The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 03
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Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 03
Editor: Jared Sparks
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, VOL. 03 ***
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. III.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress of March 27th, 1818.
EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. III.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1829.
HALE'S STEAM PRESS.
No. 6 Suffolk Buildings, Congress Street, Boston
CONTENTS
OF THE
THIRD VOLUME.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S CORRESPONDENCE.
* * * * *
Page.
To John Hancock, President of Congress. Nantes,
December 8th, 1776, 5
Announces his arrival in France.--Does not assume
a public character.--Military stores destined for
America.
To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. Nantes,
December 8th, 1776, 7
The Committee of Secret Correspondence to Benjamin
Franklin. Baltimore, January 1st, 1777, 9
Announcing his appointment as Commissioner to Spain.
To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. Paris,
January 4th, 1777, 9
Arrives in Paris.--Has an audience with Count de
Vergennes.--Interview with the Spanish Ambassador.--The
nation favorable to the American cause.
To the President of Congress. Paris, January 20th,
1777, 10
Recommending Captain Balm.
To the Count d'Aranda, Spanish Ambassador to the
Court of France. Passy, April 7th, 1777, 11
Communicates the propositions of the United States
to Spain.--Congress will also assist France and
Spain in the conquest of the English sugar islands.
To General Washington. Paris, June 13th, 1777, 12
Recommending Count Kotkouski.--Count Pulaski.
To General Washington. Paris, June 13th, 1777, 13
Recommending Baron de Frey.
M. Dubourg to B. Franklin. Paris, September
8th, 1777, 14
Requesting a letter of recommendation for M. Gerard,
who wishes to settle in America.
To Richard Peters. Passy, September 12th, 1777, 15
Recommending M. Gerard.
Remarks on a Loan for the United States, 15
America a safer debtor than Britain, from her general
industry, frugality, prudence, ability, and virtue.
To David Hartley, member of Parliament. Passy,
October 14th, 1777, 23
The conduct of Great Britain has rendered submission
impossible.--Cruel treatment of the American prisoners
in England.--Propositions for their relief.
To James Lovell. Paris, December 21st, 1777, 27
Mr Deane's recommendations of officers.--Numerous
and vexatious applications, with high recommendations.
To James Hutton. Passy, February 1st, 1778, 29
Means of reconciling America.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 12th, 1778, 31
Alienation of America from Great Britain.--Kindness
and cordiality of France.--Change of Ministry necessary
for conciliation.--Subscriptions in England
for the relief of American prisoners.--Mr Hutton.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 26th, 1778, 34
Lord North's conciliatory bills.--Advice to the English
whigs.
To James Hutton. Passy, March 24th, 1778, 37
The Commissioners are ready to treat.
Note from William Pultney to B. Franklin. March
29th, 1778, 37
Desires an interview with Dr Franklin.
To William Pultney. Passy, March 30th, 1778, 38
America cannot treat on any terms short of independence--
will not treat at all in case of a war against France.
To Dr Bancroft. Passy, April 16th, 1778, 40
British Commissioners cannot succeed in America on
their terms.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Paris, April 23d, 1778, 40
Advises him to take care of his own safety.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, April 24th, 1778, 41
Giving an account of his conversations with Mr Hartley;
of the visit of Mr Chapman, an agent of Lord
Shelburne.--The Quebec fleet.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
April 25th, 1778, 44
Policy of the English to excite divisions and distrust.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Yorktown, June 20th, 1778, 45
Answer to a letter from Brussels. Passy, July 1st, 1778, 45
Reply to insinuations against the faith of France.--Future
prospects of America.--Acknowledgment of
the independency of little consequence to America.--The
King's political studies.--Peace is to be obtained
only on equal terms.--Ridicules the offers
of rewards.
To James Lovell. Passy, July 22d, 1778, 52
Proceedings relative to Mr Deane.--Beaumarchais.--Eleventh
and twelfth articles of the treaty.--Mr
Izard.--Inconvenience and expense of maintaining
several Commissioners instead of one.--War between
England and France; war in Germany.--Difficulty
of raising loans.--Drafts of Congress on the
Commissioners.
Instructions to B. Franklin, as Minister Plenipotentiary
to the Court of France, 59
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
October 28th, 1778, 62
Forwarding his new credentials.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, December
8th, 1778, 63
Depreciation of the currency.
Dr Price to B. Franklin. London, Jan. 18th, 1779, 64
Declines removing to America.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, January
29th, 1779, 65
English successes in Georgia.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, February
8th, 1779, 66
To David Hartley. Passy, February 22d, 1779, 66
America cannot relinquish her alliance with France
to treat with Britain.
Letter respecting Captain Cook. Passy, March 10th, 1779, 67
Recommending to afford Captain Cook all the assistance
he may need.
To David Hartley. Passy, March 21st, 1779, 68
Delay in the exchange of prisoners.--Losses of the
English.--Growth of America.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, April 22d, 1779, 70
Proposing a truce.--Interests of France.--Advantages
of adopting some preliminaries.
Observations by Mr Hartley, 74
Enclosed in the preceding.
Instructions to John Paul Jones, Commander of the
American Squadron in the service of the United
States, now in the port of L'Orient, 77
To David Hartley. Passy, May 4th, 1779, 78
Relative to Mr Hartley's propositions.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Passy, May
26th, 1779, 81
Receives his credentials.--Presented to the King.--American
prisoners in France released.--Captain
Jones's squadron.--Exchange of prisoners with
England.--American prisoners there committed for
high treason.--Necker unfavorably disposed towards
America.--Accounts of the Commissioners.--Difficulty
of raising a loan.--Charges of William Lee and Ralph
Izard.--Recommends the appointment of consuls.--Agents
and applications of the separate States.--Barbary
Powers.--Disposition of the French.--Preparations of
Spain.--Preparations in France.--Opinion of the Howes,
Cornwallis, &c. of the impracticability of the conquest
of America.
To James Lovell. Passy, June 2d, 1779, 95
Currency.--Charges of Mr Lee and Mr Izard.--Communication
between Europe and America.--M. de la Luzerne.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, June 13th, 1779, 98
Enclosing a resolve relative to Beaumarchais's accounts.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 9th, 1779, 98
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779, 99
Burning of Fairfield.--Compensation of Ministers.--Forwards
letters to the King of France.--Invoices of supplies
desired.
Instructions from Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress,
August 14th, 1779, 101
Proposing the mutual guaranty of the fisheries by
France and the United States.
To the Marquis de Lafayette. Passy, August 24th, 1779, 104
Forwarding him a sword, in the name of the Congress.
The Marquis de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Havre,
August 29th, 1779, 104
Acknowledging the reception of the sword.
To James Lovell. Passy, September 30th, 1779, 105
Supplies.--Receives nothing himself.
To Mr Bridgen. Passy, October 2d, 1779, 106
Devices on coins.
To John Jay, President of Congress. Passy, October
4th, 1779, 108
Beaumarchais's accounts.--Supplies.--M. Neufville's
offers of a loan.--Demands of Mr Ross, Mr Izard,
and Mr Lee.--Inactivity of the combined fleets.--
Relations of Holland and England.--Favorable
disposition of Portugal.--Exchange of prisoners.--
Jones's cruise in the English waters.--Complaints of
French officers returning from America.--Complaints
against American cruisers.--Luxury of the
Americans.--Monument to General Montgomery.--Supplies
from Spain.
To James Lovell. Passy, October 17th, 1779, 118
Jones's cruise.--Mr Lee and Mr Deane.--Prospect of
peace.--Return of Commodore Jones.
To R. Bernstorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Denmark.
Passy, December 22d, 1779, 121
Remonstrates against the seizure of the American
prizes in the ports of Norway.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 2d, 1780, 125
America will not treat without her allies.--His
former offers to pay for the tea destroyed in
Boston.--Indisposition to peace on the part of
England.--Exchange of prisoners.--British barbarities
in America.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, February
24th, 1780, 128
Drafts merely nominal.
To Samuel Huntington, President of Congress. Passy,
March 4th, 1780, 129
Seizure of the prizes in Norway.--Quarrel between
Commodore Jones and Captain Landais.--Necessity of
appointing a consul.--Exchange of prisoners.--Prospects
of England.--Supplies of France.
From R. Bernstorf, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Denmark,
to B. Franklin. Copenhagen, March 8th, 1780, 134
On the seizure of the American prizes.
To James Lovell. Passy, March 16th, 1780, 135
Proposed convention in London.--Affairs of England.
To Joseph Reed, President of the State of Pennsylvania.
Passy, March 19th, 1780, 137
Mr Pultney.--Errors corrected.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, May 11th,
1780, 140
Recommending the Baron d'Arendt.
To the Judges of the Admiralty at Cherbourg. Passy, May
16th, 1780, 140
Requesting the release of the neutral ship Flora; the
cargo, if English, may be condemned.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 22d, 1780, 141
Recommending the Baron d'Arendt.
To an Agent of American Cruisers. Passy, May 30th, 1780, 142
Free ships make free goods.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 31st, 1780, 143
Complains of the trouble of maritime affairs.--Difficulty
of meeting the drafts.--Accounts of the Commissioners.--
American prizes in Danish ports.--Capture of neutral
vessels with English cargoes.--European powers have
adopted the rule, that free ships make free goods.--
Unfavorable disposition in Europe towards England.--
Difficulties in the exchange of prisoners.
To the President of Congress. Passy, June 1st, 1780, 149
Recommending Commodore Jones.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, June 5th, 1780, 149
Respecting neutral ships.--Expresses a wish that all
private property and all private individuals might be
unmolested.--Letter of General Clinton.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, June
30th, 1780, 152
Orders to M. de la Luzerne relative to the French
holders of American paper money.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
July 11th, 1780, 153
Making new drafts.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
July 11th, 1780, 154
Mr Laurens appointed to negotiate a loan in Holland.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
July 11th, 1780, 155
Communicating the acknowledgment of Congress for
the attentions of the French Consul in Bergen.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to H. Dohrman, merchant,
Lisbon. Philadelphia, July 11th, 1780, 155
Informing him of his appointment as agent of Congress
for the relief of Americans in distress.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, July 17th, 1780, 157
Enclosing a copy of a conciliatory bill, rejected in the
House of Commons.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, July 26th, 1780, 159
Messrs Neufville.--Capture of Charleston of little consequence.
To the President of Congress. Passy, August 9th, 1780, 161
Disputes of Landais and Jones.--Necessity of appointing
consuls.--Mr Adams offends the French Court.--The
armed neutrality.
To James Lovell. Passy, August 10th, 1780, 167
Little value of pretended confidential information of
secrets of State.--Transmits copies of instruments
annulling the eleventh and twelfth articles.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780, 169
Notifying Dr Franklin of bills to be drawn on him.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Sept. 7th, 1780, 170
Enclosing proceedings of Congress relative to new
drafts.--Increase of taxes for the improvement of the
currency.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, Oct. 2d, 1780, 171
Relative to M. Dumas's appointment and services.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, Oct. 9th, 1780, 172
Has recommended M. Dumas to Mr Laurens as Secretary.--
Requests advice as to the manner of applying to the
States-General.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, October
28th, 1780, 173
Requesting him to transmit certain papers to Mr Jay
at Madrid.
To Sir Grey Cooper, Baronet, Secretary to the Treasury of
Great Britain. Passy, November 7th, 1780, 174
Requesting relief for Mr Laurens, prisoner in the
Tower.
Charles Vernon, Lieutenant Governor of the Tower of London,
to Sir Grey Cooper. Hampstead, November 27th, 1780, 175
Mr Laurens's treatment in the Tower.
Sir Grey Cooper to B. Franklin. London, November
29th, 1780, 176
Respecting Mr Laurens; enclosing the preceding.
Instructions from Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress,
November 29th, 1780, 176
To James Lovell. Passy, December 2d, 1780, 179
Agrees to furnish the French troops in America with
provisions, in order to meet the drafts of Congress.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December 2d, 1780, 180
Recommending the furnishing of provisions to the
French troops.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December 3d, 1780, 181
Mr Laurens's captivity.--Memorial of Sir Joseph
Yorke.--Delays in sending supplies.--Capture of a
Portuguese ship with English property by an American
armed vessel.--Recommends that neutral ships
be not molested.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, December
21st, 1780, 184
Mr Palfrey appointed Consul to France.
Additional instructions from Congress to B. Franklin.
In Congress, December 27th, 1780, 185
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Feb. 13th, 1781, 186
Transmitting letters of Congress to the King.--
Communicates the instructions of Congress.--Critical
situation of America.--Quotes a letter of General
Washington on this subject.--Disappointment in
supplies expected from Spain.--Danger to Europe
if America is recovered by England.--Necessity of
immediate aid.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, March 6th, 1781, 189
Instructed to apply for an early answer to the application
of Congress for more aid.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. March 9th, 1781, 189
Proceedings of Congress on several subjects.
To M. de Rayneval, Secretary to the Council of
State. Passy, March 11th, 1781, 190
Relative to supplies.
To the President of Congress. Passy, March 12th, 1781, 192
Relating his proceedings in obedience to his instructions;
the King of France grants a further sum of
six millions; France declines the mediation of Russia
and Austria.--Requests to be relieved from public
duties on account of his age and infirmities--Recommends
his grandson, William Temple Franklin, to Congress.
To Francis Lewis and the Board of Admiralty.
Passy, March 17th, 1781, 197
Account of the squadron and expedition of Captain
Jones; disposition of the prizes; affair with Captain
Landais; the Ministry wished it to be considered
an American expedition.
Agreement between Captain John Paul Jones and the officers
of the squadron, 205
James Lovell to B. Franklin. March 31st, 1781, 207
Military operations.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 9th, 1781, 208
Desiring the exchange of Mr Gouverneur and Dr Witherspoon.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, May 14th, 1781, 209
Expedition against Arnold.--English policy.--Appointment
of his successor to the Court of France.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 14th, 1781, 211
Supplies.--Exchange of prisoners.--Plans of the English
administration.
To Thomas Lewis. Passy, May 16th, 1781, 215
Supplies.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, May 17th, 1781, 216
Introducing Dr Putnam.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
June 8th 1781, 216
Colonel Laurens's purchases in Holland.--The grant of
the king to be expended partly in France.
To the President of Congress. Passy, June 11th,
1781, 217
On the disposition of the French grant.
To John Adams. Passy, June 11th, 1781, 218
Relative to certain expenses of Mr Adams, charged
on the United States.
The President of Congress to B. Franklin. In Congress,
June 19th, 1781, 220
Appointment of new Ministers for negotiating a
peace.--Dr Franklin's services necessary on this
occasion.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, June 28th, 1781, 221
Directing him to stop the shipment of money in Holland.
Major William Jackson to B. Franklin. Amsterdam,
June 29th, 1781, 221
Reason of his delay at Amsterdam.
To David Hartley. Passy, June 30th, 1781, 222
Informing him that Vergennes declines granting him
a passport.
Major William Jackson to B. Franklin. Amsterdam,
July 2d, 1781, 223
Remonstrating against the detention of the money,
obtained from France by Colonel Laurens, and deposited
with M. Fizeaux and Co. Amsterdam.--Communicates
his determination to retain the money in his own
hands.--Reasons for retaining the money referred to
in the preceding letters.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 5th, 1781,
at six in the morning, 227
Reasons for ordering the detention of the money,
which was part of the grant obtained by Dr Franklin.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 5th, 1781, 229
Adhering to his former determination relative to the
detention of the money.
To Major William Jackson. Passy, July 6th, 1781, 229
Account of the manner in which the money referred
to in the preceding letters was obtained.--Exertions
of Dr Franklin in obtaining supplies.
To the President of Congress. Passy, July 11th, 1781, 232
Reasons for detaining the money, intended to have
been shipped at Amsterdam.
James Lovell to B. Franklin. Philadelphia, July
21st, 1781, 233
Forwarding duplicates of certain resolutions of Congress.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, August 6th, 1781, 234
Entertains little hope of aid from Holland.--Coldness
of that country.
To C. W. F. Dumas. Passy, August 10th, 1781, 235
Communicating intelligence from America.--Apologises
for expressions in his former letter, and requests
that it may not be shown.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September 13th, 1781, 236
Interview with the Count de Vergennes on communicating
his instructions relative to the negotiations,
and the letter of Congress to the King.--Accepts the
appointment of negotiator.--Desires that a Consul-General
may be appointed for France.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781, 238
Relative to certain expenses of the American Ministers.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
October 20th, 1781, 238
Mr Livingston is appointed Secretary of Foreign
Affairs.--Military operations.--Preparations for
another campaign.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
October 24th, 1781, 242
Announcing the capitulation of Yorktown.--Expresses
a wish that Dr Franklin will accept his new appointment
as negotiator.
To Thomas Mc'Kean, President of Congress. Passy,
November 5th, 1781, 243
State of American prisoners in England.--Difficulties
in effecting exchanges.--England refuses the mediation
of the Powers; will treat with the United States
only as subjects.--Proceedings of Colonel Laurens
in Holland.--Confusion in shipping the supplies.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
November 24th, 1781, 249
Recommending certain French officers in the American
service.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
November 26th, 1781, 250
Financial difficulties of America.--Importance of a
French naval force in the American waters.--The
commission for negotiating a commercial treaty with
Great Britain discharged.--Preparations for a new
campaign.--Supposed letters of Mr Deane.
William Alexander to B. Franklin. Paris, December
15th, 1781, 256
Requesting information concerning the disposition of
France and America to treat with Great Britain.
