Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 7 of 7
by Edgar Thurston · English · Gutenberg #42997 · 789,457 chars · public domain (US)
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 7 of 7
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 7 of 7
Author: Edgar Thurston
Contributor: K. Rangachari
Release date: June 21, 2013 [eBook #42997]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42997
Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project
Gutenberg.
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. VOL. 7 OF 7 ***
CASTES AND TRIBES
OF
SOUTHERN INDIA
By
EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E.,
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger,
Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa,
Romana di Anthropologia.
Assisted by
K. Rangachari, M.A.,
of the Madras Government Museum.
Volume VII--T to Z
Government Press, Madras
1909.
CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
VOLUME VII.
T
Tabelu (tortoise).--A sept of Aiyarakulu, and section of Gazula Kapu
and Koppala Velama.
Taccha Kurup.--Barbers who shave Malabar Kammalans.
Tacchan.--The name of the carpenter sub-division of Kammalans, and
further returned, at the census, 1891, as an occupational sub-division
by some Paraiyans. Taccha Karaiyan has been recorded as a name for some
members of the Karaiyan fishing caste. The Tacchasastram, or science
of carpentry, prescribes in minute details the rules of construction.
Tacchanadan Muppan.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and
1901, as a sub-division of Kuricchans, and of Kurumbas of the Nilgiris.
Tadan.--See Dasari.
Tagara.--A section of Poroja.
Takru.--A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive
islands. (See Mappilla.)
Talaivan (a chief).--A title of the Maravans. Jadi or Jati Talaivan
is the name of the hereditary chief of the Paravas of Tinnevelly, who,
at times of pearl fisheries, receives a fixed share of the 'oysters.'
Talamala.--A sub-division of Kanikar.
Talayari.--The Talayari (talai, head) or chief watchman, or Uddari
(saviour of the village), is a kind of undepartmental village
policeman, who is generally known as the Talari. Among other duties,
he has to follow on the track of stolen cattle, to act as a guard
over persons confined in the village choultry (lock-up), to attend
upon the head of the village during the trial of petty cases, to
serve processes, and distrain goods. In big villages there are two or
three Talayaris, in which case one is a Paraiyan, who officiates in
the Paraiya quarter. In parts of the Telugu country, the Mutrachas,
who are the village watchmen, are known as Talarivallu, or watchman
people, and, in like manner, the Bedars are called Talarivandlu in
the Kurnool and Bellary districts.
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district (1906), that
"from the earliest years of the British occupation of the country,
fees were paid to the talaiyari or village watchman. He was probably
survival of a state of society in which kavalgars did not exist, and
his duties were, it seems, to look after the villagers' fields and
threshing floors. At any rate, he continued in existence even after
the abolition of the kaval system (see Maravan), and was declared by
the early Police Regulation (XI of 1816) to be part of the regular
police establishment. Practically he did little real police duty,
and in 1860, when the mufassal police was reorganised, all claims
to the services of the talaiyari as a servant of the State were
formally abandoned, the Inspector-General of Police having reported
that any attempt to utilise the talaiyari body would be fruitless
and unpopular. Talaiyaris still continue to be employed and paid by
the ryots (cultivators) as the private guardians of their crops and
harvested grain. Recently, however, the district was brought into
line with the rest of the Presidency by the creation of a new force
of talaiyaris, who now perform the police duties assigned to such
persons elsewhere. They are provided with lathis (sticks) and badges,
and are a useful auxiliary to the police."
Tali.--"The tali," Bishop Caldwell writes, [1] "is the Hindu sign of
marriage, answering to the ring of European christendom. I have known
a clergyman refuse to perform a marriage with a tali, and insist upon
a ring being used instead. A little consideration will show that the
scrupulous conscience can find no rest for itself even in the ring;
for, if the ring is more Christian than the tali, it is only because
its use among Christians is more ancient. Every one knows that the
ring has a Pagan origin, and that, for this reason, it is rejected by
Quakers." "The custom," Wagner informs us, [2] "of wearing the wedding
ring on the fourth finger of the left hand had unquestionably a Pagan
origin. Both the Greeks and the Romans called the fourth left-hand
finger the medicated finger, and used it to stir up mixtures and
potions, out of the belief that it contained a vein, which communicated
directly with the heart, and therefore nothing noxious could come in
contact with it, without giving instant warning to that vital organ."
The marriage badge, as it occurs in Southern India, is, broadly
speaking, of two types. The one in use among the Tamil castes is oblong
in shape, with a single or double indentation at the base, and rounded
at the top. The corresponding bottu or sathamanam of the Telugu and
Canarese castes is a flat or cup-shaped disc. The tali in use among
various Malayalam castes at the tali-kettu ceremony is a long cylinder.
Tali-kettu kalyanam (tali-tying marriage).--A ceremony gone through by
Nayar girls, and girls of some other Malayalam castes, in childhood. Of
those who gave evidence before the Malabar Marriage Commission, some
thought the tali-kettu was a marriage, some not. Others called it a
mock marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, fictitious marriage,
a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless
ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom,
a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. "While,"
the Report states, "a small minority of strict conservatives still
maintain that the tali-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer on
the bridegroom a right to cohabit with the bride, an immense majority
describe it as a fictitious marriage, the origin of which they are at
a loss to explain. And another large section tender the explanation
accepted by our President (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar), that in some
way or other it is an essential caste observance preliminary to the
formation of sexual relations." In summing up the evidence collected
by him, Mr. Lewis Moore states [3] that it seems to be proved beyond
all reasonable doubt that "from the sixteenth century at all events,
and up to the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations
between the sexes in families governed by marumakkathayam (inheritance
in the female line) were of as loose a description as it is possible
to imagine. The tali-kettu kalyanam, brought about by the Brahmans,
brought about no improvement, and indeed, in all probability, made
matters much worse by giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious
marriage, which bears an unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage
ceremonies performed among certain inferior castes elsewhere as a
cloak for prostitution (see Deva-dasi). As years passed, some time
about the opening of the nineteenth century, the Kerala mahatmyam
and Keralolpathi were concocted, probably by Nambudris, and false
and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on the Nayars by
divine law to administer to the lust of the Nambudris were disseminated
abroad. The better classes among the Nayars revolted against the
degrading system thus established, and a custom sprang up, especially
in North Malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract,
approved and sanctioned by the Karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad
[4] to which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony
under the pudamuri (female cloth cutting) form. That there was nothing
analogous to the pudamuri prevalent in Malabar from A.D. 1500 to 1800
may, I think, be fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion
to it in the works of the various European writers." According to
Act IV, Madras, 1896, sambandham means an alliance between a man
and woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom
of the community to which they belong, or either of them belongs,
cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife.
Tambala.--The Tambalas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "Telugu-speaking temple priests. Their social position differs
in different localities. They are regarded as Brahmans in Godavari,
Kistna and Nellore, and as Sudras in the other Telugu districts." It
is noted, in the Census Report, that the Tambalas are described by
C. P. Brown as a class of beggars, who worship Siva, and who beat
drums; secular priests, etc. These men are generally Sudras, but
wear the sacred thread. "It is said that, during his peregrinations
in the north, Sankaracharya appointed Tamil Brahmans to perform
temple services in all the Saiva shrines. Hence the Telugu people,
in the midst of whom the Tamilians lived, called them the Tambalas
(Tamils). They are not now, however, regarded as Brahmans, whatever
their original position may have been. They will eat only with
Brahmans. Most of them are Saivites, and a few are Lingayats. The
Smarta Brahmans officiate as their priests at birth, marriage,
and death ceremonies. They do not eat animal food, and all their
religious rites are more or less like those of Brahmans. Their usual
titles are Aiya and Appa."
Tamban.--One of the divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. (See
Tirumalpad.)
Tambi (younger brother).--A term of affection in the Tamil country,
used especially when a younger person is being addressed. It is also
recorded as an honorific title of Nayars in Travancore, and a suffix
to the names of Nayar sons of Travancore sovereigns.
Tambiran.--The name for Pandaram managers of temples, e.g., at
Tiruvadudurai in Tanjore and Mailam in South Arcot.
Tamburan.--For the following note on the Rajahs or Tamburans, I
am indebted to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. "They form an
endogamous community of Kshatriyas, and live as seven families in
Travancore. They are distinguished by the localities in which they
reside, viz., Mavelikkara, Ennaikkat, Kartikapalli, Mariappalli,
Tiruvalla, Praikkara, and Aranmula. They are all related by blood,
the connection between some of them being very close. Like the
Koiltampurans, all the members of their community observe birth
and death pollution with reference to each other. Their original
home is Kolattunat in North Malabar, and their immigration into
Travancore, where the reigning family is of the Kolattunat stock, was
contemporaneous, in the main, with the invasion of Malabar by Tippu
Sultan. The first family that came into the country from Kolattunat was
the Putuppalli Kovilakam in the 5th century M.E. (Malabar era). The
Travancore royal family then stood in need of adoption. The then
Rajah arranged through a Koiltampuran of Tattarikkovilakam to bring
from Kolattunat two princesses for adoption, as his negotiations
with the then Kolattiri were fruitless. The Puttuppali Kovilakam
members thus settled themselves at Kartikapalli, the last of whom
died in 1030 M.E. The next family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam,
between 920 and 930 M.E. They also came for adoption. But their right
was disputed by another house, Pallikkovilakam. They then settled
themselves at Aranmula. The third series of migrations were during
the invasion of Malabar by Tippu in 964 M.E. All the Rajahs living
there at the time came over to Travancore, of whom, however, many
returned home after a time.
The Rajahs, like the Koiltampurans, belong to the Yajurveda section of
Dvijas, but follow the sutra laid down by Baudhayana. Their gotra is
that of Bhargava, i.e., Parasurama, indicating in a manner that these
are Kshatriyas who were accepted by Parasurama, the uncompromising
Brahmin of the Hindu Puranas. They have all the Brahminical Samskaras,
only the Brahmin priest does most of them on their behalf. Chaulam, or
tuft ceremony, is performed along with Upanayanam. The Samavartanam,
or termination of the pupil stage, is celebrated on the fourth day
of the thread investiture. Instruction in arms is then given to the
Kshatriya boy, and is supposed to be kept up until the requisite skill
has been obtained. The tali-tying (mangalya dharanam or pallikkettu of
a Raja lady) is done by a Koiltampuran, who thereafter lives with her
as her married husband. The Kanyakadanam, or giving away of the bride,
is performed by the priest who attends also to the other Sastraic
rites. The males take Sudra consorts. If the first husband leaves
by death or otherwise, another Koiltampuran may be accepted. This is
not called marriage, but kuttirikkuka (living together).
At Sradhas (memorial services), the Karta, or performer of the
ceremony, throws a flower as a mark of spiritual homage at the feet
of the Brahmins who are invited to represent the manes, and greets
them in the conventional form (namaskara). The priest does the other
ceremonies. After the invited Brahmins have been duly entertained,
oblations of cooked rice are offered to the ancestors by the Karta
himself.
They are to repeat the Gayatri ten times at each Sandhya prayer,
together with the Panchakshara and the Ashtakshara mantras.
Their caste government is in the hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikas. Their
family priests belong to the class of Malayala Pottis, known as
Tiruveli Pottis.
Besides the ordinary names prevalent among Koiltampurans, names such as
Martanda Varma, Aditya Varma, and Udaya Varma are also met with. Pet
names, such as Kungaru, Kungappan, Kungoman, Kungunni, Unni and Ampu
are common. In the Travancore Royal House, the first female member
always takes the name of Lakshmi and the second that of Parvati.
Tamoli.--A few members of this North India caste of betel-leaf sellers
have been returned at times of census. I am unable to discover in
what district they occur. Tambuli or Tamuli is recorded as a caste
of betel-leaf sellers in Bengal, and Tamboli as a caste carrying on
a similar occupation in the Bombay Presidency.
Tanamanadu.--A sub-division of Valaiyan.
Tanda.--The word literally refers to a settlement or encampment of
the Lambadis, by some of whom it is, at times of census, returned as
a tribal synonym.
Tandan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "in
Walluvanad and Palghat (in Malabar) Tandan is a distinct caste. The
ceremonies observed by Tandans are, in general outline, the same
as those of the southern Tiyyans, but the two do not intermarry,
each claiming superiority over the other. There is a custom which
prohibits the Tandan females of Walluvanad from crossing a channel
which separates that taluk from Mankara on the Palghat side." The
Tandans of Malabar are described by Mr. F. Fawcett as a people allied
to the Izhuvans, who observe the custom of fraternal polyandry,
which the Izhuvans abhor.
For the following note on the Tandans of Travancore, I am indebted
to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
The castemen are known as Uralis to the south of Varkallay, and Tandans
to the north of it. In some places to the east of Kottarakaray,
they were popularly termed Mutalpattukar, or those who receive
the first perquisite for assistance rendered to carpenters. In the
days when there were no saws, the rough instruments of the Tandan
served their purpose. Hence some members of the caste were called
Tacchan (carpenter). Tandan is derived from the Sanskrit dandanam or
punishment, as, in ancient times, men of this caste were employed to
carry out the punishments that were inflicted by the authorities upon
offenders. For the execution of such punishments, the Tandans were
provided with swords, choppers and knives. As they were also told off
to guard the villages (ur) of which they happened to be inhabitants,
they acquired the title of Urali. In some places, Tandans are also
called Velans. Males and females have respectively the title Muppan
and Muppatti, meaning an elder. In addressing members of higher castes,
the Tandans call themselves Kuzhiyan, or dwellers in pits.
The Tandans are said to have once belonged to the same caste as the
Izhuvans, but to have fallen away from that position. They must,
in times gone by, have joined the military service of the various
States in Malabar. They were, in some places, given rent-free lands,
called Urali parambu, in return for the duties they were expected to
perform. With the return of peaceful times, their occupation changed,
and the climbing of palm trees, to extract the juice thereof, became
their most important calling. They are also largely engaged in the
manufacture of ropes. Many families still receive the mutalpattu,
or allowance from the carpenters.
The Tandans are divided into four endogamous sections, called Ilanji,
Puvar, Irunelli, and Pilakkuti.
The ornaments of the women are, besides the minnu, wreaths of red
and red and black beads. Nowadays the gold gnattu of the Nayars is
also worn. Tattooing is popular. Even males have a crescent and a dot
tattooed on the forehead, the corresponding mark in females being a
line from the nasal pit upwards. Among the devices tattooed on the
arms are the conch shell, lotus, snake, discus, etc. In their food
and drink the Tandans resemble the Iluvans.
The priests of the Tandans are called Tanda Kuruppus, and they are
also the caste barbers. The chief deity of the Tandans is Bhadrakali,
at whose shrines at Mandaikkad, Cranganore, and Sarkkaray, offerings
are regularly made. At the last place, a Tandan is the priest. The
chief days for the worship of this deity are Bharani asterism in March
and Pattamudayam in April. November is a particularly religious month,
and the day on which the Kartikay star falls is exclusively devoted to
worship. The first Sunday in January is another religious occasion, and
on that day cooked food is offered to the rising sun. This is called
Pogala. Maruta, or the spirit of smallpox, receives special worship. If
a member of the caste dies of this disease, a small shed is erected
in his memory either at his home or near the local Bhadrakali shrine,
and offerings of sweetmeats and toddy are made to him on the 28th of
Makaram (January-February). Chitragupta, the accountant of Yama, the
god of death, is worshipped on the full-moon day in April-May. Ancestor
worship is performed on the new-moon day in July.
A girl's tali-tying ceremony, which is called kazhuttukettu, takes
place when she is between seven and twelve years old. The bridegroom
is a relative called Machchampi. The Kuruppu receives a money present
of 2 1/2 fanams for every tali tied in his presence. Though more than
one girl may go through the ceremony in the same pandal (booth), each
should have a separate bridegroom. The relations between the bride
and bridegroom are dissolved by the father of the former paying the
latter sixteen rasi fanams. The daughter of a man's paternal aunt
or maternal uncle may be claimed as murappen or lawful bride. The
sambandham, or actual marriage, takes place after a girl has reached
puberty. A family is regarded as out-caste, if she has not previously
gone through the tali-tying ceremony.
Only the eldest member of a family is cremated, the rest being
buried. Death pollution lasts for ten days. The anniversary of a death
is celebrated at the sea-shore, where cooked food, mixed with gingelly
(Sesamum) is offered to the departed, and thrown into the sea.
Tandan.--The Tandan is the hereditary headman of a Tiyan tara
(village), and is a Tiyan by caste. He is appointed by the senior
Rani of the Zamorin's family, or by some local Raja in territories
outside the jurisdiction of the Zamorin. The Tandan is the principal
person in the decision of caste disputes. He is expected to assist
at the tali-tying, puberty, marriage and pregnancy ceremonies of
members of the caste. His formal permission is required before the
carpenter can cut down the areca palm, with which the shed in which
the tali is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions
are important. When a new house is built, a house-warming ceremony
takes place, at which the Tandan officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and
the right leg is the Tandan's perquisite. He is a man of importance,
not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of
other castes. Thus, when a Nayar dies, it is the Tandan's duty to get
the body burnt. He controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and
can withdraw their services when they are most needed. He officiates,
moreover, at marriages of the artisan classes.
Tangalan.--A sub-division of Paraiyan. The word indicates one who
may not stand near, in reference to their belonging to the polluting
classes.
Tangedu.--Tangedu or Tangedla (Cassia auriculata) has been recorded
as an exogamous sept of Kapu and Padma Sale. The bark of this shrub is
one of the most valuable Indian tanning agents, and is, like myrabolams
(Terminalia fruits), used in the manufacture of indigenous dyes.
Tantuvayan (thread-wearer).--An occupational name used by various
weaving castes.
Tapodhanlu.--The name, meaning those who believe in self-mortification
as wealth, adopted by some Telugu mendicants.
Tarakan.--See Muttan.
Tartharol.--The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, [5] of a
division of the Todas. Tartal is also given by various writers as a
division of this tribe.
Tarwad.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [6] as a marumakkathayam family,
consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common
female ancestor.
Tassan.--A Malayalam synonym for the Telugu Dasari.
Tattan.--The goldsmith section of the Tamil and Malayalam Kammalans.
Teivaliol.--The name, recorded by Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, [5] of a
division of the Todas.
Telaga.--"The Telagas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [7] "are a Telugu
caste of cultivators, who were formerly soldiers in the armies of
the Hindu sovereigns of Telingana. This may perhaps account for the
name, for it is easy to see that the Telugu soldiers might come to be
regarded as the Telugus or Telagas par excellence. The sub-divisions
returned under this name show that there has been some confusion
between the Telagas proper, and persons who are members of other Telugu
castes. The Telagas are Vaishnavites, and have Brahmans for their
priests. Their customs closely resemble those of the Kapus. They eat
flesh, but are not allowed to drink liquor. They are usually farmers
now, but many still serve as soldiers, though their further recruitment
has recently been stopped. Their common titles are Naidu and Dora."
In a note on the Telagas and Vantaris (strong men), it is suggested
that they should be classed with the Kapus, of which caste they are
an offshoot for the following reasons:--"(1) Members of the three
classes admit that this is so; (2) a collation of the intiperulu or
septs shows that the same names recur among the three classes; (3)
all three interdine, and intermarriage between them is not rare. A
poor Telaga or Vantari often gives his daughter in marriage to a rich
Kapu. The Telagas and Vantaris are highly Brahmanised, and will have
a Brahman for their guru, and get themselves branded at his hands. A
Kapu is generally content with a Satani or Jangam. Though they do not
differ in their marriage and funeral rites from the Kapus, they usually
marry their girls before puberty, and widow remarriage and divorce are
disallowed. A Kapu is invariably a cultivator; a Vantari was in olden
days a sepoy, and, as such, owned inam (rent-free) lands. Even now
he has a prejudice against ploughing jirayati (ordinarily assessed)
lands, which a Kapu has no objection to do. Similarly, a Telaga takes
pride in taking service under a Zamindar, but, unlike the Vantari,
he will plough any land. Kapu women will fetch their own water, and
carry meals to the fields for their fathers and husbands. The women
of the other classes affect the gosha system, and the men carry their
own food, and fetch water for domestic purposes, or, if well-to-do,
employ Kapus for these services. It may be added that rich Kapus
often exhibit a tendency to pass as Telagas."
Telikula.--The Telikulas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "a Telugu oil-presser caste, which should not be confused
with Tellakula, a synonym for Tsakala, or with Telli, a caste of Oriya
oil-pressers." Telikula is a synonym for the Ganiga or Gandla caste
of oil-pressers, derived from the oil (gingelly: Sesamum indicum),
whereas the names Ganiga and Gandla refer to the oil-mill. In the
Northern Circars, the name Telikula is used in preference to Ganiga
or Gandla, and the oil-pressers in that part of the country are
known as Telikula-vandlu. The Telikulas are Onteddu, i.e., use a
single bullock for working the oil-mill, whereas, among the Ganigas,
there are both Onteddu and Rendeddu sections, which employ one and
two bullocks respectively.
