The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 04
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Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 04
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, VOL. 04 ***
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. IV.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.
EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. IV.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. &. H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1829.
HALE'S STEAM PRESS.
No. 6 Suffolk Buildings, Congress Street, Boston.
CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S CORRESPONDENCE, CONTINUED.
Page.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
August 23d, 1782, 3
Expresses a wish to promote the commerce between
France and America.
Thomas Townshend to Richard Oswald. Whitehall,
September 1st, 1782, 4
The King is ready to treat with the Commissioners
on the footing of unconditional independence.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Sept. 3d, 1782, 4
Allowance made to his grandson for various public services.--
Submits his own account to the disposal of Congress.--Encloses
letters (inserted in the note) from Mr Jay and Mr Laurens,
expressing their regard for his grandson.
To John Jay. Passy, September 4th, 1782, 9
Mr Oswald's courier arrives, with directions to acknowledge
the independence of America.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
September 5th, 1782, 10
Complains of want of information from Europe.--Movements
of the British troops in the south.--Importance
of the West India trade to the United
States.--Right of the States to cut logwood.
Richard Oswald to B. Franklin. Paris, September
5th, 1782, 15
Enclosing an extract from a letter of the Secretary of
State, regarding the negotiation.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, Sept. 8th, 1782, 15
Requesting a copy of the fourth article of his instructions,
given in the note.
To Earl Grantham. Passy, Sept. 11th, 1782, 16
Prospect of peace.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
September 12th, 1782, 17
Presenting Mr Paine's work addressed to the Abbé
Raynal.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
September 12th, 1782, 18
Necessity of further supplies of money.
To David Hartley. Passy, September 17th, 1782, 18
The preliminaries formerly received, inadmissible.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
September 18th, 1782, 19
Congress declines accepting Mr Laurens's resignation;
alters Dr Franklin's powers.
Mr Secretary Townshend to Richard Oswald.
Whitehall, September 20th, 1782, 20
The commission passing with the change proposed by
the American Commissioners.
Richard Oswald to B. Franklin. Paris, September
24th, 1782, 21
Transmitting a copy of Mr Townshend's letter to himself.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
September 25th, 1782, 21
Aspect of affairs dubious.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Sept. 26th, 1782, 22
Reply to his complaints of want of information.--Delays
of the negotiation.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
October 3d, 1782, 23
Granting the exequatur empowering the United States'
Consul to act in France.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Bath, Oct. 4th, 1782, 24
Sends a proposition for a temporary commercial convention.--The
dissolution of the union of the States apprehended.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Oct. 14th, 1782, 25
Progress of the negotiation.--Acknowledges the receipt
of Ministers' salaries.
To John Adams. Passy, Oct. 15th, 1782, 28
Delay in the negotiations.
From T. Townshend to B. Franklin. Whitehall,
October 23d, 1782, 29
Introducing Mr Strachey.
To Thomas Townshend. Passy, Nov. 4th, 1782, 30
Regrets the obstructions to the negotiations.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Nov. 7th, 1782, 31
Introducing the Baron de Kermelin.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
November 9th, 1782, 31
Sweden proposes to acknowledge the independence of
the United States.--Advantage of obtaining an acknowledgment
from the States of Barbary.--Difficulties in the exchange of
prisoners.--Affair of Lippincott.--Mr Boudinot elected President.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
November 21st, 1782, 34
Mr Jefferson added to the commission.--Mr Burgess,
an English merchant, not permitted to settle in Boston.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, Nov. 26th, 1782, 36
Indemnification of American royalists.--Resolutions of Congress
on the subject.--Act of the Pennsylvania assembly for procuring
an estimate of the damages committed by the British.--Characters
of the royalists.--Inexpediency of discussing the measure.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
November 27th, 1782, 44
Messrs Lamarque and Fabru.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Nov. 29th, 1782, 45
The preliminary articles of peace between England and
the United States agreed on.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
December 3d, 1782, 45
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Dec. 4th, 1782, 46
Encloses a copy of the preliminary articles.--Those
between England and the other powers not signed.--No
definitive treaty will be signed till all are agreed.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Dec. 5th, 1782, 46
Difficulties of conveying information to America.--Has
asked for further supplies from France.--History of
the negotiations.--The principal preliminaries between
France and England agreed to.--Proceedings
in regard to Sweden.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Dec. 15th, 1782, 54
Informing him that a passport has been received from
England for the Washington.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
December, 15th, 1782, 55
Expresses his astonishment at the despatching of the
Washington.--Complains that the preliminaries have
been concluded without any communication with
France.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Dec. 17th, 1782, 56
Causes of the sailing of the Washington.--No peace
will take place between England and America without
the concurrence of France.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Dec. 24th, 1782, 58
The Swedish Ambassador exchanges full powers with
Dr Franklin.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
January 2d, 1783, 60
Enclosing various resolutions of Congress.--Regrets
the departure of the French fleet.--Financial distresses
of America.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
January 6th, 1783, 62
Financial distress.--Subjects of negotiation.--Contingent
expenses of foreign Ministers.
To Richard Oswald. Passy, January 14th, 1783, 66
Enclosing propositions for abolishing privateering.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
January 18th, 1783, 69
Desiring a conference with the Commissioners.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Jan. 18th, 1783, 70
Promising to be present at the conference.
Benjamin Vaughan to B. Franklin. Paris, January
18th, 1783, 70
Pressing him to be at Versailles the next day.--State
of England.
To John Adams. Passy, January 19th, 1783, 72
Acquainting him with Vergennes's desire for a conference.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, Jan. 21st, 1783, 72
Preliminaries signed between France, Spain, and England.
John Jay to B. Franklin. Paris, Jan. 26th, 1783, 73
Dr Franklin's grandson appointed Secretary to the
commission without being solicited by him.
From M, Rosencrone, Minister of Foreign Affairs
in Denmark, to M. de Walterstorff. Copenhagen,
February 22d, 1783, 74
Directing him to learn Dr Franklin's views in regard to
a treaty of commerce between Denmark and the United States.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, March 7th, 1783, 76
Treaty with Sweden signed.--The English Ministry
changed.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March
12th, 1783, 76
Enclosing conciliatory propositions, and a sketch of a
provisional treaty of commerce.--Changes in the
Ministry.
To David Hartley. Passy, March 23d, 1783, 83
Expresses a desire for a reconciliation.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
March 26th, 1783, 84
Regrets that the Commissioners should find it necessary
to conceal anything from France; and that the
commercial article is struck out.--The attempts to
inflame the army.--Remits bills for the salaries of
the Ministers.
From the city of Hamburg to Congress. March
29th, 1783, 88
Proposing the establishment of commercial connexions.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March
31st, 1783, 91
Enclosing Supplemental Treaty between Great Britain
and the United States of North America, separate
article to be referred to the Definitive Treaty, and
paper mentioned in the close of Mr Hartley's letter.
M. Salva to B. Franklin. Algiers, April 1st, 1783, 95
Informing him of an attempt by the Algerines to seize
American vessels.
To the Grand Master of Malta. Passy, April 6th,
1783, 96
Requesting protection for Americans in the ports of
Malta.
To M. Rosencrone. Passy, April 13th, 1783, 97
Relative to a treaty between Denmark and the United
States.--Asks reparation for the seizure of American
prizes in the Danish ports.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 15th, 1783, 98
Proposals of Denmark.--Delay in the negotiation of
the Definitive Treaty.--Mr Hartley substituted in
the room of Mr Oswald.--Propositions for the renewal
of the commerce between England and the
United States.--Receives applications of persons
wishing to emigrate to America.--Financial embarrassments
of France.
Charles J. Fox to B. Franklin. St James's, April
19th, 1783, 104
Introducing Mr Hartley.--Expresses a desire to effect
a reconciliation of the two nations.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, April 27th, 1783, 104
Introducing the Count del Veome.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
May 5th, 1783, 105
Acknowledges the receipt of a copy of the three articles
discussed by the Commissioners and Mr Hartley.--Complains
of the infrequent appearance of the
Commissioners at Court.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, May 5th, 1783, 105
The Commissioners prevented by sickness from appearing
at Court.
To David Hartley. Passy, May 8th, 1783, 106
Desires the abolition of privateering.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
May 9th, 1783, 107
Infringements of the Provisional Treaty by the British.--
Arrival of vessels in the American ports.
Robert R. Livingston to B. Franklin. Philadelphia,
May 31st, 1783, 109
Determination of the Court of Appeals in case of the
Portuguese vessel.--Recommends the demands on
Denmark to be urged.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, June 12th, 1783, 110
The ratification of the treaty with Sweden received.--Treaty
with Denmark going on.--Portugal proposes to treat.--Delay
of the Definitive Treaty with England.--Dr Bancroft.
The Ambassador from Sweden to B. Franklin.
Paris, June 13th, 1783, 112
Requesting that Mr W. T. Franklin may be sent to the
Swedish Court.
From the Grand Master of Malta to B. Franklin.
Malta, June 21st, 1783, 112
Promising protection to Americans in the ports of
Malta.
To Henry Laurens. Passy, July 6th, 1783, 113
Delays of the negotiations.--Mr Laurens's presence
necessary.
From M. Rosencrone, Minister of Denmark, to B.
Franklin. Copenhagen, July 8th, 1783, 114
Enclosing a Counter Project of a Treaty between the
United States and Denmark.
