The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 05
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Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 05
Editor: Jared Sparks
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, VOL. 05 ***
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. V.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS; JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.
EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. V.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1829.
Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis, Printer.
No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.
CONTENTS
OF THE
FIFTH VOLUME.
JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE,
CONTINUED.
Page.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 17th, 1780, 3
Probable effects of the armed neutrality.--Critical situation of
England.--The opposition carry the resolution, that the influence
of the Crown is increasing, and ought to be diminished.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 18th, 1780, 6
Encloses a letter written from England on the subject of peace
with America.--Exposes the errors of the writer; on the
confederacy with France and Spain; on the probability of
America violating her treaty with France; on the notion that
the policy of France has been to expose the States in order to
exhaust them; on the plan of a reconciliation and reunion of
America with Great Britain.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 24th, 1780, 12
Proceedings of Russia in regard to the armed neutrality.--
Proceedings in Holland in relation to the same subject.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18
Enclosing papers from America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18
State of Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 26th, 1780, 24
Debate in the House of Lords on the declaration of Russia;
Lord Camden expresses his astonishment at the doctrine of
free ships and free goods; Lord Shelburne's remarks on the
critical state of England.--Anti-English policy of Russia.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 28th, 1780, 27
Declaration of the English Council, placing the subjects
of the United Provinces on the footing of neutral powers,
not privileged by treaties.--Address of the States of
Groningen to the States-General, recommending the protection
of commerce by convoys.--Second Address of the States of the
same Province, proposing answers to the Memorials of Sir J.
Yorke.--The Province of Holland recommends the acceptance of
the invitation of Russia to accede to the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 37
English naval expeditions.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 38
Mutiny in the English fleet.--County meetings adopt
resolutions censuring the war.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 2d, 1780, 41
Memorial of the French Ambassador to the States-General,
announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent
on Dutch merchandise entering France.--Decree of the French
Council on the same subject.--The Seven Provinces have
resolved to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; to
grant convoys; and to accept the invitation of Russia.--
Instructions of the States of Holland and West Friesland to
their deputies in the States-General on the attack of the
Dutch convoy by the English.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 3d, 1780, 50
General exchange of prisoners agreed on between France and
England.
From Elbridge Gerry to John Adams. Philadelphia, May 5th,
1780, 52
Favorable effects of the resolutions of Congress for
cancelling the two hundred millions of dollars previously
emitted on the currency.--New emission of five millions.--
Financial concerns of the confederacy.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 54
Instructions of the United Provinces to their Minister
at London, on the subject of Lord Stormont's answer
to former representations relative to the attack on the
Dutch convoy.--Resolutions of the States regulating the
trade of foreigners with the Dutch Colonies.--Proceedings
of the different Provinces relative to the Russian Memorial;
the granting of unlimited convoys; raising of subsidies.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 63
Enclosing the letter of the Count de Florida Blanca to the
Spanish Minister of the Marine, regulating the treatment
of neutrals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 73
Copy of the Swedish ordinance providing convoys.--Answer
of the Court of St James to the Russian declaration.--
Difference of the English and Russian doctrine of blockade
in these documents.--English recruits in Germany.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 79
The Russian declaration hostile to the policy of England.--Lord
Stormont's letter to the Dutch Envoy.
To an unknown person. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 82
Observations on the Dean of Gloucester's proposals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 84
The Dean of Gloucester's proposals for a general pacification.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 10th, 1780, 86
Proceedings in the Irish Commons relative to the sovereignty
of the Irish Parliament.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 10th, 1780, 88
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 11th, 1780, 89
Motions of Mr Hartley in the House of Commons, on the subject
of reconciliation.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 91
The American party in England hope to make a separate peace
with the United States.--The alliance with France will not
be violated.--Mr Adams always an advocate of the alliance.
To John Jay. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 93
Difficulty of influencing the views and conduct of European
Ministers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 94
Answer of France to the Russian declaration, approving the
doctrines of Russia.--Orders issued to the English commanders
to detain Dutch ships, having on board effects belonging to
the enemy, or which are considered as contraband by the law
of nations.
To John Jay. Paris, May 15th, 1780, 98
Facility and importance of intercepting the English West
India fleet.--Policy to be observed towards Spain and Portugal.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 16th, 1780, 100
Rumor of opening the navigation of Antwerp.--Naval
preparations of Austria.
To M. Genet, at Versailles. Paris, May 17th, 1780, 101
Objections to General Conway's assertion, that the alliance
between France and the United States is unnatural.--Habits;
language; religion.--These circumstances will rather tend
to separate America and England.--The commercial interests
of England and America different.--Boundaries will form
a source of dispute.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 106
The Assembly of Pennsylvania cut to pieces the great seal
of the Province.--American privateers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 107
Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration, approving
the principles therein contained.--Conversation between
Lord Stormont and the Count de Welderen on the attack on
the Dutch convoy.--Proceedings in Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 110
General Conway proposes a bill for reconciliation or
peace.--Debate on the subject in the House of
Commons.--Denmark accedes to the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 116
General Conway's Speech on his bill for reconciliation.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 23d, 1780, 120
The different Powers accede to the armed neutrality.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 24th,
1780, 123
Expressing full confidence in his conduct in case of
overtures from England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 26th, 1780, 124
Address of the Bar at Dublin to Mr Grattan.--Reply of Mr
Grattan.--Extracts from the journals.--Letter of M. de
Sartine, concerning the treatment of neutrals.--Letter
from the Count de Florida Blanca.
To the President of Congress. Paris, May 27th, 1780, 133
Application of the principles of the British Constitutions
to external dominions, extensively studied in America.--
Effects of the American publications on this subject, on
other foreign possessions of Great Britain.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 135
Indecisive engagement between the French and English
fleets.--Governor Pownal asks leave to bring in a bill
authorising a convention, truce, or peace with the
Colonies.--The House proceeds to the order of the day.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 137
Report of a Committee of the citizens of Dublin, declaring
the independence of the Irish Parliament, and returning
thanks to those members who have supported it.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 142
Petitions of the Dutch merchants to the States-General,
and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying
for a speedy protection of commerce. Answer of Spain to
the Russian declaration.--Extracts from the Journals, on
the destination of the naval forces of France.--Proceedings
of Congress kept more secret than the plans of the European
Courts.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 149
Declaration of Lord George Germain, that there is a prospect
of peace with America, on good and honorable terms for
England, not with the Congress, but with the people.--Fallacy
of these statements; America could not make peace with
England, without involving herself with France and Spain;
Congress cannot oppose the will of the people in America,
which is expressed through the press, the towns, the juries,
and the assemblies.--Other errors concerning the misery of
the people, the debt, dislike to France, &c. exposed.--Barriers
to a reconciliation or peace between England and America.
(_Note._)
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 4th, 1780, 159
Extracts from numerous European journals.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 5th, 1780, 166
Extracts from the journals.--Petitions of the Corn
Merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General and to the
States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for
protection of the commerce.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 10th, 1780, 170
Preparations for supporting the armed neutrality.--An
East India company formed at Trieste.--English losses
in Africa.--Critical situation of the British power in
India.--Duty imposed on sugars imported from England,
by the Irish Parliament.--Violation of neutral ground on
the Dutch coast by the English.--Representations of the
States of Holland and West Friesland to the States-General,
and of the latter to the Dutch Minister at London on this
subject.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 181
Extract from Lord Shelburne's Speech, relating to the
policy of the Ministry towards Russia, Prussia, Austria,
and Turkey.--The American war was the true cause of that
policy.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 186
Copy of Governor Pownal's bill, empowering the King to make
peace with the United States.--Meeting of merchants at
Dublin to obtain a duty on sugars imported into the
kingdom.--Proceedings of the Irish House of Commons on
the same subject.--Port of Vendre on the Mediterranean
repaired.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 190
Extracts from pamphlets published under the name of Mr
Galloway, but probably written by the refugees.--Refutation
of the statements therein contained.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 201
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 17th, 1780, 201
Governor Hutchinson's death and character.--Further extracts
from the pamphlets abovementioned.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 20th, 1780, 207
On the paying off of the loan office certificates.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 21st,
1780, 208
Injustice of obliging the French holders of the American
paper money to suffer by the depreciation.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 212
Requesting a delay of the orders instructing the French
Minister in America to make representations against the
resolutions of Congress for the paying off the paper money
at its depreciated value.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 213
Defence of the resolutions of Congress above referred
to.--The holders have received the bills at the depreciated
value, and are not therefore entitled to the nominal
value.--The loss will not fall on French holders, who have
received them at their depreciated value.--The same
measure was adopted by the colony of Massachusetts Bay,
without being objected to by the English government or
merchants.--Very little of the paper in the hands of
French subjects.
To B. Franklin. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 225
Suggesting the propriety of requesting a revocation of
the orders to the French Minister in America,
abovementioned.--Evils which they may produce in America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 26th, 1780, 226
Clamor in Europe against the resolutions providing for
the paying off the paper bills.--Interview and
correspondence with Count de Vergennes on the
subject.
To the President of Congress. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 228
Recommends the appointment of Consuls to relieve the
Minister.--Also, that strict instructions be given to
the commanders of ships-of-war, in which there has been
a want of subordination.
To B. Franklin. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 231
Enclosing his correspondence with the Count de Vergennes,
relative to resolutions of Congress for paying off the
paper money.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
June 30th, 1780, 232
Adheres to his former opinions on the subject of the
paper money.--Expects the views of Congress in reply
to the representations.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 1st, 1780, 233
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 234
Lists of French, Spanish, American, and English vessels
taken and destroyed.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 239
Regrets the American losses, and considers the causes.
Urges Congress to cherish the navy while it is in their
power.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 240
Rejection of Mr Hartley's proposal for a bill to empower
the King to make peace with America.--Abstract of the
bill.--Sir G. Saville's motion, that the American war
be declared unconstitutional and ruinous, rejected.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 243
Petition of the merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General,
for protection of commerce from the English.
B. Franklin to Count de Vergennes. Passy, July 10th, 1780, 245
Agrees that foreign merchants ought not to suffer from
the depreciation of the paper money.--Assures him that
the sentiments of the Americans in general in regard to
the alliance, differ widely from those expressed by
Mr Adams.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1780, 247
Determination of the English to undertake a new campaign.--
State of things in America.--The advantages which the
English derive from being masters of the American seas.--The
English in America have been for two years in the power of
their enemies.--Their possessions must be protected and
supplied by a naval power.--A naval superiority in those
seas is the true policy of America and France. The policy
of France has been suspected in America, and misrepresented
in England on this point.--The real importance of
America.--Prejudices against the Americans in France.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 14th, 1780, 259
Proposed congress at St Petersburg.--English accounts of
their successes in America.--Ignorance of the American
foreign envoys on these subjects.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 260
Preamble of the Russian ordinance relative to neutral
rights.--There is no appearance of favor to England
in the Russian Court.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 263
Attack on the French vessels in the neutral port of Milo
by the English.--Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch
naval preparations.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 265
English, French, and Spanish forces at sea.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 17th, 1780, 266
Reasons why his powers ought no longer to be concealed
from the English Court.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 270
Naval forces of the northern powers.--Russian ordinance
ascertaining the neutral rights of Russian commerce.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 276
Armed neutral forces.--Quotes speculations from the
Amsterdam Gazette relative to the effect of the conquest
of Mobile by the Spaniards.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 20th,
1780, 278
A French naval force has been sent to America, to co-operate
with the American military operations.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1780, 279
Expresses his satisfaction with the destination of the
armament abovementioned.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 22d, 1780, 280
Extract from the King's speech on the prorogation of
Parliament.--Extracts from the journals, showing
the state of the navies in Europe.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 23d, 1780, 285
Messengers pass between London and Madrid.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 25th, 1780, 287
Reasons for opposing Mr Adams' communication of his full
powers to the English Ministry.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 26th, 1780, 294
Reply to the statements and arguments of the preceding
letter.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 27th, 1780, 301
Observations on Count de Vergennes' assertion, that
the King had taken measures for sustaining America
without solicitations from Congress.--Solicitations
were made through the medium of the foreign Envoys
of Congress.--Expresses his fears that the French
have not a decided naval superiority in the American
seas.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 29th, 1780, 304
Expresses his dissatisfaction with the remarks of Mr
Adams.--Shall treat only with Mr Franklin on matters
concerning the United States.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
July 31st, 1780, 305
Transmitting his correspondence with Mr Adams with the
request that it may be laid before Congress. (Letter
from the President of Congress to Mr Adams on this
subject. _Note._)
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780, 307
Arrives in Amsterdam.--Importance of maintaining an official
agent in the United Provinces.--Probability of raising a
loan in Holland.--Declaration of Sweden in regard to
neutrality.--Declaration of Denmark on the same subject.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780, 314
Absurd political speculations in Europe on the conditions
and prospects of America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
22d, 1780, 316
Answer of France to the Swedish declaration.--Questions
of Sweden relative to the proposals of Russia, for
reciprocal protection and mutual assistance of the
neutrals.--Russian answer.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
23d, 1780, 321
The English mission to Madrid merely a cover.--Real
design of England to continue the war, and to separate
the House of Bourbon from America.--Urges the sending
a Minister to Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
4th, 1780, 323
Capture of the British West India fleet by the combined
fleets of France and Spain.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
5th, 1780, 324
No measures ever taken in England to fix the English
language.--Proposes that Congress should effect this
object by erecting the American Academy for refining
and ascertaining the English language, and by
furnishing the necessary funds for a library and the
support of its officers.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
19th, 1780, 327
Acknowledges the receipt of his commission for negotiating
a loan.--Difficulties of this charge.--Expediency of a
Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, charged with this duty.
Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding
letter, 329
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
16th, 1780, 330
Congress of St Petersburg.--The policy of Holland
doubtful.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
24th, 1780, 332
Determines to negotiate a loan in a private character.--Little
reputation of the Dutch owing to their language.--Importance
of cultivating the English language in America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
25th, 1780, 334
General ignorance of America in Holland.--Predominance
of the English interest there.--Little prospect of
raising a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
28th, 1780, 338
The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Empress.--Their address on this occasion.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 340
The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.--Their addresses
on the occasion.--Report of despatches from St
Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the
armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 342
Has effected nothing in regard to the loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
11th, 1780, 342
Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in
respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the
history of the office.--Copy of the commission of
the Stadtholder.--Capture of Mr Laurens.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 360
Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of
intelligence.--Does not think it degrading to the
United States to ask for loans, or to seek the
friendship of the maritime powers.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
14th, 1780, 362
Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.--Determination of
England to prosecute the war.--Superiority of the
United States to the United Provinces.--Forces of
the Dutch Republic.--Advantages of a naval power.--Prospect
of a rupture between England and Holland.--Proposals
for facilitating the loan.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 365
Uncertainty of a loan in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
24th, 1780, 366
Sufferings of Mr Laurens.--Recommends Congress to
send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the
interest of the proposed loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
27th, 1780, 367
The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his
correspondence with Holland.
James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October
28th, 1780, 368
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
31st, 1780, 369
Influence of the refugees in England.--Cruel treatment
of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of
America.--Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation
with England.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780, 371
Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of
exchange drawn on Mr Laurens.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
16th, 1780, 372
Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.--
Insolence of that document.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
17th, 1780, 376
Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.--Remarks
on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.--M.
Van Berckel.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780, 378
Little prospect of procuring a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
25th, 1780, 379
A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.--
Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr
Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams'
disability.--The fear of the submission of America
discourages the loan.--The Stadtholder favorable to
England.--Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English
cause.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780, 382
Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.--Prospect of a
loan doubtful.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
30th, 1780, 383
The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland,
countermanded.--Preponderance of the English interest
in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
14th, 1780, 384
Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.--Little
disposition in Holland to furnish a loan.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
18th, 1780, 386
Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for
the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation
is made.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
21st, 1780, 388
Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the
prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture
of the rebels.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 389
Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.--England
will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of
their joining the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 391
Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.--They
determine to demand satisfaction for
the memorials of Sir J. Yorke.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 393
Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile
indications.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
26th, 1780, 394
Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
28th, 1780, 395
Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in
case of war with England.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
30th, 1780, 397
Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand
to the measures of the States-General.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
31st, 1780, 404
Holland will be supported in a war with England,
either by the armed neutrals, or by the other
belligerents.--Death of Maria Theresa.