Tellakula (white clan).--Recorded, in the Census Report, 1901,
as a synonym for Tsakala. According to the Rev. J. Cain, [8] the
Tellakulas are Telugu washermen (Tsakalas), who, in consequence
of having obtained employment as peons in Government offices, feel
themselves to be superior to other members of their caste.
Telli.--The Tellis are the oil-pressers of the Oriya country,
whose caste name is derived from telo, oil. They are apparently
divided into three endogamous sections, named Holodia, Bolodia, and
Khadi. The original occupation of the Holodias is said to have been
the cultivation and sale of turmeric. They may not carry turmeric and
other articles for sale on the back of bullocks, and consequently use
carts as a medium of transport thereof. And it is further contrary to
their caste rules even to assist in loading or unloading packs carried
by bullocks. The Bolodias receive their name from the fact that they
carry produce in the form of oil-seeds, etc., on pack bullocks, bolodo
being Oriya for bullock. The Khadis are mainly engaged in expressing
various oils in oil-mills, and this occupation is also carried on
by some members of the other sections. All Tellis seem to belong to
one gotra, called Karthikeswara. The caste title is Sahu. In social
position the Tellis, unlike the Tamil Vaniyans (oil-pressers), are on
a par with the agricultural castes, and are one of the panchapatako,
or five castes from which individuals are selected to decide serious
issues which arise among the Badhoyis. The headman of the Tellis is
called Behara, and he is assisted by a Bhollobaya, and in some places
apparently by another officer called Pento.
It is considered by the Tellis as a breach of caste rules to sail in a
boat or ship. If a cow dies with a rope round its neck, or on the spot
where it is tethered, the family which owned it is under pollution
until purification has been effected by means of a pilgrimage,
or by bathing in a sacred river. The Holodias will not rear male
calves at their houses, and do not castrate their bulls. Male calves
are disposed of by sale as speedily as possible. Those Holodias who
are illiterate make the mark (nisani) of a ball of turmeric paste
as a substitute for their autograph on documents. In like manner,
the nisanis of the Bolodias and Khadis respectively are the leather
belt of a bullock and curved pole of the oil-mill. Among nisanis used
by other Oriya castes, the following may be noted:--
Korono (writer caste), style.
Ravulo (temple servants), trident.
Bavuri (basket-makers and earth-diggers), sickle.
Dhoba (washermen) fork used for collecting firewood.
Brahman, ring of dharba grass, such as is worn on ceremonial
occasions.
In their marriage ceremonies, the Tellis observe the standard Oriya
type, with a few variations. On the day before the wedding, two young
married women carry two new pots painted white on their heads. To
support the pots thereon, a single cloth, with the two ends rolled
up to form a head-pad, must be used. The two women, accompanied by
another married woman carrying a new winnowing basket, and mokkuto
(forehead chaplet), proceed, to the accompaniment of the music of a
chank shell and pipes, to a temple, whereat they worship. On their
way home, the two girls, according to the custom of other Oriyas
castes, go to seven houses, at each of which water is poured into their
pots. During the marriage ceremony, after the ends of the cloths of the
bride and bridegroom have been tied together, they exchange myrabolams
(Terminalia fruits) and areca nuts. Until the close of the ceremonies,
they may not plunge into a tank (pond) or river, and, in bathing,
may not wet the head.
Most of the Tellis are Paramarthos, and follow the Chaitanya form
of Vaishnavism, but some are Smartas, and all worship Takuranis
(village deities).
Telugu.--Telugu or Telaga is used as a linguistic term indicating a
person who speaks that language. It has, at recent times of census,
been returned as a sub-division of various classes, e.g., Agasa,
Balija, Banajiga, Bedar, Bestha, Devanga, Holeya, Kumbara, Rachewar,
Tsakala, and Uppara. Further, Telugu Vellala appears as a synonym of
Velama, and Telugu Chetti as a synonym of Saluppan.
Ten (honey).--Ten or Jen has been recorded as a sub-division or
exogamous sept of jungle Kurumbas and Holeyas. Some Irulas style
themselves Ten Padaiyachi or Ten Vanniyan, Padaiyachi and Vanniyan
being a title and synonym of the Pallis.
Tendisai (southern country).--Recorded as a division of Vellalas in
the Madura and Coimbatore districts.
Tene (millet: Setaria italica).--An exogamous sept of Holeya.
Tengina (cocoanut palm).--The name of a section of Halepaiks, who
tap the cocoanut for extracting toddy.
Tennam.--Tennam (cocoanut) or Tennanjanar (cocoanut tappers) is
recorded as the occupational name of Shanan. Tenkayala (cocoanut)
occurs as an exogamous sept of Yanadi, and the equivalent Tennang as
a tree or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti Maravans.
Tennilainadu.--A territorial sub-division of Kallan.
Terkattiyar (southerner).--A term applied to Kallan, Maravan,
Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the Tanjore district. At
Mayavaram, for example, it is applied to Kallans, Agamudaiyans,
and Valaiyans.
Tertal.--A division of Toda.
Teruvan.--A synonym of the Malabar Chaliyans, who are so called
because, unlike most of the west coast castes, they live in streets
(teru).
Tevadiyal (servant of god).--The Tamil name for Deva-dasis. Tevan
(god) occurs as a title of Maravans.
Teyyambadi.--A section of Ambalavasis or temple servants in Malabar,
the members of which dance and sing in Bhagavati temples, and perform
a song called nagapattu (song in honour of serpents) in private houses,
which is supposed to be effective in procuring offspring. [9]
Thadla.--Thadla or Thalla, meaning rope, is an exogamous sept of
Devanga and Karna Sale.
Thakur.--About a hundred members of this caste are returned, in
the Madras Census Report, 1901, as belonging to a Bombay caste of
genealogists and cultivators. It is recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer,
that "inferior in rank to Marathas, the Thakurs are idle and of
unclean habits. Though some of them till and twist woollen threads
for blankets, they live chiefly by begging and ballad singing. At
times they perform plays representing events mentioned in the Purans
and Ramayan, and showing wooden puppets moved by strings."
Thalakokala (female cloths).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Thalam (palmyra palm).--An exogamous sept or illam of Kanikar.
Thamballa (sword bean: Canavalia ensiformis).--An exogamous sept of
Tsakalas, members of which will not eat the bean.
Thamburi.--A class of people in Mysore, who are Muhammadans, dress
like Lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. (See Lambadi.)
Thanda Pulayan.--For the following note, I am indebted to
Mr. L. K. Ananthakrishna Aiyar. [10] The Thanda Pulayans constitute
a small division of the Pulayans, who dwell in South Malabar and
Cochin. The name is given to them because of the garment worn by the
females, made of the leaves of a sedge, called thanda (apparently
Scirpus articulatus), which are cut into lengths, woven at one end,
and tied round the waist so that they hang down below the knees. The
following story is told with regard to the origin of this costume. A
certain high-caste man, who owned lands in those parts, chanced to sow
seeds, and plant vegetables. He was surprised to find that not a trace
of what he sowed or planted was to be seen on the following day. With
a view to clearing up the mystery, he kept a close watch during
the night, and saw certain human beings, stark naked, come out of a
hole. They were pursued, and a man and a woman were caught. Impressed
with a sense of shame at their wretched condition, the high-caste man
threw his upper garment to the male, but, having nothing to give as a
covering for the woman, threw some thanda leaves over her. The Thanda
Pulayans are also called Kuzhi Pulayans, as they were found emerging
from a pit (kuzhi). The leafy garment is said to be fast going out of
fashion, as Mappillas, and others who own the Pulayans, compel them to
wear cotton cloths. According to the Rev. W. J. Richards, a division of
the Pulayans, who are called Kanna Pulayans, and found near Alleppey,
wear rather better, and more artistically made aprons. [11]
The following legend is current regarding the origin of the Thanda
Pulayans. In the south, the Pulayans are divided into the eastern
and western sections. The former were the slaves of Duryodhana, and
the latter were attached to the Pandus. These formed the two rival
parties in the war of the Mahabaratha, and the defeat of Duryodhana
was the cause of their degradation.
The Thanda Pulayans appear to have been the slaves of the soil till
1854, when they were emancipated. Even now, their condition has not
undergone much material improvement. Though they are left more to
themselves, they still work for farmers or landlords for a daily wage
of paddy (unhusked rice). If they run away, they are brought back,
and punished. There is a custom that, when a farmer or landlord wants
a few Pulayans to work in the fields, he obtains their services on
payment of fifteen to twenty rupees to them, or to their master. When
a Pulayan's services are thus obtained, he works for his new master
for two edangalis of paddy a day. They can obtain their liberation
on the return of the purchase-money, which they can never hope to
earn. Having no property which they can claim as their own, and
conscious perhaps that their lot will be the same wherever they go,
they remain cheerful and contented, drudging on from day to day,
and have no inclination to emigrate to places where they can get
higher wages. The Cherumars of Palghat, on the contrary, enjoy more
freedom. Many go to the Wynad, and some to the Kolar gold-fields,
where they receive a good money-wage. The Thanda Pulayans work, as has
been said, for some landlord, who allows them small bits of land. The
trees thereon belong to the master, but they are allowed to enjoy
their produce during their residence there. When not required by the
master, they can work where they like. They have to work for him for
six months, and sometimes throughout the year. They have little to do
after the crop has been garnered. They work in the rice-fields, pumping
water, erecting bunds (mud embankments), weeding, transplanting, and
reaping. Men, women, and children may be seen working together. After
a day's hard work, in the sun or rain, they receive their wages,
which they take to the nearest shop, called mattupitica (exchange
shop), where they receive salt, chillies, etc., in exchange for a
portion of the paddy, of which the remainder is cooked. The master's
field must be guarded at night against the encroachment of cattle,
and the depredations of thieves and wild beasts. They keep awake by
shouting aloud, singing in a dull monotone, or beating a drum. Given
a drink of toddy, the Pulayans will work for any length of time. It
is not uncommon to see them thrashed for slight offences. If a man is
thrashed with a thanda garment, he is so much disgraced in the eyes
of his fellow men, that he is not admitted into their society. Some
improve their condition by becoming converts to Christianity. Others
believe that the spirits of the departed would be displeased, if they
became Christians.
The Thanda Pulayan community is divided into exogamous illams,
and marriage between members of the same illam is forbidden. Their
habitations are called matams, which are miserable huts, supported on
wooden posts, sometimes in the middle of a paddy field, with walls
of reeds, bamboo mats or mud, and thatched with grass or cocoanut
leaves. A few earthen pots, bamboo vessels, and cocoanut shells
constitute their property. They are denied admission to the markets,
and must stand at a distance to make their purchases or sales.
Pulayan girls are married either before or after attaining puberty,
but there is special ceremony, which is performed for every girl
during her seventh or eighth year. This is called thanda kalyanam,
or thanda marriage. It consists in having the girl dressed at an
auspicious hour in the leafy garment by a woman, generally a relative,
or, in her absence, by one selected for the purpose. The relations and
friends are entertained at a feast of curry and rice, fish from the
backwater, and toddy. Prior to this ceremony, the girl is destitute
of clothing, except for a strip of areca bark.
At the marriage ceremony, the tali (marriage badge) is made of a piece
of a conch shell (Turbinella rapa), which is tied on the bride's neck
at an auspicious hour. She is taken before her landlord, who gives
her some paddy, and all the cocoanuts on the tree, beneath which she
happens to kneel. When the time has come for her to be taken to the
hut of the bridegroom, one of her uncles, taking her by the hand,
gives her into the charge of one of her husband's uncles. On the
third morning, her paternal and maternal uncles visit her at the hut
of the bridegroom, by whom they are entertained. They then return,
with the bride and bridegroom, to the home of the former, where
the newly-married couple stay for three days. To ascertain whether
a marriage will be a happy one, a conch shell is spun round. If it
falls to the north, it predicts good fortune; if to the east or west,
the omens are favourable; if to the south, very unfavourable.
The Thanda Pulayans follow the makkathayam law of inheritance (from
father to son). They have their tribal assemblies, the members of which
meet together on important occasions, as when a woman is charged with
adultery, or when there is a theft case among them. All the members
are more or less of equal status, and no superior is recognised. They
swear by the sun, raising their hands, and saying "By the sun I did
not." Other oaths are "May my eyes perish" or "May my head be cut
off by lightning."
Every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some
demon, with whom a magician can communicate, and discover a means
of liberation. The magician, when called in professionally, lights
a fire, and seats himself beside it. He then sings, mutters some
mantrams (prayers), and makes a discordant noise on his iron plate
(kokkara). The man or woman, who is possessed by the demon, begins to
make unconscious movements, and is made to speak the truth. The demon,
receiving offerings of fowls, sheep, etc., sets him or her free. A
form of ceremonial, called urasikotukkuka, is sometimes performed. At
a place far distant from the hut, a leaf, on which the blood of a fowl
has been made to fall, is spread on the ground. On a smaller leaf,
chunam (lime) and turmeric are placed. The person who first sets eyes
on these becomes possessed by the demon, and sets free the individual
who was previously under its influence. In the event of sickness,
the sorcerer is invited to the hut. He arrives in the evening,
and is entertained with food, toddy, and betel. He then takes a
tender cocoanut, flower of the areca palm, and some powdered rice,
which he covers over with a palm leaf. The sick person is placed in
front thereof, and a circle is drawn round him. Outside the circle,
an iron stylus is stuck in the ground. The demon is supposed to be
confined within the circle, and makes the patient cry out "I am in pai
(influence of the ghost) and he is beating me," etc. With the promise
of a fowl or sheep, or offerings thereof on the spot, the demon is
persuaded to take its departure. Sometimes, when the sorcerer visits
a house of sickness, a rice-pan containing three betel leaves, areca
nuts, paddy, tulsi (Ocimum sanctum), sacred ashes, conch and cowry
(Cypræa moneta) shells, is placed in the yard. The sorcerer sits in
front of the pan, and begins to worship the demon, holding the shells
in his hands, and turning to the four points of the compass. He then
observes the omens, and, taking his iron plate, strikes it, while
he chants the names of terrible demons, Mullva, Karinkali, Aiyinar,
and Villi, and utters incantations. This is varied by dancing, to
the music of the iron plate, sometimes from evening till noon on the
following day. The sick person works himself up into the belief that
he has committed some great sin, and proceeds to make confession,
when a small money fine is inflicted, which is spent on toddy for
those who are assembled. The Thanda Pulayans practice maranakriyas,
or sacrifices to certain demons, to help them in bringing about the
death of an enemy or other person. Sometimes affliction is supposed
to be brought about by the enmity of those who have got incantations
written on a palm leaf, and buried in the ground near a house by the
side of a well. A sorcerer is called in to counteract the evil charm,
which he digs up, and destroys.
When a member of the tribe has died an unnatural death, a man, with
a fowl and sword in his hands, places another man in a pit which has
been dug, and walks thrice round it with a torch. After an hour or
two, the man is taken out of the pit, and goes to a distance, where
certain ceremonies are performed.
The Thanda Pulayans worship the gods of Brahmanical temples at a
distance of nearly a quarter of a mile. A stone is set up in the
ground, on which they place tender cocoanuts and a few puttans (Cochin
coins). A temple servant takes these to the priest, who sends in return
some sandal paste, holy water, and flowers. They worship, as has been
already hinted, demons, and also the spirits of their ancestors, by
which small brass figures of males and females representing the pretas
(ghosts) are supposed to be possessed. They worship, among others,
Kandakarnan, Kodunkali, Bhairavan, and Arukola pretas, who are lodged
in small huts, and represented by stones. In the month of May, they
celebrate a festival, which lasts for several days. Chrysanthemum and
thumba (apparently Leucas aspera) flowers are used in the performance
of worship, and paddy, beaten rice, tender cocoanuts, toddy, etc.,
are offered up. There is a good deal of singing, drum-beating
and devil-dancing by men and women, who on this occasion indulge
liberally in toddy. The Pandavas, whom they call Anju Thamburakkal,
are favourite deities. They devise various plans for warding off the
evil influence of demons. Some, for example, wear rolls of palm leaf,
with incantations written on them, round their necks. Others hang
baskets in the rice fields, containing peace offerings to the gods, and
pray for the protection of the crop. Wherever there is a dense forest,
Matan and Kali are supposed to dwell, and are worshipped. From the end
of November to April, which is the slack season, the Thanda Pulayans
go about dancing from hut to hut, and collecting money to purchase
fowls, etc., for offerings. Club-dancing is their favourite amusement,
and is often indulged in at night by the light of a blazing fire. The
dancers, club in hand, go round in concentric circles, keeping time
to the songs which they sing, striking each other's clubs, now bending
to ward off a blow on the legs, or rising to protect the head.
The dead are buried, and lighted torches are set up all round the
grave, on to which the relations of the dead person throw three
handfuls of rice. Near it, squares are made in rice flour, in each
of which a leaf with rice flour and paddy, and a lighted torch or
wick is placed. The chief mourner, who should be the son or nephew,
carrying a pot of water, goes several times round the grave, and breaks
the pot over the spot where the head rests. A few grains of rice are
placed at the four corners of the grave, and a pebble is laid on it,
with mantrams to keep off jackals, and to prevent the spirit from
molesting people. Every morning the chief mourner goes to the grave,
and makes offerings of boiled rice, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds,
and karuka grass. On the fourteenth day, he has an oil-bath, and, on
the following day, the Pulayans of the village (kara) have a feast,
with singing and beating of drums. On the sixteenth day, which is
pulakuli or day of purification, the chief mourner makes offerings
of rice balls, the guests are fed, and make a present of small coin
to the songster who has entertained them. Similar offerings of rice
balls are made to the spirit of the deceased person on the new-moon day
in the month of Kartigam. During the period of pollution, the chief
mourner has to cook his own food. The spirits of deceased ancestors
are called Chavar (the dead), and are said to manifest themselves
in dreams, especially to near relations, who speak in the morning of
what they have seen during the night. They even say that they have held
conversation with the deceased. The Rev. W. J. Richards informs us that
he once saw "a little temple, about the size of a large rabbit-hutch,
in which was a plank for the spirits of the deceased ancestors to come
and rest upon. The spirits are supposed to fish in the backwaters,
and the phosphorescence, sometimes seen on the surface of the water,
is taken as an indication of their presence." [12]
The Thanda Pulayans will not eat with the Ulladans or Parayans, but
stand at a distance of ninety feet from Brahmans and other high-caste
people. They are short of stature and dark-skinned. Like the Cherumans,
the women adorn their ears, necks, arms and fingers with masses of
cheap jewellery.
Thappata (drum).--An exogamous sept of Odde.
Thathan (a Vaishnavite mendicant).--The equivalent of the Telugu
Dasari.
Thatichettu (palmyra palm).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale and Odde.
Thavadadari.--The name of a section of the Valluvans (priests of the
Paraiyans), who wear a necklace of tulsi beads (thavadam, necklace,
dhari, wearer). The tulsi or basil (Ocimum sanctum) is a very sacred
plant with Hindus, and bead necklaces or rosaries are made from its
woody stem.
Thelu (scorpion).--Thelu and Thela are recorded as exogamous septs
of Padma Sale and Madiga. The Canarese equivalent Chelu occurs as a
sept of Kuruba.
Thenige Buvva.--A sub-division of Madigas, who offer food (buvva)
to the god in a dish or tray (thenige) at marriages.
Thikka (simpleton).--A sub-division of Kuruba.
Thippa (rubbish heap).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale.
Thogamalai Korava.--Recorded [13] as a synonym of a thief class in
the southern districts of the Madras Presidency. In a recent note on
the Koravas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes that "a fact to be noted is that
people such as the members of the well-known Thogamalai gang, who
are always called Koravas by the police, are not Koravas at all. They
are simply a criminal community, into which outsiders are admitted,
who give their women in marriage outside the caste, and who adopt
children of other castes."
Thogaru (bitter).--An exogamous sept of Musu Kamma.
Thoka (tail).--An exogamous sept of Yerukala.
Thonda (Cephalendra indica).--An exogamous sept of Musu Kamma, and
gotra of Janappans, members of which abstain from using the fruit or
leaves of the thonda plant.
Thumma (babul: Acacia arabica).--An exogamous sept of Mala and Padma
Sale. The bark, pods, and leaves of the babul tree are used by tanners
in the preparation of hides and skins, or as a dye.
Thumu (iron measure for measuring grain).--An exogamous sept of
Mutracha.
Thupa (ghi, clarified butter).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Thurpu (eastern).--A sub-division of Yerukala and Yanadi.
Thuta (hole).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Tigala.--Tigala is summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
"a Canarese synonym for the Tamil Palli; applied also by the Canarese
people to any Tamil Sudras of the lower castes." In parts of the Mysore
country, the Tamil language is called Tigalu, and the Canarese Madhva
Brahmans speak of Tamil Smarta Brahmans as Tigalaru.
Some of the Tigalas, who have settled in Mysore, have forgotten
their mother-tongue, and speak only Canarese, while others, e.g.,
those who live round about Bangalore, still speak Tamil. In their
type of cranium they occupy a position intermediate between the
dolichocephalic Pallis and the sub-brachy cephalic Canarese classes.