Explanation of the Counter Project of a Treaty of
Amity and Commerce received from Denmark, 130]
Giacomo F. Crocco to B. Franklin. Cadiz, July
15th, 1783, 135
Informing him that the Emperor of Morocco is ready to
enter into a treaty with the United States.
To Robert R. Livingston. Passy, July 22d, 1783, 136
Justifies the signature of the Provisional Treaty without
communicating to the French Court.--Expresses
his confidence in France.--Contrary opinion of one
of his colleagues.--Reason for striking a commercial
article out of the preliminaries proposed.--Advantages
of free trade.--Moderation of France.--The
Ambassador of Portugal desires to form a treaty
with the United States.--Correspondence with the
Danish Minister.--Inclination of Saxony and Prussia
to engage in the American commerce.--Affair
of the Bon Homme Richard.--Recommends his
grandson for the diplomatic service.--General desire
of the European powers to engage in commerce
with the United States.--The American constitutions
translated into French, produce a favorable
effect.--Dangers from the Barbary powers.--Kindness
of Mr Wren to the American prisoners
near Portsmouth.
Plan of a Treaty with Portugal, 150
Enclosed in the preceding.
From the Pope's Nuncio to B. Franklin, 158
Proposing the appointment of an Apostolical Vicar
Bishop in the United States.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Aug. 16th, 1783, 159
The English Ministry reject the propositions of the
Commissioners and of their own Ministers.--Propose
the preliminaries slightly changed as a definitive
treaty.--The other Commissioners are inclined
to sign this.
M. de Rayneval to B. Franklin. Versailles, August
29th, 1783, 160
Count de Vergennes consents to the signing the treaty
at Paris instead of Versailles.
To the President of Congress. Passy, August 31st,
1783, 161
The English Ministry have agreed to sign the articles
formerly proposed as a definitive treaty.
To David Hartley. Passy, September 6th, 1783, 161
Expresses his esteem for Mr Fox.--Intelligence of the
American people.--Their misunderstandings much
exaggerated.--Complains of the delay in evacuating
New York.
To John Jay. Passy, September 10th, 1783, 163
Quotes a letter from America, which accuses him of
favoring France, in her opposition to granting the
fishery, and the whole territory demanded by the
Americans.--Appeals to Mr Jay for the falsehood
of the assertion.
John Jay to B. Franklin. Passy, Sept, 11th, 1783, 164
Dr Franklin agreed and acted with the other Commissioners
respecting the boundaries and fisheries.--On former occasions
he had also maintained the same claims on these points.
John Adams to B. Franklin. Passy, September
13th, 1783, 165
Dr Franklin agreed with the other Commissioners in
the management of the negotiation.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September
13th, 1783, 166
Relations with Morocco; with Portugal.--False reports
of disunion, &c. in the United States injurious
to the American cause.--Count de Vergennes
refuses to sign the Definitive Treaty with England
before that between England and the United States
was signed.
To Lewis R. Morris. Passy, Sept. 14th, 1783, 169
Relative to accounts.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Bath, September
24th, 1783, 170
Expects to receive instructions for a convention on the
basis, that American ships shall not bring foreign
manufactures into Great Britain, nor trade directly
between the West Indies and Great Britain.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September
27th, 1783, 171
Encloses a copy of the Definitive Treaty.--Expects
Mr Hartley to negotiate a treaty of commerce.
To David Hartley. Passy, October 16th, 1783, 172
Advantages of a perpetual peace between England,
France, and America.
To David Hartley. Passy, October 22d, 1783, 173
Reports of the divisions in America unfounded.
To the President of Congress. Passy, November
1st, 1783, 173
Financial difficulties of France; failure of payment by
the Caisse d'Escompte.--Relations with Sweden,
Denmark, and Portugal.--Claims of Du Calvet for
supplies to the army in Canada.
Giacomo Francisco Crocco to B. Franklin. Cadiz,
November 25th, 1783, 176
Informs Dr Franklin that he is appointed by the
Emperor of Morocco to conduct to that Court the Minister
of the United States.--Demands $1500 for his expenses to Paris.
To William Carmichael. Passy, Dec. 15th, 1783, 177
Accounts of the proceedings and demands of M. Crocco.
To Giacomo Francisco Crocco. Passy, December
15th, 1783, 179
Mr Jay is the suitable person for M. Crocco's application.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December
25th, 1783, 180
Mr Hartley refuses to go to Versailles to sign the
Definitive Treaty.--Ill will of the British Court towards
America.--Has the American constitutions
translated in French, which produce a favorable
impression.--Relations with Denmark, Portugal, Morocco,
and Germany.--The expense of Commodore Jones's expedition
paid entirely by the King of France.
To Robert Morris. Passy, Dec. 25th, 1783, 187
Unreasonableness of the complaints against taxes.--Property
is the creature of society.--Lafayette has conferences with
the Ministers, relative to the new commercial regulations.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December
26th, 1783, 188
Recommends Mr Hodgson as Consul in London.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. London, March 2d,
1784, 189
Promises to apply for the despatch of the ratification
of the treaty by Great Britain, on the arrival of that
by Congress.
To Charles Thompson. Passy, March 9th, 1784, 190
Ratifications exchanged with Sweden.--Receives numerous
applications from persons wishing to settle in the
United States.
To the President of Congress. Passy, May 12th,
1784, 191
Mr Hartley arrives to exchange ratifications of the
Definitive Treaty.--Proclamation relative to American
commerce with the British colonies.--Proposed
regulations of the commerce with the French colonies.
David Hartley to B. Franklin. Paris, June 1st,
1784, 192
Defects of form in the ratification of the treaty by
Congress.
To David Hartley. Passy, June 2d, 1784, 193
Answers to the objections made in the preceding letter.
To the President of Congress. Passy, June 16th,
1784, 196
Symptoms of resentment against America on the part
of Great Britain.
Consular Convention, 198
Consular convention between France and the United
States.
To Count de Mercy Argenteau. Passy, July 30th,
1784, 208
Dr Franklin, Mr Jefferson, and Mr Adams are appointed
to negotiate a treaty of commerce with the
empire.
Count de Mercy Argenteau to B. Franklin. Paris,
July 30th, 1784, 209
Assures Dr Franklin of the disposition of the Emperor
to form commercial connexions with the United
States.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
August 27th, 1784, 210
Requesting a declaration, in an official form, that Congress
will in no case treat any nation more favorably than France
in commercial privileges.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Sept. 3d, 1784, 210
Transmits a Resolution of Congress, declaring that no
people shall be placed on more advantageous ground
in the commerce with the United States than the
French subjects.
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
September 9th, 1784, 211
Expresses the satisfaction of the King with the resolution
of Congress, contained in the preceding letter.--The
United States shall enjoy a complete reciprocity in France.
Count de Mercy Argenteau to B. Franklin. Paris,
September 28th, 1784, 211
The Emperor has agreed to the propositions of Congress
concerning commercial regulations between
the two powers.
To Charles Thompson. Passy, October 16th, 1784, 212
The Commissioners have made propositions of treating
to all the European powers.
To Charles Thompson. Passy, Nov. 11th, 1784, 213
To the President of Congress. Passy, February 8th,
1785, 213
Receives the Resolve of Congress, respecting the Consular
convention, too late to suspend the signing.
To the President of Congress. Passy, April 12th,
1785, 214
Introducing M. de Chaumont, the younger.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, May 3d, 1785, 215
Informs him that he has received permission to return
to America.
M. de Rayneval to B. Franklin. Versailles, May
8th, 1785, 216
Regrets to hear of his approaching departure from
France.
To John Jay, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Passy,
May 10th, 1785, 216
Prepares for his return to America.
To Charles Thompson. Passy, May 10th, 1785, 217
Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
May 22d, 1785, 217
Regrets his intended departure for the United States.--Assures
him of the esteem of the King.
To Thomas Barclay. Passy, June 19th, 1785, 218
Relative to his charges for salary as Minister Plenipotentiary.
M. de Castries to B. Franklin. Versailles, July 10th,
1785, 220
Would have ordered a frigate for Dr Franklin, had
he sooner known of his intention of leaving France.
To John Jay, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Philadelphia,
September 19th, 1785, 220
Informs him of his arrival in the United States.--Signs
a treaty of commerce and friendship with
Prussia before leaving Europe.
To Mr Grand, banker at Paris. Philadelphia, July
11, 1786, 222
Requests information concerning the gift of three millions
of livres from the King, of which only two millions
appear in the accounts.
M. Durival to Mr Grand. Versailles, August 30th,
1786, 223
The King's gift amounted to three millions, independently
of the million advanced to the United States
by the Farmers-General.
M. Durival to Mr Grand. Versailles, September
5th, 1786, 224
Declines communicating to him the receipt taken for
the first million advanced by the King, June 10th,
1776.
Mr Grand to B. Franklin. Paris, Sept. 9th, 1786, 224
States that he received only three millions; the first
million having been advanced previous to his appointment.
M. Durival to Mr Grand. Versailles, September
10th, 1786, 225
The Minister still persists in declining to communicate
the receipt for the first million to Mr Grand.
Mr Grand to B. Franklin. Paris, Sept. 12th, 1786, 226
Professes himself unable to discover who received the
first million.