To William Alexander. Passy, Dec. 15th, 1781, 257
To David Hartley. Passy, December 15th, 1781, 257
Concerning Mr Hartley's plan for securing the lives of
the spectators at public spectacles in case of fire.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
December 16th, 1781, 258
Military operations.--Enclosing a resolution of Congress
for raising a pillar at Yorktown; also an ordinance
ascertaining what captures on the waters
are lawful, with other American State papers.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, January 2d, 1782, 260
History of his proceedings for promoting negotiations
for peace.--Conciliatory Bill of 1780, proposed as
a basis; the question of independence to be waived;
a separate treaty with America to be negotiated--Communicates
these propositions to Lord North as
general grounds of negotiation towards peace.--Lord
North wishes to know if any person is authorised
to treat on the part of America.--Urges the
making of overtures for a separate negotiation.
Remarks on the Conciliatory Bill, 267
Enclosed in the preceding.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
January 7th, 1782, 268
Suggesting the objects of most importance to be negotiated;
the limits of the United States; extend to
the Mississippi on the West.--The fisheries; right
of the Americans to fish on the banks of Newfoundland;
sentiments of France on this subject.--Compensation
to American royalists--Restitution of
records and papers taken from America.
To David Hartley. Passy, January 15th, 1782, 281
No negotiations can be opened without the concurrence
of France.--Objections to the Conciliatory
propositions--Commissioners authorised to treat.--A
formal acknowledgment of independence not made
necessary by the treaty with France.
To the Count de Vergennes. Passy, Jan. 18th, 1782, 285
Capture of Flemish ships by American privateers.--English
ships furnished with imperial papers after
a pretended sale of ship and cargo at Ostend.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
January 23d, 1782, 287
Intercepted letters of Mr Deane.--Complains of want
of intelligence from Europe.--Encloses resolutions
of Congress relating to the fisheries and the
western limits.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, January
24th, 1782, 288
Correcting Dr Franklin's misapprehensions of his
propositions.--Cases in which America might treat
separately.
Explanatory letter to Mr Hartley, referred to in the
preceding, 293
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
January 26th, 1782, 294
Enclosing a convention for the establishment of consuls.
To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
Passy, January 28th, 1782, 295
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, February
1st, 1782, 295
Interview with the Minister; he is favorably disposed
for peace.
The Danish Minister to the Count de Vergennes. Paris,
February 6th, 1782, 296
Complains of the outrages of American armed vessels
on the coast of Norway.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
February 13th, 1782, 297
Pressing for further assistance from France.--This
measure would be advantageous to France herself.--
Sufferings of American prisoners in England.--
Disturbances in Vermont and New Hampshire.
To David Hartley. Passy, February 16th, 1782, 301
Acknowledges his misapprehension of Mr Hartley's
former proposition.--Reasons of jealousy between
France and England; English Commissioner at
Dunkirk.--England must take the first step towards
a peace with America.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
February 24th, 1782, 303
Enclosing the complaint of the Danish Count respecting
outrages by American vessels on the coast of
Norway.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Feb. 28th, 1782, 304
Prospects of peace.--The Ministry favorably disposed.
Edmund Burke to B. Franklin. London, February 28th, 1782, 305
Resolution of the House of Commons.--Mr Laurens.
To the Count de Vergennes. Passy, March 3d, 1782, 306
Relative to the complaints of the Danish Court.--Expects
redress for the seizure of American prizes in Danish
ports.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 4th, 1782, 308
Complaints against American cruisers.--Influence and
services of M. de Lafayette.--Changes in the British
Ministry.--Unfriendly disposition of the King.--
Relations with France.--Financial arrangements
of Mr Morris.--American prisoners.--Arrival and
reception of Cornwallis and Arnold in England.--Mr
Deane's discontents; his vindication of Arnold.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 9th, 1782, 314
Address of the House of Commons to the King against
continuing the war in America.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
March 9th, 1782, 315
Enclosing a letter from the Superintendent of Finance.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 11th, 1782, 315
Mr Digges appointed by the Ministry to inquire if any
persons are authorised to treat.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 12th, 1782, 316
Enclosing the Parliamentary proceedings respecting
the war with America; prelude to a general bill to
enable the administration to treat.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 21st, 1782, 318
Dissolution of the Ministry.--Is desirous of
negotiating the peace.
T. Digges to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, March 22d, 1782, 320
Appointed by the Ministry to inquire if any persons
in Europe are commissioned by Congress to treat
and to make known the disposition of the Ministry
to open negotiations for a truce.--His communications
with Mr Adams.
John Adams to B. Franklin. The Hague, March 26th, 1782, 325
Interview with Mr Digges; opposes the plan of a truce.--
Many cities in Holland declare in favor of American
independence.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 30th, 1782, 328
Policy of the Ministry; to divide America, and to
separate America and France.--Singular language of
the bill empowering the King to treat.
To John Adams. Passy, March 31st, 1782, 329
Mr. Digges's mission.--Delays of Holland and Spain.
To David Hartley. Passy, March 31st, 1782, 330
The five Commissioners empowered to treat.
To David Hartley. Passy, April 5th, 1782, 331
Has no confidence in Digges.--The Commissioners
are ready to treat.--Reconciliation spoken of in the
Parliamentary proceedings more than a mere peace.--Acts
necessary to effect it.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 8th, 1782, 334
The new Ministry.--Recommending the Prince de Broglie.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, April 12th, 1782, 335
Encloses a copy of his commission, empowering him
to treat.--Treaties and instructions forbid their
treating without France.
M. de Rayneval to B. Franklin. Versailles, April 12th, 1782, 336
The French Minister approves his reply to Mr Hartley.--
Proposals of the British Ministry for a separate
treaty with France by Mr Forth.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 12th, 1782, 338
The new Ministry endeavor to gain over Holland.--Capture
of St Joseph (Illinois) by the Spaniards.
To David Hartley. Passy, April 13th, 1782, 340
Insincerity of the late Ministry in their proposals for
reconciliation; endeavoring at the same time to
treat separately with France.
To John Adams. Passy, April 13th, 1782, 341
Mr Forth's mission to the French Ministry; Canada
offered to France to induce her to treat separately;
answer of the French Court.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
April 23d, 1782, 342
Enclosing the complaint of the Danish Court on account
of the capture of a Danish vessel.
David Hartley to B. Franklin, London, May 1st, 1782, 343
The late Ministry wished for peace on prudential
grounds, not for reconciliation; proposal of a separate
peace was intended to excite distrust in France.
His breviate laid before the Ministry, calculated to
divest the war with America of hatred and jealousy
against France.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
May 22d, 1782, 353
Enclosing a letter to the King; resolutions of Congress
on the application of Sir Guy Carleton to forward
despatches, and on the subject of prisoners in England.--
Disposition towards France in America.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 25th, 1782, 356
Release of the American prisoners in England.--Prospect
of reconciliation.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
May 30th, 1782, 357
Memorial on the subject of prize money due Captain
Jones.--Inquires why the Danish Court applies to
France on account of injuries of American cruisers.--
Affair of Captain Huddy, who was hanged by a
party of soldiers.
Richard Oswald to B. Franklin. Paris, June 5th, 1782, 362
Desiring the discharge of Lord Cornwallis's parole.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 5th, 1782, 363
Promises to comply with the request to discharge Lord
Cornwallis.
John Adams to B. Franklin. The Hague, June 13th, 1782, 364
Mr Grenville only empowered to treat with France;
the Ministry will be unwilling to make any
concessions.--The Dutch are disposed to an alliance
with America.--Policy of Russia.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
June 23d, 1782, 366
People in America not disposed to a separate treaty.--
Affairs of Captain Huddy.--Case of the Ernten.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, June 25th, 1782, 368
An additional six millions cannot be obtained from
France.--Mr Grenville is sent with full powers to
treat with all the belligerent powers together.--Is
joined by Mr Jay.--An act of Parliament was considered
necessary to authorise the exchange of the
American prisoners, as they were committed for
high treason.--The Swedish Ambassador expresses
a wish to treat with Dr Franklin.--Services of M. Dumas.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, June 29th, 1782, 373
Discharges Lord Cornwallis from his parole.--The
intentions of the British Ministry seem to change
with success.--Disinclination of the King to
America.--Agents are sent by the Ministry into
America to attempt a separate treaty.
JOURNAL.
From March 21st to July 1st, 1782. Passy, May 9th, 1782, 376
Reasons for keeping a Journal.--Visited by Lord
Cholmondely, by whom he transmits the following.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, March 22d, 1782, 377
Desires a general peace.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. London, April 6th, 1782, 378
Lord Shelburne appointed Secretary of State; sends
Mr Oswald to confer with Dr Franklin.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. London, April 7th, 1782, 379
Introducing Mr Oswald.--Desires to effect his
exchange.--Conversation with Mr Oswald, in which
Dr Franklin declares that America will only treat
in concert with France.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, April 15th, 1782, 381
Stating the mission of Mr Oswald and his proceedings
thereon, as above.--Mr Oswald has an interview
with M. de Vergennes, and returns to England.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, April 18th, 1782, 383
M. de Vergennes declares the King ready to treat
in concurrence with his allies.--Details of his
conversation with Mr Oswald, as given in the
succeeding letter to Mr Adams.
Notes for conversation, 388
To John Adams. Passy, April 20th, 1792, 391
In a conversation with Mr Oswald, he observed that if
England desires a reconciliation much reparation
must be made, that the advantage to the commerce
of England from a peace would depend on a reconciliation,
without which the peace would not be durable,
that it would be politic for England to offer to cede
Canada.--Desires the presence of Mr Adams and Mr Laurens.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, April 20th, 1792, 393
Details of Mr Oswald's proceedings.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 16th, 1782, 394
Giving an account of his interview with Mr Laurens at
Haerlem.--Suggests the necessity of the session of
Canada and Nova Scotia, or at least a stipulation
that no troops nor fortifications should be maintained
on the frontiers.--Mr Laurens represents the
new Ministry as feeble and insincere, the nation as
desirous of a general peace.--Mr Adams proposes
to Dr Franklin to receive no other messenger who
is not a plenipotentiary.
To John Adams. Passy, April 21st, 1782, 397
The act of Parliament for exchanging American prisoners
as prisoners of war, is a tacit acknowledgement
of independence.--Circumstances in Holland favorable
for obtaining a loan.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782, 399
Plan of a triple or quadruple alliance.--Difficulty of
obtaining a loan in Holland.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. London, April 20th, 1782, 401
Requesting the discharge of Lord Cornwallis in return
for his own enlargement.--Disposition in England is
become favorable to the acknowledgement of independence,
and to a general peace.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Shelburne House,
April 20th, 1782, 403
Mr Oswald is sent back to settle the time and place of
treating.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, May 4th, 1782, 406
Mr Oswald brings information that it has been agreed
in Council to treat at Paris of a general peace, and that
Mr Grenville will be sent for that purpose.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
May 5th, 1782, 407
Appointing an interview with Mr Oswald.
To John Adams. Passy, May 8th, 1782, 408
Mr Oswald intimates that the Ministry will acknowledge
the independence of America, on condition that
Britain is left in the same condition as at the
peace of 1763.
Charles J. Fox to B. Franklin. St James, May 1st, 1782, 409
Expresses his wishes for a reconciliation.--Mr
Grenville is acquainted with his sentiments.--
Journal continued; Mr Grenville represents England
as ready to treat with all the powers.--Dr Franklin
accompanies him on an interview with the Count de
Vergennes.--They maintain that England should
expect no concessions in return for the acknowledgment
of independence, which was already conquered
by America.--Dr Franklin sees Lafayette, who expresses
a wish to be sent to England.
To Mr Secretary Fox. Passy, May 10th, 1782, 415
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, May 10th, 1782, 416
Time of treating not yet settled.--Discharge of American
prisoners.
To Lord Shelburne. Passy, May 13th, 1782, 418
Desires that Mr Oswald may be sent to treat.--Journal
continued.--Conversation with Mr Grenville relative
to the obligations of America to France.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 3d, 1782, 421
Favorable prospect of reconciliation.
To David Hartley. Passy, May 13th, 1782, 422
The release of the American prisoners will tend to
promote a reconciliation.--Journal continued;
Ministers of the European powers determined not
to return the visits of the American Ministers.--
Anecdote of the Russian Minister and the Count du
Nord.
Henry Laurens to B. Franklin. Ostend, May 17th, 1782, 425
Declines engaging in the negotiations.--His opinions
coincide with those of Dr Franklin.--Lord Cornwallis
desires to be discharged.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, May 25th, 1782, 429
Nations are never satisfied with the terms of a peace.--
Discharge of Lord Cornwallis.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, May 13th, 1782, 433
Relative to his proceedings with the new Ministry.--
Proposes the following preliminaries; the British
troops to be withdrawn from America; a truce
made, which shall be converted into a peace, in case
of a peace with the allies of America.--Journal
continued.--Mr Grenville states that he has received
full powers to treat with France and her allies.--The
power relates only to France.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Whitehall, May 28th, 1782, 440
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Whitehall, May 29th, 1782, 440
Mr Oswald has received orders to return to Paris, with
the necessary instructions.--Journal continued; Mr
Grenville explains the omission of America in the
power.--His instructions are full, empowering him
to acknowledge the independence of America.--
Conversation on the resolution of the Americans not
to treat without the allies.--Mr Grenville suggests
the question, whether it includes Holland and Spain?
whether it would be adhered to in regard to France
at all events?
To Mr Grenville. Passy, May 31st, 1782, 445
Releasing Captain McLeod conditionally from his parole.
To John Adams. Passy, June 2d, 1782, 446
Giving an account of affairs as above related in the
Journal.--Suspects the omission of America in Mr
Grenville's power.--Journal continued; Mr Oswald
states that peace is absolutely necessary, that no
more money can be raised.
Lord Shelburne to Richard Oswald. Whitehall, May 21st, 1782, 449
Relative to Mr Walpole's appointment to negotiate.--
Journal continued; Memorandums of Lord Shelburne;
that Commissioners be appointed, or any
character given to Mr Oswald, which he and Dr
Franklin think proper for treating; that compensation
be made to the loyalists.--Conversation with
Mr Oswald on those points.--Russian offer of mediation
to Holland.
W. H. Hartley to B. Franklin. Soho Square, May 24th, 1782, 455
Journal continued; Release of Lord Cornwallis.--Extract
from the Evening Post relative to information
obtained by Mr Grenville in his visit to Dr
Franklin; erroneous statements.--Policy of Russia
to mediate a peace between Britain and Holland,
and continue the general war.--Major Ross declines
receiving the conditional discharge of Lord Cornwallis.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 11th, 1782, 460
Discharge of Lord Cornwallis.--Journal continued.--
Conversation with the Count de Vergennes relative
to the attempts to separate France and America;
suggests the propriety of a treaty between the allies,
to support each other in case of a subsequent war
by England against either.--Mr Ross accepts Lord
Cornwallis's conditional discharge.--M. Boeris informs
that Holland will decline the mediation of
Russia for a separate treaty. Mr Grenville receives
full powers, authorising him to treat with any other
Prince or _State_.--Empowered to acknowledge the
independence of America previous to the treaty,
and to propose the peace of 1763 as a basis.--Suggests
a doubt whether Great Britain will allow America
to be designated by the expression _State_.--Comparison
of Mr Fox and Lord Shelburne; of Mr Oswald and Mr
Grenville.
M. de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Versailles, Thursday
morning, June 20th, 1782, 471
Count de Vergennes proposes to meet Mr Grenville,
and adopt measures for an official communication
to the allies.--Journal continued.--Arrival of Mr
Jay.--Visit to the Count de Vergennes, who expresses
a doubt of the sincerity of the British Court.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, June 27th, 1782, 474
Expresses a wish that he should be employed to
treat.--Doubts whether the word _State_ in Mr
Grenville's powers would apply to America, the
Enabling Act not having then been passed.--Journal
continued.--British Agents in America to propose a
reunion with Great Britain.--Interview with the
Spanish Minister.--Journal closes.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, July 2d, 1782, 477
Delays in the opening of the negotiation.--Suggests
doubts of the sincerity of the British Ministers.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
July 5th, 1782, 478
Enclosing public papers.
Note from M. de Lafayette to B. Franklin. Paris,
July 9th, 1782, 479
Mr Grenville's express arrives.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, July 9th, 1782, 479
Mr Grenville informs him of changes in the Minister.--No
change is made in the disposition for peace.
To David Hartley. Passy, July 10th, 1782, 480
Complains of the delays in the opening of the
negotiation.--Suspicions.
To Benjamin Vaughan. Passy, July 10th, 1782, 481
Proposing certain ameliorations in the conduct of wars.
To Benjamin Vaughan. Passy, July 11th, 1782, 483
Plan of Lord Shelburne for a reunion of America under
a separate Parliament.--The plan impracticable.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, July 12th, 1782, 484
Rumors that Lord Shelburne's opposition to the absolute
acknowledgment of American independence was the cause
of Mr Fox's resignation.
To the Earl of Shelburne. Passy, July 12th, 1782, 485
Congratulations on his appointment to the treasury.
To M. de Lafayette. Passy, July 24th, 1782, 485
Delays in the negotiations.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, July 26th, 1782, 486
Townshend appointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs.--Mr
Oswald receives a place in that department.
Lord Grantham to B. Franklin. Whitehall, July 26th, 1782, 488
Sincerity of the Ministers.--Mr Fitzherbert.