The difference in the type of cranium of the Tigalas and Tamil
Pallis is clearly brought by the following tabular statements of
their cephalic indices:--
a. Tigala--
68 *
69
70
71 *
72 *****
73 ****
74 *
75 *
76 *****
77 ****
78 *****
79 ***
80 ***
81 ****
82 *
83
84 **
b. Palli--
64 *
65
66
67 **
68 *
69 *
70 *
71 ****
72 *****
73 *******
74 ****
75 ********
76 *
77 *
78 *
79 **
80 *
The Tigalas are kitchen and market gardeners, and cultivate the betel
vine. They apparently have three divisions, called Ulli (garlic or
onions), Ele (leaf), and Arava (Tamil). Among the Ulli Tigalas,
several sub-divisions, and septs or budas named after deities or
prominent members of the caste, exist, e.g.:--
I. Lakkamma--
Tota devaru (garden god).
Dodda devaru (big or chief god).
Dodda Narasayya.
Dodda Nanjappa.
II. Ellamma--
Narasayya.
Muddanna.
III. Sidde devaru.
The Tigalas have a headman, whose office is hereditary, and who
is assisted by a caste servant called Mudre. Council meetings are
usually held at a fixed spot, called goni mara katte or mudre goni
mara katte, because those summoned by the Mudre assemble beneath a goni
(Ficus mysorensis) tree, round which a stone platform is erected. The
tree and platform being sacred, no one may go there on wearing shoes
or sandals. The members of council sit on a woollen blanket spread
before the tree.
Like the Pallis or Vanniyans, the Tigalas call themselves Agni Vanni,
and claim to be descended from the fire-born hero Agni Banniraya. In
connection with the Tigalas who have settled in the Bombay Presidency,
it is noted [14] that "they are a branch of the Mysore Tigalas, who
are Tamil Palli emigrants from the Madras Presidency, and, like the
Palli, claim a Kshatriya origin." The Tigalas possess a manuscript,
said to be a copy of a sasana at Conjeeveram (Kanchi), from which the
following extracts are taken. "This is a Kanchi sasana published by
Aswaththa Narayanswami, who was induced to do so by the god Varadaraja
of Conjeeveram. This sasana is written to acquaint the descendants
of the Mahapurusha Agni Banniraya with the origin, doings, and gotra
of their ancestor Banniraya. This Banniraya sprang from fire, and
so is much beloved by Vishnu the many-armed, the many-eyed, and the
bearer of the chank and chakram, and who is no other than Narayana,
the lord of all the worlds great and small, and the originator of
the Vedas and Vedanta.... All those who see or worship this sasana
relating to Agni Banniraya, who obtained boons from the Trimurthis,
Devatas, and Rishis, and who is the ancestor of the Tigalas, will be
prosperous, and have plenty of grain and children. Those who speak
lightly of this caste will become subject to the curses of Banniraya,
Trimurthis, Rishis, and Devas. The glory of this sasana is great,
and is as follows:--The keeping and worshipping of this purana will
enable the Tigalas of the Karnataka country to obtain the merit of
surapadavi (the state of Devas), merit of doing puja to a thousand
lingams, a lakh of cow gifts, and a hundred kannikadanams (gifts of
virgins for marriage)." The sasana is said to have been brought to
the Canarese country because of a quarrel between the Pallis and the
Tigalas at the time of a Tigala marriage. The Tigalas were prevented
from bringing the various biruthus (insignia), and displaying them. The
sasana was brought by the Tigalas, at an expenditure of Rs. 215,
which sum was subsequently recovered from the Pallis.
Tigala occurs further as the name of a sub-division of Holeya.
Tikke (gem).--A gotra of Kurni.
Ti (fire) Kollan.--A sub-division of Kollan.
Tinda (polluting).--A sub-division of Kanisan. Tinda Kuruppu, meaning
a teacher who cannot approach, is a synonym of the Kavutiyan barber
caste.
Tiperum (ti, fire).--A sub-division of Kollan blacksmiths.
Tiragati Gantlavallu (wandering bell hunters).--Stated, in the Manual
of the Vizagapatam district, to repair hand-mills, catch antelopes,
and sell the skins thereof. In hunting, they use lights and bells.
Tirlasetti (the name of a Balija Chetti).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Tirumalpad.--Tirumalpad has been summed up as "one of the four
divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore. The term, in its literal sense,
conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. In mediæval times the
Tirumalpads were commanders of armies." By Mr. Wigram [15] Tirumalpad
is defined as a member of a Royal Family. In the Madras Census Report,
1891, it is stated that "there are two Tirumalpads, one a Samanta,
and the other a so-called Kshatriya. The former observes customs and
manners exactly similar to Eradis and Nedungadis. In fact, these are
all more or less interchangeable terms, members of the same family
calling themselves indifferently Eradi or Tirumalpad. The Kshatriya
Tirumalpad wears the sacred thread, and the rites he performs are
similar to those of Brahmans, whose dress he has also adopted. He has,
however, like Nayars, tali-kettu and sambandham separately. His females
take Nambudiri consorts by preference, but may have husbands of their
own caste. Their inheritance is in the female line, as among Nayars
and Samantas. Generally the females of this caste furnish wives to
Nambudiris. The touch of these females does not pollute a Nambudiri
as does that of Nayars and Samantas, and, what is more, Nambudiris
may eat their food. The females are called Nambashtadiri."
For the following note on Tampans and Tirumalpads, I am indebted
to the Travancore Census Report, 1901. "The Tampans and Tirumalpats
come under the category of Malabar Kshatriyas.The word Tampan is a
contraction of Tampuran, and at one time denoted a ruling people. When
they were divested of that authority by the Ilayetattu Svarupam, they
are said to have fallen from the status of Tampurans to Tampans. Their
chief seat is the Vaikam taluk. The Tirumalpats do not seem to have
ruled at all. The word Tirumulpatu indicates those that wait before
kings. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes
of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very early times, namely
(1) Bhupala or Maha Raja, such as those of Travancore and Cochin,
(2) Rajaka or Rajas, such as those of Mavelikara and Kotungallur,
(3) Kosi or Koiltampuran, (4) Puravan or Tampan, (5) Sripurogama or
Tirumulpat, (6) Bhandari or Pantarattil, (7) Audvahika or Tirumalpat,
(8) Cheta or Samanta. From this list it may be seen that two classes
of Tirumulpats are mentioned, namely, Sripurogamas who are the waiters
at the Raja's palace, and the Audvahikas who perform Udvaha or wedding
ceremony for certain castes. Both these, however, are identical people,
though varying in their traditional occupations. The chief seats of
the Tirumulpats are Shertallay and Tiruvalla."
The Tampans and Tirumulpats are, for all purposes of castes, identical
with other Malabar Kshatriyas. Every Tampan in Travancore is related
to every other Tampan, and all are included within one circle of
death and birth pollution. Their manners and customs, too, are
exactly like those of other Kshatriyas. They are invested with the
sacred thread at the sixteenth year of age, and recite the Gayatri
(hymn) ten times thrice a day. The Nambutiri is the family priest,
and (death) pollution lasts for eleven days. The Kettukalyanam, or
tali-tying ceremony, may be performed between the seventh and the
fourteenth year of age. The tali is tied by the Aryappattar, while
the Namputiris recite the Vedic hymns. Their consorts are usually
Namputiris, and sometimes East Coast Brahmans. Like all the Malabar
Kshatriyas, they follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance
(through the female line). Tampans and Tirumulpats are often the
personal attendants of the Travancore Maharajas, whom they serve with
characteristic fidelity and devotion.The Tirumulpats further perform
the tali-tying ceremony of the Nayar aristocracy.
The names of the Tirumulpats and Tampans are the same as those of other
classes of Kshatriyas. The title Varma is uniformly added to their
names. A few families among these, who once had ruling authority,
have the titular suffix Bhandarattil, which is corrupted into
Pantarattil. The Tampans call themselves in documents Koviladhikarikal,
as they once had authority in kovils or palaces.
Tiruman (holy deer).--An exogamous section of Kallan.
Tirumudi (holy knot).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as "bricklayers, whose women are usually prostitutes; found chiefly in
Salem and Coimbatore. They are either Vettuvans or Kaikolans. Kaikolan
women, when they are dedicated to the temple, are supposed to be
united in wedlock with the deity.
Tiruvalluvan.--A sub-division of Valluvan. Tiruvalluvar, the author
of the Kural, is said to have belonged to the Valluva caste.
Tiru-vilakku-nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).--A name
assumed by Vaniyans (oil-pressers).
Tiyadi.--A synonym of the Tiyattunni section of Ambalavasis (see Unni).
Tiyan.--The Tiyans, and Izhuvans or Iluvans, are the Malayalam
toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore. The following
note, except where otherwise indicated, is taken from an account of
the Tiyans of Malabar by Mr. F. Fawcett.
The Tiyans in Malabar number, according to the census returns,
512,063, or 19·3 per cent. of the total population. The corresponding
figures for the Izhuvans are 101,638, or 3·8 per cent. The Tiyans
have been summed up [16] as the middle class of the west coast, who
cultivate the ground, take service as domestics, and follow trades
and professions--anything but soldiering, of which they have an
utter abhorrence.
The marumakkatayam system (inheritance through the female line), which
obtains in North Malabar, has favoured temporary connections between
European men and Tiyan women, the children belonging to the mother's
tarvad. Children bred under these conditions, European influence
continuing, are often as fair as Europeans. It is recorded, in the
Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1894, that "in the early
days of British rule, the Tiyan women incurred no social disgrace
by consorting with Europeans, and, up to the last generation,
if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahman lover, the Tiyan
girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a
white man of the ruling race. Happily, the progress of education,
and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful
the position of a European's concubine; and both races have thus
been saved from a mode of life equally demoralising to each." On
this point, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as follows. [17]
"It is true that there is an elevation both physically and mentally
in the progeny of such a parentage. On making enquiries about this, I
learn from a respectable and educated Tiyan gentleman that this union
is looked upon with contempt by the respectable class of people, and
by the orthodox community. I am further informed that such women and
children, with their families, are under a ban, and that respectable
Tiya gentlemen who have married the daughters of European parentage are
not allowed to enjoy the privileges of the caste. There are, I hear,
several such instances in Calicut, Tellicherry, and Cannanore. Women of
respectable families do not enter into such connection with Europeans."
It is commonly supposed that the Tiyans and Izhuvans came from
Ceylon. It is recorded, in the South Canara Manual, that "it is well
known that both before and after the Christian era there were invasions
and occupations of the northern part of Ceylon by the races then
inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar tradition tells us that some
of these Dravidians migrated again from Iram or Ceylon northwards to
Travancore and other parts of the west coast of India, bringing with
them the cocoanut or southern tree (tengina mara), and being known as
Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have since been altered to
Tiyars and Ilavars. Dr. Caldwell derives Iram from the Sanskrit Simhala
through the Pali Sihala by the omission of the initial S." It is noted
by Bishop Caldwell [18] that there are traces of a common origin of the
Iluvans and Shanars, Shanar (or Shener), for instance, being a title
of honour amongst the Travancore Ilavars. And it is further recorded
[19] that there is a tradition that the Shanars came originally from
Ceylon. The Izhuvans are supposed to derive their caste name from
Izha dwipa (island) or Simhala dwipa (both denoting Ceylon). In a
Tamil Puranic work, quoted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, mention is
made of a King Illa of Ceylon, who went to Chidambaram in the Tamil
country of Southern India, where a religious discussion took place
between the Buddhist priests and the Saivite devotee Manickavachakar
in the presence of King Illa, with the result that he was converted
to the Saivite faith. From him the Iluvans are said to be descended.
The Tiyans are always styled Izhuvan in documents concerning land,
in which the Zamorin, or some Brahman or Nayar grandee, appears as
landlord. The Tiyans look down on the Izhuvans, and repudiate the
relationship. Yet they cannot but submit to be called Izhuvan in their
documents, for their Nayar or Brahman landlord will not let them have
the land to cultivate, unless they do so. It is a custom of the country
for a man of a superior caste to pretend complete ignorance of the
caste of an individual lower in the social scale. Thus, in the Wynad,
where there are several jungle tribes, one is accustomed to hear
a man of superior caste pretending that he does not know a Paniyan
from a Kurumba, and deliberately miscalling one or the other, saying
"This Paniyan," when he knows perfectly well that he is a Kurumba. It
is quite possible, therefore, that, though Tiyans are written down as
Izhuvans, the two were not supposed to be identical. State regulations
keep the Izhuvans of Cochin and Travancore in a position of marked
social inferiority, and in Malabar they are altogether unlettered
and uncultured. On the other hand, the Tiyans of Malabar provide
Magistrates, Sub-Judges, and other officials to serve His Majesty's
Government. It may be noted that, in 1907, a Tiya lady matriculate
was entertained as a clerk in the Tellicherry post-office.
A divagation must be made, to bring the reader to a comprehension of
the custom surrounding mattu, a word signifying change, i.e., change of
cloth, which is of sufficient importance to demand explanation. When
a man or woman is outcasted, the washerwoman (or man) and the barber
of the community (and no other is available) are prohibited from
performing their important parts in the ceremonies connected with
birth, death, and menstruation. A person who is in a condition of
impurity is under the same conditions; he or she is temporarily
outcasted. This applies to Nambutiris and Nayars, as well as to the
Tiyans. Now the washerwoman is invariably of the Tiyan caste. There are
Mannans, whose hereditary occupation is washing clothes for Nambutiris
and Nayars, but, for the most part, the washerwoman who washes for
the Nayar lady is of the Tiyan caste. A woman is under pollution after
giving birth to a child, after the death of a member of her tarvad, and
during menstruation. And the pollution must be removed at the end of
the prescribed period, or she remains an outcaste--a very serious thing
for her. The impurity is removed by receiving a clean cloth from the
washerwoman, and giving in exchange her own cloth to be washed. This is
mattu, and, be it noted, the cloth which gives mattu is one belonging
to the washerwoman, not to the person to be purified. The washerwoman
gives her own cloth to effect the purification. Theoretically, the
Tiyan has the power to give or withhold mattu, and thus keep any one
out of caste in a state of impurity; but it is a privilege which is
seldom if ever exercised. Yet it is one which he admittedly holds,
and is thus in a position to exercise considerable control over the
Nambutiri and Nayar communities. It is odd that it is not a soiled
cloth washed and returned to the person which gives purification, but
one of the washerwoman's own cloths. So the mattu may have a deeper
meaning than lies in mere change of cloth, dressing in a clean one,
and giving the soiled one to a person of inferior caste to wash. This
mattu is second in importance to no custom. It must be done on the last
day of pollution after birth and death ceremonies, and menstruation,
or the person concerned remains outcasted. It is noteworthy that the
Izhuvans know nothing of mattu.
An Izhuvan will eat rice cooked by a Tiyan, but a Tiyan will not eat
rice cooked by an Izhuvan--a circumstance pointing to the inferiority
of the Izhuvan. A Nayar, as well as a Tiyan, will partake of almost
any form of food or drink, which is prepared even by a Mappilla
(Malabar Muhammadan), who is deemed inferior to both. But the line is
drawn at rice, which must be prepared by one of equal caste or class,
or by a superior. An Izhuvan, partaking of rice at a Tiyan's house,
must eat it in a verandah; he cannot do so in the house, as that
would be defilement to the Tiyan. Not only must the Izhuvan eat the
rice in the verandah, but he must wash the plates, and clean up the
place where he has eaten. Again, an Izhuvan could have no objection
to drinking from a Tiyan's well. Further, there is practically no
mixture in the distribution of Tiyans and Izhuvans. Where there are
Izhuvans there are no Tiyans, and vice versâ. [In a photograph of
a group of Izhuvan females of Palghat eating their meal, which was
sent to me, they are all in a kneeling posture, with the buttocks
supported on the heels. They are said to assume the same attitude
when engaged in grinding and winnowing grain, and other occupations,
with a resultant thickening of the skin over the knees.]
Differences, which might well come under the heading marriage, may be
considered here, for the purpose of comparison between the Tiyans and
Izhuvans. During the preliminaries to the marriage ceremony among the
Tiyans, the date of the marriage having been fixed in the presence of
the representatives of the bride and bridegroom, the following formula
is repeated by the Tandan or headman of the bride's party. Translated
as accurately as possible, it runs thus. "The tara and changati of
both sides having met and consulted; the astrologer having fixed an
auspicious day after examining the star and porutham; permission
having been obtained from the tara, the relations, the illam and
kulam, the father, uncle, and the brothers, and from the eight and
four (twelve illams) and the six and four (ten kiriyams); the conji
and adayalam ceremonies and the four tazhus having been performed,
let me perform the kanjikudi ceremony for the marriage of ... the son
of ... with ... daughter of ... in the presence of muperium." This
formula, with slight variations here and there, is repeated at every
Tiyan marriage in South Malabar. It is a solemn declaration, giving
validity to the union, although, in the way that custom and ritual
survive long after their original significance has been forgotten,
the meaning of many of the terms used is altogether unknown. What,
for instance, is the meaning of muperium? No one can tell. But a few
of the terms are explainable.
Tara. The tara was the smallest unit in the ancient government system,
which, for want of a better term, we may style feudal. It was not
exactly a village, for the people lived apart. Each tara had its
Nayar chieftain, and also its Tiyan chief or Tandan, its astrologer,
its washerman, its goldsmith, and other useful people, each serving
the community for the sake of small advantages. Each tara was its
own world.
Changati (friend). The friends of both parties which negotiated
the marriage.
Porutham (agreement). Examination of the horoscopes of the boy and
girl makes it possible to ascertain whether there is agreement between
the two, and the union will be propitious.
Illam. Here intended to mean the father's family.
Kulam. The name, derived from kula a branch, here denotes the mother's
family.
Twelve illams, ten kiriyams. The word illam, now used exclusively for
the residence of a Nambutiri, is supposed to have been used in days
of old for the house of a person of any caste. And this supposition is
said to find support in the way that a Tiyan coming from the south is
often greeted in South Canara. Thus, a Malabar Tiyan, travelling to
the celebrated temple at Gokarnam in South Canara, is at once asked
"What is your illam and kiriyam?" He has heard these terms used in
the foregoing formula during his own or another's marriage ceremony,
but attached no meaning to them. To the man of South Canara they
have genuine meaning. One should be able to answer the question
satisfactorily, and thus give a proper account of himself. If
he cannot, he gets neither food nor water from the South Canara
Tiyan. This also holds good, to some extent, in the case of a southern
Tiyan visiting the northern parts of the Cherakal taluk of Malabar.
The ten illams of South Malabar are as follows:--
Tala Kodan.
Nellika (Phyllanthus Emblica).
Paraka or Varaka.
Ala.
Ten Kudi or Tenan Kudi.
Padayan Kudi.
Kannan.
Varakat.
Kytat inferior.
Puzhampayi or Bavu
The illams of North Malabar are said to be--
Nellika.
Pullanhi.
Vangeri.
Koyikkalan.
Padayam Kudi.
Tenan Kudi.
Manan Kudi.
Vilakkan Kudi.
Marriage is strictly forbidden between two persons belonging to
the same illam. The bride and bridegroom must belong to different
illams. In fact, the illams are exogamous. Members of some of the
illams were allowed certain privileges and dignities. Thus, the men
of the Varakat illam (Varaka Tiyans) were in the old days permitted to
travel in a mancheel (a hammock-cot slung on a pole). They were allowed
this privilege of higher caste people, which was prohibited to the
Tiyans of other illams. But, should one of them, when travelling in a
mancheel, happen to see a Rajah or a Nayar, he was obliged to hang one
of his legs out of it in token of submission. The Varaka Tiyans were
further allowed to wear gold jewels on the neck, to don silken cloths,
to fasten a sword round the waist, and to carry a shield. The sword
was made of thin pliable steel, and worn round the waist like a belt,
the point being fastened to the hilt through a small hole near the
point. A man, intending to damage another, might make an apparently
friendly call on him, his body loosely covered with a cloth, and to
all appearances unarmed. In less than a second, he could unfasten the
sword round his waist, and cut the other down. The well-known Mannanar
belonged to the Varakat illam. Those who know Malabar will recall to
mind the benevolent but strange institution which he initiated. He
provided a comfortable home for Nambutiri women who were thrown out
of caste, and thus in the ordinary course of events doomed to every
misery and degradation to be found in life. On being outcasted,
the funeral ceremonies of Nambutiri women were performed by her own
people, and she became dead to them. She went to the Mannanar, and her
birth ceremonies were performed, so that she might begin life anew
in a state of purity. If, on arrival, she entered by the left door,
she was his wife, if by the front door, his sister. It is said that,
when their chief, Mannanar of the Aramana, is destitute of heirs,
the Tiyans of Kolattanad go in procession to the Kurumattur Nambutiri
(the chief of the Peringallur Brahmans) and demand a Brahman virgin
to be adopted as sister of Mannanar, who follows the marumakkatayam
rule of succession. This demand, it is said, used to be granted by
the Nambutiris assembling at a meeting, and selecting a maiden to be
given to the Tiyans.
