A Source Book for Mediæval History
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Title: A Source Book for Mediæval History
Author: Oliver J. Thatcher
Edgar Holmes McNeal
Release date: May 16, 2013 [eBook #42707]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A SOURCE BOOK FOR MEDIÆVAL HISTORY ***
A SOURCE BOOK FOR
MEDIÆVAL HISTORY
SELECTED DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING
THE HISTORY OF EUROPE IN
THE MIDDLE AGE
BY
OLIVER J. THATCHER, Ph.D.
AND
EDGAR HOLMES McNEAL, Ph.D.
PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON
_Copyright, 1905, by_ CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Printed In the United States of America
PREFACE
The use of original sources in the teaching of mediæval history is still
hampered by the scarcity of material adapted to the needs of the
student. This situation is sufficient excuse for the publication of a
new book of translations of important mediæval documents, if such a book
does more than reedit old material--if it presents, along with the usual
and familiar sources, documents not elsewhere translated or brings
together documents not otherwise easily accessible. We believe the
present work does that, and that it also makes the use of this material
more practicable by giving fuller notes and explanations than has
usually been attempted.
Our purpose in general has been to present material touching only what
may be called the most important matters (persons, events, movements,
institutions, and conditions) of the whole mediæval period. We have not
tried to make a complete source-book for the period, but only to offer
in usable form illustrative material which may be of service to both
teacher and student in general or information courses. Each document is
meant to illustrate or illumine one particular thing. While it may throw
light on many other things, the teacher should be warned not to attempt
to deduce from these few documents the whole history and life of the
Middle Age.
We are fully aware that in the choice of documents we shall not please
all. Many of the documents here given are clearly essential and must be
found in such a book as we have tried to make. Concerning all such there
can be no question. As to the others, there are hundreds of documents
which would serve our purpose quite as well as those we have used,
perhaps even better. In making our selections we have been guided by a
great variety of considerations which it would be useless to enumerate.
While another would have made a different selection, we believe that the
documents which we present really illustrate the matter in question, and
therefore will be found satisfactory. With this we shall be quite
content. The necessity of selection has also led us to omit the
political history of France and England. We felt that we could properly
leave out English documents, because there are already several excellent
collections of English sources, such as those of Lee, Colby, Adams, and
Stephens, etc. In regard to France we were in doubt for some time, but
the desire to keep the size of the book within certain limits at length
prevailed. We hope, however, to atone for this omission by publishing
soon a small collection of documents relating exclusively to France.
It will be observed that we have made use chiefly of documents, quoting
from chronicles only when it seemed absolutely necessary. An exception
to this general principle is found in section I, where a larger use of
chronicles was rendered necessary by the lack of documentary sources for
much of the period covered; but it is perhaps unnecessary to apologize
for presenting selections from the important histories of Tacitus,
Gregory, Einhard, and Widukind. In the matter of form (translation,
omissions, arrangements, notes, etc.), we were guided by considerations
of the purpose of the book. The style of most of the documents in the
original is involved, obscure, bombastic, and repetitious. A faithful
rendition into English would often be quite unintelligible. We have
endeavored to make a clear and readable translation, but always to give
the correct meaning. If we have failed in the latter it is not for want
of constant effort. We have not hesitated to omit phrases and clauses,
often of a parenthetical nature, the presence of which in the
translation would only render the passage obscure and obstruct the
thought. As a rule we have given the full text of the body of the
document, but we have generally omitted the first and last paragraphs,
the former containing usually titles and pious generalities, and the
latter being composed of lists of witnesses, etc. We have given a
sufficient number of the documents in full to illustrate these features
of mediæval diplomatics. All but the most trivial omissions in the text
(which are matters rather of form of translation) are indicated thus:
... Insertions in the text to explain the meaning of phrases are
inclosed in brackets [ ]. Quotations from the Bible are regularly given
in the words of the Authorized Version, but where the Latin (taken from
the Vulgate) differs in any essential manner, we have sometimes
translated the passage literally.
Within each section the documents are arranged in chronological order,
except in a few cases where the topical arrangement seemed necessary. We
believe that the explanatory notes in the form of introductions and
foot-notes will be found of service; they are by no means exhaustive,
but are intended to explain the setting and importance of the document
and the difficult or obscure passages it may contain. The reference to
the work or the collection in which the original is found is given after
the title of practically every document; the meaning of the references
will be plain from the accompanying bibliography. The original of nearly
all the documents is in Latin; some few are in Greek, Old French, or
German, and in such cases the language of the original is indicated.
It is impossible, of course, to give explicit directions as to the use
of the book, other than the very obvious methods of requiring the
student to read and analyze the documents assigned in connection with
the lesson in the text-book, and of making clear to him the relation of
the document to the event. It may be possible also for the teacher to
give the student some notion of the meaning of "historical method";
_e.g._, the necessity of making allowance for the ignorance or the bias
of the author in chronicles, or the way in which a knowledge of
institutions is deduced from incidental references in documents.
Suggestions of both sorts will be found in the introduction and notes.
The teacher should insist on the use of such helps as are found in the
book: notes, cross-references, glossary, etc. Groups of documents can be
used to advantage in topical work: assigned topics worked up from
authorities can be illustrated by documents selected from the book;
