Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 5 of 7
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Title: Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 5 of 7
Author: Edgar Thurston
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. VOL. 5 OF 7 ***
CASTES AND TRIBES
OF
SOUTHERN INDIA
By
EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E.,
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger,
Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa,
Romana di Anthropologia.
Assisted by
K. Rangachari, M.A.,
of the Madras Government Museum.
Volume V--M to P
Government Press, Madras
1909.
CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
VOLUME V.
MARAKKAYAR.--The Marakkayars are described, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as "a Tamil-speaking Musalman tribe of mixed Hindu and
Musalman origin, the people of which are usually traders. They seem
to be distinct from the Labbais (q.v.) in several respects, but the
statistics of the two have apparently been confused, as the numbers
of the Marakkayars are smaller than they should be." Concerning
the Marakkayars of the South Arcot district, Mr. Francis writes as
follows. [1] "The Marakkayars are largely big traders with other
countries such as Ceylon and the Straits Settlements, and own most
of the native coasting craft. They are particularly numerous in
Porto Novo. The word Marakkayar is usually derived from the Arabic
markab, a boat. The story goes that, when the first immigrants of this
class (who, like the Labbais, were driven from their own country by
persecutions) landed on the Indian shore, they were naturally asked
who they were, and whence they came. In answer they pointed to their
boats, and pronounced the word markab, and they became in consequence
known to the Hindus as Marakkayars, or the people of markab. The
Musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially superior to
the Marakkaayars, and the Marakkayars consider themselves better than
the Labbais. There is, of course, no religious bar to intermarriages
between these different sub-divisions, but such unions are rare,
and are usually only brought about by the offer of strong financial
inducements to the socially superior party. Generally speaking, the
pure-bred Musalmans differ from those of mixed descent by dressing
themselves and their women in the strict Musalman fashion, and by
speaking Hindustani at home among themselves. Some of the Marakkayars
are now following their example in both these matters, but most of
them affect the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the tartan
(kambayam) waist-cloth. The Labbais also very generally wear these,
and so are not always readily distinguishable from the Marakkayars,
but some of them use the Hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their
womankind dress almost exactly like Hindu women. In the same way, some
Labbais insist on the use of Hindustani in their houses, while others
speak Tamil. There seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of
Hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music,
which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a
simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the
Musalman faith."
Of 13,712 inhabitants of Porto Novo returned at the census, 1901,
as many as 3,805 were Muhammadans. "The ordinary vernacular name
of the town is Farangipettai or European town, but the Musalmans
call it Muhammad Bandar (Port). The interest of the majority of
the inhabitants centres in matters connected with the sea. A large
proportion of them earn their living either as owners of, or sailors
in, the boats which ply between the place and Ceylon and other parts,
and it is significant that the most popular of the unusually large
number of Musalman saints who are buried in the town is one Malumiyar,
who was apparently in his lifetime a notable sea-captain. His fame as
a sailor has been magnified into the miraculous, and it is declared
that he owned ten or a dozen ships, and used to appear in command of
all of them simultaneously. He has now the reputation of being able to
deliver from danger those who go down to the sea in ships, and sailors
setting out on a voyage or returning from one in safety usually put
an offering in the little box kept at his darga, and these sums are
expended in keeping that building lighted and whitewashed. Another
curious darga in the town is that of Araikasu Nachiyar, or the one
pie lady. Offerings to her must on no account be worth more than
one pie (1/192 of a rupee); tributes in excess of that value are
of no effect. If sugar for so small an amount cannot be procured,
the devotee spends the money on chunam (lime) for her tomb, and this
is consequently covered with a superabundance of whitewash. Stories
are told of the way in which the valuable offerings of rich men have
altogether failed to obtain her favour, and have had to be replaced
by others of the regulation diminutive dimensions. The chief mosque
is well kept. Behind it are two tombs, which stand at an odd angle
with one another, instead of being parallel as usual. The legend goes
that once upon a time there was a great saint called Hafiz Mir Sahib,
who had an even more devout disciple called Saiyad Shah. The latter
died and was duly buried, and not long after the saint died also. The
disciple had always asked to be buried at the feet of his master,
and so the grave of this latter was so placed that his feet were
opposite the head of his late pupil. But his spirit recognised that
the pupil was really greater than the master, and when men came later
to see the two graves they found that the saint had turned his tomb
round so that his feet no longer pointed with such lack of respect
towards the head of his disciple." [2]
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Jonagans are separated from
the Marakkayars, and are described as Musalman traders of partly
Hindu parentage. And, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr. Francis
says that "the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning a native of Sonagan
or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais and Marakkayars, but
it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour about it." There
is some little confusion concerning the exact application of the name
Jonagan, but I gather that it is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen,
while the more prosperous traders are called Marakkayars. A point,
in which the Labbais are said to differ from the Marakkayars, is that
the former are Hanafis, and the latter Shafis.
The Marakkayars are said to admit converts from various Hindu classes,
who are called Pulukkais, and may not intermarry with the Marakkayars
for several generations, or until they have become prosperous.
In one form of the marriage rites, the ceremonial extends over four
days. The most important items on the first day are fixing the mehr
(bride-price) in the presence of the vakils (representatives), and
the performance of the nikka rite by the Kazi. The nikka kudbha is
read, and the hands of the contracting couple are united by male
elders, the bride standing within a screen. During the reading of
the kudbha, a sister of the bridegroom ties a string of black beads
round the bride's neck. All the women present set up a roar, called
kulavi-idal. On the following day, the couple sit among women, and
the bridegroom ties a golden tali on the bride's neck. On the third
or fourth day a ceremony called paparakkolam, or Brahman disguise,
is performed. The bride is dressed like a Brahman woman, and holds
a brass vessel in one hand, and a stick in the other. Approaching
the bridegroom, she strikes him gently, and says "Did not I give you
buttermilk and curds? Pay me for them." The bridegroom then places
a few tamarind seeds in the brass vessel, but the bride objects to
this, and demands money, accompanying the demand with strokes of
the stick. The man then places copper, silver, and gold coins in the
vessel, and the bride retires in triumph to her chamber.
Like the Labbais, the Marakkayars write Tamil in Arabic characters,
and speak a language called Arab-Tamil, in which the Kuran and other
books have been published. (See Labbai.)
Maralu (sand).--A gotra of Kurni.
Maran or Marayan.--The Marayans are summed up, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as being "temple servants and drummers in Malabar. Like
many of the Malabar castes, they must have come from the east coast,
as their name frequently occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions of 1013
A.D. They followed then the same occupation as that by which they live
to-day, and appear to have held a tolerably high social position. In
parts of North Malabar they are called Oc'chan."
"The development of this caste," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [3]
"is interesting. In Chirakkal, the northernmost taluk of the Malabar
district, and in the adjoining Kasargod taluk of South Canara, Marayans
are barbers, serving Nayars and higher castes; in the Kottayam and
Kurumbranad taluks they are barbers and drummers, and also officiate
as purohits (priests) at the funeral ceremonies of Nayars. In the
latter capacity they are known in those parts also as Attikurissi
Marayan. Going still further south, we find the Nayar purohit called
simply Attikurissi, omitting the Marayan, and he considers it beneath
his dignity to shave. Nevertheless, he betrays his kinship with the
Marayan of the north by the privilege which he claims of cutting
the first hair when a Nayar is shaved after funeral obsequies. On
the other hand, the drummer, who is called Marayan, or honorifically
Marar, poses as a temple servant, and would be insulted if it were
said that he was akin to the shaving Marayan of the north. He is
considered next in rank only to Brahmans, and would be polluted by
the touch of Nayars. He loses caste by eating the food of Nayars,
but the Nayars also lose caste by eating his food. A proverb says
that a Marayan has four privileges:--
1. Pani, or drum, beaten with the hand.
2. Koni, or bier, i.e., the making of the bier.
3. Natumittam, or shaving.
4. Tirumittam, or sweeping the temple courts.
"In North Malabar a Marayan performs all the above duties even
now. In the south there appears to have been a division of labour,
and there a Marayan is in these days only a drummer and temple
servant. Funeral rites are conducted by an Attikurissi Marayan,
otherwise known as simply Attikurissi, and shaving is the duty of
the Velakattalavan. This appears to have been the case for many
generations, but I have not attempted to distinguish between the
two sections, and have classed all as barbers. Moreover, it is only
in parts of South Malabar that the caste has entirely given up the
profession of barber; and, curiously enough, these are the localities
where Nambudiri influence is supreme. The Marayans there appear
to have confined themselves to officiating as drummers in temples,
and to have obtained the title of Ambalavasi; and, in course of time,
they were even honoured with sambandham of Nambudiris. In some places
an attempt is made to draw a distinction between Marayan and Marayar,
the former denoting the barber, and the latter, which is merely the
honorific plural, the temple servant. There can, however, be little
doubt that this is merely an ex post facto argument in support of the
alleged superiority of those Marayans who have abandoned the barber's
brush. It may be here noted that it is common to find barbers acting
as musicians throughout the Madras Presidency, and that there are
several other castes in Malabar, such as the Tiyyans, Mukkuvans,
etc., who employ barbers as purohits at their funeral ceremonies."
In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, Mr. M. Sankara Menon writes
that the Marars are "Sudras, and, properly speaking, they ought
to be classed along with Nayars. Owing, however, to their close
connection with services in temples, and the absence of free
interdining or intermarriage with Nayars, they are classed along
with Ambalavasis. They are drummers, musicians, and storekeepers in
temples. Like Tiyattu Nambiyars, some sections among them also draw
figures of the goddess in Bhagavati temples, and chant songs. In
some places they are also known as Kuruppus. Some sub-castes among
them do not dine, or intermarry. As they have generally to serve in
temples, they bathe if they touch Nayars. In the matter of marriage
(tali-kettu and sambandham), inheritance, period of pollution, etc.,
they follow customs exactly like those of Nayars. In the southern
taluks Elayads officiate as purohits, but, in the northern taluks,
their own castemen take the part of the Elayads in their sradha
ceremonies. The tali-kettu is likewise performed by Tirumalpads in
the southern taluks, but by their own castemen, called Enangan, in
the northern taluks. Their castemen or Brahmans unite themselves with
their women in sambandham. As among Nayars, purificatory ceremonies
after funerals, etc., are performed by Cheethiyans or Nayar priests."
For the following detailed note on the Marans of Travancore I am
indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer, The name Maran has nothing to do
with maranam or death, as has been supposed, but is derived from the
Tamil root mar, to beat. In the Tanjore inscriptions of the eleventh
century, the caste on the Coromandel coast appears to have been
known by this name. The Marans correspond to the Occhans of the Tamil
country, and a class of Marans in North Malabar are sometimes called by
this designation. In the old revenue records of the Travancore State,
Mangalyam appears to be the term made use of. The two well-known
titles of the caste are Kuruppu and Panikkar, both conveying the idea
of a person who has some allotted work to perform. In modern days,
English-educated men appear to have given these up for Pillai, the
titular affix added to the name of the Sudra population generally.
Marans may be divided into two main divisions, viz., Marans who
called themselves Marars in North Travancore, and who now hesitate to
assist other castes in the performance of their funeral rites; and
Marans who do not convert their caste designation into an honorific
plural, and act as priests for other castes. This distinction is most
clearly marked in North Travancore, while to the south of Alleppey
the boundary line may be said to remain only dim. In this part of
the country, therefore, a fourfold division of the caste is the
one best known to the people, namely Orunul, Irunul, Cheppat, and
Kulanji. The Orunuls look upon themselves as higher than the Irunuls,
basing their superiority on the custom obtaining among them of marrying
only once in their lifetime, and contracting no second alliance after
the first husband's death. Living, however, with a Brahman, or one
of a distinctly higher caste, is tolerated among them in the event
of that calamity. The word Orunul means one string, and signifies
the absence of widow marriage, Among the Irunuls (two strings) the
tali-tier is not necessarily the husband, nor is a second husband
forbidden after the death of the first. Cheppat and Kulanji were once
mere local varieties, but have now become separate sub-divisions. The
males of the four sections, but not the females, interdine. With what
rapidity castes sub-divide and ramify in Travancore may be seen from
the fact of the existence of a local variety of Marans called Muttal,
meaning substitute or emergency employée, in the Kalkulam taluk,
who are believed to represent an elevation from a lower to a higher
class of Marans, rendered necessary by a temple exigency. The Marans
are also known as Asupanis, as they alone are entitled to sound the
two characteristic musical instruments, of Malabar temples, called
asu and pani. In the south they are called Chitikans, a corruption
of the Sanskrit chaitika, meaning one whose occupation relates to the
funeral pile, and in the north Asthikkurichis (asthi, a bone), as they
help the relations of the dead in the collection of the bones after
cremation. The Marans are, further, in some places known as Potuvans,
as their services are engaged at the funerals of many castes.
Before the days of Sankaracharya, the sole occupation of the Marans
is said to have been beating the drum in Brahmanical temples. When
Sankaracharya was refused assistance in the cremation of his dead
mother by the Nambutiri Brahmans, he is believed to have sought in
despair the help of one of these temple servants, with whose aid the
corpse was divided into eight parts, and deposited in the pit. For
undertaking this duty, which the Nambutiris repudiated from a sense of
offended religious feeling, the particular Maran was thrown out of his
caste by the general community, and a compromise had to be effected
by the sage with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on
the day of purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped
Sankaracharya to bring to a close his mother's death ceremonies. In
recognition of this timely help, Sankara is believed to have declared
the Maran to be an indispensable functionary at the death ceremonies
of Nambutiris and Ambalavasis. It has even been suggested that the
original form of Maran was Muran, derived from mur (to chop off),
in reference to the manner in which the remains of Sankara's mother
were disposed of.
The traditional occupation of the Marans is sounding or playing on the
panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples. These are the
sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and maddalam. The conch,
which is necessary in every Hindu temple, is loudly sounded in the
early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and secondarily to rouse
the villagers. Again, when the temple service commences, and when the
nivedya or offering is carried, the music of the conch is heard from
the northern side of the temple. On this account, many Marans call
themselves Vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. The
asu and pani are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. The
beating of the pani is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to the
Saptamata, or seven mothers of Hindu religious writings, viz., Brahmi,
Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrani, and Chamunda. Offerings
are made to these divine mothers during the daily sribali procession,
and in important temples also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the
occasion of the utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. There
are certain well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be
recited, and the music to be played. So religiously have these rules
to be observed during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the
offering, the Variyar who carries the light before him and the Marans
who perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in
orthodox Brahmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment
worn in the manner of the sacred thread. It is sincerely believed
that the smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire
consequences to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony.
In connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the
following legend is current. There was a timila in the Sri Padmanabha
temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a Maran attached to the
temple, who was such an expert musician that the priest was unable to
adjust his hymn recitation to the music of the Maran's drum, and was
in consequence the recipient of the divine wrath. It was contrived
to get a Brahman youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not
recite the hymns in consonance with the sounds produced by the drum,
a hungry spirit lifted him up from the ground to a height of ten
feet. The father of the youth, hearing what had occurred, hastened to
the temple, and cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered
to the spirit. The boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more
than a match for the Maran, began to recite the hymns. The spirits,
raising the Maran on high, sucked away his blood, and vanished. The
particular timila has since this event never been used by any Maran.
The higher classes of Marans claim six privileges, called pano, koni,
tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor. Koni means literally
a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made of bamboo and kusa grass or
straw, on which the corpses of high caste Hindus are laid. Tirumuttam
is sweeping the temple courtyard, and natumuttam the erection of a
small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a Nambutiri's house, where
oblations are offered to the departed spirit on the tenth day after
death. Velichchor, or sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the
remains of the food offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering
made to the deity, on whom the priest throws a few flowers as part
of the consecration ceremony.
A large portion of the time of a Maran is spent within the temple,
and all through the night some watch over it. Many functions are
attended to by them in the houses of Nambutiris. Not only at the
tonsure ceremony, and samavartana or closing of the Brahmacharya stage,
but also on the occasion of sacrificial rites, the Maran acts as the
barber. At the funeral ceremony, the preparation of the last bed,
and handing the til (Sesamum) seeds, have to be done by him. The
Chitikkans perform only the functions of shaving and attendance at
funerals, and, though they may beat drums in temples, they are not
privileged to touch the asu and pani. At Vechur there is a class
of potters called Kusa Maran, who should be distinguished from the
Marans proper, with whom they have absolutely nothing in common.
Many families of the higher division of the Marans regard themselves
as Ambalavasis, though of the lowest type, and abstain from flesh
and liquor. Some Marans are engaged in the practice of sorcery, while
others are agriculturists. Drinking is a common vice, sanctioned by
popular opinion owing to the notion that it is good for persons with
overworked lungs.
In their ceremonies the Marans resemble the Nayars, as they do also
in their caste government and religious worship. The annaprasana,
or first food-giving ceremony, is the only important one before
marriage, and the child is taken to the temple, where it partakes of
the consecrated food. The Nayars, on the contrary, generally perform
the ceremony at home. Purification by a Brahman is necessary to
release the Maran from death pollution, which is not the case with
the Nayars. In Travancore, at any rate, the Nayars are considered to
be higher in the social scale than the Marans.
In connection with asu and pani, which have been referred to in
this note, I gather that, in Malabar, the instruments called maram
(wood), timila, shanku, chengulam, and chenda, if played together,
constitute pani kottugu, or playing pani. Asu and maram are the
names of an instrument, which is included in pani kottugu. Among the
occasions when this is indispensable, are the dedication of the idol
at a newly built temple, the udsavam puram and Sriveli festivals,
and the carrying of the tadambu, or shield-like structure, on which
a miniature idol (vigraham) is borne outside the temple,
Marasari.--Marasari or Marapanikkan, meaning carpenter or worker in
wood, is an occupational sub-division of Malayalam Kammalas.
Maratha.--Marathas are found in every district of the Madras
Presidency, but are, according to the latest census returns, most
numerous in the following districts:--
South Canara 31,351
Salem 7,314
Tanjore 7,156
Bellary 6,311
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the term
Marathi denotes the various Marathi non-Brahman castes, who came
to the south either as soldiers or camp followers in the armies of
the Marathi invaders; but in South Canara, in which district the
caste is most numerous, it appears to be the same as Are, a class of
Marathi cultivators. Of the total number of 65,961, as many as 40,871
have returned Marathi as both caste and sub-division. The number of
sub-divisions returned by the rest is no less than 305, of which the
majority are the names of other castes. Some of these castes are purely
Dravidian, and the names have evidently been used in their occupational
sense. For example, we have Bogam, Gandla, Mangala, etc." Mr. H. A,
Stuart writes further, in the South Canara Manual, that "Marathi, as a
caste name, is somewhat open to confusion, and it is probable that many
people of various castes, who speak Marathi, are shown as being of that
caste. The true Marathi caste is said to have come from Goa, and that
place is the head-quarters. The caste is divided into twelve wargs or
balis, which are exogamous sub-divisions. Caste disputes are settled
by headmen called Hontagaru, and allegiance is paid to the head of the
Sringeri math. The favourite deity is the goddess Mahadevi. Brahmans,
usually Karadis, officiate at their ceremonies. Marriage is both infant
and adult. The dhare form of marriage is used (see Bant). Widows may
remarry, but they cannot marry again into the family of the deceased
husband--a rule which is just the reverse of the Levirate. In some
parts, however, the remarriage of widows is prohibited. A husband
or a wife can divorce each other at will, and both parties may marry
again. Marathis are either farmers, labourers, or hunters. They eat
fish and flesh (except that of cattle and animals generally regarded
as unclean) and they use alcoholic liquors. They speak either the
ordinary Marathi or the Konkami dialect of it." The Marathis of South
Canara call themselves Are and Are Kshatri.