Kiriyam is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit word griham
(house), but this seems rather fanciful. There are said to have been
about two kiriyams for each village. The names of only three are known
to me, viz., Karumana, Kaita, and Kampathi. There is a village called
Karumana, near the temple of Lakshmipuram in South Canara. Karumana is
applied as a term to signify a Tiyan during the ordinary devil-dancing
in temples, when an oracular utterance is delivered. The oracle always
addresses the Tiyan as "my Karumana," not as "my Tiyan." The only other
use of the word is in Karumana acharam (the customs of the Tiyans).
Other outward and visible differences between Tiyan and Izhuvan
marriages are these. The South Malabar Tiyan bridegroom, dressed as
if for a wrestling match, with his cloth tied tight about his loins,
carries a sword and shield, and is escorted by two companions similarly
equipped, dancing their way along. The Izhuvan does not carry a sword
under any circumstances. The chief feature of his wedding ceremony
is a singing match. This, called the vatil-tura-pattu, or open the
door song, assumes the form of a contest between the parties of the
bridegroom and bride. The story of Krishna and his wife Rukmini
is supposed to be alluded to. We have seen it all under slightly
different colour at Conjeeveram. Krishna asks Rukmini to open the
door, and admit him. She refuses, thinking he has been gallivanting
with some other lady. He beseeches; she refuses. He explains, and at
length she yields. The song is more or less extempore, and each side
must be ready with an immediate answer. The side which is reduced to
the extremity of having no answer is beaten and under ignominy.
I pass on to the subject of personal adornment of the Tiyans:--
(a) North Malabar, Males--
1. A horizontal dab made with white ashes on either side of the
forehead and chest, and on the outside of each shoulder.
2. Two gold ear-rings (kadakkan) in each ear. A silver chain
hanging from the sheath of his knife, and fastened with a boss. Two
tambak (copper, brass and silver) rings on the ring finger of
the left hand.
3. A gold kadakkan in each ear, and an iron ring on the ring
finger of the left hand.
4. A thorn in each ear (another was similarly ornamented). Not
married.
5. A gold ear-ring in each ear. An iron ring on the little finger
of the left hand. Two silver rings, in which is set a piece of hair
from an elephant's tail, on the little finger of the right hand.
A few individuals wore brass rings, and some had ear-rings, in which
a red stone was set. Amulets were worn by some in little cylindrical
cases on a string, to protect the wearer against enemies, the evil
eye, or devils. One man wore a silver girdle, to which an amulet in
a case was fastened, underneath his cloth, so that it was not in view
to the public. One individual only is noted as having been tattooed,
with a circular mark just above his glabella. The arms of a good many,
and the abdomen of a few, bore cicatrices from branding, apparently
for the purpose of making them strong and relieving pains.
(b) South Malabar, Males.
In the country parts, the waist cloth is always worn above the
knee. About a third of the individuals examined wore ear-rings. The
ears of all were pierced. Those who were without ear-rings had no
scruples about wearing them, but were too poor to buy them.
1. Blue spot tattooed over the glabella.
2. Silver amulet-case, containing fifteen gold fanams, at the
waist. He said that he kept the coins in the receptacle for
security, but I think it was for good luck.
3. Ear-ring (kadakkan) in each ear. A copper amulet-case,
containing a yantram to keep off devils, at the waist.
4. Four silver amulet-cases, containing yantrams on a copper
sheet for curing some ailment, at the waist.
5. Two gold kadakkans in each ear. A white spot over the glabella.
(c) North Malabar, Females.
In olden days, the women used to wear coloured and striped cloths round
the waist, and hanging to the knees. The breast was not covered. The
body above the waist was not allowed to be covered, except during the
period of death pollution. Nowadays, white is generally the colour to
be seen, and the body is seldom covered above the waist--never one may
say, except (and then only sometimes) in the towns. The Izhuvan women
in Malabar always wear blue cloths: just one cloth rolled tightly
round the waist, and hanging to the knees. Of late, they have taken
to wearing also a blue cloth drawn tight over the breast.
Ornaments. The thodu, which is now sometimes worn by Tiyan women,
is not a Tiyan ornament. The ear-rings, called kathila and ananthod,
are the Tiyan ornaments, and look like strings of gold beads with
pendants. Discs of white metal or lead are used to stretch and keep
open the dilated lobes of the ears, in which gold ornaments are worn
when necessary or possible. Venetian sequins, real or imitation,
known in Malabar as amada, are largely used for neck ornaments. There
is a Malabar proverb that one need not look for an insect's burrow in
amada, meaning that you cannot find anything vile in a worthy person.
Turning now to the subject of marriage. In the ordinary course of
things, a marriage would not be made between a Tiyan girl of South
Malabar and a Tiyan man of North Malabar, for the reason that the
children of such a marriage would inherit no property from the family
of either parent. The husband would have no share in the property
of his family, which devolves through the women; nor would the wife
have any share in that of her family, which is passed on through the
men. So there would be nothing for the children. But, on the other
hand, marriage between a girl of the north and a man of the south is
a different thing. The children would inherit from both parents. As a
rule, Tiyans of the north marry in the north, and those of the south
in the south.
It was generally admitted that it was formerly the custom among the
Tiyans in South Malabar for several brothers--in fact all of them--to
share one wife. Two existing instances of this custom were recorded.
The arrangement of a marriage, and the ceremonial which will now
be described, though pertaining strictly to the Calicut taluk
of South Malabar, are sufficiently representative of a Tiyan
marriage anywhere. There is, however, this difference, that, in
North Malabar, where inheritance through females obtains, and the
wife invariably resides in her own tarwad or family home, there is
never any stipulation concerning a girl's dowry. In South Malabar,
where inheritance is through the males, and where the wife lives in
her husband's house, the dowry in money, jewels, or furniture, is as a
rule settled beforehand, and must be handed over on the wedding day. In
the Calicut taluk, we find an exception to this general rule of South
Malabar, where the subject of the dowry is not usually mentioned. In
North Malabar, gifts of jewels are made in proportion as the bride's
people are wealthy and generous. What is given is in the way of a gift,
and forms no feature in the marital agreement.
The first step to be taken in connection with marriage is examination
of the horoscopes of the boy and girl, in order to ascertain whether
their union will be one of happiness or the reverse. While this is
being done by the Panikkar (Malabar astrologer), the following persons
should be present:--
(a) On the part of the bridegroom--
1. Tandan, or chief of the tara.
2. Father, or other elder in the family.
3. Uncle, i.e., the mother's brother. In Malabar the word uncle
means maternal uncle.
4. Sisters' husbands.
5. Four or more friends or companions.
6. Any number of relations and friends.
(b) On the part of the bride--
1. Tandan of her tara.
2. Father,or other guardian.
3. Uncle.
4. Four or more friends.
5. The astrologer of her tara.
6. Friends and relations.
The ceremony must be performed at the house of the girl's family. Her
father's consent is necessary, but his presence is not essential
at this or the two subsequent ceremonies in connection with the
marriage. The Tandan, it may be noted, is the caste governmental head
in all matters affecting his own caste and the artisans. He is a Tiyan,
and his office, which is authorised by the local Rajah, or rather by
his senior Rani, is hereditary. In exceptional cases, however, the
hereditary right may be interrupted by the Rani appointing some one
else. The Tandan of the tara is required to assist at every ceremony
connected with marriage, at the ceremony when a girl attains puberty,
at that of tying the tali, and at the fifth and seventh months of
pregnancy. His formal permission is required before the carpenter
can cut down the areca palm, with which the little shed in which the
tali is tied is constructed. In cases of divorce, his functions are
important. When a new house is built, there must be a house-warming
ceremony, at which the Tandan officiates. Fowls are sacrificed, and
the right leg is the Tandan's perquisite. He is a man of importance,
not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of
other castes. Thus, when a Nayar dies, it is the Tandan's duty to get
the body burnt. He controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and
can withdraw their services when they are most needed. He officiates,
moreover, at marriages of the artisan class--carpenters, braziers,
goldsmiths and blacksmiths.
A group of taras forms what is called a desam, the koyma or
"sovereignty" of which is represented by a Nayar tarwad. It is through
the head or Karnavan (really the chieftain) of this tarwad that the
Tandan approaches the Raja in matters of appeal, and the like. The
Tandan is to some extent under his guidance and control, but he
must provide the Tandan with a body-guard of two Nayars on occasions
of marriages. In the old days, it may be mentioned, the Tandans of
the taras within the rule of the Zamorin were always appointed by
his senior Rani. The term Tandan must not be confounded with the
Tandars, a people of the Palghat taluk, who appear to be allied to
the Izhuvans. These Tandars observe the custom of paternal polyandry,
while the Izhuvans abhor it.
The procedure observed in the examination of horoscopes is as
follows. The Tandan of the bride's tara gives a grass or palmyra palm
leaf mat to the astrologer to sit on, and supplies mats or seats for
the bridegroom's party. The common sleeping mat of wild pine leaves,
or a wooden stool, must, on no account, be given for the astrologer
to sit on. It may be day or night when the ceremony takes place,
but, whatever the hour may be, a lamp having five, seven, nine, or
eleven cotton wicks, must be burning in front of the astrologer. The
Tandan's wife puts it in its place. Then the boy's uncle hands over
the boy's horoscope to his Tandan, who passes it on to the girl's
Tandan. The girl's father hands her horoscope to their Tandan, who,
when he has received them both, passes them on to the astrologer. The
two horoscopes should agree on twenty-one points--a requirement
which might prove awkward, were it not that a balance in favour of
beneficent influences is generally allowed to admit of the marriage
taking place. In the case of agreement, the boy's uncle, through
his Tandan, then pays two fanams [20] (eight annas)--one for each
horoscope--to the astrologer. When there is disagreement, the girl's
uncle pays the money. The horoscopes (which have been privately
examined beforehand to make sure of no disagreement) are returned
to their respective owners. After the examination of the horoscope,
there is a feast with plenty of sweetmeats. The next item is the conjee
(rice gruel) ceremony, at which the following should be present:--
(a) On the part of the boy--
1. Father, his brother, or some one representing him.
2. Husbands of all married sisters.
3. Uncle.
4. Tandan of his tara.
5. Neighbours and friends.
(b) On the part of the girl--
1. Uncle.
2. Relations of married sisters.
3. Relations of married brothers.
4. Tandan of her tara.
5. Astrologer of her tara.
6. Relations and friends.
The horoscopes are again formally examined by the astrologer, who
announces that their agreement augurs a happy wedded life. The boy's
uncle pays him two fanams. The girl's uncle takes the two horoscopes,
which have just been tied together, from the astrologer, and hands them
to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who passes them on to the Tandan
of the boy's tara. They are handed by him to the boy's uncle. The
astrologer then writes on a palmyra leaf a note for each party to the
marriage, stating the auspicious day and hour for the final ceremony,
the hour at which the bride should leave her house, and the hour for
her arrival at the house of the bridegroom. The following programme
is then gone through. In the verandah, facing east, before the front
door, is spread an ordinary sleeping mat, over it a grass mat, and
over that a plain white cloth which has been washed and is not a new
one. On the floor close by, the following articles are placed:--
A lamp, having an odd number of cotton wicks, which is kept lighted
whatever the hour of day it may be;
A measure, called nazhi, made of jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia)
wood, filled to overflowing with rice, and placed on a flat bell-metal
plate (talika);
A plain white cloth, washed but not new, neatly folded, and placed
on the metal plate to the right (south) of the rice;
A small bell-metal vessel (kindi), having no handle, filled with water.
The lamp is placed on the south side of the mat, the plate next to it
(to the north), and the kindi at a little distance to the left (the
north). The people who sit on the mat always face the east. The mat
having been spread, the various articles just mentioned are brought
from the central room of the house by three women, who set them
in their places. The Tandan's wife carries the lamp, the eldest
woman of the house the bell-metal plate, and some other woman the
kindi. The Tandan of the boy's tara, the boy's sister's husband,
and a friend then sit on the mat covered with a cloth. If the boy
has two brothers-in-law, both sit on the mat, to the exclusion of the
friend. The senior woman of the house then hands three plates of rice
conjee to the Tandan of the girl's tara, who places them in front
of the three persons seated on the mat. To the right of each plate,
a little jaggery (unrefined sugar) is placed on a piece of plantain
leaf. Each of those seated takes about a spoonful of conjee in his
right hand. The Tandan repeats the formula, which has already been
given, and asks "May the conjee be drunk"? He answers his question by
drinking some of the conjee, and eating a little jaggery. All three
then partake of the conjee and jaggery, after which they rise from
the mat, and the plates and mat are removed. The place is cleaned,
and the mats are again put down, while betel is distributed. The two
Tandans then sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan picks up a bundle of
about twenty-five betel leaves, and gives half to the boy's Tandan. The
Tandans exchange betel leaves, each giving the other four. The boy's
Tandan then folds four fanams (one rupee) in four betel leaves,
which he hands to the girl's Tandan, saying "May the conjee ceremony
be performed"? The Tandans again exchange betel leaves as before,
and distribute them to all the castemen present, beginning with the
uncles of the boy and girl. The proceedings in the verandah are now
over. The next part of the ceremony takes place in the middle room
of the house, where the mats, lamp, and other articles are arranged
as before. The two Tandans sit on the mat with the boy on the right
and the girl on the left, facing east. The boy's uncle stands in
front of the Tandans, facing west, and the girl's uncle behind
them, facing east. The boy's father gives to the boy's uncle two
new plain white cloths, with twenty-one fanams (Rs. 5-4) placed on
them. When presenting them, he says "Let the Adayalam be performed"
three times, and the girl's uncle says thrice "Let me receive the
Adayalam." The Tandans again exchange betel leaves, and distribute
them among the castemen. Then follows a feast, and more betel. The
date of the wedding has now to be fixed. They congregate in the middle
room once more, and the Tandans sit on the mat. The girl's Tandan
shares a bundle of betel leaves with the boy's Tandan, who, taking
therefrom four leaves, places two rupees on them, and gives them to
the girl's Tandan. The boy's party supplies this money, which is a
perquisite of the Tandan. When handing over the leaves and the coins,
the boy's Tandan says "On ... (naming a date) ... and ... (the bride
and bridegroom), and friends, and four women will come. Then you must
give us the girl, and you must prepare the food for that day." The
other Tandan replies "If you bring six cloths and forty-two fanams
(Rs. 10-8) as kanam, and two fanams for the muchenan (the girl's
father's sister's son), the girl will be sent to you." The cloths
should be of a kind called enna kacha, each four cubits in length,
but they are not now procurable. Kanam is a term used in land tenures,
for which there is no precise equivalent in English. It is a kind
of mortgage paid by a tenant to a landlord. The former is liable to
eviction by the latter, when he obtains better terms for his land from
another tenant--a condition of modern growth breeding much mischief and
bad blood. But, when a tenant is evicted, he is entitled, according
to law, to the value of certain improvements on the land, including
eight annas for each tree which he has planted. The kanam is paid by
the boy's sister or sisters. His Tandan addresses his brother-in-law
or brothers-in-law in the words "On ... (mentioning a date), you must
come early in the day, with Rs. 10-8 as kanam," and gives him or them
four betel leaves. Those assembled then disperse. The boy's people may
not go to the girl's house before the day appointed for the marriage.
The next item in connection with a marriage is the issue of invitations
to the wedding. The senior women of the boy's house, and the Tandan,
invite a few friends to assemble at the house of the bridegroom. The
mat, lamp, and other articles are placed in the middle room. The
bridegroom (manavalan) sits on the mat, with a friend on either side
of him. He has previously bathed, and horizontal daubs of sandal paste
have been placed on his forehead, breast, and arms. He wears a new
cloth, which has not been washed. His Tandan has adorned him with
a gold bracelet on his right wrist, a knife with a gold or silver
handle at the waist, and a gold or silver waist-belt or girdle over
the loin-cloth. The bracelet must have an ornamental pattern, as
plain bracelets are not worn by men. The girdle is in the form of a
chain. Besides these things, he must wear ear-rings, and he should have
rings on his fingers. His sister who pays the kanam dresses in the same
style, but her cloths may be of silk, white without a pattern in the
border, and she wears gold bracelets on both wrists. All enjoy a good
meal, and then set out, and visit first the house of the Tandan. He and
his wife walk in front, followed by the boy's elder sisters, if he has
any. Then comes the bridegroom with a friend before and behind him,
with a few women bringing up the rear. At the Tandan's house there
is another meal, and then three, five, or seven houses are visited,
and invitation to the wedding given in person. The proceedings for
the day are then over, and, after three days, the brother-in-law,
uncle, and all others receive invitations.
On the occasion of the marriage ceremony, the barber first shaves the
bridegroom's head, leaving the usual forelock on the crown, which is
never cut. He performs the operation in a little shed to the east
of the house, and a plantain leaf is placed so that the hair may
fall on it. As a rule, the barber sits in front of the person whose
hair he is shaving, while the latter, sitting cross-legged on the
ground, bends forward. But, on this occasion, the bridegroom sits
on a low wooden stool. Close by are a lamp and a measure of rice
on a plantain leaf. The barber also shaves the two friends of the
bridegroom (changathis), and receives a fanam and the rice for his
trouble. The three youths then bathe, smear themselves with sandal
paste, and proceed to dress. The bridegroom must wear round the
loins a white cloth, new and unwashed. Round the top of the loin
cloth he wears a narrow waist-band (kacha) of silk, from 14 to 21
cubits in length, with the ends hanging in front and behind. Over
the shoulders is thrown a silk lace handkerchief. He puts in his ears
gold ear-rings, round the neck a necklace called chakra (wheel) mala,
[21] on the right wrist a gold bracelet, gold rings on the fingers,
a gold or silver chain round the loins, and a gold or silver-handled
knife with a sheath of the same metal. The two companions are dressed
in much the same way, but they wear neither necklace nor bracelet. The
women wear as many ornaments as they please. Sisters of the bridegroom
must wear bracelets on both wrists, a necklace, and a silk cloth
(virali) on the shoulders. The bracelet worn by men is called vala,
and must be made of one piece of metal. Those worn by women are
called kadakam, and must be made in two pieces. When all are ready,
mats, and other things are once more placed in the middle room, and
the bridegroom and his two companions sit on the mats. They at once
rise, and proceed to the little shed which has been erected in the
front yard, and again seat themselves on the mats, which, with the
other articles, have been brought thither from the middle room. Then
the Tandan gives betel to the bridegroom and his two companions, who
must chew it. The Tandan's wife, the elder woman of the house, and the
bridegroom's sisters sprinkle rice on their heads. The Tandan gives a
sword to the bridegroom and each of his companions. The procession then
starts. In front walk two Nayars supplied by the Koyma of the desam
(represented by the Nayar landlord). Then come the Tandan and a few
elders, followed by the Tandan's wife and some of the elder women,
the bridegroom with his two companions, his sisters, and finally
the general crowd. As the procession moves slowly on, there is much
dancing, and swinging of swords and shields. At the bride's house,
the party is received by the wife of the Tandan of the tara holding a
lighted lamp, the oldest woman of the family with a plate containing
a measure of rice and a folded cloth, and another woman, who may be
a friend, with a kindi of water. They sprinkle a little rice on the
heads of the party as they enter the yard. The bridegroom sits on a
mat, close to which the lamp and other articles are set. The bride's
Tandan takes charge of the swords, betel is distributed, and a hearty
meal partaken of. The six cloths, which the bridegroom is required
to bring are in reality three double cloths, one of which is for the
use of the bride. It is the privilege of the bridegroom's sisters and
the Tandan's wife to dress her. Her waist-cloth is tied in a peculiar
way for the occasion, and she is enveloped from head to foot in a
silken cloth, leaving only the eyes visible. The bridegroom, after
his arrival at the bride's house, has to put on a peculiar turban
of conical shape, made of a stiff towel-like material, tied round
with a silk handkerchief. The bridegroom's sister leads the bride
to the little shed (pandal) in the yard, and seats her behind the
bridegroom. The kanam, and the remaining four cloths are then given
by the bridegroom's sister to the bride's mother, and they, having
tied a silk handkerchief across the body like a Brahman's thread,
stand behind the bridegroom, the mother to the right and the sister
to the left. The latter says three times "Let the kanam be given,"
and hands it to the bride's mother, who, as she receives it, says
thrice "Let me receive the kanam." The mother at once hands it
over to her husband, or the senior male member of the family. The
Tandan then places plantain leaves, for use as plates, before the
bridegroom and his two companions, and, facing the bridegroom,
holds a vessel of cooked rice in front of him. The bride's mother,
standing behind him, serves out thrice some rice out of the pot on
to the leaf in front of the bridegroom, and the Tandan does the same
for his two companions. The bride's mother then mixes some plantains,
pappadams (large thin biscuits), sugar, and ghi (clarified butter)
with the rice on the bridegroom's leaf-plate, and offers the food to
him three times. She will not, however, allow him to taste it. It is
taken from his lips, and removed by the washerwomen. The bridegroom's
sister has the same play with the bride. The rice, which has thus been
made a feature of the ceremony, is called ayini. A few days prior
to the marriage, two small bundles of betel leaves, each containing
areca nuts, half a dozen tobacco leaves, and two fanams are given
by the bridegroom to the Nayar chieftain of the desam as his fee for
furnishing an escort. In return for these offerings, he gives a new
cloth to the bridegroom. Three measures of raw rice, ten or twelve
pappadams, plantains, a cocoanut, and some dry uncooked curry-stuff
are given by the bridegroom to each of the Nayars provided as escort
on the eve of the marriage. When they arrive on the scene on the
wedding day, they are given some beaten rice, rice cakes, cocoanuts,
plantains, and a drink of arrack (spirit). When the bride's parents and
relations come for the Vathil ceremony, the same escort is provided,
and the same presents are given. Just as the bridegroom and all are
ready to leave, the bride's father's sister's son called the machunan,
steps forward, and demands two fanams from the bridegroom's party
in return for permission to take away the bride. He gets his money,
and the party starts for the bridegroom's house, after rice has been
sprinkled over the heads of the contracting couple, the sisters of
the bridegroom leading the bride. The swords, which have been returned
by the Tandan, are again used in flourishing and dancing en route.