_e.g._, imperial elections, papal elections, the Normans in Sicily,
history of the Austrian dominions, Germans and Slavs on the eastern
frontier, relations of the emperors and the popes before the investiture
strife, etc.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
Section I. The Germans and the Empire to 1073 1-81
1. Selections from the Germania of Tacitus, _ca._ 100 2
2. Procopius, Vandal war 11
3. Procopius, Gothic war 12
4. The Salic law, _ca._ 500 14
5. Selections from Gregory of Tours 26
6. The coronation of Pippin, 751 37
7. Einhard's Life of Karl the Great 38
8. The imperial coronation of Karl the Great, 800 48
9. General capitulary about the _missi_, 802 48
10. Selections from the Monk of St. Gall 51
11. Letter of Karl the Great to Baugulf, 787 55
12. Letter of Karl about the sermons of Paul the Deacon 56
13. Recognition of Karl by the emperors at Constantinople, 812 57
14. Letter of Karl to emperor Michael I, 813 58
15. Letter to Ludwig the Pious about a comet, 837 59
16. The Strassburg oaths, 842 60
17. The treaty of Verdun, 843. Annales Bertiniani 62
18. The treaty of Verdun. Regino 63
19. The treaty of Meersen, 870 64
20. Invasion of the Northmen, end of the ninth century 65
21. Invasion of the Hungarians, _ca._ 950 65
22. Dissolution of the empire. Regino 66
23. The coronation of Arnulf, 896. Regino 69
24. Rise of the tribal duchies in Germany, _ca._ 900. Saxony 69
25. Rise of the tribal duchies. Suabia 70
26. Henry I and the Saxon cities 71
27. The election of Otto I, 936 72
28. Otto I and the Hungarians, 955 75
29. The imperial coronation of Otto I, 962 78
30. The acquisition of Burgundy by the empire, 1018-32.
Thietmar of Merseburg 79
31. The acquisition of Burgundy. Wipo, Life of Conrad II 79
32. Henry III and the eastern frontier, 1040-43 80
Section II. The Papacy to the Accession of Gregory VII, 1073 82-131
33. Legislation concerning the election of bishops,
fourth to ninth centuries 83
34. Pope to be chosen from the cardinal clergy 84
35. The Petrine theory as stated by Leo I, 440-461 85
36. The emperor gives the pope secular authority, 554 86
37. Letter from the church at Rome to the emperor at
Constantinople, _ca._ 650 87
38. Letter from the church at Rome to the exarch of
Ravenna, _ca._ 600 89
39. Gregory I sends missionaries to the English, 596. Bede 92
40. The oath of Boniface to Gregory II, 723 93
41. Letter of Gregory II to emperor Leo III, 726 or 727 95
42. Gregory III excommunicates iconoclasts, 731 101
43. Letter of Gregory III to Karl Martel, 739 101
44. Promise of Pippin to Stephen II, 753, 754 102
45. Donation of Pippin, 756 104
46. Promise of Karl to Adrian I, 774 105
47. Letter of Karl to Leo III, 796 107
48. Karl exercises authority in Rome, 800 108
49. Oath of Leo III before Karl, 800 108
50. Oath of the Romans to Ludwig the Pious and Lothar, 824 109
51. Letter of Ludwig II to Basil, emperor at
Constantinople, 871 110
52. Papal elections to be held in the presence of the
emperor's representatives, 898 113
53. Oath of Otto I to John XII, 961 114
54. Otto I confirms the pope in the possession of his
lands, 962 115
55. Leo VIII grants the emperor the right to choose
popes, 963 118
56. Letter of Sylvester II to Stephen of Hungary, 1000 119
57. Henry III deposes and creates popes, 1048 121
58. Oath of Robert Guiscard to Nicholas II, 1059 124
59. Papal election decree of Nicholas II, 1059 126
Section III. The Struggle between the Empire and the
Papacy, 1073-1250 132-259
60. Prohibition of simony and marriage of the clergy, 1074 134
61. Simony and celibacy; Roman council, 1074 134
62. Celibacy, 1074 135
63. Celibacy, ninth general council in the Lateran, 1123 135
64. Prohibition of lay investiture, 1078 136
65. Dictatus papæ, _ca._ 1090 136
66. Letter of Gregory VII commending his legates, 1074 139
67. Oath of the patriarch of Aquileia to Gregory VII, 1079 140
68. Oath of Richard of Capua to Gregory VII, 1073 140
69. Letter of Gregory VII to the princes wishing to
reconquer Spain, 1073 142
70. Letter of Gregory VII to Wratislav, duke of Bohemia, 1073 143
71. Letter of Gregory VII to Sancho, king of Aragon, 1074 143
72. Letter of Gregory VII to Solomon, king of Hungary, 1074 144
73. Letter of Gregory VII to Demetrius, king of Russia, 1075 145
74. Letter of Gregory VII to Henry IV, 1075 146
75. Deposition of Gregory VII by Henry IV, 1076 151
76. Letter of the bishops of Germany to Gregory VII, 1076 153
77. First deposition and excommunication of Henry IV by
Gregory VII, 1076 155
78. Agreement at Oppenheim, 1076 156
79. Edict annulling the decrees against Gregory VII, 1076 157
80. Letter of Gregory VII concerning the penance of Henry IV
at Canossa, 1077 157
81. Oath of Henry IV 160
82. Countess Matilda gives her lands to the church, 1102 160
83. First privilege of Paschal II to Henry V, 1111 161
84. Second privilege of Paschal II to Henry V, 1111 163
85. Concordat of Worms, 1122. Promise of Calixtus II 164
86. Concordat of Worms. Promise of Henry V 165
87. Election notice, 1125 166
88. Anaclete II gives title of king to Roger of Sicily, 1130 168
89. Coronation oath of Lothar II, 1133 169
90. Innocent II grants the lands of Countess Matilda to
Lothar II, 1133 170
91. Letter of Bernard of Clairvaux to Lothar II, 1134 171
92. Letter of Bernard of Clairvaux to Conrad III, 1140 172
93. Letter of Conrad III to John Comnenus, 1142 173
94. Letter of Wibald, abbot of Stablo, to Eugene III, 1150 174
95. Letter of Frederick I to Eugene III, 1152 176
96. Answer of Eugene III, 1152 178
97. Treaty of Constance, 1153 178
98. Stirrup episode, 1155 180
99. Treaty of Adrian IV and William of Sicily, 1156 181
100. Letter of Adrian IV to Frederick I, 1157 183
101. Manifesto of Frederick I, 1157 186
102. Letter of Adrian IV to Frederick I, 1158 187
103. Definition of regalia, 1158 188
104. Letter of Eberhard, bishop of Bamberg, 1159 190
105. Letter of Alexander III in regard to disputed papal
election of 1159 192
106. Letter of Victor IV, 1159 194
107. Account given by Gerhoh of Reichersberg, _ca._ 1160 196
108. Preliminary treaty of Anagni, 1176 196
109. Peace of Constance, 1183 199
110. Formation of the duchy of Austria, 1156 202
111. The bishop of Würzburg becomes a duke, 1168 203
112. Decree of Gelnhausen, 1180 205
113. Papal election decree of Alexander III, 1179 207
114. Innocent III to Acerbius, 1198 208
115. Innocent III grants the pallium to the archbishop of
Trnova, 1201 208
116. Innocent III to the archbishop of Auch, 1198 209
117. Innocent III commands all in authority to aid his
legates, 1198 210
118. Innocent III to the king of Aragon, 1206 211
119. Innocent III to the French bishops, 1198 211
120. Innocent III forbids violence to the Jews, 1199 212
121. Innocent III to the archbishop of Rouen, 1198 213
122. Innocent III forbids laymen to demand tithes from the
clergy, 1198 213
123. Oath of the prefect of Rome to Innocent III, 1198 214
124. Oath of John of Ceccano to Innocent III, 1201 215
125. Innocent III to the archbishop of Messina, 1203 216
126. Innocent III to the English barons, 1206 217
127. Innocent III to Peter of Aragon, 1211 218
128. Innocent III grants the title of king to the duke of
Bohemia, 1204 218
129. Innocent III to the English barons, 1216 219
130. Innocent III decides the disputed election of Frederick,
Philip of Suabia, and Otto, 1201 220
131. Treaty between Philip of Suabia and Philip II of France,
1198 227
132. Alliance between Otto IV and John of England, 1202 228
133. Concessions of Philip of Suabia to Innocent III, 1203 228
134. Promise of Frederick II to Innocent III, 1213 230
135. Promise of Frederick II to resign Sicily, 1216 232
136. Concessions of Frederick II to the ecclesiastical
princes, 1220 233
137. Decision of the diet concerning new tolls and mints, 1220 236
138. Frederick II gives a charter to the patriarch of
Aquileia, 1220 237
139. Statute of Frederick II in favor of the princes, 1231-32 238
140. Treaty of San Germano, 1230. Preliminary agreement 240
141. Papal stipulations in treaty of San Germano 242
142. Letter of Gregory IX about the emperor's visit, 1230 244
143. Papal charges and imperial defence, 1238 245
144. Excommunication of Frederick II, 1239 254
145. Current stories about Frederick II. Matthew of Paris 256
Section IV. The Empire, 1250-1500 260-308
146. Diet of Nürnberg, 1274 260
147. The German princes confirm Rudolf's surrender of Italy,
1278-79 263
148. Revocation of grants of imperial lands, 1281 265
149. Electoral "letter of consent," 1282 265
150. Letter of Rudolf to Edward I of England, 1283 266
151. Decree against counterfeiters, 1285 267
152. The beginning of the Swiss confederation, 1290 267
152 a. Edict of Rudolf, in regard to Schwyz, 1291 269
153. Concessions of Adolf of Nassau to the archbishop of
Cologne, 1292 270
154. The archbishop of Mainz confirmed as archchancellor of
Germany, 1298 276
155. Declaration of the election of Henry VII, 1308 277
156. Supplying of the office of archchancellor of Italy, 1310 278
157. The law "Licet juris," 1338 279
158. The diet of Coblenz, 1338. Chronicle of Flanders 281
159. The diet of Coblenz. Chronicle of Henry Knyghton 282
160. The Golden Bull of Charles IV, 1356 283
160 a. Complaint of the cities of Brandenburg to
Sigismund, 1411 306
160 b. Sigismund orders the people to receive Frederick of
Hohenzollern as governor, 1412 307
Section V. The Church, 1250-1500 309-340
161. Bull of Nicholas III condemning heretics, 1280 309
162. Bull "Clericis laicos" of Boniface VIII, 1298 311
163. Boniface VIII announces the jubilee year, 1300 313
164. The bull "Unam sanctam" of Boniface VIII, 1302 314
165. The conclusions of Marsilius of Padua, 1324 317
166. Condemnation of Marsilius of Padua, 1327 324
167. Beginning of the schism; manifesto of the revolting
cardinals, 1378 325
168. The University of Paris and the schism, 1393 326
169. Council of Pisa declares itself competent to try
popes, 1409 327
170. Oath of the cardinals, council of Pisa, 1409 328
171. Council of Constance claims supreme authority, 1415 328
172. Reforms demanded by the council of Constance, 1417 329
173. Concerning general councils, council of Constance, 1417 331
174. Bull "Execrabilis" of Pius II, 1459 332
175. William III of Saxony forbids appeals to foreign
courts, 1446 333
176. Establishment of the university of Avignon, 1303 334
177. Popular dissatisfaction with the wealth of the church,
_ca._ 1480 336
178. Complaints of the Germans against the pope, 1510 336
179. Abuses in the sale of indulgences, 1512 338
Section VI. Feudalism 341-387
180. Form for the creation of an "antrustio" by the king 342
181. Form for suspending lawsuits 343
182. Form for commendation 343
183. Form for undertaking lawsuits 344
184. Form for gift of land to a church 345
185. Form for precarial letter 346
186. Form for precarial letter 347
187. Form for precarial letter 347
188. Form for gift of land to be received back and held
in perpetuity for a fixed rent 348
189. Treaty of Andelot, 587 348
190. Precept of Chlothar II, 584-628 350
191. Grant of immunity to a monastery, 673 351
192. Form for grant of immunity to a monastery 352
193. Form for grant of immunity to a secular person 352
194. Grant of immunity to a secular person, 815 353
195. Edict of Chlothar II, 614 355
196. Capitulary of Kiersy, 877 355
197. Capitulary of Lestinnes, 743 357
198. Capitulary of Aquitaine, 768 357
199. Capitulary of Heristal, 779 358
200. General capitulary to the missi, 802 358
201. Capitulary to the missi, 806 358
202. Capitulary of 807 359
203. General capitulary to the missi, 805 359
204. Capitulary of 811 359
205. Capitulary of Worms, 829 360
206. Capitulary of Aachen, 801-813 360
207. Agreement of Lothar, Ludwig, and Charles, 847 360
208. Capitulary of Bologna, 811 361
209. Homage 363
210. Homage 364
211. Homage 364
212. Homage 364
213. Homage 364
214. Homage of Edward III to Philip VI, 1329 365
215. Feudal aids 367
216. Feudal aids 367
217. Feudal aids, etc 367
218. Homage of the count of Champagne to the duke of
Burgundy, 1143 368
219. Homage of the count of Champagne to Philip II, 1198 369
220. Homage of the count of Champagne to the duke of
Burgundy, 1200 371
221. Letter of Blanche of Champagne to Philip II, 1201 371
222. Letter of Philip II to Blanche 372
223. Homage of the count of Champagne to the bishop of
Langres, 1214 372
224. Homage of the count of Champagne to the bishop of
Châlons, 1214. 373
225. Homage of the count of Champagne to the abbot of St.
Denis, 1226 373
226. List of the fiefs of the count of Champagne,
_ca._ 1172 374
227. Sum of the knights of the count of Champagne 375
228. Extent of the domain lands of the count of
Champagne, _ca._ 1215 377
229. Feudal law of Conrad II, 1037 383
230. Feudal law of Frederick I for Italy, 1158 385
Section VII. Courts, Judicial Processes, and the Peace 388-431
231. Sachsenspiegel 391
232. Frederick II appoints a justiciar and a court
secretary, 1235 398
233. Peace of Eger, 1389 399
234. Ordeal by hot water 401
235. Ordeal by hot iron 404
236. Ordeal by cold water 406
237. Ordeal by cold water 408
238. Ordeal by the barley bread 409
239. Ordeal by bread and cheese 410
240. Peace of God, 989 412
241. Peace of God, 990 412
242. Truce of God, 1035-41 414
243. Truce of God, _ca._ 1041 416
244. Truce of God, 1063 417
245. Peace of the land, Henry IV, 1103 419
246. Peace of the land for Elsass, 1085-1103 419
247. Decree of Frederick I concerning the peace, 1156 422
248. Peace of the land for Italy, Frederick I, 1158 425
249. Perpetual peace of the land, Maximilian I, 1495 427
250. Establishment of a supreme court, 1495 430
Section VIII. Monasticism 432-509
251. The rule of St. Benedict, _ca._ 530 432
252. Oath of the Benedictines 485
253. Monk's vow 485
254. Monk's vow 485
255. Monk's vow 486
256. Monk's vow 486
257. Written profession of a monk 486
258. Ceremony of receiving a monk into the monastery 488
259. Offering of a child to the monastery 489
260. Offering of a child to the monastery 489
261. Commendatory letter 489
262. Commendatory letter 490
263. General letter 490
264. Letter of dismissal 490
265. Rule of St. Chrodegang, _ca._ 744 491
265 a. Origin of the Templars, 1119 492
266. Anastasius IV grants privileges to the Knights of
St. John, 1154 494
267. Innocent III to the bishops of France; simony in the
monasteries, 1211 496
268. Innocent III grants the use of the mitre to the abbot
of Marseilles, 1204 497
269. Rule of St. Francis, 1223 498
270. Testament of St. Francis, 1220 504
271. Innocent IV grants friars permission to ride on
horseback, 1250 508
272. Alexander IV condemns attacks on the friars, 1256 508
273. John XXII condemns the theses of John of Poilly, 1320 509
Section IX. The Crusades 510-544
274. Origen, Exhortation to martyrdom, 235 510
275. Origen, Commentary on Numbers 511
276. Leo IV (847-855); indulgences for fighting the heathen 511
277. John II; indulgences for fighting the heathen, 878 512
278. Gregory VII calls for a crusade, 1074 512
279. Speech of Urban II at the council of Clermont, 1095.
Fulcher of Chartres 513
280. Speech of Urban II. Robert the Monk 518
281. Truce of God and indulgences proclaimed at the
council of Clermont 521
282. Ekkehard of Aura, Hierosolimita; the first crusade 522
283. Anonymi Gesta Francorum, 1097-99 523
284. Eugene III announces a crusade, 1145 526
285. Otto of St. Blasien; the third crusade, 1189-90 529
286. Innocent III forbids the Venetians to traffic with
the Mohammedans, 1198 535
287. Innocent III takes the king of the Danes under
his protection, 1210 537
288. Innocent III announces a crusade, 1215 537
Section X. Social Classes and Cities in Germany 545-612
289. Otto III forbids the unfree classes to attempt to
free themselves, _ca._ 1000 545
290. Henry I frees a serf, 926 546
291. Henry III frees a female serf, 1050 547
292. Recovery of fugitive serfs, 1224 548
293. Rank of children born of mixed marriages, 1282 549
294. Frederick II confers nobility, _ca._ 1240 549
295. Charles IV confers nobility on a "doctor of
both laws," 1360 550
296. Law of the family of the bishop of Worms, 1023 551
297. Charter of the ministerials of the archbishop of
Cologne, 1154 563
298. The bishop of Hamburg grants a charter to
colonists, 1106 572
299. Privilege of Frederick I for the Jews, 1157 573
300. The bishop of Speyer grants a charter to the Jews, 1084 577
301. Lothar II grants a market to the monastery of Prüm, 861 579
302. Otto I grants a market to the archbishop of Hamburg, 965 580
303. Otto III grants a market to count Berthold, 999 581
304. Merchants cannot be compelled to come to a market, 1236 581
305. Market courts to be independent of local courts, 1218 582
306. Otto I grants jurisdiction over a town to the abbots
of New Corvey, 940 582
307. The ban-mile, 1237 583
308. Citizens of Cologne expel their archbishop, 1074 584
309. People of Cologne rebel against their archbishop, 1074 585
310. Confirmation of the "immediateness" of the citizens of
Speyer, 1267 586
311. Summons to an imperial city to attend a diet, 1338 587
312. Grant of municipal freedom to a town, 1201 587
313. Extension of the corporate limits of the city of
Brunswick, 1269 588
314. Decision of the diet about city councils in
cathedral towns, 1218 589
315. Frederick II forbids municipal freedom, 1231-32 590
316. Breslau adopts the charter of Magdeburg, 1261 592
317. The Schoeffen of Magdeburg give decisions for
Culm, 1338 602
318. Establishment of the Rhine league, 1254 604
319. Peace established by the Rhine league, 1254 606
320. Agreement between Hamburg and Lübeck, _ca._ 1230 609
321. Agreement between Hamburg and Lübeck, 1241 610
322. Lübeck, Rostock, and Wismar proscribe pirates, 1259 610
323. Decrees of the Hanseatic league, 1260-64 611
324. Decrees of the Hanseatic league, 1265 612
325. Henry II grants Cologne merchants privileges in
London, 1157 612
Bibliography 613
Glossary 615
A SOURCE BOOK FOR MEDIÆVAL HISTORY
I. THE GERMANS AND THE EMPIRE TO 1073
The documents in this section are intended to illustrate the history of
the Germans from the period before the migrations to the beginning of
the struggle between the empire and the papacy, 1073. The historical
development of this period resulted in the formation of the Holy Roman
Empire, as the form of government for western Europe. The civilization
of the Middle Age was in the main the result of the union of Roman and
German elements. This union was brought about by the invasion of the
Roman empire by the tribes of German blood that lay along and back of
the frontier of the empire. It is important, therefore, to understand
the character of the German race and institutions, which are illustrated
by nos. 1 to 4. The leaders and organizers of the Germans after the
settlement were the Franks, who under the Merovingian and Carolingian
lines of rulers united the German tribes and bound them together in one
great state. This movement is shown in nos. 5 to 14. In this development
the life of Karl the Great (nos. 7 to 14) is of especial importance,
because of the permanent result of much of his work, particularly his
organization of the government (nos. 7 to 9), and his founding of the
empire by the union of Italy and Germany (nos. 8, 13, and 14). The
dissolution of his vast empire, resulting in the formation of France as
a separate state, and in the appearance of the feudal states, is shown
in nos. 15 to 22. In the rest of the documents the history of Germany
and Italy, the real members of the empire, is followed. Of this the
important features are: the continued connection of Germany with Italy
(nos. 23 and 29), resulting in the restoration of the empire by Otto I;
the feudal organization of Germany (nos. 24, 25, and 27); and the
increase of the German territory toward the east (nos. 26, 28, 32). This
brings the history down to the accession of Henry IV, with whom begins
the long conflict between the empire and papacy which is treated in
section III.
1. Selections from the Germania of Tacitus, _ca._ 100 A.D.
The _Germania_ of the Roman historian Tacitus (54-119 A.D.) is a
treatise on the manners, customs, and institutions of the Germans of his
time. It is one of the most valuable sources of knowledge of the
condition of the Germans before the migrations. These sources are mainly
of two kinds: the accounts of contemporary writers, chiefly Roman
authors; and the documentary sources of the period of the tribal
kingdoms, particularly the tribal laws, such as the laws of the Salic
Franks (see no. 4), Burgundians, Anglo-Saxons, etc. It will be evident
to the student that the sources of both kinds fall short of realizing
the needs of historical trustworthiness: the first kind, because the
Roman authors were describing institutions and customs which they knew
only superficially or from a prejudiced point of view; the second,
because the laws and documents of the tribal period reflect a stage of
development which had changed considerably from the primitive stage.
Conclusions in regard to the conditions of the Germans in the early
period are based on the careful criticism of each single document and on
a comparison of each with all the others. Some indication of this method
is suggested in the notes to nos. 1 and 4. Even at best the results are
subject to uncertainty. The _Germania_ of Tacitus is the clearest and
most complete of the sources of the first type, but it is not free from
obscurity. Since there are numerous editions of it, we have not thought
it necessary to refer to any particular one.
5. The land [inhabited by the Germans] varies somewhat in character from
one part to another, but in general it is covered with forests and
swamps, and is more rainy on the side toward Gaul and bleaker toward
Noricum and Pannonia. It is moderately fertile, but not suited to the
growing of fruit trees; it supports great numbers of cattle, of small
size, however.
6. Iron is not abundant, as appears from the character of the weapons of
the inhabitants; for they rarely use swords or the larger spears;
instead they carry darts with small, narrow heads, which they call
_frameæ_. But these are so sharp and so easily handled that they are
used in fighting equally well at a distance and at close quarters....
The number of warriors is definitely fixed, one hundred coming from each
district, and the warriors are known by that name [_i.e._, hundred]; so
that what was originally a number has come to be a name and a title.{1}
7. Kings are chosen for their noble birth;{2} military leaders for their
valor. But the authority of the king is not absolute, and the
war-leaders command rather by example than by orders, winning the
respect and the obedience of their troops by being always in the front
of the battle.... These troops are not made up of bodies of men chosen
indiscriminately, but are arranged by families and kindreds, which is an
added incentive for bravery in battle. So, also, the cries of the women
and the wailing of children, who are taken along to battle, encourage
the men to resistance.
8. It is said that on more than one occasion broken and fleeing ranks
have been turned back to the fight by the prayers of the women, who fear
captivity above everything else.... They believe that women are
specially gifted by the gods, and do not disdain to take council with
them and heed their advice.
11. [In the assemblies of the tribe,] minor affairs are discussed by the
chiefs, but the whole tribe decides questions of general importance.
These things, however, are generally first discussed by the chiefs
before being referred to the tribe. They meet, except in the case of a
sudden emergency, at certain fixed times, at the new or the full moon,
for they regard these as auspicious days for undertakings. They reckon
the time by nights, instead of by days, as we do.... One evil result
arising from their liberty is the fact that they never all come together
at the time set, but consume two or three days in assembling. When the
assembly is ready, they sit down, all under arms. Silence is proclaimed
by the priest, who has here the authority to enforce it. The king or the
leader speaks first, and then others in order, as age, or rank, or
reputation in war, or eloquence may give them the right. The speakers
depend rather upon persuasion than upon commands. If the speech is
displeasing to the multitude, they reject it with murmurs; if it is
pleasing, they applaud by clashing their weapons together, which is the
kind of applause most highly esteemed.{3}
12. Criminals are also tried at these assemblies, and the sentence of
death may be decreed. They have different kinds of punishments for
different crimes; traitors and deserters are hanged on trees, cowards
and base criminals are sunk in the swamps or bogs, under wicker
hurdles.... There are penalties also for the lighter crimes, for which
the offenders are fined in horses or cattle. Part of the fine goes to
the king or the state, and part to the person injured or to his
relatives. In this assembly they also choose leaders to administer the
law in the districts and villages of the tribe, each of them being
assigned a hundred companions from the tribe to act as counsellors and
supporters.{4}
13. They go armed all the time, but no one is permitted to wear arms
until he has satisfied the tribe of his fitness to do so. Then, at the
general assembly, the youth is given a shield and a sword by his chief
or his father or one of his relatives. This is the token of manhood, as
the receiving of the toga is with us. Youths are sometimes given the
position of chiefs because of their noble rank or the merits of their
ancestors; they are attached to more mature and experienced chiefs, and
think it no shame to be ranked as companions. The companions have
different ranks in the company, according to the opinion of the chief;
there is a great rivalry among the companions for first place with the
chief, as there is among the chiefs for the possession of the largest
and bravest band of followers. It is a source of dignity and of power to
be surrounded by a large body of young warriors, who sustain the rank of
the chief in peace and defend him in war. The fame of such a chief and
his band is not confined to their own tribe, but is known among foreign
peoples; they are sought out and honored with gifts in order to secure
their alliance, for the reputation of such a band may decide a whole
war.
14. In battle it is shameful for the chief to allow any one of his
followers to excel him in courage, and for the followers not to equal
their chief in deeds of valor. But the greatest shame of all, and one
that renders a man forever infamous, is to return alive from the fight
in which his chief has fallen. It is a sacred obligation of the
followers to defend and protect their chief and add to his fame by their
bravery, for the chief fights for victory and the companions for the
chief. If their own tribe is at peace, young noble chiefs take part in
the wars of other tribes, because they despise the peaceful life.
Moreover, glory is to be gained only among perils, and a chief can
maintain a band only by war, for the companions expect to receive their
war-horse and arms from the leader, ... and the means of liberality are
best obtained from the booty of war.{5}
16. The Germans do not dwell in cities, and do not build their houses
close together. They dwell apart and separate, where a spring or patch
of level ground or a grove may attract them. Their villages are not
built compactly, as ours are, but each house is surrounded by a clear
space.
21. It is a matter of duty with them to take up the enmities of their
parents or kinsmen, as well as the friendships, but these feuds are not
irreconcilable; the slaying of a man may be atoned for by the payment of
a fixed number of cattle, and the kindred of the slain man all share in
the price of atonement. This practice of compounding manslaughter is of
advantage to the public weal, for such feuds may become very dangerous
among a free people.{6}
26. The arable lands, according to the number of cultivators, are
occupied in turn by all the members of the community, and are divided
among them according to the quality [of the lands].{7} The extent of the
land gives ample opportunity for division; the arable fields are changed
every year, and there is plenty of land left over.{8}
The following section is condensed from chapters 27 to 46.
27-46.{9} Such is the account I have received of the origin and the
customs of the Germans as a whole; we must now undertake a discussion of
the separate tribes. The divine Julius [Cæsar] says in his book that the
Gauls had once been a more powerful and prosperous people than the
Germans. So it is not impossible that they may have at some time even
invaded Germany. For the Helvetians once dwelt in Germany between the
Hercynian forest and the Rhine and Main rivers, while the Boii inhabited
lands still farther within Germany, as is shown by the name Boihaem
[Bohemia] which still clings to their former place, now inhabited by
another people. The Treveri and the Nervii lay claim to German origin,
as if to repudiate connection with the indolent Gauls. The inhabitants
of the Rhine bank, the Vangiones, Treboci, and Nemetes, are undoubtedly
of German blood; and the Ubii also, although they have become a Roman
colony and have taken the name of Agrippenses from their founder. Of all
the tribes along the lower Rhine the chief are the Batavi, who dwell
mainly on an island in the mouth of the Rhine. They were a portion of
the Chatti, but left their homes as the result of a domestic quarrel and
entered the Roman empire. They still retain, however, their old honor
and dignity as allies, not being subject to taxation or to any public
duties except that of war. Beyond the Agri Decumates are the Chatti,
whose territory borders on the Hercynian forest. Next to the Chatti,
descending the Rhine, are the Usipii and Tencteri; their neighbors, it
is said, were formerly the Bructeri, who have been driven out and their
place taken by the Angrivarii and Chamavi. Back of the Angrivarii and
the Chamavi [to the south] are the Dulgubnii and Chasuarii; in front [to
the north] are the Frisii, who are divided into two parts, the greater
and lesser Frisii. They dwell along the shores of the ocean north of the
Rhine. Next are the Chauci, and on the boundaries of the Chauci and the
Chatti [to the east], the Cherusci. The Cimbri dwell in the same region,
on the shores of the ocean.
We come next to the Suebi. They are not a single tribe, as the Chauci or
Tencteri, for example; they include a great many tribes, each one with
its own name, but all called in common Suebi. The Semnones claim to be
the most ancient and the noblest of the Suebi. They inhabit a hundred
districts and consider themselves, because of their number, the most
important tribe of the Suebi. On the other hand, the Lombards are known
for the small number of their members, but they are secure from conquest
by their more powerful neighbors by reason of their courage and their
experience in war. Then come the Reudigni, Aviones, Angli, Warini,
Eudoses, Suardones, and Nuitones. Then, following along the Danube, the
Hermunduri; then the Naristi, Marcomanni, and Quadi. The Marcomanni
drove the Boii out of their land, which they now inhabit. Back of these
tribes lie the Marsigni, Cotini, Osi, and Buri. The Marsigni and the
Buri have the same language and worship as the Suebi; but the fact that
the Cotini speak a Gallic language and the Osi a Pannonian would
indicate that they are not German tribes. A continuous mountain range
divides Suebia in this region; beyond it lie many races, of whom the
greatest is that of the Lugii, a name applied to several tribes, the
Harii, Helveconæ, Manimi, Elisii, Nahanarvali. Beyond the Lugii are the
Gutones. The tribes of the Suiones inhabit a land situated in the midst
of the ocean [Scandinavia], and are famous for their fleets. Beyond the
Suiones is that dreary ocean which is believed to encircle the whole
world. On the right [east] shore of the Suebian Sea [the Baltic] dwell
the Aestii, a people that have the same customs and manners as the
Suebi, but speak a language more like that of the inhabitants of
Britain. The land of the Suiones is continued by that of the Sithones.
This is the end of Suebia. I am uncertain whether to assign the Peucini,
Veneti, and Fenni to the German or Sarmatian race, although the Peucini,
called by some Bastarnæ, have the same language, worship, and sort of
houses as the Germans.
{1} In the tribal laws and other documents of the tribal period a
district called the "hundred" actually appears as the division of the
county (see no. 4, introductory note). Tacitus uses the term here as a
division of the tribe, but the original tribe in several instances
appears as a county of the larger tribal kingdom, among the Franks and
Anglo-Saxons, at least. The origin of the hundred as a territorial
district suggested in this passage by Tacitus is probably the correct
one: the whole tribe was divided for military purposes into companies of
about one hundred men; then when the tribe settled on the land which had
been conquered, the lands were distributed to the hundreds, and the
districts thus formed came to bear that name.
{2} The existence of a noble class, _i.e._, a number of families having
higher social rank and special consideration and privileges, is vouched
for by all the sources. The origin of the class and the extent of the
privileges which they enjoyed in this primitive time are uncertain. The
king was chosen usually from one noble family, but not by strict
heredity.
{3} The general assembly was composed of all the freemen of the tribe.
All public business, that is, affairs in which the whole tribe was
concerned, was conducted here, including the making of war and peace,
the election of the king and chief officials, etc. It would appear from
what Tacitus says that the assembly had jurisdiction in the graver
offenses and in cases of appeal from the hundred-court.
{4} These leaders were probably the officials who presided over the
hundred-court, the assembly of the freemen of the hundred, which was the
regular court of justice. We find such an official mentioned in several
of the tribal laws; in the Salic and the Alamannian law he is called the
"centenarius," and in the Anglo-Saxon laws the "hundredes-ealdor." The
hundred companions of the official mentioned by Tacitus were probably
the whole body of the freemen of the hundred. They attended the
hundred-court and had a share in rendering the decision.
{5} The chief with his band of followers is found in many primitive
warlike societies. The various traditions of the German tribes are full
of references to this institution. Famous warriors would gather about
them a band of young men eager for reputation and experience. These
bands would form the élite of the army when the whole tribe went to war,
but would also conduct warlike enterprises on their own account. The
viking raids of the Northmen were instances of this practice. It not
infrequently happened that the success of private bands would lead the
whole tribe to follow and settle on the land which they had begun to
conquer, as in the traditional account of the conquest of Britain by the
Angles and Saxons.
{6} The obligation of following up the blood-feud is a common feature
of primitive society. It forms the basis of many of the popular tales
and traditions of the German people. The law attempted to make the
kindred of the slain man give up the feud in return for the payment of a
fixed sum by the slayer of his kin, but the attempt was not always
successful. The sum paid is known as the _wergeld_ and is mentioned in
all the tribal laws (see no. 4, title XLI and note).
{7} The form of land-holding among the early Germans has been the
subject of much study and investigation. Chapters 16 and 26 of Tacitus
have been discussed and commented on at great length by many scholars
and no absolute agreement has been reached in regard to the
interpretation of them. The above translation is as literal and
untechnical as we could make it, but it is not free from objection. It
would seem to mean that the land of the tribe was held by small groups
or communities dwelling in little farming villages and cultivating the
land assigned them. The land in the time of Tacitus was probably owned
in common by the community and apportioned equally among the
householders for the purpose of cultivation, and then redistributed at
regular periods, once a year according to Tacitus.
{8} In order to understand the conditions of German life as described
by Tacitus, the student would do well to pick out, bring together, and
classify all that he says in different places about the important
features of their life: (1) the king, his election, powers, etc.; (2)
the assemblies, their composition, procedure, authority; (3) the
officials; (4) manners and customs.