In the North Arcot Manual, Mr, Stuart records that the term Marathi is
"usually applied to the various Maratha Sudra castes, which have come
south. Their caste affix is always Rao. It is impossible to discover
to what particular Sudra division each belongs, for they do not seem
to know, and take advantage of being away from their own country to
assert that they are Kshatriyas--a claim which is ridiculed by other
castes. In marriage they are particular to take a bride only from
within the circle of their own family, so that an admixture of the
original castes is thus avoided. Their language is Marathi, but they
speak Telugu or Tamil as well, and engage in many professions. Many
are tailors. [4] Others enlist in the army, in the police, or as peons
(orderlies or messengers), and some take to agriculture or trading."
Of the history of Marathas in those districts in which they are most
prevalent, an account will be found in the Manuals and Gazetteers.
The last Maratha King of Tanjore, Maharaja Sivaji, died in 1855. It
is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [5] that "an eye-witness has recorded
the stately and solemn spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently
arranged, and loaded with the costliest jewels, his body, placed in
an ivory palanquin, was borne by night through the torchlit streets
of his royal city amid the wail of vast multitudes lamenting the
last of their ruling race. The nearest descendant, a boy of twelve,
was carried thrice round the pile, and at the last circuit a pot of
water was dashed to pieces on the ground. The boy then lit the pile,
and loud long-sustained lament of a nation filled the air as the
flames rose." Upon the death of Sivaji, the Raj became, under the
decision of the Court of Directors, extinct. His private estate was
placed under the charge of the Collector of the district. In addition
to three wives whom he had already married, Sivaji, three years before
his death, married in a body seventeen girls. In 1907, three of the
Ranis were still living in the palace at Tanjore. It is recorded [6]
by the Marchioness of Dufferin that, when the Viceroy visited the
Tanjore palace in 1886 to speak with the Ranis, he was admitted behind
the purdah, "The ladies had not expected him, and were not dressed
out in their best, and no one could speak any intelligible language,
However, a sort of chattering went on, and they made signs towards
a chair, which, being covered with crimson cloth, Dufferin thought
he was to sit down on. He turned and was just about to do so, when
he thought he saw a slight movement, and he fancied there might be
a little dog there, when two women pulled the cloth open, and there
was the principal Rani--a little old woman who reached half way up
the back of the chair, and whom the Viceroy had been within an act
of squashing. He said it gave him such a turn!"
A classified index to the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tanjore palace
was published by Mr. A. C. Burnell in 1880. In the introduction
thereto, he states that "the library was first brought to the
notice of European scholars by H.S.H. Count Noer, Prince Frederic of
Schleswig-Holstein, who brought an account of it to the late Professor
Goldstücker. But its full importance was not known till I was deputed,
in 1871, to examine it by the then Governor of Madras, Lord Napier
and Ettrick. The manuscripts are the result of perhaps 300 years'
collections; firstly, by the Nayaks of Tanjore; secondly, after about
1675, by the Mahratha princes. Some of the palm-leaf manuscripts
belong to the earlier period, but the greater part were collected
in the last and present centuries. All the Nagari Manuscripts belong
to the Mahratha times, and a large number of these were collected at
Benares by the Raja Serfojee (Carabhoji) about fifty years ago."
In the Maratha Darbar Hall of the Tanjore palace are large pictures,
of little artistic merit, of all the Maratha kings, and the palace
also contains a fine statue of Sarabhoji by Chantrey. The small but
splendid series of Maratha arms from this palace constitutes one
of the most valuable assets of the Madras Museum. "The armoury,"
Mr. Walhouse writes, [7] "consisted of great heaps of old weapons
of all conceivable descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the
Sangita Mahal (music-hall), which had long been occupied by many
tons of rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked
together with thick rust. Hundreds of swords, straight, curved and
ripple-edged, many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting
or battle scenes in gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions
in Marathi or Kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as
to bend and quiver like whalebone. There were long gauntlet-hilts,
brass or steel, in endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts
and guards of the most tasteful and elaborate steel-work. There were
long-bladed swords and executioners' swords, two-handed, thick-backed,
and immensely heavy. Daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all
imaginable and almost unimaginable shapes, double and triple-bladed;
some with pistols or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and
the hilts of many of the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate
pierced steel-work, in endless devices, rivalling the best medieval
European metal-work, There was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed
knives, mostly with bone or ivory handles very prettily carved, ending
in parrot-heads and the like, or the whole handle forming a bird or
monster, with legs and wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely
carved. The use of these seemed problematical; some said they were
used to cut fruit, others that they had been poisoned and struck about
the roofs and walls of the women's quarters, to serve the purpose
of spikes or broken glass! A curious point was the extraordinary
number of old European blades, often graven with letters and symbols
of Christian meaning, attached to hilts and handles most distinctly
Hindu, adorned with figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. There
was an extraordinary number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades
termed Phirangis, which Mr. Sinclair, in his interesting list of
Dakhani weapons, [8] says means the Portuguese, or else made in
imitation of such imported swords. A kuttar, with a handsome steel
hilt, disclosed the well-known name ANDREA FERARA (sic.). Sir Walter
Elliot has informed me that, when a notorious freebooter was captured
in the Southern Marâthâ country many years ago, his sword was found
to be an 'Andrea Ferrara.' Mr. Sinclair adds that both Grant Duff
and Meadows Taylor have mentioned that Râja Sivâji's favourite sword
Bhavânî was a Genoa blade [9].... Eventually the whole array (of arms)
was removed to Trichinapalli and deposited in the Arsenal there, and,
after a Committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection,
and solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare,
the Government, after selecting the best for the Museum, ordered the
residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. This was in 1863."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that
"in 1790 Lord Cornwallis, then Governor-General of India, entered
into an alliance with the Marathas and the Nizam to reduce Tipu to
order, and it was agreed that whatever territories should be acquired
by them from Tipu should be equally divided between them. Certain
specified poligars, among whom were the chiefs of Bellary, Rayadrug
and Harpanahalli, were, however, to be left in possession of their
districts. Tipu was reduced to submission in 1792, and by the treaty
of that year he ceded half his territories to the allies. [10] Sandur
was allotted to the Marathas, and a part of the Bellary district to
the Nizam." The present Maratha chief of the little hill-locked Sandur
State is a minor, whose name and titles are Raja Venkata Rao Rao Sahib
Hindu Rao Ghorpade Senapati Mamalikat Madar. Of the eleven thousand
inhabitants of the State, the various castes of Marathas number over a
thousand. "Three families of them are Brahmans, who came to Sandur as
officials with Siddoji Rao when he took the State from the Jaramali
poligar. Except for two short intervals, Siddoji's descendants have
held the State ever since. The others are grouped into three local
divisions, namely, Khasgi, Kumbi, and Lekavali. The first of these
consists of only some eight families, and constitutes the aristocracy
of the State. Some of them came to Sandur from the Maratha country with
Siva Rao and other rulers of the State, and they take the chief seats
at Darbars and on other public occasions, and are permitted to dine
and intermarry with the Raja's family. They wear the sacred thread
of the Kshatriyas, belong to the orthodox Brahmanical gotras, have
Brahmans as their purohits, observe many of the Brahmanical ceremonies,
burn their dead, forbid widow re-marriage, and keep their womankind
gosha. On the other hand, they do not object to drinking alcohol or
to smoking, and they eat meat, though not beef. Their family god is
the same as that of the Raja's family, namely, Martanda Manimallari,
and they worship him in the temple in his honour which is in the Raja's
palace, and make pilgrimages to his shrine at Jejuri near Poona. [It
is noted by Monier-Williams [11] that 'a deification, Khando-ba (also
called Khande-Rao), was a personage who lived in the neighbourhood of
the hill Jejuri, thirty miles from Poona. He is probably a deification
of some powerful Raja or aboriginal chieftain, who made himself useful
to the Brahmans. He is now regarded as an incarnation of Siva in his
form Mallari. The legend is that the god Siva descended in this form
to destroy a powerful demon named Mallasura, who lived on the hill,
and was a terror to the neighbourhood. Parvati descended at the same
time to become Khando-ba's wife. His worship is very popular among the
people of low caste in the Maratha country. Sheep are sacrificed at
the principal temple on the Jejuri hill, and a bad custom prevails of
dedicating young girls to the god's service. Khando-ba is sometimes
represented with his wife on horseback, attended by a dog. A sect
existed in Sankara's time, who worshipped Mallari as lord of dogs.'] At
the marriages of the Khasgis, an unusual custom, called Vira Puja,
or the worship of warriors, is observed. Before the ceremony, the men
form themselves into two parties, each under a leader, and march to
the banks of the Narihalla river, engaging in mock combat as they
go. At the river an offering is made to Siva in his form as the
warrior Martanda, and his blessing is invoked. The goddess Ganga is
also worshipped, and then both parties march back, indulging on the
way in more pretended fighting. The second division of the Marathas,
the Kunbis, are generally agriculturists, though some are servants to
the first division. They cannot intermarry with the Khasgis, or dine
with them except in separate rows, and their womanfolk are not gosha;
but they have Brahmanical gotras and Brahman purohits. Some of them
use the Raja's name of Ghorpade, but this is only because they are
servants in his household. The third division, the Lekavalis, are
said to be the offspring of irregular unions among other Marathas, and
are many of them servants in the Raja's palace. Whence they are also
called Manimakkalu. They all call themselves Ghorpades, and members
of the Raja's (the Kansika) gotra. They thus cannot intermarry among
themselves, but occasionally their girls are married to Kunbis. Their
women are in no way gosha." [12]
The cranial type of the Marathas is, as shown by the following table,
like that of the Canarese, mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic:--
Cephalic Index
Av. Max.
Canarese 50 Holeyas 79.1 87.4
Marathi 30 Rangaris 79.8 92.2
Canarese 50 Vakkaligas 81.7 93.8
Marathi 30 Suka Sales 81.8 88.2
Marathi 30 Sukun Sales 82.2 84.4
Maravan.--"The Maravans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [13] "are found
chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where they occupy the tracts
bordering on the coast from Cape Comorin to the northern limits of
the Ramnad zemindari. The proprietors of that estate, and of the
great Sivaganga zemindari, are both of this caste. The Maravars must
have been one of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated
to the south of the peninsula, and, like the Kallans, they have been
but little affected by Brahmanical influence. There exists among
them a picturesque tradition to the effect that, in consequence of
their assisting Rama in his war against the demon Ravana, that deity
gratefully exclaimed in good Tamil Maraven, or I will never forget,
and that they have ever since been called Maravans. But, with more
probability, the name may be connected with the word maram, which
means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing clearly
to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying their
neighbours. In former days they were a fierce and turbulent race,
famous for their military prowess. At one time they temporarily
held possession of the Pandya kingdom, and, at a later date, their
armies gave valuable assistance to Tirumala Nayakkan. They gave the
British much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the
beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the
same as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold
and lawless. Agamudaiyan and Kallan are returned as sub-divisions
by a comparatively large number of persons. Maravan is also found
among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be little doubt
that there is a very close connection between Kallans, Maravans,
and Agamudaiyans." This connection is dealt with in the article
on the Kallans. But I may here quote the following legend relating
thereto. "Once upon a time, Rishi Gautama left his house to go abroad
on business. Devendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his
wife, and three children were the result. When the Rishi returned,
one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted
like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another got up a
tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree, whilst
the third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for
himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name
was corrupted into Ahambadiyan." [14]
"Some say the word Maravan is derived from marani, sin; a Maravan being
one who commits sin by killing living creatures without feeling pity,
and without fear of god." [15]
The Maravans claim descent from Guha or Kuha, Rama's boatman, who
rowed him across to Ceylon. According to the legend, Rama promised
Guha that he would come back at a fixed time. When he failed to return,
Guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to death. Hanuman, however,
prevented him from committing suicide, and assured him that Rama would
shortly return. This came to pass, and Rama, on learning what Guha had
done, called him Maravan, a brave or reckless fellow. According to
another legend, the god Indra, having become enamoured of Ahalya,
set out one night to visit her in the form of a crow, and, seating
himself outside the dwelling of the Rishi her husband, cawed
loudly. The Rishi believing that it was dawn, went off to bathe,
while Indra, assuming the form of her husband, went in to the woman,
and satisfied his desire. When her husband reached the river, there
were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not for long, as
his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been beguiled,
and he proceeded to curse Indra and his innocent wife. Indra was
condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over his
body, and the woman was turned into a stone. Indra repented, and the
Rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the onlooker,
he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the woman was
allowed to resume her feminine form when Rama, in the course of his
wanderings, should tread on her. The result of Indra's escapade was
a son, who was stowed away in a secret place (maravuidam). Hence his
descendants are known as Maravan. [16]
The head of the Maravans is the Setupati (lord of the bridge), or
Raja of Ramnad. "The Sethupati line, or Marava dynasty of Ramnad,"
the Rev. J. E. Tracy writes, [17] "claims great antiquity. According
to popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the
great Rama himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious
return from Lanka (Ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge
connecting Ceylon with the mainland.... Another supposition places
the rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests
its case principally upon a statement in the Mahawanso, according
to which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took
place in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership
of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the
Pandyan records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon,
to have been neither Cheras, Cholas, or Pandyans, but mere local
adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had
tempted them to the undertaking.... Another supposition places the rise
of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two
statements of this case, differing according to the source from which
they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India,
the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when Raja
Raja, the Chola king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed princes
whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had
aided him in his conquest of all Pandya, to act as guardians of the
passage by which his armies must cross to and fro, and supplies be
received from the mainland. According to the other statement, which
has its source in Sinhalese records, the family took its rise from the
appointment of Parakrama Bahu's General Lankapura, who, according to a
very trustworthy Sinhalese epitome of the Mahawanso, after conquering
Pandya, remained some time at Ramespuram, building a temple there,
and, while on the island, struck kahapanas (coins similar to those of
the Sinhalese series). Whichever of those statements we may accept,
the facts seem to point to the rise of the family in the eleventh
or twelfth century A.D., and inscriptions quoted from Dr. Burgess by
Mr. Robert Sewell [18] show that grants were made by Sethupati princes
in 1414, again in 1489, still again in 1500, and finally as late as
1540. These bring the line down to within two generations of the time
when Muttu Krishnappa Nayakka is said, in 1604, to have found affairs
sadly disordered in the Marava country, and to have re-established the
old family in the person of Sadaiyaka Tevar Udaiyar Sethupati. The
coins of the Sethupatis divide themselves into an earlier and later
series. The earlier series present specimens which are usually larger
and better executed, and correspond in weight and appearance very
nearly to the well-known coins of the Sinhalese series, together
with which they are often found, 'These coins' Rhys Davids writes,
[19] 'are probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck
by Parakrama's General Lankapura.' The coins of the later series are
very rude in device and execution. The one face shows only the Tamil
legend of the word Sethupati, while the other side is taken up with
various devices."
A poet, in days of old, refers to "the wrathful and furious Maravar,
whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag, the
loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound
of whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of
large armies to turn their back and fly." [20] The Maravans are
further described as follows. "Of strong limbs and hardy frames, and
fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of hair, the
blood-thirsty Maravans, armed with the bow bound with leather, ever
ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and defenceless
travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast their
eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims." [21] In a note on
the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, it is recorded [22] that
"to this class belonged most of the Poligars, or feudal chieftains,
who disputed with the English the possession of Tinnevelly during
the last, and first years of the present (nineteenth) century. As
feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous class of the population,
and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the roll
of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising,
cunning and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were
constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in time of
bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority, capable of keeping
the peace, existed. Hence arose the systems of Desha and Stalum
Kaval, or the guard of a tract of country comprising a number of
villages against open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of
separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. The
feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort
in consideration of protection afforded against armed invasion. The
Maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or sub-tenants of the
wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate, receiving a share of the
crop. An increasing proportion of this caste are becoming the ryotwari
owners of land by purchase from the original holders."
Though the Maravans, Mr, Francis writes, [23] "are usually
cultivators, they are some of them the most expert cattle-lifters in
the Presidency. In Madura, they have a particularly ingenious method
of removing cattle. The actual thief steals the bullocks at night, and
drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles, hands them over to a
confederate, and then returns and establishes an alibi. The confederate
takes them on another stage, and does the same. A third and a fourth
man keep them moving all that night. The next day they are hidden and
rested, and thereafter they are driven by easier stages to the hills
north of Madura, where their horns are cut and their brands altered,
to prevent them from being recognised. They are then often sold at the
great Chittrai cattle fair in Madura town. In some papers read in G.O.,
No. 535, Judicial, dated 29th March 1899, it was shown that, though,
according to the 1891 census, the Maravans formed only 10 per cent. of
the population of the district of Tinnevelly, yet they had committed
70 per cent. of the dacoities which have occurred in that district in
the previous five years. They have recently (1899) figured prominently
in the anti-Shanar riots in the same district." (See Shanan.)
"The Maravans", Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [24] "furnish nearly the
whole of the village police (kavilgars, watchmen), robbers and thieves
of the Tinnevelly district. Very often the thief and the watchman
are one and the same individual. The Maravans of the present time, of
course, retain only a shadow of the power which their ancestors wielded
under the poligars, who commenced the kavil system. Still the Marava
of to-day, as a member of a caste which is numerous and influential,
as a man of superior physique and bold independent spirit, thief and
robber, village policeman and detective combined--is an immense power
in the land."
It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1903, that "a large
section of the population in Tinnevelly--the Maravans--are criminal by
predilection and training. Mr. Longden's efforts have been directed to
the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the police were in the
habit of engaging the help of the Maravans themselves in the detection
of crime. The natural result was a mass of false evidence and false
charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted to the Maravan, who was
certain to have his quid pro quo. This method being discountenanced,
and the station-house officer being deprived of the aid of his tuppans
(men who provide a clue), the former has found himself very much at
sea, and, until sounder methods can be inculcated, will fail to show
successful results. Still, even a failure to detect is better than a
police in the hands of the Maravans." Further information concerning
tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found in the note on Kallans.
From a very interesting note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly
district, the following extract is taken. [25] "On the principle of
setting a thief, to catch a thief, Maravars are paid blackmail to
keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make restitution
for any thefts that may possibly take place, notwithstanding the
vigilance of the watchmen. (A suit has been known to be instituted,
in a Munsiff's Court, for failure to make restitution for theft after
receipt of the kudikaval money.) As a matter of fact, no robberies
on a large scale can possibly take place without the knowledge,
connivance, or actual co-operation of the Kavalgars. People living in
country places, remote from towns, are entirely at the mercy of the
Maravars, and every householder or occupier of a mud hut, which is
dignified by being called a house, must pay the Maravars half a fanam,
which is equal to one anna eight pies, yearly. Those who own cattle,
and there are few who do not, must pay one fanam a year. At the time
of the harvest, it is the custom in Southern India for an enemy to go
and reap his antagonist's crops as they are growing in the fields. He
does this to bring matters to a climax, and to get the right side of
his enemy, so that he may be forced to come to terms, reasonable or
otherwise. Possession is nine points of the law. On occasions such
as these, which are frequent, the advantage of the employment of
Kavalgars can readily be understood. The Maravars are often true to
their salt, though sometimes their services can be obtained by the
highest bidder. The plan of keeping kaval, or going the rounds like
a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a hundred Maravars,
to divide into ten sections. Each section takes a particular duty,
and they are paid by the people living within their range. If a robbery
takes place, and the value of the property does not exceed ten rupees,
then this section of ten men will each subscribe one rupee, and pay
up ten rupees. If, however, the property lost exceeds the sum of ten
rupees, then all the ten sections of Maravars, the hundred men, will
join together, and make restitution for the robbery. How they are
able to do this, and to recoup themselves, can be imagined. Various
attempts for many years have been made to put a stop to this system of
kudi-kaval. At one time the village (Nunguneri) of the chief Maravar
was burnt down, and for many years the police have been on their
track, and numerous convictions are constantly taking place. Out
of 150,000 Maravars in the whole district, 10,000 are professional
thieves, and of these 4,000 have been convicted, and are living at
the present time. The question arises whether some plan could not
be devised to make honest men of these rogues. It has been suggested
that their occupation as watchmen should be recognised by Government,
and that they should be enlisted as subordinate officials, just as
some of them are now employed as Talayaris and Vettiyans.... The
villages of the Maravars exist side by side with the other castes,
and, as boys and girls, all the different classes grow up together,
so that there is a bond of sympathy and regard between them all. The
Maravans, therefore, are not regarded as marauding thieves by the other
classes. Their position in the community as Kavalgars is recognised,
and no one actually fears them. From time immemorial it has been the
mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues, and, although illegal, who
in India is prepared to act contrary to custom? The small sum paid
annually by the villagers is insignificant, and no one considers it a
hardship to pay it, when he knows that his goods are in safety; and,
if the Maravars did not steal, there are plenty of other roving castes
(e.g., the Kuluvars, Kuravars, and Kambalatars) who would, so that,
on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated natives, who dwell in the
country side, rather like the Maravar than otherwise. When, however,
these watchmen undertake torchlight dacoities, and attack travellers on
the high-road, then they are no better than the professional thieves
of other countries, and they deserve as little consideration. It must
be borne in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of
the Maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest,
upright lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from
the kudi-kaval system. Some of the most noted and earnest Native
Christians have been, and still are, men and women of this caste,
and the reason seems to be that they never do things by halves. If
they are murderers and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other
hand, if they are honest men, they are the salt of the earth." I am
informed that, when a Maravan takes food in the house of a stranger,
he will sometimes take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before
he commences his meal. This act frees him from the obligation not to
injure the family which has entertained him.