Lord Shelburne to B. Franklin. Shelburne House,
July 27th, 1782, 488
Acknowledgments for his congratulations.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, July 28th, 1782, 489
Affair of Captain Asgill.--Justification of the
proceedings of General Washington.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, August 8th, 1782, 491
Mr Oswald informs him that his commission is in
preparation.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
August 8th, 1782, 491
Requesting a visit.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
August 9th, 1782, 492
Letter of General Carleton and Admiral Digby to General
Washington, declaring that a negotiation for a general
peace is opened on the ground of independence.--
Compensation to loyalists; fisheries; western lands.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Aug 12th, 1782, 494
Accounts between France and the United States; the
sum of eighteen millions has been received, exclusive
of the Holland loan, for which the King is guaranty;
twelve millions of this a free gift.--Sweden ready to
treat.--Affairs of the expedition of Commodore
Jones.--Medals and monument in commemoration
of the victories of Yorktown and Saratoga.--Delays
in the negotiation.
To Robert Morris. Passy, Aug. 12th, 1782, 498
Difficulty of obtaining more supplies.--State of
Beaumarchais's accounts.--State of the United States'
funds in Europe.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, August 16th, 1782, 502
Regrets the delays in the negotiations.--Believes the
Ministry sincere.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
COMMISSIONER AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO
THE COURT OF FRANCE, AND COMMISSIONER
FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE
At the beginning of the Revolution, DR FRANKLIN was in England, where
he had resided several years as an agent for Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, New Jersey and Georgia. He returned to America in the
spring of 1775, and was shortly after elected a member of Congress. In
that body he held the rank, to which his great talents and patriotism
entitled him, and was chosen one of the Committee of Secret
Correspondence for transacting foreign affairs.
On the 26th of September, 1776, he was elected a Commissioner to the
Court of France, in conjunction with Silas Deane and Thomas Jefferson.
Immediately after his appointment he hastened preparations for his
departure. Meantime Mr Jefferson declined serving, and Arthur Lee was
chosen in his place. Dr Franklin set off from Philadelphia on his
voyage, October 26th, and entered Quiberon Bay, on the coast of
France, November 29th, after a fatiguing passage. He was now
seventyone years of age. He proceeded to Nantes, where he remained a
few days to recruit himself, and arrived in Paris about the 20th of
December. Here he found Mr Deane, and they were soon after joined by
Mr Lee.
Little was done by the Commissioners in Paris for more than a year, as
France was not then prepared to take an open part against England. The
success of the American arms against Burgoyne became the turning point
in the French Cabinet, and they immediately consented to make treaties
of amity and commerce with the United States, which were definitively
signed on the 6th of February, 1778. This great work being finished,
Congress deemed it expedient to dissolve the Commission by appointing
a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France. The choice fell on
Dr Franklin, and, notwithstanding his advanced age, and the arduous
nature of the office, he accepted the appointment, and discharged the
entire duties of it to the end of the Revolution.
While holding the place of joint Commissioner in France, Congress
elected him, on the 1st of January, 1777, to a separate mission to the
Court of Spain. Upon this mission, however, he never entered, and it
was afterwards transferred to Arthur Lee.
Towards the close of the war, Dr Franklin strenuously urged Congress
to permit him to return to his own country, requesting that a
successor might be sent out, whose years and strength would better
qualify him to endure the labors and perform the services of his
station. But Congress did not listen to this petition. His counsels
and experience were thought essential to the management of the
important concerns then pending. He took a leading part in all the
negotiations for peace, and, in conjunction with John Adams, John Jay,
and Henry Laurens, signed the preliminary articles, November 30th,
1782, and the definitive treaty, September 3d, 1783. On the 3d of
April, of the same year, he concluded a treaty of amity and commerce,
with the Swedish Minister in Paris, between Sweden and the United
States.
Mr Jefferson at length arrived in Paris as his successor, and Dr
Franklin returned to Philadelphia in September, 1785, after an absence
of nine years, during the whole of which time he had been engaged in a
most active, laborious, and successful service for his country.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
TO JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Nantes, December 8th, 1776.
Sir,
In thirty days after we left the Capes of Delaware, we came to an
anchor in Quiberon Bay. I remained on board four days, expecting a
change of wind proper to carry the ship into the river Loire; but the
wind seemed fixed in an opposite quarter. I landed at Aury, and with
some difficulty got hither, the road not being well supplied with
means of conveyance. Two days before we saw land, we met a brigantine
from Bordeaux belonging to Cork, and another from Rochefort belonging
to Hull, both of which were taken. The first had on board staves, tar,
turpentine, and claret; the other coniac brandy and flaxseed. There is
some difficulty in determining what to do with them, as they are
scarce worth sending to America, and the mind of the French Court,
with regard to prizes brought into their ports, is not yet known. It
is certainly contrary to their treaties with Britain, to permit the
sale of them, and we have no regular means of trying and condemning
them. There are, however, many here, who would purchase prizes, we
having already had several offers from persons who are willing to take
upon themselves all consequences as to the illegality. Captain Wickes,
as soon as he can get his refreshment, intends to cruise in the
channel.
Our friends in France have been a good deal dejected with the Gazette
accounts of advantages obtained against us by the British troops. I
have helped them here to recover their spirits a little, by assuring
them that we still face the enemy, and were under no apprehension of
their armies being able to complete their junction. I understand that
Mr Lee has lately been at Paris, that Mr Deane is still there, and
that an underhand supply is obtained from the government of two
hundred brass field pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other
military stores, which are now shipping for America, and will be
convoyed by a ship of war. The Court of England (Mr Penet tells me,
from whom I have the above intelligence) had the folly to demand Mr
Deane to be delivered up, but were refused.
Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by
it, but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able
to undertake the journey to Paris. I have not yet taken any public
character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the Court is
ready and willing to receive Ministers publicly from the Congress,
that we may neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject
ourselves to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have
despatched an express to Mr Deane, with the letters that I had for him
from the Committee, and a copy of our commission, that he may
immediately make the proper inquiries, and give me information. In
the mean time I find it generally supposed here, that I am sent to
negotiate, and that opinion appears to give great pleasure, if I can
judge by the extreme civilities I meet with from numbers of the
principal people, who have done me the honor to visit me.
I have desired Mr Deane, by some speedy and safe means, to give Mr Lee
notice of his appointment. I find several vessels here laden with
military stores for America, just ready to sail; on the whole, there
is the greatest prospect that we shall be well provided for another
campaign, and much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has
sailed with seven thousand land forces foot and some horse. Their
destination unknown, but supposed against the Portuguese in Brazil.
Both France and England are preparing strong fleets, and it is said,
that all the powers of Europe are preparing for war, apprehending that
a general one cannot be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris I
shall be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present my
duty to Congress, and assure them of my most faithful endeavors in
their service.
With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, December 8th, 1776.
Gentlemen,
After a short but rough passage of thirty days, we anchored in
Quiberon Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the Loire. Captain Wickes
did everything in his power to make the voyage comfortable to me; and
I was much pleased with what I saw of his conduct as an officer, when
on supposed occasions we made preparation for engagement, the good
order and readiness with which it was done, being far beyond my
expectations, and I believe equal to anything of the kind in the best
ships of the king's fleet. He seems to have also a very good set of
officers under him. I hope they will all in good time be promoted. He
met and took two prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, laden
with staves, pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull,
with a cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made some
propositions of ransom, which, perhaps, may be accepted, as there is
yet no means of condemning them here, and they are scarce worth
sending to America. The ship is yet in Quiberon Bay, with her prizes.
I came hither from thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely
welcome here, where America has many friends. As soon as I have
recovered strength enough for the journey, which I hope will be in a
very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My letter to the President
will inform you of some other particulars.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S. December 10th._ I have just learnt that eighty pieces of
cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and everything fit for
immediate service, were embarked in a frigate from Havre, which is
sailed; the rest were to go in another frigate of thirtysix guns.
* * * * *
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Baltimore, January 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Congress, relying on your wisdom and integrity, and well knowing the
importance of the case, have appointed you their Commissioner to
negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Court of
Spain.[1] The idea of Congress on this subject you will find in the
instructions sent by this opportunity to yourself, and the other
Commissioners, at the Court of France. Your commission for this
special service we have now the honor to enclose you.
We are, with great respect and esteem, honorable Sir, yours, &c.
B. HARRISON,
R. H. LEE,
J. WITHERSPOON,
W. HOOPER.
[1] See the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. pp. 38, 41, 42.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, January 4th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr Deane. Mr Lee
has since joined us from London. We have had an audience of the
Minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respectfully received. We left
for his consideration a sketch of the proposed treaty.[2] We are to
wait upon him tomorrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids
mentioned in our instructions. By his advice, we have had an interview
with the Spanish Ambassador, Count d'Aranda, who seems well disposed
towards us, and will forward copies of our memorials to his Court,
which will act, he says, in perfect concert with this.
[2] See this sketch in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II, p. 7.
Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned and fit for sea. The
cry of this nation is for us, but the Court, it is thought, views an
approaching war with reluctance. The press continues in England. As
soon as we can receive a positive answer from these Courts, we shall
despatch an express with it.
I am, Gentlemen, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, January 20th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
The bearer, Captain Balm, is strongly recommended to me as a very able
officer of horse, and capable of being extremely useful to us, in
forming a body of men for that service. As he has otherwise an
excellent character, I take the liberty of recommending him to my
friends as a stranger of merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the
Congress as an officer, who if employed may greatly serve a cause,
which he has sincerely at heart.
With great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT D'ARANDA, SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Passy,[3] April 7th, 1777.
Sir,
I left in your Excellency's hands, to be communicated, if you please,
to your Court, a duplicate of the commission from Congress, appointing
me to go to Spain as their Minister Plenipotentiary. But, as I
understand, that the receiving such a Minister is not at present
thought convenient, and I am sure the Congress would have nothing done
that might incommode in the least a Court they so much respect, I
shall therefore postpone that journey till circumstances may make it
more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his
Catholic Majesty, through the hands of your Excellency, the
propositions contained in a resolution of Congress, dated December
30th, 1776, viz.
"That if His Catholic Majesty will join with the United States in a
war against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the
possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; provided the
inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the
Mississippi, and the use of the harbor of Pensacola; and will,
(provided it shall be true, that his Portuguese Majesty has
insultingly expelled the vessels of these States from his ports, or
has confiscated any such vessels,) declare war against the said King,
if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the Courts of
France and Spain."
It is understood, that the strictest union subsists between those two
Courts; and in case Spain and France should think fit to attempt the
conquest of the English sugar islands, Congress have further proposed
to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to
join the fleet employed on the occasion, with six frigates of not less
than twentyfour guns each, manned and fitted for service; and to
render any other assistance which may be in their power, as becomes
good allies; without desiring for themselves the possession of any of
the said islands.
These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such
modification as may be found proper.
With great respect, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
[3] Passy is a small town about three miles from Paris, on the banks
of the Seine. Dr Franklin lived here during the whole of his residence
in France.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish officer, is recommended to
me by several persons of worth here, as a man of experience in
military affairs, and of tried bravery. He has lost his family and
estate in Poland, by fighting there in the cause of liberty, and
wishes, by engaging in the same cause, to find a new country and new
friends in America. Count Pulaski, who was a General of the
confederates in Poland, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one
of the greatest officers in Europe. He can give you the character of
this M. Kotkouski, who served under him as Lieutenant Colonel.
It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign
officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you can
provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction. When
particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters, I hope you will
excuse my taking the liberty. I give no expectations to those who
apply for them; I promise nothing, I acquaint them that their being
placed when they arrive is a great uncertainty, and that the voyage
being long, expensive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake
it. This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such
means; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer, if he cannot be
employed immediately as an officer; but I wish and hope that your
Excellency may find a better situation for him, and that he will be a
useful officer. He has the advantage of understanding English, and
will soon speak it intelligibly. He also speaks German, and some other
European languages, and the Latin.
With the truest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
Paris, June 13th, 1777.
Sir,
The person, who will have the honor of delivering this to your
Excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well recommended to
me as an officer of experience and merit, with a request that I would
give him a letter of introduction. I have acquainted him, that you are
rather overstocked with officers, and that his obtaining employment in
your army is an uncertainty; but his zeal for the American cause is
too great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he goes
over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a mark of
attachment that merits our regard. He will show your Excellency the
commissions and proofs of his military service hitherto, and I beg
leave to recommend him to your notice.
With the sincerest esteem and respect,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
M. DUBOURG TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Paris, September 8th, 1777
My dear Sir,
I should be much obliged to you, if you would be so good as to give a
letter of recommendation to some one of the chiefs of your army, in
favor of a young man full of courage, and also of distinguished
talents, who is at Bordeaux, ready to embark for America, where he
proposes to settle himself in Pennsylvania, after having served in
quality of volunteer, or otherwise, during the war. His name is
Gerard. He carries with him a little adventure, sufficient for
supporting him some years, and afterwards, if it is there customary,
his father will make over to him his portion. I interest myself
particularly in his favor, because he is the brother in law of one of
our honestest commissaries.
I have the honor to wish you a good day, and to reiterate the
assurances of my inviolable attachment.
DUBOURG.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD PETERS.
Passy, September 12th, 1777.
Sir,
The bearer Monsieur Gerard is recommended to me by M. Dubourg, a
gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty friend to our cause. I
enclose his letter, that you may see the favorable manner in which he
speaks of M. Gerard. I thereupon take the liberty of recommending the
young gentleman, to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite a
stranger there, and to request that you would put him in the way of
serving as a volunteer in our armies.
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
REMARKS ON A LOAN FOR THE UNITED STATES.[4]
[4] This paper was written by Dr Franklin in the summer of 1777, with
the view of convincing Europeans, that it was more eligible to lend
money to the United States at that time, than to England. It was
translated and sent to different parts of Europe. In Mr Arthur Lee's
letter to the Baron de Schulenburg, dated September 21st, 1777, he
mentions having sent a copy of it to that Minister.
In borrowing money, a man's credit depends on some, or all, of the
following particulars.
First, His known conduct respecting former loans, and his punctuality
in discharging them.
Secondly, His industry.
Thirdly, His frugality.
Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his income, and the freedom
of his estate from the incumbrances of prior debts.
Fifthly, His well founded prospects of greater future ability, by the
improvement of his estate in value, and by aids from others.
Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his general affairs, and the
advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he desires.
Seventhly, His known probity and honest character, manifested by his
voluntary discharge of debts, which he could not have been legally
compelled to pay. The circumstances, which give credit to an
_individual_, ought to have, and will have, their weight upon the
lenders of money to _public bodies_ or nations. If then we consider
and compare Britain and America in these several particulars, upon the
question, "To which is it safest to lend money?" We shall find,
1. Respecting _former loans_, that America, who borrowed ten millions
during the last war, for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men and
other charges, had faithfully discharged and paid that debt, and all
her other debts, in 1772. Whereas Britain, during those ten years of
peace and profitable commerce, had made little or no reduction of her
debt; but on the contrary, from time to time, diminished the hopes of
her creditors, by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking
fund destined for discharging it.
2. Respecting _industry_; every man in America is employed; the
greater part in cultivating their own lands, the rest in handicrafts,
navigation, and commerce. An idle man there is a rarity; idleness and
inutility are disgraceful. In England the number of that character is
immense, fashion has spread it far and wide; hence the embarrassments
of private fortunes, and the daily bankruptcies arising from a
universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures, and hence,
in some degree, the mismanagement of public business; for habits of
business, and ability in it, are acquired only by practice; and where
universal dissipation, and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the
mode, the youth educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that
patient attention and close application to affairs, which are so
necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare.
_Hence_ their frequent errors in policy, and hence the weariness at
public councils, and backwardness in going to them, the constant
unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and
consideration, and the readiness for postponing every new proposition;
which postponing is therefore the only part of business they come to
be expert in, an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily
practice. Whereas in America, men bred to close employment in their
private affairs attend with ease to those of the public when engaged
in them, and nothing fails through negligence.
3. Respecting _frugality_; the manner of living in America is more
simple and less expensive than in England, plain tables, plain
clothing, and plain furniture in houses prevail, with few carriages of
pleasure, there an expensive appearance hurts credit and is avoided,
in England it is often assumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin.
Respecting _public_ affairs, the difference is still greater. In
England the salaries of officers and emoluments of office are
enormous. The king has a million sterling per annum, and yet cannot
maintain his family free of debt, secretaries of state, lords of
treasury, admiralty, &c. have vast appointments, an auditor of the
exchequer has sixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of all the
public money expended by the nation; so that when a war costs forty
millions, one million is paid to him; an inspector of the mint, in the
last new coinage, received as his fee £65,000 sterling per annum; to
all which rewards no service these gentlemen can render the public is
by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the people, who are
oppressed by taxes so occasioned, and thereby rendered less able to
contribute to the payment of necessary national debts. In America,
salaries, where indispensable, are extremely low; but much of the
public business is done gratis. The honor of serving the public ably
and faithfully is deemed sufficient. _Public spirit_ really exists
there, and has great effects. In England it is universally deemed a
nonentity, and whoever pretends to it is laughed at as a fool, or
suspected as a knave. The committees of Congress which form the board
of war, the board of treasury, the board of foreign affairs, the naval
board, that for accounts, &c. all attend the business of their
respective functions without any salary or emolument whatever, though
they spend in it much more of their time, than any lord of the
treasury or admiralty in England can spare from his amusements. A
British Minister lately computed, that the whole expense of the
Americans in their _civil_ government, over three millions of people,
amounted to but £70,000 sterling, and drew from thence a conclusion,
that they ought to be taxed, until their expense was equal in
proportion to that which it costs Great Britain to govern eight
millions. He had no idea of a contrary conclusion, that if three
millions may be well governed for £70,000, eight millions may be as
well governed for three times that sum, and that therefore the expense
of his own government should be diminished. In that corrupted nation,
no man is ashamed of being concerned in lucrative _government jobs_,
in which the public money is egregiously misapplied and squandered,
the treasury pillaged, and more numerous and heavy taxes accumulated,
to the great oppression of the people. But the prospect of a greater
number of such jobs by a war is an inducement with many to cry out for
war upon all occasions, and to oppose every proposition of peace.