{9} The chapters devoted to the enumeration and description of the
separate tribes have been summarized, the purpose being to show the
location and the names of the tribes in the time of Tacitus; the student
should compare these with the situation as shown by a map of Europe at
the time of the migrations. Note that very few of these names appear at
the time of the migrations; this is because most of the tribes had lost
their identity before that time, being united into larger groups, or
absorbed by other peoples, as by the Huns, Romans, etc. Of the tribes
mentioned before the Suebi, most were later united into the
confederations of the Franks, Alamanni, and Saxons; thus the Chatti,
Chamavi, Chasuarii, etc., are found among the Franks; the Tencteri,
Usipii among the Alamanni; the Chauci, Cherusci, Angrivarii among the
Saxons. The Frisii remained in the same region and were finally added to
the Frankish kingdom by Karl Martel; their name still exists in the
Friesland of modern Holland. The Ubii were settled by M. Agrippa on land
near Cologne, the Roman town Colonia Agrippina. The Agri Decumates or
"tithe lands" were the territory contained within the triangle formed by
the upper Rhine, the upper Danube, and a line of fortifications, called
the _Limes_. This advanced frontier was established by Trajan (98-117).
The territory received its name from the fact that the colonists who
settled there paid a tithe or tenth of the produce to the state as rent.
Under the name Suebi, Tacitus classes a great many tribes, some of whom
are not even of German race. The real nature of the Suevic Confederation
is a matter of great uncertainty. Some of the tribes mentioned by
Tacitus under this head appear later; the Semnones are conjectured to be
the tribe later known as the Suevi, who joined the Vandals in their raid
and remained in northern Spain until conquered by the West Goths; the
Lombards remained a separate tribe and moved south into Pannonia and
then into Italy; a portion of the Angli joined the Saxons in their
invasion of England; the rest were apparently united with the Warini in
the Thuringian kingdom, the principal tribe of which was the Hermunduri;
the Marcomanni and the Quadi, perhaps with some other tribes, composed
the later Bavarians; the Lugii, or Lygians, are mentioned by later Roman
writers as among the Germans who threatened the Danube frontier, but the
name disappeared after that; the Gutones are the Goths; the Suiones and
Sithones are Scandinavian Germans; the Peucini are the same as the
Bastarnae, who were given lands on the Danube by Emperor Probus
(276-282); the Veneti are the Wends, a Slavic tribe; the Fenni, the
modern Finns.
2. Procopius, Vandal War. (Greek.)
Procopius, in Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ.
This and the following number are taken from the writings of Procopius,
a Roman official and historian who lived about 500 to 560 A.D., and had
a personal share in the wars of Justinian against the East Goths and
Vandals. The earlier parts of his histories are drawn largely from
tradition.
I, 2. During the reign of Honorius [395-423] in the west the barbarians
began to overrun the empire.... The invaders were mainly of the Gothic
race, the greatest and most important tribes being the East Goths, the
Vandals, the West Goths, and the Gepidæ.... These tribes have different
names, but in all other respects they resemble one another very closely;
they all have light complexions, yellow hair, large bodies, and handsome
faces; they obey the same laws and have the same religion, the Arian;
and they all speak the same language, Gothic. I am of the opinion,
therefore, that they were originally one people and have separated into
tribes under different leaders. They formerly dwelt beyond the Danube;
then the Gepidæ occupied the land about Sirmium on both sides of that
river, where they still dwell.
The first to move were the West Goths. This tribe entered into an
alliance with the Romans, but later, since such an alliance could not be
permanent, they revolted under Alaric. Starting from Thrace, they made a
raid through all of Europe, attacking both emperors.
[Alaric sacks Rome.] Soon after, Alaric died, and the West Goths, under
Athaulf, passed on into Gaul.
3. Under the pressure of famine, the Vandals, who formerly dwelt on the
shores of the Mæotic Gulf [Sea of Azof], moved on toward the Rhine,
attacking the Franks. With them went the Alani.... [Crossing the Rhine
into Gaul] they proceeded down into Spain, the most western province of
the Roman empire, and settled there under their king, Godegisel,
Honorius having made an agreement with him by which the Vandals were to
be allowed to settle in Spain on condition that they should not plunder
the land.
At that time the greatest Roman generals were Boniface and Aëtius, who
were political rivals.... Boniface sent secretly to Spain and made an
agreement with Gunderich and Geiserich, the sons and successors of
Godegisel, whereby they were to bring the Vandals into Africa, and the
three were to divide the rule of Africa among themselves, mutually
supporting one another in case of attacks from outside. Accordingly the
Vandals crossed the strait at Gades and entered Africa, while the West
Goths moved forward from Gaul into Spain after them. [Gunderich dies,
leaving Geiserich sole ruler of the Vandals; Geiserich quarrels with
Boniface and drives him out of Africa, ruling the whole territory with
his Vandals.]
5. Geiserich now got together a large fleet and attacked Italy,
capturing Rome and the palace of the emperor. The usurper Maximus was
slain by the populace and his body torn to pieces. Geiserich took back
to Carthage Eudoxia, the empress, and her two daughters, Eudocia and
Placidia, carrying off also an immense booty in gold and silver. The
imperial palace was plundered of all its treasures, as was also the
temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, including a large part of the roof, which
was made of bronze, heavily plated with gold....
3. Procopius, Gothic War. (Greek.)
Procopius, in Corpus Script. Hist. Byz.; Muratori, Scriptores, I, i,
247 f.
I, 1. While Zeno [474-491] was emperor in Byzantium, the west was ruled
by Augustus, whom the Romans called Augustulus, because of his youth.
The actual government was in the hands of his father Orestes, a most
able man. Some time before this, as a result of the reverses which they
had suffered at the hands of Attila and Alaric, the Romans had taken the
Sciri, Alani, and other German tribes into the empire as allies. The
renown of Roman arms had long since vanished, and the barbarians were
coming into Italy in ever-increasing numbers, where they were actual
masters under the false name of allies (_federati_). They continually
seized more and more power, until finally they demanded a third of all
the lands of Italy. When Orestes refused to grant this they slew him.
Then one of the imperial officers, Odovaker, also a barbarian, promised
to secure this for them if they would recognize him as ruler. In spite
of the power which he thus acquired, Odovaker did not attack the emperor
[Romulus Augustulus], but only forced him to retire to private life. He
then gave the barbarians the third of the lands which they had demanded,
thus binding them more closely to him, and ruled over Italy unopposed
for ten years.
About this time the East Goths, who had been allowed to settle in
Thrace, rose against the emperor under their king, Theoderich. He had
been brought up at Byzantium, where he had been given the rank of a
patrician, and had even held the title of consul. The emperor Zeno, a
master in diplomacy, persuaded Theoderich to invade Italy and attack
Odovaker, with the chance of winning the whole west for himself and the
East Goths.... Theoderich seized on this opportunity eagerly, and the
whole tribe set out for Italy, taking along with them in wagons their
women and children and all their movables.... Odovaker hastened with an
army to oppose this invasion, but was defeated in several battles, and
finally shut up in Ravenna.... After the siege had lasted for about
three years both parties were willing to come to terms, the Goths being
weary of the long siege and the soldiers of Odovaker being on the verge
of starvation. So, through the efforts of the bishop of Ravenna, a
treaty was made according to which Theoderich and Odovaker were to rule
the city jointly. This treaty was kept for a short time, but finally
Theoderich treacherously seized Odovaker at a banquet to which he had
invited him, and had him put to death. He then won over to him all his
enemies, and from that time on ruled over Goths and Italians unopposed.
Theoderich never assumed the name or dignity of emperor, being content
to be known as king, as the barbarians call their rulers. In fact,
however, the subjects bore the same relation to him as to an emperor. He
dispensed justice with a strong hand, and rigidly enforced the law and
kept peace. In his time the land was protected from the attacks of
neighboring barbarians, and his might and his wisdom were famous far and
wide. He allowed his subjects neither to suffer nor to commit wrongs;
his own followers were given only the lands which Odovaker had taken for
his supporters. Thus Theoderich, although he bore the title of a tyrant,
was in fact a righteous emperor.... He loved the Goths and the Italians
equally, recognizing no difference between them, contrary as this may
seem to human nature.... After a reign of thirty-seven years, he died
lamented by all his people.
4. The Salic Law.
In the period before the migrations, each of the German tribes had its
primitive code of laws. This law was not put in writing, but was held in
memory; it was not based on abstract reasons of right and justice, but
grew up out of practice and custom. The migrations and the development
of tribal kingdoms on Roman soil brought about important changes in the
public and private life of the Germans, partly the result of changed
conditions, partly the direct influence of Roman manners and
institutions. One result was that the old unwritten customary laws were
codified and published in written form. These codes, called the _Leges
Barbarorum_, or laws of the barbarians, form an important historical
source, for of course they reflect the new conditions in which the
Germans found themselves after their settlement. Some of them show the
influence of Roman law and institutions in a marked degree; others are
more purely Germanic. They were in most cases written in Latin, although
the Angles and Saxons in England published their early codes in Old
English or Anglo-Saxon. One of the oldest and at the same time one of
the most purely German in character is the law of the Salic Franks,
called in Latin, _Lex Salica_; it was probably written about the year
500, in the reign of Chlodovech (481-511). In the most authentic form it
contains sixty-five chapters, or "titles," most of which are composed of
several sections. The title usually has a heading, as: XVII. _De
vulneribus_ (Concerning wounds).
The parts translated are intended to illustrate: (1) the character of
the tribal laws in general, and (2) certain important institutions and
customs of the Franks. Certain features of the Salic law are common to
nearly all of the German laws; these are suggested here for the
convenience of the reader.
1. The code contains mainly private law. Most of the law is taken up
with a scale of fines and compensations for injury, damage, and theft,
as in the case of injuries, titles XVII and XXII. This is characteristic
of most of the German codes; they are concerned with private and not
with public or administrative law.
2. The law makes minute specification of injuries. Note that the
different injuries are carefully described and particular fines given
for each, as in titles XVII and XXIX. This feature is found in most of
the codes and is characteristic of a primitive stage of legal conception
and a barbarous state of society. The important function of primitive
law is the settlement of differences between individuals to prevent
personal reprisals, so the various injuries that are apt to occur are
specified and provided with special fines.
3. A large part of the procedure takes place out of court, and is
conducted by the individuals concerned. So in title I, 3, the plaintiff
summons the defendant in person; in title L, 2, the creditor tries to
collect the amount fixed by the court; in title XLVII the whole process
of tracing and recovering stolen property, except the last stage, is
conducted out of court. This also is a common feature of Germanic law;
the objection, common among uncivilized peoples, to the state's
interference with private affairs of the individual operates here to
restrict the function of the law to the simple decision of the case.
4. All the German laws provide for the payment of the _wergeld_. The
origin of this is doubtless to be found in the underlying conception of
primitive law referred to in paragraph 2. The purpose being to put an
end to private revenge, which would mean continual private war, the law
prescribes the amount to be paid to the kindred of the slain man, and
they must on receipt of that give up the blood-feud. (See no. 1, ch. 21,
and note.) In many of the codes different values are assigned to
different classes of people, as here in title XLI.
The public institutions of the Franks are referred to in the law only
incidentally, the law being concerned, as has been said, mainly with
private matters, and taking for granted a knowledge of public law.
Following is a brief statement of the form of government, administration
of justice, etc. The state ruled by the king of the Salic Franks was
composed of several small tribes, originally independent (see no. 1,
notes 1 and 9), but now incorporated into a single state. The kingdom
was divided into counties, some of which correspond to the former
independent tribes, and some to old Roman political divisions. The
county was governed by a representative of the king, an official who is
called in the Salic law by the German title _grafio_ (modern German
"Graf"), and in later documents by the Latin title _comes_ (count). The
judicial system was based on the division of the county known as the
hundred (see no. 1, note 1), the assembly of the freemen of the hundred
being the regular public court. It was presided over by the
"hundred-man," in the Salic law called either _centenarius_, which means
simply hundred-man, or _thunginus_, a word of uncertain meaning. The
function of the _grafio_, the representative of the king in the county,
was mainly executive; he was appealed to only when every other means of
forcing the delinquent to obey the law or the decision of the court had
failed, but he has no part in the trial of cases. See title L, 3, for an
instance of the function of the _grafio_.
I. _Legal Summons._{10}
1. If anyone is summoned to the court and does not come, he shall pay
600 denarii, which make 15 solidi.{11}
3. When anyone summons another to court, he shall go with witnesses to
the house of that person, and if he is not present the summoner shall
serve notice on his wife or his family that he is legally summoned.
{10} This title illustrates what is said in the introduction about the
process out of court. The person who has a cause for legal action
against another, goes himself to the house of his antagonist and summons
him before witnesses. The law steps in, however, and forces the one who
is summoned to come to court under penalty. See also title LVI.
{11} The monetary system of the Salic law was taken from the Romans.
The basis was the gold solidus of Constantine, 1/72 of a pound of gold.
The small coin was the silver denarius, forty of which made a solidus.
This system was adopted as a monetary reform by Chlodovech, and the
statement of the sum in terms of both coins is probably due to the
newness of the system at the time of the appearance of the law.
XVII. _Wounds._
1. If anyone is convicted of trying to kill another, even though he
fails, he shall pay 2,500 denarii, which make 63 (62-1/2) solidi.
2. If anyone is convicted of shooting a poisoned arrow at another, even
though he misses him, he shall pay 2,500 denarii, which make 63 solidi.
3. If anyone wounds another in the head, so that the brain appears and
the three bones which lie above the brain are uncovered, he shall pay
1,200 denarii, which make 30 solidi.
4. If anyone wounds another between the ribs or in the abdomen, so that
the wound can be seen and extends to the vitals, he shall pay 1,200
denarii, which make 30 solidi, besides 5 solidi for the healing.
5. If anyone wounds another so that the blood falls to the ground, he
shall pay 600 denarii, which make 15 solidi.
6. If a freeman strikes another freeman with a club, so that the blood
does not flow, he shall pay 120 denarii, which make 3 solidi, for each
blow, up to three.
7. If the blood does flow, he shall pay as much for each blow as if he
had wounded him with a sword.
8. If anyone strikes another with the closed fist, he shall pay 360
denarii, which make 9 solidi; that is, 3 solidi for each blow up to
three.
9. If anyone is convicted of trying to rob another on the highroad, even
though he fails, he shall pay 2,500 denarii, which make 63 solidi.
XXIX. _Injuries._
1. If anyone destroys the hand or the foot of another, or cuts out his
eye, or cuts off his nose, he shall pay 4,000 denarii, which make 100
solidi.
2. If the injured hand hangs loose and useless, he shall pay 2,500
denarii, which make 63 (62-1/2) solidi.
3. If anyone cuts off the thumb or the great toe of another, he shall
pay 2,000 denarii, which make 50 solidi.
4. If the thumb or the toe hangs useless, he shall pay 1,200 denarii,
which make 30 solidi.
5. If he cuts off the second finger, by which the bowstring is drawn, he
shall pay 1,400 denarii, which make 35 solidi.
6. If he cuts off the rest of the fingers (that is, the other three) at
one blow, he shall pay 50 solidi.
7. If he cuts off two of them, he shall pay 35 solidi.
8. If he cuts off one of them, he shall pay 30 solidi.
XLI. _Manslaughter._{12}
1. If anyone is convicted of killing a free Frank or a barbarian living
by the Salic law, he shall pay 8,000 denarii, which make 200 solidi.
2. If he has put the body in a well, or under water, or has covered it
with branches or other things for the purpose of hiding it, he shall pay
24,000 denarii, which make 600 solidi.{13}
3. If anyone kills a man in the king's trust, or a free woman, he shall
pay 24,000 denarii, which make 600 solidi.
4. If he kills a Roman who was a table-companion of the king, he shall
pay 12,000 denarii, which make 300 solidi.
6. If the slain man was a Roman landowner, and not a table-companion of
the king, he who slew him shall pay 4,000 denarii, which make 100
solidi.
7. If anyone kills a Roman _tributarius_, he shall pay 63 solidi.
{12} The fine for slaying a man is the _wergeld_ referred to in the
introduction. It was paid to the kin of the slain man by the slayer or
his kin. The _wergeld_ has different values for different classes; note
the classes in the Salic law, particularly the position of the persons
in the royal service, the importance of which must have been of
comparatively recent origin, and the position of the Roman population.
The freeman of the Frankish tribe has a _wergeld_ of 200 solidi, the
free woman three times that, 600 solidi; the Roman _possessor_, or free
landowner, 100 solidi; the Roman _tributarius_, who cultivated the land
of another at a fixed rent, and was regarded as less than a freeman,
62-1/2 solidi. If the freeman was in the king's trust, that is, in the
service of the king and probably bound to him by a special oath (these
men are also called _antrustiones_; see nos. 180 and 189), his _wergeld_
was three times that of the ordinary freeman, 600 solidi; that of the
Roman who was a table-companion of the king, a relation similar to that
of the man in the king's trust, was also tripled, 300 solidi.
{13} The fact of concealment is the distinguishing mark between murder
and manslaughter.
XLV. _The Man who Removes from One Village to Another._{14}
1. If anyone desires to enter a village, with the consent of one or more
of the inhabitants of that village, and a single one objects, he shall
not be allowed to settle there.
3. But if anyone settles in another village and remains there twelve
months without any one of the inhabitants objecting, he shall be allowed
to remain in peace like his neighbors.
{14} This title throws some light on the original character of the
village community. The village was in origin probably a group of
kindred, and new-comers were admitted only by the consent of all the
householders. Moreover, as much of the land was still held in common by
the village--the wood, pasture, and meadow--the admission of a new
member concerned all the householders.
XLVII. _The Tracing of Stolen Goods._
If one has recognized a slave, or a horse, or an ox, or anything of his
own in the possession of another, he is to "send him to the third
hand."{15} And he in whose hands the thing was recognized is to swear
[to his own innocence]; and if both parties [_i.e._, the rightful owner
and the man in whose possession it was found] dwell on this side of the
Loire and the Carbonaria,{16} a term of forty days shall be set within
which all are to be summoned who have had any part in the affair, who
have sold or exchanged or perhaps given in payment the article. That is,
each one is to summon the man from whom he got it. And if anyone of
these has been summoned and legal hindrance has not kept him away, and
he does not come within the appointed term, then the one who had
dealings with this delinquent is to bring three witnesses to the fact
that he had summoned him and three more to the fact that he had obtained
the property from him legally and in good faith; if he does this he is
clear of suspicion of theft. But he who would not come and against whom
the witnesses have borne testimony, shall be held to be the thief of the
man who recognized his own, and he [the thief] shall return the price to
the man who dealt with him and shall pay the lawful compensation to the
man who recognized his own.{17} All these things are to be done in that
court to which he is answerable in whose hands the stolen thing was
first recognized and with whom the process started. But if he in whose
hands it was recognized dwells beyond the Loire or the Carbonaria the
time allowed shall be eighty days.
{15} The expression _mittat eum in tertia manu_ has been interpreted in
various ways; it means apparently either that the possessor is to place
the article in question in the hands of a third disinterested party who
is to hold it until the case has been tried, or that he is to refer the
claimant to the "third party"; that is, the man from whom he obtained
it.
{16} A much-discussed phrase, which has been used to show that the
Salic law belongs to a period after the Frankish control had extended
beyond the Loire. The word in the text (_ligere_) has also been taken to
mean the river Leye, but this is not generally accepted. The Carbonaria
(German, _Kohlenwald_) was a large forest in what is now Belgium.
{17} The form of statement is rather confusing, but the process is
fairly clear. The burden of proof lies on the man in whose possession
the stolen article is found, and he must clear himself by producing the
man from whom he got it. This shifts the responsibility to the latter,
who in turn must produce the man from whom he obtained it, and so on
back until the person is reached who obtained the article illegally, and
so is not likely to obey the summons to appear in court. Then the last
man in the chain before the thief proves his innocence of bad faith by
showing that he bought the article publicly and so obtained it in good
faith, and that he had served notice on the delinquent in the present
process. Inasmuch as legal sales were held publicly before witnesses, it
is fairly certain in this way that the guilt will be located. The man in
whose possession it was found then restores the article to its owner,
and receives back the price he paid for it from the man from whom he got
it; and this repayment is repeated in each case until the thief is
reached; the man who dealt with him has a legal action for recovery of
the price against the thief, while the owner has also an action for the
recovery of damages.
L. _The Given Pledge._
1. If a free man or a letus{18} has given pledge [that is, made a
solemn promise at the court] to another, then he to whom the pledge was
given shall go to the house of the other within forty nights,{19} or
whatever period was set, with witnesses or with such as can estimate the
price.{20} And if the delinquent will not redeem the pledge given, he
shall be held liable for 15 solidi above the amount for which he had
given pledge.