To Charles Thompson. Philadelphia, January 27th,
1787, 226
Conjectures that the million advanced June 10th, 1776,
must have been delivered to Beaumarchais.
To the President of Congress. Philadelphia, November
29th, 1788, 228
Requesting the settlement of his accounts, which have
been three years before Congress, it having been
asserted in the newspapers that he is indebted to
the United States.
* * * * *
JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams. York,
in Pennsylvania, December 3d, 1777, 241
Enclosing his commission as Commissioner to France.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress. Braintree,
December 23d, 1777, 242
Accepting his appointment as Commissioner.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Braintree,
December 24th, 1777, 243
Acknowledging the receipt of his commission, with
other documents accompanying.
To Samuel Adams. Passy, May 21st, 1778, 244
State of Europe.--Disposition of the powers towards
America.--Affairs of the United States in France
in great confusion.--Expenses of the Commissioners.
(Information on this subject in the note, p. 245.)--Proposes
remedies.
To the Commercial Committee. Passy, May 24th,
1778, 248
American affairs in France in great confusion; attended
with much delay and expense.--Remedies proposed.
To James Lovell. Passy, July 9th, 1778, 250
The ratification of the treaty with France gives great
satisfaction in that country.--War between France
and England appears inevitable.--Effect of the war
of Bavarian succession on the policy of Germany.
To James Lovell. Passy, July 26th, 1778, 251
Mr Deane's claims, services, and complaints.--Victories
of the army the best negotiators in Europe.
To the President of Congress. Passy, July 27th,
1778, 254
Policy of England to separate America from France.
To Samuel Adams. Passy, July 28th, 1778, 256
British Commissioners authorised to offer independence
to America, on condition of her breaking off
her connexions with France.--America is bound by
alliances to reject such proposals.--The proximity
of the British colonies to the United States will always
render Great Britain an enemy.--France and
America reciprocally important to each other.--The
alliance of France will secure the rest of the continent.--Necessity
of imposing taxes in the United States to support the national
credit.
To James Warren. Passy, August 4th, 1778, 259
The proceedings of Congress relative to the Conciliatory
Bills, ratification of the treaty, answer to the
Commissioners, &c. produce a favorable effect in
Europe.--Expresses his abhorrence of the idea of
infidelity to France.--Dangers to the Protestant religion
from the French alliance imaginary.--Probable
effects of the separation of America on the power of
Great Britain.
To Richard Henry Lee. Passy, Aug. 5th, 1778, 262
Necessity of taxation to support the national credit.--
Dissensions among the American agents.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress. Passy,
August 27th, 1778, 266
To the President of Congress. Passy, September
7th, 1778, 266
Great preparations of Spain; their object is unknown.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September
11th, 1778, 267
To M. Ray de Chaumont. Passy, Sept. 15th, 1778, 268
Requesting him to fix the rent of his house, occupied
by Mr Adams and Dr Franklin.
M. Ray de Chaumont to John Adams. Passy,
September 18th, 1778, 269
Declines receiving any compensation for his house.
To the President of Congress. Passy, September
20th, 1778, 270
The American refugees in England encourage the notion,
that another campaign will compel the colonies to return
to submission.--The marine and finances of England are in
a miserable condition.
To Ralph Izard. Passy, September 25th, 1778, 271
Agriculture the most essential interest of America, even
in Massachusetts.--Evils of the fisheries; they promote
luxury, and injure morals; are useful as a
source of naval power.
To Ralph Izard. Passy, October 2d, 1778, 274
Relative to the insertion of the words 'indefinite and
exclusive' in the tenth article of the Treaty of Amity
and Commerce.
To the President of Congress. Passy, October 2d,
1778, 277
Committee of Foreign Affairs to John Adams.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778, 277
Requests him to keep the Commissioners at the other
Courts informed of all events in America.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December
3d, 1778, 278
The opinion that the English intend to withdraw from
the United States, unfounded.--The British power
there must be destroyed.
To Elbridge Gerry. Passy, December 5th, 1778, 279
Reserve of the French Ministry towards the Commissioners.--
Dissensionsof the Commissioners.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December
6th, 1778, 281
Enclosing the King's speech.
To Roger Sherman. Passy, December 6th, 1778, 282
Value and dangers of the connexion with France.
To the President of Congress. Passy, December
8th, 1778, 283
Plan of the British to prosecute the war by devastating
the country.--The war is not a ministerial but a
national one.
The Commissioners to John Paul Jones. Passy,
May 25th, 1778, 284
Congratulations on his successes.--Prospect of obtaining
an exchange of prisoners.--Refuse the payment of his bill
of exchange drawn on the Commissioners.--Offer to furnish
his men with slops.
The Commissioners to John Paul Jones. Passy,
June 3d, 1778, 287
Desiring the release of Lieut. Simpson under arrest for
disobeying orders.
The Commissioners to Lieut. Simpson, of the Ranger.
Passy, June 3d, 1778, 288
The Commissioners have requested Captain Jones to
set him at liberty.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Passy, February
1st, 1779, 289
Difficult to obtain a loan in Europe.
To Samuel Adams. Passy, February 14th, 1779, 290
Expresses his satisfaction with the appointment of Dr
Franklin as Minister Plenipotentiary to France.--Disputes
of the former Commissioners.--The French Court and nation
unanimous in support of American independence.--The policy
of France popular in Europe.--Discontents in Great Britain.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Feb. 16th, 1779, 294
The recall of his commission has rendered unnecessary
the conference he had requested with the Minister
relative to Mr Deane's address.
To the Marquis de Lafayette. Passy, February
21st, 1779, 295
Financial difficulties of America would be remedied by
relieving the country of the necessity of supporting
large forces; the naval superiority of France in the
American seas would easily effect this relief.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
February 21st, 1779, 298
Desires an interview with Mr Adams, to express the
satisfaction of the King with his conduct.
To Count de Vergennes. Passy, Feb. 27th, 1779, 299
Expresses his sense of the King's indulgent sentiments.
To John Jay, President of Congress. Passy, February
27th, 1779, 299
Intends to return to America.--Tumults in Great Britain.--Little
prospect of obtaining a loan in Europe.--Economy and taxation
necessary to relieve the financial difficulties.
To John Jay, President of Congress. Passy, March
1st, 1779, 302
Conditions of the British loan.
M. de Lafayette to John Adams. St Germain,
April 9th, 1779, 303
Asks leave to send a French officer to America with
Mr Adams.
To Arthur Lee. L'Orient, June 9th, 1779, 305
Relative to the charges made against Mr Lee.
To the President of Congress. Braintree, August
3d, 1779, 307
Returns home in the Sensible, in company with M. de
la Luzerne.--Character of the Minister, Luzerne;
of the Secretary to the Embassy, Marbois.
To the President of Congress. Braintree, August
4th, 1779, 311
View of the state of Europe.--France.--War of Bavarian
succession.--Great Britain.--Holland.--Spain.--Portugal.--German
States.--Austria.--Prussia.--The northern powers.--Italy.
To James Lovell. Braintree, August 13th, 1779, 325
Enclosing letters concerning Count de Vergennes and
Arthur Lee.
To the President of Congress. Braintree, September
10th, 1779, 326
Requesting a copy of the complaints, evidences,
witnesses, &c. reported by a Committee of Congress to
exist against the Commissioners.
To the President of Congress. Boston, September
23d, 1779, 327
To James Lovell. Braintree, October 17th, 1779, 328
Regrets Mr Lee's recall.--Denies Mr Izard's charges.
To Samuel Huntington, President of Congress.
Braintree, October 19th, 1779, 331
British whale fishery on the South American coast.--The
crews American prisoners of war.
To Samuel Huntington, President of Congress.
Braintree, October 20th, 1779, 333
Present of an engraving of the exploit of William Tell
for each State from Mr Schweighauser.
To the President of Congress. Braintree, October
21st, 1779, 333
Advantages of convoys for the American trade; of
maintaining a superiority of naval power in the
American seas.
To Henry Laurens. Braintree, Oct. 25th, 1779, 335
His appointment as Commissioner not sought by him.--Opinion
of Colonel Laurens's abilities.--Difficulties at Philadelphia.
To the President of Congress. Braintree, November
4th, 1779, 337
Accepting the commission of Minister for negotiating
peace and commerce with Great Britain.
Instructions for a treaty of peace with Great Britain, 339
Instructions for a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain, 342
To the President of Congress. Braintree, November
7th, 1779, 344
Transmits a copy of the letter book of the Commissioners
at the Court of Versailles.
To B. Franklin. Ferrol, December 8th, 1779, 345
Informs him of his arrival at Ferrol, being obliged to
put in there, in consequence of a leak.
To the President of Congress. Ferrol, December
11th, 1779, 346
Arrival at Ferrol.--Attentions of the Spanish and
French officers.
To the President of Congress. Corunna, December
16th, 1779, 348
Disposition of Spain.--Report of the intended mediation
of Russia on the basis of independence.
To the Governor of Corunna. Corunna, December
18th, 1779, 351
Names of the persons for whom Mr Adams wishes for
passports to Bayonne.
M. de Sartine to John Adams. Versailles, December
31st, 1779, 352
To the President of Congress. Bilboa, January
16th, 1780, 352
Sketch of the northwestern provinces of Spain.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, Feb. 12th, 1780, 360
Informs him of his mission.--Intends to take no measures
without consulting the French Ministers.--Requests advice as
to the course to be pursued in making known his mission.