In a note entitled Marava jati vernanam, [26] from the Mackenzie
Manuscripts, it is recorded that "there are seven sub-divisions in the
tribe of the Maravas, respectively denominated Sembunattu, Agattha,
Oru-nattu, Upukatti, and Kurichikattu. Among these sub-divisions,
that of the Sembunattu Maravas is the principal one." In the Madras
Census Report, 1891, the following are returned as the most important
sub-divisions:--Agamudaiyan, Kallan, Karana, Kondaikatti, Kottani,
Sembanattu, and Vannikutti, Among the Sembanattus (or Sembanadus),
the following septs or khilais have been recorded:--
Marikka.
Piccha.
Tondaman.
Sitrama.
Thanicha.
Karuputhra.
Katra.
"The Kondayamkottai Maravars," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [27] "are
divided into six sub-tribes, or, as they call them, trees. Each tree,
or kothu, is divided into three khilais or branches. These I call
septs. Those of the khilais belonging to the same tree or kothu are
never allowed to intermarry. A man or woman must marry with one of a
khilai belonging to another tree than his own, his or her own being
that of his or her mother, and not of the father. But marriage is
not permissible between those of any two trees or kothus: there are
some restrictions. For instance, a branch of betel vine or leaves may
marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca nuts or dates. I
am not positive what all the restrictions are, but restrictions of
some kind, by which marriage between persons of all trees may not
be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. The names of the trees
or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from the
Maraver Padel, a book considered to be authoritative, are these--
=======================================================
Tree. | Kothu. | Khilai.
===============+====================+==================
| { |Viramudithanginan.
Milaku | Pepper vine { |Sedhar.
| { |Semanda.
| { |Agastyar.
Vettile | Betel vine { |Maruvidu.
| { |Alakhiya Pandiyan.
| { |Vaniyan.
Thennang | Cocoanut { |Vettuvan.
| { |Nataivendar.
| { |Kelnambhi.
Komukham | Areca nut { |Anbutran.
| { |Gautaman.
| { |Sadachi.
Ichang | Dates { |Sangaran.
| { |Pichipillai.
| { |Akhili.
Panang | Palmyra { |Lokhamurti
| { |Jambhuvar.
=======================================================
"Unfortunately I am unable to trace out the meanings of all
these khilais. Agastya and Gautamar are, of course, sages of
old. Viramudithanginan seems to mean a king's crown-bearer. Alakhiya
Pandiyan seems to be one of the old Pandiyan kings of Madura (alakhiya
means beautiful). Akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of
Gautama, Lokamurti, the one being of the world, and Jambhuvar, a
monkey king with a bear's face, who lived long, long ago. The common
rule regulating marriages among Brahmans, and indeed people of almost
every caste in Southern India, is that the proper husband for the
girl is her mother's brother or his son. But this is not so among the
Kondayamkottai Maravars. A girl can never marry her mother's brother,
because they are of the same khilai. On the other hand, the children
of a brother and sister may marry, and should do so, if this can be
arranged, as, though the brother and sister are of the same khilai,
their children are not, because the children of the brother belong
perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different khilai. It
very often happens that a man marries into his father's khilai; indeed
there seems to be some idea that he should do so if possible. The
children of brothers may not marry with each other, although they
are of different khilais, for two brothers may not marry into the
same khilai. One of the first things to be done in connection with a
marriage is that the female relations of the bridegroom must go and
examine the intended bride, to test her physical suitability. She
should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat foot; the calf
of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh; the skin on
the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair over the
temple should grow crossways. The last is very important." A curl on
the forehead resembling the head of a snake is of evil omen.
In one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the Maravans, the
bridegroom's party proceed, on an auspicious day which has been fixed
beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five cocoanuts,
five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel, and flowers,
and the tali strung on a thread dyed with turmeric. At the auspicious
hour, the bride is seated within the house on a plank, facing east. The
bridegroom's sister removes the string of black beads from her neck,
and ties the tali thereon. While this is being done, the conch-shell
is blown, and women indulge in what Mr. Fawcett describes as a shrill
kind of keening (kulavi idal). The bride is taken to the house of the
bridegroom, where they sit side by side on a plank, and the ceremony
of warding off the evil eye is performed. Further, milk is poured
by people with crossed hands over the heads of the couple. A feast
is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. A Maravan, who was
asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that it consists
in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride by the
bridegroom's sister to her brother's house after the tali has been
tied. The Kondaikatti Maravans, in some places, substitute for the
usual golden tali a token representing "the head of Indra fastened to
a bunch of human hair, or silken strings representing his hair." [28]
In another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the bridegroom
goes to the bride's house, accompanied by his relations, with the
following articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:--
5 bundles of betel.
21 measures of rice.
7 cocoanuts.
70 plantains.
7 lumps of jaggery (crude sugar).
21 pieces of turmeric.
Flowers, sandal paste, etc.
At the bride's house, these presents are touched by those assembled
there, and the box is handed over to the bride's father. On the
wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal (cooked rice) is
offered to the house god early in the morning. Later in the day, the
bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the bride. Betel is
presented to him by her father or brother. The bride generally remains
within the house till the time for tying the tali has arrived. The
maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his hand, lifts her up, and
carries her to the bridegroom, Four women stand round the contracting
couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken cocoanut and a
cake three times. The bride and bridegroom then spit into the dish,
and the females set up their shrill keening. The maternal uncles join
their hands together, and, on receiving the assent of those present,
the bridegroom's sister ties the tali on the bride's neck. The tali
consists of a ring attached to a black silk thread. After marriage,
the "silk tali" is, for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads
strung on a string, and the tali used at the wedding is often borrowed
for the occasion. The tali having been tied, the pair are blessed,
and, in some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are
touched with a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words
"May the pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan
tree, roots like the thurvi (Cynodon Dactylon) grass, and like the
bamboo." Of the thurvi grass it is said in the Atharwana Veda "May
this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred
roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong
my existence on earth for a hundred years."
Still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by
Mr. Fawcett, in one of which "the Brahman priest (purohit) hands
the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who in turn hands it to the
bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. The sister then ties two more
knots in it, and puts it round the bride's neck. After this has
been done, and while the pair are still seated, the Brahman ties
together the little fingers of the right hands of the pair, which
are interlocked, with a silken thread. The pair then rise, walk
thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai), and enter the house,
where they sit, and the bridegroom receives present from the bride's
father. The fingers are then untied. While undergoing the ceremony,
the bridegroom wears a thread smeared with turmeric tied round the
right wrist. It is called kappu."
In the manuscript already quoted, [29] it is noted that "should it so
happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of districts or of poorer
common people, that any impediment arises to prevent the complete
celebration of the marriage with all attendant ceremonies according to
the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then the tali only is sent,
and the female is brought to the house of her husband. At a subsequent
period, even after two or three children have been born, the husband
sends the usual summons to a marriage of areca nut and betel leaf; and,
when the relatives are assembled, the bride and bridegroom are publicly
seated in state under the marriage pandal; the want of completeness
in the former contract is made up; and, all needful ceremonies being
gone through, they perform the public procession through the streets of
the town, when they break the cocoanut in the presence of Vignesvara
(Ganesa), and, according to the means possessed by the parties, the
celebration of the marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged
to two, three or four days. The tali, being tied on, has the name of
katu tali, and the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of
the former deficiency. If it so happen that, after the first ceremony,
the second be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are
lightly regarded among the Maravas. Should the husband die during the
continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be
performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon
the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according
to the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the tali is taken
off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some
other man." It is further recorded [30] of the Orunattu Maravans that
"the elder or younger sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of
the bride, and, to the sound of the conch-shell, ties on the tali;
and, early on the following morning, brings her to the house of the
bridegroom. After some time, occasionally three or four years, when
there are indications of offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the
relatives of the pair assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing
the deficiency; placing the man and his wife on a seat in public,
and having the sacrifice by fire and other matters conducted by the
Prohitan (or Brahman); after which the relatives sprinkle seshai
rice (or rice beaten out without any application of water) over the
heads of the pair. The relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably
entertained; and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from
one fanam to one pagoda. The marriage is then finished. Sometimes, when
money for expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till
after the birth of two or three children. If the first husband dies,
another marriage is customary. Should it so happen that the husband,
after the tying on of the tali in the first instance, dislikes the
object of his former choice, then the people of their tribe are
assembled; she is conducted back to her mother's house; sheep, oxen,
eating-plate, with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she
may have brought with her from her mother's house, are returned; and
the tali, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. If the wife
dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he
incurred in the wedding, the tali which he caused to be bound on her,
are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought with
her, returns to her mother's house, and marries again at her pleasure."
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "a special
custom obtaining among the Marava zemindars of Tinnevelly is mentioned
by the Registrar of that district. It is the celebration of marriage
by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a stick,
which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage booth
in his place. The tali is tied by some one representative of the
bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete.... Widow
re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the Sembunattu
sub-division." "A widow," Mr. Fawcett writes, "may marry her deceased
husband's elder brother, but not a younger brother. If she does not
like him, she may marry some one else."
When a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a
washerman. On the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes,
and returns home. At the threshold, her future husband's sister is
standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains,
cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water,
and an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in
it. The style is removed by the girl's prospective sister-in-law,
who beats her with it as she enters the house. A feast is held at the
expense of the girl's maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties it
to a pole at her house.
Both burial and cremation are practiced by the Maravans. The Sembunattu
Maravans of Ramnad regard the Agamudaiyans as their servants, and the
water, with which the corpse is washed, is brought by them. Further,
it is an Agamudaiyan, and not the son of the deceased, who carries
the fire-pot to the burial-ground. The corpse is carried thither on
a bier or palanquin. The grave is dug by an Andi, never by a Pallan
or Paraiyan. Salt, powdered brick, and sacred ashes are placed on the
floor thereof and the corpse is placed in it in a sitting posture. The
Kondaiyamkottai Maravans of Ramnad, who are stone and brick masons,
burn their dead, and, on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers
of the corpse walk over cloths spread on the ground. On the second or
third day, lingams are made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave
if the corpse has been buried. To these, as well as to the soul of the
deceased, and to the crows, offerings are made. On the sixteenth day,
nine kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where
the corpse was burnt. A Pandaram sets up five kalasams (brass vessels),
and does puja (worship). The son of the deceased, who officiated as
chief mourner, goes to a Pillayar (Ganesa) shrine, carrying on his
head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. As he draws near
the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. He then takes a few
steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the god. He
then retires, walking backwards. The flour is distributed among those
present. Presents of new cloths are made to the sons and daughters
of the deceased. In his account of the Kondaiyamkottai Maravans,
Mr. Fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites. "Sandals
having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried in a recumbent
position, legs first, to the place of cremation. A little rice is
placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little money into a small
vessel which is kept beside the chest. The karma karta (chief mourner)
walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an earthen vessel filled with
water, in which two or three holes are pierced. He allows some water
to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot near the head, which lies
to the south. No Brahman attends this part of the ceremony. When he
has broken the pot, the karma karta must not see the corpse again;
he goes away at once, and is completely shaved. The barber takes the
cash which has been collected, and lights the pyre. When he returns to
the house, the karma karta prostrates himself before a lighted lamp;
he partakes of no food, except a little grain and boiled pulse and
water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and ginger. Next day he goes to
the place of cremation, picks up such calcined bones as he finds,
and places them in a basket, so that he may some day throw them in
water which is considered to be sacred. On the eleventh or twelfth day,
some grain is sown in two new earthen vessels which have been broken,
and there is continued weeping around these. On the sixteenth day,
the young plants, which have sprouted, are removed, and put into
water, weeping going on all the while; and, after this has been
done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after which the
karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with a new
cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who
are present. On the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam
or purification, at which the Brahman priest presides, and the karma
karta takes an oil bath. The wood of the pipal tree (Ficus religiosa)
is never used for purposes of cremation."
Concerning the death ceremonies in the Trichinopoly district,
Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Before the corpse is removed,
the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which
the barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the
wall of the house. These are thrown into water on the eighth day. The
ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title,
and indicates the succession to the dead man's estate. A rocket is
fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. On the sixth day,
a pandal (booth) of naval (Eugenia, Jambolana) leaves is prepared,
and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of the
family. It is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts
a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. There
are ordinarily no karumantaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes
performed on the sixteenth day, a Brahman being called in. On the
return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to
dip his toe into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last man
has to knock it down."
Among some Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, a ceremony called palaya
karmandhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. Some months
after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is
exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near
the village. Libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers
dance wildly round the head. The ceremony lasts over three days,
and the final death ceremonies are then performed.
For the following account of the jellikattu or bull-baiting,
which is practiced by the Maravans, I am indebted to a note by
Mr. J. H. Nelson. [31] "This," he writes, "is a game worthy of a bold
and free people, and it is to be regretted that certain Collectors
(District Magistrates) should have discouraged it under the idea that
it was somewhat dangerous. The jellikattu is conducted in the following
manner. On a certain day in the year, large crowds of people, chiefly
males, assemble together in the morning in some extensive open space,
the dry bed of a river perhaps, or of a tank (pond), and many of them
may be seen leading ploughing bullocks, of which the sleek bodies and
rather wicked eyes afford clear evidence of the extra diet they have
received for some days in anticipation of the great event. The owners
of these animals soon begin to brag of their strength and speed, and
to challenge all and any to catch and hold them; and in a short time
one of the best beasts is selected to open the day's proceedings. A
new cloth is made fast round his horns, to be the prize of his captor,
and he is then led out into the midst of the arena by his owner, and
there left to himself surrounded by a throng of shouting and excited
strangers. Unaccustomed to this sort of treatment, and excited by
the gestures of those who have undertaken to catch him, the bullock
usually lowers his head at once, and charges wildly into the midst of
the crowd, who nimbly run off on either side to make way for him. His
speed being much greater than that of the men, he soon overtakes one
of his enemies and makes at him to toss him savagely. Upon this the
man drops on the sand like a stone, and the bullock, instead of goring
him, leaps over his body, and rushes after another. The second man
drops in his turn, and is passed like the first; and, after repeating
this operation several times, the beast either succeeds in breaking
the ring, and galloping off to his village, charging every person he
meets on the way, or is at last caught and held by the most vigorous
of his pursuers. Strange as it may seem, the bullocks never by any
chance toss or gore any one who throws himself down on their approach;
and the only danger arises from their accidentally reaching unseen
and unheard some one who remains standing. After the first two or
three animals have been let loose one after the other, two or three,
or even half a dozen are let loose at a time, and the scene quickly
becomes most exciting. The crowd sways violently to and fro in various
directions in frantic efforts to escape being knocked over; the air is
filled with shouts, screams, and laughter; and the bullocks thunder
over the plain as fiercely as if blood and slaughter were their sole
occupation. In this way perhaps two or three hundred animals are
run in the course of a day, and, when all go home towards evening,
a few cuts and bruises, borne with the utmost cheerfulness, are the
only results of an amusement which requires great courage and agility
on the part of the competitors for the prizes--that is for the cloths
and other things tied to the bullocks' horns--and not a little on the
part of the mere bystanders. The only time I saw this sport (from a
place of safety) I was highly delighted with the entertainment, and
no accident occurred to mar my pleasure. One man indeed was slightly
wounded in the buttock, but he was quite able to walk, and seemed to
be as happy as his friends."
A further account of the jallikat or jellicut is given in the
Gazetteer of the Madura district. "The word jallikattu literally
means tying of ornaments. On a day fixed and advertised by beat of
drums at the adjacent weekly markets, a number of cattle, to the
horns of which cloths and handkerchiefs have been tied, are loosed
one after the other, in quick succession, from a large pen or other
enclosure, amid a furious tom-tomming and loud shouts from the crowd
of assembled spectators. The animals have first to run the gauntlet
down a long lane formed of country carts, and then gallop off wildly
in every direction. The game consists in endeavouring to capture the
cloths tied to their horns. To do this requires fleetness of foot
and considerable pluck, and those who are successful are the heroes
of the hour. Cuts and bruises are the reward of those who are less
skilful, and now and again some of the excited cattle charge into
the on-lookers, and send a few of them flying. The sport has been
prohibited on more than one occasion. But, seeing that no one need
run any risks unless he chooses, existing official opinion inclines
to the view that it is a pity to discourage a manly amusement which
is not really more dangerous than football, steeple-chasing, or
fox-hunting. The keenness of the more virile sections of the community,
especially the Kallans (q.v.), in this game is extraordinary, and,
in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially for it. The
best jallikats are to be seen in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam,
and next come those in Melur and Madura taluks."
"Boomerangs," Dr. G. Oppert writes, [32] "are used by the Maravans and
Kallans when hunting deer. The Madras Museum collection contains three
(two ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of
the Pudukottai Raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their
name in Tamil is valai tade (bent stick)." To Mr. R. Bruce Foote,
I am indebted for the following note on the use of the boomerang in
the Madura district. "A very favourite weapon of the Madura country
is a kind of curved throwing-stick, having a general likeness to the
boomerang of the Australian aborigines. I have in my collection two
of these Maravar weapons obtained from near Sivaganga. The larger
measures 24 1/8'' along the outer curve, and the chord of the arc
17 5/8''. At the handle end is a rather ovate knob 2 1/4'' long and
1 1/4'' in its maximum thickness. The thinnest and smallest part of
the weapon is just beyond the knob, and measures 11/16'' in diameter
by 1 1/8'' in width. From that point onwards its width increases
very gradually to the distal end, where it measures 2 3/8'' across
and is squarely truncated. The lateral diameter is greatest three
or four inches before the truncated end, where it measures 1''. My
second specimen is a little smaller than the above, and is also rather
less curved. Both are made of hard heavy wood, dark reddish brown in
colour as seen through the varnish covering the surface. The wood is
said to be tamarind root. The workmanship is rather rude. I had an
opportunity of seeing these boomerangs in use near Sivaganga in March,
1883. In the morning I came across many parties, small and large,
of men and big boys who were out hare-hunting with a few dogs. The
parties straggled over the ground, which was sparsely covered with
low scrub jungle. And, whenever an unlucky hare started out near
to the hunters, it was greeted with a volley of the boomerangs, so
strongly and dexterously thrown that poor puss had little chance of
escape. I saw several knocked out of time. On making enquiries as
to these hunting parties, I was told that they were in observance
of a semi-religious duty, in which every Maravar male, not unfitted
by age or ill-health, is bound to participate on a particular day in
the year. Whether a dexterous Maravar thrower could make his weapon
return to him I could not find out. Certainly in none of the throws
observed by me was any tendency to a return perceptible. But for
simple straight shots these boomerangs answer admirably."