2. If still he will not pay, the complainant shall summon him to the
_mallus_, and thus he shall proceed to have him constrained by law: "I
ask thee, _thunginus_, to constrain by law this my debtor who has given
me a pledge and is in my debt." And he shall state how much the debt is.
Then the _thunginus_ shall say: "I constrain this man by law, in
accordance with the Salic law." Then he to whom the pledge was given
shall give notice that the delinquent can neither pay nor give pledge of
payment to any other until he has fulfilled what he promised him [the
creditor]. And straightway on that day before the sun sets he shall go
with witnesses to the house of the debtor and ask him to pay the debt.
If he will not, let the sun set upon him.{21} Then when the sun has set,
120 denarii, which make 3 solidi, are added to the amount owed. And this
thing is to be done three times in three weeks, and if on the third
summons he will not pay all this, then 360 denarii, which make 9 solidi,
are to be added to the debt, that is, 3 solidi for every summons and
setting of the sun.
The next two sections are now generally regarded as a later
addition--_i.e._, the first two are supposed to belong to an early
period, while the last two belong to the period when the _grafio_, the
royal representative, had acquired executive functions within the
county. If this is so, then sections 3 and 4 have replaced certain older
sections which must have completed the process described in sections 1
and 2; there must have been a further stage in which the delinquent was
finally forced to pay, perhaps the process described in title LVI, by
which a delinquent can be outlawed if he is still contumacious.
3. If anyone refuses to redeem his promise within the lawful term, then
he to whom he gave the pledge shall go to the _grafio_ of the county
within which the debtor lives, and shall lay hold on the staff and say:
"_Grafio_, this man has given pledge to me and I have given lawful
notice of his indebtedness and have sued him before the _mallus_ in
accordance with the Salic law. I pledge myself and my fortune that you
may safely and lawfully lay hands on his property." And he declares for
what cause and to what amount the pledge had been given. Then the
_grafio_ shall take with him seven suitable _rachinburgii_{22} and go to
the house of him who gave the pledge and say: "You, who are here
present, pay this man of your own free will that for which you gave him
pledge. Choose two men, whomsoever you will, who together with these
_rachinburgii_ shall assess from your goods the amount you ought to pay.
And so shall you make good what you owe according to legal value." But
if he, being present, will not heed, or if he is absent, then the
_rachinburgii_ shall take from his goods a value equal to the amount
which he owes, and of that amount two parts shall go to him who brought
suit, and the third part the _grafio_ shall take for himself as
_fredus_,{23} if the _fredus_ for this case has not already been paid.
4. If the _grafio_ has been appealed to and legal hindrance or his
master's [the king's] business has not detained him, and he neither goes
himself nor sends a representative, he shall be punished with death or
he may redeem himself with his possessions.
{18} The term _letus_ is used of a class of population whose position
was between that of the free man and that of the slave; a similar class
is found among nearly all the Germanic tribes. They were perhaps
descendants of conquered peoples that had been incorporated into the
tribe; they did not own land, but cultivated the land of others on terms
of a fixed rental in produce and services. Thus while not free, their
position was above that of the slaves, since they might acquire
possessions and profits above the rent paid, while the earnings of the
slave belonged in theory entirely to the master.
{19} The regular interval between the meetings of the hundred-court or
_mallus_.
{20} The use of appraisers, referred to here and elsewhere, indicates
that fines and debts were paid regularly in kind, and that money was
still an unfamiliar convenience.
{21} That is, the delinquent is to be given the full legal day, and
when that has passed with the setting of the sun, the penalty is
incurred. It is interesting to notice the same feature in the law of the
XII Tables, which was apparently merely the primitive tribal law of the
early Romans reduced to written form. There, in the first table, the
description of a public court process ends with the sentence: "Sol
occasus suprema tempestas esto"--sunset is to be the latest hour [of the
legal day].
{22} _Rachinburgii_ is the name generally used in the law for the board
of judges, seven in number, who are chosen at every hundred-court to
render the judgment (see title LVI). Here, however, the term is used for
appraisers who apparently are not connected with the _rachinburgii_ of
the hundred-court.
{23} The _fredus_ is that portion of the fine which goes to the state,
apparently as compensation for executing the sentence. It furnished a
part at once of the royal revenues and of the salary of the _grafio_,
since half went to him and half to the royal treasury.
LII. _Property that has been Loaned._
If one has loaned anything of his goods to another, and that person will
not restore it to him, he shall sue for it in this way: He shall go with
witnesses to the house of him to whom he loaned his property and serve
this notice on him: "Since you will not restore to me my goods which I
have loaned to you, you may keep them until the following night, in
accordance with the Salic law."{24} And if still he will not restore
them, let the sun set on him.{25} If he still will not restore them, the
owner is to give him a space of seven nights, and at the end of these
seven nights he shall serve notice as before that he may keep them till
the following night, in accordance with the Salic law. If then he will
not restore them, at the end of another seven nights he is to go with
witnesses again and ask him to pay what he owes. If he will not pay, let
the sun set on him. But when the sun has set on him three times, for
each time 120 denarii (which make 3 solidi) are to be added to the
original amount of the debt. And if still he will neither pay nor give
pledge of payment, he is to be held liable to him who loaned him the
goods for 600 denarii (which make 15 solidi) above the original debt and
above the 9 solidi which accrued through the three summons.
{24} This is to give the man legal and public notice and to allow him a
full day's time in which to obey. The guilt is incurred, therefore, at
sunset of the following day.
{25} See title L, note 21.
LIV. _The Slain Grafio._
1. If anyone kills a _grafio_{26} he shall pay 24,000 denarii, which
make 600 solidi.
2. If anyone kills a _sacebaro_,{27} or an _obgrafio_ who is a king's
slave, he shall pay 12,000 denarii, which make 300 solidi.
{26} For the position of the _grafio_, see introduction. His _wergeld_
is seen to be the same as that of the freeman in the king's service, and
may indeed be regarded as a special instance of the general case of a
man employed in the royal service.
{27} The _sacebaro_ and the _obgrafio_ are apparently subordinate
officials of the _grafio_. They were probably not infrequently unfree
persons, as they are here.
LVI. _He who refuses to come to Court._
If anyone refuses to come to court or to do what the _rachinburgii_ have
commanded, that is, to give pledge for payment, or for the ordeal, or
for anything which the law requires, then the complainant is to summon
him to the presence of the king. And twelve witnesses, being sworn in
turn by threes, shall say: [the first three] that they were present when
the _rachinburgius_ condemned him to undergo ordeal or to give pledge
for payment, and that he had not obeyed. The second three are to swear
that they were present on the day when the _rachinburgii_ [again]
condemned him to clear himself by ordeal or by paying the fine; that is,
that, forty nights from the first day, the sun set on him in the
_mallberg_{28} again, and that he would in no way obey the law. Then the
complainant is to summon him before the king, in fourteen nights [after
the last _mallus_], and three witnesses are to swear that they were
present when he summoned him and the sun set on him. If he will not
come, then these nine witnesses, having sworn, are to say what we have
said above. Likewise, if he will not come [to the king's court] on that
day, let the sun set on him, and there shall be three witnesses who were
present when the sun set.{29} If the complainant has done all these
things, and he who was summoned refuses to come to any court, the king
shall put him outside of his protection [_i.e._, outlaw him]. Then the
criminal and all his goods are liable. And whoever shall feed him or
give him hospitality, even if it be his own wife, shall be held liable
for 600 denarii, which make 15 solidi, until he shall have paid all that
has been imposed on him.
{28} _Mallberg_ or _malloberg_ is the place where the _mallus_ or
public court is held, and is here used as equivalent to the court.
{29} The process described from the end of the first sentence to this
point is supposed to have taken place before the summons to the king's
court mentioned in that first sentence; this is shown by the statement
that there are to be twelve witnesses at the king's court, these twelve
witnesses appearing in the passage as follows: three each for the two
public trials in the _mallus_, three for the summons to the king's court
fourteen days after the second trial, and three for the first session of
the king's court; these delays having been granted and the delinquent
not appearing at the second session of the royal court, he is there
finally outlawed.
5. Selections from the History of the Franks, by Gregory of Tours.
M. G. S. S. 4to, rerum mer., I.
By the end of the fifth century, the Roman government in the west had
practically come to an end and most of the territory was occupied by
German tribes. The confederated tribes living along the middle and lower
Rhine began to be called Franks about 200 A.D. For the next two
centuries, the Roman garrisons had great difficulty in keeping them out
of northern Gaul. With the weakening and final withdrawal of these
garrisons in the beginning of the fifth century, the Franks spread over
northern Gaul and by about 450 had occupied the land as far south as the
river Somme. Under Chlodovech the confederated tribes, which still had
their own kings, were united under his single rule, and the other
inhabitants of Gaul--Romans, Alamanni, West Goths, and Burgundians--were
absorbed or reduced to dependence. The work of Chlodovech was carried on
by his sons and grandsons with the conquest of the Burgundians,
Thuringians, Bavarians, etc. Then came the civil wars among the
descendants of Chlodovech which prevented further advance until the rise
of the house of Karl the Great.
There are few documents or chronicles for the history of the Franks
during the fifth to the seventh centuries. The only connected account is
that of Gregory, bishop of Tours from 573 to 594. His position made him
one of the most influential men of his time and he was well acquainted
with the contemporary events which he narrates. The earlier part of his
work is, of course, less reliable, because he depended upon tradition.
II, 9. It is not known who was the first king of the Franks.... We read
in the lists of consuls that Theodomer, king of the Franks, son of a
certain Richemer, and his mother Ascyla were slain by the sword. They
say also that afterward Chlogio, a brave and illustrious man of that
race, was king of the Franks and had his seat at Dispargum, on the
boundary of the Thuringians. In the region [about Tours], as far south
as the Loire, dwelt the Romans; beyond the Loire the Goths held sway,
while the Burgundians, who followed the heresy of Arius, dwelt across
the Rhône, on which is situated the city of Lyon. Chlogio sent spies to
the city of Cambrai{30} to spy out the situation and report to him. Then
he seized the city and dwelt there a short time, occupying the land as
far as the Somme. Some assert that king Merovech, whose son was
Childerich,{31} belonged to the line of Chlogio....
27. After the death of Childerich his son Chlodovech ruled in his stead
[481]. In the fifth year of his reign, Syagrius, son of Ægidius, was
ruling in Soissons as king of the Romans,{32} where the said Ægidius had
held sway. Now Chlodovech and his relative Ragnachar advanced against
Syagrius and challenged him to battle; and the latter eagerly accepted
the challenge. But in the course of the conflict Syagrius, seeing that
his army was defeated, turned and fled from the field, seeking safety
with king Alaric at Toulouse.{33} Then Chlodovech sent to Alaric,
ordering him to surrender Syagrius, on pain of being himself attacked;
and Alaric, fearing to incur the wrath of the Franks, as is the habit of
the Goths, gave over Syagrius bound to the messengers of Chlodovech.
Then Chlodovech had him thrown into prison, and, after seizing his
kingdom, had him secretly slain....
28. Now Gundevech, of the line of the persecuting king, Athanaric, was
king of the Burgundians.{34} He had four sons, Gundobad, Godegisel,
Chilperic, and Godomar. Gundobad slew his brother Chilperic, and drowned
Chilperic's wife by tying a stone about her neck and throwing her into
the water. He also condemned Chilperic's two daughters to exile; of
these the older was Chrona, who became a nun, and the younger was
Chlothilde.... Chlodovech sent an embassy to Gundobad demanding the hand
of Chlothilde in marriage, and Gundobad, fearing to refuse him,
surrendered her to the messengers of Chlodovech, who bore her
straightway to the king....
30. The queen [Chlothilde] continually urged Chlodovech to abandon his
idols and accept the true God. She was not successful, however, until
finally, when he was waging war on the Alamanni,{35} he was compelled by
necessity to accept that which he had formerly refused. For in the
course of the battle, when the two armies were engaged in fierce
struggle, it happened that the army of Chlodovech was on the verge of
utter rout, and seeing this the king raised his eyes to heaven, and
cried: "Jesus Christ, thou whom Chlothilde doth call the son of the
living God, who dost comfort those in travail and give victory to those
that believe in thee, I now devoutly beseech thy aid, and I promise if
thou dost give me victory over these mine enemies and if I find thou
hast the power which thy believers say thou hast shown, that I will
believe in thee and be baptized in thy name. For I have called on my own
gods and they have failed to help me; therefore I believe they have no
power, since they do not come to the aid of their worshippers. I call
now upon thee; I desire to believe in thee, that I be not destroyed by
mine enemies." And as soon as he had cried thus, the Alamanni turned and
fled. And when they saw that their king was slain they surrendered to
Chlodovech, saying: "Let not thy people perish further, we beseech thee,
for we are thine."
31. ... Then the king demanded that he should be the first to be
baptized by the bishop. So the new Constantine advanced to the font, to
be cleansed from the old leprosy of his sin, and from the sordid stains
of his past life, in the water of baptism. As he approached the font,
the saint of God addressed him in these fitting words: "Bow thy head,
Sigambrian;{36} adore what thou hast burned, burn what thou hast
adored." ... Then the king having professed his belief in omnipotent God
the Trinity, was baptized in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy
Spirit, and was anointed with the holy oil with the sign of the cross of
Christ. And more than 3,000 of his army were baptized also....
32. The brothers Gundobad and Godegisel were at this time ruling the
land about the Rhône and the Saône and the province of Marseilles. They,
as well as their people, were Arian. And when war was on the point of
breaking out between them, Godegisel, who had heard of the conquests of
Chlodovech, sent to him secretly, saying: "If you will give me aid in
overthrowing my brother, so that I may kill him in battle or drive him
from the kingdom, I will pay you such yearly tribute as you shall
demand." Chlodovech accepted the conditions gladly and promised to send
aid to Godegisel whenever he should require it. At the time appointed,
Chlodovech advanced with his army against Gundobad. When Gundobad,
ignorant of the treachery of Godegisel, learned of the approach of
Chlodovech, he sent to his brother, saying: "Come to my aid, for the
Franks are coming against me to seize my kingdom. Let us unite to
withstand this enemy, lest if we remain divided, each of us should
suffer the fate of the other nations." And Godegisel replied that he
would bring his army to the aid of his brother. Thus the three armies
advancing at the same time, came together at Dijon, and Godegisel and
Chlodovech joined forces and defeated Gundobad. Gundobad, seeing the
treachery of his brother, which he had not before suspected, turned and
fled along the bank of the Rhône until he came to Avignon....
35. Now when Alaric, king of the Goths, saw that Chlodovech was
conquering many nations, he sent to him and said: "If it please my
brother, let us unite our interests under the protection of God." And
Chlodovech, agreeing, came to him, and they met on an island in the
Loire, near the town of Amboise in the vicinity of Tours. There they
held a conference, and ate and drank together, and separated in peace,
having exchanged vows of friendship. But already many of the Gauls
[under Alaric] were greatly desirous of being under Frankish rule.
37. Then Chlodovech said to his followers: "It causes me great grief
that these Arians{37} should hold a part of Gaul. Let us go with the aid
of God and reduce them to subjection." And since this was pleasing to
all his followers, he advanced with his army toward Poitiers.... And
Chlodovech came up with Alaric, king of the Goths, at Vouillé, about ten
miles from Poitiers.... There the Goths fled, according to their custom,
and Chlodovech gained a great victory with the aid of God. And
Chloderic, the son of Sigibert the Lame, aided him in this battle.
40. Now while Chlodovech was staying at Paris, he sent secretly to the
son of Sigibert, saying: "Behold now your father is old and lame. If he
should die his kingdom would come to you and my friendship with it." So
the son of Sigibert, impelled by his cupidity, planned to slay his
father. And when Sigibert set out from Cologne and crossed the Rhine to
go through the Buchonian forest [in Hesse, near Fulda], his son had him
slain by assassins while he was sleeping in his tent, in order that he
might gain the kingdom for himself. But by the judgment of God he fell
into the pit which he had digged for his father. He sent messengers to
Chlodovech to announce the death of his father and to say: "My father is
dead, and I have his treasures, and the kingdom as well. Now send
messengers to me, that I may send to you whatever you would like from
his hoard." Chlodovech replied: "I thank you for your kindness, and beg
you merely to show my messengers all your possessions, after which you
may keep them yourself." And when the messengers of Chlodovech came, the
son of Sigibert showed them the treasures which his father had
collected. And while they were looking at the various things, he said:
"My father used to keep his gold coins in this little chest." And they
said: "Put your hand down to the bottom, that you may show us
everything." But when he stooped to do this, one of the messengers
struck him on the head with his battle-axe, and thus he met the fate
which he had visited upon his father. Now when Chlodovech heard that
both Sigibert and his son were slain, he came to that place and called
the people together and said to them: "Hear what has happened. While I
was sailing on the Scheldt river, Chloderic, son of Sigibert, my
relative, attacked his father, pretending that I had wished him to slay
him. And so when his father fled through the Buchonian forest, the
assassins of Chloderic set upon him and slew him. But while Chloderic
was opening his father's treasure chest, some man unknown to me struck
him down. I am in no way guilty of these things, for I could not shed
the blood of my relatives, which is very wrong. But since these things
have happened, if it seems best to you, I advise you to unite with me
and come under my protection." And those who heard him applauded his
speech, and, raising him on a shield, made him king over them. Thus
Chlodovech gained the kingdom of Sigibert and his treasures and won over
his subjects to his own rule. For God daily overwhelmed his enemies and
increased his kingdom because he walked uprightly before him and did
that which was pleasing in his sight.
41. Then Chlodovech turned against Chararic. For when he was waging war
against Syagrius, this Chararic, although Chlodovech had asked him for
aid, had kept out of the struggle and had given him no help, waiting to
see the issue, that he might then make friends with the victor. On this
account, Chlodovech was angry with him and attacked him. When he had
succeeded in seizing Chararic and his son by treachery, he caused their
heads to be shaved and ordered Chararic to be ordained a priest and his
son a deacon. It is said that when Chararic was lamenting his
humiliation, his son replied: "These twigs were cut from a green tree,
which is not all dead; they will come out again rapidly when they begin
to grow. Would that he who did this thing might as quickly perish." But
when it was reported to Chlodovech that they planned to let their hair
grow again and slay him, he ordered their heads to be cut off, and thus
by their death acquired their realm and treasures and subjects.
42. ... Then Chlodovech made war upon his relative, Ragnachar [king of
the region about Cambrai]. And when Ragnachar saw that his army was
defeated, he attempted to flee, but his own men seized him and his
brother Richar and brought them bound before Chlodovech. Then Chlodovech
said: "Why have you disgraced our family, by allowing yourself to be
taken? It would have been better for you to have been slain." And
raising his battle-axe he slew him. Then turning to the brother of
Ragnachar, he said: "If you had aided your brother he would not have
been taken;" and he slew him with the axe also.... Thus by their death
Chlodovech took the kingdom and treasures. And many other kings and
relatives of his, who he feared might take his kingdom from him, were
slain, and his kingdom was extended over all Gaul.{38} ...
43. And after this he died at Paris and was buried in the basilica of
the holy saints which he and his queen, Chlothilde, had built. He passed
away in the fifth year after the battle of Vouillé, and all the days of
his reign were thirty years.
III, 1. Now Chlodovech being dead, his four sons, Theodoric, Chlodomer,
Childebert, and Chlothar, received his kingdom and divided it
equally.{39} ...
[Chlodomer was slain in an attack on the Burgundians, and his mother,
Chlothilde, took his sons, Theodoald, Gunther, and Chlodoald, under her
protection.]