The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia,
January 1st, 1781, 405
Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary
to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian
Declaration (_Note_) and other documents.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
1st, 1781, 406
British Manifesto against the States-General.--Orders
in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and
goods.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
4th, 1781, 414
Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.--
Recommends M. Dumas to Congress.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
5th, 1781, 416
Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence
of Sir J. Yorke's memorial.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
14th, 1781, 418
Resentment in Holland against the English.--Unprepared
state of the country in case of war.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 419
Declaration of the States-General on their accession to
the armed neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 422
The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture
with England.--State of the Dutch marine.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 423
Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending
warlike preparations.--The States approve
the proposition and direct it to be communicated
to the Provinces.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 425
Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
18th, 1781, 425
Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement
of privateers against the English.--Proclamation
granting indemnifications to those who shall be
wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war
at sea.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February
1st, 1781, 433
Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.--A
similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with
modifications.--The States-General accede to the treaty.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781, 443
Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by
Congress.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781, 444
State of American affairs in Holland.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March
1st, 1781, 446
The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the
independence of America.--Considers it time to prepare
for the execution of his instructions.--Requests
his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition
to the States.
A Memorial to the States-General, 448
To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress
of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 449
Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the
rights of neutrals.--Would be happy to accede to
the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States.
To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of
the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450
Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of
neutrals.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France
at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450
Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in
the preceding letters.
From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams.
Hague, March 14th, 1781, 451
Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard
to the neutral powers without instructions.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th,
1781, 451
Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British
manifesto.--Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the
States-General, offering the mediation of Russia.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
19th, 1781, 469
Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister
Plenipotentiary to Holland.--Division of sentiments
in that country.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 472
Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden,
demanding the protection of the armed neutrals.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 479
Additional taxes in Great Britain.--Comparison of Lord
North with M. Necker.--Necessity of creating a permanent
public credit in the United States.--Ways and means for
effecting it.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781, 481
Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and
instructions.
Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General, 481
Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden,
April 19th, 1781, 493
Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781, 494
Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable
him to raise a loan.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the
Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781, 496
Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms
of the treaty between France and America, to make common
cause with these powers.
To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781, 497
Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781, 498
In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is
referred to the President of the States-General.--Interview
with the President, who declines receiving his commission
or memorial, and promises to report to the States.--Delivers
a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince,
who declines receiving it.--The President reports to the
States, who take the subject _ad referendum_.--The French
Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr
Adams, but promises his support.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781, 501
Generous aid of France.--America might tax Europe, by
laying export duties.--Cannot accept bills drawn by
Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 503
Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.--
No probability of a speedy decision.--Dutch fleet sails.--
Divided state of opinions in Holland.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS,
ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO
HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF
PEACE.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 17th, 1780.
Sir,
Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very
languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore
a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they
carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic.
The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the
alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of
an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that
the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to
conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more
vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made
without delay. They say, even that there may have been already
negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention
of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between
the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is
so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work,
that having resided in England in the same quality he has the
advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However
this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge
of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon
the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one
ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the
contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation
has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was
not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was
not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France
and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her
intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation,
contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the
perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it
as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of
so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new
enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the
neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by
this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in
her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the
maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective
subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they
plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for
any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them
nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that
superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put
themselves in possession at the end of the last war.
But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to
acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to
certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to
decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they
began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable
order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is
not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the
issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the
course of the year.
By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in
England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown
into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried
triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority
of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the
resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the
Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is
in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the
abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues,
as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to
grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions
presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of
the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring
heights this young statesman aspires.
Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty
times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems
impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters
have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they
will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be
able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all
mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the
dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they
will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for
their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to
Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so
decidedly in their favor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 18th, 1780.
Sir,
It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit,
everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or
an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that
important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris
through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was
particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who,
to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but
who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the
state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a
right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end.
Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is
obvious enough.
The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our
national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but
surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any
equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence
calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the
combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see
the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject.
True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should
call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every
man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows
that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of
her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and
therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be
convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should
avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these
ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them
mad.
He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a
design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now
acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more
extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer
had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive
than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling
it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by
negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly
no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to
cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under
an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this
means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders
the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.
The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to
vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this
confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to
suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his
correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely
another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be
brought to petition for peace.
Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America
had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is
true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such
reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in
Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be
sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of
the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information,
it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been
equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor
any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held
up a hope of this to the people.
Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America
would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their
limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance
already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles,
but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no
grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give
up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate
them.
He ought also to have avoided his insinuations, that America has been
so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the
present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to
dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and
inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the
war is true, and when was any nation at war without being so?
Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government,
and sustain a war at the same time without it? Yet, after all, America
has not been so much harassed, or disastered, or terrified, or
panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several
times in the course of it.
But the most exceptionable passage of all, is this. "It is apparent to
all the world, that _France might long ago have put an end to that
part of the war, which has been most distressing to America_, if she
had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered,
from the very beginning, down to the last retreat from Savannah, and I
think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it, but
this, viz. that it has always been the deliberate intention and object
of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of
the war in America, _in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources
of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America_."
Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But after
deliberating upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will
clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my
country are antecedent to all other ties.
I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true,
that France might put an end to that part of the war, which has been
most distressing to Americans; and I certainly know the means were
extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed,
and explained, and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had a
terrible load of the guilt of negligence of my duty upon my
conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a
commission to this Court. But, when the letter writer proceeds so far
as to say, that it was to _encourage_ the continuance of the war, in
order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot
accompany him, much less can I join with him in the opinion, that it
was to depress the rising power in America. I believe, on the
contrary, that France has not wished the continuance of the war, but
that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much
loss and danger to France, to suppose, that she wished its
continuance, and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could
not wish it to depress the power of America.
She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is
not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this
war is continued in America, the more will America become habituated
to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and
talents and passions will gain strength, and additional activity,
every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents,
and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of
American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some
or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other
power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and
enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.
This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention
that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced by everything
I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except,
perhaps, the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that
exception, rejoice in the American revolution, and consider the
independence of America as for their interest and happiness, in many
points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe;
yet I have many reasons to think, that not one of them, not even
Spain, nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We
ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and
exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of
these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let
us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as
to them. Let us, above all things, avoid, as much as possible,
entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with
them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war.
America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.
I think, however, that this letter writer was very much mistaken in
his judgment, when he threw out this language. It could be meant only
to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or
rather feed the Yorkshire people, and the people of England with a
hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a
peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt
towards it is a false policy.
The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union
with America. This must be intended to separate us from our allies,
which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally
impracticable.
I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a
safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will
never consent, that we should make a truce, unless she makes a peace;
and such alterations may be made in the constitutions of the Courts of
France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connexions in
Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be
attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France, nor Spain, nor
the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to
war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by
artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in a sure and
certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost.
Upon the whole, I think, that this letter writer should have stated
the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America.
From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been open
conferences for peace; make peace with all the world, upon the best
terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must
come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution
of the British Empire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 24th, 1780.
Sir,
There is intelligence from Stockholm of the 4th of this month, that
"the Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia has given notice to
that Court, of the declaration made by his sovereign, as well to the
States-General of the United Provinces as to the powers actually at
war, demanding, at the same time, that Sweden would accede to it, and
to this end join herself to Russia, by augmenting the Swedish marine,
to the end, to concur by this means, in the maintenance of a
neutrality. Although this Court appears very well inclined to enter
into the views of Russia, nevertheless, it is thought, that before
anything will be decided upon this object, she will previously give
notice of it to the Court of France. In the meantime, the Minister of
Russia at this Court has received orders to treat directly of this
affair, as well with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of
her Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, as with the other
Ministers of that Court residing at the neutral Courts."
There is also intelligence from Ratisbon of the 13th of April, that
"M. Struxe, Counsellor of the Legislation from Russia, has
communicated there by order of his Court the declaration made by his
sovereign to the belligerent powers, to the end to make her flag be
respected, and to protect the commerce and navigation of her subjects;
and that, in consequence, orders had already been despatched to
Cronstadt and Archangel to equip there a sufficient number of ships of
the line."
There is a paragraph in the Gazette of Amsterdam, of the 21st, from
Paris of the 14th of April. "It is only by conjecture, that we talk of
the plan of the next campaign in Europe; and it is also with the same
uncertainty, that we lend our ear to the report, which runs, that the
Count d'Estaing will command the combined fleet, and even, that the
Count du Chaffault, as well as the Spanish Admirals, have offered to
serve under him. It is pretended, besides, that there may very well be
also some alterations in the progress of our Ministry, if it is true,
as they continue to affirm, that the Count de Parades has been
arrested as a spy of the English Government, to whom he was, in fact,
in a capacity to discover important particulars upon this subject. But
there is another piece of news, to which we give more credit, because,
really, there is no good citizen, nor genuine friend of humanity, who
does not wish to hear it confirmed. It is, that there should be, as it
is said, upon the carpet, a plan concerted between all the maritime
powers of Europe, to the end to form and digest a universal code for
the sea, the laws of which no nation should attempt to infringe,
without devoting herself to the indignation, or exposing herself to
the vengeance, of all the others; an important project, if it could be
executed, which would insure the happiness and tranquillity of
nations, and would set bounds, which could not be passed, to the
audacity, as well as the avarice of any one, which, without any other
right than that of force, should pretend to arrogate to itself the
exclusive empire of the sea."
There is also intelligence from the Hague of the 19th of April, that
there was sent on the 14th of the month to the Assembly of the
States-General of the United Provinces, a Memorial of the following
tenor.
"Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Commissioners of the affairs
of commerce and navigation, conjointly with some counsellors of
Holland, and Ministers of the College of Admiralty residing in this
Province, having, in consequence of a resolution of the 4th of this
month, examined the Memorial presented the day before to the
Generality, by the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her
Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by which the Minister has
communicated a declaration made by his sovereign to the Courts of
France, Spain, and England, that the neutral powers may protect by
common agreement the commerce and navigation of her subjects
respectively, as is more fully explained in the note of the 4th of
April.
"Whereupon having deliberated, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have
thought fit and resolved, that the affairs be proposed to the
Generality, and that they answer in turn to the before mentioned
Memorial of the Prince de Gallitzin, that their High Mightinesses have
received, with much satisfaction, the communication, which it has
pleased her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to give them of her
designs, as well as of the declaration, which she has caused to be
made to the said Courts; that their High Mightinesses regard this
communication as the most convincing proof of the benevolence of her
Majesty for this Republic, and holding themselves honored by it, they
think themselves, consequently, obliged in all respects to give her a
cordial and positive answer; that their High Mightinesses put the
highest value on the new proof, which her Imperial Majesty gives on
this occasion of her generosity and acknowledged equity, as well as on
the project she has conceived, and the means which she has resolved to
employ to obtain the most exact neutrality in the present war with the
belligerent powers, and protect not only the honor of the Russian
flag, as well as the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not
permitting them to be disturbed by any of the powers at war, but also
to assure the liberty and repose of Europe upon the solid foundations
of the justice of the law of nations and the treaties subsisting, and
thus to consolidate the equitable system of navigation and commerce of
the neutral powers; that their High Mightinesses having nothing more
at heart, than to observe a strict neutrality with her Majesty, the
Empress of Russia, in the present war, but instructed by experience,
in the losses which the commerce and navigation of the neutral powers
have suffered, by the fluctuations and uncertainty of the belligerent
powers in the state of the law of nations, from whence have resulted
to them many inconveniences and great damages occasioned by the
operations of the present war, their High Mightinesses have judged it
necessary, in concert with her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to fix
this law upon a solid basis, and to request, for this end, the
concurrence of the neutral maritime powers; that, moreover, as to what
concerns the extent and limits of this law, their High Mightinesses
conform themselves wholly to the five points contained in the
declaration of her Imperial Majesty made to the Courts of Versailles,
Madrid, and London, communicated to their High Mightinesses by the
Prince de Gallitzin the third of April of this year, and are,
consequently, ready to make similar declarations to the belligerent
powers, their High Mightinesses being sincerely disposed to enter into
conferences with her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, and other
neutral maritime powers, upon the measures which may be unanimously
taken, to the end to maintain effectually, both for the present era
and for the time to come, the liberty of navigation and commerce, by
observing an exact neutrality between the belligerent powers.
"That the extract of the resolution to be taken be sent by the Agent,
Van den Burch Spuonings, back to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy
Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to the end
to inform his sovereign, and to employ his good offices to lay before
her this answer in the manner the most favorable; that they ought
also to send a similar extract to M. de Swart, Resident of their High
Mightinesses at the Court of Petersburgh, for his information, with an
injunction to co-operate, as far as shall depend upon him, to the
success of the salutary intentions of their High Mightinesses; that
the same measures be taken with regard to the Ministers of the
Republic at the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with
orders to act in concert, and to support the measures of the Russian
Ministers at the Courts where they reside."
Their High Mightinesses having deliberated upon this object, the
Deputies of Provinces, which have not as yet declared themselves, have
been desired to pronounce as soon as possible the resolutions of the
States, their principals. The States of the Province of Groningen have
declared themselves authorised, during the suspension of the
deliberations, to confer on this subject with the Prince de Gallitzin
for a further explanation, saving the free deliberations of their
principals.
_Amsterdam, 20th of April._ The College of Admiralty of West Friesland
and of the northern quarter have put in commission, with the
participation of His Most Serene Highness, the Prince Stadtholder, the
frigates of war, the Medemblick, of thirtysix guns, the Horn,
Enkhuisen, of twenty guns, which will be commanded by the Captain Van
Regneveld Heckers and Trykenius."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, April 25th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a small schooner has
arrived at Nantes from Baltimore, by which came the enclosed
newspapers, which I send to your Excellency without a moment's loss of
time. I hope, however, your Excellency has received these and many
more, and much fuller intelligence by the same vessel; but as it is
possible it may be otherwise, I think it my duty to send them. I have
no other news by this vessel as yet, excepting, that General Gates was
appointed to command the army in Charleston, an event which I esteem
of great importance, because there is in the mind of the American
soldier an affection for that officer, and a confidence in him, that
will show its effects.
A vessel from Martinique had just arrived, with an account, that the
Dean frigate, Captain Nicholson, had sent in there an English frigate
sheathed with copper, mounting twentyeight guns, which struck after a
severe action.
If I should be so happy as to receive any more news from this vessel,
I shall have the honor to transmit it to your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 25th, 1780.
Sir,
A letter from Dublin, of the 18th of this month, gives us the
following account. "We wait with impatience for the meeting of
Parliament; the day approaches when the political destiny of this
kingdom will be decided. There is yet some softness in one party of
the Parliament, but there is none at all in the body of the people,
and especially in that of our brave volunteers, who are at once the
admiration and the firm hope of the nation, which seems now to spring
up, and out of chaos. One thing very extraordinary is, that among this
body of volunteers, exceeding in fact the number of fortysix thousand
men, (although in so innocent an army composed of so many discordant
parties, commanded by so many chiefs, some more powerful than the
others might be suspected of entertaining views a little opposite to
patriotism,) no ambitious ones, supported by popularity, have
undertaken anything, not only against the liberties, but even against
the tranquillity of the people; not the least disorder, not even the
appearance of disunion, or partial cabals. We contemplate with
astonishment, mixed with a joy most intimately felt, an armed
multitude proceeding to give, so to express myself, the island to the
civil power, and aiding it to protect and facilitate the execution of
its laws. Such are the advantages, which we ought always to provide
ourselves from an army, the humblest soldier of which finds his
interest in good order and good government. Mercenaries fight for
money; volunteers, proprietors of one part of the lands, which are
proposed to be defended, and of the rights, which are to be recovered
or protected, have a direct interest in preserving in all their vigor
the laws, which assure to them the property of those lands, and the
enjoyment of these rights.
"While the nation busies itself about its political emancipation, and
already enjoys it, by anticipation, she does not neglect the
advantages already obtained by the firmness and the wisdom of her
conduct; all the objects of commerce fix the attendance of various
committees; the establishments are multiplied insensibly in proportion
to the rising occasions; where there were manufactories they are
busied about the means of improving them, where there were none, and
it appears convenient to establish them, societies of adventurers are
formed. We have a considerable number of woollen stuffs and cloths, we
have none of cotton. At this day Limerick proposes to become the rival
of Manchester; they are about making the beautiful velvets, and stuffs
of cotton. One company have appropriated to this undertaking a capital
of sixteen thousand pounds sterling, and they have brought over from
England a sufficient number of excellent workmen in this business.