To M. de Sartine. Paris, February 13th, 1780, 363
Thanks for his being permitted a passage in the Sensible.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
February 15th, 1780, 363
Advises him to conceal the object of his commission
for a time.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
15th, 1780, 364
Arrives in Paris.--Has a conference with the French
Ministers.--Supplies to be sent from France.--Preparations
of England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
17th, 1780, 366
Supplied with money by M. Lagoanere at Corunna.
To the Marquis de Lafayette. Paris, February
18th, 1780, 368
Requesting information concerning the reports circulated
by the British, of their preparations for the ensuing campaign.
To M. Genet, First Secretary for the department of
Foreign Affairs. Paris, February 18th, 1780, 370
Same subject as the preceding.
M. de Lafayette to John Adams. Paris, February
19th, 1780, 371
The accounts of the British abovementioned are without
foundation.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
19th, 1780, 373
False reports circulated by the British as to their
means for the next campaign.--Naval preparations of
France.--The importance of the colonies in maintaining
the naval supremacy of Great Britain, will render her
averse to a peace.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, Feb. 19th, 1780, 376
His instructions contain nothing inconsistent with the
treaty between France and the United States.
M. Genet to John Adams. Versailles, February
20th, 1780, 377
Falsehood of the British reports mentioned pp. 368, 370.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
20th, 1780, 378
Exaggeration of the English successes in South America
and the United States.--Account of his proceedings
in France.--Application of England to Russia
rejected.
To John Jay, Minister Plenipotentiary at Madrid.
Paris, February 22d, 1780, 380
Congratulates him on his arrival.--Communication
with America more easy from Spain than from France.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
23d, 1780, 382
Transmitting French journals; gives their character.
To Samuel Adams. Paris, February 23d, 1780, 383
Committees of Correspondence established in England.--Naval
preparations of France.--Supplies for the American army
from that power.
To General James Warren. Paris, Feb. 23d, 1780, 385
French naval force at sea, and preparing at Brest.--British
resources.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
February 24th, 1780, 386
Expresses himself satisfied with Mr Adams's powers
and instructions.--Advises secrecy in regard to his
powers for negotiating a treaty of commerce.--His
mission to negotiate a peace will be publicly announced.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, February 25th,
1780, 388
Promises to comply with the advice contained in the
preceding letter.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
25th, 1780, 388
Committees of Correspondence formed in Ireland and
England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
27th, 1780, 389
Preparations at Brest composed of land and sea forces.--Violence
of parties in England.--Seizure of Dutch ships by the English
alienates the Dutch.
To Dr Cooper of Boston. Paris, Feb. 28th, 1780, 392
The Americans must not indulge the hope of peace.
To the President of Congress. Paris, February
29th, 1780, 393
M. Genet translates the American constitutions.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 3d,
1780, 394
Character of Admiral Rodney.--Intends to adopt a system of
devastation on the American coast.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 4th,
1780, 395
Successes of Admiral Rodney.--French naval force.
To Samuel Adams. Paris, March 4th, 1780, 399
Mr Izard's views of the policy to be adopted at the French
Court.--Mr Adams's opinions different.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 8th,
1780, 400
Is presented at Court.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 8th,
1780, 401
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 10th,
1780, 401
Rodney's successes.
To the President of Congress. Passy, March 12th,
1780, 403
Quotes an observation of M. de Mably concerning the
establishment of the English empire of the sea.--The
Americans must produce a balance of power by
sea.--English naval force.
To Edmund Jennings. Paris, March 12th, 1780, 407
Chatham's doctrine of a constitutional impossibility of
acknowledging the independence of America.--Effects
of the interposition of France and Spain on the
acknowledgment.
To the President of Congress. Passy, March 14th,
1780, 411
Clinton's expedition.--State of affairs in England and
Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Passy, March 14th,
1780, 414
English forces.
To James Lovell. Paris, March 16th, 1780, 415
Refugees.--His accounts.--Reason of avoiding giving
accounts of the state of affairs in France.--Approves
the plan of distinct ministers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 18th,
1780, 418
French military preparations.--Armed neutrality of
the northern powers.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 19th,
1780, 420
British fleet in the channel.--Reported capture of despatches
from the Court of France.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 20th,
1780, 422
Transmits the Morning Post and the General Advertiser.--Virulence
of parties.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, March 21st, 1780, 423
Informing the Minister that his presentation at Court
has not been announced.
To William Lee. Paris, March 21st, 1780, 424
Rumors of change in the British Ministry.--A truce
impossible.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 23d,
1780, 426
The abolition of the Board of Trade and Plantations
carried against the Ministry.--The opposition are
disposed only to a separate treaty.--The fatal
consequences of a truce to America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 24th,
1780, 429
Discussions on salaries of colonial officers, and pensions
of refugees.--Requests instructions as to compensations
to the refugees in case of negotiations; and whether the
citizens of each power shall have the right of citizens in
the dominions of the other.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 24th,
1780, 431
Account of Admiral Rodney's cruise. Preparations
in Spain.--Dissensions in England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 26th,
1780, 435
Free commerce with the colonies granted to Ireland.--Proceeding
in the Irish Parliament thereon.--State of Ireland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 29th,
1780, 440
Affairs of Holland.--History of the dispute with England.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
March 30th, 1780, 443
Presentations of Ministers are not announced in the
Gazette de France.--Proposes to announce it in the
Mercure.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, March 30th,
1780, 444
Approves the announcement of his presentation in the
Mercure.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 30th,
1780, 445
Explains the reason, why his presentation was not
announced in the Gazette.--Does not approve of
the concealment of his powers to treat of commerce.
To the President of Congress. Paris, March 30th,
1780, 446
Dispute between the Irish volunteers and the royal
troops at Dublin.
To Arthur Lee, at L'Orient. Paris, March 31st,
1780, 448
Difficulties between the Commissioners.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 3d,
1780, 449
Policy of the Stadtholder.--Inclination of the Dutch
nation.--Petition to their High Mightinesses to equip
a naval force.--Memorial of Sir J. Yorke.--Answer
of the States-General.--Reply of Sir J. Yorke.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 3d,
1780, 458
Memorial of the Congress of County Committees recommending
reforms in the expenditure, in elections, annual Parliaments,
&c.--Proceedings of particular committees thereon.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 4th,
1780, 465
Attack of an English privateer on a Swedish frigate.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 6th,
1780, 466
Decree of the Admiralty in the case of a Dutch ship,
captured by an English man-of-war, while sailing
for a French port, loaded with naval stores under a
Dutch convoy.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 7th,
1780, 473
Rumors of an armed neutrality of the northern powers.--Violations
of the neutrality of the Turkish waters by the English and
French naval forces.--Representations of the Porte.--Sentiments
of Russia on the English attack of the Dutch convoy.
To William Carmichael, Secretary of the American
Embassy at Madrid. Paris, April 8th, 1780, 480
Reason for the delays of Spain.--Events in America.--State
of England.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 8th,
1780, 483
List of the naval losses of the English since the beginning
of the war.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 10th,
1780, 484
Proceedings of England and Holland relative to the
granting of convoys to Dutch ships.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 10th,
1780, 488
Memorial of the Russian Envoy, Prince Gallitzin, to the
States General, communicating the declaration of
his Court to the belligerent powers, and inviting the
concurrence of the States.--The declaration mentioned
in the foregoing Memorial, asserting the determination
of Russia to protect her subjects in the rights of neutrals,
nd proposing to establish the principles that free ships
make free goods; that an efficient force is necessary to
constitute a blockade, &c.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 11th,
1780, 493
Proceedings of the counties, &c. in England in favor
of reforms.--Resolutions of the county of York in
favor of economical and parliamentary reform, of
triennial parliaments, and condemning the carrying
on of the war in America.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 14th,
1780, 497
Violations of neutrality.--Prospect of an armed neutrality
of the north.--Proceedings in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 15th,
1780, 501
Quotations from the European papers.--From an English
paper proposing the independence of the United States,
the giving up of Nova Scotia and Canada.--Russia gives
notice to France that she is arming to protect her neutrality.
To M. de Sartine. Paris, April 16th, 1780, 507
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
COMMISSIONER AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF FRANCE, AND
COMMISSIONER FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, August 23d, 1782.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me on
the 9th instant, as well as the memorial enclosed in it. I
communicated the paper to the Marquis de Castries, and I make no
doubt, but that the Minister will take into consideration its
contents, as far as circumstances will permit. We are desirous to
adopt every measure, that may tend to the prosperity of the commerce
established between France and the United States, and we shall neglect
nothing to accomplish this object to the universal satisfaction of the
two countries. Congress will greatly facilitate our labor, if they
will communicate their ideas and wishes on this subject; and I make
the request with greater confidence, as I am convinced that that
assembly desires as much as we do to establish, on an advantageous and
solid basis, the commercial concerns between France and America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
THOMAS TOWNSHEND TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Whitehall, September 1st, 1782.
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your letters of the 17th,
18th, and 21st ultimo; and I am commanded to signify to you his
Majesty's approbation of your conduct in communicating to the American
Commissioners the fourth article of your instructions; which could not
but convince them, that the negotiation for peace, and the cession of
independence to the Thirteen United Colonies, were intended to be
carried on and concluded with the Commissioners in Europe.
