third; to be maintained & uphoulden every third
Alike; by even portions and likewise the roofe of the steple
& the belle wheeles, things or any nessary thing whatsoever.
Concerning the steple or within the steple all to be regarded &
done at generall charges of those three thirds Abovementioned
without any deniall; & the door both at the topp & below; &
the 4 windowes Above at the bells and the steple window below;
and the east window opposight to the higher pillors; & those
doth belong to all the said 3 thirds equally Amongst Them to
be mayntained & upholden; Now for the particulars within the
Church ffor every third, & how ffarr every third ought to brake
ground; as ffolloweth viz: Gresmyre Third, ffrom the quire
wae upon the South side of the Church and Their fformes to ye
steple doore; with the Cross alley coming in at the posterne
doore; and to the midle of the Alleys of the south side ffrom
the quire wale; to the midle of the steple, doth belong to
gresmyre third, & five formes next to Langdall quire wale; & to
the midle of the alley, & Two short fformes at north side of
the second piller & halfe of one fforme being between Loughrigg
quire and Ridell fformes with the fformes upon the weste Sid of
the Church next to the west doore; doth belong To gresmyre third
And all the remaindor of the fformes upon the north sid of the
Church to the midle of the north Alley doth belong to Langdall
Third; & the midle of the church to the midle of the north
Alley; & to the midle of the west alley; with the two crosse
alleyes viz, one at the ffont & the other belowe the quire
wale; doth belong to Loughrigg Ridall & Ambleside Third; And
for the windowes belonging to this Loughrigg third here named,
be in number Three being upon the south sid of the church; one
window at the backe of the portch; and two windowes betweene
the portch doore & the pulpitt; and the portch Doore, doth
belong to Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third, to be up houlden,
mayntained & kept in repaire of their own proper Costs & charges
for ever; and likewise their parte of the Church yard Wale,
viz.: one yeat which doth extend ffrom the South nooke of the
steple & ffrom thence southward to the east nooke of Gresmyre
third; when it begines to be seated with in the church yard; of
their owne costs & charges Now windowes belonging to Langdall
Third be in number three; one window being in the east end of
the church oppossigt Againe the east end of the north Alley &
two windowes nexte Adjoyning to it upon the north side of the
Church; to be upholden & mayntained & kept in good repaire of
Langdall thirds owne proper costs charges and their parte of
the church yard, walle from the north n
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