Hence the constant increase of the national debt, and the absolute
improbability of its ever being discharged.
4. Respecting the _amount and certainty of income, and solidity of
security_, the _whole_ thirteen States of America are engaged for the
payment of every debt contracted by the Congress, and the debt to be
contracted by the present war is the _only_ debt they will have to
pay; all, or nearly all, the former debts of particular Colonies being
already discharged. Whereas England will have to pay not only the
enormous debt this war must occasion, but all their vast preceding
debt, or the interest of it,--and while America is enriching itself by
prizes made upon the British commerce, more than ever it did by any
commerce of its own under the restraints of a British monopoly and the
diminution of its revenues and of course, less able to discharge the
present indiscreet increase of its expenses.
5. Respecting prospect of greater _future ability_, Britain has none
such. Her islands are circumscribed by the ocean, and excepting a few
parks or forests, she has no new land to cultivate, and cannot
therefore extend her improvements. Her numbers, too, instead of
increasing from increased subsistence, are continually diminishing
from growing luxury, and the increasing difficulties of maintaining
families, which of course discourage early marriages. Thus she will
have fewer people to assist in paying her debts, and that diminishing
number will be poorer. America, on the contrary, has, besides her
lands already cultivated, a vast territory yet to be cultivated;
which, being cultivated, continually increases in value with the
increase of people; and the people, who double themselves by a
_natural propagation_ every twentyfive years, will double yet faster
by the accession of _strangers_, as long as lands are to be had for
new families; so that every twenty years there will be a double number
of inhabitants obliged to discharge the public debts; and those
inhabitants being more opulent may pay their shares with greater ease.
6. Respecting _prudence_ in general affairs, and the advantages to be
expected from the loan desired; the Americans are cultivators of land;
those engaged in fishery and commerce are few, compared with the
others. They have ever conducted their several governments with
wisdom, avoiding wars and vain expensive projects, delighting only in
their peaceable occupations, which must, considering the extent of
their uncultivated territory, find them employment still for ages.
Whereas England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent, and
quarrelsome, is half of the time engaged in war, always at an expense
infinitely greater than the advantages to be obtained by it, if
successful. Thus they made war against Spain in 1739, for a claim of
about £95,000, (scarce a groat for each individual of the nation) and
spent forty millions sterling in the war, and the lives of fifty
thousand men; and finally made peace without obtaining satisfaction
for the sum claimed. Indeed, there is scarce a nation in Europe,
against which she has not made war on some frivolous pretext or
other, and thereby imprudently accumulated a debt, that has brought
her on the verge of bankruptcy. But the most indiscreet of all her
wars is the present against America, with whom she might for ages have
preserved her profitable connexion only by a just and equitable
conduct. She is now acting like a mad shop keeper, who, by beating
those that pass his doors, attempts to make them come in and be his
customers. America cannot submit to such treatment, without being
first ruined, and, being ruined, her custom will be worth nothing.
England, to effect this, is increasing her debt, and irretrievably
ruining herself. America, on the other hand, aims only to establish
her liberty, and that freedom of commerce which will be advantageous
to all Europe; and by abolishing that monopoly which she labored
under, she will profit infinitely more than enough to repay any debt,
which she may contract to accomplish it.
7. Respecting _character in the honest payment of debts_; the
punctuality with which America has discharged her public debts was
shown under the first head. And the general good disposition of the
people to such punctuality has been manifested in their faithful
payment of _private_ debts to England, since the commencement of this
war. There were not wanting some politicians (in America) who proposed
_stopping that payment_, until peace should be restored, alleging,
that in the usual course of commerce, and of the credit given, there
was always a debt existing equal to the trade of eighteen months; that
the trade amounting to five millions sterling per annum, the debt must
be seven millions and a half; that this sum paid to the British
merchants would operate to prevent that distress, intended to be
brought upon Britain, by our stoppage of commerce with her; for the
merchants receiving this money, and no orders with it for further
supplies, would either lay it out in public funds, or in employing
manufactures to accumulate goods for a future hungry market in America
upon an expected accommodation, by which means the funds would be kept
up and the manufacturers prevented from murmuring. But _against this
it was alleged_, that injuries from ministers should not be revenged
on merchants; that the credit was in consequence of private contracts
made in confidence of good faith; that these ought to be held sacred
and faithfully complied with; for that, whatever public utility might
be supposed to arise from a breach of private faith, it was unjust,
and would in the end be found unwise, honesty being in truth the best
policy. On this principle the proposition was universally rejected;
and though the English prosecuted the war with unexampled barbarity,
burning our defenceless towns in the midst of winter, and arming
savages against us; the debt was punctually paid, and the merchants of
London have testified to the Parliament, and will testify to all the
world, that from their experience in dealing with us they had, before
the war, no apprehension of our unfairness, and that since the war
they have been convinced that their good opinion of us was well
founded. England, on the contrary, an old, corrupt government,
extravagant and profligate nation, sees herself deep in debt, which
she is in no condition to pay, and yet is madly and dishonestly
running deeper, without any possibility of discharging her debt but by
a public bankruptcy.
It appears, therefore, from the general industry, frugality, ability,
prudence, and virtue of America, that she is a much safer debtor than
Britain; to say nothing of the satisfaction generous minds must have
in reflecting, that by loans to America they are opposing tyranny, and
aiding the cause of liberty, which is the cause of all mankind.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY, MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT.
Passy, October 14th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
I received duly your letter of May 2d, 1777, including a copy of one
you had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which
it seems has been the case with some I wrote to you from America.
Filled, though our letters have always been, with sentiments of good
will to both countries, and earnest desires of preventing their ruin
and promoting their mutual felicity, I have been apprehensive that if
it were known that a correspondence subsisted between us, it might be
attended with inconvenience to you. I have therefore been backward in
writing, not caring to trust the post, and not well knowing who else
to trust with my letters. But being now assured of a safe conveyance,
I venture to write to you, especially as I think the subject such a
one as you may receive a letter upon without censure.
Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave, of the fatal
separation of interests as well as of affections, that must attend the
measures commenced while I was in England, had been attended to, and
the horrid mischief of this abominable war been thereby prevented. I
should still be happy in any successful endeavors for restoring peace,
consistent with the liberties, the safety, and the honor of America.
As to our submitting to the government of Great Britain, it is vain to
think of it. She has given us, by her numberless barbarities, (by her
malice in bribing slaves to murder their masters, and savages to
massacre the families of farmers, with her baseness in rewarding the
unfaithfulness of servants, and debauching the virtue of honest
seamen, intrusted with our property) in the prosecution of the war,
and in the treatment of the prisoners, so deep an impression of her
depravity, that we never again can trust her in the management of our
affairs and interests. It is now impossible to persuade our people, as
I long endeavored, that the war was merely ministerial, and that the
nation bore still a good will to us. The infinite number of addresses
printed in your gazettes, all approving the conduct of your government
towards us, and encouraging our destruction by every possible means,
the great majority in Parliament constantly manifesting the same
sentiments, and the popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news
of the slaughter of an innocent and virtuous people, fighting only in
defence of their just rights; these, together with the recommendations
of the same measures by even your celebrated moralists and divines, in
their writings and sermons, that are still approved and applauded in
your great national assemblies, all join in convincing us, that you
are no longer the magnanimous enlightened nation we once esteemed you,
and that you are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as not being able to
govern your own passions.
But, as I have said, I should be nevertheless happy in seeing peace
restored. For though if my friends and the friends of liberty and
virtue, who still remain in England, could be drawn out of it, a
continuance of this war to the ruin of the rest would give me less
concern. I cannot, as that removal is impossible, but wish for peace
for their sakes, as well as for the sake of humanity, and preventing
further carnage.
This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to mention to
you, that between nations long exasperated against each other in war,
some act of generosity and kindness towards prisoners on one side has
softened resentment, and abated animosity on the other, so as to bring
on an accommodation. You in England, if you wish for peace, have at
present the opportunity of trying this means with regard to the
prisoners now in your gaols. They complain of very severe treatment.
They are far from their friends and families, and winter is coming on,
in which they must suffer extremely, if continued in their present
situation; fed scantily on bad provisions, without warm lodging,
clothes, or fire, and not suffered to invite or receive visits from
their friends, or even from the humane and charitable of their
enemies.
I can assure you, from my own certain knowledge, that your people,
prisoners in America, have been treated with great kindness; they have
been served with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our own
troops, comfortable lodgings have been provided for them, and they
have been allowed large bounds of villages in the healthy air, to walk
and amuse themselves with on their parole. Where you have thought fit
to employ contractors to supply your people, these contractors have
been protected and aided in their operations. Some considerable act of
kindness towards our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity
in that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought with more
certainty to lay on the conductors of your war in America. This I hint
to you, out of some remaining good will to a nation I once loved
sincerely. But as things are, and in my present temper of mind, not
being over fond of receiving obligations, I shall content myself with
proposing, that your government would allow us to send or employ a
commissary to take some care of those unfortunate people. Perhaps on
your representations this might speedily be obtained in England,
though it was refused most inhumanly at New York.
If you could have leisure to visit the gaols in which they are
confined, and should be desirous of knowing the truth relative to the
treatment they receive, I wish you would take the trouble of
distributing among the most necessitous according to their wants, five
or six hundred pounds, for which your drafts on me here shall be
punctually honored. You could then be able to speak with some
certainty to the point in Parliament, and this might be attended with
good effects.
If you cannot obtain for us permission to send a commissary, possibly
you may find a trusty, humane, discreet person at Plymouth, and
another at Portsmouth, who would undertake to communicate what relief
we may be able to afford those unfortunate men, martyrs to the cause
of liberty. Your king will not reward you for taking this trouble, but
God will. I shall not mention the gratitude of America; you will have
what is better, the applause of your own good conscience. Our captains
have set at liberty above two hundred of your people, made prisoners
by our armed vessels and brought into France, besides a great number
dismissed at sea on your coasts, to whom vessels were given to carry
them in. But you have not returned us a man in exchange. If we had
sold your people to the Moors at Sallee, as you have many of ours to
the African and East India Companies, could you have complained?
In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth in it, and
was about to strike out some parts. Yet I let them go, as they will
afford you this one reflection; "If a man naturally cool, and rendered
still cooler by old age, is so warmed by our treatment of his country,
how much must those people in general be exasperated against us? And
why are we making inveterate enemies by our barbarity, not only of the
present inhabitants of a great country, but of their infinitely more
numerous posterity; who will in future ages detest the name of
_Englishman_, as much as the children in Holland now do those of
_Alva_ and _Spaniard_." This will certainly happen, unless your
conduct is speedily changed, and the national resentment falls, where
it ought to fall heavily, on your ministry, or perhaps rather on the
king, whose will they only execute.
With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes for your
prosperity, I have the honor to be, dear sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Paris, December 21st, 1777.
Sir,
I see in a vote of Congress, shown me by Captain Franval, that Mr
Deane is disowned in some of his agreements with officers. I, who am
upon the spot, and know the infinite difficulty of resisting the
powerful solicitations of great men, who if disobliged might have it
in their power to obstruct the supplies he was then obtaining, do not
wonder, that being then a stranger to the people, and unacquainted
with the language, he was at first prevailed on to make some such
agreements, when all were recommended, as they always are, as
_officiers expérimentés, braves comme leurs epeés, pleins de courage,
des talents, et de zèle, pour notre cause_, &c. &c in short mere
Cesars, each of whom would have been an invaluable acquisition to
America. You can have no conception how we are still besieged, and
worried on this head, our time cut to pieces by personal applications,
besides those contained in dozens of letters by every post, which are
so generally refused, that scarce one in a hundred obtains from us a
simple recommendation to civilities.
I hope, therefore, that favorable allowance will be made to my worthy
colleague, on account of his situation at the time, as he has long
since corrected that mistake, and daily approves himself to my certain
knowledge an able, faithful, active, and extremely useful servant of
the public, a testimony I think it my duty to take this occasion of
giving to his merit, unasked, as, considering my great age, I may
probably not live to give it personally in Congress, and I perceive he
has enemies.
You will see the general news in the papers in particular, I can only
say at present, that our affairs go well here, and that
I am, with much respect, Sir, &c
B. FRANKLIN[5]
[5] A letter from Dr Franklin to the President of Congress respecting
Mr Deane, dated March 31st, 1778 will be found in Mr Deane's
Correspondence, Vol I p 120
* * * * *
TO JAMES HUTTON.[6]
[6] This gentleman was for many years Secretary to the Society of
Moravians, and sustained a very estimable character. He seems to have
gone to Paris on some private agency with reference to a peace. An
intimate friendship subsisted between him and Dr Franklin. He died in
England, on the 25th of April, 1795, in his 80th year.
Passy, February 1st, 1778.
My dear old Friend,
You desired, that if I had no proposition to make, I would at least
give my advice.
I think it is Ariosto who says, that all things lost on earth, are to
be found in the moon; on which somebody remarked, that there must be a
great deal of good advice in the moon. If so there is a good deal of
mine formerly given and lost in this business. I will, however, at
your request give a little more, but without the least expectation,
that it will be followed; for none but God can at the same time give
good counsel, and wisdom to make use of it.
You have lost by this mad war, and the barbarity with which it has
been carried on, not only the government and commerce of America, and
the public revenues and private wealth arising from that commerce, but
what is more, you have lost the esteem, respect, friendship, and
affection of all that great and growing people, who consider you at
present, and whose posterity will consider you, as the worst and
wickedest nation upon earth. A peace you may undoubtedly obtain, by
dropping all your pretensions to govern us; and by your superior skill
in huckstering negotiation, you may possibly make such an apparently
advantageous bargain, as shall be applauded in your Parliament; but
if you cannot, with the peace, recover the affections of that people,
it will not be a lasting nor a profitable one, nor will it afford you
any part of that strength, which you once had by your union with them,
and might (if you had been wise enough to take advice) have still
retained.
To recover their respect and affection, you must tread back the steps
you have taken.
Instead of honoring and rewarding the American advisers and promoters
of this war, you should disgrace them; with all those who have
inflamed the nation against America by their malicious writings; and
all the ministers and generals who have prosecuted the war with such
inhumanity. This would show a national change of disposition, and a
disapprobation of what had passed.
In proposing terms, you should not only grant such as the necessity of
your affairs may evidently oblige you to grant, but such additional
ones as may show your generosity, and thereby demonstrate your good
will. For instance, perhaps you might, by your treaty, retain all
Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas. But if you would have a real
friendly as well as able ally in America, and avoid all occasion of
future discord, which will otherwise be continually arising on your
American frontiers, you should throw in those countries. And you may
call it, if you please, an indemnification for the burning of their
towns, which indemnification will otherwise be some time or other
demanded.
I know your people will not see the utility of such measures, and will
never follow them, and even call it insolence and impudence in me to
mention them. I have, however, complied with your desire, and am, as
ever, your affectionate friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S. February 12th, 1778._ I wrote the above some time before I
received yours, acquainting me with your speedy and safe return, which
gave me pleasure. I doubted after I had written it, whether it would
be well to send it; for as your proud nation despises us exceedingly,
and demands and expects absolute and humble submission, all talk of
treaty must appear imprudence, and tend to provoke rather than
conciliate. As you still press me by your last to say something, I
conclude to send what I had written, for I think the advice is good,
though it must be useless; and I cannot, as some amongst you desire,
make propositions, having none committed to me to make; but we can
treat if any are made to us; which however we do not expect. I
abominate with you all murder, and I may add, that the slaughter of
men in an unjust cause is nothing less than murder; I therefore never
think of your present ministers and their abettors, but with the image
strongly painted in my view, of their hands, red, wet, and dropping
with the blood of my countrymen, friends, and relations. No peace can
be signed by those hands.
Peace and friendship will, nevertheless, subsist for ever between Mr
Hutton and his affectionate friend,
B.F.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 12th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
A thousand thanks for your so readily engaging in the means of
relieving our poor captives, and the pains you have taken, and the
advances you have made for that purpose. I received your kind letter
of the 3d instant, and send you enclosed a bill of one hundred pounds.
I much approve of Mr Wren's prudent, as well as benevolent conduct in
the disposition of the money, and wish him to continue doing what
shall appear to him and to you to be right, which I am persuaded will
appear the same to me and my colleagues here. I beg you will present
him, when you write, my respectful acknowledgments.
Your "earnest caution and request, that nothing may ever persuade
America to throw themselves into the arms of France, for that times
may mend, and that an American must always be a stranger in France,
but that Great Britain may for ages to come be their home," marks the
goodness of your heart, your regard for us, and love of your country.
But when your nation is hiring all the cut-throats it can collect, of
all countries and colors, to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not
to ask or accept aid from any power, that may be prevailed with to
grant it; and this only from the hope, that though you now thirst for
our blood, and pursue us with fire and sword, you may in some future
time treat us kindly. This is too much patience to be expected of us;
indeed I think it is not in human nature.
The Americans are received and treated here in France with a
cordiality, a respect, and affection they never experienced in England
when they most deserved it; and which is now (after all the pains
taken to exasperate the English against them, and render them odious
as well as contemptible) less to be expected there than ever. And I
cannot see why we may not, upon an alliance, hope for a continuance of
it, at least as much as the Swiss enjoy, with whom France have
maintained a faithful friendship for two hundred years past, and whose
people appear to live here in as much esteem as the natives. America
has been _forced_ and _driven_ into the arms of France. She was a
dutiful and virtuous daughter. A cruel mother in law turned her out of
doors, defamed her, and sought her life. All the world knows her
innocence, and takes her part; and her friends hope soon to see her
honorably married. They can never persuade her return and submission
to so barbarous an enemy. In her future prosperity, if she forgets and
forgives, it is all that can be reasonably expected of her. I believe
she will make as good and useful a wife as she did a daughter, that
her husband will love and honor her, and that the family, from which
she was so wickedly expelled, will long regret the loss of her.