"In reading over my letter, I remark I have stated at fortysix
thousand the number of volunteers actually armed among us; we have not
yet an exact return, it is possible there may be four or five thousand
more, because at the end of last year we generally reckoned upon
fortyfive thousand, and there have been since formed five new corps,
commanded by officers as respectable for their personal courage, as
for their patriotism. If this martial ardor, which animates all the
orders of the community, has any inconvenience, it is, that it takes
away from the manufacturers a prodigious number of hands.
Independently of the time given to military exercise, you would not be
able to conceive how many people are employed in these melancholy but
necessary manufactures, which have no other use, end, or object, than
the destruction of men. The casting of cannon, the manufacture of arms
of every description, of tents, and other articles, which are
required for the preparation for a campaign, employ moreover several
thousands of hands; it is true, that the two levies divide the labor
between them.
"They say, that the Duke of Leinster, on whom they had so unjustly
ventured to publish some offensive reflections, has declared publicly
and in the most solemn manner, that he will support the people in the
vindication of their rights to a free constitution absolutely
independent. If the serenity of our present situation is sometimes
interrupted, it is by those unlucky white boys, who, from time to
time, renew their atrocities. The 1st instant fifty of these banditti
well mounted met upon an eminence at Cloriseu, near to Feathard, where
they conducted themselves in an inhuman manner towards two
individuals."
In the French Gazette is an article from London with regard to
Ireland. "They accuse the Ministry of holding relative to that kingdom
the same conduct, which they held in the beginning of the troubles of
America, that is to say, to leave the sovereign and the nation in
error, concerning all the facts, and endeavor to inspire into the
British Parliament the most sinister carelessness and inattention for
the most important of affairs. People hired to support among us the
blindest confidence write, that the Irish are very well pleased with
Lord Hillsborough, that the concessions made to Ireland satisfy all
its wishes, that even the associations enjoy in peace the good that
has been done to their country. We learn, however, that the city of
Dublin declares in her common council, that she cannot any longer
suspend her judgment upon the conduct of government, that to destroy
the false interpretations, which they have endeavored to give to the
joy, which the people of Ireland have testified upon the subject of
the act, which gives liberty to their commerce, several counties, and
the greatest part of the associations, have thought themselves obliged
to explain to the public, that the motive of this momentary joy
proceeded principally from this, that they regarded the liberty of
commerce as a commencement of the independence of the constitution.
"The principal creatures of the English Ministry, in the Parliament of
Ireland, arrived the beginning of this month to receive instructions
relative to the approaching Assembly, but they say, that during their
absence the chiefs of the national party have been employed in
promoting the meetings of the counties, in cementing the military
associations, and encouraging the people to insist upon a declaration
of rights, so that nothing is yet finished in that respect. Mr
Yelverton proposes to make a motion in the House of Commons, that a
sum shall be voted sufficient to build four strong frigates, which
shall constantly cruise upon the coasts of this kingdom to protect
merchant fleets and convoys. This project announces but too plainly
the design of Ireland to separate herself from us as much as she can,
and to owe her safety only to herself. With what view should England
insist still with the Irish upon the pretension of supremacy? In
renouncing the advantages, which the monopoly of commerce procured,
she has destroyed the only obstacle, which could oppose itself to the
independence of Ireland."
There is in the Leyden Gazette of the 21st another article from
London. "The Earl of Bellamont, who arrived here the 5th of this month
from Ireland, has had an audience of his Majesty, and several
conferences with his Ministers; as this nobleman is one of the
principal supporters of the party of the administration in that
country, it is supposed that his journey here was occasioned by the
crisis, in which affairs are there at this time. Mr Henry Flood, who
has come to Court on the same subject, as well as Mr Seaton Perry, the
speaker of the Irish Commons, and Sir Richard Heron, Secretary of the
Lord Lieutenant, have on the contrary returned to Dublin. As the
Parliament was to sit the 10th of this month, we expect immediately
interesting advices concerning the turn, which affairs may have taken
there, and so much the more as we know, that soon after the meeting,
Mr Yelverton intended to propose a bill, declaratory of the rights of
Ireland, as far as they respect Poyning's law, and the manner of
passing Irish bills in England. In the meantime, the leaders of the
two parties endeavored to increase their forces in the two houses,
although the preponderance in favor of the Court would scarcely have
any effect, in case the party the most considerable of the people
remain in the sentiments they appear to be in at this day. This
consideration they say, supported by the advice of Sir Richard Heron,
Mr Seaton Perry, and Mr Flood, has determined our government to give
way to the wishes of the Irish nation, by consenting to the revocation
of Poyning's law, if there are no other means of assuaging the
fermentation of spirits. It is true, that some cities, counties, and
boroughs, have lately assured the government of their attachment, and
of their gratitude for the favors granted to Ireland, but there is a
great deal wanting before all the people will be equally satisfied.
The most enlightened part of the nation regard these same favors as
granted to necessity, and purely precarious as long as the British
legislature shall have the right to make laws for Ireland. Some
magistrates have even already refused to execute the laws passed by
the Parliament of Great Britain; those of the county of Mayo, having
been among others required to put in force the act against desertions,
and to show that they acknowledge no others than those, which have
been made by their own legislative body. In general, according to the
last accounts received from that country, it appears, that of the four
parts of Ireland, the provinces of Leinster and Connaught are the most
tranquil, reposing themselves upon the assurances, which have been
given them by the respective Colonels of their volunteer associations,
the Duke of Leinster, and the Earl of Clanricarde; and that the Court
is disposed to grant to the nation all its demands. In the province of
Munster, they are less quiet, and they persuade themselves, that there
is little dependence upon a momentary benevolence, which is due only
to necessity. But the inhabitants of Ulster are, of all Ireland, those
who appear the most firmly determined to procure to themselves, at any
price, an entire independence of the British legislation, and the
formal renunciation of all acts, which are contrary to it. As this
province, where they reckon at least thirty thousand families of
Protestants, more than all the rest of the kingdom, distinguishes
itself by the courage of its inhabitants, they will risk a great deal
if they stir up discontents there."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 26th, 1780.
Sir,
At last, even the Morning Post of the 18th of April confesses, that
the Memorial from the Empress of Russia to the States-General has
dissipated all their golden dreams of an alliance with the Czarina.
It was announced to us last week, that a Russian squadron had left
Cronstadt to sail to our assistance, nay, some of the public papers
went so far as to announce their arrival at Plymouth. How sadly are we
now disappointed! Instead of an alliance, we find her _Czarish_
Majesty talks of neutrality, so that at present it is pretty clear,
that the various powers in Europe seem determined to stand off, and
leave us to our fate."
In some confused minutes of a debate in the House of Lords on the 14th
of April, it is said, that Lord Camden expressed his astonishment and
regret at the Memorial from Russia, in which, contrary to the
established law of nations, the Empress insisted upon free ships and
free goods. He pointed out how injurious to the country it must be, if
neutral vessels were permitted to supply our enemies, whom we might
blockade, with everything they might want, and remarked, that the
queen of the seas was now deposed, and the Empress had taken
possession of her throne. In another paper, Lord Shelburne is
represented remarking the very dangerous and alarming situation they
stand in, with regard to their wars and foreign alliances. "Of the
former," said his Lordship, "we have three, of the latter none, even
the Empress of Russia, that great potentate, who was constantly held
out by the noble Lord with the green riband, (Lord Stormont,) to be
our principal ally, now shows to all Europe by her late maritime
manifesto, what sort of an ally she means to be to England. The
thought of that manifesto made him shudder when he first read it,
particularly, as he knew how this country stood in respect to other
powers, when Denmark must follow wherever Russia led, when Sweden was
ready at the nod of France; think of having the whole force of the
northern powers against us; already engaged in three wars, and
striving all we can to make a fourth with our old friends and neutral
allies, the States-General."
There have appeared few other reflections as yet, upon this great
event, the Russian declaration. Even the opposition seems afraid to
lay it open, in all its terrors, to the people. They repeat the word
neutrality, neutrality, but it is as decisive a determination against
them, as a declaration of war would have been, perhaps more so,
because now there is a probability that the maritime powers will be
unanimous, whereas in the other case they might have been divided. It
is very surprising, that the peace between Russia and the Turk, and
that between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, (in which the
Empress of Russia took a part as spirited and decided as she has upon
this occasion, in both of which negotiations the British ministry
ought to have known that Russia and France acted in perfect concert,)
should not have earlier dissipated their golden visions, but so it is,
and so it has been; England, as Governor Pownal says, cannot or will
not see. The improvement in the law of nations, which the Empress aims
at, and will undoubtedly establish, is hurtful to England, it is true,
to a very great degree, but it is beneficial to all other nations, and
to none more than the United States of America, who will be carriers,
and I hope forever neutrals.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 28th, 1780.
Sir,
The news from Hamburg of the 11th of April is, that "the Sieur de
Geoss, the Minister of the Empress of Russia, near the circle of the
Lower Saxony, has communicated to the Magistracy of that city a
declaration, which his Sovereign has made to the three Courts at war,
for the maintenance of the free navigation of neutrals; and we learn,
that the same notification has been made to the Regencies of Lubec and
Bremen, on the part of this Sovereign; who, without ceasing to observe
a neutrality between the Courts actually at war, considers the liberty
of the seas as a common good of all nations, which different
particulars ought not to interrupt."
The news from London of the 18th of April is, "the term of three weeks
is fixed for receiving an answer to the answer of the Memorial, which
Sir Joseph Yorke has presented to their High Mightinesses, the
States-General, expired last Thursday; they have published yesterday a
Declaration, against the United Provinces, of which here follows the
translation."
"The Resolution taken at a Council held at St James the 17th of April,
1780, in presence of his Majesty. Since Great Britain has been brought
involuntarily into a war against France and Spain, the Ambassador of
the King to the States-General of the United Provinces has presented
several Memorials for demanding the succors stipulated by the
treaties. These representations, although repeated in the most
pressing manner by the Memorial of the 21st of March, have remained
without answer, and their High Mightinesses have not manifested an
intention to oppose them. By delaying thus to fulfil engagements the
most positive, she deserts the alliance, which has subsisted so long
between the Crown of Great Britain and the Republic, and places
herself on a level with neutral powers, which are not connected with
this kingdom by any treaty. The principles of wisdom and equity
prescribe, by consequence, to the King no longer to consider the
States but in the distant relation in which they have placed
themselves; and his Majesty having taken this subject into
consideration, has thought fit, by the advice of his privy council, to
put in execution immediately the measures, which have been formerly
annexed by the Memorial of the 21st of March last, and which had been
previously suggested to the Count de Welderen, the Envoy Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of the Republic, by a verbal declaration of Lord
Stormont, one of the Secretaries of State, nearly two months before
the presentation of said Memorial. For these causes the King, with the
advice of his Council, declares, that the subjects of the United
Provinces shall henceforward be considered on the footing of neutral
powers, who are not privileged by treaties. His Majesty suspends by
these presents, conditionally, and until further order, all the
particular stipulations designed to favor in time of war the liberty
of the navigation and commerce of the subjects of the States-General,
such as they are expressed in the different treaties, which subsist
between his Majesty and the Republic, and especially in the Marine
Treaty concluded between Great Britain and the United Provinces at
London on the 1st day of December, 1674.
"His Majesty, animated by a sentiment of humanity, and willing to
spare the interest of individuals, and not seeking their damage by an
act of surprise, declares, moreover, with the advice of his Council,
that the execution of the present ordinances shall not take place but
at the following epochs, to wit; in the Channel and in the northern
seas, twelve days after this date; from the Channel and the northern
seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, both on the ocean and
in the Mediterranean; the term shall be six weeks, reckoning from the
date of these presents; it shall be of three months from the Canary
Islands to the equinoctial line or the equator; and, finally, of six
months to the parts situated beyond the equator, and, in general, in
all the other parts of the world without exception, and without any
more particular determination of time or place."
_Hague, April the 23d._ The Report of the Committee of the Province of
Groningen, confirmed by the approbation of the States of the same
Province, has been presented to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses. Here follow the contents.
"Noble and Mighty Lords,
"In compliance with the resolution of your Noble Mightinesses of the
31st of March last, in consequence of which was presented into the
hands of the Committee of your Noble Mightinesses, the Report
presented the 17th of February, by the deputies of their High
Mightinesses to their Assembly, who had examined that which passed
between Commodore Byland and the English Commodore Fielding, after the
relation sent the 5th of January, by the Count de Welderen to
Secretary Fagel, and after having heard and collected upon this
subject the opinions of the Committees present of the colleges of the
Admiralty respectively, purporting, among other things, that for the
future, all merchandises, which the treaties do not positively declare
to be contraband, ought, without any exception, to be under the convoy
and protection of the State; the Committees have the honor to report
to your Noble Mightinesses, that,
"From the commencement of the present troubles, this State has not
only done all that which his Britannic Majesty, grounding himself upon
the law and the treaties, could require of the Republic, but, at the
same time, has relinquished some of the prerogatives, which
incontestably belonged to it; that, instead of experiencing on the
part of England the reciprocation of a treatment thus friendly, the
Republic has seen itself cruelly undeceived, as a great number of
ships belonging to its inhabitants have been seized by the privateers,
and even by the men-of-war of the King of England; ships with their
cargoes, or at least one of them, declared lawful prize; violence
having even been employed on many occasions against our crews, without
our having been able to obtain the least indemnification or
satisfaction for such grievances, notwithstanding all the repeated
complaints and representations to that effect; that the expedition of
Commodore Fielding appeared to have been made in conformity to
positive orders; that thereby the flags of the States had been
notoriously insulted, and the ships under the convoy of Commodore
Byland had been not only carried into England, but had been also there
detained, although it appeared, that their loading did not consist in
contraband goods; that this condescension, to which the Republic was
by no means obliged, had only had disagreeable and dangerous
consequences, both with regard to Great Britain and other powers, as
is proved by the considerations drawn up by the colleges of the
Admiralty respectively. The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses
would be, therefore, of opinion, that from this time forward and for
the future, we ought to take under convoy and the protection of the
State all the merchandises, which the treaties declare not to be
contraband, and that they be so effectually protected, that we may
have no further room to fear for the future, that the least insult
will be committed against the flag of the States, and that, in one
word, as to what remains, we ought, conformably to the treaties
subsisting, to observe an exact neutrality."
The State of Groningen has entirely conformed to the foregoing Report.
_Second Report presented by the same Province._
"Noble and Mighty Lords,
"The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses, in compliance with the
Resolution of the 26th of November and the 2d of December of the last
year, as well as of the 23d of March last, after an examination of the
three Memoirs presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary
of his Britannic Majesty, on the 22d of July and the 26th of November,
1779, and on the 20th of March last, to their High Mightinesses,
demanding, by the first, the succors stipulated by the treaty of 1674;
insisting, in the second, on a catagorical answer; and finally complaining,
in the last, of the combat held by Commodore Byland; on occasion of what
passed with Commodore Fielding, adding thereto,---- instances to the end
to obtain before the expiration of three weeks a satisfactory answer
concerning the succors demanded, since otherwise, his Majesty would
regard this Republic on the footing of neutral powers no ways favored
by treaties, and would conditionally suspend all the treaties, and
particularly that of 1674, and would treat the Republic according to
the ordinary law of nations; after having also examined several
letters, and other pieces annexed, successively transmitted by the
Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their
High Mightinesses to His Britannic Majesty, they have the honor to
report to your Noble Mightinesses, that after having maturely
reflected upon what relates to the points in question, their advice
will be, that in answer to the said three Memorials of Sir Joseph
Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary, it ought to be replied,
"That their High Mightinesses during the troubles subsisting, which
undoubtedly drew their origin from America, and from thence, by an
ulterior extension of the war, have spread themselves in Europe, have,
by observing an exact neutrality, giving to his Britannic Majesty the
most unfeigned proofs of their attachment and of their affection, even
beyond their obligations, by a condescension, to which they were by no
means obliged towards England, but the consequences of which have
been, besides the prejudice thereby occasioned to the commerce and
navigation of this country, that there has arisen a marked
dissatisfaction, although by no means provoked, of the belligerent
powers; and, in particular, the preparations made at the same time by
land could not but excite the most serious attention of their High
Mightinesses, to the end that they might, without interruption, not
deprive themselves of the means indispensably necessary, both for
their own preservation and defence, by granting the succors demanded;
that they ought rather to think of demanding themselves, in
consequence of the aforementioned treaties, the succors, which would
be so necessary to them, upon the least apprehension of the
continuance of the same preparations. That their High Mightinesses,
founded upon good reasons, as well as upon the favorable declarations
of his Majesty so often reiterated, ought to have expected a
reciprocal affection and a friendly treatment towards the Republic, at
least, that he would not have disputed a right, stipulated clearly by
the most solemn treaties, and of which, so soon after the conclusion
of the treaty of 1674, even before the war was entirely finished, the
subjects of his Majesty, to the detriment of this country, make so
free a use.