The Maravans bear Saivite sectarian marks, but also worship various
minor deities, among whom are included Kali, Karuppan, Muthu Karuppan,
Periya Karuppan, Mathurai Viran, Aiyanar, and Munuswami.
The lobes of the ears of Marava females are very elongated as the
result of boring and gradual dilatation during childhood. Mr. (now
Sir) F. A. Nicholson, who was some years ago stationed at Ramnad,
tells me that the young Maravan princesses used to come and play in
his garden, and, as they ran races, hung on to their ears, lest the
heavy ornaments should rend asunder the filamentous ear lobes.
It was recorded, in 1902, that a young Maravan, who was a member of
the family of the Zemindar of Chokampatti, was the first non-Christian
Maravan to pass the B.A. degree examination at the Madras University.
The general title of the Maravans is Tevan (god), but some style
themselves Talaivan (chief), Servaikkaran (captain), Karaiyalan
(ruler of the coast), or Rayarvamsam (Raja's clan).
Marayan.--A synonym of Maran.
Mari.--Mari or Marimanisaru is a sub-division of Holeya.
Mariyan.--Said to be a sub-division of Kolayan.
Markandeya.--A gotra of Padma Sale and Seniyan (Devanga), named after
the rishi or sage Markandeya, who was remarkable for his austerities
and great age, and is also known as Dirghayus (the long-lived). Some
Devangas and the Salapus claim him as their ancestor.
Marri. (Ficus bengalensis).--An exogamous sept of Mala and
Mutracha. Marri-gunta (pond near a fig tree) occurs as an exogamous
sept of Yanadi.
Marumakkathayam.--The Malayalam name for the law of inheritance
through the female line.
Marvari.--A territorial name, meaning a native of Marwar. At times of
census, Marvari has been returned as a caste of Jains, i.e., Marvaris,
who are Jains by religion. The Marvaris are enterprising traders,
who have settled in various parts of Southern India, and are, in the
city of Madras, money-lenders.
Masadika.--A synonym for Nadava Bant.
Masila (masi, dirt).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Masthan.--A Muhammadan title, meaning a saint, returned at times
of census.
Mastiga.--The Mastigas are described by the Rev. J. Cain [33] as
mendicants and bards, who beg from Gollas, Malas, and Madigas. I
am informed that they are also known as Mala Mastigas, as they are
supposed to be illegitimate descendants of the Malas, and usually beg
from them. When engaged in begging, they perform various contortionist
and acrobatic feats.
Matam (monastery, or religious institution).--An exogamous sept
of Devanga.
Matanga.--Matanga or Matangi is a synonym of Madiga. The Madigas
sometimes call themselves Matangi Makkalu, or children of Matangi,
who is their favourite goddess. Matangi is further the name of certain
dedicated prostitutes, who are respected by the Madiga community.
Matavan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name
for the Pulikkapanikkan sub-division of Nayar.
Matsya (fish).--A sept of Domb.
Mattiya.--The Mattiyas are summed up as follows in the Madras
Census Report, 1901. "In Vizagapatam these are hill cultivators
from the Central Provinces, who are stated in one account to be
a sub-division of the Gonds. Some of them wear the sacred thread,
because the privilege was conferred upon their families by former
Rajas of Malkanagiri, where they reside. They are said to eat with
Ronas, drink with Porojas, but smoke only with their own people. The
name is said to denote workers in mud (matti), and in Ganjam they are
apparently earth-workers and labourers. In the Census Report, 1871,
it is noted that the Matiyas are 'altogether superior to the Kois
and to the Parjas (Porojas). They say they sprang from the soil,
and go so far as to point out a hole, out of which their ancestor
came. They talk Uriya, and farm their lands well'"
For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The
caste is divided into at least four septs, named Bhag (tiger), Nag
(cobra), Cheli (goat), and Kochchimo (tortoise). A man may claim
his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. Girls are, as a rule,
married after puberty. When a match is contemplated, the would-be
husband presents a pot of liquor to the girl's parents. If this is
accepted, a further present of liquor, rice, and a pair of cloths,
is made later on. The liquor is distributed among the villagers,
who, by accepting it, indicate their consent to the transfer of the
girl to the man. A procession, with Dombs acting as musicians, is
formed, and the girl is taken to the bridegroom's village. A pandal
(booth) has been erected in front of the bridegroom's house, which
the contracting couple enter on the following morning. Their hands are
joined together by the presiding Desari, they bathe in turmeric water,
and new cloths are given to them. Wearing these, they enter the house,
the bridegroom leading the bride. Their relations then exhort them
to be constant to each other, and behave well towards them. A feast
follows, and the night is spent in dancing and drinking. Next day, the
bride's parents are sent away with a present of a pair of cows or bulls
as jholla tonka. The remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger
brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. Divorce is
permitted, and, when a husband separates from his wife, he gives her a
new cloth and a bullock as compensation. A divorced woman may remarry.
By the Mattiyas, and other Oriya castes, the ghorojavai (house
son-in-law) custom is practiced. According to this custom, the poorer
folk, in search of a wife, work, according to a contract, for their
future father-in-law for a specified time, at the expiration of
which they set up a separate establishment with his daughter. To
begin married life with, presents are made to the couple by the
father-in-law.
The dead are burnt, and the spot where cremation takes place is marked
by setting up in the ground a bamboo pole, to which one of the dead
man's rags is attached. The domestic pots, which were used during his
last illness, are broken there. Death pollution is observed for eight
days. On the ninth day, the ashes, mixed with water, are cleared up,
and milk is poured over the spot. The ashes are sometimes buried
in a square hole, which is dug to a depth of about three feet, and
filled in. Over it a small hut-like structure is raised. A few of these
sepulchral monuments may be seen on the south side of the Pangam stream
on the Jeypore-Malkangiri road. The personal names of the Mattiyas
are often taken from the day of the week on which they are born.
Mavilan.--Described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small
tribe of shikaris (hunters) and herbalists, who follow makkathayam
(inheritance from father to son), and speak corrupt Tulu. Tulumar
(native of the Tulu country), and Chingattan (lion-hearted people)
were returned as sub-divisions. "The name," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,
[34] "is said to be derived from mavilavu, a medicinal herb. I think,
however, the real derivation must be sought in Tulu or Canarese,
as it seems to be a Canarese caste. These people are found only
in the Chirakkal taluk of Malabar. Their present occupation is
basket-making. Succession is from father to son, but among some it
is also said to be in the female line."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that the Mavilons are
"divided into Tulu Mavilons and Eda Mavilons, and sub-divided into
thirty illams. They are employed as mahouts (drivers of elephants),
and collect honey and other forest produce. Their headmen are called
Chingam (simham, lion), and their huts Mapura."
Mayalotilu (rascal).--Mayalotilu or Manjulotilu is said by the
Rev. J. Cain to be a name given by the hill Koyis to the Koyis who
live near the Godavari river.
Mayan.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, as a synonym of
Kammalan. The Kamsali goldsmiths claim descent from Maya.
Meda, Medara, Medarlu, or Medarakaran.--The Medaras are workers in
bamboo in the Telugu, Canarese, Oriya and Tamil countries, making
sieves, baskets, cradles, mats, fans, boxes, umbrellas, and tatties
(screens). Occasionally they receive orders for waste-paper baskets,
coffins for Native Christian children, or cages for pigeons and
parrots. In former days they made basket-caps for sepoys. They are
said to cut the bamboos in the forest on dark nights, in the belief
that they would be damaged if cut at any other time. They do not, like
the Korachas, make articles from the leaf of the date-palm (Phoenix).
They believe that they came from Mahendrachala mountain, the mountain
of Indra, and the following legend is current among them. Dakshudu, the
father-in-law of Siva, went to invite his son-in-law to a devotional
sacrifice, which he was about to perform. Siva was in a state of
meditation, and did not visibly return the obeisance which Dakshudu
made by raising his hands to his forehead. Dakshudu became angry,
and told his people not to receive Siva or his wife, or show them any
mark of respect. Parvati, Siva's wife, went with her son Ganapati,
against her husband's order, to the sacrifice, and received no sign
of recognition. Thereat she shed tears, and the earth opened, and
she disappeared. She was again born of Himavant (Himalayas), and
Siva, telling her who she was, remarried her. Siva, in reply to her
enquiries, told her that she could avoid a further separation from
him if she performed a religious vow, and gave cakes to Brahmans in
a chata, or winnowing basket. She accordingly made a basket of gold,
which was not efficacious, because, as Siva explained to her, it was
not plaited, as bamboo baskets are. Taking his serpent, Siva turned
it into a bamboo. He ordered Ganapati, and others, to become men, and
gave them his trisula and ghada to work with on bamboo, from which they
plaited a basket for the completion of Parvati's vow. Ganapati and the
Ganas remained on the Mahendrachala mountain, and married Gandarva
women, who bore children to them. Eventually they were ordered by
Siva to return, and, as they could not take their wives and families
with them, they told them to earn their livelihood by plaiting bamboo
articles. Hence they were called Mahendrulu or Medarlu. According to
another legend, [35] Parvati once wanted to perform the ceremony called
gaurinomu, and, wanting a winnow, was at a loss to know how to secure
one. She asked Siva to produce a man who could make one, and he ordered
his riding-ox Vrishaban to produce such a person by chewing. Vrishaban
complied, and the ancestor of the Medaras, being informed of the wish
of the goddess, took the snake which formed Siva's necklace, and,
going to a hill, planted its head in the ground. A bamboo at once
sprang up on the spot, which, after returning the snake to its owner,
the man used for making a winnow. The snake-like root of the bamboo
is regarded as a proof of the truth of the story.
As among many other castes, opprobrious names are given to
children. For example, a boy, whose elder brother has died,
may be called Pentayya (dung-heap). As a symbol of his being a
dung-heap child, the infant, as soon as it is born, is placed on
a leaf-platter. Other names are Thavvayya, or boy bought for bran,
and Pakiru, mendicant. In a case where a male child had been ill for
some months, a woman, under the influence of the deity, announced
that he was possessed by the goddess Ankamma. The boy accordingly
had the name of the goddess conferred on him.
The following are some of the gotras and exogamous septs of the
Medaras:--
(a) Gotras.
Hanumanta (monkey-god). Bombadai (a fish).
Puli (tiger). Vinayaka (Ganesa).
Thagenilu (drinking water). Kasi (Benares).
Avisa (Sesbania grandiflora). Moduga (Butea frondosa).
Rela (Ficus). Kovila (koel or cuckoo).
Seshai (snake?).
(b) Exogamous septs.
Pilli (cat). Nuvvulu (gingelly).
Parvatham (mountain). Senagapapu (Bengal gram).
Putta (ant-hill). Tsanda (subscription).
Konda (mountain). Nila (blue).
Javadi (civet-cat). Sirigiri (a hill).
Nandikattu (bull's mouth). Kanigiri (a hill).
Kandikattu (dhal soup). Pothu (male).
Kottakunda (new pot). Naginidu (snake).
Pooreti (a bird). Kola (ear of corn).
Kalluri (stone village).
A man most frequently marries his maternal uncle's daughter, less
frequently the daughter of his paternal aunt. Marriage with a deceased
wife's sister is regarded with special favour. Marriage with two
living sisters, if one of them is suffering from disease, is common.
In a note on the Medaras of the Vizagapatam district, Mr. C. Hayavadana
Rao writes that girls are married before or after puberty. A Brahman
officiates at the marriage ceremonies. Widows are allowed to remarry
once, and the sathamanam (marriage badge) is tied by the new husband
on the neck of the bride, who has, as in the Gudala caste, to sit
near a mortar.
Formerly all the Medaras were Saivites, but many are at the present
day Vaishnavites, and even the Vaishnavites worship Siva. Every family
has some special person or persons whom they worship, for example,
Virullu, or boys who have died unmarried. A silver image is made,
and kept in a basket. It is taken out on festive occasions, as before
a marriage in a family, and offerings of milk and rice gruel are
made to it. Bala Perantalu, or girls who have died before marriage,
and Perantalu, or women who have died before their husbands, are
worshipped with fruits, turmeric, rice, cocoanuts, etc.
Some of the Saivites bury their dead in a sitting posture, while
others resort to cremation. All the Vaishnavites burn the dead,
and, like the Saivites, throw the ashes into a river. The place of
burning or burial is not as a rule marked by any stone or mound. But,
if the family can afford it, a tulsi fort is built, and the tulsi
(Ocimum sanctum) planted therein. In the Vizagapatam district, death
pollution is said to last for three days, during which the caste
occupation is not carried out. On the third day, a fowl is killed,
and food cooked. It is taken to the spot where the corpse was burnt,
on which a portion is thrown, and the remainder eaten.
The potency of charms in warding off evil spirits is believed in. For
example, a figure of Hanuman the monkey-god, on a thin plate of gold,
with cabalistic letters inscribed on it, is worn on the neck. And,
on eclipse days, the root of the madar or arka plant (Calotropis
gigantea), enclosed in a gold casket, is worn on the neck of females,
and on the waist or arms of males. Some members of this, as of other
castes, may be seen with cicatrices on the forehead, chest, back,
or neck. These are the scars resulting from branding during infancy
with lighted turmeric or cheroot, to cure infantile convulsions,
resulting, it is believed, from inhaling tobacco smoke in small,
ill-ventilated rooms.
Various legends are current in connection with tribal heroes. One
Medara Chennayya is said to have fed some thousands of people
with a potful of rice. His grandson, Medara Thodayya, used to do
basket-making, and bathed three times daily. A Brahman, afflicted with
leprosy, lost a calf. In searching for it, he fell into a ditch filled
with water, in which the Medara had bathed, and was cured. One Medara
Kethayya and his wife were very poor, but charitable. In order to test
him, the god Iswara made grains of gold appear in large quantities in
the hollow of a bamboo, which he cut. He avoided the bamboos as being
full of vermin, and useless. At some distance, he found an ant-hill
with a bamboo growing in it, and, knowing that bamboos growing on such
a hill will not be attacked by vermin, cut it. In so doing, he cut
off the head of a Rishi, who was doing penance. Detecting the crime
of which he had been guilty, he cried "Siva, Siva." His wife, who was
miles away, heard him, and, knowing that he must be in some trouble,
went to the spot. He asked her how he was to expiate his sin, and she
replied. "You have taken a life, and must give one in return." He
thereon prepared to commit suicide, but his wife, taking the knife
from him, was about to sacrifice herself when Iswara appeared, restored
the Rishi to life, and took Medara Kethayya and his wife to heaven.
As among many other castes, the sthambamuhurtham (putting up the post)
ceremony is performed when the building of a new house is commenced,
and the deeparathana (lamp-worship) before it is occupied. In every
settlement there is a Kulapedda, or hereditary caste headman, who
has, among other things, the power of inflicting fines, sentencing to
excommunication, and inflicting punishments for adultery, eating with
members of lower castes, etc. Excommunication is a real punishment,
as the culprit is not allowed to take bamboo, or mess with his former
castemen. In the Kistna and Godavari districts, serious disputes,
which the local panchayat (council) cannot decide, are referred to
the headman at Masulipatam, who at present is a native doctor. There
are no trials by ordeal. The usual form of oath is "Where ten are,
there God is. In his presence I say."
When a girl reaches puberty, she has to sit in a room on five fresh
palmyra palm leaves, bathes in turmeric water, and may not eat salt. If
there is "leg's presentation" at childbirth, the infant's maternal
uncle should not hear the infant cry until the shanti ceremony has
been performed. A Brahman recites some mantrams, and the reflection
of the infant's face is first seen by the uncle from the surface
of oil in a plate. Widow remarriage is permitted. A widow can be
recognised by her not wearing the tali, gazulu (glass bangles),
and mettu (silver ring on the second toe).
The lowest castes with which the Medaras will eat are, they say,
Komatis and Velamas. Some say that they will eat with Satanis,
In the Coorg country, the Medaras are said to subsist by
umbrella-making. They are the drummers at Coorg festivals, and it
is their privilege to receive annually at harvest-time from each
Coorg house of their district as much reaped paddy as they can bind
up with a rope twelve cubits in length. They dress like the Coorgs,
but in poorer style. [36]
It is recorded by Bishop Whitehead [37] that, "in Mercara taluk, in
Ippanivolavade, and in Kadikeri in Halerinad, the villagers sacrifice
a kona or male buffalo. Tied to a tree in a gloomy grove near the
temple, the beast is killed by a Meda, who cuts off its head with
a large knife, but no Coorgs are present at the time. The blood is
spilled on a stone under a tree, and the flesh eaten by Medas."
At the Census, 1901, Gauriga was returned as a sub-caste by some
Medaras, The better classes are taking to call themselves Balijas,
and affix the title Chetti to their names. The Godagula workers in
split bamboo sometimes call themselves Odde (Oriya) Medara. [38]
Meda (raised mound).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
Medam (fight).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Mehtar.--A few Mehtars are returned, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as a Central Provinces caste of scavengers. "This name,"
Yule and Burnell write, [39] "is usual in Bengal, especially for
the domestic servant of this class. The word is Pers., comp. mihtar
(Lat. major), a great personage, a prince, and has been applied to
the class in question in irony, or rather in consolation. But the
name has so completely adhered in this application, that all sense
of either irony or consolation has perished. Mehtar is a sweeper,
and nought else. His wife is the Matranee. It is not unusual to hear
two Mehtars hailing each other as Maharaj!"
Meikaval (body-guard of the god).--A name for Pandarams.
Mekala (goats).--Recorded as an exogamous sept of Boya, Chenchu,
Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, and Yanadi. Nerigi Mekala (a kind of goat)
is a further sept of Yanadi.
Mekhri.--A sub-division of Navayat Muhammadans.
Melachcheri.--A class of Muhammadans in the Laccadive islands (see
Mappilla).
Meladava.--Dancing-girls in South Canara.
Melakkaran.--Concerning the Melakkarans, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes
as follows. [40] "The name means musicians, and, as far as Tanjore is
concerned, is applied to two absolutely distinct castes, the Tamil and
Telugu Melakkarans (of whom the latter are barber musicians). These
two will not eat in each other's houses, and their views about dining
with other castes are similar. They say they would mess (in a separate
room) in a Vellalan's house, and would dine with a Kallan, but it is
doubtful whether any but the lower non-Brahman communities would eat
with them. In other respects the two castes are quite different. The
former speak Tamil, and, in most of their customs, resemble generally
the Vellalans and other higher Tamil castes, while the latter speak
Telugu, and follow domestic practices similar to those of the Telugu
Brahmans. Both are musicians. The Telugus practice only the musician's
art or periyamelam (band composed of clarionet or nagasaram, pipe,
drum, and cymbals), having nothing to do with dancing or dancing-girls,
to whom the chinnamelam or nautch music is appropriate. The Tamil caste
provides, or has adopted all the dancing-girls in the district. The
daughters of these women are generally brought up to their mother's
profession, but the daughters of the men of the community rarely
nowadays become dancing-girls, but are ordinarily married to members
of the caste. The Tamil Melakkarans perform both the periyamelam
and the nautch music. The latter consists of vocal music performed
by a chorus of both sexes to the accompaniment of the pipe and
cymbals. The class who perform it are called Nattuvans, and they are
the instructors of the dancing-women. The periyamelam always finds
a place at weddings, but the nautch is a luxury. Nowadays the better
musicians hold themselves aloof from the dancing-women. Both castes
have a high opinion of their own social standing. Indeed the Tamil
section say they are really Kallans, Vellalans, Agamudaiyans, and so
on, and that their profession is merely an accident." The Vairavi,
or temple servant of Nattukottai Chettis, must be a Melakkaran.
Mellikallu.--Under the name Mellikallu or Mallekalu, seventy-six
individuals are returned, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "hill
cultivators in Pedakota village of Viravalli taluk of the Vizagapatam
Agency, who are reported to constitute a caste by themselves. They
pollute by touch, have their own priests, and eat pork but not beef."