I know not whether a peace with us is desired in England; I rather
think it is not at present, unless on the old impossible terms of
submission and receiving pardon. Whenever you shall be disposed to
make peace upon equal and reasonable terms, you will find little
difficulty, if you get first an honest Ministry. The present have all
along acted so deceitfully and treacherously, as well as inhumanly,
towards the Americans, that I imagine, that the absolute want of all
confidence in them will make a treaty, at present, between them and
the Congress impracticable.
The subscription for the prisoners will have excellent effects in
favor of England and Englishmen. The Scotch subscriptions for raising
troops to destroy us, though amounting to much greater sums, will not
do their nation half so much good. If you have an opportunity, I wish
you would express our respectful acknowledgments and thanks to your
committee and contributors, whose benefactions will make our poor
people as comfortable as their situation can permit. Adieu, my dear
friend. Accept my thanks for the excellent papers you enclosed to me.
Your endeavors for peace, though unsuccessful, will always be a
comfort to you, and in time, when this mad war shall be universally
execrated, will be a solid addition to your reputation.
I am ever, with the highest esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ An old friend of mine, Mr Hutton, a chief of the Moravians,
who is often at the Queen's palace, and is sometimes spoken to by the
King, was over here lately. He pretended to no commission, but urged
me much to propose some terms of peace, which I avoided. He has
written to me since his return, pressing the same thing, and
expressing with some confidence his opinion, that we might have
everything short of absolute independence, &c. Enclosed I send my
answers open, that you may read them, and if you please copy, before
you deliver or forward them. They will serve to show you more fully my
sentiments, though they serve no other purpose.
B. F.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 26th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yours of the 18th and 20th of this month, with Lord North's
proposed bills. The more I see of the ideas and projects of your
Ministry, and their little arts and schemes of amusing and dividing
us, the more I admire the prudent, manly, and magnanimous propositions
contained in your intended motion for an address to the King. What
reliance can we have on an act expressing itself to be only a
declaration of the _intention_ of Parliament, concerning the
_exercise_ of the right of imposing taxes in America, when in the bill
itself, as well as in the title, a right is supposed and claimed,
which never existed; and a _present intention_ only is declared not to
use it, which may be changed by another act next session, with a
preamble, that this _intention_ being found expedient, it is thought
proper to repeal this act, and resume the exercise of _the right_ in
its full extent. If any solid permanent benefit was intended by this,
why is it confined to the Colonies of North America, and not extended
to the loyal ones in the sugar islands? But it is now endless to
criticise, as all acts that suppose your future government of the
Colonies can be no longer significant.
In the act for appointing Commissioners, instead of full powers to
agree upon terms of peace and friendship, with a promise of ratifying
such treaty as they shall make in pursuance of those powers, it is
declared, that their agreements shall have no force nor effect, nor be
carried into execution till approved of by Parliament; so that every
thing of importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to
proclaim a cessation of arms, and revoke their proclamation, as soon
as in consequence of it our militia have been allowed to go home; they
may suspend the operation of acts, prohibiting trade, and take off
that suspension when our merchants, in consequence of it, have been
induced to send their ships to sea; in short, they may do everything
that can have a tendency to divide and distract us, but nothing that
can afford us security. Indeed, Sir, your Ministers do not know us. We
may not be quite so cunning as they, but we have really more sense,
as well as more courage, than they have ever been willing to give us
credit for; and I am persuaded, these acts will rather obstruct peace
than promote it, and that they will not answer in America the
mischievous and malevolent ends for which they were intended. In
England they may indeed amuse the public creditors, give hopes and
expectations, that shall be of some present use, and continue the
mismanagers a little longer in their places. _Voila tout!_
In return for your repeated advice to us, not to conclude any treaty
with the House of Bourbon, permit me to give (through you) a little
advice to the whigs in England. Let nothing induce them to join with
the tories in supporting and continuing this wicked war against the
whigs of America, whose assistance they may hereafter want to secure
their own liberties; or whose country they may be glad to retire to
for the enjoyment of them.
If peace, by a treaty with America upon equal terms, were really
desired, your Commissioners need not go there for it; supposing, as by
the bill they are empowered "to treat with such person or persons, as
in their wisdom and discretion they shall think meet," they should
happen to conceive, that the Commissioners of the Congress at Paris
might be included in that description.
I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ Seriously, on further thoughts, I am of opinion, that if wise
and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the Bishop of St Asaph,
and yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat,
you might not only obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with
France.
* * * * *
TO JAMES HUTTON.
Passy, March 24th, 1778.
My dear old friend was in the right, not "to call in question the
sincerity of my words, where I say, February the 12th, _we can treat
if any propositions are made to us_." They were true then, and are so
still, if Britain has not declared war with France; for in that case
we shall undoubtedly think ourselves obliged to continue the war as
long as she does. But methinks you should have taken us at our word,
and have sent immediately your propositions in order to prevent such a
war, if you did not choose it. Still I conceive it would be well to do
it, if you have not already rashly begun the war. Assure yourself,
nobody more sincerely wishes perpetual peace among men than I do; but
there is a prior wish, that they would be equitable and just,
otherwise such peace is not possible, and indeed wicked men have no
right to expect it.
Adieu! I am ever yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
NOTE FROM WILLIAM PULTNEY TO B. FRANKLIN.[7]
[7] Mr Pultney writes under the assumed name of Williams.
March 29th, 1778.
Mr Williams returned this morning to Paris, and will be glad to see Dr
Franklin, whenever it is convenient for the Doctor, at the Hotel
Frasiliere, Rue Tournon. It is near the hotel where he lodged when the
Doctor saw him a fortnight ago. He does not propose to go abroad, and
therefore the Doctor will find him at any hour. He understands that Mr
Alexander is not yet returned from Dijon, which he regrets.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM PULTNEY.
Passy, March 30th, 1778.
Sir,
When I first had the honor of conversing with you on the subject of
peace, I mentioned it as my opinion, that every proposition, which
implied our voluntarily agreeing to return to a dependence on Britain,
was now become impossible; that a peace on equal terms undoubtedly
might be made; and that though we had no particular powers to treat of
peace with England, we had general powers to make treaties of peace,
amity, and commerce, with any State in Europe, by which I thought we
might be authorised to treat with Britain; who, if sincerely disposed
to peace, might save time and much bloodshed by treating with us
directly.
I also gave it as my opinion, that in the treaty to be made, Britain
should endeavor, by the fairness and generosity of the terms she
offered, to recover the esteem, confidence, and affection of America,
without which the peace could not be so beneficial, as it was not
likely to be lasting; in this I had the pleasure to find you of my
opinion.
But I see by the propositions you have communicated to me, that the
Ministers cannot yet divest themselves of the idea, that the power of
Parliament over us is constitutionally absolute and unlimited; and
that the limitations they may be willing now to put to it by treaty
are so many favors, or so many benefits, for which we are to make
compensation.
As our opinions in America are totally different, a treaty on the
terms proposed appears to me utterly impracticable, either here or
there. Here we certainly cannot make it, having not the smallest
authority to make even the declaration specified in the proposed
letter, without which, if I understood you right, treating with us
cannot be commenced.
I sincerely wish as much for peace as you do, and I have enough
remaining of good will for England to wish it for her sake as well as
for our own, and for the sake of humanity. In the present state of
things, the proper means of obtaining it, in my opinion, are to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then enter at
once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual
provisions relating to distances; and another for establishing peace,
friendship, and commerce, such as France has made. This might prevent
a war between you and that kingdom, which in the present circumstances
and temper of the two nations an accident may bring on every day,
though contrary to the interest and without the previous intention of
either. Such a treaty we might probably now make, with the approbation
of our friends; but if you go to war with them, on account of their
friendship for us, we are bound by ties, stronger than can be formed
by any treaty, to fight against you with them, as long as the war
against them shall continue.
May God at last grant that wisdom to your national councils, which he
seems long to have denied them, and which only sincere, just, and
humane intentions can merit or expect.
With great personal esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO DR BANCROFT.
Passy, April 16th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I wish you would assure our friend, that Dr Franklin never gave any
such expectations to Mr Pultney. On the contrary, he told him, that
the commissioners could not succeed in their mission, whether they
went to recover the _dependence_ or to _divide_. His opinion is
confirmed by the enclosed resolves, which perhaps it may not be amiss
to publish in England. Please to send me the newspaper.
Yours affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, April 23d, 1778
Dear Sir,
I will take care of all your commissions. This moment a second packet
of infinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark of
affection from you. I opened the letter by mistake, which came with
it, and soon saw it was not for me. I hope you will excuse it. I
choose rather to throw myself upon your goodness for the excuse, than
anything else. I shall not set out till between one and two;
therefore, if you will be so good as to send me another copy, I will
take care of it and deliver it safely.
God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavor on my part
shall be wanting, that we may some time or other meet again in peace.
Your powers are infinitely more influential than mine. To those powers
I trust my last hopes. I will conclude, blessed are the peace makers.
Your affectionate friend,
D. HARTLEY.
_P. S._ If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own
safety; events are uncertain, and men may be capricious.
* * * * *
ANSWER.
I thank you for your kind caution, but having nearly finished a long
life, I set but little value on what remains of it. Like a draper,
when one chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, "As it is
only the fag end, I will not differ with you about it; take it for
what you please." Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put
to, is to make a martyr of him.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
Mr Hartley, a member of Parliament, an old acquaintance of mine,
arrived here from London on Sunday last. He is generally in the
opposition, especially on American questions, but has some respect for
Lord North. In conversation he expressed the strongest anxiety for
peace with America, and appeared extremely desirous to know my
sentiments of the terms, which might probably be acceptable if
offered; whether America would not, to obtain peace, grant some
superior advantages in trade to Britain, and enter into an alliance
offensive and defensive; whether, if war should be declared against
France, we had obliged ourselves by treaty to join with her against
England.
My answers have been, that the United States were not fond of war, and
with the advice of their friends would probably be easily prevailed
with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms committed
to us to propose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain,
having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might
think herself well off, if _on reparation of those injuries_ we
admitted her to _equal_ advantages with other nations in commerce; but
certainly she had no reason to expect _superior_; that her known
fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in
wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an
immediate rejection of every proposition for an _offensive_ alliance
with her; and that if she made war against France on our account, a
peace with us, at the same time, was impossible; for that having met
with friendship from that generous nation, when we were cruelly
oppressed by England, we were under ties stronger than treaties could
form, to make common cause; which we should certainly do to the utmost
of our power.
Here has also been with me a Mr Chapman, who says he is a member of
the parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he had
been for the recovery of his health. He pretended to call on me only
from motives of respect for my character, &c. But after a few
compliments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know
what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having _peace and
independence granted_ to us, we should not be willing to submit to the
navigation act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The
purport of my answer to him was in short, that peace was of equal
value to England as to us, and independence we were already in
possession of; that, therefore, England's offer to grant them to us
could not be considered as proposing any favor, or as giving her a
right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity, I
found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it; and from
some expressions, I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shelburne to
sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from
these conversations, that the opposition as well as the Ministry are
perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which
way to turn themselves, whether it is best to go backward or forward,
or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present
dangerous situation.
I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of these
interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such
hereafter, as I see but little prospect of utility in them, and think
they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations.
By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec, with goods
valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the
end of this month, under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty
guns, in which is to go Governor Haldimand.
Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from London. It is not
subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend
of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present
distress and despair of considerate people in England.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's,
&c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, April 25th, 1778.
I have made known to the King, Sir, the substance of the letter, which
you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday; and I am directed by
his Majesty to express to you the satisfaction he has experienced from
the information, which you have communicated on your conferences with
Mr Hartley. The grand principle of the English policy has always been
to excite divisions; and it is by such means she expects to sustain
her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she
can practise such arts with success. I entertain the same sentiments
of confidence in the United States. As to the rest, it is impossible
to speak with more dignity, frankness, and firmness, than you have
done to Mr Hartley; he has no reason to be very well satisfied with
his mission. I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any mission
for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of
the morning. I should not be at all surprised, if his purpose be to
sow distrust between us, by proposing a double negotiation. That I can
obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be,
you shall be made acquainted with.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, Sir, your
most humble and most obedient servant,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Yorktown, June 20th, 1778.
Sir,
By a most unlucky mistake, I did not forward the resolve of the 5th of
May, with the ratifications of the treaties sent in that month, in the
packets A B C, but I have sent it in D E via Martinique, and now
forward it via Boston in F G, not allowing myself to wait for the
concurrence of the Committee in a joint letter.
Our troops were in the city of Philadelphia on the morning of the
18th. The intentions of the enemy in evacuating it cannot yet be
explained. Our army is in motion and will press them. The Gazettes
contain every thing material. By the arrival of Messrs Simeon Deane,
May 2d, Courter, May 18th, Stevenson, June 10th, Holker and
Carmichael, June 18th, we have the favors of yourself and other
friends in continuance. Commissioners will be particularly nominated
to transact affairs for us at Lisbon and the Hague, if those Courts
are well disposed towards us. We are now growing anxious about our
worthy friend J. Adams.
Your most humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
ANSWER TO A LETTER FROM BRUSSELS.
Passy, July 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I received your letter, dated at Brussels the 16th past.
My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of
compliment to my understanding, if your proposals did not more clearly
manifest a mean opinion of it.
You conjure me in the name of the omniscient and just God, before whom
I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some
expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the desolation of America,
and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having
taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to
widen it, I can appear cheerfully before that God, fearing nothing
from his justice in this particular, though I have much occasion for
his mercy in many others. As to my future fame, I am content to rest
it on my past and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it
in the crooked, dark paths, you propose to me, where I should most
certainly lose it. This, your solemn address, would therefore have
been more properly made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He
and they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a war for the
desolation of America, are alone accountable for the consequences.
You endeavor to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith; but the
instances of their friendly endeavors to serve a race of weak princes,
who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their
interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady
friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland,
which has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me that
she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do
not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she
despises us; but I see clearly that you are endeavoring to cheat us by
your conciliatory bills; that you actually despised our understandings
when you flattered yourselves those artifices would succeed; and that
not only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly
and for ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your
insidious propositions.
Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so
magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent
them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble
husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from
their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of
furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without
external commerce; and we have too much land to have the least
temptation to extend our territory by conquest from peaceable
neighbors, as well as too much justice to think of it. Our militia,
you find by experience, are sufficient to defend our lands from
invasion; and the commerce with us will be defended by all the nations
who find an advantage in it. We, therefore, have not the occasion you
imagine, of fleets, or standing armies, but may leave those expensive
machines to be maintained for the pomp of princes, and the wealth of
ancient states. We propose, if possible, to live in peace with all
mankind; and after you have been convinced to your cost, that there is
nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason to hope that no
other power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us, lest they divert
us from our own quiet industry, and turn us into corsairs preying upon
theirs. The weight therefore of an independent empire, which you seem
certain of our inability to bear, will not be so great as you imagine.
The expense of our civil government we have always borne, and can
easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious people may
be cheaply governed. Determining as we do, to have no offices of
profit, nor any sinecures or useless appointments, so common in
ancient or corrupted states, we can govern ourselves a year, for the
sum you pay in a single department, or for what one jobbing
contractor, by the favor of a Minister, can cheat you out of in a
single article.
You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an opinion that
England _must_ acknowledge our independency. We, on the other hand,
think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a
vast boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain some great
advantage by granting or withholding. We have never asked it of you;
we only tell you, that you can have no treaty with us but as an
independent State; and you may please yourselves and your children
with the rattle of your right to govern us, as long as you have done
with that of your King's being King of France, without giving us the
least concern, if you do not attempt to exercise it. That this
pretended right is indisputable, as you say, we utterly deny. Your
Parliament never had a right to govern us, and your King has forfeited
it by his bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little
of your mind, that even if the Parliament should acknowledge our
independency, the act would not be binding to posterity, and that your
nation would resume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it
convenient from the influence of your passions, and your present
malice against us. We suspected before, that you would not be actually
bound by your conciliatory acts, longer than till they had served
their purpose of inducing us to disband our forces; but we were not
certain, that you were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to
have the least confidence in your offers, promises, or treaties,
though confirmed by Parliament.
I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, when in England,
that a certain very great personage, then young, studied much a
certain book entitled _Arcana imperii_. I had the curiosity to procure
the book and read it. There are sensible and good things in it, but
some bad ones; for, if I remember rightly, a particular king is
applauded for his politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects,
at a time when they had not strength to support it, that he might, in
subduing them, take away their privileges, which were troublesome to
him; and a question is formally stated and discussed, _Whether a
prince, who, to appease a revolt, makes promises of indemnity to the
revolters, is obliged to fulfil those promises?_ Honest and good men
would say, aye; but this politician says, as you say, no. And he gives
this pretty reason, that though it was right to make the promises,
because otherwise the revolt would not be suppressed, yet it would be
wrong to keep them, because revolters ought to be punished to deter
future revolts.
If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence can be
placed in you; it is in vain to treat with you, and the wars can only
end in being reduced to an utter inability of continuing them.