It is a prevalent custom throughout Southern India that a
girl's father's sister's son has the first right to her hand in
marriage. This obtains not only among the Dravidian peoples, but
also among Brahmans. The Malayalam word for son-in-law (marumakan)
means nephew. If a stranger should marry a girl, he also is called
nephew. But the unmarried nephew, having the first admitted right
to the girl, must be paid eight annas, or two fanams, before he will
allow her to be taken away. The argument is said to be as follows. A
sister pays forty-two fanams as kanam for her brother's wife. When
the product, i.e., a daughter, is transferred to a stranger, the son
claims compensation on his mother's investment at the same rate as
that at which a cocoanut tree is valued--eight annas. At all events,
the nephew has the first right to a girl, and must be compensated
before she can be taken away by another.
At the bridegroom's house, the party is received by the wife of
the Tandan and the lady of the house. Following the bride should
come her parents and other relations, two Nayars representing the
chieftain, and the Tandan of his tara. The formalities with mats and
rice are gone through as before. Rice is sprinkled over the heads,
the Tandan receives the swords, and all sit in the shed. The ayini
rice ceremony is repeated for the bride by the bridegroom's mother
and sisters. The happy pair then proceed to the inner room of the
house, where sweetmeats are served to them. Then is observed, as a
rule, the asaram or gift ceremony. Relations are expected to give 101
fanams (Rs. 25-4), but the poorest of them are allowed to reduce the
gift to 21 fanams (Rs. 5-4), and the others give according to their
means. These gifts are supposed to be repaid with interest. The Tandan
sees that a regular account of all the gifts is made out, and handed
over to the bridegroom, and receives eight annas for his trouble. The
accountant who prepares the accounts, and the person who tests the
genuineness of the coins, each receives a bundle of betel leaves,
four areca nuts, and two tobacco leaves. Betel leaves, areca nuts,
and tobacco, are also given to each giver of gifts. After this, there
is the vatil or house ceremony. Two large bundles of betel leaves
are prepared, each of which contains a thousand or fifteen hundred
leaves, and with them are placed forty or fifty tobacco leaves, and
seventy to a hundred areca nuts. The bride's Tandan pays two or four
rupees as vatil kanam to the Tandan of the bridegroom, who hands
the money to the bridegroom's father. The bridegroom then places
one bundle of betel leaves, with half the tobacco and areca nuts,
before the bride's father, and the other before her mother, and they
are distributed by the Tandan of the girl's tara and his wife among
the men and women who are present. Sweetmeats are then distributed,
and the marriage ceremony is concluded. A formal visit must be made
subsequently by the women of the bride's house to the bridegroom's,
and is returned by the bride and bridegroom. The first visit is
paid by a party consisting of the bride's mother, her uncle's and
brother's wives, the wife of the Tandan, and other relations. They
are expected to bring with them plenty of sweetmeats and bread for
general distribution. When the return visit is made by the bride and
bridegroom, the sister of the latter, and other relations and friends,
should accompany them, and they should take with them a lot of betel
leaves, areca nuts, tobacco, and sweetmeats. This exchange of visits
does not, however, complete those which are de rigueur. For, at the
next Onam and Vishu festivals, the newly married couple should visit
the house of the bride's family. Onam is the beginning of the first
harvest, and Vishu the agricultural new year. On these occasions, the
bridegroom takes with him the inevitable betel leaves, and presents
a new cloth to the parents of the bride and every one else in the
house. When the annual Tiruvathira festival takes place between the
betrothal and marriage ceremonies, the bridegroom is expected to
send to the temple, through his Tandan and one of his own relations,
a quantity of ripe and unripe plantains.
The ceremonies which have been described differ considerably from
those of the Tiyans of North Malabar, where the marumakkatayam law
of inheritance obtains. These are very simple affairs.
In the Calicut taluk, a man can marry only one wife at a time. But,
when a wife is barren, a leper, or suffering from incurable disease,
her husband may, with her formal permission, marry another wife. A
bride may be of any age. Where there is no stipulation as to dowry, it
is a point of honour to give the girl as many jewels as the bridegroom
can afford. Widows may remarry.
Divorce is admissible, when the grounds for it are sufficient. And,
when we find that incompatibility of temper is among these, it is
safe to say that it is fairly easy of accomplishment. No specific
reason need, in fact, be assigned. When it is the man who wishes to
get rid of his wife, he must pay her all her expenses towards the
marriage, as assessed by persons of the caste who fill the rôle
of mediators. He has to give up jewels received from his wife's
family, and must, in some cases, pay the discarded wife something on
account of her loss of virginity--a circumstance, which might make
it difficult for her to obtain another husband. If the wife wishes
to get rid of her husband, she must pay up all his expenses towards
the marriage. The party found to be in the wrong must pay a fee of
five to twenty rupees to the Tandan and all present, the relations
excepted. The amount is distributed then and there. The procedure to
be adopted in effecting divorce is as follows. The Tandans of both
sides, uncles and relations, and sometimes the fathers, assemble at
the house of the wife, the Tandan, or one of the relations. To the
left of a burning lamp are placed two small wooden stools. On one
of these are laid a small towel with four fanams (one rupee) tied
up in a corner of it, and another towel with a little rice and four
fanams tied up in it. Close by is the other stool, on which the wife's
uncle stretches a single thread taken from his own cloth. The husband
carries this stool to the gate, and says three times to the wife's
brother, father, or uncle--"Your sister's (daughter's or niece's)
matrimonial connection is severed." He then blows away the thread,
throws the stool down, and departs for ever. This little ceremony
cannot be performed at the husband's house, as it would involve
perpetual banishment from his own house. The coins in the cloths go
to the Tandans. It is the uncle who gives these cloths, because it
was he who received the two cloths at the conjee ceremony. A marriage
cannot be dissolved unless both parties agree.
A girl is under pollution for four days from the commencement of the
first menstrual period. During this time she must keep to the north
side of the house, where she sleeps on a grass mat of a particular
kind, in a room festooned with garlands of young cocoanut leaves. Round
the mat is a narrow ridge made of paddy (unhusked rice), rice, and
flowers of the cocoanut and areca palms. A lamp is kept burning, near
which are placed the various articles already described in connection
with marriage. Another girl keeps her company and sleeps with her, but
she must not touch any other person, tree or plant. She further must
not see the sky, and woe betide her if she catches sight of a crow or
cat. Her diet must be strictly vegetarian, without salt, tamarinds, or
chillies. She is armed against evil spirits with an iron knife carried
on her person, or placed on the mat. On the first day, she is seated on
a wooden stool in the yard to the east of the house. The fresh spathe
of a cocoanut is cut in front of her. The bunch of blossoms is placed
in a copper pot painted with perpendicular lines of chunam (lime),
and a horizontal line at the top and bottom. The spathe of an areca
palm is similarly treated, and, if the contents of both spathes are
plentiful, it is regarded as a good augury of fertility. The wife of
the girl's uncle, or, if she is married, her husband's sister pours
some gingelly (Sesamum) oil over her head, on the top of which a gold
fanam has been placed. Failing such relations, the wife of the Tandan
officiates. The operation is repeated by two other women, relatives
if possible. The oil is poured from a little cup made from a leaf
of the jak tree (Artocarpus integrifolia), flows over the forehead,
and is received with the fanam in a dish. It is a good omen if the
coin falls with the obverse upwards. Rice is cooked with jaggery,
and given to the girl. The other women partake thereof, and then have
a feast by themselves. The anointing with oil is the only bath the
girl has until the fourth day. On the third day, she is not allowed
to eat rice in any form, but she may partake of any other grain in
the form of cakes. Her uncle's wife, husband's sister, and other
relations, give her presents of cakes and bread. During the night,
the mattu, or cloth-changing ceremony, takes place. First of all,
the washerman comes along with the washerwoman, carrying two washed
cloths. In the front yard of the house a lamp with an odd number of
wicks is burning. In a bamboo basket are a small measure (edangali)
of paddy heaped up on a plantain leaf, a measure of rice on another
leaf, two separate quarter measures thereof, a piece of turmeric,
a little straw, a piece of coir (cocoanut fibre), and a cocoanut. As
soon as he enters, the washerman, using the straw and coir skilfully,
makes a bundle of the contents of the basket, and places it near the
lamp, which is standing on a wooden stool. A cocoanut is cut in half,
and placed, half on each side, by the stool. Thereon is set a flat
bell-metal dish, containing a little rice and seven rolls of betel
leaves and areca nuts. The washerwoman, having received the mattu
from the woman, places it on his head and proceeds to sing a song,
at the conclusion of which he says solemnly three times "Let me place
the mattu." He then places the cloths on the bundle, which is on the
stool. The girl's uncle's wife, and four other women, have by this time
emerged from the middle room of the house, carrying a lighted lamp,
a plate with a measure of rice, and a kindi as before. The uncle's
wife, having covered her breast with a silk cloth, and wearing all her
ornaments, leads the other four women as they walk thrice round the
mattu. She then places a fanam (or a four-anna piece) on the mattu,
lifts the stool, bundle and all, with one hand on the mattu and the
other below the stool, and leads the procession of the women, with
the lamp and other articles, to the room where the girl has been
sleeping. She deposits her burden near the spot where the girl has
laid her head. A general feast then takes place, and the washerman
appropriates the fanam, and the paddy and rice spread in the yard. So
ends the third day of these strange observances. On the fourth day,
the girl bathes in a neighbouring pool, with some ceremonial. Before
she leaves the house, the washerman fixes in the ground a branch
of a certain tree, to the top and bottom of which he ties the two
ends of a long line of thin coir rope or yarn. This is supposed to
represent the bow of Kama, the Indian Cupid. He erects a miniature
temple-like structure of young cocoanut leaves, with the stems
of young plantains near it, by the side of the pool. Close to it,
he places a burning lamp, and a small quantity of rice and paddy,
each on a separate plantain leaf. Near them he sets a cocoanut, which
has been blackened with charcoal, on some rice spread on a plantain
leaf, a cocoanut reddened with turmeric and chunam on raw rice, and
another on a leaf, containing fried paddy. [22] He further deposits
a few plantains, and two other cocoanuts. Before the girl leaves
the house, clad in one of the cloths brought on the previous night,
she is well rubbed all over with oil, and the four or six women [23]
who accompany her are similarly treated. Leading the way, they are
followed by a number of women to the pool, where the girl and her
companions bathe. After the bath, they stand by the side of the pool,
facing east and holding lighted cotton-wicks in their hands, and
go round the miniature temple three times, throwing the wicks into
it. The washerman again breaks out into song, accompanying himself by
striking a bell-metal plate with a stick. When he has finished, and
gone through a little more business on his own account, the girl's
husband or brother (if she is unmarried) appears on the scene. He
holds aloft the coir string, under the lower end of which a cocoanut
has been placed on the ground. The girl passes three times forwards
and backwards without touching it. Two cotton wicks, lighted at both
ends, are laid on the cocoanut, and the girl should cut the wicks and
the cocoanut through, completely severing them, with one blow of a
strong knife or chopper. If she is successful, the omen is considered
good. The girl, with her party, then bathes a second time. As she comes
out of the water, she kicks out backwards like a mule, and sends the
stem with the single cocoanut attached flying into the water with her
right foot. The second mattu cloth is then brought, and she is clad in
it. Then she is full dressed and ornamented and led back to the house
with a silk canopy over her head. She is taken to the middle room,
and cakes and rice are given to her to eat. A feast is then held. The
girl has so far been purified as regards most affairs of life, but she
cannot touch any cooking-vessel until she has undergone yet another
ceremony. This takes place on the seventh or ninth day after the first
appearance of the menses. Every day until then the girl is rubbed with
gingelly oil and turmeric. Three ordinary earthenware cooking-pots are
piled, one above the other, in the kitchen. The uppermost pot contains
cooked rice, the middle one rice boiled with jaggery, and the lowest
curry. The pots must be new, and are marked with perpendicular daubs
of chunam. Seated on a low wooden stool to the west of the pots, the
girl, facing the east, touches each pot with a knife. When the first of
all these menstruation ceremonies has taken place at the house of the
girl's husband, her mother brings some cakes on this last day. If it
has been performed at her father's house, her husband's sister should
bring the cakes. They are distributed among all present, and a small
meal is partaken of. All the expenses of the first, and seventh or
ninth day ceremonies, are borne by the people of the house, who may
be those of the family of the girl's father or husband. The expenses
of the ceremonial of the fourth day are defrayed by the girl's husband
if they have been performed at her father's house, and vice versâ.
The young wife has an easy time of it until the fifth month of
her pregnancy, when she must again submit to becoming the subject
for ceremonial. Then takes place the Belikala, for the purpose of
appeasing some of the many malignant spirits, who are unceasing
in their attempts to destroy infants in the womb. This consists
for the most part of offerings, which are repeated in the seventh
month. They are performed by members of the Mannan (washerman)
and Panan (exorcists and devil-dancers) castes. At the commencement
thereof, there is a feast. A structure, in shape something like a
Muhammadan taboot, [24] about five feet in height, is erected in the
front yard of the house. It is made of stems of young plantain trees,
and festooned with leaves of young cocoanut palms. The floor of the
little edifice, and the ground outside it to the west, are strewn
with charcoal made from paddy husk, on which are made magic squares
of white rice flour, intermingled with red, green, and yellow, each
colour being compounded with specified substances. The squares are
not always the same, but are prepared for each occasion, so as to
suit the particular spirit which is to be invoked and appeased. The
pregnant woman, with six female companions, leaves the middle room
of the house, carrying the usual lamp and other articles, and they
walk seven times round the edifice. Before completing the last round,
each throws into it a burning wick. They then stand to the west of it,
facing east, and sit down. The Mannans invoke the spirit in song,
accompanied by the clang of metal plates beaten with sticks. Drums
must not be used. The music and weird devil-dancing go on more or
less all night, and by morning some of the most nervous of the women,
overcome by the spirit, go into fits. The fees for the devil-dancing
are paid by the pregnant woman's father. Last of all, a live cock is
held against the forehead of the woman, mantrams (magical formulæ)
are repeated, and rice is thrown over her head. If she should have
a fit, the head of the cock is cut off, and the blood offered to the
demon spirit. If, however, she does not suffer from undue excitement,
the cock is simply removed alive. She is left in peace for the next
two months, when she goes to her father's house, at which there is
more devil-dancing at another Belikala ceremony. The fees are paid
by the woman's husband. They vary from five to thirty-two rupees,
according to the cost of the edifice which is erected, and the quality
of the dancing. The invocation of some of the devils requires specially
trained dancers who must be paid high fees. On the morning following
the dance, the tamarind juice drinking ceremony takes place at the
house of the woman's father. The fees in connection with this are
debited to the husband. Taking advantage of an auspicious moment, the
husband and two companions bathe in the early morning, and make a neat
toilette, the husband wearing a necklace. They then go to the nearest
tamarind, and pluck three small leafy twigs, which they bring to the
house. The husband's sister pounds the leaves in a mortar in a little
shed or pandal in the front yard. The juice is then strained through a
new double cloth eight cubits in length by the husband's sisters. If he
has no sisters, this should be done by his and his wife's mothers. Rice
conjee is then prepared with water, in which the tamarind juice has
been mixed. The husband, and his two companions, sit under the pandal,
where the usual lamp and other articles have been placed, with the
wife behind him. Her brother then feeds him thrice with the conjee
from a small gold spoon. The husband's sister feeds the wife in like
manner. One of the three twigs is planted by the husband in the front
yard, and his wife waters it every day until the child is born. In the
ninth month, the husband's sister presents his wife with a couple of
pounds of cummin seed and jaggery. The woman who brings this little
gift should be given some cakes and sweetmeats. During pregnancy,
a woman always wears an amulet concealed within a cylindrical tube
on her neck, to protect her against malignant spirits.
The young wife's child is born at her father's house, where she is
under the care of her mother. When the child is born, the brother of
the newly made mother goes out into the yard, and strikes the ground
three times with the stem of a dry cocoanut palm leaf. If the child
is a boy, he emits a long drawn out ku-u-u-u in high falsetto as he
does so. It is then the duty of the brother and the midwife to go and
inform the father of the event. The midwife receives from him her fee,
and a present of a cloth, and other presents from his sisters. If
the child is a boy, the brother receives a cloth, and, if a girl,
a cloth and a bell-metal plate.
The event of the birth of a child carries with it, as in the case of
death, pollution to every one in the house. This is partially removed
by ceremonies on the third day, and wholly by further ceremonies on the
ninth or eleventh day, whichever happens to be the more auspicious--a
Tuesday for example. Any one coming to the house before the first
ceremonies have taken place must bathe and wash his or her cloth to
remove the pollution. Any one visiting the house after the first, but
before the second ceremony, need not bathe, but cannot eat any food
in the house. The men of the household can get no rice at home until
after the second ceremony has been performed, and they are consequently
compelled to board elsewhere for the time being. A washerwoman carries
out the purification rites, assisted by a barber woman. First of all,
the floors of all the rooms are smeared with cow-dung. All clothes
in use are given to the washerwoman. The women rub their bodies all
over with oil, and the washerwoman brings mattu for them. The barber
woman sprinkles a mixture of cow's milk and karuka grass leaves over
the women, who then go to a pool and bathe. When the milk is about
to be sprinkled, the usual lamp, rice on a metal plate, and kindi of
water are produced. The barber woman takes the rice and one fanam,
and receives also some cocoanut and gingelly (Sesamum) oil. Much
the same things are given to the washerwoman. The second ceremony
is just like the first, but, even after its completion, the women of
the house cannot touch any cooking-vessels until after the fifteenth
day. The ceremony of touching the cooking pots, as at the time of the
first menstrual period, is then performed. These three purificatory
ceremonies must be performed after every birth.
On the twenty-seventh or fortieth day after the birth of a child,
the mother and the infant are taken back to the husband's house,
and cow's milk is for the first time given to the child. This event,
which has all the solemnity of a regular function, takes place in
the middle room, where the lamp, mat and other articles have been
arranged. The child's paternal grandfather, father's elder brother,
or other senior man administers the milk, which has been boiled. A
gold bracelet is dipped in it, and the drops of milk are made to
fall into the child's mouth. As this is being done, the celebrant
whispers in the child's right ear the name which will be formally
given to it in the sixth month. The eldest son is always named after
the paternal grandfather, and the second after the father. In like
manner, the eldest girl is named after its own mother. Relations and
friends take this opportunity to make presents of bracelets and other
articles to the infant. A feast is then held. After the ceremony is
over, the parents of the child's mother have to send about half a
bag of rice flour mixed with jaggery to her husband's house.
For the first six months of its life, a child's food consists of
nature's fount and cow's milk. It is then, before the sixth month is
over, given boiled rice for the first time. The ceremony takes place
either in the middle room of its father's house, or at a temple. The
child's grandfather, or the eldest male member of the family, sits
on a mat, and takes the child in his lap. With a gold ring he applies
honey three times to its mouth, and then gives it a little rice three
times. Female relations who are present follow his example, giving
the child first honey, and then rice. Several women, with the lighted
lamp and other articles, carry the child into the yard, to show it
the sky. They go round a cocoanut tree, and stand before the front
door, facing west. An elder among the women of the house stands at
the front door, calls out the name of the child three times, and asks
it to come inside. The relations give little presents of ornaments,
and there is a feast.
It will be observed that even a child's life is not entirely free from
ceremonial. When it has grown up, it undergoes more of it, and, when it
has lived its course on earth, is the subject of still more ceremonial
long after it is dead. All these affairs involve some expenditure, but
the one which literally runs away with money is marriage. The others
are not extravagances, nor are they as costly as might be implied from
the continual feasting of a large number of people. We must not think
of these feasts as of a banquet at the Carlton, but as simple affairs,
at which simple people are content with simple though pleasing fare.