Melnadu.--Melnadu, or Melnatar, meaning western country, is the name
of a territorial sub-division of Kallan and Shanan.
Melu Sakkare.--A name, meaning western Sakkare, by which Upparas in
Mysore style themselves. They claim descent from a mythical individual,
named Sagara, who dug the Bay of Bengal. Some Upparas explain that
they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, and that Mel
Sakkara means superior sugar.
Meman.--More than three hundred members of this Muhammadan class
of Bombay traders were returned at the Madras Census, 1901. It is
recorded, in the Bombay Gazetteer, that many Cutch, Memans are
prospering as traders in Kurrachee, Bombay, the Malabar coast,
Hyderabad, Madras, Calcutta, and Zanzibar.
Menasu (pepper or chillies).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and gotra
of Kurni.
Menokki (overseer).--Menokki and Menoki have been returned, in the
Travancore and Cochin Census Reports, as a sub-division of Nayars,
who are employed as accountants in temples. The name is derived from
mel, above, nokki, from nokkunnu to look after.
Menon.--By Wigram, [41] Menon is defined as "a title originally
conferred by the Zamorin on his agents and writers. It is now used by
all classes of Nayars. In Malabar, the village karnam (accountant)
is called Menon." In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, Menon
is said to be "a contraction of Menavan (a superior person). The
title was conferred upon several families by the Raja of Cochin,
and corresponds to Pillai down south. As soon as a person was made
a Menon, he was presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on)
and an iron style, as symbolical of the office he was expected to
fill, i.e., of an accountant. Even now, in British Malabar, each
amsham or revenue village has a writer or accountant, who is called
Menon." Mr. F. Fawcett writes [42] that "to those of the sub-clan
attached to the Zamorin who were sufficiently capable to earn it,
he gave the titular honour Menon, to be used as an affix to the
name. The title Menon is in general hereditary, but, be it remarked,
many who now use it are not entitled to do so. Properly speaking,
only those whose investiture by the Zamorin or some other recognized
chief is undisputed, and their descendants (in the female line) may
use it. A man known to me was invested with the title Menon in 1895 by
the Karimpuzha chief, who, in the presence of a large assembly, said
thrice 'From this day forward I confer on Krishnan Nayar the title of
Krishna Menon.' Nowadays be it said, the title Menon is used by Nayars
of clans other than the Akattu Charna." Indian undergraduates at the
English Universities, with names such as Krishna Menon, Raman Menon,
Ramunni Menon, are known as Mr. Menon. In the same way, Maratha
students are called by their titular name Mr. Rao.
Mera.--A sub-division of Holeya.
Meria.--At the Madras Census, 1901, twenty-five individuals returned
themselves as Meria or Merakaya. They were descendants of persons who
were reserved for human (Meriah) sacrifice, but rescued by Government
officials in the middle of the last century.
Mesta.--A name taken by some Chaptegaras (carpenters) in South Canara.
Mestri.--A title of Semmans and other Tamil classes. The Panan tailors
are said to be also called Mestris. Concerning the word mestri,
or maistry, Yule and Burnell write as follows. [43] "This word, a
corruption of the Portuguese Mestre, has spread into the vernaculars
all over India, and is in constant Anglo-Indian use. Properly a
foreman, a master-worker. In W. and S. India maistry, as used in the
household, generally means the cook or the tailor."
Mettu Kamsali.--A synonym of Ojali blacksmith, Mettu means shoes
or sandals.
Mhallo.--A name for Konkani barbers.
Midathala (locust).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Madiga.
Middala or Meddala (storeyed house).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
Midichi (locust).--A gotra of Kurni.
Mila.--The Milas are a fishing caste in Ganjam and Vizagapatam, for the
following note on whom I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The name
Milavandlu, by which they are commonly known, means fishermen. They
also call themselves Odavandlu, because they go out to sea, fishing
from boats (oda). When they become wealthy, they style themselves Oda
Balijas. The caste is divided into numerous exogamous septs, among
which are dhoni (boat), and tota (garden). The custom of menarikam,
according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter,
is in force, and a man may also marry his sister's daughter. Girls are
generally married after puberty. Gold jewellery is presented in lieu
of money as the bride-price (voli). On the occasion of a marriage,
half a dozen males and females go to the house of the bride, where
they are entertained at a feast. She is conducted to the home of
the bridegroom. A plank is placed at the entrance to the house, on
which the bride and bridegroom take their seats. After they have
bathed, new cloths are presented to them, and the old ones given
to the barber. They then sit once more on the plank, and the caste
headman, called the Ejaman, takes up the sathamanam (marriage badge),
which is passed round among those assembled. It is finally tied
by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. The remarriage of widows is
recognised. Each village has an Ejaman, who, in addition to officiating
at weddings, presides over council meetings, collects fines, etc. The
caste goddess is Polamma, to whom animal sacrifices are offered,
and in whose honour an annual festival is held. The expenses thereof
are met by public subscription and private donations. The dead are
burnt, and a Satani officiates at funerals. Death pollution is not
observed. On the twelfth day after death, the pedda rozu (big day)
ceremony is performed. The caste titles are Anna and Ayya.
Milaku (pepper: Piper nigrum).--A tree or kothu of Kondaiyamkotti
Maravans.
Milikhan.--A class of Muhammadan pilots and sailors in the Laccadive
Islands (see Mappilla).
Minalavaru (fish people).--An exogamous sept of Bedar or Boya. Min
(fish) Palli occurs as a name for Pallis who have settled in the
Telugu country, and adopted fishing as their profession.
Minchu (metal toe-ring).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Mini (leather rope).--A gotra of Kurni.
Minpidi (fish-catching).--A sub-division of Panan.
Mirapakaya (Capsicum frutescens).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Mirigani.--A sub-division of Domb.
Miriyala (pepper).--An exogamous sept of Balija.
Mir Shikari.--A synonym of Kurivikkaran.
Misala (whiskers).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Mise (moustache).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Mochi.--See Mucchi.
Modikaran.--The name sometimes applied to Nokkan mendicants, who dabble
in jugglery. Modi is a trial of magical powers between two persons,
in which the hiding of money is the essential thing.
Moduga (Butea frondosa).--A gotra of Medara.
Moger.--The Mogers are the Tulu-speaking fishermen of the South
Canara district, who, for the most part, follow the aliya santana
law of inheritance (in the female line), though some who are settled
in the northern part of the district speak Canarese, and follow the
makkala santana law (inheritance from father to son).
The Mogers are largely engaged in sea-fishing, and are also employed
in the Government fish-curing yards. On the occasion of an inspection
of one of these yards at Mangalore, my eye caught sight of the saw
of a sawfish (Pristis) hanging on the wall of the office. Enquiry
elicited that it was used as a "threatening instrument" in the
yard. The ticket-holders were Mappillas and Mogers. I was informed
that some of the Mogers used the hated thattu vala or achi vala
(tapping net), in using which the sides of the boats are beaten
with sticks, to drive the fish into the net. Those who object to
this method of fishing maintain that the noise made with the sticks
frightens away the shoals of mackerel and sardines. A few years ago,
the nets were cut to pieces, and thrown into the sea, as a protest
against their employment. A free fight ensued, with the result that
nineteen individuals were sentenced to a fine of fifty rupees, and
three months' imprisonment. In connection with my inspections of
fisheries, the following quaint official report was submitted. "The
Mogers about the town of Udipi are bound to supply the revenue and
magisterial establishment of the town early in the morning every
day a number of fishes strung to a piece of rope. The custom was
originated by a Tahsildar (Native revenue officer) about twenty years
ago, when the Tahsildar wielded the powers of the magistrate and the
revenue officer, and was more than a tyrant, if he so liked--when rich
and poor would tremble at the name of an unscrupulous Tahsildar. The
Tahsildar is divested of his magisterial powers, and to the law-abiding
and punctual is not more harmful than the dormouse. But the custom
continues, and the official, who, of all men, can afford to pay for
what he eats, enjoys the privileges akin to those of the time of Louis
XIV's court, and the poor fisherman has to toil by night to supply
the rich official's table with a delicious dish about gratis." A
curious custom at Cannanore in Malabar may be incidentally referred
to. Writing in 1873, Dr. Francis Day states [44] that "at Cannanore,
the Rajah's cat appears to be exercising a deleterious influence
on one branch at least of the fishing, viz., that for sharks. It
appears that, in olden times, one fish daily was taken from each boat
as a perquisite for the Rajah's cat, or the poocha meen (cat fish)
collection. The cats apparently have not augmented so much as the
fishing boats, so this has been commuted into a money payment of two
pies a day on each successful boat. In addition to this, the Rajah
annually levies a tax of Rs. 2-4-0 on every boat. Half of the sharks'
fins are also claimed by the Rajah's poocha meen contractor."
Writing concerning the Mogers, Buchanan [45] states that "these
fishermen are called Mogayer, and are a caste of Tulava origin. They
resemble the Mucuas (Mukkuvans) of Malayala, but the one caste will
have no communion with the other. The Mogayer are boatmen, fishermen,
porters, and palanquin-bearers, They pretend to be Sudras of a pure
descent, and assume a superiority over the Halepecas (Halepaiks),
one of the most common castes of cultivators in Tulava; but they
acknowledge themselves greatly inferior to the Bunts." Some Mogers
have abandoned their hereditary profession of fishing, and taken to
agriculture, oil-pressing, and playing on musical instruments. Some
are still employed as palanquin-bearers. The oil-pressers call
themselves Ganigas, the musicians Sappaligas, and the palanquin-bearers
Bovis. These are all occupational names. Some Bestha immigrants from
Mysore have settled in the Pattur taluk, and are also known as Bovis,
The word Bovi is a form of the Telugu Boyi (bearer).
The Mogers manufacture the caps made from the spathe of the areca palm,
which are worn by Koragas and Holeyas.
The settlements of the Moger fishing community are called pattana,
e.g., Odorottu pattana, Manampade pattana. For this reason, Pattanadava
is sometimes given as a synonym for the caste name. The Tamil fishermen
of the City of Madras are, in like manner, called Pattanavan, because
they live in pattanams or maritime villages.
Like other Tulu castes, the Mogers worship bhuthas (devils). The
principal bhutha of the fishing community is Bobbariya, in whose honour
the kola festival is held periodically. Every settlement, or group of
settlements, has a Bobbariya bhuthasthana (devil shrine). The Matti
Brahmans, who, according to local tradition, are Mogers raised to
the rank of Brahmans by one Vathiraja Swami, a Sanyasi, also have
a Bobbariya bhuthasthana in the village of Matti. The Mogers who
have ceased to be fishermen, and dwell in land, worship the bhuthas
Panjurli and Baikadthi. There is a caste priest, called Mangala pujari,
whose head-quarters are at Bannekuduru near Barkur. Every family has to
pay eight annas annually to the priest, to enable him to maintain the
temple dedicated to Ammanoru or Mastiamma at Bannekuduru. According to
some, Mastiamma is Mari, the goddess of small-pox, while others say
that she is the same as Mohini, a female devil, who possesses men,
and kills them.
For every settlement, there must be at least two Gurikaras (headmen),
and, in some settlements, there are as many as four. All the Gurikaras
wear, as an emblem of their office, a gold bracelet on the left
wrist. Some wear, in addition, a bracelet presented by the members of
the caste for some signal service. The office of headman is hereditary,
and follows the aliya santana law of succession (in the female line).
The ordinary Tulu barber (Kelasi) does not shave the Mogers, who have
their own caste barber, called Melantavam, who is entitled to receive
a definite share of a catch of fish. The Konkani barbers (Mholla)
do not object to shave Mogers, and, in some places where Mhollas are
not available, the Billava barber is called in.
Like other Tulu castes, the Mogers have exogamous septs, or balis,
of which the following are examples:--
Ane, elephant.
Bali, a fish.
Deva, god.
Dyava, tortoise.
Honne, Pterocarpus Marsupium.
Shetti, a fish.
Tolana, wolf.
The marriage ceremonial of the Mogers conforms to the customary
Tulu type. A betrothal ceremony is gone through, and the sirdochi,
or bride-price, varying from six to eight rupees, paid. The marriage
rites last over two days. On the first day, the bride is seated
on a plank or cot, and five women throw rice over her head, and
retire. The bridegroom and his party come to the home of the bride,
and are accommodated at her house, or elsewhere. On the following
day, the contracting couple are seated together, and the bride's
father, or the Gurikara, pours the dhare water over their united
hands. It is customary to place a cocoanut on a heap of rice, with
some betel leaves and areca nuts at the side thereof. The dhare water
(milk and water) is poured thrice over the cocoanut. Then all those
assembled throw rice over the heads of the bride and bridegroom,
and make presents of money. Divorce can be easily effected, after
information of the intention has been given to the Gurikara. In the
Udipi taluk, a man who wishes to divorce his wife goes to a certain
tree with two or three men, and makes three cuts in the trunk with a
bill-hook. This is called barahakodu, and is apparently observed by
other castes. The Mogers largely adopt girls in preference to boys,
and they need not be of the same sept as the adopter.
On the seventh day after the birth of a child a Madivali (washerwoman)
ties a waist-thread on it, and gives it a name. This name is usually
dropped after a time, and another name substituted for it.
The dead are either buried or cremated. If the corpse is burnt, the
ashes are thrown into a tank (pond) or river on the third or fifth
day. The final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are performed on the
seventh, ninth, eleventh, or thirteenth day, with details similar to
those of the Billavas. Like other Tulu castes, some Mogers perform
a propitiatory ceremony on the fortieth day.
The ordinary caste title of the Mogers is Marakaleru, and Gurikara
that of members of the families to which the headmen belong. In the
Kundapur taluk, the title Naicker is preferred to Marakaleru.
The cephalic index of the Mogers is, as shown by the following table,
slightly less than that of the Tulu Bants and Billavas:--
Av. Max. Min. No. of times
index 80 or over.
50 Billavas 80.1 91.5 71. 28
40 Bants 78. 91.2 70.8 13
40 Mogers 77.1 84.9 71.8 9
Mogili (Pandanus fascicularis).--An exogamous sept of Kapu and
Yerukala.
Mogotho.--A sub-division of Gaudo, the members of which are considered
inferior because they eat fowls.
Mohiro (peacock).--An exogamous sept or gotra of Bhondari and Gaudo,
Moksham (heaven).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Moktessor or Mukhtesar.--See Stanika.
Mola (hare).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya and Gangadikara
Vakkaliga.
Molaya Devan.--A title of Kallan and Nokkan.
Moliko.--A title of Doluva and Kondra.
Monathinni.--The name, meaning those who eat the vermin of the earth,
of a sub-division of Valaiyan.
Mondi.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana
Rao. Mondi, Landa, Kalladi-siddhan (q.v.), and Kalladi-mangam, are
different names for one and the same class of mendicants. The first
two names denote a troublesome fellow, and the last two one who
beats himself with a stone. The Mondis speak Tamil, and correspond
to the Bandas of the Telugu country, banda meaning an obstinate
person or tricksy knave. [The name Banda is sometimes explained as
meaning stone, in reference to these mendicants carrying about a
stone, and threatening to beat out their brains, if alms are not
forthcoming.] They are as a rule tall, robust individuals, who go
about all but naked, with a jingling chain tied to the right wrist,
their hair long and matted, a knife in the hand, and a big stone
on the left shoulder. When engaged in begging, they cut the skin
of the thighs with the knife, lie down and beat their chests with
the stone, vomit, roll in the dust or mud, and throw dirt at those
who will not contribute alms. In a note on the Mondis or Bandas,
[46] Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that these beggars "lay no claim to a
religious character. Though regarded as Sudras, it is difficult to
think them such, as they are black and filthy in their appearance,
and disgusting in their habits. Happily their numbers are few. They
wander about singing, or rather warbling, for they utter no articulate
words, and, if money or grain be not given to them, they have
recourse to compulsion. The implements of their trade are knives and
ordure. With the former they cut themselves until they draw blood,
and the latter they throw into the house or shop of the person who
proves uncharitable. They appear to possess the power of vomiting
at pleasure, and use it to disgust people into a compliance with
their demands. Sometimes they lie in the street, covering the entire
face with dust, keeping, it is said, their eyes open the while, and
breathing through the dust. Eventually they always succeed by some
of these means in extorting what they consider their dues." Boys
are regularly trained to vomit at will. They are made to drink as
much hot water or conji (gruel) as they can, and taught how to bring
it up. At first, they are made to put several fingers in the mouth,
and tickle the base of the tongue, so as to give rise to vomiting. By
constant practice, they learn how to vomit at any time. Just before
they start on a begging round, they drink some fluid, which is brought
up while they are engaged in their professional calling.
There are several proverbs relating to this class of mendicants, one
of which is to the effect that the rough and rugged ground traversed
by the Kalladi-siddhan is powdered to dust. Another gives the advice
that, whichever way the Kalladi-mangam goes, you should dole out a
measure of grain for him. Otherwise he will defile the road owing
to his disgusting habits. A song, which the Mondi may often be heard
warbling, runs as follows:--
Mother, mother, Oh! grandmother,
Grandmother, who gave birth.
Dole out my measure.
Their original ancestor is said to have been a shepherd, who had both
his legs cut off by robbers in a jungle. The king of the country in
compassion directed that every one should pay him and his descendants,
called mondi or lame, a small amount of money or grain.
The caste is divided into a series of bands, each of which has the
right to collect alms within a particular area. The merchants and ryots
are expected to pay them once a year, the former in money, and the
latter in grain at harvest time. Each band recognises a headman, who,
with the aid of the caste elders, settles marital and other disputes.
Marriage is usually celebrated after puberty. In the North Arcot
district, it is customary for a man to marry his maternal uncle's
daughter, and in the Madura district a man can claim his paternal
aunt's daughter in marriage. The caste is considered so low in the
social scale that Brahmans will not officiate at marriages. Divorce
is easy, and adultery with a man of higher caste is condoned more
readily than a similar offence within the caste.
Mondolo.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as an Oriya
title given by Zamindars to the headmen of villages. It is also a
title of various Oriya castes.
Mora Buvva.--A sub-division of Madigas, who offer food (buvva) to
the god in a winnowing basket (mora) at marriage.
Morasu.--The following legendary account of the origin of the "Morsu
Vellallu" is given in the Baramahal Records. [47] "In the kingdom
of Conjiveram, there was a village named Paluru, the residence of a
chieftain, who ruled over a small district inhabited by the Morsu
Vellallu. It so happened that one of them had a handsome daughter
with whom the chieftain fell in love, and demanded her in marriage
of her parents. But they would not comply with his demand, urging
as an excuse the difference of caste, on which the inflamed lover
determined on using force to obtain the object of his desires. This
resolution coming to the knowledge of the parents of the girl, they
held a consultation with the rest of the sect, and it was determined
that for the present they should feign a compliance with his order,
until they could meet with a favourable opportunity of quitting the
country. They accordingly signified their consent to the matter,
and fixed upon the nuptial day, and erected a pandal or temporary
building in front of their house for the performance of the wedding
ceremonies. At the proper time, the enamoured and enraptured chief
sent in great state to the bride's house the wedding ornaments and
clothes of considerable value, with grain and every other delicacy
for the entertainment of the guests, The parents, having in concert
with the other people of the sect prepared everything for flight,
they put the ornaments and clothes on the body of a dog, which they
tied to the centre pillar of the pandal, threw all the delicacies on
the ground before him, and, taking their daughter, fled. Their flight
soon came to the ears of the chief, who, being vexed and mortified
at the trick they had played him, set out with his attendants like a
raging lion in quest of his prey. The fugitives at length came to the
banks of the Tungabhadra river, which they found full and impassable,
and their cruel pursuer nigh at hand. In the dreadful dilemma, they
addressed to the God Vishnu the following prayer. 'O! Venkatrama
(a title of Vishnu), if thou wilt graciously deign to enable us to
ford this river, and wilt condescend to assist us in crossing the
water, as thou didst Hanumant in passing over the vast ocean, we
from henceforth will adopt thee and thy ally Hanumant our tutelary
deities.' Vishnu was pleased to grant their prayer, and by his
command the water in an instant divided, and left a dry space,
over which they passed. The moment they reached the opposite bank,
the waters closed and prevented their adversary from pursuing them,
who returned to his own country. The sect settled in the provinces
near the Tungabhadra river, and in course of time spread over the
districts which now form the eastern part of the kingdom of Mysore
then called Morsu, and from thence arose their surname."