Those gentlemen having expressed their satisfaction concerning that
article, it is hoped they will not entertain a doubt of his Majesty's
determination to exercise, in the fullest extent, the powers with
which the act of Parliament has invested him, by granting to America,
full, complete, and unconditional independence, in the most explicit
manner, as an article of treaty.
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, September 3d, 1782.
Sir,
I have just received yours, No. 13, dated the 23d of June. The
accounts of the general sentiments of our people, respecting
propositions from England, and the rejoicings on the birth of the
Dauphin, give pleasure here; and it affords me much satisfaction to
find the conduct of Congress approved by all who hear or speak of it,
and to see all the marks of a constantly growing regard for us, and
confidence in us, among those in whom such sentiments are most to be
desired.
I hope the affair of Captain Asgill was settled as it ought to be, by
the punishment of Lippincott. Applications have been made here to
obtain letters in favor of the young gentleman. Enclosed I send you a
copy of the answer I gave to that made to me.
I had before acquainted M. Tousard, that his pension would be paid in
America, and there only, it being unreasonable to expect that Congress
should open a Pay Office in every part of the world, where pensioners
should choose to reside. I shall communicate to him that part of your
letter.
You wish to know what allowance I make to my private Secretary. My
grandson, William T. Franklin, came over with me, served me as a
private Secretary during the time of the Commissioners; and no
Secretary to the Commission arriving, though we had been made to
expect one, he did business for us all, and this without any allowance
for his services, though both Mr Lee and Mr Deane at times mentioned
it to me as a thing proper to be done, and in justice due to him. When
I became appointed sole Minister here, and the whole business, which
the Commissioners had before divided with me, came into my hands, I
was obliged to exact more service from him, and he was indeed, by
being so long in the business, become capable of doing more. At
length, in the beginning of the year 1781 when he became of age,
considering his constant close attention to the duties required, and
his having thereby missed the opportunity of studying the law, for
which he had been intended, I determined to make him some
compensation for the time past, and fix some compensation for the time
to come, till the pleasure of Congress respecting him should be known.
I accordingly settled an account with him, allowing him from the
beginning of December 1776 to the end of 1777, the sum of 3,400
livres, and for the year 1778, the sum of 4,000 livres, for 1779,
4,800 livres, and for 1780, 6,000 livres. Since that time I have
allowed him at the rate of three hundred louis per annum, being what I
saw had been allowed by Congress to the Secretary of Mr William Lee,
who could not have had, I imagine, a fourth part of the business to go
through; since my Secretary, besides the writing and copying the
papers relative to my common ministerial transactions, has had all
those occasioned by my acting in the various employments of Judge of
Admiralty, Consul, purchaser of goods for the public, &c. &c. besides
that of accepting the Congress bills, a business that requires being
always at home, bills coming by post, from different ports and
countries, and often requiring immediate answers, whether good or not;
and to that end, it being necessary to examine by the books, exactly
kept of all preceding acceptances, in order to detect double
presentations, which happen very frequently. The great number of these
bills makes almost sufficient business for one person, and the
confinement they occasion is such, that we cannot allow ourselves a
day's excursion into the country, and the want of exercise has hurt
our healths in several instances.
The Congress pay much larger salaries to some Secretaries, who, I
believe, deserve them; but not more than my grandson does the
comparatively small one I have allowed to him, his fidelity,
exactitude, and address in transacting business, being really what one
could wish in such an officer; and the genteel appearance a young
gentleman in his station obliges him to make, requiring at least such
an income. I do not mention the extraordinary business that has been
imposed upon us in this embassy, as a foundation for demanding higher
salaries than others. I never solicited for a public office, either
for myself, or any relation, yet I never refused one, that I was
capable of executing, when public service was in question, and I never
bargained for salary, but contented myself with whatever my
constituents were pleased to allow me. The Congress will therefore
consider every article charged in my account, distinct from the salary
originally voted, not as what I presume to insist upon, but as what I
propose only for their consideration, and they will allow what they
think proper.
You desire an accurate estimate of those contingent expenses. I
enclose copies of two letters,[1] which passed between Mr Adams and me
on the subject, and show the articles of which they consist. Their
amount in different years may be found in my accounts, except the
article of house rent, which has never yet been settled; M. de
Chaumont, our landlord, having originally proposed to leave it till
the end of the war, and then to accept for it a piece of American land
from the Congress, such as they might judge equivalent. If the
Congress did intend all contingent charges whatever to be included in
the salary, and do not think proper to pay on the whole so much, in
that case I would humbly suggest, that the saving may be most
conveniently made by a diminution of the salary, leaving the
contingencies to be charged; because they may necessarily be very
different in different years, and at different courts.
I have been more diffuse on this subject, as your letter gave occasion
for it, and it is probably the last time I shall mention it. Be
pleased to present my dutiful respects to Congress, assure them of my
best services, and believe me to be, with sincere esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ As you will probably lay this letter before Congress, I take
the liberty of joining to it an extract of my letter to the President,
of the 12th of March, 1781, and of repeating my request therein
contained, relative to my grandson. I enclose, likewise, extracts of
letters from Messrs Jay and Laurens, which both show the regard those
gentlemen have for him, and their desire of his being noticed by the
Congress.[2]
B. F.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See these letters above, pp. 218, 238.
[2] The following are the extracts of the letters alluded to in this
place.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Madrid, April 25th, 1781.
The letters herewith enclosed from Dr Franklin were left open for my
perusal; the short stay of my courier at Paris not allowing time for
copies to be made of the information conveyed in and with it.
I perceive that Dr Franklin desires to retire; this circumstance calls
upon me to assure Congress, that I have reason to be perfectly
satisfied with his conduct towards me, and that I have received from
him all the aid and attention I could wish or expect. His character is
very high here, and I really believe, that the respectability he
enjoys throughout Europe has been of general use to our cause and
country.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY.
Madrid, April 21st, 1781.
By the letter from Dr Franklin, herewith enclosed, and which he was so
obliging as to leave open for my perusal, I find he has requested
permission to retire, on account of his age, infirmities, &c. How far
his health may be impaired I know not. The letters I have received
from him bear no marks of age, and there is an acuteness and
sententious brevity in them, which do not indicate an understanding
injured by years. I have many reasons to think our country much
indebted to him, and I confess it would mortify my pride as an
American, if his constituents should be the only people to whom his
character is known, and that should deny to his merit and services the
testimony given them by other nations. Justice demands of me to assure
you, that his reputation and respectability are acknowledged, and have
weight here, and that I have received from him all that uniform
attention and aid, which were due to the importance of the affairs
committed to me.
The affectionate mention he makes of his only descendant, on whom the
support of his name and family will devolve, is extremely amiable, and
flows in a delicate manner from that virtuous sensibility, by which
nature kindly extends the benefits of parental affection, to a period
beyond the limits of our lives. This is an affectionate subject, and
minds susceptible of the finer sensations are insensibly led at least
to wish that the feelings of an ancient patriot, going, in the evening
of a long life early devoted to the public, to enjoy repose in the
bosom of philosophic retirement, may be gratified by seeing some
little sparks of the affection of his country rest on the only support
of his age and hope of his family. Such are the effusions of my heart
on this occasion, and I pour them into yours, from a persuasion, that
they will meet with a hospitable reception from congenial emotions.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
COLONEL JOHN LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.
Leagues W. of Ortegal, June 9th, 1781.
Sir,
I snatch a moment to pay my last respects to your Excellency, and to
mention a matter, which has occurred to me since my being on board. I
have frequently reflected upon the mention, which your Excellency has
made of retiring from your present important station, and have never
varied the opinion, which I took the liberty of giving you once at the
Count de Vergennes', viz. that the best arrangement would be to give
your Excellency an active, intelligent Secretary of the Embassy, who
might relieve you from the drudgery of office; and that your country
should not be deprived of the advantages of your wisdom and influence.
The difficulty hitherto has been to find a person properly qualified.
The advantages, which your grandson derives from his knowledge of the
language, and manners of the people, and his having been so long in
your office, and with your Excellency, are very great. The prejudices,
which have been entertained against him, may be removed by a personal
introduction to Congress, especially if it is combined with rendering
a popular service. I take the liberty of proposing to your Excellency,
therefore, if you can spare Mr Franklin for the purpose, to commit to
his care the second remittance of money, and to hasten his departure
with that, and as much of the public supplies of clothing, &c. as may
be ready to accompany it. I am persuaded, that in public bodies, the
want of a personal acquaintance is a great objection to appointing a
man to any important office.
The Engageante's boat demands my letter. I have written in the
greatest haste upon a subject, which I hope your Excellency will turn
to public utility.
I am, &c.
JOHN LAURENS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Passy, September 4th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Oswald's courier being returned, with directions to him to make the
independence of America the first article in the treaty, I would wait
on you if I could, to discourse on the subject; but as I cannot, I
wish to see you here this evening, if not inconvenient to you.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
Having written to you lately, I should not again trouble you so soon,
were it not necessary to remind you, that your last letter is dated in
March, since which there have been frequent arrivals from France; and
since which too we have reason to believe, the most interesting
events have taken place in Europe.
We learn from private letters and common fame, that Mr Adams was
received by the United Provinces in his public character, on the 19th
of April. We have yet no account of this interesting event, nor of the
measures he has pursued to accomplish our other objects in Holland.