One main drift of your letter seems to be to impress me with an idea
of your own impartiality, by just censures of your Ministers and
measures, and to draw from me propositions of peace, or approbations
of those you have enclosed to me, which you intimate may by your means
be conveyed to the King directly, without the intervention of those
Ministers. You would have me give them to, or drop them for, a
stranger whom I may find next Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to
be known by a rose in his hat. You yourself, Sir, are quite unknown
to me; you have not trusted me with your true name. Our taking the
least step towards a treaty with England through you, might, if you
are an enemy, be made use of to ruin us with our new and good friends.
I may be indiscreet enough in many things; but certainly, if I were
disposed to make propositions (which I cannot do, having none
committed to me to make) I should never think of delivering them to
the Lord knows who, to be carried to the Lord knows where, to serve no
one knows what purposes. Being at this time one of the most remarkable
figures in Paris, even my appearance in the church of Notre Dame,
where I cannot have any conceivable business, and especially being
seen to leave or drop any letter to any person there, would be a
matter of some speculation, and might, from the suspicions it must
naturally give, have very mischievous consequences to our credit here.
The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a manner
not necessary where fair dealing is intended, gives just reason to
suppose you intend the contrary. Besides, as your Court has sent
Commissioners to treat with the Congress, with all the powers that
would be given them by the crown under the act of Parliament, what
good purpose can be served by privately obtaining propositions from
us? Before those Commissioners went, we might have treated in virtue
of our general powers, (with the knowledge, advice, and approbation of
our friends) upon any propositions made to us. But under the present
circumstances, for us to make propositions, while a treaty is supposed
to be actually on foot with the Congress, would be extremely improper,
highly presumptuous with regard to our constituents, and answer no
good end whatever.
I write this letter to you, notwithstanding, (which I think I can
convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your
hands;) I write it because I would let you know our sense of your
procedure, which appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory
bills. Your true way to obtain peace, if your Ministers desire it, is
to propose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and you may
possibly come sooner to such a resolution when you find that personal
flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our _virtue_ and
_wisdom_ are not likely to have the effect you seem to expect; the
persuading us to act basely and foolishly in betraying our country and
posterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, giving up or
selling of our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our ships of war
and troops, and putting those enemies in possession of our forts and
ports.
This proposition of delivering ourselves bound and gagged, ready for
hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a friend to be
found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the
faith of an act of Parliament! Good God! an act of your Parliament!
This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we
do not know you; but it is not merely this flimsy faith that we are to
act upon; you offer us _hope_, the hope of PLACES, PENSIONS, and
PEERAGES. These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives
irresistible. This offer to corrupt us, Sir, is with me your
credential, and convinces me that you are not a private volunteer in
your application. It bears the stamp of British court character. It is
even the signature of your King. But think for a moment in what light
it must be viewed in America. By PLACES, you mean places among us, for
you take care by a special article to secure your own to yourselves.
We must then pay the salaries in order to enrich ourselves with these
places. But you will give us PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of
your expected American revenue, and which none of us can accept
without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a SUS-_pension_. PEERAGES!
alas! Sir, our long observation of the vast servile majority of your
peers, voting constantly for every measure proposed by a minister,
however weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. We
consider it as a sort of _tar-and-feather_ honor, or a mixture of
foulness and folly, which every man among us, who should accept it
from your King, would be obliged to renounce, or exchange for that
conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with
everlasting infamy.
I am, Sir, your humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, July 22d, 1778.
Sir,
I received your favor of May 15th, and was glad to find that mine of
December 25th had come to hand. Mr Deane's brother writes it was not
signed, which was an accidental omission. Mr Deane is himself I hope
with you long before this time, and I doubt not every prejudice
against him is removed. It was not alone upon the proceedings of
Congress, that I formed my opinion that such prejudices existed. I am
glad to understand that opinion was groundless, and that he is likely
to come back with honor in the commission to Holland, where matters
are already so ripe for his operations, that he cannot fail (with his
abilities) of being useful.
You mention former letters of the Committee, by which we might have
seen the apprehensions of the resentment of foreign officers, &c.
Those letters never came to hand. And we, on our part, are amazed to
hear, that the Committee had had no line from us for near a year,
during which we had written, I believe, five or six long and
particular letters, and had made it a rule to send triplicates of
each, and to replace those that we happened to hear were lost, so that
of some there were five copies sent, and as I hear that Captain Young
is arrived, who had some of them, I think it probable that one of
each, at least, must have come to your hands before this time. Mr
Deane's information, however, may supply the want of them, whose
arrival, as he went with a strong squadron of men of war, is more
likely than that of this vessel, or any other single one by which we
might send more copies.
The affair with M. de Beaumarchais will be best settled by his
assistance after his return. We find it recommended to us, but we know
too little of it to be able to do it well without him.
There has been some inaccuracy in sending us the last despatches of
the Committee. Two copies of the contract with M. Francy, and the
invoices came by the same vessel, Captain Niles. And though one of
your letters mentions sending enclosed a resolution of Congress,
relative to two articles of the treaty, that resolution is not come to
hand. There are circumstances in the affair of those articles, that
make them, in my opinion, of no consequence if they stand, while the
proposing to abrogate them has an unpleasing appearance, as it looks
like a desire of having it in our power to make that commercial kind
of war, which no honest State can begin, which no good friend or
neighbor ever did, will begin, which has always been considered as an
act of hostility, that provoked as well as justified reprisals, and
has generally produced such as rendered the first project as
unprofitable as it was unjust. Commerce among nations, as well as
between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent
exchanges and mutual supplies. The taking unfair advantage of a
neighbor's necessities, though attended with temporary success, always
breeds bad blood. To lay duties on a commodity exported, which our
neighbors want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing. The
statesman who first invented it had the genius of a pickpocket, and
would have been a pickpocket if fortune had suitably placed him. The
nations, who have practised it, have suffered fourfold as pickpockets
ought to suffer. Savoy, by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade of
Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own wine; and (to waive
other instances) Britain, by her duty on exported tea, has lost the
trade of her Colonies. But as we produce no commodity that is peculiar
to our country, and which may not be obtained elsewhere, the
discouraging the consumption of ours by duties on exportation, and
thereby encouraging a rivalship from other nations in the ports we
trade to, is absolute folly, which indeed is mixed more or less with
all knavery. For my own part, if my protest were of any consequence, I
should protest against our ever doing it, even by way of reprisal. It
is a meanness with which I would not dirty the conscience or character
of my country.
The objections stated against the last of the two articles, had all
been made and considered here; and were sent, I imagine, from hence by
one who is offended, that they were not thought of weight sufficient
to stop the signing of the treaty, till the King should, in another
council, reconsider those articles, and after agreeing to omit them,
order new copies to be drawn, though all was then ready engrossed on
parchment as before settled. I did not think the articles of much
consequence; but I thought it of consequence, that no delay should be
given to the signing of the treaty after it was ready. But if I had
known that those objections would have been sent to the Committee, I
should have sent the answers they received, which had been
satisfactory to _all_ the Commissioners when the treaty was settled,
and until the mind of one[8] of them was altered by the opinion of two
other persons.[9] It is now too late to send those answers. But I wish
for the future, if such a case should again happen, that Congress
would acquaint their Commissioners with such partial objections, and
hear their reasons before they determine that they have done wrong. In
the meantime this only to you in private; it will be of no use to
communicate it, as the resolutions of Congress will probably be
received and executed before this letter comes to hand.
[8] Arthur Lee--See his Correspondence, Vol. II p. 127.
[9] Ralph Izard and William Lee--See Mr Izard's Correspondence, Vol.
II. p. 372.
Speaking of Commissioners in the plural, puts me in mind of inquiring
if it can be the intention of Congress to keep _three_ Commissioners
at this Court; we have indeed four with the gentleman intended for
Tuscany, who continues here, and is very angry that he was not
consulted in making the treaty, which he could have mended in several
particulars; and perhaps he is angry with some reason, if the
instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to consult
him. We shall soon have a fifth, for the envoy to Vienna not being
received there, is, I hear, returning hither. The necessary expense of
maintaining us all, is, I assure you, enormously great. I wish that
the utility may equal it. I imagine every one of us spends nearly as
much as Lord Stormont did. It is true, he left behind him the
character of a niggard; and when the advertisement appeared for the
sale of his household goods, all Paris laughed at an article of it,
perhaps very innocently expressed, "_Une grande quantité du linge de
table, qui n'a jamais servi." "Cela est tres vraisemblable,_" say
they, "_car il n'a jamais donné à manger._" But as to our number,
whatever advantage there might be in the joint counsels of three for
framing and adjusting the articles of the treaty, there can be none in
managing the common business of a resident here. On the contrary, all
the advantages in negotiation that result from secrecy of sentiment,
and uniformity in expressing it, and in common business from despatch,
are lost. In a Court, too, where every word is watched and weighed, if
a number of Commissioners do not every one hold the same language, in
giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens their
weight; and when it may be prudent to put on, or avoid certain
appearances of concern, for example, or indifference, satisfaction, or
dislike, where the utmost sincerity and candor should be used, and
would gain credit, if no semblance of art showed itself in the
inadvertent discourse, perhaps of only one of them, the hazard is in
proportion to the number. And where every one must be consulted on
every particular of common business, in answering every letter, &c.
and one of them is offended if the smallest thing is done without his
consent, the difficulty of being often and long enough together, the
different opinions, and the time consumed in debating them, the
interruptions by new applicants in the time of meeting, &c. &c.
occasion so much postponing and delay, that correspondence languishes,
occasions are lost, and the business is always behindhand.
I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long enough
together; this is considerable, where they cannot all be accommodated
in the same house; but to find three people whose tempers are so good,
and who like so well one another's company and manner of living and
conversing, as to agree well themselves, though being in one house,
and whose servants will not by their indiscretion quarrel with one
another, and by artful misrepresentations draw their masters in to
take their parts, to the disturbance of necessary harmony, these are
difficulties still greater and almost insurmountable. And in
consideration of the whole, I wish Congress would separate us.
The Spanish galiots, which have been impatiently expected, are at
length happily arrived. The fleet and army returning from Brazil is
still out, but supposed to be on the way homewards. When that and the
South Sea ships are arrived, it will appear whether Spain's accession
to the treaty has been delayed for the reasons given, or whether the
reasons were only given to excuse the delay.
The English and French fleets of nearly equal force are now both at
sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet, there will be a battle,
for though England through fear affects to understand it to be still
peace, and would excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce
of France, by pretences of illicit trade, &c. yet France considers the
war begun, from the time of the King's message to Parliament,
complaining of the insult France had given by treating with us, and
demanding aids to resist it, and the answer of both Houses offering
their lives and fortunes. And the taking several frigates are deemed
indisputable hostilities. Accordingly, orders are given to all the
fleets and armed ships to return hostilities, and encouragement is
offered to privateers, &c. An Ambassador from Spain is indeed gone to
London, and joyfully received there, in the idea that peace may be
made by his mediation. But as yet we learn nothing certain of his
mission, and doubt his effecting anything of the kind.
War in Germany seems to be inevitable, and this occasioning great
borrowings of money in Holland and elsewhere, by the powers concerned,
makes it more difficult for us to succeed in ours. When we engaged to
Congress to pay their bills for the interest of the sums they should
borrow, we did not dream of their drawing on us for other occasions.
We have already paid of Congress' drafts, to returned officers,
eightytwo thousand two hundred and eleven livres, and we know not how
much more of that kind we have to pay, because the Committee have
never let us know the amount of those drafts, or their account of them
never reached us, and they still continue coming in. And we are now
surprised with advice of drafts from Mr Bingham, to the amount of one
hundred thousand more. If you reduce us to bankruptcy here, by a
nonpayment of your drafts, consider the consequences. In my humble
opinion, no drafts should be made on us without first learning from us
that we shall be able to answer them.
M. de Beaumarchais has been out of town ever since the arrival of your
power to settle with him. I hope he will be able to furnish the
supplies mentioned in the invoice and contract. The settlement may be
much better made with the assistance of Mr Deane, we being not privy
to the transactions.
We have agreed to give Monsieur Dumas two hundred louis a year,
thinking that he well deserves it.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS TO B. FRANKLIN, AS MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT
OF FRANCE.
We, the Congress of the United States of North America, having thought
it proper to appoint you their Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court
of His Most Christian Majesty, you shall in all things, according to
the best of your knowledge and abilities, promote the interest and
honor of the said States, at that Court, with a particular attention
to the following instructions.
1. You are immediately to assure His Most Christian Majesty, that
these States entertain the highest sense of his exertions in their
favor, particularly by sending the respectable squadron under the
Count d'Estaing, which would probably have terminated the war in a
speedy and honorable manner, if unforeseen and unfortunate
circumstances had not intervened.
You are further to assure him, that they consider this speedy aid not
only as a testimony of his Majesty's fidelity to the engagements he
has entered into, but as an earnest of that protection, which they
hope from his power and magnanimity, and as a bond of gratitude to the
union, founded on mutual interest.
2. You shall, by the earliest opportunity, and on every necessary
occasion, assure the King and his Ministers, that neither the
Congress, nor any of the States they represent, have at all swerved
from their determination to be independent in July, 1776. But as the
declaration was made in the face of the most powerful fleet and army,
which could have been expected to operate against them, and without
any the slightest assurance of foreign aid, so, although in a
defenceless situation, and harassed by the secret machinations and
designs of intestine foes, they have, under the exertions of that
force, during those bloody campaigns, persevered in their
determination to be free. And that they have been inflexible in this
determination, notwithstanding the interruption of their commerce, the
great sufferings they have experienced from the want of those things,
which it procured, and the unexampled barbarity of their enemies.
3. You are to give the most pointed and positive assurances, that
although the Congress are earnestly desirous of peace, as well to
arrange their finances and recruit the exhausted state of their
country, as to spare the further effusion of blood, yet they will
faithfully perform their engagements, and afford every assistance in
their power to prosecute the war for the great purposes of the
alliance.
4. You shall endeavor to obtain the King's consent to expunge from the
treaty of commerce the eleventh and twelfth articles, as inconsistent
with that equality and reciprocity, which form the best security to
perpetuate the whole.
5. You are to exert yourself to procure the consent of the Court of
France, that all American seamen, who may be taken on board of
British vessels, may, if they choose, be permitted to enter on board
of American vessels. In return for which, you are authorised to
stipulate, that all Frenchmen who may be taken on board of British
vessels, by vessels belonging to the United States, shall be delivered
up to persons appointed for that purpose by His Most Christian
Majesty.
6. You are to suggest to the Ministers of His Most Christian Majesty
the advantage, that would result from entering on board the ships of
these States British seamen, who may be made prisoners, thereby
impairing the force of the enemy, and strengthening the hands of his
ally.
7. You are also to suggest the fatal consequences, which would follow
to the commerce of the common enemy, if, by confining the war to the
European and Asiatic seas, the coasts of America could be so far freed
from the British fleets, as to furnish a safe asylum to the frigates
and privateers of the allied nations and their prizes.
8. You shall constantly inculcate the certainty of ruining the British
fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, and consequently the British
Marine, by reducing Halifax and Quebec; since, by that means they
would be exposed to alarm and plunder, and deprived of the necessary
supplies formerly drawn from America. The plan proposed to Congress
for compassing these objects is herewith transmitted for your more
particular instruction.[10]
[10] For a copy of this Plan, see the _Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p.
111.
9. You are to lay before the Court the deranged state of our finances,
together with the causes thereof; and show the necessity of placing
them on a more respectable footing, in order to prosecute the war
with vigor on the part of America. Observations on that subject are
herewith transmitted,[11] and more particular instructions shall be
sent, whenever the necessary steps previous thereto shall have been
taken.
[11] See the _Secret Journals_, Vol. II. p 118.
10. You are, by every means in your power, to promote a perfect
harmony, concord, and good understanding, not only between the allied
powers, but also between and among their subjects, that the connexion
so favorably begun may be perpetuated.
11. You shall in all things take care not to make any engagements, or
stipulations, on the part of America, without the consent of America
previously obtained.
We pray God to further you with his goodness in the several objects
hereby recommended; and that he will have you in his holy keeping.
Done at Philadelphia, the 26th day of October, 1778.
By the Congress.
H. LAURENS, _President_.
* * * * *
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.
Sir,
As the Marquis de Lafayette will deliver this, we refer you to his
conversation, in addition to the gazettes, for an account of the
movements of the enemy. He will doubtless gain some further knowledge
of them, than we are yet possessed of before he leaves Boston. We
shall speedily have opportunities of forwarding duplicates and
triplicates of what he now carries; and upon any material event we
shall despatch a vessel occasionally. Enclosed with other papers is a
resolve of Congress of the 22d, which we have officially sent to all
the Commissioners.
We must earnestly request, that, as we shall have opportunities of
frequently conveying to you gazettes and other species of
intelligence, you would strive to communicate, in the speediest and
best way, to the gentlemen at the other Courts, what they are alike
interested to know, that they may prosecute in the best manner the
service of these States abroad. An exact copy of your credentials is
among the papers herewith sent.
We wish you success in your new commission, and are, with much regard,
&c.
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, December 8th, 1778.
Sir,
By Mr Cummins, on the 28th of last month, I forwarded several papers
of importance, triplicates of which Mr Bromfield, the bearer of this,
will deliver. But an accident then took place obliging me to hold back
a letter, which I had written to you. Time was wanting in which to
write another, the vessel having fallen down to Reedy Island, and the
express being mounted. My letter was chiefly on the circumstances of
an intended plan of operations, which was enclosed, but detained for
alterations to be made in Congress.
Our only important struggle now is with our currency. We shall be able
at least to keep it from growing worse; but we want the aid of
skilful financiers, and of monied men, to bring about any considerable
appreciation, as you will more clearly perceive by one of the papers
herewith to be delivered.