"Their High Mightinesses, penetrated with the most lively grief, have
nevertheless perceived, that so far from their good intentions and
proceedings having operated to any happy effect, it has happened, on
the contrary, that several acts diametrically opposed to justice, have
been authorised and executed by connivance, under the illusory pretext
of opposition even to the same connivance, and this, in spite of
multiplied efforts employed by the Republic to obviate such abuses;
that, moreover, the rencounter between Commodore Fielding and
Commodore Byland is of a nature, that according to the law of nations,
the flag of a sovereign power being, in fact, everywhere sacred, the
declaration made by the Count de Byland, an officer commanding in
chief a squadron in the name of the Republic whereof he is a subject,
ought to have been regarded as authentic, and to have stopped at once
all suspicions, and destroyed the intelligence falsely given; from
whence it follows, that the said Commodore Byland has not undertaken
anything, but for the maintenance and protection of the honor and
respect due to the flag of the State; while the seizure and detention
of the ships are equally a part of those objects, concerning which,
their High Mightinesses ought also to demand a satisfaction convenient
to his Majesty, as well as a declaration unequivocal for the time to
come; adding, at the same time, that, after a mature consideration
upon the situation in which the Republic is at present, their High
Mightinesses are perfectly acquainted with the succors demanded by his
Britannic Majesty."
The States of the Province of Groningen have conformed themselves to
the report before mentioned.
_Hague, 22d of April._ "We learn that the Province of Gueldres has
determined to grant unlimited convoys, and, at the same time, to
refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; by means of which, the
Seven United Provinces are actually of one unanimous sentiment upon
this object."
_Hague, 23d of April._ "We learn, that the deputies of the Province of
Holland have already been instructed to carry to the Assembly of the
States-General, the opinion of their high constituents concerning the
invitation, which the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of the Empress of
Russia, has made in the name of her Majesty, to their High
Mightinesses, to protect in concert the navigation of the neuters; and
that this opinion, announced in a resolution of the State of the
Province, bearing date the 13th of April, tends to accept the
invitation in terms full of attachment and gratitude, declaring, 'that
their High Mightinesses regard the communication, which has been made
to them, as a signal token of the benevolence of her Majesty towards
the Republic; that they honor it, and believe it to be their duty to
answer it with sincerity and cordiality; that they consider it also as
a new proof of the magnanimity and the justice of her Majesty, which
are universally acknowledged, both the end which she proposes and the
measures she has projected to maintain in the present war, a
neutrality the most rigorous between the belligerent powers, and for
protecting, not only the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of
the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not permitting that
any of the belligerent powers should strike at it; but also, by
establishing by her cares the liberties and repose of Europe upon
foundations the most solid, of equity, the law of nations, and the
treaties subsisting, and to give validity to an equitable system of
navigation and of commerce in favor of the neutral powers; that their
High Mightinesses, desiring to observe with her Imperial Majesty in
the present war a scrupulous neutrality, have but too much experienced
the losses to which the navigation and commerce of neutral nations are
exposed by the uncertain and fluctuating ideas of the belligerent
powers with regard to the rights of neuters, in proportion as they are
guided by their private interest and by the operations of the war;
that their High Mightinesses judge with her Imperial Majesty, that it
is of the last necessity that this law should be fixed upon solid
principles, and maintained in concert by the neutral maritime powers;
that for what concerns the determination of the said right, their High
Mightinesses conform themselves entirely to the five points contained
in the declaration, which her Majesty has made to the Courts of
Versailles, Madrid, and London; that after her example, they are ready
to transmit parallel ---- to the belligerent powers, and that they are
very much disposed to enter into conferences with her Majesty and the
other neutral powers, upon the measures by which the liberty of
navigation and commerce may be maintained in concert, in a manner the
most efficacious, both for the future and for the present, observing,
at the same time, an exact neutrality among the belligerent powers.'
"The same opinion tends also to cause to be transmitted the copy of
such a resolution, not only to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of her
Majesty to the Republic, but also to M. de Swart, Resident of their
High Mightinesses at Petersburg, and to their Ministers at the Courts
of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with orders to these last to
second, as far as possible, the proceedings of the Court of Russia,
and to act in concert with the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, &c."
Congress will be able to draw just inferences from these important
papers of State.
The principle, which the English contend for, has no other foundation
but the insular situation of Great Britain, and the convenience of
that nation. The principle, which the neutral powers are contending
for, is evidently laid in the common good of nations; in the ease,
safety, convenience, happiness, and prosperity of mankind in general.
But we shall see, whether obstinacy and fierce passions will, at
length, give way in one instance. At present there is no appearance of
it. On the contrary, I see no way for the English to escape a war with
Holland and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, and, perhaps, Portugal, unless
they should be interrupted in their career by a war with one another
at home.
When, where, or in what manner, we shall see the unravelling of the
vast plot, which is acting in the world, is known only to Providence.
Although my mind has been full twenty years preparing to expect great
scenes, yet I confess the wonders of this Revolution exceed all that
I ever foresaw, or imagined. That our country, so young as it is, so
humble as it is, thinking but lately so meanly of itself, should thus
interest the passions, as well as employ the reason of all mankind, in
its favor, and effect in so short a space of time, not only thirteen
revolutions of government at home, but so completely accomplish a
revolution in the system of Europe, and in the sentiments of every
nation in it, is what no human wisdom, perhaps, could foresee.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 29th, 1780.
Sir,
Walsingham sailed from St Helens the 8th with the Thunderer, the
Ramilies, the Berwick, and the Egmont, of seventyfour guns, the
Scarborough, of twenty, and the fire-ships, the Blast and the
Salamander; only four ships of the line. On the 11th Admiral Graves
followed him, with the London, of ninetyeight guns, the Bedford, the
Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the Prudent, and the
America, of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour; these, with
the four of Admiral Rodney, make fourteen ships of the line. Admiral
Parker, it is said, has not more than nine fit for service, which will
make twentythree, supposing that Graves has the same destination. Many
people, however, believe he is going to Canada, in order to be
beforehand of the fleet of Brest, which the English suppose has
designs upon that Province. My intelligence from London is, however,
that Graves is intended for the North American station, perhaps New
York or Georgia. But the orders to Graves were so suddenly determined
on and given, that there has not yet been time to discover with
certainty his destination.
The accounts are, that Walsingham returned on account of contrary
winds with his numerous fleet of merchant ships to Plymouth; that he
sailed again on the 13th, and after sailing twenty leagues, with a
good wind, he returned a second time, imagining that he saw a French
fleet of men-of-war. The winds have been generally contrary since, and
we have not yet a certain account of his sailing a third time.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, April 29th, 1780.
Sir,
The principal officers named for the command of the English fleet in
the English Channel, are Sir Charles Hardy, Admiral of the White,
Commander in Chief; Vice Admiral, Admiral Barrington, of the Blue,
second; Vice Admiral Darby, of the Blue, third; and Rear Admiral
Digby, of the Blue, fourth.
The next day after the departure of the fleet of Commodore Walsingham,
the London, of ninetyeight guns, commanded by Admiral Graves, the
Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the America, the Prudent,
of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour, having set sail from
St Helens, and the Resolution as well as the Invincible of
seventyfour, intended as part of the squadron, the crews of the two
last vessels refused to sail until they should be paid their wages,
and have received their shares of the prize of the Protée. The
eleventh of the month, the Resolution, Commodore Ogle, set sail to
join Admiral Graves, the crew having at length consented to serve,
when they saw their ship surrounded by other vessels, ready to fire
upon her by order of Lord Longford. The crew of the Invincible had
more obstinacy, and Admiral Pye was forced to send on board the
Captains Balfour, Duncan, Holt, and Barkner, to persuade them to
return to their duty. These officers called up upon deck the mutinous
sailors, whom they harangued, and to whom they represented, that the
act of Parliament, to regulate the payment of wages on board the
men-of-war, did not authorise them to require more than one month's
advance. They did not however submit, and the captains having
observed, that among them there were, above all, four more remarkably
obstinate, sent them to the Admiral, who put them in irons. The next
day the Admiral ordered Captain Faulkner to tell his people, that if
they would submit, he would restore the four men whom they had
arrested. This proposition was not listened to, and it was not until
the 14th, that Rear Admiral Graves set sail from St Helens, without
this last vessel.
The Admiralty has sent orders to Portsmouth for a court martial upon
the most mutinous of the crew of the Invincible, and it is expected,
that as examples, some of them must lose their lives.
I have before informed Congress of a resolution of the County of York
against the American war. This has been since repeated by the
freeholders of the County of Surry, at a meeting held at Epsom the
14th of April. Mr Nicholls, in an able speech, proposed the following
resolution, which was unanimously adopted. "That the American war
originating from the corrupt influence of the Crown, and the ill
founded assertions of the King's Ministers in Parliament, is the cause
of the present calamitous situation of this country." This resolution
was unanimously adopted. He then recommended a second resolution
similar to that of the freeholders of Yorkshire, condemning the
continuance of offensive operations in America, which was likewise
carried unanimously.
Mr Budgen then moved a third resolution for thanking those members of
Parliament, who had uniformly reprobated the American war, which was
likewise carried without opposition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ Since the above was written, I have found a resolution of the
County of Hertford, of the 17th of April.
"Resolved unanimously, that the opinion of the present assembly is,
that a war against North America is evidently a measure, which, by
obliging us to carry all our forces to that quarter, puts us out of a
condition to resist with vigor, as we might otherwise do, the united
efforts of France and Spain, while the said war produces no other
effect upon the Americans than to add to the enmity, which has but too
long subsisted between us. An enmity, of which we have felt the fatal
effects, and which, by putting an obstacle to our union, threatens
England with a ruin as complete as it is inevitable."
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 2d, 1780.
Sir,
On the twentysixth of April the Duc de Vauguyon, Ambassador of His
Most Christian Majesty to the States-General, presented a Memorial to
their High Mightinesses, announcing the abolition of the duty of
fifteen per cent, to which the greatest part of Dutch merchandises had
been subject on their entering into France, as well as the resolution
of the Council of State, taken upon this subject. The following are
the contents of the Memoir and the Resolution.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The political system of the King is essentially founded upon the
invariable principles of justice and moderation. His Majesty has given
the most unequivocal proofs of it from the beginning of the troubles,
which have arisen between him and the King of England, in pre-engaging
all the neutral powers, by the display of a disposition the most
favorable to their prosperity, and by proposing to them no other
conditions than those of the most absolute impartiality. His Majesty
saw himself, with the most sincere regret, obliged not to acknowledge
this character in the resolution of the States-General, of the 19th of
November, 1778, by which your High Mightinesses suspended the effects
of your protection, relative to one branch of commerce, the liberty of
which was assured to you by the public laws of equity, and the most
precise stipulations of treaties. The King then instructed me to
announce to your High Mightinesses, that if you determined thus to
make the sacrifice of one part of your rights to his enemies, his
Majesty could not preserve to your subjects the advantages
conditionally promised by his last regulation, nor the ancient favors,
which their commerce enjoyed in his States, and which are not the
result of any treaty, but of a hereditary benevolence and affection.
Your High Mightinesses assured his Majesty with earnestness, that you
were decided to observe the most exact neutrality during the
continuance of the troubles between France and England. But if you
announced, that the act, which suspended the effects of the
efficacious protection of the Republic in favor of ships loaded with
ship timber, ought to be regarded as in force until it should be
afterwards confirmed, you declared at the same time, that all
discussion upon this matter ought to be suspended, until after the
deliberations which were to ascertain the convoys.
"His Majesty not perceiving in this new disposition, any real
alteration of intention, thought that he could not avoid setting
bounds to the advantages granted in the different parts of his kingdom
to the Dutch commerce, whilst your High Mightinesses continued to
suspend, in favor of the enemies of his Crown, the exercise of the
rights the most solidly established; but he was pleased to preserve
them to the different members of the Republic in proportion as they
adopted a system, which at the same time that it is conformable to his
views is essentially just. He has applauded the remonstrances of your
High Mightinesses to the Court of London, and the efforts which you
have made to recover the means of restoring to the flag of the United
Provinces its ancient consideration, as well as the positive order,
which you have given to a squadron, to hold itself ready to convoy and
protect all vessels loaded with objects not comprehended among
merchandises of contraband, from the time that unlimited convoys
should be resolved on, and he has constantly desired, that your High
Mightinesses would cease to lay obstacles in the way of the
testimonies of his affection, by attaching yourselves entirely to the
fundamental principles of your interest, informed of your definitive
intentions, in this regard, and assured of the explanation, which your
High Mightinesses are determined to make of their neutrality, by
granting an efficacious and indefinite protection to the commerce and
navigation of your subjects. His Majesty has heard with pleasure the
several representations, which several members of the Union, and
especially the Prince, who is at the head of the Republic, have made
to him relative to the restraints, which the commerce of different
Provinces experiences in the ports of his kingdom, and his Majesty has
ordered me to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he has revoked
by a decree of his Council, of the 22d of April, 1780, an authentic
copy of which I have the honor to present, those of the 14th of
January, the 27th of April, the 5th of June, and the 18th of
September, 1779, but he would not confine himself to re-establish thus
the subjects of your High Mightinesses, in the enjoyment of favors,
which they experienced before the publication of those new laws; in
all the advantages conditionally promised by his regulation,
concerning the commerce and navigation of neuters, he would give them
a signal proof of his benevolence, and he orders me to declare to your
High Mightinesses, that he has ordered the return of all the sums
received by the overseers of his Farms, in virtue of the said decrees,
he flatters himself, that testimonies so important of his affection,
will convince your High Mightinesses, not only that he takes an
interest the most sincere in the prosperity of the United Provinces,
but also that justice, moderation and beneficence form the essential
and invariable basis of his conduct and of his proceedings."
Decree of the King's Council of State of the 22d of April, mentioned
in the foregoing Memorial.
"The King, being informed of the dispositions made by the
States-General of the United Provinces for complying with the
reciprocity required by his regulation of the 26th of July, 1778,
concerning the navigation of neutral vessels, and his Majesty, willing
in consequence of these same dispositions to give a new proof of his
affection to the said United Provinces, is determined to put an end to
the restraints, which the commerce of their subjects have experienced
in his States, to which end, the report being heard, the King being in
his Council, hath ordained, and ordains as follows.
"ARTICLE I. His Majesty has revoked and revokes the decree of his
Council of the 14th January, 1779, which subjected to a duty of
freight the vessels of the said subjects of the States-General of the
United Provinces of the Low Countries; those of the 27th of April and
5th of June, 1779, which establish a new tariff for the objects
proceeding from their growth, fishery, manufacture, and commerce, and
that of the 18th of September, 1779, which prohibits the entry of the
cheeses of North Holland in the kingdom.
"ARTICLE II. His Majesty confirms, in favor of the said subjects of
the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, the
advantages conditionally promised by the dispositions of his
regulation of the 26th of July, 1778, concerning the navigation of
neutral vessels in time of war.
"ARTICLE III. His Majesty, willing to give to the said subjects of the
States-General a signal proof of his beneficence, has ordained and
ordains a restitution of the sums of money received by the overseers
of his Farms, in virtue of the decrees before mentioned.
"Done in the King's Council of State, the 22d of April, 1780."
The news from the Hague of the 26th of April is, "that the
deliberations of the different Provinces, which compose the Republic,
have been continued these last weeks without interruption, and all the
opinions are unanimously agreed upon three important objects, which
make the matter of them, viz. First, the succor demanded by Great
Britain; secondly, the convoys to be granted to merchant ships;
thirdly, the invitation of the Empress of Russia to accede to an armed
neutrality. The respective States of the seven Provinces have all been
of opinion, first; to excuse themselves from giving the succors
demanded. Secondly; to grant convoys to all merchant ships bearing the
flag of the Republic, whatever may be their cargoes, without any other
exception than that of contraband regulated by treaties. Thirdly; to
accept with gratitude the invitation, and to enter upon this subject
into negotiation, with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of
Her Imperial Majesty.