Since then Mr Laurens, it is said, has been liberated, has travelled
to Holland and to France, has entered upon the execution of his trust,
but has left us to gather events so interesting to him and to us from
private letters, and the public prints. Mr Jay tells us on the 24th of
May, that he is about to set out for Paris, and that he presumes Dr
Franklin has assigned the reasons for this step. Doctor Franklin has
told us nothing.
As to Mr Dana, if it were not for the necessity of drawing bills in
his favor, we should hardly be acquainted with his existence. It is
commonly said, that republics are better informed than monarchs of the
state of their foreign affairs, and that they insist upon a greater
degree of vigilance and punctuality in their Ministers. We, on the
contrary, seem to have adopted a new system. The ignorance, in which
we are kept, of every interesting event, renders it impossible for the
sovereign to instruct their servants, and of course forms them into an
independent privy council for the direction of their affairs, without
their advice or concurrence. I can hardly express to you what I feel
on this occasion. I blush when I meet a member of Congress, who
inquires into what is passing in Europe. When the General applies to
me for advice on the same subject, which must regulate his movements,
I am compelled to inform him, that we have no intelligence but what he
has seen in the papers. The following is an extract of his last
letter to me. "But how does it happen, that all our information of
what is transacting in Europe should come to hand through indirect
channels, or from the enemy; or does this question proceed from my
unacquaintedness with facts?"
But let me dismiss a subject, which gives me so much pain, in the hope
that we shall in future have no further cause of complaint.
Since the evacuation of Savannah, the enemy have by the general orders
contained in the enclosed papers, announced the proposed evacuation of
Charleston. We are in daily expectation of hearing, therefore, that
tranquillity is restored to the Southern States. Several circumstances
lead us to suppose, that they entertain thoughts of abandoning New
York sometime this fall. You _only_ can inform us, whether this step
has been taken in consequence of any expectations they entertain of a
general peace; or with a view to pursue the system, which the present
administration appears to have adopted, when they so loudly reprobate
the American war; and whether, by withdrawing their troops from hence
they only mean to collect their force and direct it against our
allies. This knowledge would render such an alteration in our system
necessary, that it affords us new reasons for regretting our want of
information on these important points.
The Marquis de Vaudreuil has unfortunately lost the Magnifique, sunk
by running on a rock in the harbor of Boston, where he is now, with
the remainder of his fleet, except three refitting at Portsmouth,
consisting of twelve sail of the line. This has enabled Congress to
show their attention to His Most Christian Majesty, and their wish to
promote his interests as far as their circumstances will permit, by
presenting him the America, of seventyfour guns. Enclosed are their
resolves on that subject, and the answer given by the Minister of
France. The ship is in such a state, that she may by diligence be
refitted for sea in about two months; and from the accounts I hear of
her, she will I believe prove a fine ship. The General is collecting
the army. The last division of the French troops marched from here
this morning. When collected, they will, I presume, repair to their
old post, at the White Plains, and perhaps endeavor to accelerate the
departure of the enemy.
I am sorry you did not pursue your first design, and enlarge in your
letter upon the subjects, which you imagined would be discussed in the
negotiations for peace. It might have changed our sentiments, and
altered our views on some points. Two things are of great moment to
us, one of which at least would meet with no difficulty, if France and
England understand their true interests; I mean the West India trade,
and the right to cut logwood and mahogany. Without a free admission of
all kinds of provisions into the Islands, our agriculture will suffer
extremely. This will be severely felt at first, and when it remedies
itself, which it will do in time, it must be at the expense of the
nations that share our commerce. It will lessen the consumption of
foreign sugars, increase the supplies which the poorer people among us
draw from the maple, &c. and by reducing the price of provision, and
rendering the cultivation of lands less profitable, make
proportionable increase of our own manufactures, and lessen our
dependence on Europe. This will, I must confess, in some measure check
our population, and so far I regard it as an evil. The merchants and
farmers, if precluded at a peace from the advantages, which this
commerce gave them while connected with England, ----.[3] Then a
variety of arguments on this subject, arising as well from the general
interests of France, as from her political connexion with us, might be
urged to show the wisdom of adopting the same liberal sentiments on
this point, which has of late distinguished her in so many others. But
if she should not be able to overcome her ancient prejudices, I
believe they will be found to have less influence on the British, whom
you will press earnestly on this head. Besides the general interest of
the kingdom, there is with them a powerful West India interest, to
plead in behalf of a free importation of provisions into their
Islands. If I mistake not, the present wishes of the nation, as well
as the professions of administration, lead to every measure, which may
wear away our present resentments, and strengthen the connexion
between us and them.
The logwood trade we have some claim to, from our continued exercise
of the right. Nor can England pretend to exclude us from it, without
invalidating her own title, which stands upon the same ground. If
Spain admits the right in England, she gains nothing by excluding us,
since in proportion as she diminishes our commerce in that article,
she increases that of Great Britain. Other manufacturing nations are
interested in exciting a competition between us at their markets.
When you write to me, be pleased to be very particular in your
relation of every step, which leads to a negotiation. Everything of
this kind must be interesting.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTE:
[3] The sense is broken here, owing to the omission of three lines in
cypher, the key to which could not be found.
* * * * *
RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,
In consequence of the notice I have just now had from Mr Jay of your
desire of an extract from my last letter from the Secretary of State,
regarding the proposed treaty on the subject of American affairs, and
my authority in relation thereto, I take the liberty to send the same
enclosed, which, together with the powers contained in the commission,
which I had the honor of laying before you and Mr Jay, I am hopeful
will satisfy you of the willingness and sincere desire of his Majesty
to give you entire content on that important subject.
This extract I would have sent before now, if I had thought you wished
to have it before I had the honor of waiting on you myself; which was
only delayed until I should be informed by Mr Jay, that you were well
enough to see me upon business.
I heartily wish you a recovery of your health, and am, with sincere
esteem and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
RICHARD OSWALD.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, September 8th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received the honor of yours, dated the 5th instant, enclosing
an extract of a letter to your Excellency, from the right honorable
Thomas Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State,
wherein your conduct in communicating to us the fourth article of
your instructions appears to have been approved by his Majesty. I
suppose, therefore, that there is no impropriety in my requesting a
copy of that instruction; and if you see none, I wish to receive it
from you, hoping it may be of use in removing some of the difficulties
that obstruct our proceeding.[4]
With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[4] Copy of the Fourth Article of his Majesty's instructions to
Richard Oswald, for his government in treating with the Commissioners
of the Thirteen United Colonies of America for a truce or peace, the
said instructions being dated the 31st day of July, 1782, viz.
"4th Article. In case you find the American Commissioners are not at
liberty to treat on any terms short of independence, you are to
declare to them, that you have authority to make that concession. Our
ardent wish for peace, disposing us to purchase it at the price of
acceding to the complete independence of the Thirteen Colonies,
namely, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Three lower Counties on the
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
Georgia, in North America."
* * * * *
TO EARL GRANTHAM.
Passy, September 11th, 1782.
My Lord,
A long and severe indisposition has delayed my acknowledging the
receipt of the letter your Lordship did me the honor of writing to me
by Mr Fitzherbert.
You do me justice in believing, that I agree with you in earnestly
wishing the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace; and I am
happy to be assured by your Lordship, that it is the system of the
Ministers with whom you are co-operating. I know it to be the sincere
desire of the United States, and with such dispositions on both sides
there is reason to hope, that the good work in its progress will meet
with little difficulty. A small one has occurred in the commencement,
with which Mr Oswald will acquaint you. I flatter myself that means
will be found on your part for removing it; and my best endeavors in
removing the subsequent ones (if any should arise) may be relied on.
I had the honor of being known to your Lordship's father. On several
occasions he manifested a regard for me, and a confidence in me. I
shall be happy if my conduct in the present important business may
procure me the same rank in the esteem of his worthy successor.
I am, with sincere respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and
most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have nothing to add to mine of the 5th instant, but to congratulate
you on the safe arrival of two vessels from Holland, having on board
the goods left by Commodore Gillon, and to present you in the name of
Mr Paine, with three copies of a late work of his addressed to the
Abbé Raynal, in which he takes notice of some of the many errors with
which his work abounds. The Abbé has a fine imagination, and he
indulges it. The enclosed resolution contains an important fact, which
I am using means to ascertain; but from the ill success I have
hitherto met with in every similar attempt, I am fearful that it will
be very long before I can effect it.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most
obedient humble servant,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Since writing the above, I have received the enclosed resolutions of
Congress. I have already anticipated all that can be said upon the
subject of the last; the melancholy tale of our necessities is
sufficiently known to you, it has been too often repeated to need
recitation.
Mr Morris, who writes from an empty Treasury amidst perpetual duns,
will speak more feelingly. In short, money must be obtained for us at
any rate, whether we have peace or war. France having already done
much for us, and it not being probable that we shall extend our
demands beyond the present, she may think it wise not to let us open
accounts with a new banker, since the debtor is always more or less
under obligations to the creditor.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with respect and esteem,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, September 17th, 1782.
My dear Friend,
Since those acknowledged in my last, I have received your several
favors of August the 16th, 20th, and 26th. I have been a long time
afflicted with the gravel and gout, which have much indisposed me for
writing. I am even now in pain, but will no longer delay some answer.