As in Africa, and among the American Indians, Australians, and
Polynesians, so in Southern India artificial deformity of the hand
is produced by chopping off some of the fingers. Writing in 1815,
Buchanan (Hamilton) [48] says that "near Deonella or Deonhully,
a town in Mysore, is a sect or sub-division of the Murressoo Wocal
caste, every woman of which, previous to piercing the ears of her
eldest daughter, preparatory to her being betrothed in marriage, must
undergo the amputation of the first joints of third and fourth fingers
of her right hand. The amputation is performed by the blacksmith of
the village, who, having placed the finger in a block, performs the
operation with a chisel. If the girl to be betrothed is motherless, and
the mother of the boy has not before been subjected to the amputation,
it is incumbent on her to suffer the operation." Of the same ceremony
among the "Morsa-Okkala-Makkalu" of Mysore the Abbé Dubois [49]
says that, if the bride's mother be dead, the bridegroom's mother,
or in default of her the mother of the nearest relative, must submit
to the cruel ordeal. In an editorial foot-note it is stated that
this custom is no longer observed. Instead of the two fingers being
amputated, they are now merely bound together, and thus rendered
unfit for use. In the Census Report, 1891, it is recorded that this
type of deformity is found among the Morasus, chiefly in Cuddapah,
North Arcot, and Salem. "There is a sub-section of them called Veralu
Icche Kapulu, or Kapulu who give the fingers, from a curious custom
which requires that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife
of the eldest son of the grandfather must have the last two joints of
the third and fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of
Bhairava." Further, it is stated in the Manual of the Salem district
(1883) that "the practice now observed in this district is that, when
a grandchild is born in a family, the eldest son of the grandfather,
with his wife, appears at the temple for the ceremony of boring
the child's ear, and there the woman has the last two joints of the
third and fourth fingers chopped off. It does not signify whether
the father of the first grandchild born be the eldest son or not, as
in any case it is the wife of the eldest son who has to undergo the
mutilation. After this, when children are born to other sons, their
wives in succession undergo the operation. When a child is adopted,
the same course is pursued."
The origin of the custom is narrated by Wilks, [50] and is
briefly this. Mahadeo or Siva, who was in great peril, after hiding
successively in a castor-oil and jawari plantation, concealed himself
in a linga-tonde shrub from a rakshasa who was pursuing him, to whom
a Marasa Vakkaliga cultivator indicated, with the little finger of
his right hand, the hiding-place of Siva, The god was only rescued
from his peril by the interposition of Vishnu in the form of a lovely
maiden meretriciously dressed, whom the lusty rakshasa, forgetting
all about Siva, attempted to ravish, and was consumed to ashes. On
emerging from his hiding-place, Siva decreed that the cultivator
should forfeit the offending finger. The culprit's wife, who had just
arrived at the field with food for her husband, hearing this dreadful
sentence, threw herself at Siva's feet, and represented the certain
ruin of her family if her husband should be disabled for some months
from performing the labours of the farm, and besought the deity to
accept two of her fingers instead of one from her husband. Siva,
pleased with so sincere a proof of conjugal affection, accepted
the exchange, and ordered that her family posterity in all future
generations should sacrifice two fingers at his temple as a memorial
of the transaction, and of their exclusive devotion to the god of the
lingam. For the following account of the performance of the rite,
as carried out by the Morasa Vakkaligaru of Mysore, I am indebted
to an article by Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar. [51] "These people are
roughly classed under three heads, viz.: (1) those whose women offer
the sacrifice; (2) those who substitute for the fingers a piece of
gold wire, twisted round fingers in the shape of rings. Instead of
cutting the fingers off, the carpenter removes and appropriates the
rings; (3) those who do not perform the rite. The modus operandi is
as nearly as possible the following. About the time of the new moon
in Chaitra, a propitious day is fixed by the village astrologer, and
the woman who is to offer the sacrifice performs certain ceremonies
or puje in honour of Siva, taking food only once a day. For three
days before the operation, she has to support herself with milk,
sugar, fruits, etc., all substantial food being eschewed. On the day
appointed, a common cart is brought out, painted in alternate strips
with white and red ochre, and adorned with gay flags, flowers, etc.,
in imitation of a car. Sheep or pigs are slaughtered before it, their
number being generally governed by the number of children borne by
the sacrificing woman. The cart is then dragged by bullocks, preceded
by music, the woman and her husband following, with new pots filled
with water and small pieces of silver money, borne on their heads,
and accompanied by a retinue of friends and relatives. The village
washerman has to spread clean cloths along the path of the procession,
which stops near the boundary of the village, where a leafy bower is
prepared, with three pieces of stone installed in it, symbolising
the god Siva. Flowers, fruits, cocoanuts, incense, etc., are then
offered, varied occasionally by an additional sheep or pig. A wooden
seat is placed before the image, and the sacrificing woman places
upon it her right hand with the fingers spread out. A man holds her
hand firmly, and the village carpenter, placing his chisel on the
first joints of her ring and little fingers, chops them off with a
single stroke. The pieces lopped off are thrown into an ant-hill,
and the tips of the mutilated fingers, round which rags are bound,
are dipped into a vessel containing boiling gingily (Sesamum indicum)
oil. A good skin eventually forms over the stump, which looks like a
congenital malformation. The fee of the carpenter is one kanthiraya
fanam (four annas eight pies) for each maimed finger, besides presents
in kind. The woman undergoes the barbarous and painful ceremony without
a murmur, and it is an article of the popular belief that, were it
neglected, or if nails grow on the stump, dire ruin and misfortune
will overtake the recusant family. Staid matrons, who have had their
fingers maimed for life in the above manner, exhibit their stumps with
a pride worthy of a better cause. At the termination of the sacrifice,
the woman is presented with cloths, flowers, etc., by her friends
and relations, to whom a feast is given, Her children are placed on
an adorned seat, and, after receiving presents of flowers, fruits,
etc., their ears are pierced in the usual way. It is said that to do
so before would be sacrilege." In a very full account of deformation
of the hand by the Berulu Kodo sub-sect of the Vakaliga or ryat caste
in Mysore, Mr. F. Fawcett says that it was regularly practiced until
the Commissioner of Mysore put a stop to it about twenty years ago. "At
present some take gold or silver pieces, stick them on to the finger's
ends with flour paste, and either cut or pull them off. Others simply
substitute an offering of small pieces of gold or silver for the
amputation. Others, again, tie flowers round the fingers that used to
be cut, and go through a pantomime of cutting by putting the chisel
on the joint and taking it away again. All the rest of the ceremony
is just as it used to be." The introduction of the decorated cart,
which has been referred to, is connected by Mr. Fawcett with a legend
concerning a zemindar, who sought the daughters of seven brothers in
marriage with three youths of his family. As carts were used in the
flight from the zemindar, the ceremony is, to commemorate the event,
called Bandi Devuru, or god of cars. As by throwing ear-rings into a
river the fugitives passed through it, while the zemindar was drowned,
the caste people insist on their women's ears being bored for
ear-rings. And, in honour of the girls who cared more for the honour
of their caste than for the distinction of marriage into a great
family, the amputation of part of two fingers of women of the caste
was instituted.
"Since the prohibition of cutting off the fingers," Mr. L. Rice writes,
[52] "the women content themselves with putting on a gold or silver
finger-stall or thimble, which is pulled off instead of the finger
itself."
Morasa Kapulu women never touch the new grain of the year without
worshipping the sun (Surya), and may not eat food prepared from
this grain before this act of worship has been performed. They
wrap themselves in a kambli (blanket) after a purificatory bath,
prostrate themselves on the ground, raise their hands to the forehead
in salutation, and make the usual offering of cocoanuts, etc. They
are said, in times gone by, to have been lax in their morals and to
have prayed to the sun to forgive them.
Morasu has further been returned as a sub-division of Holeya, Mala and
Odde. The name Morasu Paraiyan probably indicates Holeyas who have
migrated from the Canarese to the Tamil country, and whose women,
like the Kallans, wear a horse-shoe thread round the neck.
Motati.--A sub-division of Kapu.
Moyili.--The Moyilis or Moilis of South Canara are said [53] by
Mr. H. A. Stuart to be "admittedly the descendants of the children of
women attached to the temples, and their ranks are even now swelled
in this manner. Their duties are similar to those of the Stanikas"
(q.v.). In the Madras Census report, 1901, Golaka (a bastard) is
clubbed with Moili. In the Mysore Census Report, this term is said
to be applied to children of Brahmans by Malerus (temple servants
in Mysore).
The following account of the origin of the Moylars was given by
Buchanan at the beginning of the nineteenth century. [54] "In the
temples of Tuluva there prevails a very singular custom, which has
given origin to a caste named Moylar. Any woman of the four pure
castes--Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra--who is tired of her
husband, or who (being a widow, and consequently incapable of marriage)
is tired of a life of celibacy, goes to a temple, and eats some of the
rice that is offered to the idol. She is then taken before the officers
of Government, who assemble some people of her caste to inquire into
the cause of her resolution; and, if she be of the Brahman caste, to
give her an option of living in the temple or out of its precincts. If
she chooses the former, she gets a daily allowance of rice, and
annually a piece of cloth. She must sweep the temple, fan the idol
with a Tibet cow's tail and confine her amours to the Brahmans. In
fact she generally becomes a concubine to some officer of revenue who
gives her a trifle in addition to her public allowance, and who will
flog her severely if she grants favours to any other person. The male
children of these women are called Moylar, but are fond of assuming
the title of Stanika, and wear the Brahmanical thread. As many of them
as can procure employment live about the temples, sweep the areas,
sprinkle them with an infusion of cow-dung, carry flambeaus before
the gods, and perform other similar low offices."
The Moyilis are also called Devadigas, and should not be mixed with
the Malerus (or Maleyavaru). Both do temple service, but the Maleru
females are mostly prostitutes, whereas Moyili women are not. Malerus
are dancing-girls attached to the temples in South Canara, and their
ranks are swelled by Konkani, Shivalli, and other Brahman women of
bad character.
The Moyilis have adopted the manners and customs of the Bants, and
have the same balis (septs) as the Bants and Billavas.
Mucchi.--The Mucchis or Mochis are summed up, in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, as being a Marathi caste of painters and
leather-workers. In the Mysore Census Report it is noted that "to the
leather-working caste may be added a small body of Mochis, shoemakers
and saddlers. They are immigrant Mahratas, who, it is said, came
into Mysore with Khasim Khan, the general of Aurangzib. They claim
to be Kshatriyas and Rajputs--pretensions which are not generally
admitted. They are shoemakers and saddlers by trade, and are all
Saivas by faith." "The Mucchi," Mr. A. Chatterton writes [55] "is
not a tanner, and as a leather-worker only engages in the higher
branches of the trade. Some of them make shoes, but draw the line
at sandals. A considerable number are engaged as menial servants in
Government offices. Throughout the country, nearly every office has
its own Mucchi, whose principal duty is to keep in order the supplies
of stationery, and from raw materials manufacture ink, envelopes
and covers, and generally make himself useful. A good many of the
so-called Mucchis, however, do not belong to the caste, as very few
have wandered south of Madras, and they are mostly to be found in
Ganjam and the Ceded Districts." The duties of the office Mucchi have
further been summed up as "to mend pencils, prepare ink from powders,
clean ink-bottles, stitch note-books, paste covers, rule forms,
and affix stamps to covers and aid the despatch of tappals" (postal
correspondence). In the Moochee's Hand-book [56] by the head Mucchi
in the office of the Inspector-General of Ordnance, and contractor
for black ink powder, it is stated that "the Rev. J. P. Rottler,
in his Tamil and English dictionary, defines the word Mucchi as
signifying trunk-maker, stationer, painter. Mucchi's work comprises
the following duties:--
To make black, red, and blue writing ink, also ink of other colours
as may seem requisite.
To mend quills, rule lines, make envelopes, mount or paste maps or
plans on cloth with ribbon edges, pack parcels in wax-cloth, waterproof
or common paper, seal letters and open boxes or trunk parcels.
To take charge of boxes, issue stationery for current use, and supply
petty articles.
To file printed forms, etc., and bind books."
In the Fort St. George Gazette, 1906, applications were invited from
persons who have passed the Matriculation examination of the Madras
University for the post of Mucchi on Rs. 8 per mensem in the office
of a Deputy Superintendent of Police.
In the District Manuals, the various occupations of the Mucchis are
summed up as book-binding, working in leather, making saddles and
trunks, painting, making toys, and pen-making. At the present day,
Mucchis (designers) are employed by piece-goods merchants in Madras
in devising and painting new patterns for despatch to Europe, where
they are engraved on copper cylinders. When, as at the present day,
the bazars of Southern India are flooded with imported piece-goods
of British manufacture, it is curious to look back and reflect that
the term piece-goods was originally applied in trade to the Indian
cotton fabrics exported to England.
The term Mucchi is applied to two entirely different sets of people. In
Mysore and parts of the Ceded Districts, it refers to Marathi-speaking
workers in leather. But it is further applied to Telugu-speaking
people, called Raju, Jinigara, or Chitrakara, who are mainly engaged in
painting, making toys, etc., and not in leather-work. (See Rachevar.)
Mucherikala.--Recorded by Mr. F. S. Mullaly [57] as a synonym of a
thief class in the Telugu country.
Mudali.--The title Mudali is used chiefly by the offspring of
Deva-dasis (dancing-girls), Kaikolans, and Vellalas. The Vellalas
generally take the title Mudali in the northern, and Pillai in
the southern districts. By some Vellalas, Mudali is considered
discourteous, as it is also the title of weavers. [58] Mudali further
occurs as a title of some Jains, Gadabas, Occhans, Pallis or Vanniyans,
and Panisavans. Some Pattanavans style themselves Varunakula Mudali.
Mudavandi.--The Mudavandis are said [59] to be "a special begging
class, descended from Vellala Goundans, since they had the immemorial
privilege of taking possession, as of right, of any Vellala child that
was infirm or maimed. The Modivandi made his claim by spitting into the
child's face, and the parents were then obliged, even against their
will, to give it up. Thenceforward it was a Modivandi, and married
among them. The custom has fallen into desuetude for the last forty
or fifty years, as a complaint of abduction would entail serious
consequences. Their special village is Modivandi Satyamangalam near
Erode. The chief Modivandi, in 1887, applied for sanction to employ
peons (orderlies) with belts and badges upon their begging tours,
probably because contributions are less willingly made nowadays to
idle men. They claim to be entitled to sheep and grain from the ryats."
In a note on the Mudavandis, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that it is
stated to be the custom that children born blind or lame in the Konga
Vellala caste are handed over by their parents to become Mudavandis. If
the parents hesitate to comply with the custom, the Mudavandis tie a
red cloth round the head of the child, and the parents can then no
longer withhold their consent. They have to give the boy a bullock
to ride on if he is lame, or a stick if he is blind.
A Revenue Officer writes (1902) that, at the village of Andipalayam
in the Salem district, there is a class of people called Modavandi,
whose profession is the adoption of the infirm members of the Konga
Vellalas. Andis are professional beggars. They go about among the
Konga Vellalas, and all the blind and maimed children are pounced
upon by them, and carried to their village. While parting with their
children, the parents, always at the request of the children, give a
few, sometimes rising to a hundred, rupees. The infirm never loses
his status. He becomes the adopted child of the Andi, and inherits
half of his property invariably. They are married among the Andis,
and are well looked after. In return for their services, the Andis
receive four annas a head from the Konga Vellala community annually,
and the income from this source alone amounts to Rs. 6,400. A
forty-first part share is given to the temple of Arthanariswara at
Trichengodu. None of the Vellalas can refuse the annual subscription,
on pain of being placed under the ban of social excommunication, and
the Andi will not leave the Vellala's house until the infirm child is
handed over to him. One Tahsildar (revenue officer) asked himself why
the Andi's income should not be liable to income-tax, and the Andis
were collectively assessed. Of course, it was cancelled on appeal.
Mudi (knot).--An exogamous sept of Mala.
Mudiya.--The name, derived from mudi, a preparation of fried rice,
of a sub-division of Chuditiya.
Muduvar.--The Muduvars or Mudugars are a tribe of hill cultivators in
Coimbatore, Madura, Malabar, and Travancore. For the following note
on those who inhabit the Cardamom hills, I am indebted to Mr. Aylmer
Ff. Martin.
The name of the tribe is usually spelt Muduvar in English, and in
Tamil pronounced Muthuvar, or Muthuvanal. Outsiders sometimes call the
tribe Thagappanmargal (a title sometimes used by low-caste people in
addressing their masters). The Muduvars have a dialect of their own,
closely allied to Tamil, with a few Malayalam words. Their names for
males are mostly those of Hindu gods and heroes, but Kanjan (dry or
stingy), Karupu Kunji (black chick), Kunjita (chicken) and Kar Megam
(black cloud) are distinctive and common. For females, the names of
goddesses and heroines, Karapayi (black), Koopi (sweepings), and Paychi
(she-devil) are common. Boy twins are invariably Lutchuman and Raman,
girl twins Lutchmi and Ramayi. Boy and girl twins are named Lutchman
and Ramayi, or Lutchmi and Raman.
The Muduvars do not believe themselves to be indigenous to the hills;
the legend, handed down from father to son, is that they originally
lived in Madura. Owing to troubles, or a war in which the Pandyan
Raja of the times was engaged, they fled to the hills. When at
Bodinayakanur, the pregnant women (or, as some say, a pregnant
woman) were left behind, and eventually went with the offspring to
the Nilgiris, while the bulk of the tribe came to the High Range
of North Travancore. There is supposed to be enmity between these
rather vague Nilgiri people and the Muduvars. The Nilgiri people
are said occasionally to visit Bodinayakanur, but, if by chance they
are met by Muduvars, there is no speech between them, though each is
supposed instinctively or intuitively to recognise the presence of
the other. Those that came to the High Range carried their children
up the ghats on their backs, and it was thereupon decided to name
the tribe Muduvar, or back people. According to another tradition,
when they left Madura, they carried with them on their back the
image of the goddess Minakshi, and brought it to Neriyamangalam. It
is stated by Mr. P. E. Conner [60] that the Muduvars "rank high
in point of precedency among the hill tribes. They were originally
Vellalas, tradition representing them as having accompanied some of
the Madura princes to the Travancore hills." The approximate time of
the exodus from Madura cannot even be guessed by any of the tribe,
but it was possibly at the time when the Pandyan Rajas entered the
south, or more probably when the Telugu Naickers took possession of
Bodinayakanur in the fourteenth century. It has also been suggested
that the Muduvars were driven to the hills by the Muhammadan invaders
in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Judging from the two
distinct types of countenance, their language, and their curious
mixture of customs, I hazard the conjecture that, when they arrived
on the hills, they found a small tribe in possession, with whom they
subsequently intermarried, this tribe having affinities with the west
coast, while the new arrivals were connected with the east.
The tribe is settled on the northern and western portion of the
Cardamom Hills, and the High Range of Travancore, known as the Kanan
Devan hills, and there is, I believe, one village on the Anaimalai
hills. They wander to some extent, less so now than formerly, owing
to the establishment of the planting community in their midst. The
head-quarters at present may be said to be on the western slopes of
the High Range. The present Mel Vaken or headman lives in a village
on the western slope of the High Range at about 2,000 feet elevation,
but villages occur up to 6,000 feet above sea level, the majority of
villages being about 4,000 feet above the sea. The wandering takes
place between the reaping of the final crop on one piece of land,
and the sowing of the next. About November sees the breaking up of
the old village, and February the establishment of the new. On the
plateau of the High Range their dwellings are small rectangular,
rather flat-roofed huts, made of jungle sticks or grass (both walls
and root), and are very neat in appearance. On the western slopes,
although the materials lend themselves to even neater building, their
houses are usually of a rougher type. The materials used are the stems
and leaves of the large-leaved ita (bamboo: Ochlandra travancorica)
owing to the absence of grass-land country. The back of the house has
no wall, the roof sloping on to the hillside behind, and the other
walls are generally made of a rough sort of matting made by plaiting
split ita stems.