I am, Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
DR PRICE TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, January 18th, 1779.
Doctor Price returns his best thanks to the Honorable Benjamin
Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, for conveying to him the
resolution of Congress of the 6th of October last,[12] by which he is
invited to become a member of the United States, and to give his
assistance in regulating their finances. It is not possible for him to
express the sense he has of the honor, which this resolution does him,
and the satisfaction with which he reflects on the favorable opinion
of him which has occasioned it. But he knows himself not to be
sufficiently qualified for giving such assistance; and he is so
connected in this country, and also advancing so fast in the evening
of life, that he cannot think of a removal. He requests the favor of
the Honorable Commissioners to transmit this reply to Congress; with
assurances that Dr Price feels the warmest gratitude for the notice
taken of him, and that he looks to the American States, as _now_ the
hope, and likely _soon_ to become the refuge of mankind.
[12] _In Congress, October 6th, 1778_--"_Resolved_, That the Honorable
Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, or any of them, be
directed forthwith to apply to Dr Price, and inform him that it is the
desire of Congress to consider him a citizen of the United States; and
to receive his assistance in regulating their finances. That if he
shall think it expedient to remove with his family to America, and
afford such assistance, a generous provision shall be made for
requiting his services."
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, January 29th, 1779.
Sir,
By the way of Martinique, I send you a large course of newspapers. In
those of late date you will see, that the enemy are exerting their
force but too successfully in Georgia. We hope the Count d'Estaing
will be able to operate with us by a detachment from his fleet, so
that we may wrest from our foes the fruits of their present success.
You will know by letters from Martinique, whether these our hopes are
well or ill founded.
We have not had a line from you since the short letter of information
respecting Byron's sailing, which you signed jointly with Mr Adams. I
hope this does not arise from any other circumstance, than want of a
good conveyance for important despatches. We have had a few short
letters from Mr Adams, with gazettes. Late as it is, I enclose a
quadruplicate of your credentials; and I wish you success and every
satisfaction in your important agency, being with much respect,
Sir, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
JAMES LOVELL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, February 8th, 1779.
Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette having sailed from Boston the day before the
arrival there of letters sent from hence for you by the President of
Congress, I now forward to you duplicates of those letters, with a
course of newspapers via St Eustatia, having a very fine opportunity
to that Island, and hoping they will reach you securely from thence in
a Dutch bottom.
I am, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, February 22d, 1779
Dear Sir,
I received your proposition for removing the stumbling-block. Your
constant desire of peace ought to endear you to both sides; but this
proposition seems to be naturally impracticable. We can never think of
quitting a solid alliance, made and ratified, in order to be in a
state for receiving unknown proposals of peace, which may vanish in
the discussion. The truth is, we have no kind of faith in your
government, which appears to us as insidious and deceitful as it is
unjust and cruel; its character is that of the Spider in Thomson,
----cunning and fierce,
Mixture abhorr'd
Besides, we cannot see the necessity of our relinquishing our
alliance with France in order to a treaty, any more than of your
relinquishing yours with Holland.
I am, very affectionately, yours,
N. A.[13]
[13] North America
* * * * *
LETTER RESPECTING CAPTAIN COOK.
Passy, March 10th, 1779.
To all Captains and Commanders of armed
Ships, acting by Commission from the Congress of the United
States of America, now at War with Great Britain.
Gentlemen,
A ship having been fitted out from England, before the commencement of
this war, to make discoveries of new countries in unknown seas, under
the conduct of that most celebrated navigator, Captain Cook,--an
undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the increase of geographical
knowledge facilitates the communication between distant nations, in
the exchange of useful products and manufactures, and the extension of
arts, whereby the common enjoyments of human life are multiplied and
augmented, and science of other kinds increased, to the benefit of
mankind in general.
This is therefore most earnestly to recommend to every one of you,
that in case the said ship, which is now expected to be soon in the
European seas on her return, should happen to fall into your hands,
you would not consider her as an enemy, nor suffer any plunder to be
made of the effects contained in her, nor obstruct her immediate
return to England, by detaining her or sending her into any other part
of Europe or America, but that you would treat the said Captain Cook
and his people with all civility and kindness, affording them, as
common friends to mankind, all the assistance in your power, which
they may happen to stand in need of. In so doing, you will not only
gratify the generosity of your own dispositions, but there is no doubt
of your obtaining the approbation of Congress, and of your own
American owners.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
_Minister Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the_
_United States to the Court of France_.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, March 21st, 1779.
Dear Sir,
I received duly yours of the 2d instant. I am sorry you have had so
much trouble in the affair of the prisoners. You have been deceived as
well as I. No cartel ship has yet appeared; and it is now evident,
that the delays have been of design, to give more opportunity of
seducing the men by promises and hardships to seek their liberty in
engaging against their country; for we learn from those who have
escaped, that there are persons continually employed in cajoling and
menacing them; representing to them that we neglect them; that your
government is willing to exchange them; and that it is our fault it is
not done; that all the news from America is bad on their side; we
shall be conquered and they will be hanged, if they do not accept the
gracious offer of being pardoned, on condition of serving the King,
&c. A great part of your prisoners have been kept these six months on
board a ship in Brest road, ready to be delivered; where I am afraid
they were not so comfortably accommodated, as they might have been in
French prisons. They are now ordered on shore. Doctor Bancroft has
received your letter here. He did not go to Calais.
Knowing how earnestly and constantly you wish for peace, I cannot end
a letter to you without dropping a word on that subject, to mark that
my wishes are still in unison with yours. After the barbarities your
nation has exercised against us, I am almost ashamed to own that I
feel sometimes for her misfortunes and her insanities. Your veins are
open, and your best blood continually running. You have now got a
little army into Georgia, and are triumphing in that success. Do you
expect ever to see that army again? I know not what General Lincoln or
General Thomson may be able to effect against them, but if they stay
through the summer in that climate, there is a certain _General
Fever_, that I apprehend will give a good account of most of them.
Perhaps you comfort yourselves that our loss of blood is as great as
yours. But as physicians say, there is a great difference in the
facility of repairing that loss between an old body and a young one.
America adds to her numbers annually one hundred and fifty thousand
souls. She, therefore, grows faster than you can diminish her, and
will out-grow all the mischief you can do her. Have you the same
prospects? But it is unnecessary for me to represent to you, or you to
me, the mischiefs that each nation is subjected to by the war; we all
see clear enough the nonsense of continuing it; the difficulty is,
where to find sense enough to put an end to it.
Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, April 22d, 1779.
My Dear Friend,
The bearer of this, and some other papers, is a very sensible and
worthy gentleman, with whom I had the pleasure of contracting an
acquaintance since the commencement of the American troubles,
originally upon the business of the American prisoners. It is a
satisfaction to me at all times to have found him a friend to the
restoration of peace between the two countries. It has likewise been
an additional satisfaction and confirmation to me in my own thoughts
upon that subject, to find that his sentiments, I think upon most, or
all of the subjects upon which we have conversed, have coincided with
mine. We both seem possessed of the opinion, that some plan of opening
a negotiation upon preliminaries, which each side might find to be a
sufficient security to itself, might be practicable; and then your
sentiment, which you gave me in a letter some years ago, might have
its free scope and effect, viz, _A little time given for cooling might
have excellent effects_.
The sentiments I have opened to you in my late letters for some months
past, and which I have reduced in an enclosed paper into a more
specific shape, seem to me, upon very repeated reflection, to promise
the fairest ground of good expectation. These propositions originate
from myself, as a mediator; I have communications with both sides, but
certainly no authority to make proposals from either; and perhaps
neither side, if I were to make the propositions separately to each,
(being myself unauthorised) might give me positive consent. Each side
separately might say, No, from what is called political prudence; and
yet each side might secretly wish that the offer could be made, with a
_done first_, from the other party. I think the proposition of a truce
for five or seven years, leaving all things in the present dispute _in
status quo_, must be advantageous to all parties, if it were only in
consideration that a general satisfactory peace to all parties _may_
come among the _excellent effects of time given for cooling_. We can
but fight it out at last. War never comes too late; wisdom may step in
between. These matters have stolen upon us, and have arisen to great
and formidable consequences, from small and unexpected beginnings; but
henceforward, we should know by experience what to expect. If the rage
of war could but be abated for a sufficient length of time for reason
and reflection to operate, I think it would never revive. I cannot
pretend to forecast the result of any negotiation, but I think war
would not revive; which is all that I want for my argument. Peace is a
_bonum in se_; whereas the most favorable events of war are but
relatively lesser evils; certainly they are evils; _mala in se_, not
_bona in se_.
I hope that a cessation of hostilities would produce a renewal of
reflection; but even to take the argument at the worst advantage, the
two parties are at a cooling distance of three thousand miles asunder.
If the flames of war could be but once extinguished, does not the
Atlantic ocean contain cold water enough to prevent them bursting out
again? I am very strongly of opinion that the two nations of Great
Britain and North America, would accord to the proposition of a truce
_for cooling_. I cannot say whether a British ministry would accord to
it, because they will not tell me; nor can I say whether an American
Plenipotentiary would accord to it, because, probably, you will not
tell me. I put myself into your hands, however, when I tell you
frankly, I am of opinion that both would accord to it, if there could
be a _done first_ on either side, to bind the bargain fast. You have
the odds of me in this matter, because you know one half of the
question; and I cannot give you any proof on the other side, but only
my own presumptive judgment upon observation, and upon a course of
reasoning in my own thoughts.
But for France. My judgment would be, that if the proposition of the
proposed preliminaries should be agreeable to America, France would do
very unhandsomely to defeat it by their refusal. I likewise think it
the interest of France, because their interest leads them to go to a
certain point, and no further. There is a disparity in the operation
of the terms of the alliance on the part of France, and on the part of
America. The more vigorously France interposes, the better for
America; in proportion to their exertions, they create, less or more,
a diversion of the British force; this reasoning goes straight forward
for America; but it is not so with France. There is a certain point to
France, beyond which their work would fail, and recoil upon
themselves; if they were to drive the British Ministry totally to
abandon the American war, it would become totally a French war. The
events of a twelvemonth past seem to bear testimony to this course of
reasoning. The disadvantage upon the bargain to America is, that the
efficacy of the French alliance to them presupposes their continuance
in the war. The demur to France is, that the liberation of their new
ally recoils with double weight of the war upon themselves, without
any ulterior points of advantage in view, as dependent upon that
alliance. I think the interest of all parties coincides with the
proposition of preliminaries.
The proposed preliminaries appear to me to be just and equitable to
all parties; but the great object with me is to come to some
preliminaries. I could almost add, whatever those preliminaries might
be, provided a suspension of arms for an adequate term of years were
one, I think it would be ten thousand to one against any future
renewal of the war. It is not necessary to enter at large into the
reasons which induce me to think, that the British Ministry, as well
as the American Plenipotentiary, would consent to the terms of the
proposed preliminaries; for indeed I do not know that I am founded in
that opinion with respect to either, but still I believe it of both.
But what can a private person do in such a case, wishing to be a
mediator for peace, having access to both parties, but equally
uncertain of the reception of his mediation on either side? I must
hesitate to take any public step, as by a proposition in Parliament,
or by any other means to drive the parties to an explanation upon any
specific proposals; and yet I am very unwilling to let the session
pass without some proposition, upon which the parties may meet, if
they should be so inclined, as I suspect them to be. I have been
endeavoring to feel pulses for some months, but all is dumb show. I
cannot say that I meet with anything discouraging, to my apprehension,
either as to equitableness or practicability of the proposition for
preliminaries. If I could but simply receive sufficient encouragement,
that I should not run any hazard of obstructing any other practicable
propositions by obtruding mine, I should be very much satisfied to
come forward in that case with mine, to furnish a beginning at least,
which might lead to peace.
There is nothing that I wish so much as to have an opportunity of
seeing and conversing with you, having many things to say to you; but
if that cannot yet happen, I have only to say, that whatever
communication you may think proper to make to me, which may lead to
peace, you may be assured that I shall be most strenuous in applying
it to that end. In all cases of difficulty in human life, there must
be confidence somewhere, to enable us to extricate nations from the
evils attendant upon national disputes, as they arise out of national
passions, jealousies, and points of honor. I am not sure whether the
extreme caution and diffidence of persons in political life be not the
cause, almost as frequently, of the unnecessary protraction of the
miseries of war, as of the final production of any superior good to
any State. Peace now is better than peace a twelvemonth hence, at
least by all the lives that may be lost in the meanwhile, and by all
the accumulated miseries that may intervene by that delay. When I
speak of the necessity of confidence, I would not have you to think,
that I trust to all professions, promiscuously, with confidence; my
thoughts are free respecting all parties; and for myself, if I thought
it necessary for the end of attaining any additional confidence in
your esteem, to enable me to co-operate the more effectually towards
the restoration of peace, there is nothing that I would wish you to be
assured of but this; that no fallacious offers of insincerity, nor any
pretexts for covering secret designs, or for obtaining unfair
advantages, shall ever pass through my hands.
Believe me truly to be, not only a lover of my country, but a sincere
friend to peace and to the rights of mankind; and ever most
affectionately yours.
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
_Observations by Mr Hartley._
Lord North consented to Mr Hartley's proposition, for endeavoring to
procure from the American Plenipotentiary or Plenipotentiaries some
opening, that they would be willing to commence a parley, on
propositions of peace between Great Britain and America; and supposed
the terms, which Mr Hartley had in view, would be something like a
tacit cession of independence to America, with a truce for a certain
term of years, to serve as a basis for a general treaty of
accommodation and final settlement.
This last application (which was made on the 20th of April, 1779) of
Mr Hartley to Lord North, after several previous conferences on the
subject, is the ground of the present confidential communication with
Dr Franklin, on the part of Mr Hartley, who states to Dr Franklin, as
he did to Lord North, that an auspicious beginning of a negotiation is
_dimidium facti_.
Mr Hartley's ideas of the probable course of the negotiation would be
to the following effect;
1. Five Commissioners (or any three of them) to be appointed on the
part of His Britannic Majesty to treat, consult, and agree upon the
final settlement and pacification of the present troubles, upon safe,
honorable, and permanent terms, subject to ratification by Parliament.
2. That any one of the aforesaid Commissioners may be empowered to
agree, as a preliminary, to a suspension of hostilities by sea and
land, for a certain term of five or seven years.
3. That any one of the aforesaid Commissioners be empowered to agree,
as a second preliminary, to suspend the operation and effect of any
and all acts of Parliament respecting America, for a certain term of
five or seven years.
4. That it is expected, as a third preliminary, that America should be
released, free and unengaged, from any treaties with foreign powers,
which may tend to embarrass or defeat the present proposed
negotiation.
5. That a general treaty for negotiation shall be set on foot as soon
as may be, after the agreement of the foregoing preliminaries.
* * * * *
_N. B._ A doubt seeming to arise from Lord North, relative to the
probability of any explanatory communication on the part of Dr
Franklin, Mr Hartley expressed, he thought it possible, that as a
known friend to peace, he might be considered by Dr Franklin as a
depot of any communications, which may serve from time to time to
facilitate the terms of peace; which therefore prevents this
communication from being considered as any direct overture from Lord
North to Dr Franklin, or from Dr Franklin to Lord North; but as it is
merely a mediatorial proposition of Mr Hartley, as a private person,
for the purpose of bringing the parties to a parley.
* * * * *
INSTRUCTIONS
_To John Paul Jones, Commander of the
American Squadron in the Service of the United States, now in the
Port of L'Orient._
1st. His Majesty, having been pleased to grant some troops for a
particular expedition, proposed to annoy our common enemy, in which
the sea-force under your command might have an opportunity of
distinguishing itself, you are to receive on board the ships of war,
and the other vessels destined for that purpose, the troops that shall
present themselves to you, afford them such accommodation as may be
most proper for preserving their health, and convey them to such port
or place as their commander shall desire to land them at.
2dly. When the troops are landed, you are to aid, by all means in your
power, their operations, as they will be instructed in like manner to
aid and support those you may make with your ships, that so by this
concurrence and union of your different forces, all that such a
compounded strength is capable of may be effected.
3dly. You are during the expedition never to depart from the troops,
so as not to be able to protect them in case of a repulse, and in all
events you are to endeavor to effect their complete re-embarkation on
board the ships and transports under your command, when the expedition
shall be ended.
4thly. You are to bring to France all the English seamen you may
happen to take prisoners, in order to complete the good work you have
already made such progress in, of delivering by an exchange the rest
of our countrymen now languishing in the gaols of Great Britain.
5thly. As many of your officers and people have lately escaped from
English prisons, either in Europe or America, you are to be
particularly attentive to their conduct towards the prisoners, which
the fortune of war may throw into your hands, lest resentment of the
more than barbarous usage by the English in many places towards the
Americans should occasion a retaliation, and an imitation of what
ought rather to be detested and avoided, for the sake of humanity and
for the honor of our country.
6thly. In the same view, although the English have burnt wantonly many
defenceless towns in America, you are not to follow this example,
unless where a reasonable ransom is refused, in which case your own
generous feelings, as well as this instruction, will induce you to
give timely notice of your intention, that sick and ancient persons,
women, and children may be first removed.
Done at Passy, this 28th day of April, 1779.
B. FRANKLIN,
_Minister Plenipotentiary from the United_
_States to the Court of France_.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, May 4th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
I received your several favors, viz. one of April the 10th, one of the
20th, and two of the 22d, all on the same day, but by different
conveyances.