I did not perfectly comprehend the nature of your appointment
respecting the refugees, and I supposed you would in a subsequent
letter explain it. But, as I now find you have declined the service,
such explanation is become unnecessary.
I did receive the paper you inquire about, entitled _Preliminaries_,
and dated May, 1782, but it was from you, and I know nothing of their
having been communicated to this Court. The third proposition, "that
in case the negotiation between Great Britain and the allies of
America should not succeed, but the war continue between them, America
should act and be treated as a neutral nation," appeared at first
sight inadmissible, being contrary to our treaty. The truce too seems
not to have been desired by any of the parties.
With unalterable esteem and affection, I am, my dear Friend, ever
yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.
Sir,
Just after closing my despatches, I was favored with yours of the 25th
of April, and the 25th and 29th of June. The ships that brought them
were so unfortunate as to be chased into the Delaware by a superior
force. The Eagle was driven ashore and sunk. The papers and money were
however happily saved, and part of the crew. But Captain la Fouche,
not having been since heard of, is supposed to be taken. The other
frigate has arrived safe, with all the passengers of both ships.
As I am just about to leave town for a short time, I will not touch
upon the important subject mentioned in your letters, which will on
account of my absence be committed to a special committee.
I would only observe to you, that the resolution in my last shows the
sense of Congress on the subject of money matters.
You will see by the annexed resolutions, that Congress have refused to
accept Mr Laurens's resignation, and that they have made some
alteration in your powers.
I send the papers, which contain the little news we have, and am, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
MR SECRETARY TOWNSHEND TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Whitehall, September 20th, 1782.
Sir,
I received, on Saturday last, your packets of the 10th and 11th of
this month.
A meeting of the King's confidential servants was held as soon as
possible, to consider the contents of them, and it was at once agreed
to make the alteration in the commission proposed by Dr Franklin and
Mr Jay. I trust that the readiness with which this proposal has been
accepted, will be considered as an ample testimony of the openness and
sincerity with which the government of this country is disposed to
treat with the Americans.
The commission is passing with as much despatch as the forms of office
will allow; but I thought it material that no delay should happen, in
giving you notice of the determination of his Majesty's Council upon
this subject. You will receive the commission very soon after this
reaches you.
I am, with great regard, &c.
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, September 24th, 1782.
Sir,
Having received, by a courier just now arrived, a letter from Mr
Secretary Townshend, in answer to mine, which went by the messenger,
despatched from hence on the 12th, I take this opportunity of Mr
Whiteford to send you a copy of it. I hope he will bring good accounts
of your health, which I sincerely wish, and am your Excellency's, &c.
RICHARD OSWALD.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, September 25th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to send you my despatches for the Chevalier de la
Luzerne. The packet is voluminous, but it contains many duplicates.
I should be glad if it were in my power to inform him, that our treaty
is in as good progress as yours, but this is far from being the case.
I cannot even foresee what will be the issue, for difficulties
multiply. It will be well for you to forewarn the Congress to be
prepared for whatever event may arise. I do not despair; I the rather
hope; but as yet all is uncertainty.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, September 26th, 1782.
Sir,
I have just received your No. 15, dated the 9th of August, which
mentions your not having heard from me since March. I have, however,
written sundry letters, viz. of April the 8th, and June the 12th, June
the 25th and 29th, August the 12th, and September the 3d, and sent
copies of the same, which I hope cannot all have miscarried.
The negotiations for peace have hitherto amounted to little more than
mutual professions of sincere desires, &c., being obstructed by the
want of due form in the English commissions appointing their
plenipotentiaries. The objections made to those for treating with
France, Spain and Holland were first removed, and by the enclosed[5]
it seems that our objections to that for treating with us will now be
removed also, so that we expect to begin in a few days our
negotiations. But there are so many interests to be considered and
settled, in a peace between five different nations, that it will be
well not to flatter ourselves with a very speedy conclusion.
I mentioned, in a former letter, my having communicated to Count de
Vergennes the state of American commerce, which you sent me, and my
having urged its consideration, &c. Enclosed is a copy of a letter
received from that Minister on the subject.
The copy of General Carleton's letter, and the bills of exchange,
which you mentioned as enclosed, do not appear. I hope soon to have a
better opportunity of writing, when I shall be fuller.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] This refers to Mr Oswald's commission, which will be found in the
Correspondence of the Commissioners for negotiating peace.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, October 3d, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to return you the commission appointing Thomas
Barclay consul of the United States, to reside in France, and I
endorse the exequatur, which is requisite for the exercise of his
functions. I must inform you, that the latter of these will require
the Admiral's signature previously to its being registered, either by
the Secretary of the Admiralty at L'Orient, where Mr Barclay intends
to fix his residence, or by those of other ports of the kingdom, where
commercial considerations may require his presence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
Bath, October 4th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
I only write one line to you, to let you know that I am not forgetful
of you, or of our common concerns. I have not heard anything from the
Ministry yet; I believe it is a kind of vacation with them, before the
meeting of Parliament. I have told you of a proposition, which I have
had some thoughts to make as a kind of copartnership in commerce. I
send you a purposed temporary convention, which I have drawn up. You
are to consider it only as one I recommend. The words underlined are
grafted upon the proposition of my Memorial, dated May 19th, 1778. You
will see the principle, which I have in my thoughts to extend for the
purpose of restoring our ancient copartnership generally.
I cannot tell you what event things may take, but my thoughts are
always employed in endeavoring to arrange that system upon which the
_China Vase_, lately shattered, may be cemented together, upon
principles of compact and connexion, instead of dependence.
I have met with a sentiment in this country which gives some alarm,
viz. lest the unity of government in America should be uncertain, and
the States reject the authority of Congress. Some passages in General
Washington's letter have given weight to these doubts. I do not hear
of any tendency to this opinion; _that the American States will break
to pieces, and then we may still conquer them_. I believe all that
folly is extinguished. But many serious and well disposed persons are
alarmed, lest _this should be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the
powers of the union, and annihilating the cement of confederation_,
(_vide_ Washington's letter,) and that Great Britain should thereby
lose her best and wisest hope of being reconnected with the American
States _unitedly_. I should for one think it the greatest misfortune.
Pray give me some opinion upon this.
You see there is likewise another turn, which may be given to this
sentiment by intemperate and disappointed people, who may indulge a
passionate revenge for their own disappointments, by endeavoring to
excite general distrust, discord, and disunion. I wish to be prepared
and guarded at all points.
I beg my best compliments to your colleagues; be so good as to show
this letter to them. I beg particularly my condolence (and I hope
congratulation) to Mr Adams; I hear that he has been very dangerously
ill, but that he is again recovered. I hope the latter part is true,
and that we shall all survive to set our hands to some future compacts
of common interest, and common affection, between our two countries.
Your ever affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, October 14th, 1782.
Sir,
I have but just received information of this opportunity, and have
only time allowed to write a few lines.
In my last of the 26th past, I mentioned that the negotiation for
peace had been obstructed, by the want of due form in the English
commissions appointing their plenipotentiaries. In that for treating
with us, the mentioning our States by their public name had been
avoided, which we objected to; another is come, of which I send a copy
enclosed. We have now made several preliminary propositions, which the
English Minister, Mr Oswald, has approved, and sent to his Court. He
thinks they will be approved there, but I have some doubts. In a few
days, however, the answer expected will determine. By the first of
these articles, the King of Great Britain renounces for himself and
successors, all claim and pretension to dominion or territory within
the Thirteen United States; and the boundaries are described as in our
instructions, except that the line between Nova Scotia and New England
is to be settled by Commissioners after the peace. By another article,
the fishery in the American seas is to be freely exercised by the
Americans, wherever they might formerly exercise it while united with
Great Britain. By another, the citizens and subjects of each nation
are to enjoy the same protection and privileges, in each others' ports
and countries, respecting commerce, duties, &c. that are enjoyed by
native subjects. The articles are drawn up very fully by Mr Jay, who I
suppose sends you a copy; if not, it will go by the next opportunity.
If these articles are agreed to, I apprehend little difficulty in the
rest. Something has been mentioned about the refugees and English
debts, but not insisted on, as we declared at once, that whatever
confiscations had been made in America, being in virtue of the laws of
particular States, the Congress had no authority to repeal those laws,
and therefore could give us none to stipulate for such repeal.
I have been honored with the receipt of your letters, Nos 14 and 15. I
have also received two letters from Mr Lewis R. Morris, both dated
the 6th of July, and one dated the 10th of August, enclosing bills for
68,290 livres,
71,380
9,756
-------
In all 149,426 livres,
being intended for the payment of Ministers' salaries for the two
first quarters of this year. But as these bills came so late, that all
those salaries were already paid, I shall make no use of the bills,
but lay them by till further orders; and the salaries of different
Ministers not having all the same times of falling due, as they had
different commencements, I purpose to get all their accounts settled
and reduced to the same period, and send you the state of them, that
you may be clear in future orders. I see in one of the estimates sent
me, that a quarter's salary of a Minister is reckoned at 14,513
livres, in the other it is reckoned 16,667 livres, and the bill for
9,756[6] livres is mentioned as intended to pay a balance due on the
remittance of the 68,290 livres. Being unacquainted with the state of
your exchange, I do not well comprehend this, and therefore leave the
whole for the present, as I have said above. Permit me only to hint
for your consideration, whether it may not be well hereafter to omit
mention of sterling, in our appointments, since we have severed from
the country to which that denomination of money is peculiar; and also
to order the payment of your Ministers in such a manner, that they may
know exactly what they are to receive, and not be subject to the
fluctuations of exchange. If it is that, which occasions the
difference between 14,583 for the first quarter, and the 16,667 for
the second, it is considerable. I think we have no right to any
advantage by the exchange, nor should we be liable to any loss from
it. Hitherto we have taken 15,000 for a quarter, (subject however to
the allowance or disallowance of Congress) which is lower than the
medium between those two extremes.