When a child is provided by nature with teeth, it is the subject
of a little ceremony, during which it is expected to disclose its
natural propensities. The usual mat and other articles are arranged,
and there are in addition a large flat bell-metal plate containing
a rice cake, a knife, a palmyra leaf grantham (book), a cocoanut,
and a gold ornament. The child is let loose, and allowed to pick out
anything from the plate. If it takes the cake, it will be greedy; if
the knife, brave; if the book, learned; if the cocoanut, a landlord;
and, if the gold ornament, rich.
A child's head is shaved in the third or fifth year. The barber, who
performs the operation, is allowed to take away the rice which, with
the lamp, is at hand. He also receives a fanam and a new cloth. The
people of the child's mother bring rice cakes.
The last day of the Dasara festival in the fifth year of a child's
life is that on which instruction in the alphabet begins. A teacher,
who has been selected with care, or a lucky person holds the child's
right hand, and makes it trace the fifty-one letters of the Malayalam
alphabet on raw rice spread on a plate. The fore-finger, which is the
one used in offering water to the souls of the dead and in other parts
of the death ceremonies, must not be used for tracing the letters,
but is placed above the middle finger, merely to steady it. For
the same reason, a doctor, when making up a pill, will not use the
fore-finger. When, later on, the child goes to the village school,
the fifty-one letters are written one by one on its tongue with a
gold style, if one is available. As each letter is formed, the child
has to repeat the sound of it.
The lobes of both a child's ears are bored with a golden pin or a
thorn. The helix of the ear is not bored for the purpose of inserting
ornaments in it, but is sometimes bored as a remedy for disease,
e.g., hernia. Everywhere else in Southern India, it is common for
people of almost every class to have the helix of the left ear bored.
The tali-tying ceremony must be performed before a girl attains
puberty. The Tiyan tali is usually of gold, and worth about
half-a-crown. It is not the one which is worn in every day life, but
the one which is used in the ceremony about to be described. Throughout
Southern India, the tali is the ordinary symbol of marriage among
Hindus, and it is even worn by Syrian Christians. In Malabar, and the
Native States of Cochin and Travancore, it is a symbol of marriage,
with which a girl is ceremoniously adorned, as a rule before she is
affianced. The ceremony occupies three days, on the last of which the
tali is tied. On the first day, a shed or pandal is erected in the
front yard. Within it a similar structure is prepared with the leaves
of an areca palm, which has been cut down at an auspicious moment, and
with the formal sanction of the Tandan of the tara. This inner pandal
is tastefully decorated with pictures and flowers. It is important
to note that this little pandal must not be begun until the first
day of the ceremony. On this day, the carpenter of the tara brings
a low wooden seat, rather long and narrow, made from the pala tree
(Alstonia scholaris), which must be cut at an auspicious moment, for
which he receives one fanam. This seat is called mana. [25] A grass mat
is spread in the middle room of the house, with a white cloth over it,
on which the mana is placed. A lamp, vessel of water, and the usual
paraphernalia are arranged on the ground to the south close by. When
these preliminaries have been completed, the girl is brought by the
uncle's wife to the pandal, and seated on a stool. In front of her,
a lamp, and other things which are a feature in all ceremonials, and
a measure of paddy are placed on the ground, a gold fanam is put on
her head, and over it gingelly oil is poured. As the coin falls from
the forehead, it is caught in a cup. It is important which side falls
uppermost. The girl is then taken to a pool for bathing, and returns
to the pandal. She is conducted to the middle room of the house in
procession, with a silk canopy over her head and women carrying lamps,
etc. She is confined in this room, which is decorated in the manner
described when speaking of the menstruation ceremony, until the third
day. She sleeps on a mat, surrounded by a little ridge of rice and
paddy, cocoanut and areca palm flowers, and near her head is a copper
pot marked with vertical daubs of white. The blacksmith of the tara
brings a little stick, called charathkot, with an iron blade at one
end, which is supposed to represent an arrow of Kama. This the girl
keeps constantly at her side, and carries in her hand when compelled
by nature to leave the room. While confined in the room, she is not
allowed to eat fish, flesh, or salt, or see any animals, especially
a cat, dog, or crow. On the third day, the tali is prepared on the
spot by the village goldsmith. The girl's uncle gives him the gold,
which he melts, and works at in the pandal at an auspicious moment. The
paddy and rice, which, with the lamp and vessel of water, have been
in evidence during the operations, are given to the goldsmith, with a
fanam for his labour. A weaver brings two new cloths, of a particular
kind called mantra-kodi, for which the girl's uncle pays. One is worn
by the girl, and the mana is covered with the other. The girl is taken
to bathe, and, after the bath, is richly dressed and ornamented, and
brought in procession, with a canopy over her head, to the house,
where she is conducted to the inner room. The mana is then placed,
with the cloth near it, on a grass mat in the inner pandal. The
uncle's wife sits on the mat, and the uncle lifts the girl, carries her
three times round the pandal, and deposits her in his wife's lap. The
astrologer, who is present, indicates the moment when the tali should
be tied. The girl's father gives him a fanam, and receives from him a
little rice, called muhurtham (auspicious time). When the psychological
moment has arrived he sprinkles the rice on the girl's head, saying
"It is time." The tali is then tied round the girl's neck by the
uncle's wife. At the upper end of the tali is a ring, through which
the thread passes. The thread which is used for the purpose is drawn
from the cloth with which the mana has been covered. [It is odd that
there are some families of Nayars, who are not allowed to use a tali
with a ring to receive the string, and are therefore obliged to make
a hole in the tali itself.] As soon as the tali has been tied on the
girl's neck, a number of boys burst into song, praising Ganapathi
(the elephant god), and descriptive of the marriage of King Nala
and Damayanti, or of Sri Krishna and Rukmani. Every one joins in,
and the song ends with shouts and hurrahs. A mock feeding ceremony
is then carried out. Three plantain leaves are spread in front of
the girl in the pandal, and rice, plantains, and pappadams are spread
thereon. The uncle's wife offers some of each to the girl three times,
but does not allow her to touch it with her lips. The girl is then
taken to a temple, to invoke the God's blessing.
The description which has just been given is that of the ceremony which
is performed, if the girl has not been affianced. If a husband has been
arranged for her, it is he who ties the tali, and his sister takes
the place of the uncle's wife. Otherwise the ceremony is the same,
with this difference, however, that, when the husband ties the tali,
there can be no divorce, and the girl cannot remarry in the event of
his death.
In North, as in South Malabar, the tali-tying ceremony is always
performed before puberty, and occupies four days. This is the orthodox
procedure. The girl wears a cloth provided by the washerwoman. She is
taken from the middle room of the house to the yard, and there seated
on a plank of pala wood. Placed in front of her are a small measure
of rice and paddy, a washed white cloth, and a small bell-metal vessel
(kindi) on a bell-metal plate. The barber pours cocoanut water on her
head, on which a silver and copper coin have been placed. One of her
relations then pours water from a vessel containing some raw rice
over her head, using two halves of a cocoanut as a spout. The girl
is then taken back to the middle room, where she remains for three
days. There is a feast in the evening. On the fourth day, a pandal is
erected in the front yard, and decorated. The girl is taken to bathe
at a neighbouring pool, preceded by women carrying a lamp, a kindi of
water, and other things which have been already described. During her
absence, the barber performs puja to Ganapathi in the pandal. After
bathing, she cuts a cocoanut in half, and returns in procession,
with a silk canopy over her head, amid music and singing, and enters
the middle room of the house. The barber woman ties a gold ornament
(netti pattam) on her forehead, which she marks with sandal paste,
and blackens her eyes with eye-salve. The uncle's wife, preceded by
women bearing a lamp and other articles, carries the mana, covered with
cloth, from the middle room to the pandal. She walks three times round
the pandal, and places the mana on a grass mat, over which has been
spread some paddy and some rice where the girl will put her foot. The
women who have carried the lamp, etc., return to the room, and escort
the girl to the pandal. She walks thrice round it, and takes her seat
on the mana. The barber hands her a little rice, which she throws on
the lighted lamp, and articles which have been used in the puja to
Ganapathi, and on the post supporting the south-west corner of the
pandal. This post should be of pala wood, or have a twig of that tree
tied to it. More rice is handed to the girl, and she throws it to
the cardinal points of the compass, to the earth, and to the sky. A
small earthen pot containing rice, a cocoanut, betel, and areca nuts,
is placed near the girl. Into this a variety of articles, each tied
up separately in a piece of plantain leaf, are placed. These consist
of a gold coin, a silver coin, salt, rice, paddy, turmeric, charcoal,
and pieces of an old cadjan leaf from the thatch of the house. The
mouth of the pot is then covered over with a plantain leaf tied with
string. The girl sprinkles rice three times over the pot, makes a hole
in the leaf, and picks out one of the articles, which is examined
as an augur of her destiny. Betel leaves and areca nuts are then
passed twice round her head, and thrown away. She next twists off a
cocoanut from a bunch hanging at a corner of the pandal. Then follows
the presentation of cloths called mantra-kodi. These must be new,
and of a particular kind. Each of her relations throws one of these
cloths over the girl's head. Half of them (perhaps ten or twelve)
go to the barber, who, at this point, pours cocoanut water from the
leaf of a banyan tree on her head, on which a silver and copper coin
have been placed. The astrologer is then asked whether it is time
to tie the tali, and replies three times in the affirmative. The
barber woman hands the tali strung on a thread to the girl's uncle's
wife, who ties it round the girl's neck. The barber woman then pours
water on the girl's hands. Three times the water is flung upwards,
and then to the east, west, south, and north. A cotton wick, steeped
in oil, is then twisted round a piece of bamboo, and stuck on a young
cocoanut. The girl is asked if she sees the sun, looks at the lighted
wick, and says that she does. She is then taken to a cocoanut tree,
preceded by the lamp, etc. She walks three times round the tree,
and pours water over the root. The ceremony is now concluded, and
the girl is marched back to the middle room.
A variation of the tali-tying ceremony, as performed in Chavakad
on the coast between Calicut and Cochin, may be briefly described,
because it possesses some interesting features. It is always done
by the intended husband, or some one representing him. Seven days
prior to the beginning of the ceremony, the carpenter of the tara,
with the permission of the Tandan (here called Avakasi), cuts down an
areca palm, and fixes part of it as the south-east post of the booth,
at which the tali will be tied. On the sixth day, the girl is formally
installed in the middle room of the house. The carpenter brings a mana
of pala wood, the cost of which is paid by the father, and does puja
to it. The bridegroom's party arrive. A lamp is lighted in the booth,
which is at this time partly, but not entirely, made ready. Near the
lamp are placed a measure of paddy, half a measure (nazhi) of rice,
a looking-glass, a kindi of water, and a wooden cheppu (a rude vessel
with a sliding cover). The wives of the Tandan and uncle, together
with some other women, bring the girl, and seat her on the mana. The
uncle's wife parts her hair, and places a gold fanam on her crown. The
Tandan's wife then pours a little oil on it over a leaf of the jak
tree three times. The other women do the same. The girl is then taken
to a pool, and bathed. Before her return, the mana should be placed
ready for her in the middle room of the house. In the evening there
is a feast. On the day but one following, the tali is tied. The last
post of the booth is put up, and it is completed and decorated on the
tali-tying day. A lamp, looking-glass, and other things are put in
it. A grass mat is spread on the floor, and a kambli (blanket) and a
whitewashed cloth are placed over it. On either side of it is placed
a pillow. The bridegroom and his party wait in an adjoining house,
for they must not appear on the scene until the psychological moment
arrives. The Tandan of the bridegroom's tara, with a few friends,
comes first, and hands over two cloths and ten rupees eight annas to
the bride's Tandan. The girl is dressed in one of these cloths, and
led to the booth, the bridegroom's sister holding her by the hand. She
sits on the mana, which has been brought, and placed on the cloth,
by her uncle. The bridegroom comes in procession, carried on his
uncle's shoulders. The girl is still a child, and he is only a few
years her senior. His uncle puts him down on the right side of the
girl, after walking thrice round the booth. The girl's uncle's wife
sits close to her, on the other side, on the mana. Her father asks the
astrologer three times if it is the proper time to tie the tali, and is
answered thrice in the affirmative. Then the boy bridegroom ties the
tali on the girl's neck. The boy and girl sing out a chorus in praise
of Ganapathi, and end up with three loud shouts and hurrahs. Then
the boy seats himself on the ground, outside the pillow. The girl is
taken inside the house, and, after a general feast, is brought back,
and seated on the mana, and rice and flowers are sprinkled. No money
is paid to the uncle's son, as at Calicut. The boy bridegroom pays
eight annas to his sister for leading the bride by the hand. When the
marriage has been done by proxy, the boy bridegroom is selected from a
tarwad into which the girl might marry. He stays at the girl's house
for three days, and, on the fourth day, the boy and girl are taken
to a temple. A formal divorce is effected, and the boy is taken away.
It will not be worth while to attempt a description of the marriage
ceremony of the Tiyans of North Malabar, because there is none, or
next to none. There the Tiyans and all classes, including even the
Muhammadan Mappillas, follow the rule of marumakkatayam, or inheritance
through females from uncle to nephew. The children have no right to
their father's property. Either party may annul the marital union
at will, without awarding any compensation; and, as its infraction
is easy and simple, so is its institution. Nor is there any rigid
inquiry as to the antecedents of either party. It is an affair of
mutual arrangement, attended with little formality. Proceeding to the
girl's house, accompanied by a few friends, the intending husband
takes with him a couple of cloths, one for the girl, and the other
for her mother. In parts of North Malabar, the Tiyan women wear an
ornament called chittu (ring) in a hole bored in the top of the helix
of each ear. The holes are bored in childhood, but the chittu is not
worn until the girl forms a marital union with a man. The chittus
are made on the spot at the time, in the marriage pandal erected for
the occasion, the girl's uncle providing the gold. They are never
removed during life, except in cases of dire distress. "To sell
chittu" is equivalent to having become a pauper. It is supposed that,
in olden days, the marriage ceremonies lasted over seven days, and
were subsequently reduced to seven meals, or three and a half days,
and then to one day. Now the bridegroom remains the first night at
the bride's house, and then takes her to his home. Before they leave,
a cocoanut, the outer husk of which has been removed, is placed on
a stool of pala wood, and one of the bridegroom's party must smash
it with his fist. Some of the more orthodox in North Malabar observe
the formality of examining horoscopes, and a ceremony equivalent to
the conjee-drinking ceremony which has been described, called achara
kaliana, and the payment of kanam in the shape of forty-one fanams,
instead of forty-two as in South Malabar. In connection with fanams it
may be noted that the old gold fanam is reckoned as worth four annas,
whereas five silver or velli fanams make a rupee. Everywhere in rural
Malabar, calculations are made in terms of velli fanams thus:--
10 pice (1/12 of an anna) = 1 velli.
5 vellis = 1 rupee.
Bazaar men, and those who sell their small stock at the weekly markets
all about the country, arrange their prices in vellis.
When the death of a Tiyan is expected, all the relations draw near, and
await the fateful moment. The person who is about to die is laid on the
floor of the middle room, for it is inauspicious to die on a cot. We
will suppose that the dying man is a parent and a landlord. Each of
the sons and daughters gives him a little conjee water, just before
he passes away. At the moment of death, all the women bawl out in
lamentations, giving the alarm of death. The Cheruman serfs in the
fields join in the chorus, and yell out an unintelligible formula of
their own. Absent relations are all formally invited. From the houses
of the son's wife and daughter's husband are sent quantities of jak
fruits, unripe plantains, and cocoanuts, as death gifts. One half of
the husks of the cocoanuts is removed, and the other half left on the
shell. After the cremation or burial, these articles are distributed
among those present by the Tandan, who receives an extra share for
his trouble. When life is extinct, the body is placed with the head
to the south, and the thumbs and big toes are tied together. It is
then taken out into the yard, washed, bathed in oil, dressed in a new
cloth, and brought back to the middle room. A cocoanut is cut in two,
and the two halves, with a lighted wick on each, are placed at the
head and foot. The house-owner spreads a cotton cloth over the corpse,
and all the relations, and friends, do the same. Any one who wishes
to place a silk cloth on the corpse may do so, but he must cover it
with a cotton cloth. The body is then removed for burial or cremation,
and placed near the grave or funeral pyre. It is the rural rule that
elderly persons and karnavans of tarwads are cremated, and others
buried. The barber, whose function it is to perform the purificatory
rites, now removes, and retains as his perquisite, all the cloths,
except the last three covering the corpse. As it is being borne away
to the place of burial or cremation, water mixed with cow-dung is
sprinkled behind it in the yard. The eldest son, who succeeds to the
property and is responsible for the funeral ceremonies, then tears
crosswise a piece of the cloth which has been placed over the corpse
by the people of the house, and ties it round his forehead. He holds
one end of the cloth while the barber holds the other, and tears off
the piece. The barber then cuts three holes in the remainder of this
cloth covering the body, over the mouth, navel, and pubes. A little
water and rice are poured over a gold fanam through the slit over the
mouth. All who observe the death pollution, i.e., sons, grandsons,
nephews, younger brothers and cousins, offer water and rice in the
same manner, and walk three times round the grave or pyre. The barber
then breaks a pot of water over the grave. No other ceremonial is
observed on this day, on which, and during the night, rice must not be
eaten. If the body has been cremated, a watch is kept at the burning
ground for five days by Panans, who beat drums all night to scare away
the evil spirits which haunt such spots. Early on the second day,
all who are under pollution are shaved. The operation is attended
with some ceremonial, and, before it is commenced, a lighted lamp,
a measure of rice and paddy on a plantain leaf must be at hand. The
paddy and rice are a perquisite of the barber. Those who have been
shaved bathe, and then follows the crow-feeding ceremony. Rice is
boiled in a bell-metal vessel over a hearth prepared with three
young cocoanuts. The eldest son, who tore the cloth of succession
from the corpse, makes the rice into two little balls, places them
on a plantain leaf, and offers them to the spirit of the departed by
pouring libations of water on them over a blade of karuka grass. Men
and women who are under pollution then do the same. The rice balls
are eaten by crows. This little ceremony is performed daily until the
eleventh or thirteenth day, when the period of death pollution comes
to an end. If the eleventh day happens to fall on a Tuesday or Friday,
or on any inauspicious day, the period is extended to the thirteenth
day. When the period of death pollution is partly in one month,
and partly in another, another death in the house within the year is
expected. Preceding the sanchayanam, which occupies the fifth day,
there is the lamp-watching on the previous night. In the south-east
corner of the middle room, a little paddy is heaped up, and on it
is placed a bell-metal plate with an iron lamp having five or seven
lighted wicks on it. Under the lamp is a little cow-dung, and close
to it is a bunch of cocoanut flowers. The lamp must be kept burning
until it is extinguished on the following day. In the case of the
death of a male, his niece watches the lamp, and in that of a female
her daughter, lying near it on a grass mat. The sanchayanam is the
first stage in the removal of death pollution, and, until it is over,
all who come to the house suffer from pollution, and cannot enter their
own house or partake of any food without bathing previously. When the
body has been cremated, the fragments of calcined bones are collected
from the ashes, and carried in procession to the sea, or, if this is
far away, into a river. The members of the family under pollution
then rub their bodies all over with oil, and the barber sprinkles
a mixture of cow's milk over their heads, using a blade of karuka
grass as a spout. They then bathe, and the eldest son alone observe
mattu. The crow-feeding ceremony follows, and, when this is over, the
three cocoanuts which were used as a hearth are thrown away. A large
bell-metal vessel filled with water is now placed in the front yard
before the door of the house. The barber carries the still burning
lamp from the middle room, and sets it on the ground near the pot of
water. The women who are under pollution come from the middle room,
each carrying a lighted wick, walk thrice round the pot, and throw the
wicks into the water. The woman who has watched the lamp puts four
annas into the pot, and the others deposit a few pies therein. The
eldest son now lights a wick from the iron lamp which is about to be
extinguished, and with it lights a lamp in the middle room. The barber
then dips the iron lamp in the water, and picks out the money as his
perquisite. The water is poured on the roots of a cocoanut tree. The
bell-metal vessel becomes the property of the woman who watched the
lamp, but she cannot take it away until she leaves the house after the
pula-kuli ceremony. When the lamp has been extinguished, a woman, hired
for the occasion, is seated on a cocoanut leaf in the front yard. The
Tandan pours oil on her head three times, and she receives a little
betel and two annas. She rises, and leaves the place without turning
back, taking the pollution with her. Betel is then distributed. Those
who provided the death gifts on the day of the death must on this day
bring with them a bag of rice, and about four rupees in money. They
have also to give eight annas to the barber. A folded handkerchief is
first presented to the barber, who formally returns it, and receives
instead of it the eight annas. Before the people disperse, the day of
the pula-kuli is settled. Pula-kuli, or washing away the pollution,
is the final ceremony for putting off the unpleasant consequences of
a death in a family. First of all, the members thereof rub themselves
all over with oil, and are sprinkled by the barber with cow's milk
and gingelly oil. They then bathe. The barber outlines the figure
of a man or woman, according to the sex of the deceased, with rice
flour and turmeric powder, the head to the south, in the middle
room of the house. The figure is covered with two plantain leaves,
on each of which a little rice and paddy are heaped. Over all is
spread a new cloth, with a basket containing three measures of paddy
upon it. The eldest son (the heir) sits facing the south, and with a
nazhi measures out the paddy, which he casts to the south, east, and
west--not the north. He repeats the performance, using the fingers
of the left hand closed so as to form a cup as a measure. Then,
closing the first and fourth fingers firmly with the thumb, using
the left hand, he measures some paddy in the same manner with the two
extended fingers. Rice is treated in the same way. A nazhi of paddy,
with a lighted wick over it, is then placed in a basket. The eldest
son takes the nazhi in his left hand, passes it behind his body, and,
receiving it with his right hand, replaces it in the basket. The wick
is extinguished by sprinkling it with water three times. At the head
of the figure on the floor is placed a clean cloth--the washerman's
mattu. It is folded, and within the folds are three nazhis of rice. On
the top of it a cocoanut is placed. In the four corners a piece of
charcoal, a little salt, a few chillies, and a gold fanam are tied. The
eldest son, who is always the protagonist in all the ceremonies after
death, lifts the cloth with all its contents, places it on his head,
and touches with it his forehead, ears, each side and loins, knees and
toes. He does this three times. The plantain leaves are then removed
from the figure. A little turmeric powder is taken from the outline,
and rubbed on the forehead of the eldest son. He then bows thrice to
the figure, crossing his legs and arms so that the right hand holds the
left ear, and the left the right ear, and touches the ground with the
elbow-joints. It is no joke to do this. All this time, the eldest son
wears round his forehead the strip torn from the cloth which covered
the corpse. There is nothing more to be done in the middle room for
the present, and the eldest son goes out into the yard, and cooks
the rice for the final feed to the crows. Three nazhis of this rice
must be pounded and prepared for cooking by the woman who watched
the lamp on the fourth night after death. Having cooked the rice,
the eldest son brings it into the middle room, and mixes it with some
unrefined sugar, plantains and pappadams, making two balls, one large
and one small. Each of these he places on a plantain leaf. Then some
puja is done to them, and offerings of rice are made over a gold
fanam. The balls are given to the crows in the yard, or, in some
cases, taken to the sea or a river, and cast into the water. When
this course is adopted, various articles must be kept ready ere
the return of the party. These comprise a new pot containing water,
a branch of areca blossoms, mango leaves, a kindi containing a gold
fanam or gold ring, a little salt and rice, each tied up in a piece
of cloth, and a few chillies. The mouth of the pot is covered with a
plantain leaf, and secured. There are also two stools, made of pala
and mango wood. The eldest son sits on one of these, and places his
feet on the other, so that he does not touch the ground. The water in
the pot is sprinkled with mango leaves by the barber to the north,
south, east and west, and on the head of the son. The remainder of
the water is then poured over his head. The barber then sprinkles him
with cocoanut water, this time using areca blossoms, and makes him
sip a little thereof. The barber makes a hole in the plantain leaf,
and picks out the contents. The eldest son bathes, and after the bath
there is a presentation of gifts. The barber, sitting in the verandah
beside the son, first gives to each person under pollution a little
salt and raw rice, which they eat. He then gives them a little betel
leaf and a small piece of areca nut, and receives in return a quarter
of an anna. The eldest son chews the betel which he has received,
and spits into a spittoon held by the barber, whose property it
becomes. Then to the barber, who has been presented with a new mat to
sit on and new cloth to wear before he seats himself in the verandah,
are given an ear-ring such as is worn by Tiyan women, a silk cloth, a
white cotton cloth, and a few annas. If the deceased has been cremated
he is given six fanams, and, if buried, five fanams as the fee for
his priestly offices. On an occasion of this kind, several barbers,
male and female, turn up in the hope of receiving presents. All who
help during the various stages of the ceremonial are treated in much
the same way, but the senior barber alone receives the officiating
fee. It is odd that the barbers of the four surrounding villages are
entitled to receive gifts of new cloths and money. Those under death
pollution are forbidden to eat fish or flesh, chew betel, or partake
of jaggery. The restriction is removed on the pula-kuli day. The last
act for their removal is as follows. The barber is required to eat some
jaggery, and drink some conjee. After this, the eldest son, the Tandan,
and a neighbour, sit on a mat spread in the middle of the house,
and formally partake of conjee and jaggery. The pula-kuli is then over.