I need not repeat, what we have each of us so often repeated, the wish
for peace. I will begin, by frankly assuring you, that though I think
a direct, immediate peace, the best mode of present accommodation for
Britain, as well as for America, yet if that _is not_ at this time
practicable, and a truce is practicable, I should not be against a
truce; but this is merely on motives of _general humanity_, to obviate
the evils men devilishly inflict on men in time of war, and to lessen
as much as possible the similarity of earth and hell. For with regard
to particular advantages, respecting the States I am connected with, I
am persuaded it is theirs to continue the war, till England shall be
reduced to that perfect impotence of mischief, which alone can prevail
with her to let other nations enjoy, "_Peace, Liberty, and Safety_." I
think, however, that a _short_ truce, which must, therefore, be an
_armed_ truce, and put all parties to an almost equal expense with a
continued war, is by no means desirable.
But this proposition of a truce, if made at all, should be made to
France at the same time it is made to America. They have each of them
too much honor, as well as too much sense, to listen separately to any
propositions, which tend to separate them from each other.
I will now give you my thoughts on your ideas of a negotiation, in the
order you have placed them. If you will number them in your copy, you
will readily see to which my observations refer, and I may therefore
be more concise.
_To the 1st_,--I do not see the necessity or use of five
Commissioners. A number of talkers lengthens discussions, and often
embarrasses instead of aiding a settlement. Their different particular
views, private interests, and jealousies of each other, are likewise
so many rubs in the way, and it sometimes happens, that a number
cannot agree to what each privately thinks reasonable, and would have
agreed to, or perhaps proposed, if alone. But this as the parties
please.
_To the 2d_,--The term of twentyone years would be better for all
sides. The suspension of hostilities should be expressed to be between
all parties at war; and that the British troops and ships of war now
in any of the United States be withdrawn.
_To the 3d_,--This seems needless, and is a thing that may be done or
omitted as you please; America has no concern about those acts of
parliament.
_To the 4th_,--The reason of proposing this is not understood, nor the
use of it, nor what inducement there can be for us to agree to it.
When you come to treat with both your enemies, you may negotiate away
as much of these engagements as you can; but powers, who have made a
firm solid league, evidently useful to both, can never be prevailed
with to dissolve it, for the vague expectation of another _in
nubibus_; nor even on the certainty, that another will be proposed,
without knowing what are to be its articles. America has no desire of
being free from her engagements to France. The chief is, that of
continuing the war in conjunction with her, and not making a separate
peace; and this is an obligation not in the power of America to
dissolve, being an obligation of _gratitude and justice_ towards a
nation, which is engaged in a war on her account, and for her
protection; and would be forever binding, whether such an article
existed or not in the treaty; and though it did not exist, an honest
American would cut off his right hand, rather than sign an agreement
with England contrary to the spirit of it.
_To the 5th_,--As soon as you please.
If you had mentioned France in your proposed suspension of arms, I
should have immediately shown it to the Minister, and have endeavored
to support that idea. As it stands, I am in doubt whether I shall
communicate your paper or not, though by your writing it is so fair it
seems as if you intended it. If I do, I shall acquaint you with the
result.
The bill, of which you send me a copy, was an excellent one at the
time, and might have had great and good effects, if, instead of
telling us haughtily, that our humble petition should receive no
answer, the Ministry had received and enacted that bill into a law. It
might have erected a wall of brass round England, if such a measure
had been adopted, when Friar Bacon's brazen head cried out, TIME IS!
But the wisdom of it was not seen, till after the fatal cry of TIME'S
PAST!
I am, my dear friend, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Passy, May 26th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
The Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived here the 11th of February,
brought me yours of October 28th, and the new commission, credentials,
and instructions, which the Congress have honored me with. I have not
since had an opportunity of writing, that I could trust, for I see by
several instances, the orders given to private captains to throw their
despatches into the sea, when likely to be taken, are sometimes
neglected, and sometimes so badly executed, that the letters are
recovered by the enemy, and much inconvenience has attended their
interception. You mention, that you should speedily have opportunities
of forwarding duplicates, and triplicates of the papers; none of them
has ever come to hand, nor have I received any other line from you of
later date.
I immediately acquainted the Minister of Foreign Affairs with my
appointment, and communicated to him as usual, a copy of my credential
letter, on which a day was named for my reception. A fit of the gout
prevented my attendance at that time, and for some weeks after, but as
soon as I was able to go through the ceremony I went to Versailles,
and was presented to the King, and received in all the forms. I
delivered the letter of Congress into his Majesty's own hands, who in
the most gracious manner expressed his satisfaction. And I have since
constantly attended the levee every Tuesday, with the other Foreign
Ministers, and have taken every proper occasion of repeating the
assurances I am instructed to give, of the grateful sentiments of
Congress, and their determined resolution to fulfil religiously their
engagements. Much pains is constantly taken by the enemy to weaken the
confidence of this Court in their new allies, by representing our
people as weary of the war, and of the government of Congress; which
body, too, they represent as distracted by dissensions, &c. but all
this has very little effect; and when on some occasions it has seemed
to make a little impression, and create some apprehensions, I have not
found it difficult to remove them. And it is my firm opinion, that
notwithstanding the great losses suffered by the commerce of this
kingdom, since the commencement of the war, the disposition of the
Court to continue it (till its purpose of establishing our
independence is completed,) is not the least changed, nor their regard
for us diminished.
The end of that part of the instructions, which relates to American
seamen, taken by the French in English ships, had already been
obtained, Captain Jones having had for some time an order from Court,
directed to the keepers of the prisoners, requiring them to deliver to
him such Americans as should be found in their hands, that they might
be at liberty to serve under his command. Most of them have
accordingly been delivered to him, if not all. The Minister of the
Marine, having entertained a high opinion of him, from his conduct and
bravery in taking the Drake, was desirous of employing him in the
command of a particular enterprise, and to that end requested us to
spare him, which we did, and sent the Ranger home, under the command
of his Lieutenant. Various accidents have hitherto postponed his
equipment, but he now has the command of a fifty gun ship with some
frigates, all under American commissions and colors, fitted out at the
King's expense, and will sail, it is said, about the 1st of June.
The Marquis de Lafayette was, with some land troops, to have gone with
him, but I now understand the Marquis is not to go, the plan being a
little changed. The Alliance being weakly manned at first, and the
Captain judging it necessary to be freed from thirtyeight of his men,
who had been concerned in a conspiracy, and unwilling to take French
seamen, I thought it best to send him directly home, as his ship might
be of some protection to the vessels then about sailing to America,
and Mr Adams, who was desirous of returning soon, might be
accommodated with a passage in a swift sailing vessel. I accordingly
offered her as a convoy to the trade at Nantes, but the gentlemen
concerned did not think fit to wait for getting ready, as a French
convoy offered, for at least part of the voyage, and the Minister
requesting she might be added to Captain Jones's little squadron, and
offering to give a passage to Mr Adams in the frigate with the new
Ambassador, and to complete the Alliance's compliment of men, I
thought it best to continue her a little longer in Europe, hoping she
may, in the projected cruise, by her extraordinary swiftness, be a
means of taking prisoners enough to redeem the rest of our countrymen,
now in the English gaols. With this view, as well as to oblige the
Minister, I ordered her to join Captain Jones at L'Orient, and obey
his orders, where she is now accordingly. There have been great
misunderstandings between the officers of that ship and their Captain,
and great discontents among the men for want of clothes and money. I
have been obliged to make great advances to appease those discontents,
and I now hope the authority and prudence of Captain Jones will be
able to remove, or at least to prevent, the ill effects of those
misunderstandings. The conspirators are detained in prison, and will
remain there subject to such directions as Congress may think fit to
give concerning them. The courts here would not, because they properly
could not, undertake to try them; and we had not Captains enough to
make a Court martial for the purpose. The sending them to America,
with evidence to convict them, will be a great trouble and expense,
and perhaps their offence cannot be so clearly made out as to justify
a punishment sufficient to deter by its exemplary severity. Possibly,
the best use that can be made of them, is to give them in exchange for
as many Americans in the cartel now operating here. The perfidious
conduct of the English and Scotch sailors in our service, a good deal
discourages the idea of taking them out of those prisons in order to
employ them.
This cartel is at length brought about by the indefatigable endeavors
of an old friend of mine, and a long declared one to America, Mr
Hartley, member of Parliament for Hull. The ship employed has already
brought us one cargo from the prison at Plymouth. The number was
intended for a hundred, but proved ninetyseven, and she is returned
with as many in exchange, to bring us a second number from the prison
at Portsmouth. This is to continue till all are exchanged. The
Americans are chiefly engaged with Captains Jones and Landais. This
exchange is the more remarkable, as our people were all committed as
for high treason.
Agreeable to the seventh instruction, I have earnestly recommended the
reduction of Halifax and Quebec. The Marquis de Lafayette joined me
warmly in the application for this purpose, and I hope we shall in due
time see some good effects from it. I have also in various ways, and
through different channels, laid before the Ministry the distressed
state of our finances in America. There seems a great willingness in
all of them to help us, except in the Controller, Monsieur Necker, who
is said not to be well disposed towards us, and is supposed to
embarrass every measure proposed to relieve us by grants of money. It
is certain, that under the resolution, perhaps too hastily declared,
of the King's imposing no new taxes on his subjects for this year, the
Court has great difficulties in defraying present expense, the vast
exertions to put the navy in a condition to equal that of England
having cost immense sums.
There is also a prevailing opinion, that the most effectual service to
us is to be expected from rendering their marine superior to that of
England. The King has, however, to encourage our loan in Holland,
been so good as to engage under his hand, to be security for our
payment of the interest of three millions of livres, but that loan has
not yet amounted to more than about eighty thousand florins. Doctor
Price, whose assistance was requested by Congress, has declined that
service, as you will see by the copy of his letter enclosed. To me it
seems, that the measure recommended by the wisdom of Congress, for
diminishing the quantity of paper by taxes of large nominal sums, must
have very salutary effects.
As to your finances here, it is fit that you should know the state of
them. When the Commissioners of Congress made the proposition of
paying the interest at Paris of the money borrowed in America, they
understood the loan to be of five millions of dollars. They obtained
from government sums more than sufficient for the interest of such a
sum. That sum has been increased, and if they could otherwise have
provided for it, they have been from time to time drained by a number
of unforeseen expenses, of which the Congress had no knowledge, and of
others, occasioned by their orders and drafts; and the cargoes sent to
the Commissioners by the Committee have some of them been
treacherously run away with by the seamen, or taken by the enemy, or,
when arrived, have been hitherto applied toward the payment of debts,
the tobaccos to the Farmers-General according to contract, and the
rice and indigo to Messrs Hortalez & Co. from whom, by the way, we
have not yet been able to procure any account.
I have lately employed an accountant, the son of our banker, to form
complete books of our accounts, to be sent to Congress. They are not
yet ready. When they are, I shall send them by the first safe
opportunity. In the meantime, I may just mention some particulars of
our disbursements. Great quantities of clothing, arms, ammunition, and
naval stores, sent from time to time; payment of bills from Mr
Bingham, one hundred thousand livres; Congress bills in favor of
Haywood & Co. above two hundred thousand; advanced to Mr Ross, about
twenty thousand pounds sterling; paid Congress drafts in favor of
returned officers, ninetythree thousand and eighty livres; to our
prisoners in England, and after their escape to help them home, and to
other Americans here in distress, a great sum; I cannot at present say
how much; supplies to Mr Hodge for fitting out Captain Cunningham,
very considerable; for the freight of ships to carry over the
supplies, great sums; to Mr William Lee, and Mr Izard, five thousand
five hundred pounds sterling; and for fitting the frigates Raleigh,
Alfred, Boston, Providence, Alliance, Ranger, &c. I imagine not less
than sixty or seventy thousand livres each, taken one with another;
and for the maintenance of the English prisoners, I believe, when I
get in all the accounts, I shall find one hundred thousand livres not
sufficient, having already paid above sixtyfive thousand on that
article. And now the drafts of the Treasurer of the loans, coming very
fast upon me, the anxiety I have suffered, and the distress of mind
lest I should not be able to pay them, has for a long time been very
great indeed.
To apply again to this Court for money for a particular purpose, which
they had already over and over again provided for and furnished us,
was extremely awkward; I therefore repeated the _general_
applications, which we had made when together, for aids of money, and
received the general answers, that the expense of government for the
navy was so great, that at present it was exceedingly difficult to
furnish the necessary supplies. That France, by sending a fleet to
America, obliged the enemy to divide their forces, and left them so
weak on the continent, as to aid us by lessening our expense, if it
could not by giving us money, &c. &c. and I was asked if we did not
receive money from Spain? I know indeed of some money received from
thence, and I have heard of more, but know not how much, Mr Arthur
Lee, as Minister for Spain, having taken to himself all the management
of that affair, and will account to Congress. I only understand, that
there is none of it left to assist in paying Congress bills. I at
length obtained, as abovementioned, the King's _bon_ for payment of
the interest of three millions, if I could borrow it in Holland, or
elsewhere, but though two eminent houses in Amsterdam have undertaken
it, and had hopes of success, they have both lately written to me,
that the great demands of money for Germany and for England had raised
interest above our limits, and that the successes of the English in
Georgia and St Lucia, and in destroying the French trade, with the
supposed divisions in Congress, all much magnified by the British
Minister, and the pressing application to borrow by several of our
States separately, had made the monied people doubtful of our
stability, as well as our ability to repay what might be lent us, and
that it was necessary to wait a more favorable moment for proceeding
with our loan.
In this situation, I have been applied to by Mr William Lee, and
lately through our banker, by Mr Izard, for more money for their
expenses, and I am told there is much anger against me for declining
to furnish them, and that I am charged with _disobeying an order of
Congress_,[14] and with cruelly attempting to distress gentlemen, who
are in the service of their country. They have indeed produced to me a
resolve of Congress, _empowering them to draw_ on the Commissioners in
France for their expenses at foreign Courts; and doubtless Congress,
when that resolve was made, intended to enable us to pay those drafts;
but as that has not been done, and the gentlemen (except Mr Lee for a
few weeks) have not incurred any expense at foreign Courts, and if
they had, the five thousand five hundred guineas, received by them in
about nine months, seemed an ample provision for it, and as both of
them might command money from England, I do not conceive that I
_disobeyed an order_ of Congress, and that if I did, the circumstances
will excuse it; and I could have no intention to distress them,
because I must know it is out of my power, as their private fortunes
and credit will enable them at all times to pay their own expenses.
[14] See Mr Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 446.
In short, the dreadful consequence of ruin to our public credit, both
in America and Europe, that must attend protesting a single Congress
draft for interest after our funds were out, would have weighed with
me against the payment of more money to those gentlemen, if the demand
had otherwise been well founded. I am, however, in the judgment of
Congress: and if I have done amiss, must submit dutifully to their
censure. Thanks to God, I have this last week got over the difficulty,
so far as relates to the bills, which will all be punctually paid; but
if the Navy Board sends more ships here to be fitted, or the Congress
continue to draw for the payment of other debts, the ships will be
disappointed, and I shall probably be made a bankrupt, unless funds
are at the same time sent over to discharge such demands.
With regard to the fitting out of ships, receiving and disposing of
cargoes, and purchasing of supplies, I beg leave to mention, that
besides my being wholly unacquainted with such business, the distance
I am from the ports renders my having anything to do with it extremely
inconvenient. Commercial agents have indeed been appointed by Mr
William Lee, but they and the captains are continually writing for my
opinion or orders, or leave to do this or that, by which much time is
lost to them, and much of mine taken up to little purpose, from my
ignorance. I see clearly, however, that many of the captains are
exorbitant in their demands, and in some cases I think those demands
are too easily complied with by the agents, perhaps because the
commissions are in proportion to the expense. I wish, therefore, the
Congress would appoint the consuls they have a right to appoint by the
treaty, and put into their hands all that sort of employment. I have
in my desk, I suppose, not less than fifty applications from different
ports, praying the appointment, and offering to serve gratis for the
honor of it, and the advantage it gives in trade; but I imagine that
if consuls are appointed, they will be of our own people from America,
who, if they should make fortunes abroad, might return with them to
their country.
The commissions demanded by the agents seem to me in some cases very
high. For instance, Mr Schweighauser, in a late account, charges five
per cent on the simple delivery of the tobaccos to the officer of the
Farmers-General in the port, and by that means makes the commission
on the delivery of the two last cargoes amount to about six hundred
and thirty pounds sterling. As there was no sale in the case, he has,
in order to calculate the commission, valued the tobacco at ninety
livres the hundred weight, whereas it was, by our contract with the
Farmers, to be delivered at about forty livres. I got a friend, who
was going upon change, to inquire among the merchants what was the
custom in such cases of delivery. I send enclosed the result he has
given me of his inquiries. In consequence, I have refused to pay the
commission of five per cent on this article; and I know not why it
was, as is said, agreed with him at the time of his appointment, that
he should have five per cent on his transactions, if the custom is
only two per cent, as by my information.
I have mentioned above the applications of separate States to borrow
money in Europe, on which I beg leave to remark, that when the General
Congress are endeavoring to obtain a loan, these separate attempts
interfere, and are extremely inconvenient, especially where some of
the agents are empowered to offer a higher interest, and some have
powers in that respect unlimited. We have likewise lately had
applications from three several States to this Court, to be furnished
with great quantities of arms, ammunition, and clothing, or with money
upon credit to buy them; and from one State to be supplied with naval
stores and ships of war. These agents, finding that they had not
interest to obtain such grants, have severally applied to me, and seem
to think it my duty, as Minister for the United States, to support and
enforce their particular demands. I have endeavored to do so, but I
find the Ministers do not like these separate applications, and seem
to think that they should properly come only through Congress, to whom
the several States in such cases ought first
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