"We learn, even that the States-General have already taken resolutions
conformable to this opinion. The affair of the attack of the convoy,
commanded by the Count de Byland, does not less engage the attention
of the government of the Republic. The States of the Province of
Holland and of West Friesland have already formed upon this subject
the instruction, which they have directed their deputies to carry to
the Assembly of their High Mightinesses; it tends, in substance, to
represent to the Court of London, 'that their High Mightinesses are by
no means satisfied with the answer of Lord Stormont, given the 16th of
March, to the just representations of their High Mightinesses
concerning the violence done to their convoy, inasmuch as this answer
only serves to cast upon them, by strained arguments, the blame of
that which happened, and to represent, against all truth, their
officer as having been the aggressor. That their High Mightinesses, as
well to justify themselves in the eyes of all Europe, as to convince,
if it is possible, Great Britain, have thought it their duty to
represent further, that naval stores not being merchandises of
contraband according to the express letter of the treaties, their
visitation and detention, made by order, especially under the flag of
their High Mightinesses, is a direct attack of their flag, as well as
of their independence and sovereignty. That, as to the allegation of
the treaty of 1674, made by Lord Stormont, concerning the visit of
merchandises suspected, the contrary of what he advances appears in a
manner the most evident, by the simple reading of the treaty. That the
nature of a convoy rendering all visits unnecessary, the articles
fifth and sixth of this treaty confine themselves manifestly to single
ships, from which, nevertheless, they cannot in this require more than
the exhibition of their sea letters, and with regard to vessels
detained for an enemy's port, that of their passports; that thus the
conduct of Commodore Fielding, approved by his Majesty, implies an
open violation of this treaty; by consequence, neither the orders of
their High Mightinesses, nor the act of their officer charged with
their execution, having done any injury to the treaties, nor any
hostilities having been committed on their part, but Commodore
Fielding having employed, for the execution of his orders, the force
of arms against the convoy of the Republic, there does not exist the
least cause of complaint on the part of his Majesty; but on the part
of their High Mightinesses, they have had the most just reason of
complaint, and that they ought to insist still (as their High
Mightinesses do insist, in the manner the most serious,) upon a
satisfaction and a suitable reparation, as well as upon the release,
without further form of process, of the merchant ships and their
cargoes sailing under the convoy of the Republic, detained by force
and violence contrary to the tenor of treaties, and condemned by the
Judge of the Court of Admiralty with the same injustice, with which
they were attacked by Commodore Fielding, taken, and carried into
England. That conformably to these principles, the Count de Welderen
shall be charged to give a reply to Lord Stormont, and to support it
the most effectually, as often as he shall judge it to be further
useful, &c.'
"If, on one side, the desire of the Republic to preserve an exact
impartiality in the present troubles of Europe, draws upon her the
displeasure of Great Britain, on the other side, she sees an end put
to those restraints which France had laid on her commerce.
"The Royal College of the Admiralty of Stockholm, has sent to all the
agents and consuls, who reside in foreign countries, an ordinance, by
which it is announced to all masters of Swedish ships, that necessary
convoys would be given for the protection of the commerce of the
subjects of this kingdom."
It is quite unnecessary for me to observe to Congress, that all these
political and maritime commotions tend either to peace, or to the full
employment of all the forces of our enemy, and, consequently, to our
liberty and tranquillity.
The general run of speculations and of conversation throughout Europe
is upon peace. It seems the general opinion, that Great Britain will
not venture upon so many dangers as lie all around her. I wish I could
bring myself to think so, but I confess I cannot as yet. Signal
success on the part of the allies might compel them to it; but signal
success in favor of the English would urge them giddily on, no one can
say to what lengths.
There is a speculative article from Brussels, the 25th of April, that
is worth transmitting to Congress. "The news from Holland speaks of
nothing but the sensation, which the declaration of Russia has
produced. The greatest part of the Provinces, which have already given
their opinions upon the Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, to excuse
themselves from furnishing England with the succors demanded, have
been eager to declare, that the proposition of the Court of Russia
could not be more advantageous than in the present circumstances, and
that it ought to be accepted. The English party is very much
disconcerted by this event, which brings forward a new order of
things; this party strives to excite a fear, that the difference of
the principles established by particular treaties among the neutral
powers respectively and the belligerent powers, will form an obstacle
to the execution of a plan so salutary, which may serve forever as a
rule in this matter. We know, that among the belligerent powers,
France has always thought that it was just to leave a freedom of
navigation to neutral powers; it is well known, that she has a long
time respected this liberty, and that if she has afterwards made
regulations, which restrain that of Holland, it was because she has
been forced to it, because it was very natural that she should seek to
stop the vessels bound to the ports of England, when this nation made
no scruple to stop those which were bound to hers. And it is well
known, too, that she never took his part until after she had employed
the method of representation to determine the Hollanders to protect
their own commerce.
Spain appears equally determined to use no more methods of rigor and
severity towards the vessels of the Republic. There is only England,
who appears to oppose the general wish, and she ought to perceive,
that it is her own conduct, which has brought forth the events of
which she complains. If she had had more moderation and justice, the
project of an armed neutrality would not have taken place.
They write from Holland; "We flatter ourselves, that the armed
neutrality may contribute to accelerate peace. It appears hitherto,
that it is England alone, which puts an obstacle to it, and it is
difficult for her to take her part in it. We doubt not that the
independence of America, which perhaps is already tacitly acknowledged
by all the Courts of Europe, will be the fundamental basis of an
accommodation. England at the same time will be forced to announce a
pretended pre-eminence of flag, equally contrary to the laws of
nations, and to the first notions of common sense. The general liberty
of the seas, the re-establishment of the respective possessions in the
State in which there were before hostilities, perhaps the restitution
of Gibraltar to its natural masters, and the adoption of the maritime
code proposed by Russia, will be most probably the necessary
consequences of the peace."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The substance of a cartel for a general exchange of prisoners, made
upon the sea between France and England, has been published; it was
signed at Versailles the 12th of March last, by M. le Hor, one of the
principal clerks of the office of the Marine, authorised to this
purpose by the King, and at London the 28th of the same month, by
Messrs John Bell, Walter Farquharson, P. Corbett, and Robert Lulman,
Commissioners of the King of England. This treaty, equally useful to
the two nations, dictated by sentiments, which do honor to the powers
at war, and to humanity, will it is said be distinguished by the true
philosophers, who prefer a useful operation to folio volumes, which
talk of morals and humanity. The most perfect equality and reciprocity
is established.
"The prisoners shall be exchanged man for man, according to their rank
and qualities, or for a certain number of men as equivalent, or for
certain sums of money in form of ransoms. A French Vice Admiral shall
be exchanged against an English Admiral, having command; a Lieutenant
General against an Admiral carrying his flag at ----. A Vice Admiral,
commanding a squadron, against a Rear Admiral; the Captains of ships
commanding divisions, or having the rank of Brigadiers against
Commodores; the Captains of ships having the rank of Colonels against
Post Captains of three years standing, whose rank answers to that of
Colonels; the Lieutenants of vessels commanding frigates, from twenty
to fifty guns, and having the rank of Lieutenant Colonels against all
other Post Captains who have the same rank; the Lieutenants of vessels
of the rank of Majors against the Masters and Commanders, or Captains
who are not Post Captains; all the other Lieutenants of vessels
against Lieutenants without distinction; the Captains of fire ships of
the rank of Captains of infantry, Ensigns of vessels of the rank of
Captains of infantry, Lieutenants of frigates, or Captains of pinks,
on establishment or for a campaign, and having the same rank, against
Lieutenants, and in want of these, against Midshipmen; the Gardes du
Pavillon against Midshipmen; the Marine officers and subalterns
against those of the same denomination or of equal rank; the
respective equivalent for all the ranks in men and in money, is from
sixty men, or sixty pounds sterling, descending to pence, to two men,
or two pounds sterling; the sailors are to be exchanged man for man,
and the equivalent is one pound sterling; the same gradation is to be
observed for the officers of the Marine, and officers of land forces
serving as marines, and land officers not serving on board the
vessels, but taken at sea, as well as the common soldiers. Every three
months there shall be stated accounts of exchanges, conformable to the
foregoing regulations."
They have also ascertained the price per head of the transportation of
prisoners, as well as of their subsistence; they have also regulated
the conditions of the exchange of officers and other prisoners made in
merchant vessels, privateers, or others, which are not the King's
ships. Passengers, not being in the service of land or sea, when they
shall have been taken, no matter in what vessel, shall not be regarded
as prisoners, but shall be set at liberty, without being put into the
accounts of exchanges, when they shall have proved that they are in
the case of the exception. All persons, no matter of what
denomination, who shall be shipwrecked in any vessel whatsoever, at
least, if it is not in attempting to land, or in protecting some
depredation upon the coast or in the islands of one or the other of
the two kingdoms, shall be immediately set at liberty, and shall be
furnished with the means of returning to their respective countries,
as well as with clothing, if they have need of it, as soon as their
situation shall be known, and the measures necessary for the purpose
can be taken.
I have the honor to be, with respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
FROM ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, May 5th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
The resolutions of Congress for calling in and cancelling the two
hundred millions of dollars emitted by them, have in general been well
received. The depreciation is stopped, and specie, which before the
passing of the Resolves, was sold for upwards of seventy for one, is
now current at sixty, and has been lately at fiftyfive. The advantage
of this plan will be greatest to the landholder, inasmuch as the
national debt, including certificates and foreign demands, does not
now exceed five millions sterling, which is but a trifling sum
compared with the £200,000,000 sterling due from Great Britain.
Another benefit resulting from it, is a supply of five millions of
dollars, of the new emission, every dollar of which is equal to forty
dollars of the old emission. Indeed this must be called in before that
can be realised; nevertheless there is a greater demand among all
ranks for continental money, than there has been since the
commencement of the war, and specie is no longer hoarded by the
disaffected or timid.
With respect to our resources, Congress are at present much in want of
money, and it is a happy circumstance, for their economy is in
proportion to their wants. The demands on the treasury are generally
answered by warrants on the several States, which are careful by some
means or other to discharge the drafts. The taxes are rendered very
heavy, but the collection goes on, and I doubt not the army will be
well fed and paid. Military stores and clothing must, however, be
procured on credit in Europe, as well as a considerable loan to serve
as a fund for drawing on in case of necessity. Trade and privateering
are brisk, and there is a plenty of goods of every kind excepting
military, but no money to purchase them. This is easily accounted for,
since the whole sum in circulation, as Congress have fixed it, is only
five million dollars. Our privateers and commerce have nevertheless
suffered much by the cruisers of the enemy, who have the command of
the seacoast.
It is much to be wished, that the Court of France would order a
squadron superior to the enemy, to be stationed in some part of the
United States, as the best and only means of putting a speedy end to
the war. It is almost impossible to conceive the havoc, that our
privateers made of the enemy's cruisers and transports, during the
time that the Count d'Estaing was at Rhode Island and Charleston. But
our losses at present nearly equal our captures. Indeed that very
worthy officer, aware of those and other advantages, ordered the Count
de Grasse to be stationed at the Chesapeake, but his plan was defeated
by the tempestuousness of the weather. Had the latter arrived with his
squadron, Charleston would not have been besieged, and three or four
of our frigates, which are now in Ashley's River, and will probably be
destroyed, would have been employed in intercepting the enemy's
transports.
I forgot to mention a resolution of Congress to pay off the
continental certificates, according to the value of money at the time
of their being respectively issued. This is but justice, and will
undoubtedly be satisfactory to foreigners. Bills of exchange are now
at fortyfive for one, and will be higher in consequence of the great
risk of sending vessels from the Eastern States to the Southern for
produce.
I am, &c.
ELBRIDGE GERRY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 8th, 1780.
Sir,
The proceedings of the United Provinces of the Low Countries are at
this period so much attended to by mankind, and are likely to have
such extensive and lasting consequences to us as well as to Europe,
that Congress will excuse my troubling them with them in detail,
however dry and unentertaining they may be.
_Hague, April 30th, 1780._ "We learn that their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland, have taken a
resolution which had been universally adopted, and that it had been
written to the Count de Welderen, Minister of their High Mightinesses
at the Court of London, to there represent,
"That their High Mightinesses had been by no means satisfied with the
answer given the 16th of March, by Lord Stormont, to the just
representations made in the name of their High Mightinesses, by M. de
Welderen, their Envoy, relative to the violences committed upon the
convoy of the Republic, inasmuch as this answer by arguments destitute
of all foundation, endeavors to cast the blame of what happened upon
their High Mightinesses, and to make the commandant of their squadron
be considered as the aggressor, which is absolutely false; that their
High Mightinesses as well for their own justification in the eyes of
all Europe, as to convince, as far as in their power, his Britannic
Majesty of the insolidity of the answer of Lord Stormont, and with
what _incredible contempt of treaties_ their convoy has been attacked,
without having on their part provoked so hostile an action, have
resolved in substance to represent;--That their High Mightinesses,
having always held in high estimation the declaration made by his
Britannic Majesty of the sentiments of affection for the Republic,
flatter themselves that they have given his Majesty, during the
continuance of the present troubles, convincing proofs of their
esteem, and of their sincere desire to maintain and strengthen the
ties of this friendship, which for so many years had not failed to
secure the reciprocal prosperity of the two nations; that still
animated with the same sentiments, persisting also in the same
principles, and having nothing so much at heart as the quiet and
undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, assured by the ancient treaties,
their High Mightinesses are intimately affected, that his Majesty will
consider as a provocation the necessity of that defence to which they
found themselves reduced, in consequence of positive orders given by
his Majesty himself, and not having been able to make their
representations upon this subject attended to, see themselves obliged
to declare that they can and ought to order to be convoyed by vessels
of war, all the materials for ship building, which shall not be
transported to the succor of the enemies of his Britannic Majesty, the
said materials forming one of the principal articles of the free
navigation and of the commerce stipulated by the treaties; but all the
merchandises of contraband being nevertheless to be excepted. That the
cargoes of materials for ship building not being considered as
contraband by the letter of the treaties, ought not to be subjected to
any visit or detention, above all when they are found under the flag
of their High Mightinesses; which, nevertheless, has been done in
consequence of orders given upon this subject, and cannot but be
regarded as a direct and unprovoked attack of their flag, as well as
of their independence and sovereignty. That as to what Lord Stormont
advances in saying, that in virtue of the treaty of 1674, all merchant
vessels loaded with suspected merchandises ought to be visited, to the
end to excuse by this assertion the conduct of Mr Fielding, it is but
a vain allegation, contradicted by the very words of the said treaty,
in which, in truth, there is no mention made of suspected
merchandises, but only in the third article of commodities of
contraband, which are particularly enumerated. That the convoy, by its
nature, rendering useless all visits, the fifth and sixth articles of
the said treaty of 1674, relative to rencounters at sea, explain
themselves upon the following case. We there find literally,
'That when any private vessel, subject to one of the contracting
powers, shall meet in open sea a vessel of war, or other vessel
provided with a commission from the other power, and that the said
vessel shall not be under convoy, she shall not be held only barely to
the exhibition of her sea letters to justify the property of her
cargo, and this in consequence of the 8th article of said treaty,
except, nevertheless, when a merchant vessel shall be destined for an
enemy's port, she shall be obliged also to show her passport,
containing the list of effects which shall be on board, and to show
that she is not loaded with any of the articles prohibited by the 3d
article of the said treaty.'
"That, consequently, their High Mightinesses ought to conclude, that
the assertion of Lord Stormont concerning the pretended exception of
the said treaty, is but an extension of a regulation which he alleges
for his justification, and that thus the conduct of Mr Fielding,
approved by his Majesty, is a blow direct and manifest struck at the
same treaty. That with regard to the property, as well as the nature
of the cargo of the vessels, which were under the convoy of the
Republic, Mr Fielding would have been able to have abundantly informed
himself by the Count de Byland, to whom their High Mightinesses,
although by no means obliged to this act of complaisance on their
part, had given permission to consent to this demand, provided always,
that the maintenance of the rights of the subjects of the Republic
should not have suffered by it, and that, moreover, all possible
moderation should be previously used. Their High Mightinesses could
not do any other, than approve in all its points the conduct of Count
de Byland. That thus, in contempt of all law and reason, the vessels
under convoy having been taken, and the judgment of the legality of
their detention sent to the decision of judges, who, as they ought not
to pronounce upon this fact but according to the regulations made by
his Majesty, are ready to declare lawful the confiscation of materials
of ship building. That notwithstanding this, no breach of treaties
having been made, either by the orders of their High Mightinesses, or
by the conduct of their officer charged to execute them, nor any
hostility committed, but, on the contrary, Mr Fielding, in consequence
of orders which he had received, having employed the violence of arms
against the convoy of the Republic, it is not certainly on the side of
his Majesty that there ought to exist the least right of complaint,
but rather on that of their High Mightinesses, who have subjects the
most lawful on which to make them, and to insist, in the strongest
manner, on obtaining a suitable satisfaction and reparation, as well
as the restitution of the merchant vessels and their cargoes, which,
being under the convoy of the State, have been, against the faith of
treaties, attacked and stopped by Mr Fielding, taken and carried into
England, and against all form of justice and equity, so unjustly
condemned by the Judges of the Admiralty; and that, finally, M. de
Welderen shall be charged to conform himself to the aforesaid
instructions, to demand a positive answer upon this subject from Lord
Stormont, and to do upon this object all that he shall judge suitable
to the circumstances, in employing to this effect his good offices and
all the efforts of the strictest duty."