18. But while Chlothar was staying at Paris, Childebert, perceiving that
his mother Chlothilde loved the sons of Chlodomer greatly, was stirred
with envy and with the fear that they might be restored to the kingdom
of their dead father by aid of the queen-mother. So he sent secretly to
his brother, king Chlothar, saying: "Our mother is keeping the sons of
our dead brother Chlodomer, and intends to restore them to his kingdom;
come now to Paris and advise with me as to what shall be done; whether
their hair shall be cut off and they shall thus be made like the common
people, or whether we shall slay them and divide the kingdom of our
brother between us." Chlothar was delighted with these words and
hastened to Paris. Now Childebert had caused the rumor to be spread
among the people that the two kings were coming together to consider the
establishing of the children on the throne of their father. And after
they had met they sent word to the queen, who was dwelling in the same
city, saying: "Send the children to us that we may place them on the
throne." And she, rejoicing and thinking no evil, sent them the
children.... But when the children had left her they were immediately
seized and separated from their servants and imprisoned by themselves.
Then Childebert and Chlothar sent a certain Arcadius, their messenger,
to the queen with a pair of shears and a naked sword. And when he came
he showed both to the queen and said: "Your sons wish to know your will
in regard to the boys; whether they should be shorn of their locks and
live, or be slain." The queen, terrified and distracted at the message
and especially at the sight of the shears and the sword, said in the
bitterness of her heart and not knowing what she was saying: "If they
are not to reign, I would rather see them dead than shorn of their
locks." ... And when the messenger brought back this reply, Chlothar
immediately seized the oldest boy by the arm and throwing him on the
floor slew him with his dagger. But when he shrieked, his young brother
threw himself at the feet of Childebert and clinging to his knees cried:
"Save me, dearest uncle, that I be not slain like my brother." And
Childebert, the tears raining down his face, said to his brother:
"Brother, I pray you grant me the life of the boy; I will give you
anything you ask in exchange for his life, only do not slay him." But
Chlothar, reviling him, said: "Cast him from you, or you shall die for
him. You are the instigator of this business, and do you so soon
repent?" At this Childebert cast the boy from him, and Chlothar thrust
the dagger into his side and slew him as he had slain his brother. ...
Of the boys one was ten and the other seven years old. But the third
boy, Chlodoald, escaped by the aid of certain powerful persons;
rejecting a worldly kingdom, he turned to God, and became a priest,
cutting off his hair with his own hands. And Childebert and Chlothar
divided the kingdom of Chlodomer between them.
[After the death of his brothers, Chlothar united the whole Frankish
kingdom under his single rule (558-61). He left four sons, Charibert,
Gunthram, Chilperic, and Sigbert, who divided the kingdom among
themselves.]
IV, 27. Now when Sigbert saw that his brothers had taken wives of lowly
rank, he sent an embassy to Spain and sought the hand of Brunhilda,
daughter of king Athanagild [king of the West Goths]....
28. When Chilperic heard of this, although he already had several wives,
he sought the hand of Galeswintha, sister of Brunhilda, promising that
he would leave his other wives, if he should be given a wife of royal
rank. Athanagild, believing the promise of Chilperic, sent him his
daughter Galeswintha with rich gifts, as he had already sent Brunhilda.
And when she came to king Chilperic, he received her with great honor
and was married to her; and he loved her greatly, for she brought rich
treasures with her. But great strife was caused by the love of Chilperic
for Fredegonda, with whom he had formerly lived. Galeswintha complained
to the king of the indignity offered to her and said that she had no
honor in his house, and she begged him to keep the treasures which she
had brought with her and let her depart alone to her own land. But the
king attempted to placate her with soft and deceitful words. Finally he
ordered her to be slain by a servant, and she was found dead in her
bed.... And Chilperic, having mourned her death, after a few days
married Fredegonda.{40}
{30} Chlogio died in 457. The advance of the Franks to the Somme was
made easy by the depopulation of the land through two centuries of
border raids and by the withdrawal of the garrisons.
{31} The tomb of Childerich, father of Chlodovech, was discovered at
Tournai in 1653. In it were found along with the body, coins, a seal,
remnants of a purple mantle, covered with the famous golden bees which
Napoleon appropriated and wore, etc.
{32} Ægidius and Syagrius, whom Gregory calls kings of the Romans, were
probably Roman military commanders who still held out in Gaul in the
name of the emperor. Syagrius held the territory between the Somme and
the Loire.
{33} Alaric II, king of the West Goths, 485-507. At this time the
strength of the West Gothic kingdom was apparently in southern Gaul with
the capital at Toulouse. After the defeat of Alaric and the acquisition
by the Franks of most of the land north of the Pyrenees, the kingdom of
the West Goths was practically confined to Spain.
{34} The Burgundians were an East German people related to the Goths.
They had moved south and west from near the Vistula and had settled on
the Main and Rhine about Worms somewhere about 400. At the time of the
invasion of Attila they fought with the Romans against him and suffered
severely. They were then allowed by the Romans to settle just within the
boundaries of the empire in modern Savoy. From here they later overran
and occupied the valleys of the Rhône and Saône. Like all the German
tribes except the Franks, the Burgundians had been converted to the
Arian form of Christianity, which was regarded by the west as a heresy.
Owing to the efforts of the popes and the catholic clergy some of the
Burgundians had been converted to the orthodox faith, among them the
princess Chlothilde, the wife of Chlodovech. Chlodovech's conversion to
Catholic Christianity was of great assistance to him in his conquest of
the heretical German kingdoms, since the sympathies of the Roman
population were with him.
{35} The Alamanni were a confederation of tribes who had occupied the
Agri Decumates (see no. 1, Tacitus, note 9) during the century 300-400,
and had then spread over the Rhine into the territory of modern Elsass.
{36} Sigambrian--the Sigambri or Sycambri were one of the early tribes
that made up the Frankish confederation. It is used here as synonymous
with Frank.
{37} The hostility between the West Goths and the conquered Roman
provincials, among whom they settled, was kept alive by religious
differences. The dissatisfaction of the Roman population and their
leaning to the Franks after the conversion of this tribe were of great
aid to Chlodovech in his wars with the West Goths and Burgundians. The
same religious differences explain also to some extent the failure of
the East Goths and the Vandals to build permanent states in the
territory which they occupied. On the other hand, the West Goths in
Spain did later become Roman Catholics and enjoyed a longer existence.
{38} Chlodovech was originally king of only one of the numerous tribes
of the Frankish confederation, but was the natural leader in war of the
whole body. We have three kings mentioned by name by Gregory, Sigebert,
Chararic, and Ragnachar, but he speaks also of "many other kings and
relatives of Chlodovech." The result of these assassinations was the
union of all the Franks under the rule of the house of Chlodovech.
{39} The division of the kingdom of Chlodovech among his sons was fatal
to the peace of the land and to the development of a permanent
government. The strife broke out almost immediately, as appears from the
account in ch. 18, and was continued in the later generations, among the
sons and grandsons of Chlothar.
{40} The murder of Galeswintha was the immediate occasion for the
outbreak of the long civil war between the two queens, Fredegonda and
Brunhilda, and their husbands and descendants. The incidents need not be
followed; the war involved numerous murders and assassinations and
resulted in the weakening of the monarchy, the rise of the mayors of the
palace, and the independence of the outlying portions of the empire,
such as Aquitaine, Bavaria, Alamannia, etc., under native rulers.
6. The Coronation of Pippin, 751.
Einhard's Annals, M. G. SS. folio, I, pp. 137 f.
One of the most important results of the civil wars and weakening of the
monarchy in the later Merovingian period was the rise to power of the
mayor of the palace. The mayor of the palace was originally the chief
servant of the king's household. As the king used his private servants
in the administration of public affairs the chief servant became
eventually the chief public official. In the eastern Frankish kingdom
(Austrasia) this office, like many other offices in this period, had
become hereditary in the hands of one of the great families. The last
stage of the civil war (see no. 5, note 40) was fought out really
between the mayors of the palaces of Austrasia and Neustria, and
resulted in the permanent triumph of the Austrasian house. The actual
power and the wise administration of the mayors of this house were in
striking contrast to the weakness and the inefficiency of the last
Merovingian kings, and this was the chief reason for the change in
succession related in this passage. The appeal to the pope and his
favorable report on the contemplated change, and the later attack upon
the Lombards by Pippin at the pope's instance, are the first steps in
the formation of a connection between the kings of the Franks and the
popes.
Anno 749. Burchard, bishop of Würzburg, and Fulrad, priest and chaplain,
were sent [by Pippin] to pope Zacharias to ask his advice in regard to
the kings who were then ruling in France, who had the title of king but
no real royal authority. The pope replied by these ambassadors that it
would be better that he who actually had the power should be called
king.
750 [751]. In this year Pippin was named king of the Franks with the
sanction of the pope, and in the city of Soissons he was anointed with
the holy oil by the hands of Boniface, archbishop and martyr of blessed
memory, and was raised to the throne after the custom of the Franks. But
Childerich, who had the name of king, was shorn of his locks and sent
into a monastery.
753.... In this year pope Stephen came to Pippin at Kiersy, to urge him
to defend the Roman church from the attacks of the Lombards.{41}
754. And after pope Stephen had received a promise from king Pippin that
he would defend the Roman church, he anointed the king and his two sons,
Karl and Karlmann, with the holy oil. And the pope remained that winter
in France.
{41} For the papal account of this, see no. 44.
7. Einhard's Life of Karl the Great.
Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni; M. G. SS. folio, II, pp. 443 ff.
Einhard, who lived about 770 to 840, was a scholar, and a member of the
court and the circle of Karl the Great. His biography of Karl is the
most reliable and intimate account of the life and the character of the
emperor that we possess.
3. After ruling as king of the Franks for fifteen years, Pippin died at
Paris, leaving two sons to succeed him, Karl and Karlmann.... Karlmann,
however, died after two years of joint rule, and Karl became king of all
the Franks.
5. The first of his wars was that against the duke of Aquitaine,{42}
which was begun but not completed by his father. Karl had asked his
brother to aid him in this undertaking, but Karlmann had failed to send
the help which he had promised. Karl, however, undertook the war alone
and carried it through successfully. Hunold, who had tried to recover
the duchy of Aquitaine after the death of Waifer, was driven out of the
province and forced to take refuge in Gascony. But Karl advanced across
the Garonne, threatening Lupus, the duke of Gascony, with war unless he
should surrender the fugitive. Thereupon Lupus not only gave up Hunold,
but acknowledged the authority of Karl over his own duchy as well.
6. After the pacification of Aquitaine and the death of his brother,
Karl made war on the Lombards in response to the prayer of Adrian,
bishop of Rome. His father Pippin had also attacked the Lombards in the
time of king Aistulf, at the request of pope Stephen, ... but had been
content with besieging Aistulf in Ticino and securing pledges that he
would restore the places which he had taken and would never renew his
attack upon Rome. Karl went further: he overthrew Desiderius, king of
the Lombards, and drove his son Adalgisus out of Italy; restored to the
Romans their possessions; defeated a new rising under Radegaisus, duke
of Friuli; and subjugated all of Italy, making his son Pippin king.{43}
7. Then Karl returned to the attack which he had been making upon the
Saxons{44} and which had been interrupted by the Lombard invasion. This
was the longest and most severe of all his wars, for the Saxons, being
barbarians and pagans like most of the tribes in Germany, were bound by
the laws neither of humanity nor of religion. For a long time there had
been continual disturbances along the border, since there was no natural
barrier marking the boundary between the two races, except in a few
places where there were heavier forests or mountains. So the Franks and
the Saxons were accustomed to make almost daily raids on the territory
of each other, burning, devastating, and slaying. Finally the Franks
determined to put an end to this condition of affairs by conquering the
Saxons. In this way that war was begun which was waged continually for
thirty-three years, and which was characterized by the most violent
animosity on both sides, although the Saxons suffered the greater
damage. The final conquest of the Saxons would have been accomplished
sooner but for their treachery. It is hard to tell how often they broke
faith; surrendering to the king and accepting his terms, giving hostages
and promising to accept the Christian faith and abandon their idols, and
then breaking out into revolt again. This happened in almost every year
of that war, but the determination of the king could not be overcome by
the difficulties of the undertaking nor by the treachery of the Saxons.
He never allowed a revolt to go unpunished, but immediately led or sent
an army into their territory to avenge it. Finally after all the
warriors had been overthrown or forced to surrender to the king, he
transplanted some ten thousand men with their wives and children, from
their home on the Elbe, to Gaul and Germany, distributing them through
these provinces. Thus they were brought to accept the terms of the king,
agreeing to abandon their pagan faith and accept Christianity, and to be
united to the Franks; and this war which had dragged on through so many
years was brought to an end.
9. While this long war was going on, the king also made an expedition
into Spain, leaving garrisons behind to hold the Saxons in check.
Crossing the Pyrenees with a large army he conquered all the cities and
fortresses in the region and returned safely with his whole army, except
for those that were slain by the treachery of the Basques. For when the
army was coming back through the passes of the Pyrenees, strung out in a
long line of march because of the narrowness of the defiles, the Basques
made a sudden attack upon the rear-guard, which was protecting the
wagons and baggage of the army. The place was well suited to an
ambuscade, being thickly wooded and very steep; the Basques suddenly
rushed down from the heights where they had been hiding and fell upon
the rear-guard and destroyed it to the last man, seizing the baggage and
escaping under cover of the approaching night.... In this attack were
slain Eggihard, the king's seneschal, Anselm, count of the palace, and
Hrotland, the warden of the marches of Brittany, along with many others.
Up to the present time this attack has not been avenged, for the enemy
dispersed so quickly that it was impossible to find them or to discover
who were guilty.{45}
10. Karl also conquered the Bretons, a people dwelling in the remote
western part of Gaul, along the shores of the ocean.... Then he again
invaded Italy, this time marching through Rome to Capua, a city of
Campania, and forcing the submission of Aragaisus, duke of Beneventum.
11. His next expedition was against Bavaria, which was soon reduced to
subjection. This war was caused by the insubordination of duke Tassilo,
whose wife, a daughter of Desiderius, urged him on to avenge the
overthrow of her father. Tassilo made an alliance with the Huns, his
neighbors, and prepared to attack the king. Karl, incensed at such
presumption, immediately led an army in person to Bavaria, encamping on
the river Lech, which separates Alamannia and Bavaria. Before invading
the province he sent an embassy to the duke, who, seeing the
hopelessness of attempting to oppose the king, immediately made his
submission, offering hostages (among them his son Theodo) and swearing
never again to revolt. Thus this war, which in the beginning threatened
to be a serious affair, was brought to a rapid and successful
conclusion.{46} But the king later summoned Tassilo to his presence and
kept him a prisoner, not permitting him to return to his duchy; and from
that time on the province was not ruled by a duke, but was divided into
counties over which Karl placed counts of his own choosing.
12. This rebellion having been put down, the king next made an attack
upon a tribe of the Slavs, whom we call the Wiltzi, in their own tongue,
Welatabi.... The cause of this war was the attacks which the Welatabi
were making upon the Abodriti, who were formerly allies of the Franks,
and their refusal to desist from these attacks at the command of the
king. There is a great gulf [Baltic Sea] extending east from the western
ocean [Atlantic], whose length is unknown, but whose width nowhere
exceeds one hundred miles, and is in many places narrower. Many tribes
dwell along its shores: on the northern shore and in the islands, the
Danes and the Swedes, whom we call Northmen; on the southern shore, the
Slavs and the Aisti, and other tribes, among whom are these Welatabi.
These latter were defeated in a single campaign and have never dared to
revolt again.
13. The greatest of all the wars of Karl except the Saxon war, was that
against the Avars and the Huns.... The king himself led one expedition
against them into Pannonia, where they dwelt, but intrusted the later
ones to his son Pippin and to the dukes and counts of the neighboring
regions. The war lasted for eight years, and the bloody character of it
is shown by the fact that to-day Pannonia is uninhabited and the site of
the Khan's palace is a desert, containing no trace of former human
habitation. The whole nobility of the Huns was destroyed in the course
of this war, and all the treasure of the Avars carried away by the
Franks.{47} ...
14. ... His last war was waged against the Danes or Northmen. Beginning
with small piratical raids, they had grown so bold that they attacked
the shores of Gaul and Germany with large fleets, and their king,
Godfrid, planned the conquest of Germany itself. He already claimed the
Frisians and Saxons as his subjects, and had subjected the Abodriti and
made them tributary. He even boasted that he would shortly proceed to
Aachen and attack Karl himself. And indeed there was real danger that he
might undertake this, but he was slain by one of his own followers and
the danger passed.
15. These are the wars waged by this mighty king during the forty-seven
years of his reign. Through his conquests the kingdom of the Franks as
he had received it from his father Pippin was almost doubled in area.
When he came to the throne it included only a part of Gaul and of
Germany; in Gaul, that part bounded by the ocean [Atlantic], the Rhine,
the Loire, and the Balearic Sea [Mediterranean]; in Germany, that part
bounded by the Rhine, the Danube, the land of the Saxons, and the Saale,
... with the overlordship of Bavaria and Alamannia. Karl added by his
wars Aquitaine and Gascony; the Pyrenees and the land south to the Ebro;
... all of Italy as far south as lower Calabria; ... Saxony, which forms
a considerable part of Germany; ... Pannonia and Dacia; Istria,
Liburnia, and Dalmatia, except the maritime cities which were allied
with the emperor of Constantinople; and, finally, all the barbarous
tribes inhabiting Germany, between the Rhine, the Danube, the Vistula,
and the ocean [Baltic], ... of whom the most important are the Welatabi,
the Sorabi, the Abodriti, and the Bohemians.
16. The glory of his reign was also greatly enhanced by his alliances
and friendships with foreign kings and peoples. Thus Aldefonso, king of
Gallicia and Asturia,{48} was his ally, and spoke of himself by letters
and ambassadors as the man of Karl. The kings of the Scots also were
wont to address him as master, calling themselves his subjects and
servants, of which expressions there are evidences in letters still
existing which they have written to him. He was also in close relations
with Aaron [Haroun-al-Raschid],{49} king of the Persians, who ruled
almost all of the east outside of India, and who always expressed the
greatest friendship and admiration for Karl. On one occasion, when Karl
sent an embassy with gifts for the holy sepulchre of our Lord and
Saviour, he not only permitted them to fulfil their mission, but even
made a present of that holy spot to Karl, to rule as his own. And when
the embassy of Karl returned, it was accompanied by ambassadors from
Aaron, bearing presents of fine robes, spices, and other eastern
treasures. A few years before he sent to Karl at his request an elephant
which was the only one he at that time possessed. The emperors of
Constantinople, Nicephorus, Michael, and Leo, were his friends and
allies and sent many embassies to him. Even when they suspected him of
desiring to seize their empire, because he took the title of emperor,
they nevertheless entered into alliance with him, to avoid a rupture.
25. He was very eloquent and could express himself clearly on any
subject. He spoke foreign languages besides his own tongue, and was so
proficient in Latin that he used it as easily as his own language. Greek
he could understand better than he could speak.... He was devoted to the
study of the liberal arts and was a munificent patron of learned men.
Grammar he learned from Peter, an aged deacon of Pisa; in the other
studies his chief instructor was Alcuin, a Saxon from England, also a
deacon, and the most learned man of his time. With him he studied
rhetoric, dialectic, and especially astronomy.... He tried also to learn
to write, keeping tablets under the pillow of his couch to practise on
in his leisure hours. But he never succeeded very well, because he began
too late in life.{50}
28. His last visit to Rome was made because the Romans had attacked and
injured pope Leo, tearing out his eyes and tongue, and had thus forced
the pope to call on the king for aid. And having come to Rome to restore
the church which had greatly suffered during the strife, he remained
there all winter. It was during this time that he received the title of
emperor and Augustus, to which he was at first so averse, that he was
wont to say that he would never have entered the church on that day,
although it was a great feast day [Christmas], if he had foreseen the
plan of the pope. But his great patience and magnanimity finally
overcame the envy and hatred of the Roman emperors [of the east], who
were indignant at his receiving the title. This he did by sending them
frequent embassies and addressing them in his letters as brothers.{51}
29. After he became emperor he undertook a revision of the laws of his
empire, which were very defective, for the Franks had two laws [Salic
and Ripuarian] differing in many points from one another. But he was
never able to do more than to complete the various laws with a few
additional sections and cause all the unwritten laws to be put into
writing. He also wrote down for preservation the ancient German songs,
in which the wars and adventures of old heroes are celebrated. He began
also to make a grammar of his native tongue....