It is a sacred duty to a deceased person who was one of importance,
for example the head of a family, to have a silver image of him
made, and arrange for it being deposited in some temple, where it
will receive its share of puja (worship), and offerings of food and
water. The new-moon day of the months Karkitakam (July-August), Tulam
(October-November), and Kumbham (February-March) is generally selected
for doing this. The temples at Tirunelli in Wynad and Tirunavayi, which
are among the oldest in Malabar, were generally the resting-places of
these images, but now some of the well-to-do deposit them much further
afield, even at Benares and Ramesvaram. A silver image is presented
to the local Siva temple, where, for a consideration, puja is done
every new-moon day. On each of these days, mantrams are supposed to
be repeated a thousand times. When the image has been the object of
these mantrams sixteen thousand times, it is supposed to have become
eligible for final deposit in a temple. It is this image which rests
in the temple at Tirunavayi, or elsewhere.
An annual sradh ceremony is performed for the sake of the spirit
of the deceased, at which crows are fed in the manner already
described, and relations are fed. On the night of this day, some
sweetmeats or cakes, such as the deceased was fond of during life,
are offered to the spirit. A lamp is placed on a stool, and lighted
in the middle room of the house, with a kindi of water and a young
cocoanut near it. The cakes or sweetmeats are placed in front of the
stool. Children sprinkle rice over it, and the door is shut for a
quarter of an hour. The individual who feeds the crows should partake
of only one meal, without fish or flesh, on the previous day. Another
ceremony, which is necessary for the repose of the dead, is called
badha-velichatu-variethal, or bringing out the spirit. It cannot be
performed until at least a year after death, for during that period
the spirit is in a sort of purgatory. After that, it may be invoked,
and it will answer questions. The ceremony resembles the nelikala
pregnancy ceremony. The performers are Panans or washermen. Some little
girls are seated in front of a booth in the yard. The celebrant of
the rite sings, invoking the spirit of the deceased. Late at night,
one of the girls becomes possessed by the spirit, and, it is said,
talks and acts just like the deceased, calling the children, relations
and friends by name, talking of the past, and giving commands for the
future conduct of the living members of the family. After this, the
spirit is severed from earthly trammels, and attains heavenly bliss.
The wood used for the purpose of cremation is that of a mango tree,
which must be cut down after the death. A little sandalwood and
cuscus (grass) roots are sometimes added to the pyre. In these days,
when the important and interesting features of ceremonial are fast
disappearing, it is not surprising that dried cakes of cow-dung are
superseding the mango wood.
Among other ceremonies, there is one called kutti puja, which is
performed when a newly built house is taken charge of. Vastu Purusha
is the name of the supreme being which, lying on its back with
its head to the north-east and legs to the south-west, supports
the earth. Or rather the earth is but a small portion of this
vast body. Forests are its tiny hairs, oceans its blood-vessels,
and the wind its breath. In this body are fifty-three deities,
who are liable to disturbance when the surface of the earth is dug,
when trees are felled, foundations laid, and a house built. These
angry beings must be propitiated, or there will be untimely deaths,
poverty, and sickness among the inmates. The ceremony is performed in
the following manner. A square with fifty-three columns is made with
rice flour in the middle room of the house, and each column is filled
with yellow, red, and black powder. A plantain leaf is placed over
it, and a few measures of paddy are set on the top of the leaf. On
this is placed another leaf, with various kinds of grain, plantains,
cocoanuts, and jaggery on it. The carpenter, who is the architect
and builder of the house, then performs puja with flowers, incense
and lights, and the troublesome imp-spirit Gulikan is propitiated
with toddy and arrack, and a fowl which is decapitated for him. Then
all the workmen--carpenters, masons, and coolies--walk thrice round
the house, breaking cocoanuts on the walls and doors, and howling in
order to drive away all evil spirits which may by chance be lurking
about the place. After this, they are all fed until they cry out "We
are satisfied, and want no more." They are given cloths and other
presents, and the chief feature of the ceremony takes place. This
is the formal handing over of the house by the carpenter. He hands
it over to a third person, and never directly to the owner. It is
not always easy to find a third person who is willing to undertake
the responsibility, and who is at the same time suitable for the
Gulikan who is dispossessed of the house, and pursues him henceforth,
following him who first receives charge of the house. He should
be a man who brings luck, cheerful and contented, having a family,
and not labouring under any disorder or sickness of body. There is,
or was a few years ago, an old Nayar living not far from Calicut, who
was much sought after to fulfil the functions of third person on these
occasions, and all the houses he received prospered. The third person
is generally a poor man, who is bribed with presents of cloths, money
and rice, to undertake the job. He wears one of the new cloths during
the ceremony. When the carpenter's ceremonies have been completed,
this man is taken to the middle room of the house, and made to stand
facing the door, with each foot on a plantain leaf. Pieces of the
thatch are tied to the four corners of his cloth. He shuts the door,
opens it, and shuts it again. The carpenter calls from without, asking
him whether he has taken charge of the house. He replies evasively
"Have the carpenters and workmen received all their wages? If they
have, I take charge of the house." The carpenter does not answer the
question, for, if he did so, the mischief would be transferred to
him through the house-owner. So he says "I did not ask you about my
wages. Have you taken charge of the house?" The man inside answers
as before, adding "otherwise not." The carpenter again says "I did
not ask you about my wages. Answer me straight. Have you, or have
you not taken charge of the house?" The man inside replies "I have
taken charge of the house," and opens the door. Taking in his hands
the plantain leaves on which he stood, he runs away as fast as he can
without looking back. This he must not do on any account. The people
pelt him with plantains, and hoot at him as he runs, and water mingled
with cow-dung is sprinkled in his path. After all this, cow's milk is
boiled with a little rice in the house, of which every one partakes,
and the owner assumes charge of his house.
In the pre-British days, a few of the well-to-do families of
Tiyans lived in houses of the kind called nalapura (four houses),
having an open quadrangle in the centre. But, for the most part, the
Tiyans--slaves of the Nayars and Nambutiris--lived in a one-roomed
thatched hut. Nowadays, the kala pura usually consists of two rooms,
east and west.
Toddy-drawing, and every thing connected with the manufacture and
sale of arrack (country liquor) and unrefined sugar, form the orthodox
occupation of the Tiyan. But members of the community are to be found
in all classes of society, and in practically all professions and
walks of life. It is interesting to find that the head of a Tiyan
family in North Malabar bears the title Cherayi Panikar, conferred
on the family in the old days by a former Zamorin. A title of this
kind was given only to one specially proficient in arms. Even in
those days there were Tiyan physicians, bone-setters, astrologers,
diviners, and sorcerers.
It is easy to identify the toddy-tapper by the indurated skin of
the palms, fingers, inner side of the forearms, and the instep. The
business of toddy-tapping involves expert climbing, while carrying
a considerable paraphernalia, with no adventitious aid other than
can be got out of a soft grummet of coir to keep the feet near
together, while the hands, with the arms extended, grasp the palm
tree. The profession is rarely adopted before the age of eighteen,
but I have seen a man who said he began when he was twelve years
old. It is very hard work. A tapper can work about fifteen trees,
each of which he has to climb three times a day. In the northern
districts of the Madras Presidency, among the Telugu population,
the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length,
which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or a
fourth of it. While in the act of climbing up or down, they make use
of a wide band, which is passed round the body at the small of the
back, and round the tree. This band is easily fastened with a toggle
and eye. The back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. It
gives great assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. All over the
southernmost portion of the peninsula, among the Shanans and Tiyans,
the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They climb up and down with
their hands and arms, using only the grummet on the feet. The Tiyan
toddy-tapper's equipment consists of a short-handled hatchet, about
seven inches square, of thin iron, sheathed in a wooden case, and
fastened to a waist-belt composed of several strings of coir yarn,
to which is hung a small pot of gummy substance obtained by bruising
the leaves of the aichil plant. A vessel holding a couple of gallons,
made out of the spathe of the areca palm, is used for bringing down the
toddy. Tucked into the waist-belt is a bone loaded with lead at either
end, which is used for tapping the palm to bring out the juice. A man
once refused to sell at any price one of these bones--the femur of a
sambar (Cervus unicolor), which had such virtue that, according to
its owner, it would fetch palm juice out of any tree. The garb of
the tapper at work consists of a short cloth round the loins, and
(always during the rains, and often at other times) a head-covering
somewhat pointed in shape, made of the leaves of the cocoanut palm
placed together as in a clinker-built boat, or of a rounded shape,
made out of the spathe of the areca palm. The toddy-tapper should go
through the show of reverence by touching the cocoanut tree with the
right hand, and then applying his hand to the forehead, every time
he prepares to climb a tree.
In connection with toddy-drawing, the following note occurs in
the Gazetteer of Malabar. "The tapper and the toddy shopkeeper are
generally partners, the former renting the trees, paying the tree-tax,
and selling the toddy at fixed prices to the latter. Sometimes the
shopkeeper pays both rent and tax, and the tapper is his servant paid
by the bottle. The trees are rented half yearly, and the rent varies
between Re. 1 and Re. 1-8-0 per tree. They are fit for tapping as soon
as they come into bearing, but four years later and in the succeeding
decade are most productive. They are seldom tapped for more than six
months in the year, and the process, though it shortens the life of the
tree, improves the yield of nuts in the rest of the year. The tapper's
outfit is neither costly nor elaborate. A knife in a wooden case,
a bone weighted with lead (the leg bone of a sambhur for choice),
a few pots, and two small rings of rope with which to climb complete
the tale. Operations begin when the spathe is still enclosed by its
sheath. Once a day the spathe is gently bruised on either side with
the bone, and on the third and following days a thin slice is cut
off the end twice a day. On the fifteenth day drawing begins, and the
bruising ceases. Sheath and spathe are swathed for the greater part
of their length in a thick covering of leaves or fibre; the ends are
still cut off twice or three times a day, but, after each operation,
are smeared with a paste made of leaves and water with the object, it
is said, of keeping the sap from oozing through the wound and rotting
the spathe. The leaves used for this purpose are those of the éechal or
vetti tree, which are said to be one and the same (Aporosa Lindleyana);
but in British Cochin, where the tree does not grow, backwater mud
is utilised. Round the space between the end of the sheath and the
thick covering of leaves a single leaf is bound, and through this
the sap bleeds into a pot fastened below. The pot is emptied once a
day in the morning. The yield of sap varies with the quality of the
tree and the season of the year. In the hot months the trees give
on an average about a bottle a day, in the monsoon and succeeding
months as much as three bottles. In the gardens along the backwaters,
south of Chettuvayi, Messrs. Parry & Co. consider that in a good year
they should get a daily average of three bottles or half a gallon of
toddy per tree. A bottle of toddy sells for three or four pies."
In connection with the coir industry, it is noted, in the Gazetteer of
Malabar, that "the husks of the cocoanuts are buried in pits as near
as possible to the waterline of rivers, backwaters and creeks, and
are left to soak for six months, a year, or even eighteen months--the
longer the better. The colour of the yarn, and thereby the quality,
depends very much on the water in which the husks are steeped. It
should be running water, and, if possible, fresh water. If the water
be salt, the yarn may at first be almost white, but in a damp climate
it soon becomes discoloured and blotchy. As soon as the husks are taken
out of the pits, the fibre is beaten out with short sticks by Tiyattis
(Tiyan females) and women of the Vettuvan caste. It is dried in the
sun for twelve hours, and is then ready for sale to native merchants
at Calicut and Cochin, who in their turn deal with the European
firms. The fibre is twisted into yarn by Tiyattis and other women,
and in that form the greater part of the coir made in Malabar is
exported from Cochin to all parts of the world, but chiefly to the
United Kingdom and Germany."
It has been said that "in North Malabar the preparation of coir is
a regular cottage industry of the most typical kind. Throughout the
year, wherever one goes, one hears the noise of the women hammering
out the fibre, and sees them taking, in the evening, that part of it
which they have rolled into yarn to the nearest little wayside shop,
to be exchanged for salt, chillies, paddy, etc. But, in the north of
the district, nothing of the kind goes on, and the coir is commonly
used as fuel."
It has been already stated that marumakkatayam, or inheritance through
nephews, is the invariable rule in North Malabar, being followed even
by the Muhammadan Mappillas. In South Malabar, where the Tiyans do not
observe marumakkatayam, the property devolves through the sons. All
sons share alike. Daughters have no share. The practice of polyandry,
which still exists in Malabar among the Tiyans (and other classes),
and which was probably once general, tends to prevent dispersion of the
family property. Although theoretically all sons share the property
of their father, it is the eldest son who succeeds to possession
and management of the tarwad property. The others are entitled to
maintenance only, so long as they remain in the same tarwad house. It
is the same among the Izhuvans.
Beef, as in the case of all Hindus, is forbidden as an article of
diet. The staple food is rice with fish curry. The common beverage
is conjee, but this is being supplanted by tea, coffee, lemonade,
and soda-water.
A loin-cloth, which should not reach to the knees, with a Madras
handkerchief on the shoulders, is the orthodox dress of the males,
and a double loin-cloth that of females. Women were not allowed to wear
anything above the waist, except when under death pollution. Any colour
might be worn, but white and blue are most common. A ring, composed
of hollow gold beads, called mani-kathila, is the proper ornament for
a Tiyan woman's ear. Twenty or thirty, with a pendant in the middle,
might be worn. Gold or silver bracelets could be worn. Hollow silver
bracelets were worn by girls until the birth of their first child. But
times have changed, and nowadays Tiyan women wear the ornaments which,
strictly speaking, appertain to Nayar and Brahman women. Their mode of
tying the hair, and even their dress, which is inclined to follow the
fashion of the Christians, has changed. In olden days, a Tiyan woman
could wear an ornament appropriate for a Nayar on a special occasion,
but only with the permission of the Nayar landlord, obtained through
the Tandan, on payment of a fee.
In North Malabar a good round oath is upon Perumal Iswaran, the God
of the shrine at Kotiyur. In South Malabar it is common to swear by
Kodungallur Bhagavati, or by Guruvayur Appan, local deities.
The Tandan is the principal person in the tara, to decide all caste
disputes. In South Malabar, he is, as a rule, appointed by the senior
Rani of the Zamorin. A fee of anything up to 101 fanams (Rs. 25-4-0)
must be paid to this lady, when she appoints a Tandan. When there
is a problem of any special difficulty, it is referred to her for
decision. In territories other than those within the power of the
Zamorin, the local Raja appoints the Tandan, and gives the final
decision in special cases. As we have seen, the Tiyan is always to
some extent subordinate to a Nayar overlord, but he is not bound to
any particular one. He can go where he likes, and reside anywhere, and
is not bound to any particular chief, as is the Nayar. It is noted by
General E. F. Burton, [26] in connection with bygone days, that "such
was the insolent pride of caste that the next (and very respectable)
class of Hindus, the Teers, were not allowed to come near the Nairs,
under penalty of being cut down by the sword, always naked and ready."
In connection with the religion of the Tiyans, I may commence with
an old tradition, which is no doubt from a Brahmanic source. Once
upon a time there were seven heavenly damsels, who used to bathe
every day before dawn in a lake situated in a forest. Siva found
this out, and appeared as a fire on the bank, at which the girls
warmed themselves. Having thus lured them, the God made all of them
mothers. Seven beautiful boys were born, and Siva presented them to
Parvati, who treated them as if they were her own sons. They were taken
to mount Kailasa, and employed in preparing toddy for the mysterious
and wonderful Sakti worship. Daily they brought the toddy at the
moment when it was required for the golden pot. Parvati embraced the
boys all at once, and they became one. On a certain day, this boy sent
the sacred toddy in charge of a Brahman, who became curious to know
the virtues of the mysterious liquid. As he rested on a river bank
thinking about it, he drank a little, and filled the vessel up with
water. Then he reached Kailasa too late for the daily worship. Siva
was angry, and ordered the Saunika boy (Parvati's name for him) to
be brought before him. But the boy had been told what had happened,
and cut off the head of the Brahman, who had confessed to him. Seeing
the boy coming along carrying a Brahman's head, Siva was astonished,
and commanded him to approach nearer. The boy explained that it was
not a heinous crime to cut off the head of one who had prevented
the Sakti worship. Siva said that the killing of a Brahman was the
worst of crimes, and put the perpetrator out of caste. He would not
listen to the boy, who replied that whoever prevented Sakti worship
was a Chandala, and condemned him. The boy asked for death at Siva's
hands. The request pleased the God, who forgave him. The boy had to
remain out of caste, but was initiated into the mysteries of Sakti
worship as the surest means of salvation, and to him was given the
exclusive privilege of performing Sakti worship with liquor. He
was commanded to follow, and imitate the Brahmans in everything,
except in the matter of repeating the sacred mantrams. By tantrams
(signs with the hands) he eventually obtained the merit of making
puja with mantrams. He was the first Tiyan.