Outsiders are theoretically not received into the caste, but a weaver
caste boy and girl who were starving (in the famine of 1877, as far as
I can make out), and deserted on the hills, were adopted, and, when
they grew up, were allowed the full privileges of the caste. Since
then, a 'Thotiya Naicker' child was similarly adopted, and is now a
full-blown Muduvar with a Muduvar wife. On similar occasions, adoptions
from similar or higher castes might take place, but the adoption of
Pariahs or low-caste people would be quite impossible. In a lecture
delivered some years ago by Mr. O. H. Bensley, it was stated that
the Muduvars permit the entry of members of the Vellala caste into
their community, but insist upon a considerable period of probation
before finally admitting the would-be Muduvar into their ranks.
If any dispute arises in the community, it is referred to the men of
the village, who form an informal panchayat (council), with the eldest
or most influential man at its head. References are sometimes, but
only seldom, made to the Muppen, a sort of sub-headman of the tribe,
except, perhaps, in the particular village in which he resides. The
office of both Muppen and Mel Vaken is hereditary, and follows
the marumakkatayam custom, i.e., descent to the eldest son of the
eldest sister. The orders of the panchayat, or of the headman,
are not enforceable by any specified means. A sort of sending a
delinquent to Coventry exists, but falls through when the matter has
blown over. Adjudications only occur at the request of the parties
concerned, or in the case of cohabitation between the prohibited
degrees of consanguinity, when, on it becoming known, the guilty
pair are banished to the jungle, but seem nevertheless to be able to
visit the village at will. When disputes between parties are settled
against any one, he may be fined, generally in kind--a calf, a cow,
a bull, or grain. There is no trial by ordeal. Oaths by the accuser,
the accused, and partisans of both, are freely taken. The form of oath
is to call upon God that the person swearing, or his child, may die
within so many days if the oath is untrue, at the same time stepping
over the Rama kodu, which consists of lines drawn on the ground, one
line for each day. It may consist of any number of lines, but three,
five, or seven are usual. Increasing the number of lines indefinitely
would be considered to be trifling with the subject.
There do not seem to be any good omens, but evil omens are
numerous. The barking of 'jungle sheep' (barking deer) or sambar,
the hill robin crossing the path when shifting the village, are
examples. Oracles, magic, sorcery, witchcraft, and especially the
evil eye, are believed in very firmly, but are not practiced by
Muduvars. I was myself supposed to have exercised the evil eye at
one time. It once became my duty to apportion to Muduvars land for
their next year's cultivation, and I went round with some of them for
this purpose, visiting the jungle they wished to clear. A particular
friend of mine, called Kanjan, asked for a bit of secondary growth
very close to a cinchona estate; it was, in fact, situated between
Lower Nettigudy and Upper Nettigudy, and the main road passed quite
close. I told him that there was no objection, except that it was most
unusual, and that probably the estate coolies would rob the place;
and I warned him very distinctly that, if evil came of his choice,
he was not to put the blame on me. Shortly afterwards I left India,
and was absent about three months, and, when I returned, I found that
small-pox had practically wiped out that village, thirty-seven out of
forty inhabitants having died, including Kanjan. I was, of course,
very sorry; but, as I found a small bit of the land in question
had been felled, and there being no claimants, I planted it up with
cinchona. As the smallpox had visited all the Muduvar villages, and
had spread great havoc among them, I was not surprised at their being
scarce, but I noticed, on the few occasions when I did see them, that
they were always running away. When I got the opportunity, I cornered
a man by practically riding him down, and asked for an explanation. He
then told me that, of course, the tribe had been sorely troubled,
because I told Kanjan in so many words that evil would come. I had
then disappeared (to work my magic, no doubt), and returned just in
time to take that very bit of land for myself. That was nearly five
years ago, and confidence in me is only now being gradually restored.
The Muduvans have lucky days for starting on a journey--
Monday, start before sunrise.
Tuesday, start in the forenoon.
Wednesday start before 7 A.M.
Thursday, start after eating the morning meal.
Friday, never make a start; it is a bad day.
Saturday and Sunday, start as soon as the sun has risen.
When boys reach puberty, the parents give a feast to the village. In
the case of a girl, a feast is likewise given, and she occupies, for
the duration of the menstrual period, a hut set apart for all the women
in the village to occupy during their uncleanness. When it is over, she
washes her clothes, and takes a bath, washing her head. This is just
what every woman of the village always does. There is no mutilation,
and the girl just changes her child's dress for that of a woman. The
married women of the village assist at confinements. Twins bring good
luck. Monsters are said to be sometimes born, bearing the form of
little tigers, cows, monkeys, etc. On these occasions, the mother is
said generally to die, but, when she does not die, she is said to eat
the monster. Monstrosities must anyway be killed. Childless couples
are dieted to make them fruitful, the principal diet for a man being
plenty of black monkey, and for a woman a compound of various herbs
and spices.
A man may not marry the daughter of his brother or sister; he ought to
marry his uncle's daughter, and he may have two or three wives, who
may or may not be sisters. Among the plateau Muduvars, both polygamy
and polyandry are permitted, the former being common, and the latter
occasional. In the case of the latter, brothers are prohibited from
having a common wife, as also are cousins on the father's side. In
the case of polygamy, the first married is the head wife, and the
others take orders from her, but she has no other privileges. If the
wives are amicably disposed, they live together, but, when inclined
to disagree, they are given separate houses for the sake of peace
and harmony. With quarrelsome women, one wife may be in one village,
and the others in another. A man may be polygamous in one village,
and be one of a polyandrous lot of men a few miles off. On the Cardamom
Hills, and on the western slopes, where the majority of the tribe live,
they are monogamous, and express abhorrence of both the polygamous and
polyandrous condition, though they admit, with an affectation of amused
disgust, that both are practiced by their brethren on the high lands.
Marriages are arranged by the friends, and more often by the cousins
on the mother's side of the bridegroom, who request the hand of a
girl or woman from her parents. If they agree, the consent of the most
remote relatives has also to be obtained, and, if everyone is amicable,
a day is fixed, and the happy couple leave the village to live a few
days in a cave by themselves. On their return, they announce whether
they would like to go on with it, or not. In the former case, the man
publicly gives ear-rings, a metal (generally brass) bangle, a cloth,
and a comb to the woman, and takes her to his hut. The comb is a poor
affair made of split ita or perhaps of bamboo, but it is the essential
part of the ceremony. If the probationary period in the cave has not
proved quite satisfactory to both parties, the marriage is put off,
and the man and the woman are both at liberty to try again with some
one else. Betrothal does not exist as a ceremony, though families
often agree together to marry their children together, but this is not
binding in any way. The tying of the tali (marriage badge) is said to
have been tried in former days as part of the marriage ceremony, but,
as the bride always died, the practice was discontinued. Remarriage of
widows is permitted, and the widow by right belongs to, or should be
taken over by her deceased husband's maternal aunt's son, and not,
under any circumstances, by any of his brothers. In practice she
marries almost any one but one of the brothers. No man should visit the
house of his younger brother's wife, or even look at that lady. This
prohibition does not extend to the wives of his elder brothers, but
sexual intercourse even here would be incest. The same ceremonies are
gone through at the remarriage of a widow as in an ordinary marriage,
the ear-rings and bangles, which she discarded on the death of the
previous husband, being replaced. Widows do not wear a special dress,
but are known by the absence of jewelry. Elopements occur. When a
man and woman do not obtain the consent of the proper parties, they
run away into the jungle or a cave, visiting the village frequently,
and getting grain, etc., from sympathisers. The anger aroused by
their disgraceful conduct having subsided, they quietly return to the
village, and live as man and wife. [It is noted, in the Travancore
Census Report, 1901, that, after a marriage is settled, the bridegroom
forcibly takes away the maiden from her mother's house when she goes
out for water or firewood, and lives with her separately for a few
days or weeks in some secluded part of the forest. They then return,
unless in the meantime they are searched for, and brought back by
their relations.] In theory, a man may divorce his wife at will,
but it is scarcely etiquette to do so, except for infidelity, or in
the case of incompatibility of temper. If he wants to get rid of her
for less horrible crimes, he can palm her off on a friend. A woman
cannot divorce her husband at all in theory, but she can make his
life so unbearable that he gladly allows her to palm herself off on
somebody else. Wives who have been divorced marry again freely.
The tribe follow the west coast or marumakkatayam law of inheritance
with a slight difference, the property descending to an elder or
younger sister's son. Property, which seldom consists of more than
a bill-hook, a blanket, and a few cattle, always goes to a nephew,
and is not divided in any way.
The tribe professes to be Hindu, and the chief gods are Panaliandavar
(a corruption of Palaniandi) and Kadavallu, who are supposed to live
in the Madura temple with Minakshiammal and her husband Sokuru. They
are also said to worship Chantiattu Bhagavati and Neriyamangalam
Sasta. Suryan (the sun) is a beneficent deity. The deities which are
considered maleficent are numerous, and all require propitiation. This
is not very taxing, as a respectful attitude when passing their
reputed haunts seems to suffice. They are alluded to as Karapu (black
ones). One in particular is Nyamaru, who lives on Nyamamallai, the
jungles round which were said to be badly haunted. At present they
are flourishing tea estates, so Nyamaru has retired to the scrub
at the top of the mountain. Certain caves are regarded as shrines,
where spear-heads, a trident or two, and copper coins are placed,
partly to mark them as holy places, and partly as offerings to bring
good luck, good health, or good fortune. They occur in the most remote
spots. The only important festival is Thai Pongal, when all who visit
the village, be they who they may, must be fed. It occurs about the
middle of January, and is a time of feasting and rejoicing.
The tribe does not employ priests of other castes to perform religious
ceremonies. Muduvars who are half-witted, or it may be eccentric,
are recognised as Swamyars or priests. If one desires to get rid
of a headache or illness, the Swamyar is told that he will get four
annas or so if the complaint is soon removed, but he is not expected
to perform miracles, or to make any active demonstration over the
matter. Swamyars who spend their time in talking to the sun and moon
as their brethren, and in supplications to mysterious and unknown
beings, are the usual sort, and, if they live a celibate life,
they are greatly esteemed. For those who live principally on milk,
in addition to practicing the other virtue, the greatest reverence
is felt. Such an one occurs only once or twice in a century.
The dead are buried lying down, face upwards, and placed north and
south. The grave has a little thatched roof, about six feet by two,
put over it. A stone, weighing twenty or thirty pounds, is put at the
head, and a similar stone at the feet. These serve to mark the spot
when the roof perishes, or is burnt during the next grass fire. The
depth of the grave is, for a man, judged sufficient if the gravedigger,
standing on the bottom, finds the level of the ground up to his waist,
but, for a woman, it must be up to his armpits. The reason is that
the surviving women do not like to think that they will be very near
the surface, but the men are brave, and know that, if they lie north
and south, nothing can harm them, and no evil approach. The ghosts of
those killed by accident or dying a violent death, haunt the spot till
the memory of the occurrence fades from the minds of the survivors and
of succeeding generations. These ghosts are not propitiated, but the
haunted spots are avoided as much as possible. The Muduvars share with
many other jungle-folk the idea that, if any animal killed by a tiger
or leopard falls so as to lie north and south, it will not be eaten by
the beast of prey. Nor will it be re-visited, so that sitting over a
"kill" which has fallen north and south, in the hopes of getting a
shot at the returning tiger or leopard, is a useless proceeding.
Totemism does not exist, but, in common with other jungle tribes,
the tiger is often alluded to as jackal.
Fire is still often made by means of the flint and steel, though
match-boxes are common enough. Some dry cotton (generally in a dirty
condition) is placed along the flint, the edge of which is struck with
the steel. The spark generated ignites the cotton, and is carefully
nursed into flame in dead and dry grass. The Muduvars also know how
to make fire by friction, but nowadays this is very seldom resorted
to. A rotten log of a particular kind of tree has first to be found,
the inside of which is in an extremely dry and powdery condition,
while the outside is still fairly hard. Some of the top of the topmost
side of the recumbent log having been cut away at a suitable place,
and most of the inside removed, a very hard and pointed bit of wood is
rapidly rotated against the inner shell of the log where the powdery
stuff is likely to ignite, and this soon begins to smoke, the fire
being then nursed much in the same way as with the fire generated by
the flint and steel.
By the men, the languti and leg cloth of the Tamils are worn. A turban
is also worn, and a cumbly or blanket is invariably carried, and put
on when it rains. [It is noted, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901,
that males dress themselves like the Maravans of the low country. A
huge turban is almost an invariable portion of the toilette. The chief
of the Mudavars is known as Vakka, without whose consent the head-dress
is not to be worn.] I have seen a Muduvar with an umbrella. Nowadays,
the discarded coats of planters, and even trousers and tattered
riding-breeches are common, and a Muduvar has been seen wearing a
blazer. The men wear ear-rings, supposed to be, and sometimes in
reality, of gold, with bits of glass of different colours in them,
and also silver or brass finger and toe rings, and sometimes a bangle
on each arm or on one leg. The women go in very largely for beads,
strings of them adorning their necks, white and blue being favourite
colours. Rings for the ears, fingers and toes, and sometimes many glass
bangles on the arms, and an anklet on each leg, are the usual things,
the pattern of the metal jewelry being often the same as seen on the
women of the plains. The cloth, after being brought round the waist,
and tucked in there, is carried over the body, and two corners are
knotted on the right shoulder. Unmarried girls wear less jewelry than
the married women, and widows wear no jewelry till they are remarried,
when they can in no way be distinguished from their sisters. Tattooing
is not practiced. Sometimes a stout thread is worn on the arm, with
a metal cylinder containing some charm against illness or the evil
eye, but only the wise men or elders of the caste lay much store on,
or have knowledge of these things.
The Muduvars believe that they were originally cultivators of the soil,
and their surroundings and tastes have made them become hunters and
trappers, since coming to the hills. At the present day, they cut down
a bit of secondary jungle or cheppukad, and, after burning it off,
sow ragi (millet), or, where the rainfall is sufficient, hill-rice,
which is weeded and tended by the women, the men contenting themselves
by trying to keep out the enemies to their crops. After harvest there
is not much to be done, except building a new village perhaps, making
traps, and shooting. All they catch is game to them, though we should
describe some of the animals as vermin. They catch rats, squirrels,
quail, jungle fowl, porcupines, mouse-deer, and fish. They kill, with
a blowpipe and dart, many small birds. The traps in use are varied,
but there are three principal ones, one of which looks like a big
bow. It is fixed upright in the ground as a spring to close with a
snap a small upright triangle of sharp-edged bamboo, to which it is
connected, and into which any luckless small game may have intruded
its head, induced to do so by finding all other roads closed with
a cunningly made fence. Another is a bent sapling, from which a
loop of twine or fibre hangs on what appears to be the ground,
but is really a little platform on which the jungle fowl treads,
and immediately finds itself caught by both legs, and hanging in
mid-air. The third is very much the same, but of stouter build. The
loop is upright, and set in a hedge constructed for the purpose of
keeping the fretful porcupine in the path, passing along which the
beast unconsciously releases a pin, back flies the sapling, and the
porcupine is hung. If fouled in any way, he generally uses his teeth to
advantage, and escapes. The Muduvars are also adepts at catching 'ibex'
(wild goat), which are driven towards a fence with nooses set in it
at proper points, which cause the beasts to break their necks. Fish
are caught in very beautifully constructed cruives, and also on
the hook, while, on the larger rivers below the plateau, the use of
the night-line is understood. With the gun, sambar, 'ibex,' barking
deer, mungooses, monkeys, squirrels, and martens are killed. Besides
being a good shot, the Muduvar, when using his own powder, takes no
risks. The stalk is continued until game is approached, sometimes
to within a few yards, when a charge of slugs from the antiquated
match-lock has the same effect as the most up-to-date bullet from
the most modern weapon. Mr. Bensley records how, on one occasion,
two English planters went out with two Muduvars after 'bison.' One
of the Muduvars, carrying a rifle, tripped, and the weapon exploded,
killing one of the planters on the spot. The two Muduvars immediately
took to their heels. The other planter covered them with his rifle,
and threatened to shoot them if they did not return, which they at
last did. Mr. Bensley held the magisterial enquiry, and the Muduvars
were amazed at escaping capital punishment.
In their agricultural operations, the Muduvars are very
happy-go-lucky. They have no scare-crows to avert injury to crops or
frighten away demons, but they employ many devices for keeping off
pigs, sambar, and barking deer from their crops, none of which appear
to be efficacious for long. The implement par excellence of the Muduvar
is the bill-hook, from which he never parts company, and with which
he can do almost anything, from building a house to skinning a rat,
or from hammering sheet-lead into bullets to planting maize.
The bulk of the tribe live on ragi or hill-rice, and whatever
vegetables they can grow, and whatever meat they trap or shoot. They
esteem the flesh of the black monkey (Semnopithecus johni) above
everything, and lust after it. I have seen a Muduvar much pulled down
by illness seize an expiring monkey, and suck the blood from its
jugular vein. Muduvars will not eat beef, dog, jackals, or snakes,
but will eat several sorts of lizards, and rats, 'ibex,' and all the
deer tribe, fish, fowl, and other birds, except kites and vultures,
are put into the pot. The plateau Muduvars, and those on the eastern
slopes, will not eat pig in any shape or form. Those on the western
slopes are very keen on wild pig, and this fact causes them to be
somewhat looked down upon by the others. I think this pork-eating
habit is due to the absence of sambar or other deer in the heart of
the forests. Muduvars are fond of alcohol in any shape or form. They
take a liquor from a wild palm which grows on the western slopes, and,
after allowing it to become fermented, drink it freely. Some members of
the tribe, living in the vicinity of these palms, are more or less in
a state of intoxication during the whole time it is in season. Their
name for the drink is tippily-kal, and the palm resembles the kittul
(Caryota urens). The western slope Muduvars are acquainted with opium
from the west coast, and some of them are slaves to the habit. The
Muduvars do not admit that any other caste is good enough to eat,
drink, or smoke with them. They say that, once upon a time, they
permitted these privileges to Vellalans, but this fact induced so
many visitors to arrive that they really could not afford it any more,
so they eat, drink, and smoke with no one now, but will give uncooked
food to passing strangers.
I have never heard any proverb, song, or folk-tale of the Muduvars,
and believe the story of their arrival on the hills to be their
stock tale. They have a story, which is more a statement of belief
than anything else, that, when a certain bamboo below Pallivasal
flowers, a son of the Maharaja of Travancore turns into a tiger or
puli-manisan, and devours people. Men often turn into puli-manisan
owing chiefly to witchcraft on the part of others, and stories of
such happenings are often told. The nearest approach to a proverb I
have heard is Tingakilamei nalla tingalam, which sounds rather tame
and meaningless in English, "On Monday you can eat well"--the play
on the words being quite lost.
The Muduvars make a miniature tom-tom by stretching monkey skin over
a firm frame of split bamboo or ita, on which the maker thereof will
strum by the hour much to his own enjoyment.
In former days, the whole tribe were very shy of strangers, and it is
only within the last thirty years that they have become used to having
dealings with outsiders. Old men still tell of the days when robbers
from the Coimbatore side used to come up, burn the Muduvar villages,
and carry off what cattle or fowls they could find. Even now, there
are some of the men in whom this fear of strangers seems to be innate,
and who have never spoken to Europeans. In the women this feeling is
accentuated, for, when suddenly met with, they make themselves scarce
in the most surprising way, and find cover as instinctively as a quail
chick. There are now and again men in the tribe who aspire to read,
but I do not know how far any of them succeed.