30. ... While he was spending the winter in Aachen, he was taken with a
severe fever, which the Greeks call pleurisy, and died there on Tuesday,
the fifth of the Kalends of February [January 28], in the seventy-second
year of his age and the forty-seventh of his reign.
31. On the same day his body was prepared for burial and borne to the
church of the Virgin Mary, which he had founded, in the midst of the
lamentation of all his people, and there laid to rest. Over his tomb was
erected an arch, covered with gold, and having his image and this
inscription on it: "Under this tomb lies the body of Karl, the great and
orthodox emperor, who greatly increased the kingdom of the Franks and
ruled gloriously for forty-seven years. He died when over seventy years
of age, in the year of our Lord 814, the 7th indiction, on the fifth of
the Kalends of February."
{42} In the late Merovingian period the outlying parts of the kingdom
had become practically independent under native rulers, called dukes.
One of the first things undertaken by the rulers of the new line was the
reduction of these great provinces to subjection as a necessary step in
the restoration of the central authority. Much was accomplished in this
direction by the mayors, Pippin the Younger (688-714) and Karl Martel
(714-741), who attacked the Frisians, the dukes of Aquitaine, Bavaria,
and Alamannia. But the work had to be done over and over, and indeed was
never permanently accomplished. In Aquitaine Pippin the Short, king from
751 to 768, had several conflicts with the dukes of Aquitaine, Hunold
and his son Waifer. This is the struggle which Karl brought to an end as
here related.
{43} Pippin had begun his war upon the Lombards for the purpose of
freeing the papal domains from their attacks. The Lombards had conceived
the ambitious plan of possessing all Italy, and under their kings
Liutprand, Aistulf, and Desiderius had begun to carry it out by
attacking the exarchate of Ravenna and the lands held by the pope.
Pippin had forced Aistulf to give up his conquests (chiefly the
exarchate) and had given that territory to the pope (see no. 45). Karl
was called into Italy to defend the pope against a new attack by
Desiderius, and put a definite end to this danger by conquering the
Lombard kingdom and adding it to his own rule. This is a further stage
in the connection between the popes and the emperor, between Germany and
Italy.
{44} The war against the Saxons and their conquest practically
completed the unification of the German tribes on the continent, there
remaining outside of the empire of Karl only the Scandinavian peoples in
the north and the Angles and Saxons in England. By the conquest of the
Saxons a vigorous race of pure German blood was added to the empire;
their addition tended to increase the differences between the German and
the Gallic portions of the empire, which was the natural basis of the
division between France and Germany. The Saxons in the tenth and
eleventh centuries were perhaps the chief race of the German kingdom,
furnishing the rulers from the accession of Henry I in 919 to the death
of Henry II in 1024. Karl's insistence upon the conversion of the Saxons
to Christianity is in line with the policy of his predecessors to
Christianize all the Germans.
{45} The chief interest of this passage lies in the fact that it is the
historical basis of the great French epic, the _Chanson de Roland_.
Einhard mentions the death of three men in this attack as of special
note; one of them was Hrotland, count of the mark of Brittany, the
Roland of the poem.
{46} The overthrow of Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, is a part of the policy
of Karl to reduce the great duchies to control. In order to keep these
outlying provinces in subjection and to govern them efficiently Karl
divided them into counties over which he placed officials dependent
directly upon himself and not upon a duke. This policy was carried out
in Alamannia, Aquitaine, and Saxony as well, the purpose being to
prevent the formation of independent power in the large divisions of the
empire. It was successful under Karl, but later the civil wars among his
descendants gave opportunity for the rise of similar great rulers in the
same provinces (see nos. 24 and 25).
{47} The Avars had come into Europe in the middle of the sixth century,
along the Danube. After the Lombards moved into Italy the Avars occupied
the whole Danube valley from Vienna to the mouth of the river. The
kingdom of the Khan of the Avars probably included the remnants of the
Hunnish empire and of the German tribes that had been subject to the
Huns.
{48} The kingdom of Gallicia and Asturia was one of the small Christian
states in Spain composed of the former inhabitants that had retreated in
large numbers to the mountains in the north and west at the time of the
Mohammedan invasion (711-720). From these regions they later slowly won
back the land from the Mohammedans.
{49} Haroun-al-Raschid was Caliph of the Mohammedan world from 786-809,
with his capital at Bagdad. His caliphate is the golden age of the
Mohammedans reflected in the "Arabian Nights." The connection of Karl
with Haroun and especially the negotiations mentioned here in regard to
Jerusalem gave rise to the later legends concerning the crusades of
Karl.
{50} The reign of Karl is sometimes spoken of as the Carolingian
Renaissance, because of the revived interest in letters and learning
that took its impulse from the court of Karl. Here was the famous
"palace school" that included such persons as Alcuin, Angilbert,
Einhard, Peter of Pisa, Paul the Lombard, etc. The results of the
movement were seen in the writings of the time: Einhard's Annals and
Vita; the History of the Lombards, by Paul; the poems and letters of
Angilbert, etc.; in the formation of the monastery and cathedral
schools, and the better learning of the monks and clergy; in the
attempts of Karl to revise the texts of the Scriptures and to make new
text-books; and in the theological discussions of the ninth century.
Evidences of this movement are seen also in some of the letters of Karl
that are translated below.
{51} See the note on the coronation of Karl, no. 8. The statement of
Einhard that Karl was displeased at this action of the pope has caused
considerable discussion; the reason probably was that he was unwilling
to arouse the ill-will of the eastern emperors, who would undoubtedly
regard the assumption of the imperial crown by Karl as an infringement
of their authority and position. See also nos. 13 and 14.
8. The Imperial Coronation of Karl the Great, 800.
Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, II, 7.
Since 476 there had been no emperor in the west, and the emperor at
Constantinople had lost control of that part of the Roman empire. The
west, however, still regarded itself as a part of the one great empire.
The coronation of Karl the Great in 800 is the famous _translatio
imperii_, the transfer of the empire, by which according to the papal
theory the crown of the Roman empire was taken by the pope from the
emperors at Constantinople, and conferred upon the king of the Franks.
From this point of view it was the final act in the rebellion of the
popes from the control of the emperors of the east. From the point of
view of Frankish history, it was the culmination of the connection
between the popes and the king of the Franks begun with the coronation
of Pippin (see no. 6 and note).
After this, on Christmas day, all gathered together in the aforesaid
church of St. Peter and the venerable pope crowned Karl with his own
hands with a magnificent crown. Then all the Romans, inspired by God and
by St. Peter, keeper of the keys of heaven, and recognizing the value of
Karl's protection and the love which he bore the holy Roman church and
the pope, shouted in a loud voice: "Long life and victory to Karl, the
pious Augustus crowned of God, the great and peace-bringing emperor."
The people, calling on the names of all the saints, shouted this three
times, before the holy confession of St. Peter, and thus he was made
emperor of the Romans by all. Then the pope anointed Karl and his son
with the holy oil.
9. General Capitulary about the Missi, 802.
M. G. LL. 4to, II, 1, no. 33; Altmann und Bernheim, no. 2.
The attempts of Karl to create a permanent central government are
reflected in the great amount of legislation which has come down to us
from his reign. This legislation is mainly in the form of capitularies,
_i.e._, edicts or instructions, covering a wide range of subjects and
interests. The general capitulary of the year 802, a portion of which is
translated here, was issued by Karl after his imperial coronation and
his return from Italy. It embodied a great number of instructions to his
officials and subjects in regard to their relation to him in his new
capacity as emperor. The publication and the enforcement of these
instructions were intrusted to the _missi_, who appear now for the first
time as regular officials of the empire. These officials were chosen
from the counsellors, officials, and great men of the court, both
ecclesiastic and secular, and were assigned to definite districts, two
_missi_ to each district. The districts were large administrative
divisions of the empire including many counties (the regular divisions),
and the two _missi_ were to travel through the district assigned to
them, looking into the general condition of the people, the
administration of local officials, the condition of the royal lands,
etc. They held four public courts a year in their district, at which
they heard complaints, tried cases, etc. They had authority to control
the regular officials and to depose them if necessary. They were
supposed to report to the emperor the condition of the empire and to
refer to him such cases as they were not able to decide. By means of
these officials Karl kept in closer touch with, and maintained a firmer
hold upon, the various parts of his empire than was possible merely by
his own oversight over the counts, and at the same time avoided the
other danger of creating independent rulers in the large districts, by
changing the _missi_ every year.
1. Concerning the representatives sent out by the emperor. The most
serene and Christian emperor, Karl, chose certain of the ablest and
wisest men among his nobles, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and pious
laymen, and sent them out through his realm, and through these, his
representatives, he gave his people rules to guide them in living
justly. He ordered these men to investigate and to report to him any
inequality or injustice that might appear in the law as then
constituted, that he might undertake its correction. He ordered that no
one should dare to change the prescribed law by any trickery or fraud,
or to pervert the course of justice for his own ends, as many were wont
to do, or to deal unjustly with the churches of God, with the poor or
the widows and orphans, or with any Christian man. But he commanded all
men to live righteously according to the precepts of God, and to remain
each in his own station and calling; the regular clergy to observe the
rules of monastic life without thought of gain, nuns to keep diligent
watch over their lives, laymen to keep the law justly without fraud, and
all, finally, to live together in perfect peace and charity. And he
ordered his _missi_, as they desired to win the favor of Almighty God
and keep the faith which they had promised him, to inquire diligently
into every case where any man complained that he had been dealt with
unjustly by anyone, and in the fear of God to render justice to all, to
the holy churches of God, to the poor, to widows and orphans, and to the
whole people. And if any case arises which they can not correct and
bring to justice with the aid of the local counts, they are to make a
clear report of it to the emperor. They are not to be hindered in the
doing of justice by the flattery or bribery of anyone, by their
partiality for their own friends, or by the fear of powerful men.
2. The oath of fidelity to the emperor. He has also commanded that every
man in his kingdom, clergyman or layman, who has already taken the oath
of fidelity to him as king, shall now renew it to him as emperor; and
that all persons over twelve years of age who have not yet taken the
oath shall do so now. The nature and extent of the promise should be
made known to all, for it includes not only, as some think, a promise of
fidelity to the emperor for this life, and an engagement not to bring
any enemy into the kingdom nor to take part in or conceal any infidelity
to him, but includes all the following:
3. First, that each one shall strive with all his mind and strength on
his own account to serve God according to the commandments and according
to his own promise, for the emperor is not able to give the necessary
care and oversight to all his people.
4. Second, that no one shall ever wrongfully claim, take, or conceal
anything that belongs to the emperor, such as lands or slaves, by
perjury or fraud, or through partiality or bribery; and that no one
shall take or conceal fugitive serfs from the royal lands, by perjury or
fraud....
5. That no one shall do any violence or harm to the holy churches of
God, to widows and orphans, or to strangers; for the emperor, after God
and his saints, is constituted their special protector....
10. Selections from the Monk of St. Gall.
Monachus Sangallensis, M. G. SS. folio, II, pp. 731 ff.
The following documents, nos. 10-12, are intended to illustrate the
interest and activity of Karl in the revival of learning in his realm.
See also no. 7, Einhard's Life of Karl, ch. 25. The disappearance of
classical culture in the west through the disorders incident upon the
decline of the Roman empire, the migrations, and the civil wars of the
Merovingian period, was shown not only in the general ignorance among
the common people, but also in the decline of learning and culture in
the church. The selection from the Monk of St. Gall throws light upon
the palace school of Karl and his court, the other numbers illustrate
the interest of Karl in the education of the clergy and the reformation
of the church services. The Monk of St. Gall is the unknown author of a
chronicle account of the life and times of Karl, written in the latter
part of the ninth century. It contains many tales and stories which are
popular and in part legendary, showing how the figure of Karl was being
magnified in the imagination of posterity.
I, 2. When Albinus (Alcuin), who was an Englishman, learned of the great
favor with which Karl received wise men, he took ship and came over to
him. This man was the most learned of all men of recent times in the
holy writ, being the pupil of the learned priest Beda, who was the
greatest commentator on the scriptures since St. Gregory [I]. Karl kept
him at his side continually until his death, save for occasions when the
emperor was at war. The emperor was always desirous of being known as
the pupil of Alcuin. He also gave him the monastery of Tours to serve as
a source of revenue during his own absence and as a place where Alcuin
might live and instruct the scholars who sought him. His teaching bore
such fruit among the Gauls and Franks that they approached the ancient
Romans and Athenians in learning.
3. Now when the most victorious Karl after a long absence returned to
Gaul he ordered the boys whom he had intrusted to Clement to come to him
and show him their letters and verses. And the youths of lowly birth
showed him writings adorned with all the graces of learning, beyond what
had been expected, but the youths of noble rank presented trivial and
worthless specimens. Then the wise Karl, imitating the justice of the
eternal judge, separated the youths into two divisions and placed those
who had done well on his right hand and addressed them thus: "Receive my
thanks, children, for you have been zealous in obeying my orders and in
improving yourselves. Strive now to perfect yourselves, and I will give
you the best bishoprics and monasteries, and will ever hold you in my
favor." Then turning a severe countenance upon those on his left hand,
and striking terror into their hearts with his piercing eye, he hurled
these ironical words at them in a voice of thunder: "You nobles, you
sons of prominent men, you delicate and handsome youths! Relying on your
birth and wealth, and caring nothing for our commands or for your own
improvement, you have neglected the study of letters, and have indulged
yourselves in pleasures and idleness and empty games." Then, lifting up
his august head and raising his unconquered right hand to heaven, he
thundered forth at them with his usual oath: "By the King of heaven, I
care little for your noble birth and your beauty, though others may
admire you for them; know this, that unless you straightway make up for
your former negligence by earnest study, you need never expect any favor
from the hand of Karl."
28. Such peace as the mighty emperor Karl was able to secure, he was not
content to spend in idleness, but devoted it to the service of God. Thus
he undertook to build, in Germany, a church after his own plan, which
should surpass the ancient buildings of the Romans.... The oversight he
intrusted to a certain abbot, not knowing his cunning. But whenever the
emperor was absent, the abbot would allow some of the laborers to
purchase their release for money, but those who were unable to pay for
this, or who were not permitted to leave by their masters, he oppressed
with continual tasks, as the Egyptians once oppressed the people of God,
so that they had scarcely any rest. By this means he gathered together
an immense treasure of gold and silver and silken hangings.... Suddenly
he was informed that his house was on fire. Hastening home he broke
through the flames into the chamber where he kept the chests of gold.
Seizing two of these, one on each shoulder (for he was not satisfied
with saving just one), he tried to escape by the door. But a great beam,
burned in two by the fire, fell upon him and killed him, his body being
destroyed by terrestrial flames, but his soul despatched to that fire
which was not kindled by mortal hands [the flames of hell]. Thus the
judgment of God watched over the interests of Karl, whenever the cares
of the empire prevented him from looking after them himself.
II, 1. Adalbert told me about the defenses of the Huns [Avars]. "The
land of the Huns," he said, "was surrounded with nine rings.... The
distance from the first to the second ring was as far as from Zürich to
Constance; the outer ring was composed of oak, beech, and pine trees,
and was twenty feet across and twenty feet high, the space in between
the trees being filled with stones and clay, and the outer surface
covered with thick sod.... Within these [the first and second] rings the
villages were so arranged that the voice of a man could be heard from
one to another.... The distance from the second to the third ring was
ten German miles, which equal forty Italian miles, and so on to the
ninth, although, of course, each succeeding ring was narrower [contained
less land] than the one preceding it. The fortifications and dwellings
within each ring were so situated that a signal from a horn could be
heard from any one of them. In this defense the riches of the west had
been gathered together for more than two hundred years.... but the
victorious Karl was able in eight years so completely to conquer the
Huns, that not a trace of them is left."
9. Aaron [Haroun] recognized by this incident the might of Karl, and
spoke [to Karl's ambassadors] these words of praise: "Now I understand,
how true are the things which I have heard about my brother Karl; how he
is accustomed by his ceaseless efforts and unwearied striving to make
everything under the sun serve as a means of discipline for his body and
his mind. What can I send back that will be worthy of him who has so
honored me? If I should give him the land of Abraham which was given to
Joshua, he would not be able to defend it, because of its distance from
him; or if he determined in his magnanimity to defend it, I fear that
the neighboring provinces would revolt in his absence from the Frankish
rule. Nevertheless I will try to equal him in generosity by this means:
I will give him authority over that land, and I will act as his
representative in it; he may send ambassadors to me when it pleases him
or is convenient for him, and he will find that I am the most faithful
defender of the incomes of that land."{52}
{52} Notice the popular or legendary character of these stories. They
are just such tales as would grow up among the people around a figure
like that of Karl. Compare the stories of the conquest of the Avars and
the embassy to Haroun in Einhard (no. 7, chs. 13 and 16), with the same
stories here. The circumstantial details are in all probability added by
popular tradition.
11. Letter of Karl the Great to Baugulf, Abbot of Fulda, 787.
Jaffé, IV, pp. 343 ff.
Karl, by the grace of God king of the Franks and the Lombards and
patricius of the Romans, sends loving greeting in the name of omnipotent
God to abbot Baugulf, and to the household of monks committed to his
charge. Know that we, with the advice of our faithful subjects, have
regarded it as important that in the bishoprics and monasteries of our
realm those who show themselves apt in learning should devote themselves
to study, in addition to their regular duties as monks. For as the
observance of monastic rules promotes good morals and character, so also
the practice of teaching and learning develops a pure and agreeable
style. Let those who seek to please God by living uprightly, seek to
please Him also by speaking correctly. For it is written: "By thy words
thou shalt be justified, and by thy words thou shalt be condemned"
[Matt. 12:37]. For although well-doing is more important than knowledge,
nevertheless knowledge must precede action.... We have been led to write
of this, because we have frequently received letters from monks in which
they make known to us what they are praying for, and in these letters we
have recognized correct sentiments, but an uncouth style and language.
The sentiments inspired in them by their devotion to us they could not
express correctly, because they had neglected the study of language.
Therefore we have begun to fear lest, just as the monks appear to have
lost the art of writing, so also they may have lost the ability to
understand the Holy Scriptures; and we all know that, though mistakes in
words are dangerous, mistakes in understanding are still more so.
Therefore we urge you to be diligent in the pursuit of learning, and to
strive with humble and devout minds to understand more fully the
mysteries of the Holy Scriptures. For it is well known that the sacred
writings contain many rhetorical figures, the spiritual meaning of which
will be readily apprehended only by those who have been instructed in
the study of letters. And let those men be chosen for this work who are
able and willing to learn and who have the desire to teach others. And
let this be done in the spirit in which we have recommended it. For we
desire that you, as becomes your station, shall be both devout and
learned, both chaste in life and correct in speech. Thus when anyone
shall be moved by your reputation for devotion and holiness, and shall
desire to see you, he may be both edified by your appearance and
instructed by your learning, which shall appear in your reading and
singing; and so he may go away rejoicing and giving thanks to God. Do
not fail to send copies of this letter to all your suffragans and
fellow-bishops and all the monasteries, if you desire our favor.
12. Letter of Karl the Great in Regard to the two Books of Sermons
Prepared by Paul the Deacon, _ca._ 790.
Jaffé, IV, pp. 372 f.
Karl, by the aid of God king of the Franks and Lombards and patricius of
the Romans, to the clergy of his realm.... Now since we are very
desirous that the condition of our churches should constantly improve,
we are endeavoring by diligent study to restore the knowledge of letters
which has been almost lost through the negligence of our ancestors, and
by our example we are encouraging those who are able to do so to engage
in the study of the liberal arts. In this undertaking we have already,
with the aid of God, corrected all the books of the Old and New
Testament, whose texts had been corrupted through the ignorance of
copyists. Moreover, inspired by the example of our father, Pippin, of
blessed memory, who introduced the Roman chants into the churches of his
realm, we are now trying to supply the churches with good reading
lessons. Finally, since we have found that many of the lessons to be
read in the nightly service have been badly compiled and that the texts
of these readings are full of mistakes, and the names of their authors
omitted, and since we could not bear to listen to such gross errors in
the sacred lessons, we have diligently studied how the character of
these readings might be improved. Accordingly we have commanded Paul the
Deacon,{53} our beloved subject, to undertake this work; that is, to go
through the writings of the fathers carefully, and to make selections of
the most helpful things from them and put them together into a book, as
one gathers occasional flowers from a broad meadow to make a bouquet.