Their High Mightinesses have also taken the following resolution.
"Having received a letter from the representative of His Most Serene
Highness, and from the directors of the general and granted Company of
the West Indies, committees of the respective chambers to the
assembly of ten, sitting at Amsterdam, written from that city the 18th
of this month, and whereof the contents are, that in consequence of,
and to the end to satisfy the resolution of their High Mightinesses of
the 12th precedent, containing their report upon the petition of
divers merchants and proprietors of ships residing in this country,
and trading with the West Indies; shewing, thereby, to their High
Mightinesses, how it was prejudicial to the commerce and navigation of
this country;
'1st. That when the vessels of other European nations transport to the
Colonies of this State, situated in the West Indies, and principally
at St Eustatia, merchandises, without paying the duties of lest and of
recognition, that the petitioners and other inhabitants of the
Republic, going from the ports of this country, were, nevertheless,
obliged to pay to the West India Company;
'2dly. That if the said foreign vessels should enjoy an advantage so
notable, as to transport from America, even the merchandises and
productions of the country, in the ports of their habitation or others
situated in Europe, and without the limits of this Republic, without
paying any duty of lest or of recognition, while, nevertheless, the
petitioners see themselves not only obliged in going there and
returning to pay these duties to the West India Company, but also to
engage themselves under caution, not to return into any port of Europe
except those of this State. They pray that a remedy may be provided
for this inconvenience;'
"Upon which having deliberated, it has been thought proper,
conditionally, and until a final decision of their High Mightinesses,
that it should be determined by these presents, that foreign European
vessels, importing merchandise of any sort to the islands of this
State in the West Indies, without having acquitted the sums due in
this country for the duties of lest and of recognition, shall be
subjected and obliged, after their arrival, to there pay exactly all
the duties, without exception, which the vessels of the Republic are
held to discharge before their departure from Europe; finally, that
conditionally, and until after an ulterior disposition of their High
Mightinesses, it should be seriously forbidden to these foreign
European vessels, to load in the Colonies of the State, merchandises,
except under the same obligations and restrictions imposed upon ships
of the Republic, to wit, to sail only from, and to return to the ports
of this country, and paying the same duties of lest, and sale, and
recognition, which the ships of the inhabitants of the State are
obliged to pay, on returning to the said ports of the Republic."
_Hague, 3d of May._ "There has been sent to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, a resolution of the Province of Gueldres, conforming
wholly to that taken by the Province of Holland, touching the memorial
of the Prince Gallitzin, and which authorises at the same time their
committees to assist at the conferences and negotiations, to continue
them, and to transmit the result of them to the deliberations of their
Noble Mightinesses, to the end that they in course take a resolution
according to the exigence of the case, and the importance of this
object.
"There have also been presented three resolutions of the Province of
Zealand; the first, concerning the requisition made by the Admiralty
of the quarter of the north, soliciting a subsidy of three hundred and
seventyfive thousand florins, and to be put in a state to be able
afterwards to pay the annual interest of it; in consequence of which,
the States of Zealand consent to the borrowing of the said sum upon an
interest of two and a half per cent, opposing themselves,
nevertheless, to the granting to the said College an annual subsidy,
to be divided in quotas on the respective Provinces.
"The second of these resolutions contains an answer to a letter of the
Admiralty on the Meuse, concerning the indemnification of the losses
suffered for the transportation of the Ambassador Van Haefton, at
Constantinople. Finally the third resolution is relative to the Memoir
of the Prince Gallitzin, and has for its object to concur in the
opening of conferences, provided, that these do not in anything alter
the system of an exact neutrality, adopted by the Republic, nor the
treaties subsisting; with a further insinuation to the gentlemen,
their ordinary deputies, to abstain from concurring in any final
conclusion upon this object, without the consent of their Noble
Mightinesses and without having previously informed them of what may
be projected in this respect.
"The States of Guilderland, in their resolution relative to the
granting of an unlimited convoy, have also declared, that they had
believed they had foundation to flatter themselves, that the
condescension of this State, upon the representations of the King of
Great Britain, to the effect to suspend conditionally the protection
due to their subjects, and which was assured to them by the treaty of
1674, would have sufficiently proved the desire, with which the
Republic was animated to testify to his Majesty as well as to Great
Britain, a deference the most marked, preserving always the
observation of an exact neutrality, but that convinced of the
contrary, as well by the declarations as by even the hostilities
committed against the subjects of the Republic, they have now thought
themselves founded in putting an end to the limitation of convoys, in
granting a free course to the protection of commerce, according to the
treaties and the law of nations. For which reason, the aforesaid
States would no more make any difficulty to concur to maintain with
the forces of the country, the right of the Republic, lawfully
acquired by solemn treaties, but that not being, nevertheless,
intimately convinced, that in case of a further opposition the
Republic is in a state of defence sufficient upon the sea, it would
consequently be to be feared, that such a part would not serve, but to
throw the State into still greater embarrassments, and operate an
effect contrary to the end proposed. Thus then, supposing that the
high confederates should judge it indispensably necessary to grant an
unlimited convoy, the intention of their Noble Mightinesses would not
be in any degree to retard or suspend such a resolution, but on the
contrary, to show their condescension and their desire to contribute
to the unanimity of this State, they would take away all reflections,
of what importance soever they may appear to them, submitting
themselves to the penetration of those of the confederates, who, being
more interested in navigation and maritime commerce, have already
authorised and instructed their committees, in the generality, to
consent with the concurrence of other Provinces to an unlimited
convoy."
We read also in another resolution of the States of Friesland, these
remarkable words, "that the Empress of Russia has never given a more
shining proof, than in the present conjuncture, of her attachment to
this Republic, which ought to engage the State to correspond by
sentiments proportioned to those, which her Majesty has discovered,
both for the well being and the safety of her own States and subjects,
and to procure to all Europe a perfect tranquillity founded upon
motives the most equitable, and upon treaties, and to the end to
prevent and hinder for the future the damages, which commerce and
navigation have suffered until this time, and to maintain and cause to
be observed a perfect neutrality between the belligerent powers."
I may conclude this letter by observing, that I am informed, they talk
in Holland of laying an embargo, to prevent the English from making
many prizes, and that there is another rumor of opening the harbor of
Antwerp. If there is any serious thought of this, it must be the fruit
of English intrigue with Austria.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 8th, 1780.
Sir,
At the same time that the conduct of Great Britain towards the neutral
powers is marked by a severity, that is without example, that of
France and Spain is distinguished by a moderation and liberality, that
deserves to be imitated. I have before transmitted to Congress the
declaration of the King of France, and the decree of his Council,
abolishing the restrictions on the Holland trade. In this letter I
shall give an account of the conduct of Spain.
On the 13th of March, the Count de Florida Blanca wrote a letter to
the Marquis Gonzalez de Castigon, the Minister of the Marine, to serve
as a regulation for the navigation of neuters, as follows;
"Most Excellent Lord,
"From the commencement of the present war with Great Britain, the King
declared sincerely, and even in a manner that is unexampled, his
intentions of blockading Gibraltar, and his Majesty gave by me a
formal notification of it to all the foreign Ministers and
Ambassadors, to the end that they might be in a capacity to inform
their respective nations of it, and that these might avoid in their
navigation and in their conduct the consequences and procedures
authorised by the right of nations and the general laws of war. The
King declared at the same time by his ordinances concerning
privateering, published in the sight of all the world, 'that with
regard to the merchandises, productions, and effects of the English,
loaded on board of vessels bearing the flag of a friend or a neuter,
his Majesty would conduct himself according to the procedure, which
the English should adopt towards cargoes of the same kind, to the end
to avoid by this reciprocity of conduct, the enormous inequality, the
prejudice, and even the ruin to which the commerce and the subjects of
his Majesty would be otherwise exposed.' In spite of these
dispositions so full of equity, of frankness and good faith, the
captains and masters of neutral vessels have not ceased to abuse
without shame the impunity of their flags, whether by sliding
clandestinely into Gibraltar, with cargoes of provisions, even with
those which were destined for the fleets and armies of the King,
whether by concealing a great part of their loading, consisting in
powder and other merchandises of contraband, or by disguising (by
double and fictitious papers, which they cast into the sea, when they
saw themselves pursued) the property of their vessels and effects, as
well as their destination for persons and places different from those
to whom they really belonged, and to which they were bound, or whether
finally by making a formal resistance against the King's ships or his
privateers, when they endeavored to take a view of some vessels, which
they supposed neuter.
"Although these facts are notorious, and have been proved by formal
processes, these men, greedy of gain, and perverse, have filled all
Europe with the noise of their clamors, propagating falsely, that
orders had been given to detain and to seize all neutral vessels, that
would pass the Straits, whilst in fact the orders were confined to the
detention of vessels suspected by their course, or their papers, and
which were loaded with provisions or effects of the enemy, a
moderation very different from the conduct which has been held by the
navy and the privateers of England, in detaining and declaring good
prize neutral vessels, not only when they carried Spanish productions,
but of whatever kind the merchandises were, which they had taken on
board in the ports of Spain, or although they were only bound to this
Peninsula, taking also and carrying to Gibraltar the neutral vessels,
which passed in their sight with cargoes of provisions, although the
whole was but a feint and a disguised agreement made beforehand with
persons interested in these frauds. These clamors have been
accompanied with several complaints, which have been made to the King,
filled with the exaggerations and falsehoods beforementioned, and the
complainants have addressed themselves in the same manner to their
respective Courts, without considering, that conformably to all the
treaties of peace and of commerce the royal tribunals of the marine of
the Admiralty, as well inferior as superior, were open to them to hear
their allegations and proofs, pronounce sentence upon the processes,
which they should institute, and repair the wrongs, which the detained
vessels should have suffered, in one case or the other, without
sufficient reason, although to this moment this point has never been
legally verified. But the captains and masters have always obstinately
insisted, that without other proofs than their relations and their
applications to the Ministry, they should be released, and the delays
and damages of their detention made good to them, and this solely
because the clemency, the equity, and even the indulgence of the King
recommended to the judges of the marine, had set several vessels at
liberty, which had been detained with justice, and which might have
been declared good prizes, conformably to law, and to the practice of
our enemies.
"To dissipate even the very shadow of such like pretexts the Count de
Rechteren, Envoy of the United Provinces, and the other Ministers of
foreign Courts, were notified beforehand, that if they proposed any
means of preventing frauds, and causes of suspicion, the King, to give
a fresh proof of the good correspondence and friendship, which he
desired to maintain with these Courts, would adopt such of those means
as should be proper to produce such an effect; and as to this day they
have not proposed nor regulated any means of this sort, his Majesty
has judged proper to take by himself the measures, which are
consistent with his sovereignty, uniting to that end the substance of
those which have been communicated hitherto, and manifesting in a
manner, if possible, still more positive his intentions, so full of
justice, of equity, and of moderation, as being founded upon the
resolution of making them be observed with punctuality.
"ARTICLE I. That the vessels with a neutral flag, making sail through
the Straits, whether on the side of the ocean, or on that of the
Mediterranean, may not be molested nor hindered in their navigation,
so long as they shall arrange themselves, as much as shall be possible
for them, along the coasts of Africa, and keeping as far as they can
from those of Europe, during the course of their passage, from their
coming into it to their going out, provided always, that their papers
and cargoes be regular, and they furnish no just cause to excite
suspicions, whether by flying away, or by resistance, or by an
irregular course, or other signs of correspondence with the place
blocked up, or with the ships of the enemy.
"ARTICLE II. When the aforesaid vessels of a neutral flag shall be
destined, with their cargoes, for any ports, situated upon the Spanish
coast in the Straits, such as those of Algeziras or Tarifa, they must
lie to, and wait the arrival of a Spanish vessel, which making sail
towards them shall give them the signal, by firing a gun, and after
having received their declaration shall escort them, or will point out
to them, according to the circumstances, the way which they ought
strictly to pursue, for coming more readily, without any danger, and
without giving cause of any suspicion, to the place of their
destination.
"ARTICLE III. In case the Spanish vessels cruising in the Straits, at
the entrance, or the outlet, according to the exigence of the case or
the place, and conformably to the orders, with which they may be
charged, should judge it necessary to convoy neutral vessels, which
are traversing the Straits, or even those which are coasting along
Africa, these neutral vessels shall not make opposition to submit to
the convoy, without going away from it, or furnishing reasons of
suspicion; nevertheless, as they, may arrive in great numbers, and at
different times, in such manner that it may become prejudicial to wait
for the time to be convoyed, and that, moreover, it would be extremely
embarrassing to escort each ship in particular, they shall direct
their course conformably to the first article, towards the coast of
Africa, and shall follow it until some Spanish vessel, stationed or
cruising in the Straits, presents itself to escort them out of sight
of the place of the enemy and its avenues; and to this end the
vessels, to which the signal shall be given, shall stop, as it was
said above, and shall conform themselves to the dispositions made in
respect to them, by producing without the smallest difficulty, or
resistance, their papers, and submitting to all that which is
prescribed by the treaties, and the common law of nations to the end
to prove the property of ships, the legality of their documents, as
well as of their cargoes and destination.
"ARTICLE IV. When such vessels, under the appearance of neutrals,
shall come out of ports situated on the coast of Africa, in the
Straits, they shall be visited, and treated according to the nature of
their cargo, or the suspicions which they shall have excited, of
intentions to sail to carry succors to Gibraltar, supposing always
that the vessels coming out of the said ports with the design of going
into Gibraltar, have in fact hoisted, a neutral flag and abused it.
"ARTICLE V. When neutral vessels shall not conform themselves to the
said dispositions, in whole or in part, in particular cases, they
shall be seized and carried into port, where they shall be declared
good prize with all their effects and cargoes, only for being loaded
with provisions, or with those sorts of effects specified by the
article 15th of the regulation for armed vessels, without there being
occasion for any other judicial proof; and, in case that the articles
before mentioned should not be found on board of these vessels, the
motives of their contravention of these articles shall be juridically
examined, and an account of them rendered to his Majesty by the
Secretary of State, and of the Department of the Marine, who shall
afterwards make known the resolution of his Majesty.
"ARTICLE VI. In case, independently of the contravention of these
articles, it should be proved that a vessel under a neutral flag
should be entered into the place, or discovered going in (which would
manifest a visible and formal design of going there) without having
lain to, or waited for the Spanish vessel, which should have pursued
her and made her the signal, or should have gone far from the coast of
Africa, or finally, shall have separated herself from the convoy, she
shall be in all respects both in going in and in coming out treated as
an enemy's ship, declared according to the tenor of the laws of war to
be good prize, as well as all her cargo, and all the crew shall be
made prisoners of war; because that in such a case the flag and
documents ought to be supposed false, the ship and cargo to belong to
the enemy, or that one or the other is destined for his service.
"ARTICLE VII. The neutral vessels, which shall be visited by the
King's ships, or privateers, upon other seas or coasts of the ocean,
and the Mediterranean, which have no communication with the Straits of
Gibraltar, shall neither be stopped nor brought into port except in
the cases specified by the royal regulation, made the 10th of July,
1779, for privateers; no vexation nor violence shall be exercised
against the masters of these ships, nor shall anything be taken away
from them, how small soever may be the value of it, under the penalty
established by the said regulation, extended even by article
nineteenth to that of death, according to the exigency of the case.
"ARTICLE VIII. In case the vessels, stopped by the King's ships or
privateers, shall throw their papers into the sea, and this fact shall
be juridically proved, they shall, for this reason only, be declared
good prize; which has been sufficiently made known by the sixteenth
article of the regulation for privateers, which treats of this object.