The Muduvars are becoming accustomed to quite wonderful things--the
harnessing of water which generates electricity to work machinery,
the mono-rail tram which now runs through their country, and, most
wonderful of all, the telephone. An old man described how he would
raise envy and wonder in the hearts of his tribe by relating his
experience. "I am the first of my caste to speak and hear over five
miles," said he, with evident delight.
I have alluded to the two different types of countenance; perhaps
there is a third resulting from a mixture of the other two. The first
is distinctly aquiline-nosed and thin-lipped, and to this type the
men generally belong. The second is flat-nosed, wide-nostrilled,
and thick-lipped, and this fairly represents the women, who compare
most unfavourably with the men in face. I have never seen men of the
second type, but of an intermediate type they are not uncommon. On
the Cardamom Hills there may still exist a tribe of dwarfs, of
which very little is known. The late Mr. J. D. Munro had collected
a little information about them. Mr. A. W. Turner had the luck
to come across one, who was caught eating part of a barking deer
raw. Mr. Turner managed to do a little conversation with the man by
signs, and afterwards he related the incident to Srirangam, a good
old Muduvar shikari (sportsman), who listened thoughtfully, and then
asked "Did you not shoot him?" The question put a new complexion on
to the character of the usually peaceful and timid Muduvar.
I know the Muduvars to be capable of real affection. Kanjan was very
proud of his little son, and used to make plans for wounding an ibex,
so that his boy might finish it off, and thus become accustomed
to shooting.
In South Coimbatore, "honey-combs are collected by Irulas, Muduvars,
and Kadirs. The collection is a dangerous occupation. A hill-man,
with a torch in his hand and a number of bamboo tubes suspended
from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to the
vicinity of the comb. The sight of the torch drives away the bees,
and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends
to the top of the rock." [61]
Mugi (dumb).--An exogamous sept of Golla.
Muka.--A sub-division of Konda Razu.
Muka Dora.--Muka is recorded, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and
1901, as a sub-division and synonym of Konda Dora, and I am informed
that the Muka Doras, in Vizagapatam, hold a high position, and most of
the chiefs among the Konda Doras are Muka Doras. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao,
to whom I am indebted to the following note, inclines to the opinion
that the Muka Doras form a caste distinct from the Konda Doras. They
are traditionally regarded as one of the primitive hill tribes, but
their customs at the present day exhibit a great deal of low-country
influence. They speak Telugu, their personal names are pure Telugu,
and their titles are Anna and Ayya as well as Dora. They recognize
one Vantari Dora of Padmapuram as their head.
The Muka Doras are agriculturists and pushing petty traders. They
may be seen travelling about the country with pack bullocks at the
rice harvest season. They irrigate their lands with liquid manure in
a manner similar to the Kunnuvans of the Palni hills in the Madura
country.
They are divided into two sections, viz., Kora-vamsam, which reveres
the sun, and Naga-vamsam, which reveres the cobra, and have further
various exogamous septs or intiperulu, such as vemu or nim tree
(Melia Azadirachta), chikkudi (Dolickos Lablab), velanga (Feronia
elephantum), kakara (Momordica Charantia).
Girls are married either before or after puberty. The menarikam system
is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal
uncle's daughter. On an auspicious day, some of the elders of the
future bridegroom's family take a cock or goat, a new cloth for the
girl's mother, rice and liquor to the girl's house. The presents are
usually accepted, and the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony, practiced by many
Telugu castes, is performed. On an appointed day, the bridegroom's
party repair to the house of the bride, and bring her in procession
to the house of the bridegroom. Early next morning, the contracting
couple enter a pandal (booth), the two central pillars of which are
made of the neredi (Eugenia Jambolana) and relli (Cassia Fistula)
trees. The maternal uncle, who officiates, links their little fingers
together. Their bodies are anointed with castor-oil mixed with turmeric
powder, and they bathe. New cloths are then given to them by their
fathers-in-law. Some rice is poured over the floor of the house, and
the bride and bridegroom measure this three times. The ends of their
cloths are tied together, and a procession is formed, which proceeds
to the bank of a stream, where the bride fetches tooth-cleaning
sticks three times, and gives them to the bridegroom, who repeats the
process. They then sit down together, and clean their teeth. After
a bath in the stream, the ends of their clothes are once more tied
together, and the procession returns to the bridegroom's house. The
bride cooks some of the rice which has already been measured with water
brought from the stream, and the pair partake thereof. A caste feast,
with much drinking, is held on this and the two following days. The
newly-married couple then proceed, in the company of an old man,
to the bride's house, and remain there from three to five days. If
the girl is adult, she then goes to the home of her husband.
When a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a room, and sits
within a triangular enclosure made by means of three arrows stuck in
the ground, and connected together by three rounds of thread. From
the roof a cradle, containing a stone, is placed. On the last day, a
twig of the neredi tree is plucked, planted on the way to the village
stream, and watered. As she passes the spot, the girl pulls it out of
the ground, and takes it to the stream, into which she throws it. She
then bathes therein.
The dead are, as a rule, burnt, and death pollution is observed for
three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out. On
the fourth day, a ceremony, called pasupu muttukovadam, or touching
turmeric, is performed. The relations of the deceased repair to the
spot where the corpse was burnt, collect the ashes, and sprinkle
cow-dung, neredi and tamarind water over the spot. Some food is
cooked, and three handfuls are thrown to the crows. They then perform
a ceremonial ablution. The ceremony corresponds to the chinnarozu,
or little day ceremony, of the low-country castes. The more well-to-do
Muka Doras perform the peddarozu, or big day ceremony, on the twelfth
day, or later on. The relations of the deceased then plant a plantain
on the spot where he was burnt, and throw turmeric, castor-oil, and
money according to their means. The coins are collected, and used
for the purchase of materials for a feast.
Mukkara (nose or ear ornament).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Mukkuvan.--The Mukkuvans are the sea fishermen of the Malabar coast,
who are described as follows by Buchanan. [62] "The Mucua, or in the
plural Mucuar, are a tribe who live near the sea-coast of Malayala,
to the inland parts of which they seldom go, and beyond its limits
any way they rarely venture. Their proper business is that of
fishermen, as palanquin-bearers for persons of low birth, or of no
caste; but they serve also as boatmen. The utmost distance to which
they will venture on a voyage is to Mangalore. In some places they
cultivate the cocoanut. In the southern parts of the province most
of them have become Mussulmans, but continue to follow their usual
occupations. These are held in the utmost contempt by those of the
north, who have given up all communication with the apostates. Those
here do not pretend to be Sudras, and readily acknowledge the
superior dignity of the Tiars. They have hereditary chiefs called
Arayan, who settle disputes, and, with the assistance of a council,
punish by fine or excommunication those who transgress the rules of
the caste. The deity of the caste is the goddess Bhadra-Kali, who is
represented by a log of wood, which is placed in a hut that is called
a temple. Four times a year the Mucuas assemble, sacrifice a cock,
and make offerings of fruit to the log of wood. One of the caste
acts as priest (pujari). They are not admitted to enter within the
precincts of any of the temples of the great gods who are worshipped
by the Brahmans; but they sometimes stand at a distance, and send
their offerings by more pure hands."
It is recorded by Captain Hamilton [63] that he saw "at many Muchwa
Houses, a square Stake of Wood, with a few Notches cut about it,
and that Stake drove into the Ground, about two Foot of it being
left above, and that is covered with Cadjans or Cocoanut Tree Leaves,
and is a Temple and a God to that Family."
In the Gazetteer of Malabar (1908), the following account of the
Mukkuvans is given. "A caste, which according to a probably erroneous
tradition came originally from Ceylon, is that of the Mukkuvans, a
caste of fishermen following marumakkatayam (inheritance through the
female line) in the north, and makkattayam (inheritance from father to
son) in the south. Their traditional occupations also include chunam
(lime) making, and manchal-bearing (a manchal is a kind of hammock
slung on a pole, and carried by four men, two at each end). In the
extreme south of the district they are called Arayans, [64] a term
elsewhere used as a title of their headmen. North of Cannanore there
are some fishermen, known as Mugavars or Mugayans, who are presumably
the same as the Mugayars of South Canara. Another account is that the
Mugayans are properly river-fishers, and the Mukkuvans sea-fishers;
but the distinction does not seem to hold good in fact. The Mukkuvans
rank below the Tiyans and the artisan classes; and it is creditable to
the community that some of its members have recently risen to occupy
such offices as that of Sub-magistrate and Sub-registrar. The caste has
supplied many converts to the ranks of Muhammadanism. In North Malabar
the Mukkuvans are divided into four exogamous illams, called Ponillam
(pon, gold), Chembillam (chembu, copper), Karillam, and Kachillam,
and are hence called Nalillakkar, or people of the four illams; while
the South Malabar Mukkuvans and Arayans have only the three latter
illams, and are therefore called Munillakkar, or people of the three
illams. There is also a section of the caste called Kavuthiyans, who
act as barbers to the others, and are sometimes called Panimagans
(work-children). The Nalillakkar are regarded as superior to the
Munillakkar and the Kavuthiyans, and exact various signs of respect
from them. The Kavuthiyans, like other barber castes, have special
functions to perform in connection with the removal of ceremonial
pollution; and it is interesting to note that sea-water is used in the
ritual sprinklings for this purpose. The old caste organisation seems
to have persisted to the present day among the Mukkuvans to an extent
which can be paralleled amongst few other castes. They have assemblies
(rajiams) of elders called Kadavans, or Kadakkodis, presided over
by presidents called Arayans or Karnavans, who settle questions of
caste etiquette, and also constitute a divorce court. The position
of the Arayans, like that of the Kadavans, is hereditary. It is said
to have been conferred by the different Rajas in their respective
territories, with certain insignia, a painted cadjan (palm leaf)
umbrella, a stick, and a red silk sash. The Arayans are also entitled
to the heads of porpoises captured in their jurisdictions, and to
presents of tobacco and pan supari when a girl attains puberty or
is married. Their consent is necessary to all regular marriages. The
Mukkuvans have their oracles or seers called Ayittans or Attans; and,
when an Arayan dies, these select his successor from his Anandravans,
while under the influence of the divine afflatus, and also choose
from among the younger members of the Kadavan families priests called
Manakkans or Banakkans, to perform puja in their temples.
"Fishing is the hereditary occupation of the Mukkuvans. Their boats,
made of aini (Artocarpus hirsuta) or mango wood, and fitted with a
mat sail, cost from Rs. 200 to Rs. 500, and carry a crew of 5 or
8 men according to size. Their nets are of all shapes and sizes,
ranging from a fine net with a 3/8'' mesh for sardines and such
small fry to a stout valiya sravuvala or shark net with a 6 1/2''
or 7'' mesh; and for a big Badagara boat a complete equipment is
said to cost Rs. 1,000. The nets are generally made of fibre, cotton
thread being used only for nets with the finest mesh. Salt is not
usually carried in the boats, and the fish decompose so rapidly in
the tropical sun that the usual fishing grounds are comparatively
close to the shore; but boats sometimes venture out ten, fifteen,
or even twenty miles. Shoals of the migratory sardine, which are
pursued by predaceous sharks, kora, and cat-fish, yield the richest
harvest of fishes great and small to the Mukkuvan. Huge quantities of
mackerel or aila are also caught, and seir, white and black pomfret,
prawns, whiting, and soles are common. The arrival of the boats is the
great event of the day in a fishing village. Willing hands help to
drag them up the beach, and an eager crowd gathers round each boat,
discussing the catch and haggling over the price. The pile of fish
soon melts away, and a string of coolies, each with a basket of fish
on his head, starts off at a sling trot into the interior, and soon
distributes the catch over a large area. Relays of runners convey fresh
fish from Badagara and Tellicherry even as far as the Wynaad. All that
is left unsold is taken from the boats to the yards to be cured under
the supervision of the Salt Department with Tuticorin salt supplied
at the rate of 10 annas per maund. The fisherman is sometimes also
the curer, but usually the two are distinct, and the former disposes
of the fish to the latter 'on fixed terms to a fixed customer,' and
'looks to him for support during the slack season, the rainy and stormy
south-west monsoon.' The salt fish is conveyed by coasting steamers
to Ceylon, and by the Madras Railway to Coimbatore, Salem, and other
places. Sardines are the most popular fish, and are known as kudumbam
pulartti, or the family blessing. In a good year, 200 sardines can be
had for a single pie. Sun-dried, they form valuable manure for the
coffee planter and the cocoanut grower, and are exported to Ceylon,
the Straits Settlements, and occasionally to China and Japan; and,
boiled with a little water, they yield quantities of fish oil for
export to Europe and Indian ports. Salted shark is esteemed a delicacy,
particularly for a nursing woman. Sharks' fins find a ready sale,
and are exported to China by way of Bombay. The maws or sounds of
kora and cat-fishes are dried, and shipped to China and Europe for
the preparation of isinglass." [65] It will be interesting to watch
the effect of the recently instituted Fishery Bureau in developing
the fishing industry and system of fish-curing in Southern India.
Mukkuvans work side by side with Mappillas both at the fishing grounds
and in the curing yards, and the two classes will eat together. It
is said that, in former times, Mappillas were allowed to contract
alliances with Mukkuva women, and that male children born as a result
thereof on Friday were handed over to the Mappilla community. It is
recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "conversion to
Islam is common among this caste. The converts are called Puislam
or Putiya Islam [66] (new Islam). All Puislams follow the occupation
of fishing. In the northernmost taluks there is a rule that Mukkuva
females during their periods cannot remain in the house, but must
occupy the house of a Mappilla, which shows that the two castes live
on very close terms." The fishermen at Tanur are for the most part
Puislamites, and will not go out fishing on Fridays.
From a recent note (1908), I gather that the Mukkuvas and Puislams of
Tanur have been prospering of late years and would appear to be going
in for a display of their prosperity by moving about arrayed in showy
shirts, watch-chains, shoes of the kind known as Arabi cherippu,
etc. This sort of ostentation has evidently not been appreciated
by the Moplahs, who, it is said sent round the Mukkuva village,
known as Mukkadi some Cherumas, numbering over sixty, to notify by
beat of kerosene tins that any Mukkuva or Puislam who went into the
Moplah bazaar wearing a shirt or coat or shoes would go in peril of
his life. Some days after this alleged notification, two Mukkuvas
and a Mukkuva woman complained to the Tirur Sub-Magistrate that they
had been waylaid by several Moplahs on the public road in the Tanur
bazaar, and had been severely beaten, the accused also robbing the
woman of some gold ornaments which were on her person. I am informed
that Tanur is the only place where this feeling exists. Puislams and
Mappillas settle down together peacefully enough elsewhere.
There are two titles in vogue among the Mukkuvans, viz., Arayan
and Marakkan. Of these, the former is the title of the headmen and
members of their families, and the latter a title of ordinary members
of the community. The caste deity is said to be Bhadrakali, and the
Mukkuvans have temples of their own, whereat worship is performed by
Yogi Gurukkals, or, it is said, by the Karanavans of certain families
who have been initiated by a Yogi Gurukkal.
At Tellicherry there are two headmen, called Arayanmar belonging to
the Kachillam and Ponillam sections. In addition to the headmen, there
are caste servants called Manakkan. It is stated, in the Manual of the
South Canara district, that "there is an hereditary headman of the
caste called the Ayathen, who settles disputes. For trifling faults
the ordinary punishment is to direct the culprit to supply so much
oil for lights to be burnt before the caste demon." The Velichapads,
or oracles who become possessed by the spirit of the deity among the
Mukkuvans, are called Ayathen, which is probably an abbreviation of
Ayuthathan, meaning a sword or weapon-bearer, as the oracle, when
under the influence of the deity, carries a sword or knife.
As among other Malayalam castes, Mukkuva girls must go through
a ceremony before they attain puberty. This is called pandal
kizhikkal, and corresponds to the tali-kettu kalyanam of the other
castes. The consent of the Arayan is necessary for the performance
of this ceremony. On the night previous thereto, the girl is smeared
with turmeric paste and oil. Early on the following morning, she
is brought to the pandal (booth), which is erected in front of the
house, and supported by four bamboo posts. She is bathed by having
water poured over her by girls of septs other than her own. After the
bath, she stands at the entrance to the house, and a Kavuthiyachi
(barber woman) sprinkles sea-water over her with a tuft of grass
(Cynodon Dactylon). A cloth is thrown over her, and she is led into
the house. The barber woman receives as her fee a cocoanut, some rice,
and condiments. A tali (marriage badge) is tied on the girl's neck by
her prospective husband's sister if a husband has been selected for
her, or by a woman of a sept other than her own. The girl must fast
until the conclusion of the ceremony, and should remain indoors for
seven days afterwards. At the time of ceremony, she receives presents
of money at the rate of two vellis per family. The Arayan receives
two vellis, a bundle of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco.
Girls are married after puberty according to one of two forms of rite,
called kodi-udukkal (tying the cloth) and vittil-kudal. The former
is resorted to by the more prosperous members of the community, and
lasts over two days. On the first day, the bridegroom goes to the home
of the bride, accompanied by his relations and friends, and sweets,
betel leaves and areca nuts, etc., are given to them. They then
take their departure, and return later in the day, accompanied by
musicians, in procession. At the entrance to the bride's house they
stand while someone calls out the names of the eleven Arayans of the
caste, who, if they are present, come forward without a body-cloth
or coat. Betel leaves and areca nuts are presented to the Arayans or
their representatives, and afterwards to the Rajyakkar, or chief men
of the village. The bridegroom then goes inside, conducted by two men
belonging to the septs of the contracting parties, to the bride's
room. The bridegroom sits down to a meal with nine or eleven young
men in a line, or in the same room. On the second day, the bride is
brought to the pandal. Two persons are selected as representatives
of the bridegroom and bride, and the representative of the former
gives thirty-nine vellis to the representative of the latter. Some
sweetened water is given to the bridegroom's relations. A woman
who has been married according to the kodi-udukkal rite ties a
new cloth round the waist of the bride, after asking her if she is
willing to marry the bridegroom, and obtaining the consent of those
assembled. Sometimes a necklace, composed of twenty-one gold coins,
is also tied on the bride's neck. At night, the bridal couple take
their departure for the home of the bridegroom. In South Canara,
the ceremonial is spread over three days, and varies from the above
in some points of detail. The bridegroom goes in procession to the
bride's house, accompanied by a Sangayi or Munan (best or third man)
belonging to a sept other than that of the bridal couple. The bride
is seated in a room, with a lamp and a tray containing betel leaves,
areca nuts, and flowers. The Sangayi takes a female cloth in which
some money is tied, and throws it on a rope within the room. On the
third day, the bride puts on this cloth, and, seated within the pandal,
receives presents.
The vittil-kudal marriage rite is completed in a single day. The
bridegroom comes to the home of the bride, and goes into her room,
conducted thither by two men belonging to the septs of the contracting
couple. The newly-married couple may not leave the bride's house
until the seventh day after the marriage ceremony, and the wife is
not obliged to live at her husband's house.
There is yet another form of alliance called vechchirukkal, which is
an informal union with the consent of the parents and the Arayans. It
is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that "amongst Mukkuvas the
vidaram marriage obtains, but for this no ceremony is performed. The
vidaram wife is not taken to her husbands house, and her family
pay no stridhanam. A vidaram marriage can at any time be completed,
as it were, by the performance of the kalyanam ceremonies. Even if
this be not done, however, a child by a vidaram wife has a claim to
inherit to his father in South Malabar, if the latter recognises him
by paying to the mother directly after her delivery a fee of three
fanams called mukkapanam. A curious custom is that which prescribes
that, if a girl be married after attaining puberty, she must remain
for a period in the status of a vidaram wife, which may subsequently
be raised by the performance of the regular kalyanam."
Divorce is easily effected by payment of a fine, the money being
divided between the husband or wife as the case may be, the temple,
the Arayans, and charity.
A pregnant woman has to go through a ceremony called puli or ney-kudi
in the fifth or seventh month. A ripe cocoanut, which has lost its
water, is selected, and heated
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