And he, wishing to obey us, has read through the treatises and sermons
of the various catholic fathers and has picked out the best things.
These selections he has copied clearly without mistakes and has arranged
in two volumes, providing readings suitable for every feast day
throughout the whole year. We have tested the texts of all these
readings by our own knowledge, and now authorize these volumes and
commend them to all of you to be read in the churches of Christ.
{53} Paul the Deacon was a Lombard scholar and clergyman who after the
fall of the Lombard kingdom was invited to the court of Karl and became
one of his circle. Paul is the author of the only detailed history of
the Lombards.
13. Recognition of Karl by the Emperors at Constantinople, 812.
Annales Laurissenses et Einhardi, M. G. SS. folio, I, p. 199.
The following passages throw light upon the statement of Einhard (no. 7,
ch. 28) in regard to the relation of Karl with the eastern emperors
after his imperial coronation. We know from other sources that Karl
wished to acquire the title of emperor and that he had already entered
into negotiations with the empress Irene looking to a peaceful
acquisition of it, before the pope gave him the crown. He was apparently
not satisfied with his position until he obtained recognition from the
emperors in the east, whom he still regarded as the legal successors of
the Roman emperors.
The emperor, Nicephorus, after winning many notable victories in Moesia,
fell in battle against the Bulgarians, and his son-in-law Michael was
made emperor. He received the ambassadors in Constantinople whom Karl
had sent to Nicephorus and dismissed them, sending back to Karl with
them his own ambassadors, Michael, a bishop, and Arsaphius and
Theognostus, commanders of the imperial body-guard, to confirm the
treaty which had been proposed in the time of Nicephorus. They came to
the emperor at Aachen and received a copy of the treaty from him in the
church of Aachen. In their address to him on this occasion, which they
delivered in Greek, they called him emperor and _basileus_. They then
proceeded to Rome on their way back, and received a copy of the treaty
from the pope in the church of St. Peter, the apostle.
14. Letter of Karl to Emperor Michael I, 813.
Jaffé, IV, pp. 415 f.
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Karl, by the grace of
God emperor and Augustus, king of the Franks and the Lombards, to his
dear and honorable brother, Michael, glorious emperor and Augustus,
eternal greeting in our Lord Jesus Christ. We bless and praise our Lord
Jesus Christ with all our heart and strength for the ineffable gift of
his kindness, with which he has enriched us. For he has deigned in our
day to establish that peace between the east and the west, which we have
long sought for and have always desired, and, in answer to the daily
prayers which we have offered to him, has unified the holy immaculate
catholic church throughout the whole world and given it peace. We speak
of this peace as if it had been already brought about, for we have done
our part, and we are sure you are willing to do yours. We put our trust
in God who has ordained that this matter, the making of peace between
us, should be carried out; for he is faithful and true, giving his aid
to all who are engaged in good works, and he will bring to perfection
this work which we have begun. Desiring now to bring about this
consummation, we have sent you our legates, Amalhar, venerable bishop of
Trier, and Peter, abbot of the monastery of Nonantula, to receive from
the holy altar by your hands a copy of the treaty of peace, bearing the
signatures of your priests, patriarchs, and nobles, just as your
legates, Michael, venerable metropolitan, and Arsaphius and Theognostus,
commanders of the royal body-guard, received the copy from us, with our
signature and the signatures of our priests and nobles....
15. Letter to Ludwig the Pious Concerning the Appearance of a Comet,
837.
Jaffé, IV, pp. 459 f.
The dissolution of the empire of Karl the Great began in the reign of
his son and successor, Ludwig, with the disintegration of the public
service and the attacks of Northmen and Slavs on the frontier. The
invasions of the Northmen are mentioned by Einhard as occurring in the
last days of Karl (no. 7, chapter 14). In the reigns of Ludwig and his
successors the invaders continually ravaged the shores of Gaul and
northern Germany and added materially to the distress of the period.
This letter refers in its last part to one of these raids, but it is
interesting chiefly as an illustration of the mental attitude of the men
of its age.
It is believed by almost all the ancient authorities that the appearance
of new and unknown heavenly bodies portends to wretched mortals direful
and disastrous events, rather than pleasant and propitious ones. The
sacred scriptures alone tell of the propitious appearance of a new star;
that is, that star which the wise men of the Chaldæans are said to have
seen when, conjecturing from its most brilliant light the recent birth
of the eternal king, they brought with veneration gifts worthy the
acceptance of so great a lord. But the appearance of this star which has
lately arisen is reported by all who have seen it to be terrible and
malignant. And indeed I believe it presages evils which we have
deserved, and foretells a coming destruction of which we are worthy. For
what difference does it make whether this coming danger is foretold to
the human race by man or angel or star? The important thing is to
understand that this appearance of a new body in the heavens is not
without significance, but that it is meant to forewarn mortals that they
may avert the future evil by repentance and prayers. Thus by the
preaching of the prophet Jonah the destruction of the city, which had
been threatened by him, was deferred because the inhabitants turned from
their iniquities and evil lives.... So we trust that merciful God will
turn this threatened evil from us also, if we like them repent with our
whole hearts. Would that the destruction which the fleet of the Northmen
is said to have inflicted upon this realm recently might be regarded as
the sufficient occasion for the appearance of this comet, but I fear
that it is rather some new distress still to come that is foretold by
this terrible omen.
16. The Strassburg Oaths, 842.
Nithard, III, 5; M. G. SS. folio, II. pp. 665 ff.
The occasion of these oaths was the alliance between the two brothers,
Ludwig the German and Charles the Bald, against their brother Lothar.
Lothar had been defeated at the battle of Fontenay, 841, by his
brothers, who then made this league. The oaths are given in this form by
Nithard, the historian of the later Carolingians, who was the son of
Angilbert and Bertha, the daughter of Karl the Great. The _lingua
romana_ and the _lingua teudisca_ are the vulgar languages respectively
of the followers of Charles the Bald and Ludwig the German, that is, of
the inhabitants of France and of Germany. The appearance of a Latin
dialect as the language of the inhabitants of the western kingdom
indicates that the Roman elements had after all survived in Gaul and
were absorbing the German elements; the formation of two languages
mutually exclusive in the two portions of the empire suggests a fairly
advanced stage of differentiation between the German and the French
parts. But the chief interest of this document is in the field of
language study. The _lingua romana_ shows an early stage in the
development of French from Latin, while the _lingua teudisca_ is one of
the earliest forms of Old High German. The _lingua romana_ shows the
process by which the French language grew out of Latin; note that
inflectional endings have largely disappeared, and case is shown by the
use of prepositions, and that phonetic changes (changes of vowels and
consonants) have also taken place. Some of the words are good Latin,
others are very nearly modern French, and still others stand midway
between Latin and French. Most of the words in the _lingua teudisca_ can
be identified with modern German words. Note that each leader took the
oath in the language of the followers of the other, in order that his
brother's followers might understand him. So Ludwig the German speaks in
the _lingua romana_ and Charles the Bald in the _lingua teudisca_.
So Ludwig and Charles came together at Argentaria, which is called
Strassburg in the common tongue, and there took the oaths which are
given below, Ludwig speaking in the _lingua romana_ and Charles in the
_lingua teudisca_.... Ludwig, being the elder, took the oath first, as
follows:
Pro deo amur et pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, d'ist di
in avant, in quant deus savir et podir me dunat, si salvaraeio cist meon
fradre Karlo et in aiudha et in cadhuna cosa, si cum om per dreit son
fradra salvar dist, in o quid il mi altresi fazet, et ab Ludher nul
plaid numquam prindrai, qui meon vol cist meon fradre Karle in damno
sit.
When Ludwig had finished, Charles took the oath in the _lingua
teudisca_:
In godes minna ind in thes christânes folches ind unsêr bêdhero
gehaltnissî, fon thesemo dage frammordes, sô fram sô mir got geuuiczi
indi mahd furgibit, sô haldih thesan minan bruodher, sôso man mit rehtu
sînan bruodher scal, in thiu thaz er mig sô sama duo, indi mit Ludheren
in nohheiniu thing ne gegango, the mînan uuilon imo ce scadhen uuerdhên.
Literal translation of the _lingua romana_, the _lingua teudisca_ being
the same with the names changed:
"By God's love and by this Christian people and our common salvation,
from this day forth, as far as God gives me to know and to have power, I
will so aid this my brother Charles in each and every thing as a man
ought to aid his brother, in so far as he shall do the same for me; and
I will never have any dealings with Lothar that may by my wish injure
this my brother Charles."
And this is the oath which the followers of each took in their own
tongues:
_Lingua romana_:
Si Lodhuuigs sagrament, que son fradre Karlo iurat, conservat, et Karlus
meos sendra de suo part non los tanit, si io returnar non l'int pois: ne
io ne neuls, cui eo returnar int pois, in nulla aiudha contra Lodhuuuig
nun li iv er.
_Lingua teudisca_:
Oba Karl then eid, then er sînemo bruodher Ludhuuuîge gesuor, geleistit,
indi Ludhuuuîg mîn hêrro then er imo gesuor forbrihchit, ob ih inan es
iruuenden ne mag: noh ih noh thero nohhein, then ih es iruuenden mag,
uuidhar Karle imo ce follusti ne uuirdhit.
Literal translation of the _lingua romana_, the same as the other with
names changed:
"If Ludwig keeps the oath which he swore to his brother Charles, and
Charles, my lord, on his part does not keep it, if I cannot prevent it,
then neither I nor anyone whom I can prevent shall ever defend him
against Ludwig."
17-18. The Treaty of Verdun, 843.
17. Annales Bertiniani.
M. G. SS. folio, I, p. 440.
The treaty of Verdun is the division of the empire among the three sons
of Ludwig the Pious, Lothar, Ludwig the German, and Charles the Bald. It
recognized the failure of the attempt of Karl to weld western Europe and
the German tribes into one state and marks the beginning of the states
of Germany and France. The student should follow on a map the line
described in the treaty. The long narrow strip which composed the
northern portion of the kingdom of Lothar had no elements of cohesion,
geographically, racially, or politically. So it became the debatable
land over which the two neighboring states of Germany and France have
ever since fought. The fate of this middle territory may be glanced at
in anticipation: The extreme northern portion came to the empire in 870
and formed the duchy of Lotharingia, but it fell apart into little
feudal territories practically independent of the empire and finally
became separate as the Netherlands; the central portion also broke up
into small territories, part of which remained in the empire, as the
Palatinate of the Rhine, and the great Rhine bishoprics; part, like
Elsass and Lorraine, vacillated between France and Germany; the southern
portion became the kingdoms of upper and lower Burgundy, then the united
kingdom of Burgundy or Arles, and then after the acquisition of that
kingdom by the empire, broke up into small territories, part going to
Germany, part to France, and part becoming independent.
Charles met his brothers at Verdun and there the portions of the empire
were assigned. Ludwig received all beyond the Rhine, including also
Speier, Worms, and Mainz on this side of the Rhine; Lothar received the
land bounded [by that of Ludwig on the west, and] by a line following
along the lower Rhine, the Scheldt, and the Meuse, then through Cambrai,
Hainault, Lomme, including the counties east of the Meuse, to where the
Saône flows into the Rhône, then along the Rhône to the sea, including
the counties on both sides of the Rhône; the rest as far as Spain, went
to Charles.
18. Regino.
M. G. SS. folio, I, p. 568.
Anno 842 (843). The three brothers divided the kingdom of the Franks
among themselves; to Charles fell the western portion from the British
ocean to the Meuse; to Ludwig, the eastern portion, that is, Germany as
far west as the Rhine, including certain cities and their counties east
of the Rhine to furnish him with wine; to Lothar, who, as the oldest,
bore the title of emperor, the part in between, which still bears the
name of Lotharingia, and all of Provence and the land of Italy with the
city of Rome.
19. The Treaty of Meersen, 870.
M. G. LL. folio, I, p. 516; Altmann und Bernheim, no. 4.
The northern portion of the kingdom of Lothar was divided on his death
(855) between two of his sons, Lothar and Charles, the other, Louis,
taking Italy. Charles died in 863 and Lothar in 869; thereupon their
uncles, Charles the Bald and Ludwig the German, divided that territory
between them by the treaty of Meersen, the preliminaries of which are
given here. See a map for the line of the division.
In the year of the incarnation of our Lord 870, the third indiction, the
day before the nones of March [March 6], in the 32d year of the reign of
the glorious king Charles [the Bald], in the palace of the king at
Aachen, this agreement was made between him and his brother Ludwig.
Count Ingelram, for king Charles.
I promise for my lord that my lord, king Charles, will permit his
brother, king Ludwig, to have such portion of the kingdom of Lothar as
they two or their representatives may decide upon as just and equitable.
Charles will never molest him in his possession of that portion or of
the kingdom which he held before, if Ludwig on his side will keep the
same faith and fidelity toward him, which I have promised for my lord.
Count Leutfrid, for king Ludwig.
I promise for my lord that my lord, king Ludwig, will permit his
brother, king Charles, to have such portion of the kingdom of Lothar as
they two or their representatives may decide upon as just and equitable.
Ludwig will never molest him in his possession of that portion or of the
kingdom which he held before, if Charles on his side will keep the same
faith and fidelity toward him, which I have promised for my lord.
20. Invasions of Northmen at the End of the Ninth Century.
Annals of Fulda, M. G. SS. folio, I, pp. 398 ff.
See introductory note to no. 15 for the nature of these invasions. The
chronicle accounts in this and the next document illustrate very well
the necessity which lay upon the local officials of defending the
country against invaders. The particular feature of the events narrated
here is the participation of the ecclesiastical lords, archbishops and
bishops, in these warlike enterprises. This was due to the fact that the
ecclesiastical lords were great landholders and exercised all the
functions of secular officials.
Ad annum 883. The Northmen, ascending the Rhine, plundered and burnt
many villages. Liutbert, archbishop of Mainz, with a small band of
troops, attacked them and, after killing many of them, recovered much of
the booty which they had taken. Cologne [which had been burnt by the
Northmen, 881] was rebuilt, except its churches and monasteries, and its
walls with their gates and towers were restored.
Ad annum 885. The Northmen entered the territory about Liège, collected
all kinds of provisions, and prepared to spend the winter there. But
Liutbert, archbishop of Mainz, and count Heimrih, with others, fell upon
them suddenly, killed many of them, and drove the others into a small
stronghold. They then seized the provisions which the Northmen had
collected. The Northmen, after enduring a long siege, during which they
suffered from hunger, finally fled from the stronghold by night.
21. Invasion of the Hungarians, _ca._ 950.
Thietmar of Merseburg, II, 27; M. G. SS. folio, III, pp. 752 f.
Michael, bishop of Regensburg, after governing his diocese well for some
years, gathered his troops and joined the other Bavarian nobles in
resisting an invasion of the Hungarians. In the battle which followed,
our troops were defeated. One of the bishop's ears was cut off, and
after receiving many other wounds he was left for dead on the field. One
of his personal enemies had fallen at his side, and, by feigning death
when the Hungarians searched the battle-field, he escaped with his life.
When he saw that he was alone with the bishop whom he hated, he seized a
lance and tried to kill him. But the bishop, having recovered
consciousness, was able to defend himself, and, after a fierce struggle
with his enemy, succeeded in striking him down. After a long and
perilous journey the bishop found his way back to Regensburg, greatly to
the joy of his flock. All his clergy welcomed him as a bold warrior, his
flock honored and cherished him as an excellent pastor, and his wounds
and maiming redounded to his honor.
22. Dissolution of the Empire.
Regino, M. G. SS. folio, I, pp. 590 ff.
The empire divided in 843 was for a brief period reunited under Karl the
Fat from 884-887. But the failure of Karl either to enforce his
authority in the empire or to protect its boundaries led to his
deposition and to the definite division of the empire into small
kingdoms under local rulers. Arnulf, an illegitimate son of Karlmann,
the brother of Karl the Fat, became king of Germany; in France, as early
as 879, Provence or lower Burgundy had elected a local count, Boso, as
king; in 888, after the deposition of Karl the Fat, most of the French
nobles elected Odo, duke of Francia, who belonged to the family of the
counts of Paris, as their king, while upper Burgundy chose its own ruler
in count Rudolf, and Aquitaine still held out under its duke for the
young Charles the Simple, grandson of Charles the Bald. In Italy Charles
the Bald, Ludwig, and Karl the Fat had attempted in vain to assert the
authority of the emperor there, and Italy went its own way and became
the field of battle between rival claimants for the crown, both of them
local Italian nobles. Thus by 888 there were, including Aquitaine, six
separate kingdoms, Germany, Italy, France, Aquitaine, Provence, and
Burgundy.
Anno 879. Boso, on hearing of the death of Louis [the Stammerer], set
out from Provence and undertook to seize the whole of Burgundy. And
after he had won over several bishops to his cause by threats and
persuasion, he proceeded to Lyon and there was anointed king over the
Burgundian realm by Aurelian, the metropolitan of Lyon, and the other
bishops. He ignored the young sons of Louis, treating them as
illegitimate because their mother had been disgraced and put away at the
order of Charles [the Bald]. But these youths, Louis and Carlman, were
raised to the throne by abbot Hugo and the other nobles, and warred
against Boso all their lives. Not only they but also the other kings of
the Franks hated him for his usurpation, and made their dukes and
vassals promise that they would try to overthrow and slay him.
Anno 887. In this year there died at Orleans abbot Hugo, who had held
and ruled manfully the duchy [of Robert the Strong, _i.e._, Francia],
and the duchy was given by the emperor to Robert's son, Odo, who had
been up to that time count of Paris, and who, together with Gozlinus,
bishop of Paris, had protected that city with all his might against the
terrible onslaughts of the Northmen....
In the month of November on St. Martin's day [November 11, 887], Karl
[the Fat] came to Tribur and held a general diet. Now when the nobles of
the kingdom saw that the emperor was failing not only in bodily
strength, but in mind also, they joined in a conspiracy with Arnulf, son
of Karlmann, to raise him to the throne, and they fell away from the
emperor to Arnulf in such numbers that after three days scarcely anyone
was left to do the emperor even the services demanded by common
humanity.... King Arnulf, however, gave Karl certain imperial lands in
Alamannia for his sustenance, and then, after he had settled affairs in
Franconia, he himself returned to Bavaria.
Anno 888. After the death of Karl the kingdoms which had obeyed his rule
fell apart and obeyed no longer their natural lord [_i.e._, Arnulf], but
each elected a king from among its own inhabitants. This was the cause
of many wars, not because there were no longer any princes among the
Franks fitted by birth, courage, and wisdom to rule, but because of the
equality of those very traits among so many princes, since no one of
them so excelled the others that they would be willing to obey him. For
there were still many princes able to hold together the Frankish empire,
if they had not been fated to oppose one another instead of uniting.
In Italy one portion of the people made Berengar, son of Everhard,
markgraf of Friuli, king, while another portion chose as king Guido, son
of Lambert, duke of Spoleto. Out of this division came so great a strife
and so much bloodshed that, as our Lord said, the kingdom, divided
against itself, was almost brought to desolation [Matt. 12:25]. Finally
Guido was victorious and Berengar was driven from the kingdom....
Then the people of Gaul came together, and with the consent of Arnulf,
chose duke Odo, son of Robert, a mighty man, to be their king.... He
ruled manfully and defended the kingdom against the continual attacks of
the Northmen.
About the same time, Rudolf, son of Conrad, the nephew of abbot Hugo,
seized that part of Provence between the Jura and the Pennine Alps
[Upper Burgundy], and in the presence of the nobles and bishops, crowned
himself king. ... But when Arnulf heard of this he advanced against
Rudolf, who betook himself to the most inaccessible heights and held out
there. All his life Arnulf, with his son Zwentibold, made war on Rudolf,
but could not overcome him, because he held out in places where only the
chamois could go and where the troops of the invaders could not reach
him.
23. The Coronation of Arnulf, 896.
Regino, M. G. SS. folio, I, p. 607.
Arnulf regarded himself as the successor to Karl the Great and attempted
to exercise some real authority over the whole empire. This appears in
his relations to Odo of France, to the kings of the Burgundies, and to
the claimants in Italy. The expedition which he undertook to Italy in
order to end the disorders there resulted in his receiving the imperial
crown.