"ARTICLE IX. If it shall be proved that in the cargoes of vessels
stopped, there should be found some effects the property of the enemy,
in such case, if the captain shall have declared it freely, the said
effects shall be unloaded alone, the freight of them shall be paid,
without retaining long the masters or hindering in any manner their
navigation, always provided, that as far as possible the said vessels
shall not be put in a situation to run any risk by the taking out the
effects before mentioned; a receipt shall be given to the captain for
the effects discharged, of the condition they were in, as well as the
amount of their freight as far as the place of their destination;
which shall be proved by their charter parties or documents, to the
end to be able to be satisfied, what shall be their due from the
Commissary of the Marine of the first port they shall make, that of
which they shall give notice by the way of the Ministry, to the end
that if the receipt of which they are the bearers has been given them
by a privateer, the amount of it may be paid by the owners, and if it
has been furnished them by a King's ship, measures the most convenient
in this respect shall be taken, that in case it should be judged
absolutely necessary to conduct the said vessels into some port there
to discharge them, they may be indemnified for that which shall be
due to them, by reason of their freight, for so many days as it shall
be judged indispensably necessary for them to take up, both in going
to the said ports and in returning; but, nevertheless, in case the
captains should conceal the effects, the property of the enemy, or
deny that they belong to the enemy, they ought to be pursued
juridically, and the Judges of the Marine shall examine the case and
decide it, with liberty of appeal to a council of war, who,
conformably to the usage of the English tribunals, shall declare
lawful prize all these effects, which shall appear legally to belong
to an enemy, by means of which, considering the concealment and the
denial of the said effects, no account shall be made, neither of the
freight nor of the days lost to masters of vessels, since they will
have been themselves the causes of the delay occasioned to their
navigation.
"ARTICLE X. When in the said case, or in others similar, the ships of
friends or of neutrals shall be stopped and brought into the ports,
other than those of their destination, contrary to the forms
prescribed or without having given cause for it by well founded
reasons, either by the direction of their course, or by the state of
their papers, by some resistance on their part, the nature of their
cargo, or by other legal causes, founded either on treaties or the
usages of nations universally adopted, the armed vessels, which shall
have seized such vessels, shall be condemned to make good the lost
days as well as the damages and prejudices caused to a seized ship;
this condemnation or justification shall be mentioned in the same
sentence, which shall contain the declarations of good or bad prize,
and to this end they shall proceed with the utmost despatch without
injuring however the privileges or principal points, whereof the
nature of the thing requires observance, and the decisions, whether of
condemnation or acquittal, ought to be executed under sureties, as it
is regulated for the advantage of privateers; and if it happens that
the vessels, which should have caused the damage, belong to the King,
in that case the tribunals or Judges of the Marine shall give notice
of it to the Secretary of your Excellency, sending to him at the same
time justifying pieces and their opinion, to the end that his Majesty
may ordain convenient damages, and what shall be judged necessary to
prevent or remedy like cases; and it is in this sense that the
fortieth and other articles of the regulation for privateering ought
to be understood.
"ARTICLE XI. The sale of prizes and their cargoes, mentioned by the
thirtyseventh, fortyfourth, and other articles of the royal ordinance
for privateering, shall be made, not only after having prepared an
inventory of them, and in presence of the masters of the interested,
or of those who are legally authorised, but also skilful persons shall
have previously made a formal estimate, in which the causes of
avarice, or others influencing more or less upon the price of effects,
shall be examined and juridically proved, in such sort, that at all
times one may notoriously prove both the price of merchandises taxed
before the sale, and consequently the frauds which might be committed
during the said sale, as well as the prejudices that might result from
them.
"ARTICLE XII. The intention of his Majesty being, that this royal
declaration be observed, as making part of his ordinances imprinted
and published in all his ports and maritime places, the King commands
me to transmit it to your Excellency, to have it published to this
end, and that you see to its punctual execution, while, on my part, I
shall communicate it to all the Ambassadors and foreign Ministers
residing in this Court, to the end that each one may give notice of it
to his respective nation.
"ARTICLE XIII. In the meantime, his Majesty requires your Excellency
to give also the necessary orders to the tribunals and counsellors of
the Marine, that they may expedite, with the utmost diligence, the
processes begun relative to stopped vessels conformably to the spirit
of this royal declaration, which as to the essentials agrees with the
precedent ones successively published."
Thus I have gone through these lengthy state papers, but am under
fearful apprehensions that Congress will find the translation
imperfect in some parts, for I have not time to revise it. I may take
this opportunity to observe, that I have sent many state papers to
Congress, which were originally in English, but which I have first
found in the foreign gazettes and translated from them; which will
account to Congress for the difference, which they will see between
some papers I have sent and the originals.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 8th, 1780.
Sir,
There is an article of news from the Hague of the 3d of May, that they
write from Dort, that the recruits of Anspach and of Hanover, in the
pay of England, are embarked there and sailed from that city the day
before yesterday, in order to go to their destination.
There is news also from Stockholm of the 18th of April, that the
ordinance, which the College of the Admiralty has expedited to all the
agents and consuls, who reside in foreign countries, relating to the
convoys necessary to the protection of the commerce of the subjects of
this kingdom, is as follows, dated Stockholm, April 1st.
"His Majesty having found it necessary to equip a certain number of
vessels of war and frigates, during this year, to the end to protect
the navigation of Swedish merchants, the College of the Admiralty, in
consequence, makes known, that besides the vessels of war, which are
to protect the vessels of other nations destined for the ports of this
kingdom, to the end, that no hostilities may be committed upon the
coasts of Sweden, the said College has further judged it necessary,
that some frigates ought to serve as convoys to the Swedish ships,
which go to navigate without the Baltic sea. To this purpose, the
Royal College of the Admiralty has judged proper to give notice, that
the Road of Elsinore will be the rendezvous of all the vessels, which
would take advantage of the convoys, and which will sail at four
different times, to wit;
"The first convoy will sail the 29th of May, with the merchant
vessels, which may be ready, under the escort of the frigate the
Zwarte Orn, commanded by the Major Harald Christiernin, who has orders
to conduct them by the Canal, [?] as far as Cape Finisterre, and take
all possible care that the vessels arrive in safety in the ports of
their destinations, and afterwards to conduct under his convoy,
destined for the Mediterranean, with the same vigilance, through the
Strait of Gibraltar, as far as the latitude of Malaga. The second
convoy will sail the 14th of July, with the frigate Höken, under the
command of the Major and Chevalier Samuel Orrskiold, who is to convoy
with the same care the merchant ships as far as Cape Finisterre.
"The third will put to sea the 31st of August under the protection of
the frigate Upland, commanded by the Major and Baron Solomon Christian
Von Kokler. Finally, the fourth convoy will sail on the 30th of
September, escorted by the frigates Sodermanland and the Jaramas,
commanded by the Majors and Chevaliers C. M. Wagenfelt and Herns
Frederic Watchmeister, who are to convoy with the same care the
merchant ships as far as Cape Finisterre, and afterwards those which
are destined for Portugal, Spain, and the Mediterranean, as well as
along the coast of Europe, as far as Leghorn; the commandant being to
consult with the consuls of their nation where they cruise during the
winter months, to the end to protect the ships of Swedish subjects,
which trade in the Mediterranean; after which, the said frigates are
to repair towards the middle of February to Malaga, and make in the
latitude of that port their cruises until the end of that month, to
return after that, taking under their convoy the vessels from thence,
and those coming from the Mediterranean, to reconduct them through the
channel into their country.
"It ought not, however, to be forgotten, that no merchant ships will
be taken under convoy, but those only which shall conform themselves
to the ordinance Royal of the 18th of February, 1779, as well as to
the neutrality, which his Majesty would maintain with the strictest
exactness. Thus the masters of Swedish ships are advertised by these
presents, and it is even enjoined upon them not to carry any succors
into the places or ports, which may be blocked by one or another of
the powers now at war.
"Nevertheless, notwithstanding this arrangement, his Majesty will
permit, to the end that commerce may have its course and not be
retarded, that liberty be given to merchant ships to sail without the
said convoys, according to the circumstances in which they may find
themselves, as well as the facility to separate themselves at sea from
the King's ships, if their advantage requires it, in which case the
masters of ships shall be obliged to give notice of it beforehand to
the commanders of frigates. In one word, the masters of ships shall be
held to conform themselves to the orders, which the chiefs of the
convoy shall give them, and, consequently, to the instructions which
shall be delivered them."
Copies are circulated in London, of the answer which the Court has
made to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, presented the first
of April to the Ministry by M. de Simolin, Minister Plenipotentiary.
This piece, which was despatched the 13th of April to the Chevalier
Harris, Envoy Extraordinary of his Britannic Majesty to the Court of
Petersburg, is of the following tenor.
"During the whole course of the war, in which the King of Great
Britain finds himself engaged by the aggression of France and Spain,
he has manifested those sentiments of justice, of equity, and
moderation, which govern all his proceedings. His Majesty has
regulated his conduct towards friendly and neutral powers according to
theirs towards him, conforming it to principles the most clear, and
the most generally acknowledged of the law of nations, which is the
only law between nations who have no treaties, and to the tenor of his
different engagements with other powers; which engagements have varied
this primitive law by mutual stipulations, and have varied it in a
great variety of different manners, according to the will and the
convenience of the contracting parties. Strongly attached to her
Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by the ties of a reciprocal
friendship and a common interest, the King, from the commencement of
the troubles, gave the most determinate orders to respect the flag of
her Imperial Majesty and the commerce of her subjects, according to
the law of nations and the tenor which he has contracted in this
treaty of commerce with her, and which he will fulfil with the most
scrupulous exactness. The orders on this subject have been renewed,
and the execution of them shall be strictly attended to. It is to be
presumed, that they will prevent all irregularity; but if it should
happen, that there should be the smallest violation of these repeated
orders, the tribunals of the Admiralty, which in this country, as in
all others, are established to take cognizance of such matters, and
which in all cases judge solely by the general law of nations, and by
the particular stipulations of different treaties, would redress the
injury in a manner so equitable, that her Imperial Majesty would be
satisfied entirely with their decisions, and would acknowledge in them
the same spirit of justice which animates herself."
This is said to be the answer to the Empress, and to be sure it is
complaisant enough; but still there is a great question between the
King and the Empress to be decided. The King says, that all the ports
of France and Spain are blocked by his fleet. The Empress says, that
none of them are or will be, but such before which the King may send a
number of ships to guard the entrance into them, and make it
manifestly dangerous. She adds, that she has armed and will arm to
maintain this construction of the word, and invites all the other
maritime powers to make a league with her in support of this
interpretation; and Holland has already answered that she agrees to it
with gratitude, and all the other powers will answer the same. If the
King gives up his interpretation of the word, there is an end forever
to the naval superiority of Great Britain. If he maintains it, it must
be by a war against all the nations that use the seas.
But the government and nation are not yet forsaken by their
infatuation. They do not see in the declaration of the Empress, that
she has taken a decided part against them. But all the rest of the
world sees, that a declaration of war against them would not have been
a more decisive indication of the Empress' judgment or affections.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ There is an article in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 2d of May,
taken from the Hague of the 30th of April, that "Mr Faucet, General in
the service of the King of England, has set off from his residence,
and we learn from Dort, that the English vessels are at last arrived
there, and that the recruits of Anspach and Hanau will be embarked in
a little time to go to America."
This Mr Faucet is the officer (they call him General in the papers,
but I believe he is not more than a Major or Lieutenant Colonel) whose
whole time and service are devoted to picking up the recruits for the
German regiments in the British service. He constantly fills all the
newspapers of Europe with his motions from place to place, and gives
his accounts an air of mystery, which leaves the world, both in Europe
and America, to magnify the numbers he raises at discretion, or
rather according to their imaginations. But Congress may rely upon
this, that the service is very unpopular and odious in Germany; that
they are put to great trouble and expense, annually, to raise the
recruits whom they have sent, who have never been enough to repair the
breaches, and that this year they have not been able to get more than
last, and these will arrive as late as those last year, and in all
probability as sickly.
J. A.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 8th, 1780.
Sir,
The English have a faculty of deceiving themselves, which has lost
them thirteen colonies, has brought them into a war, first with France
and then with Spain, has nearly lost them Ireland, and has at last put
them in a fair way of uniting all the other maritime powers of Europe
against them. Yet they are still able to deceive themselves.
There is an example of this in the Hague Gazette of the 1st of May, in
the article Great Britain.
"They make here a thousand conjectures concerning the declaration of
this Court of the 17th of this month, and the consequences which may
result from it. The declaration of Russia does not afford less matter
of speculation. It is agreed that it will render the three belligerent
powers very circumspect in their conduct relative to the commerce of
neutral powers, but the more moderate politicians cannot persuade
themselves, that this declaration is more hostile towards England than
towards the other powers at war, although our patriots, as they call
themselves, exert themselves to give it a turn, as if Russia had it in
view to break with England.
"Since the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and her colonies
of America, the balance of commerce between Russia and England has
been, one year with another, more than five hundred thousand pounds in
favor of Russia, and there is also a very considerable balance in
favor of the other northern powers. But these moderate English
politicians ought to consider, whether this balance of commerce is
enough to prevent a great and able princess from seizing an
opportunity of distinguishing her character with the world and in
history, for wisdom, equity, and magnanimity, by rendering to mankind
a most essential service, by introducing into the law and practice of
nations a reformation of those errors, which the English chiefly had
attempted to establish; a reformation which the interest and rights of
humanity so loudly and manifestly call for, and by assisting in the
separation of the new world from the domination and monopoly of
England, which is also so obviously for the honor, the prosperity, and
the happiness of mankind in general. The English should further
consider, whether this balance of trade is likely to be less in favor
of Russia, for the independence of America, and for the security which
is aimed at for neutral powers. All the world out of England sees that
it will not."
I will conclude this letter, by adding the letter of Lord Stormont, of
the 17th of April, to the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary of
their High Mightinesses.
"The King has always hoped, that the faith of treaties and the ties of
an alliance, which has subsisted for more than a century, as well as
those of a reciprocal friendship, and a common interest joined to the
evidence of the danger, which threatens the Republic herself, if
France and Spain accomplish their ambitious designs, would have
induced their High Mightinesses to assist his Majesty to frustrate
these designs by furnishing him the succors stipulated by treaties the
most solemn.
"But since their High Mightinesses have adopted another system, as
contrary to the interests of the Republic as to those of Great
Britain, since they have not made any answer to the repeated demand of
these succors, and have not even shown the least intention to fulfil
engagements so clear and so formal, his Majesty has found himself
necessitated to execute his intentions, which have been so clearly
announced in the Memorial, which his ambassador presented the 21st of
March last, and in the verbal declaration, which I had the honor to
make to you, by express order of the King. As you are perfectly
informed, Sir, of the sentiments of his Majesty, it only remains for
me to communicate to you, ministerially, the order which the King has
given in his Council, and to pray you to inform their High
Mightinesses of it. In reading this order, you will there see, Sir, a
particular attention to the interests of the commercial subjects of
their High Mightinesses. The publication of the memorial presented by
the Ambassador of the King, as well as that of the verbal declaration,
will, without doubt, render all further advertisements unnecessary.
But the King desires, that individuals should suffer as little as
possible from the consequences of a system, which their High
Mightinesses have adopted, and which appears as opposite to the
sentiments of the Dutch nation as it is to the interests of the
Republic."
How confident these people are, that no other nation of Europe
understands its own interest. According to them, France, Spain,
Holland, Russia, and the other maritime powers and the United States
of America, are all acting, shedding their blood, and spending their
money for objects directly opposite to their proper interests. But it
is much to be wished that the English, for the sake of their own
preservation, as well as the report of mankind, could be brought to
think, that other nations understand their own interests very well.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO AN UNKNOWN PERSON.[1]
[1] The name of the person to whom this letter was sent is not
mentioned in the original.
Paris, May 9th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for your note of yesterday, and the papers enclosed.
The proposals for a general pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester,
whether they were written by him, or by another, were probably
intended to feel the pulse of France, or Spain, or America. Nay, it is
not impossible, that they might be intended to sound even so
inconsiderable a portion of existence as Mr John Adams. But it must be
something rather more plausibly written; something a little more
consonant to reason, and to common sense, which will draw out of Mr
Adams his sentiments on the great work of pacification, if ever he
should enter into any detail upon this subject, before general
conferences take place, which he at present believes he shall not do.