It is pretty safe to say that all the ideas of the Tiyans connected
with pure Hinduism--the Hinduism of the Vedas--and of tradition,
of which we see very little in Southern India, and which in Malabar
is more perverted in confused ideas than perhaps elsewhere, those
relating to re-birth, karma, pilgrimages to Benares and distant
temples are borrowed from the Brahmans. In the ceremonies which have
been described, notably in those connected with marriage and death,
we have seen the expression of many Hindu ideas. Not so is all that
relates to offerings to the dead. That is the common property of all
the children of men.
A main feature in the religion of the Tiyan is that it is largely
connected with Sakti worship. Some Brahmans indulge therein, but they
are unable, like the Tiyans, to use arrack in connection with it, and
are obliged to use, instead of this requisite, milk or honey. Siva,
not exactly a Vedic entity, and Sakti, are supposed to be the two
primordial and eternal principles in nature. Sakti is, perhaps, more
properly the vital energy, and Sakti worship the worship of the life
principle in nature. We are not considering the abstract meaning of
the term Sakti; nor are we now thinking of the Siva of Monier Williams
or Max Müller. We are in Malabar, where the Hinduism of the Vedas is
in almost hopeless confusion, and mingled with animism and nearly
every other kind of primitive religious idea. It is not therefore
at all an easy task to represent in words anything like a rational
conception of what the religion of the Tiyan really is. The poor and
ignorant follow, in a blind ignorant way, Hinduism as they know it and
feel it. Their Hinduism is very largely imbued with the lower cult,
which, with a tinge of Hinduism, varied in extent here and there,
is really the religion of the people at large all over Southern
India. The Tiyans have a large share of it. To the actions of evil
and other spirits are attributable most, if not all of the ills and
joys of life. The higher Hinduism is far above them. Nevertheless,
we find among them the worship of the obscure and mysterious Sakti,
which, unfortunately, is practiced in secret. Nobody seems to be in
the least proud of having anything to do with it. In fact, they are
rather ashamed to say anything about it. Those who, so to speak, go
in for it are obliged to undergo preliminary purificatory ceremonies,
before the great mystery can be communicated to them. The mantram,
which is whispered by the guru (religious preceptor) in the ear of
the devotee is said to be "Brahma aham, Vishnu aham, Bhairavu aham"
(I am Brahma, I am Vishnu, I am Bhairavan). It is believed that each
individual is a spark of the divinity. Having in him the potentiality
of the Supreme Being, he can develop, and attain godhood. There is no
distinction of caste in Sakti worship. The devotees may belong to the
highest or to the lowest castes, though I doubt very much whether the
Nambutiri Brahmans indulge in it. The novices, of whatever caste,
eat and drink together during the period of puja. Men and women
participate in the secret rites. A solemn oath is taken that the
mystery of Sakti will not be revealed, except with the permission of
the guru, or on the death-bed. The spirit of the goddess (for Sakti is
thought of as the female principle) must be withdrawn from the body
of the Sakti worshipper when he is at the point of death. A lamp is
lighted beside him. A few leaves of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum),
a little rice, and a lighted wick are given to the dying man. Holding
these things, he makes three passes over his body from head to foot,
and, as it were, transfers the spirit to the next man, at the same time
communicating his wishes about continuing the worship, and so on. When
a man dies before this separation or transfer has been accomplished,
a Brahman must be called in, who, with a silver image representing
the deceased, makes symbolic transference of the Sakti spirit. It
must be done somehow, or the soul of the deceased cannot attain
salvation. It is said that, like many other things in this land,
Sakti worship has undergone degeneration, that such lofty ideas and
feelings as may have once pervaded it have more or less disappeared,
and that the residue is not very edifying. Be this as it may, in
every tara there is a Bhagavati temple for Tiyans, where Tiyans
officiate as priests. The Komaram (oracle) of the Bhagavati temple
is clothed in red, and embellished with red sandal paste mixed with
turmeric. Bhagavati is always associated with various jungle spirits
or gods, whose Komarams always wear black. There is no daily worship
in Tiyan temples, with the exception of a few in the neighbourhood
of Cannanore. But there is an annual celebration of puja during the
mannalam (forty day) period, commencing on the first of the month
Vrischikam (15th November). Lamps are lighted, and worship is begun on
this day, and continued for forty days. At its conclusion, the jungle
gods retire to the jungle until the next year. A death in the family
of a Komaram involves, I believe, some postponement of the rites. The
period is supposed to be first part of the functional activity of the
earth, which ends somewhere about the 21st of June. It is during this
period that Sakti worship is carried on.
The temple of Subramania at Palni in the Madura district is a
favourite objective for Tiyan pilgrims. The subject of pilgrimages
to this temple has been touched on in my note on the Nayars (see
Nayar). The Bhagavati temple at Kodungallur in Cochin territory on the
coast is another favourite place of pilgrimage among the Tiyans. All
classes of people, with the exception of Brahmans, undertake this
pilgrimage. Everyone under a vow, proceeding to the festival,
which takes place in February or March, carries with him a cock,
which is beheaded at the shrine. Under the Perumals, pilgrimage to
Kodungallur was somewhat compulsory. This temple was a fruitful source
of revenue to the State, for not only the Tiyans, but the fisherman
and artisan castes had their own temple in every tara in the land,
and the Muppan--the Komaram--of each temple was under an obligation
to contribute yearly gifts to the temple at Kodungallur. Rent for the
temple lands was set at a nominal figure--a mere pepper-corn rent as
acknowledgment of sovereign right. Rent might not be paid in times of
trouble, but the gifts eked out of superstition were unfailing. It is
not surprising, therefore, that learning and advancement among the
inferior castes did not receive much encouragement from the rulers
of those days.
The temple of Kotiyur in North Malabar is also a shrine to which
Tiyans make pilgrimage. Indeed, it may be said that they follow
Hinduism generally in rather a low form, and that Sakti worship is
perhaps more peculiarly theirs than others', owing to their being
able to use arrack, a product of the palm, and therefore of their own
particular métier. The highest merit in Sakti can be reached only
through arrack. The Sakti goddess, Bhagavati, the Tiyans look upon
as their own guardian spirit.
As instancing the mixture and confusion of religious ideas in Malabar,
it may be mentioned that Mappillas have been known to indulge in
Sakti worship, and Tiyans to have made vows, and given offerings at
Mappilla mosques and Christian churches. Vows to the well-known mosque
at Mambram are made by people of almost every caste. It is not uncommon
to present the first fruit of a jak tree, or the milk of a cow when
it brings forth its first calf, to the local Tangal or Mappilla priest.
In many, perhaps in most Tiyan houses, offerings are made annually
to a bygone personage named Kunnath Nayar, and to his friend and
disciple Kunhi Rayan, a Mappilla. It is probable that they excelled in
witchcraft and magic, but, according to the story, the Nayar worshipped
the kite until he obtained command and control over all the snakes
in the land. The offerings are made in order to prevent accidents
from snakes. The snake god will also give children to the family, and
promote domestic prosperity. Men without offspring worship him. Leprosy
and the death of a child are believed to be the consequence of killing
a snake. There are Mappilla devotees of Kunnath Nayar and Kunhi Rayan,
who exhibit snakes in a box, and collect alms. There is a snake mosque
near Manarghat, at the foot of the Nilgiri hills, which has its annual
festival. The alms are collected ostensibly for this mosque.
An interesting story, which is the legendary account of the
exodus of the artisans from Malabar, and their return with the
Tiyans, is narrated by the Panans. There were, in olden times, five
recognised classes, which includes the Asaris (carpenters), Musaris
(workers in bell-metal), Thattans (goldsmiths), and Perin-Kollans
(blacksmiths). The fifth class is unknown. When an individual of the
artisan classes dies, the Panan of the tara must bring a death gift to
the house, which consists of cocoanuts and jak fruits or plantains. The
Panan places the gift in the yard and repeats a long formula, which
he has learnt by heart. It is very likely that he knows little or
nothing of its meaning. But he reels it off, and at its conclusion
the gifts are accepted. The same formula is also always repeated
among the carpenters, goldsmiths, and blacksmiths during wedding
and tali-tying ceremonies. It relates how the artisans deserted the
land of Cheraman Perumal, and sought an asylum in the country of the
Izhuvans with the island king, and how the Perumal sent the Panan
to bring them back. Every one knows this old story, and believes
it firmly. It must be learnt by heart, and the Panan gives it in
the yard when a member of the artisan classes dies. The story is to
the following effect. During the four Yugams, Kreta, Treta, Dwapara,
and Kali, many kings reigned over the earth. Parasu Raman destroyed
the Kshatriya kings on twenty-one occasions, and was obliged to make
atonement in expiatory ceremonies. He worshipped Varuna, the ocean
god, and recovered from the sea a hundred and sixty kathams of land,
consisting of Kolanad (?), Venad (Travancore), Kanya Kumari (Cape
Comorin), Cheranad, and Malayalam up to Changala Vazhi beyond the
Anaimalai hills. Cheraman Perumal was the ruler of this land, in
which were the four castes. His capital was at Tiruvanja Kolam. One
day, Veluthedan [27] Chiraman was washing the Perumal's cloths in
a tank. He beat the cloths on a stone which was flat on the ground,
and held one of the cloths in his hand. A girl of the carpenter caste,
Ayyesvari by name, was just then going to the tank to bathe after her
monthly period. She called out "Ho! Kammal. [28] That is not the way
to wash cloths. Put a small stone under one end of your washing stone,
so as to make it slope a little. Then hold both ends of the cloth
in your hand, and beat the middle of the cloth on the stone." The
Veluthedan did so, and found that he washed better, and the cloths
were whiter. The Perumal asked him "Were you not washing the cloths
before? Who washed them to-day?" To which the Veluthedan replied
"Oh! Tamburan (chief or lord), a carpenter girl instructed your slave
to-day how to wash cloths properly. May Perumal be pleased to order
the girl to be given to your slave as his wife." Perumal then said
"To whatever caste she may belong, you may take her by force, and
will not lose your caste." Having received the king's permission,
Veluthedan Chiraman concealed himself near the carpenter's house,
and, when the girl opened the door to sweep the yard at dawn, he
seized her, and carried her off to his house. Carpenter Sankaran of
Tiruvanja Kalam went to the Perumal, and complained that Veluthedan
Kammal had carried away his daughter, and disgraced him. He asked the
Perumal whether he would give him an armed guard to rescue her. To
which the Perumal replied "I will not help either party with armed
men. You must fight it out among yourselves." Then the five classes
of artisans consulted one another, and made common cause. The Panans,
Perin Malayans, and Chen (red) Koravans joined the artisans. The
Ven Thachans, Velans, Paravans, Vettuvans, Kanisan Panikars, and the
Pandi Pulluvans of Vellalanad joined the other side. There was war
for twelve years. In the end, the artisans were defeated. They said
among themselves "We have been defeated by the fourteenth caste of
Veluthedan Nayar, who carried away our daughter. Let us leave this
country." So 7,764 families, with the women and children, tied up their
mats, and left Cheraman Perumal's country, and went to Izhuva land,
which was beyond it. They went before the Izhuva king (island king),
and told him their story. Now Cheraman Perumal used to be shaved
every fifteen days. When the barber (Velakathalavan) was sent for,
he came without his knife (razor), as his wife had buried it. He
said "Oh! Tamburan, have mercy on your slave. Your slave's knife
was given to the blacksmith to be mended, and he took it away with
him. He gave me this piece of iron, saying "If you want the knife
made ready for use, you must come to the Izhuva land for it, and we
will mend it on our return." So Perumal had to go without shaving,
and his hair grew like a Rishi's. As there were neither carpenters nor
smiths to make implements, agriculture was almost at a standstill;
and, as there were no goldsmiths, the tali-tying ceremonies could
not be performed. Nor could the rice-giving ceremony be done, for
want of the "neck-rings." Then Cheraman Perumal obtained advice,
and resolved to send the Mannan (washerman of the Tiyans), who was
included in the fourteenth caste, and the Panan, who belonged to the
eleventh caste. The Perumal gave to each of them a thousand fanams,
and told them to go to the Izhuva country, and bring back the Kammalans
(artisans). They wandered over various countries, stopping wherever
they found a house. The Panan, being clever, was able to live by his
wits, and spent no money of his own. The Mannan, on the contrary, spent
all his money. They passed Ramapuri, and reached Trichivampuri. Then
the Mannan asked the Panan for a loan, which was refused. On
Friday at noon, the Mannan left the Panan, saying "The Panan is no
companion for the Mannan." He returned to the Perumal and reported
his failure, and the Panan's refusal to lend him money. The Panan
went on, crossing rivers, canals, and ferries, and at last reached
the Izhuva king's country. He entered the reception hall. At that
moment, the king's goldsmith, who had just finished making a golden
crown for him, had put it on his own head, to test its suitability
for wearing. The Panan thought he was the king, and made obeisance
to him. The Kammalans recognised him. He discovered his mistake too
late, for he had addressed the goldsmith as Tamburan. So, to this
day, the Panans, when addressing goldsmiths, say Tamburan. The Panan
told the Kammalans of his mission, but they refused to return unless
full reparation was made for the abduction of the carpenter girl,
and certain social disabilities were removed. The 7,764 families of
Kammalans asked the Izhuva king his advice, and he said that they
should not go away. So the Kammalans sent the Panan back, and gave
him the following presents, in order to demonstrate to the Perumal
that they were in comfortable circumstances:--
Gold valam-piri (a sort of string worn over the right shoulder);
Silver edam-piri (a similar sort of string worn on the left
shoulder);
Gold netti-pattam (to be tied on the forehead);
Gold bracelet;
Gold ornament for the hair.
The Kammalans sent word to the Perumal that they would not return,
unless they were given a girl in place of the carpenter's daughter,
who had been abducted, and certain privileges were granted to them. At
the same time, they promised the Panan that they would share their
privileges with him, if he was successful. So the Panan returned,
and appeared before the Perumal, who asked him where the Kammalans
were. The Panan removed his gold cap, and put it under his arm, and
replied that they were prosperous, and not anxious to return. Saying
so, he placed before the Perumal the rich presents given by the
Kammalans, and told the king that they would not return, unless they
were given a girl and certain concessions. The Perumal told the
Panan to go back, and invite the Kammalans to return on their own
terms. He said they would catch the first girl they met on the way
to his palace, and all their demands were granted. The Panan arrived
again in the Izhuva country, and told the Kammalans what the Perumal
had said. They went to the Izhuva king, and obtained his permission
to return to their own country. Then they caught an Izhuva boy, and
confined him. The king asked them why they did so. They replied that
they had lived for twelve years [29] as his subjects, and would never
recognise any other king, so they wanted the Izhuva boy to represent
him. The king consented. When they started, the boy began to cry. A
Nasrani, [30] by name Thomma (Thomas), was taken to accompany and
protect the boy. The Kammalans travelled to their own country, and
appeared before Cheraman Perumal. On the way, they found a girl of
the Variar caste plucking flowers, and caught her by the hand. All
the five classes claimed her. At last it was resolved to unite her
with the Izhuva boy, their Tandan, who represented their king, and
treat her as their sister. Cheraman Perumal confirmed his promise,
and granted the following privileges to the Kammalans:--
1. To make ceilings for their houses.
2. To make upstairs houses to live in.
3. To put up single staircases, consisting of one pole, in which
notches are cut, or pegs are stuck alternately, for the feet.
4. To have a gate-house.
5. To perform the tali-tying ceremonies of their girls in a booth
having four posts or supports; to place within it, on a stool, a
looking-glass with a handle, and the Ramayana; and to place a silk
cloth on the girl's head.
6. To do arpu at the conclusion of the tali-tying ceremony
(Vel! Arpu! is yelled out by the boys).
7. To cook rice in copper vessels on occasions of marriage and other
ceremonies, and to serve sugar and pappadams at their feasts.
8. To hold the umbrella and taza (a sort of umbrella), which are
carried in front of processions.
9. To clap hands, and dance.
10. To keep milch-cows for their own use.
Permission was further granted for the Kammalans to wear the following
ornaments.
1. Netti-pattam, worn on the forehead during the tali-tying ceremony.
2. Ananthovi, a ear ornament named after Anandan, the endless,
the serpent on which Vishnu reposes. The serpent is sometimes
represented with its tail in its mouth, forming a circle, an endless
figure. Ananthovi is the central pendant of the ear-ring worn by Tiyan
women among their kathila (ordinary gold ear-rings). It resembles a
serpent in form. It is worn by men of the Tiyan and artisan castes
on special occasions.
3. Waist zone or girdle.
4. Bracelets.
5. Anklet with two knobs, formed of two pieces screwed together.
6. Puli-mothiram, or tiger's claws mounted in gold, worn by children.
7. Podippu, a knot of cotton-thread at the end of the string on which
coins are hung as ornaments.
8. Kalanchi, a gold knob above the podippu, which represents a flower.
9. Necklace.
10. Edakam and madkam-tali, neck ornaments, in one of which are set
twenty-one stones.
11. Cotton thread above the gold thread on the neck.
The Perumal conferred like privileges upon the family (Tiruvarankath)
of the Panan who brought back the Kammalans. He wore all his ornaments,
and made his obeisance to the Perumal. He had, however, taken off
his gold cap. The Perumal said "What you have removed, let it be
removed." So he lost the privilege of wearing a gold cap. The Perumal
blessed the Kammalans, and they returned to their villages. They made a
separate house for the Izhuva boy and the Variar girl, and maintained
them. The Izhuva boy, who was the first Tiyan to come to Malabar,
brought with him the cocoanut, and retained the right to cultivate
and use it. To this day, the people of the serf castes--Cherumans,
Kanakans, and the like--use the word Varian when addressing Tiyans,
in reference to their descent from the Variar girl.
The orthodox number of classes of Kammalans is five. But the artisans
do not admit the workers in leather as of their guild, and say there
are only four classes. According to them, the fifth class was composed
of the copper-smiths, who did not return to Malabar with the others,
but remained in Izhuva land. Nevertheless, they always speak of
themselves as the Aiyen kudi or five-house Kammalans.
There is a variant of the legend of the exodus, told by the Asaris
(carpenters), which is worth narrating. Their version of the story is
repeated among themselves, and not by the Panan, at every marriage
and tali-tying ceremony. They identify the village of the Perumal's
washerman as Kanipayyur. This is the name of a Nambutiri's illam in
the Ponani taluk of Malabar. The Nambutiri is, it may be mentioned,
considered to be the highest extant authority in architecture. Disputed
points relating to this subject are referred to him, and his decision
is final, and accepted by all carpenters and house-builders. The
washerman's stone is said to have been lying flat in the water. The
girl Ayyesvari was also of Kanipayyur, and was carried off as in
the former story. But there was no request for an armed guard to
rescue her. The Perumal was, instead, asked to make the washerman
marry her, and thus avoid disgrace. He consented to do so, and
all the 7,764 families of the five classes of Kammalans assembled
for the wedding. An immense booth, supported on granite pillars,
was erected. The washerman and his party were fed sumptuously. But
the booth had been so constructed that it could be made to collapse
instantaneously. So the Kammalans went quietly outside, and, at a given
signal, the booth collapsed, and crushed to death the washerman and his
friends. After this, the Kammalans fled, and remained one year, eight
months and eleven days in the Izhuva country. Negotiations were carried
on through the Izhuva king, and the Kammalans returned under his
guarantee that their demands would be complied with. The Izhuva king
sent his own men and the Nasrani to the capital of the Perumal. The
story of the exodus and the return was inscribed on granite stone with
solemn rites, and in the presence of witnesses. This was buried at
the northern gate of the Tiruvanchakulam temple on Friday, the eighth
of the month of Kanni. It was resolved that, in any case of doubt,
the stone should be unearthed. And it was only after all this had been
done that the Izhuva king's envoy returned to him. Then the Kammalans
came back to Malabar. According to the carpenters, the copper-smiths
did not return. They say that eighteen families of Asaris remained
behind. Some of these returned long afterwards, but they were not
allowed to rejoin the caste. They are known as Puzhi Tachan, or sand
carpenters, and Patinettanmar, or the eighteen people. There are
four families of this class now living at or near Parpangadi. They
are carpenters, but the Asaris treat them as outcastes.
There is yet another variant of the story of the exodus, which is
obviously of recent manufacture, for a Pattar Brahman is brought in,
and gives cunning advice. We know that the Pattars are comparatively
new comers in Malabar.
The Tiyans have recently been summed up as follows. [31] "The Tiyas
have always been characterised by their persevering and enterprising
habits. A large percentage of them are engaged in various agricultural
pursuits, and some of the most profitable industries of Malabar have
from time out of mind been in their hands. They are exclusively engaged
in making toddy and distilling arrack. Many of them are professional
weavers, the Malabar mundu being a common kind of cloth made by
them. The various industries connected with cocoanut cultivation are
also successfully carried on by the Tiyas. For example, t
Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/42997