Anno 896. A second time Arnulf went down into Italy and came to Rome,
and with the consent of the pope stormed the city. This was an
unheard-of thing, not having happened since Brenno and the Gauls
captured Rome many years before the birth of Christ.{54} The mother of
Lambert, whom he had left to defend the city, fled with her troops.
Arnulf was received into the city with the greatest reverence by pope
Formosus and was crowned emperor by him before the altar of St. Peter.
But as he returned from Rome he was seized with an illness that troubled
him for a long time.
{54} Not true; see no. 2, for the sack of Rome by Alaric, 410, and by
Geiseric, 455.
24, 25. Rise of the Tribal Duchies in Germany, _ca._ 900.
24. Saxony.
Widukind, History of the Saxons, I, c. 16; M. G. SS. folio. III, p.
425.
In the beginning of the tenth century we find Germany divided into five
great duchies, Lotharingia, Franconia, Saxony, Bavaria, and Suabia. The
boundaries of the last four corresponded pretty closely to the
boundaries of old German tribes: Franks, Saxons, Bavarians, and
Alamanni. The attempt of Karl to weld the various German tribes into one
state was successful during his reign, but that period was too brief to
extinguish the tribal feeling, and his weak successors, occupied with
schemes of selfish aggrandizement, abandoned his larger policy. During
the later Carolingian period the impotence of the central government put
the burden of ruling upon the local officials, who under the weak rule
of Ludwig the Child usurped the title of duke in each of the large
divisions. This usurpation was successful largely because the people in
each duchy regarded their new duke as the representative of tribal
unity. In Saxony and Bavaria the counts of the marks took the position
of leaders of the nobles and people of the whole provinces against the
invasions of Slavs and Hungarians, and were rewarded by the fidelity and
allegiance of the duchy. In Franconia and Suabia the same position was
won by local officials, but in these cases it was as the result of
struggles between rival families for supreme position in the duchy. The
references in documents to these events are very meager, but it will be
observed that dukes of Saxony, Bavaria, Franconia, Suabia are mentioned
in these passages.
The last of the Carolingian emperors of the East Franks was Ludwig [the
Child], son of Arnulf.... This Ludwig married Liudgard, sister of Bruno
and the great duke Otto, and soon after died. These men, Bruno and Otto,
were the sons of Liudolf.... Bruno ruled the duchy of all Saxony, but
perished with his army in resisting an incursion of the Danes, thus
leaving the duchy to his younger and far abler brother Otto. Ludwig the
Child left no son, and all the people of Franconia and Saxony tried to
give Otto the crown. But he refused to undertake the burden of ruling,
on the ground that he was too old, and by his advice Conrad, duke of
Franconia, was anointed king.
25. Suabia.
Annales Alamannici, M. G. SS. folio, I, pp. 55 f.
Anno 911. Burchart, count and prince of the Alamanni, was unjustly slain
by the judgment of Anselm, and his sons Burchart and Udalrich were
driven out and his possessions and fiefs divided among his enemies....
Anno 913. In this year Conrad the king attacked the king of Lotharingia.
A conflict arose between Conrad and Erchanger [a count palatine in
Suabia]. The Hungarians break into Alamannia; on their return Arnulf
[duke of Bavaria] and Erchanger, with Berthold and Udalrich, attack and
defeat the Hungarians. In this year peace is made between the king and
Erchanger, and the king marries the sister of Erchanger.
Anno 914. Conrad again comes into Alamannia. Erchanger attacks bishop
Salomon and captures him. In the same year Erchanger is captured by the
king and exiled. Immediately the young Burchart [son of Burchart] rebels
against the king and devastates his own fatherland.
Anno 915.... Erchanger returns from exile and attacks Burchart and
Berthold and conquers them at Wallwis, and is made duke of the Alamanni
[duke of Suabia].
26. Henry I and the Saxon Cities, 919-36.
Widukind, I, 35; M. G. SS. folio, III, p.432.
Henry, duke of Saxony, king of the Germans, 919-936, was the first king
of the Saxon house. He was also the first king of the Germans to accept
the feudal state and to attempt to build up a government on that basis.
He did not revive the imperial claims on Italy, but devoted himself to
strengthening his own authority in Saxony, to defending the frontiers of
the kingdom, and to creating a German state. This selection is from the
history of the Saxons written by Widukind, a monk in the monastery of
New Corvey, who wrote in the latter part of the tenth century. The
passage illustrates the relations of the Germans to the Slavs on the
east and the origin of the Saxon cities. The Slavs had moved as far west
as the Elbe, occupying the lands left vacant by the Germans after the
migrations. Much of this territory was gradually recovered by the
Germans from the time of Henry. Here we see the capture of the city of
Brandenburg and the reduction of Bohemia. Following the conquest came
the establishment of the marks and the colonization and Germanizing of
the land.
It lies beyond my power to relate in detail how king Henry, after he had
made a nine years' truce with the Hungarians, undertook to develop the
defenses of his own land [Saxony] and to subdue the barbarians; and yet
this must not be passed over in silence. From the free peasants subject
to military service he chose one out of every nine, and ordered these
selected persons to move into the fortified places and build dwellings
for the others. One-third of all the produce was to be stored up in
these fortified places, and the other peasants were to sow and reap and
gather the crops and take them there. The king also commanded all courts
and meetings and celebrations to be held in these places, that during a
time of peace the inhabitants might accustom themselves to meeting
together in them, as he wished them to do in case of an invasion. The
work on these strongholds was pushed night and day. Outside of these
fortified places there were no walled towns. While the inhabitants of
his new cities were being trained in this way, the king suddenly fell
upon the Heveldi [the Slavs who dwell on the Havel], defeated them in
several engagements, and finally captured the city of Brandenburg. This
was in the dead of winter, the besieging army encamping on the ice and
storming the city after the garrison had been exhausted by hunger and
cold. Having thus won with the capture of Brandenburg the whole
territory of the Heveldi, he proceeded against Dalamantia, which his
father had attacked on a former occasion, and then besieged Jahna and
took it after twenty days.... Then he made an attack in force upon
Prague, the fortress of the Bohemians, and reduced the king of Bohemia
to subjection.
27. The Election of Otto I, 936.
Widukind, II, 1, 2; M. G. SS. folio, III, pp. 437 ff.
This passage is also taken from Widukind. It shows the ceremony of
election and coronation in the tenth century. Note the steps in the
process: (1) designation by his father, at which time the son was
probably accepted by an assembly of the nobles; (2) election by the
general assembly after the death of the father; the general assembly at
this period probably consisted only of nobles and high ecclesiastics;
(3) elevation to the throne by the feudal nobles, a survival of the
ancient ceremony of raising the king on the shield by the warriors of
the tribe; (4) presentation to the people by the bishops, and
acceptance; (5) solemn coronation and anointing by the archbishops.
1. After Henry, the father of his country and the greatest and best of
kings, had died, all the people of the Franks and the Saxons chose for
their king his son Otto, whom Henry had already designated as his
successor, and they sent out notices of the coronation, which was to
take place at Aachen. ... And when all were assembled there, the dukes
and the commanders of the soldiers and other military leaders raised
Otto upon the throne, which was erected in the portico adjoining the
church of Karl the Great, and giving him their hands and promising him
their fidelity and aid against all his enemies, they made him king
according to their custom. Meanwhile the archbishop of Mainz and the
clergy and people awaited him within the church. And when he approached
the archbishop met him, ... and went with him to the centre of the
church; ... then turning to the people ... he said: "I bring you Otto,
chosen by God, designated by our lord Henry, and now made king by all
the princes; if this choice pleases you, raise your right hands." At
this, the whole people raised their right hands to heaven and hailed the
new ruler with a mighty shout. Then the archbishop advanced with the
king, who was clothed with a short tunic after the Frankish custom, to
the altar, on which lay the royal insignia, the sword and belt, the
cloak and armlets, the staff with the sceptre and diadem. The primate at
this time was Hildibert, a Frank by birth and a monk by training. He had
been brought up and educated at the monastery of Fulda, and finally was
made archbishop of Mainz.... Now when there had arisen a dispute as to
who should consecrate the king (for the honor was claimed by the
archbishops both of Trier and of Cologne, the former because his see was
the oldest and had been founded, as it were, by St. Peter, and the
latter because Aachen was in his diocese),{55} the difficulty was
settled by both of them yielding with all good will to Hildibert.
The archbishop, going up to the altar, took up the sword and belt and,
turning to the king, said: "Receive this sword with which you shall cast
out all the enemies of Christ, both pagans and wicked Christians, and
receive with it the authority and power given to you by God to rule over
all the Franks for the security of all Christian people." Then taking up
the cloak and armlets he put them on the king and said: "The borders of
this cloak trailing on the ground shall remind you that you are to be
zealous in the faith and to keep peace." Finally, taking up the sceptre
and staff, he said: "By these symbols you shall correct your subjects
with fatherly discipline and foster the servants of God and the widows
and orphans. May the oil of mercy never be lacking to your head, that
you may be crowned here and in the future life with an eternal reward."
Then the archbishops Hildibert of Mainz and Wicfrid of Cologne anointed
him with the sacred oil and crowned him with the golden crown, and now
that the whole coronation ceremony was completed they led him to the
throne, which he ascended. The throne was built between two marble
columns of great beauty and was so placed that he could see all and be
seen by all.
2. Then after the Te Deum and the mass, the king descended from his
throne and proceeded to the palace, where he sat down with his bishops
and people at a marble table which was adorned with royal lavishness;
and the dukes served him. Gilbert, duke of Lotharingia, who held the
office by right, superintended the preparations [_i.e._, acted as
chamberlain], Eberhard, duke of Franconia, presided over the
arrangements for the king's table [acted as seneschal], Herman, duke of
Suabia, acted as cupbearer, Arnulf, duke of Bavaria, commanded the
knights and chose the place of encampment [acted as marshal].{56}
Siegfrid, chief of the Saxons, second only to the king, and son-in-law
of the former king, ruled Saxony for Otto, providing against attacks of
the enemy and caring for the young Henry, Otto's brother.
{55} In the time of Leo IX (1048-1054) this quarrel was settled in
favor of the archbishop of Cologne because Aachen was in his diocese.
{56} The famous banquet of Otto has been made much of by many authors
to show the power of Otto over the great dukes. It is doubtful, however,
if much importance should be attached to this. The great offices of the
court in Germany were ceremonial and titular, and since they did not
become important departments of the public service, as they did in
France and England, they were allowed to remain in the hands of the
great dukes. The serving of the dukes at the banquet cannot be made to
prove their subservience to Otto; Otto's method of controlling the dukes
was to put his own relatives in those positions. The four offices of the
seneschal, cupbearer, chamberlain, and marshal are the court positions
of the later secular electoral princes (see no. 160), the count palatine
of the Rhine, the king of Bohemia, the elector of Saxony, and the
margrave of Brandenburg. These princes on the breaking up of the tribal
duchies succeeded to the position of first rank among the nobles, which
had been held by the tribal dukes.
28. Otto I and the Hungarians.
Widukind, III, chs. 44 ff; M. G. SS. folio, III, pp. 457 f.
The Hungarians appear on the borders of the empire about the end of the
ninth century. From that time they are a continual source of trouble to
the kings of Germany. Arnulf had made an alliance with them against the
Slavs; the reigns of Ludwig the Child and Conrad I had suffered from
their attacks, and Henry I had succeeded in forcing them to make a
truce. Otto then defeated them in the battle of the Lechfeld (955),
which is narrated here, after which they settled in the region where
they are found to-day.
44. While Otto was in Saxony, ambassadors of the Hungarians came to him,
under the pretext of the old alliance and friendship, but in reality, it
was supposed, in order to discover the outcome of the civil war in which
Otto had been engaged. After he had entertained them and sent them away
with gifts, he received a message from his brother, the duke of Bavaria,
saying: "Lo, the Hungarians are overrunning your land, and are preparing
to make war upon you." As soon as the king heard this, he immediately
marched against this enemy, taking with him only a few Saxons, since the
rest were occupied at that time with a conflict against the Slavs. He
pitched his camp in the territory of the city of Augsburg and was joined
there by the army of the Franconians and Bavarians and by duke Conrad
with a large following of knights. Conrad's arrival so encouraged the
warriors that they wished to attack the enemy immediately. Conrad was by
nature very bold, and at the same time very wise in council, two things
which are not usually found in the same man. He was irresistible in war,
whether on foot or on horseback; and was dear to his friends in peace as
well as in war. It now became apparent through the skirmishes of the
advance posts that the two armies were not far apart. A fast was
proclaimed in the camp, and all were commanded to be ready for battle on
the next morning. At the first gleam of dawn they all arose, made peace
with one another, and promised to aid first their own leaders and then
each other. Then they marched out of the camp with standards raised,
some eight legions in all. The army was led by a steep and difficult way
in order to avoid the darts of the enemy, which they use with great
effect if they can find any bushes to hide behind. The first, second,
and third lines were composed of Bavarians led by the officers of duke
Henry, who himself was lying sick some distance from the field of
battle--a sickness from which he died not long after. The fourth legion
was composed of Franconians, under the command of duke Conrad. The king
commanded the fifth line. This was called the royal legion and was made
up of selected warriors, brave youths, who guarded the standard of the
angel, the emblem of victory. The sixth and seventh lines were composed
of Suabians, commanded by duke Burchard, who had married the daughter of
the brother of Otto [Hedwig, daughter of Henry]. The eighth was made up
of a thousand chosen warriors of the Bohemians, whose equipment was
better than their fortune; here was the baggage and the impedimenta,
because the rear was thought to be the safest place. But it did not
prove to be so in the outcome, for the Hungarians crossed the Lech
unexpectedly, and turned the flank of the army and fell upon the rear
line, first with darts and then at close quarters. Many were slain or
captured, the whole of the baggage seized, and the line put to rout. In
like manner the Hungarians fell upon the seventh and sixth lines, slew a
great many and put the rest to flight. But when the king perceived that
there was a conflict going on in front and that the lines behind him
were also being attacked, he sent duke Conrad with the fourth line
against those in the rear. Conrad freed the captives, recovered the
booty, and drove off the enemy. Then he returned to the king,
victorious, having defeated with youthful and untried warriors an enemy
that had put to flight experienced and renowned soldiers.
46. ... When the king saw that the whole brunt of the attack was now in
front ... he seized his shield and lance, and rode out against the enemy
at the head of his followers. The braver warriors among the enemy
withstood the attack at first, but when they saw that their companions
had fled, they were overcome with dismay and were slain. Some of the
enemy sought refuge in near-by villages, their horses being worn out;
these were surrounded and burnt to death within the walls. Others swam
the river, but were drowned by the caving in of the bank as they
attempted to climb out on the other side. The strongholds were taken and
the captives released on the day of the battle; during the next two days
the remnants of the enemy were captured in the neighboring towns, so
that scarcely any escaped. Never was so bloody a victory gained over so
savage a people.
29. The Imperial Coronation of Otto I, 962.
Continuation of Regino; M. G. SS. folio, I, p. 625.
The coronation of Otto is regarded as the restoration of the Holy Roman
Empire. From the time of the coronation of Arnulf (896) (see no. 23) to
Otto's first expedition, 951, the German kings had been too much
occupied at home to interfere in Italy. During these years Italy had
been the scene of a long struggle for the crown, in which the papacy had
taken part as a secular power. The result was feudal anarchy in Italy
and the degradation of the papacy. The desire to restore order in Italy,
to revive the old imperial claims, and to reform the papacy, led Otto to
accept the invitation of the pope and to make a second expedition which
ended in the coronation. Otto thus revived the Carolingian policy which
had been handed on by Arnulf. The union of Germany and Italy to form the
mediæval empire was made certain by this coronation. The kings of
Germany were pledged to the maintenance of their authority in Italy, a
policy which caused them to waste in Italy the strength and the
opportunity which they should have used to build up a German state.
Anno 962. King Otto celebrated Christmas at Pavia in this year [961],
and went thence to Rome, where he was made emperor by pope John XII with
the acclamation of all the Roman people and clergy. The pope entertained
him with great cordiality and promised never to be untrue to him all the
days of his life. But this promise had a very different outcome from
what was anticipated by them.
(Otto leaves Rome to attack Berengar, who claimed to be king of Italy,
and his sons Adalbert and Guido.)
963.... In the meantime pope John, forgetting his promise, fell away
from the emperor and joined the party of Berengar, and allowed Adalbert
to enter Rome. When Otto heard of this he abandoned the siege [of San
Leo] and hastened with his army to Rome. But pope John and Adalbert,
fearing to await his arrival, seized most of the treasures of St. Peter
and sought safety in flight. Now the Romans were divided in sympathy,
part favoring the emperor because of the oppressions of the pope, and
part favoring the papal cause; nevertheless, they received him in the
city with the proper respect, and gave hostages for their complete
obedience to his commands. The emperor having entered Rome, called
together there a large number of bishops and held a synod; it was
decided at this synod that he should send an embassy after the pope to
recall him to the apostolic seat. But when John refused to come, the
Roman people unanimously elected the papal secretary Leo [VIII] to fill
his place.
30-31. The Acquisition of Burgundy by the Empire, 1018-1032.
30. Thietmar of Merseburg.
M. G. SS. folio, III, p. 863.
The kingdom of Burgundy or Arles was formed by the union of the two
small kingdoms of Provence and Upper Burgundy, the beginning of which is
told in Regino (see no. 22). The result of the acquisition of Burgundy
was not to increase the territory of Germany, but to add another kingdom
to the empire, which now included Germany, Italy, and Burgundy.
VIII, 5. Now I shall break off the relation of these negotiations in
order to tell of the good fortune which lately befell our emperor, Henry
[II]. For his mother's brother, Rudolf, king of Burgundy, had promised
him his crown and sceptre in the presence and with the consent of his
wife and his step-sons and all his nobles, and now this promise was
repeated with an oath. This happened at Mainz in the same year
[February, 1018].
31. Wipo, Life of Conrad II.
M. G. SS. folio, XI, pp. 263 ff.
8. Rudolf, king of Burgundy, in his old age ruled his realm in a
careless fashion and thereby aroused great dissatisfaction among his
nobles. So he invited his sister's son, the emperor Henry II, to come to
him, and he designated him as his successor and caused all the nobles of
his realm to swear fealty to him.... Now after the death of Henry
[1024], king Rudolf wished to withdraw his promise, but Conrad [II],
desiring to increase rather than to diminish the empire and to reap the
fruits of his predecessor's efforts, seized Basel in order to force
Rudolf to keep his promise. But queen Gisela, the daughter of Rudolf's
sister, brought about reconciliation between them.
29. In the year of our Lord 1032, Rudolf, king of Burgundy, died, and
count Odo of Champagne, his sister's son, invaded the kingdom and had
already seized many castles and towns, partly by treachery and partly by
force. ... In this way he gained a large part of Burgundy, although the
kingdom had been promised under oath a long time before by Rudolf to
Conrad and his son, king Henry. But while Odo was doing this in
Burgundy, emperor Conrad was engaged in a campaign against the Slavs....
30. In the year of our Lord 1033, emperor Conrad, with his son, king
Henry, celebrated Christmas at Strassburg. From there he invaded
Burgundy by way of Solothurn, and at the monastery of Peterlingen on the
day of the purification of the Virgin Mary [February 2] he was elected
king of Burgundy by the higher and lower nobility, and was crowned on
the same day.
32. Henry III and the Eastern Frontier, 1040 to 1043.
Lambert of Hersfeld, Annals, M. G. SS. folio, V, pp. 152 f.
The expansion of Germany to the east was slow and unstable. Poles,
Bohemians, and Hungarians refused to remain tributary, but took every
opportunity to rebel against the Germans. We give a few passages from
Lambert's Annals to show that Henry III was aware of the policy
bequeathed him by his predecessors, although he was not very successful
in his efforts to carry it into effect.
Anno 1040. King Henry [III] led an army into Bohemia, but suffered heavy
losses. Among others, count Werner and the standard bearer of the
monastery of Fulda were slain.
Peter, king of Hungary, was expelled by
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