Concealing, however, my name, you may take these few observations upon
these proposals.
1. England may be heartily sick of the imprudent part she has taken.
This point I shall not dispute with the Dean of Gloucester. Yet I wish
she would give some better proof of it, than she has done hitherto.
But of Americans I can speak with confidence and certainty; and so far
from being sick of the part they have taken, they look upon the past
madness of Great Britain, which has compelled them to overcome all the
prejudices and weak passions, which heretofore bound them to her, and
to become independent, as the greatest blessing which Providence ever
bestowed upon them, from the first plantation in the new world. They
look upon it, that a council of the wisest statesmen and legislators,
consulting together on the best means of rendering America happy,
free, and great, could not have discovered and digested a system so
perfectly adapted to that end, as this one, which the folly and
wickedness of Great Britain has contrived for them. They not only see,
and feel, and rejoice in the amelioration of their forms of
government, but in the improvement of their agriculture and their
manufactures, and in the discovery, that all the omnipotence of
British fleets has not been able to prevent their commerce, which is
opening and extending every year, as their population is increasing in
the midst of the war.
2. To suppose that France is sick of the part she has taken, is to
suppose her to be sick of that conduct, which has procured her more
respect and consideration in Europe, than any step she ever took. It
is to suppose her sick of that system, which enabled her to negotiate
the peace between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, as well as the peace
of Teschen; that system, which has enabled her to unite, in sentiment
and affection, all the maritime powers, even the United Provinces, in
her favor, and against England. It is to suppose her sick of that
system, which has broken off from her rival and natural enemy the most
solid part of his strength, a strength that had become so terrible to
France, and would have been so fatal to her. I do not mean to enlarge.
As to the propositions themselves, it would be wasting time to
consider them. Of all the malicious plans of the English against
America, none has ever been more so than this. It is calculated only
to make America the sport of Britain in future; to put it in her power
to be forever fomenting quarrels and wars; and, I am well persuaded,
that America would sooner vote for a hundred years' war.
I may be thought again too sanguine. I have been too sanguine these
twenty years, constantly too sanguine; yet eternally right.
Adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ I do not see Captain Waters's engagement yet in any of the
papers. I would have sent it to England and Holland for publication,
if I had known it could not be printed here.
J. A.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 9th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress proposals for a general
pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester.
"Proposals to the English, Americans, French, and Spaniards, now at
war.
"First. That Great Britain shall retain Newfoundland, with the desert
coasts of Labradore; also Canada, Nova Scotia, and the country
bordering on the Bay of Fundy, as far as the bay and river of
Penobscot.
"Secondly. That all the country from the Penobscot river to the river
Connecticut, containing almost all the four populous Provinces of New
England, shall be ceded to the Americans.
"Thirdly. That all the country from the Connecticut to the river
Delaware, containing the whole of New York, Long Island, and the
Jerseys, with some parts of two other Provinces indenting with them,
shall return to Great Britain.
"Fourthly. That all the country from the Delaware to the northern
boundary of South Carolina, containing the greatest part of
Pennsylvania, all Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, shall be
ceded to the Americans.
"Fifthly. That all the country from the northern boundary of South
Carolina to the extreme point of the eastern Florida, containing three
whole Provinces, shall be retained by Great Britain.
"Sixthly. That West Florida, chiefly barren sand, and the Fortress of
Gibraltar (totally useless,) shall be ceded to Spain, in order to
satisfy the punctilio of that nation, and that the Spaniards shall
give Porto Rico in exchange, an island on which they seem to set no
value and which indeed is of no use to them, though large in itself,
stored with good ports, well situated, and capable (in the hands of
the English) of great improvements.
"Seventhly. Lastly, that the English shall give up the conquests they
have made on the French in the East Indies, who shall do the like to
the English in the West Indies."
I shall make no remarks upon this plan, but there is no Englishman who
thinks of a wiser, or at least who dares propose one. All, who talk of
propositions, throw out something as absurd and idle as this, which
will convince Congress that we shall have no peace for some time.
The French armament, which sailed from Brest the 2d of May, under the
command of M. de Rochambeau, of the troops, and M. de Ternay, of the
fleet, and the armament from Cadiz, of twelve ships of the line,
besides frigates and other armed vessels, with eleven thousand five
hundred land forces, with a fine train of artillery, which were to
sail about the same time, or earlier, both destined for America, as it
is supposed, will I hope bring the English to think of some plan a
little more rational.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 10th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 19th of April, Mr Grattan, in the House of Commons of Ireland,
moved a resolution, "That the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Lords and
Commons of Ireland, are the only powers competent to make laws to bind
this Kingdom." Mr Stewart seconded the motion.
The Attorney General moved an amendment to adjourn the question until
the 1st day of September next.
Mr Burgh moved another amendment, "That there being an equal
resolution on the books (in the journals in the month of July, 1641)
with the one now moved, the same may be, for that reason, adjourned to
the 1st day of September next."
The House divided at a late hour on the original amendment, when there
appeared, ayes, ninetyseven; noes, one hundred and thirtysix;
majority, thirtynine.
Thus the House of Commons have refused to pursue the sense of the
people, but these are so unanimous and so determined, that no
magistrate will venture to execute any act of the English Parliament.
Philip and Mary, 4. chap. 4th, thus explains Poyning's law. "And this
act of the 10th of Henry the Seventh, shall be expounded and taken as
followeth, that is to say, that no Parliament be holden or summoned
within this realm of Ireland, until the Lieutenant, Chief Governor, or
Governors, and the Council of Ireland, shall have certified the King
and Queen's Majesties, her heirs and successors under the great seal
of the realm, the considerations, causes, and articles of such acts,
as by them shall be thought meet to be enacted and passed here by
Parliament, and shall also have received again their Majesties' answer
under the great seal of England, declaring their pleasure, either for
the passing of the said acts in such form as they should be sent into
England, or else for the alteration of them, or any part of the same."
"Section 2d. After such return made, and after license and authority
to summon a Parliament within the said realm of Ireland, granted under
the great seal of England unto the said lieutenant, or chief governors
of the same realm, the same lieutenant, chief governor or governors,
may summon and hold a Parliament for passing and agreeing upon such
acts, and no other, as shall be so returned under the great seal of
England."
"6 of George 1, chap. 5, sec. 1. The kingdom of Ireland has been, is,
and of right ought to be, subordinate unto, and dependent upon the
Imperial Crown of Great Britain, as being inseparably united and
annexed thereunto; and the King, with the consent of the Lords and
Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament, hath power to make laws of
sufficient force to bind the kingdom and people of Ireland."
"Section 2d. The House of Lords of Ireland have not, nor of right
ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse any
judgment or decree made in any court within the said kingdom; and all
proceedings before the said House of Lords upon any such judgment or
decree are void."
These are the political shackles, which the people of Ireland are
endeavoring to shake off; and if the war continues long, they will
succeed; otherwise, not entirely, although the authority of the
British Parliament will, undoubtedly, be much weakened.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, May 10th, 1780.
Sir,
I owe you thanks for the different communications, which you have been
so good as to make to me. If the views contained in the letter, which
you have confided to me, are exact, you ought not to delay in
obtaining a proof; and in such case, it would be expedient for you to
ascertain what overtures it is expected you will make. I think you
should not refuse to listen to them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 11th, 1780.
Sir,
On Monday, the first of May, Mr David Hartley explained what was the
substance of his intended motion for Friday, respecting the state of
the war. In the course of his speech, he moved for a copy of the
French Memorial, entitled _Observations on the justifying Memorial of
Great Britain_, which contains many points of serious information
respecting France, Spain and America. He then read to the House the
three following motions; the first of which, originating in the county
of York, is to be made jointly by Mr Hartley and his friend Sir George
Saville.
"1st. That it is the opinion of this House, that the prosecution of an
offensive war in America is most evidently a measure, which, by
employing our great and enormously expensive military operations
against the inhabitants of that country, prevents this from exerting
its united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of France
and Spain, and has no other effect upon America, than to continue, and
thereby increase the enmity, which has so long subsisted between the
arms of both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing
conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the final ruin of the
British Empire.
"2dly. That an address be presented to his Majesty, stating the
matter of the foregoing resolution, and entreating him to concur
therewith; representing, at the same time, that they think that they
should betray his Majesty and their constituents, if they did not
distinctly state to his Majesty, that nothing less than a total change
of councils, proceeding from the conviction of past errors, can
prevent the consummation of public ruin; but, at the same time, to
express their fullest confidence, that with a speedy and fundamental
reformation of councils, under a prudent and vigilant administration,
they shall be enabled to maintain the honor and dignity of this
country against any confederacy of France and Spain, and to effect a
reconciliation with America, upon beneficial, just, and honorable
terms.
"3dly. That leave be given to bring in a bill, to enable his Majesty
to appoint Commissioners with sufficient power to treat, consult, and
finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the Provinces in
North America."
After which, General Conway rose to declare, that he had a bill to
propose on the subject of the American war, which he would lay before
the House tomorrow. He gave a general hint of the ideas he entertained
on this subject. He thought that Parliament ought to come to some
resolutions to agree on certain propositions, which should be held out
to the Americans as the foundation of a treaty of peace and
reconciliation.
I shall give an account of the debates and decisions on the motions
when the papers arrive.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, May 9th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me,
on the 10th of this month.
Although the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had the honor
to enclose to you, may be right in his conjectures, that the British
administration wish to know more than they do at present of my
sentiments upon the great subject of a pacification, yet I have had
too long experience of their principles, views, and tempers, and I
know that they are too well acquainted with mine, for me to expect,
that they will directly convey any proposition to me. When we hear
them affirm in Parliament, that America is upon the point of returning
to an allegiance to the King of England, and that they seriously
believe, that America will return to such an allegiance; when the
members of the opposition, even those who are the most inclined to
peace, such as Mr Hartley, General Conway, &c. discover plainly, by
their motions and arguments, that their object is a separate peace
with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their revenge
against France and Spain, I can have no expectations, that they think
of applying to me, because I think they must be convinced of this, at
least, that I shall make no separate peace. I thank your Excellency,
however, for your sentiments, that I ought to hear them, in case any
overtures should be made to me. I should, in such a case, endeavor to
hear them with decency and respect; but it would require much
philosophy to hear, with patience, such absurd and extravagant
propositions, as are published in pamphlets and newspapers, and made
in Parliament, even by the members of the opposition, who profess to
be most zealous for peace.
Our alliance with France is an honor and a security, which have ever
been near to my heart. After reflecting long upon the geographical
situation of the old world and the new, the agriculture, commerce, and
political relations of both, upon the connexions and oppositions among
the nations of the former, and the mutual wants and interests of both,
according to such imperfect lights as I was able to obtain, the result
has long since been this, that my country, in case she should be
compelled to break off from Great Britain, would have more just
reasons to depend upon a reciprocity of the good offices of friendship
from France, Spain, and the other sovereigns, who are usually in their
system, than upon those in the opposite scale of the balance of power.
I have ever thought it, therefore, a natural alliance, and contended
for it as a rock of defence.
This object I pursued in Congress, with persevering assiduity for more
than a year, in opposition to other gentlemen of much greater name and
abilities than mine, and I had at length the satisfaction to find my
countrymen very generally fall in with the same sentiment, and the
honor to be appointed to draw the first treaty, which was sent to this
Court. These facts have been well known in America, even to the
tories, and the utility and importance of this alliance being known to
be deeply imprinted in my mind and heart, I suppose was a principal
cause why the present trust was confided to me by my countrymen. These
facts, although they may have been unknown in France, yet having been
known to the tories in America, I cannot suppose they are ignorant of
them at the Court of St James; I therefore think, that neither the
administration nor opposition in England will ever think of applying
to me, until they are brought into such a situation as shall compel
them to sue for peace with all the powers at war, which, to be sure,
does not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be, at least
before the end of this campaign; nor then either, without some notable
good fortune on the part of the allies in the progress of the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the 26th of April, and am
very happy to have at last received from your hand an account of your
safe arrival in Madrid.
The Count de Florida Blanca is allowed to be a man of abilities, but
somehow or other there is something in the European understanding
different from those we have been used to. Men of the greatest
abilities and the most experience are with great difficulty brought to
see what appears to us as clear as day. It is habit, it is education,
prejudice, what you will, but so it is.
I can state a very short argument, that appears to me a demonstration
upon French and Spanish principles alone, that it is more for their
interest to employ their naval force in America than in Europe; yet it
is in vain, that you state this to a Minister of State. He cannot see
it or feel it, at least, in its full force, until the proper point of
time is past and it is too late. So I think it may be demonstrated,
that it is the interest of France and Spain to furnish America with a
handsome loan of money, or even to grant her subsidies; because a sum
of money thus expended would advance the common cause, and even their
particular interests, by enabling the Americans to make greater
exertions than the same sums employed in any other way. But it is in
vain to reason in this manner with a European Minister of State. He
cannot understand you. It is not within the compass of those ideas,
which he has been accustomed to.
I am happy, however, that at length we have a Minister at Madrid; I am
persuaded, that this will contribute vastly to opening the eyes both
of France and Spain. I shall be always obliged to you for
intelligence, especially concerning your progress in your affair.
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Sir,
The answer of the King of France to the declaration of the Empress of
Russia is as follows, dated April 25th, 1780.
"The war in which the King finds himself engaged, having no other
object than the attachment of his Majesty to the principles of the
liberty of the seas, he could not but see with a true satisfaction the
Empress of Russia adopt this same principle, and show herself resolved
to maintain it. That which her Imperial Majesty requires of the
belligerent powers, is nothing more than the rules already prescribed
to the French marine, the execution of which is supported with an
exactness that is known and applauded by all Europe.
"The liberty of neutral vessels, restrained in a small number of cases
only, is a direct consequence of the law of nature, the safeguard of
nations, the solace even of those, who are afflicted with the scourge
of war; thus the King has desired to procure, not only to the subjects
of the Empress of Russia, but to those of all the States who have
embraced a neutrality, the liberty of navigating upon the same
conditions, which are announced in the declaration to which his
Majesty answers this day.
"He thinks he has made a great step towards the general good, and
prepared an epoch glorious to his reign, in fixing by his example, the
rights, which every belligerent power may and ought to acknowledge to
be acquired to neutral vessels. His hope has not deceived him, since
the Empress, in determining on the most exact neutrality, has declared
herself for the system which the King supports, at the expense of the
blood of his people, and since she demands the rights, which his
Majesty would make the basis of the maritime code. If there were
occasions for fresh orders, whereby the vessels of her Imperial
Majesty should have no room to fear being disturbed in their
negotiation, by the subjects of the King, his Majesty would make haste
to give them; but the Empress will, no doubt, repose herself upon the
dispositions of his Majesty, contained in the regulations, which he
has published. They are not accommodated to present circumstances,
they are founded upon the law of nations, and they are consistent with
the character of a Prince, sufficiently happy to find always in the
general prosperity the measure of that of his own kingdom. The King
wishes that her Imperial Majesty would add to the means, which she
may take to fix the nature of merchandises, the commerce of which is
reputed contraband in time of war, precise rules concerning the form
of sea papers, with which the Russian vessels shall be furnished.
"With this precaution, his Majesty is assured, that no incident will
arise, which will occasion any regret in any of the parties concerned,
at the measures taken for rendering the condition of Russian vessels
as advantageous as possible in time of war. Happy circumstances have
already more than once put the two Courts in a situation to experience
of how much importance it was, that they should explain themselves
with openness upon their interests respectively.
"His Majesty felicitates himself, upon having an opportunity to
express to her Imperial Majesty his manner of thinking upon a point
interesting to Russia, and the commercial powers of Europe. His
Majesty applauds so much the more sincerely the principles and views
which direct the Empress, as his Majesty enjoys in common with her the
same sentiment, which has prompted this Princess to measures, from
whence must result equal advantages to their subjects and to all
nations."
No state paper, that I have seen this war, has struck me more forcibly
than this. The simplicity, openness, sincerity, and truth of it, form
a striking contrast to the dissimulation and insincerity, which are so
grossly remarkable in the answer of the Court of St James to the same
declaration. The one is perfectly becoming the character of an august
King, the other is what I shall leave others to name.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S. Copenhagen, 29th of April._ "There have arrived here, within a
little time, several couriers from Petersburg, some of whom have been
sent back, and others have continued their route for Holland, France,
&c. Since the arrival of the last, it is thought that our Court has
acceded to the project of an armed neutrality, and that it
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