The different accounts given of Lord Shelburne's character, with
respect to sincerity, induced the Ministry here to send over M. de
Rayneval, Secretary to the Council, to converse with him, and endeavor
to form by that means a more perfect judgment of what was to be
expected from the negotiations. He was five or six days in England,
saw all the Ministers, and returned quite satisfied, that they are
sincerely desirous of peace, so that the negotiations now go on with
some prospect of success. But the Court and people of England are very
changeable. A little turn of fortune in their favor sometimes turns
their heads; and I shall not think a speedy peace to be depended on,
till I see the treaties signed. I am obliged to finish.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[6] This was not merely to pay a balance, but an excess on account of
contingencies. _Note by Mr Livingston_.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, October 15th, 1782.
Sir,
A long and painful illness has prevented my corresponding with your
Excellency regularly.
Mr Jay has, I believe, acquainted you with the obstructions our peace
negotiations have met with, and that they are at length removed. By
the next courier expected from London, we may be able perhaps to form
some judgment of the probability of success, so far as relates to our
part of the peace. How likely the other powers are to settle their
pretensions, I cannot yet learn. In the mean time, America is
gradually growing more easy, by the enemy's evacuation of their posts;
as you will see by some intelligence I enclose.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
FROM T. TOWNSHEND TO B. FRANKLIN.
Whitehall, October 23d, 1782.
Sir,
As Mr Strachey is going from hence to Paris, with some particulars for
Mr Oswald, which were not easily to be explained in writing, I take
the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, though I am not
sure that he is not a little known to you. The confidential situation
in which he stands with me, makes me particularly desirous of
presenting him to you.
I believe, Sir, I am enough known to you, for you to believe me, when
I say, that there has not been from the beginning a single person more
averse to the unhappy war, or who wishes more earnestly than I do, for
a return of peace and mutual amity between Great Britain and America.
I am, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS TOWNSHEND.
Passy, November 4th, 1782.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr
Strachey, and was much pleased with the opportunity it gave me of
renewing and increasing my acquaintance with a gentleman of so amiable
and deserving a character.
I am sensible you have ever been averse to the measures that brought
on this unhappy war; I have, therefore, no doubt of the sincerity of
your wishes for a return of peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing,
therefore, except the beginning of the war, has given me more concern
than to learn at the conclusion of our conferences, that it is not
likely to be soon ended. Be assured, no endeavors on my part would be
wanting to remove any difficulties that may have arisen, or even if a
peace were made, to procure afterwards any changes in the treaty that
might tend to render it more perfect, and the peace more durable. But
we, who are here at so great a distance from our constituents, have
not the possibility of obtaining in a few days fresh instructions, as
is the case with your negotiators, and are therefore obliged to insist
on what is conformable to those we have, and at the same time appears
to us just and reasonable.
With great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, November 7th, 1782.
Sir,
The Baron de Kermelin, a Swedish gentleman of distinction, recommended
strongly to me by his Excellency, the Ambassador of that nation to
this Court, as a person highly esteemed in his own, purposes a journey
through North America, to view its natural productions, acquaint
himself with its commerce, and acquire such information as may be
useful to his country, in the communication and connexion of interests
that seem to be growing, and probably may soon become considerable
between the two nations. I therefore beg leave to introduce him to
you, and request that you would present him to the President of
Congress, and to such other persons as you shall think may be useful
to him in his views, and I recommend him earnestly to those
civilities, which you have a pleasure in showing to strangers of
merit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Stewart, informing me that he shall set out tomorrow for Paris,
will be the bearer of this, and duplicates of my last letters. The
want of time will prevent my sending Mr Jay duplicates of the
resolutions formerly enclosed to him, which will be the more
unnecessary as you will communicate those you receive with this, if my
former letters containing them, have not reached him.
We are much flattered by the proposals of Sweden, and feel all the
force of its Minister's observations; every new acknowledgment lays
the foundation of others, and familiarizes Great Britain with the idea
of acknowledging us as sovereign and independent. I feel some
pleasure, too, in thinking that you are to be the instrument of
procuring us new connexions, and beg leave to remind you of another
which calls upon your attention, though it seems to have been
forgotten in the hurry of business. I mean that with the States of
Barbary. The good dispositions of the Court of France towards us, and
the enlarged policy by which their measures are actuated, together
with the coolness that at present subsists between the Emperor of
Morocco and Great Britain, (if we are well informed) seem to point out
this as the favorable moment for making ourselves known to him. As Mr
Jay is now with you, I wish you would consult upon the means of
bringing this about, so that we may not be shut out of the
Mediterranean in future.
I know you will start a very obvious objection. But as this can only
be removed by your influence where you now are, we rely upon you for
the means as well as for the manner of treating. I have not thought it
necessary to say anything to Congress on this subject, nor shall I,
till you give me hopes that something may be done in it.
The only political object of a general nature, that has been touched
upon in Congress since my last, is the exchange of prisoners, which
seems at present to be as far as ever from being effected. The
propositions on the side of the enemy were to exchange seamen for
soldiers, they having no soldiers in their hands; that the soldiers so
exchanged should not serve for one year against the United States;
that the sailors might go into immediate service; that the remainder
of the soldiers in our hands should be given up at a stipulated price.
Congress rejected this proposal as unequal; as letting loose a force,
which might be employed against our allies in the West Indies; as
making no provision for the payment of the large balance due to us for
the maintenance of prisoners. They further required, that General
Carleton should explicitly declare, that the powers he gives to his
Commissioners for negotiating an exchange are derived from the King of
Great Britain, so that any engagement for the payment of the debt they
have incurred may be considered as binding upon the nation. With
respect to Mr Laurens, they have come to no decided opinion. The
Committee to whom it was referred, reporting that,
"With respect to the information contained in the extract of Sir Guy
Carleton's and Admiral Digby's letter of the 2d of August, '_that
after Mr Laurens was discharged, he declared that he considered Lord
Cornwallis as freed from his parole_,' your Committee conceive it
sufficient to observe, that no intimation having been received of such
a fact, except, from the said extract, and Congress having given no
directions to that purpose, the consideration thereof would in their
opinion be premature, and ought therefore to be deferred." Since
which, though letters have been received from Mr Laurens, they have
come to no resolution, unless their direction to him to proceed in the
business of his mission may be considered as such.
General Carleton has sent out the trial of Lippincott, which admits
the murder of Huddy, but justifies Lippincott under an _irregular_
order of the Board of Refugees. So paltry a palliation of so black a
crime would not have been admitted, and Captain Asgill would certainly
have paid the forfeit for the injustice of his countrymen, had not the
interposition of their Majesties prevented. The letter from the Count
de Vergennes is made the groundwork of the resolution passed on that
subject. I shall transmit you the resolve.
I suppose I need not tell you, that the enemy contrived to get off the
Eagle and to carry her, to New York. You will find, in the enclosed
papers, a very polite letter from Captain Elphingston; it is easier to
be so in word than in deed among the British. Digby has refused to
permit him to comply with his engagement, at least so far as his share
of the prize is concerned, and insists upon dividing the baggage of
the officers, and sharing the eighth pair of breeches, &c.
On the 4th instant, Mr Boudinot was elected President in the room of
Mr Hanson, whose term of service had expired. Mr Lewis Morris will
enclose bills purchased here at six shillings and three pence,
currency, for five livres, to the amount of your last quarter's
salary, ending the first of October.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 21st, 1782.
Sir,
Congress a few days since, passed the enclosed resolution, No. 1, by
which they have added Mr Jefferson to the commission for concluding a
peace. The established character of this gentleman gives me reason to
hope, that his appointment will be very acceptable to you, and the
other gentlemen in the commission. I have not yet learned whether he
will take the task upon him, but I have reason to believe he will, the
death of his wife having lessened, in the opinion of his friends, the
reluctance which he has hitherto manifested to going abroad. I think
it would be proper to make a formal annunciation of this resolution to
the Court of France. You will naturally give such a representation of
Mr Jefferson's character, as will secure to him there that esteem and
confidence which he justly merits. The resolution, No. 2, needs no
comment; or if it does, Mr Morris will prove the able commentator. I
resign the task to him.
For what end are the show of negotiations kept up by England, when
peace upon the only terms she can possibly expect to obtain it is far
from her heart? Her Ministers, like some Ministers of the Gospel, who
are unwilling to quit the pulpit when they have tired out their
hearers, expect to keep the people together by calling out at every
period, "now to conclude," while they continue the same dull tale for
want of skill to wind it up.
By accounts from Jamaica, we learn that the British have recovered
most of their settlements on the Bay. Some attention will, I hope, be
paid in the treaty of peace to secure to us the share we formerly had
in the logwood trade; it was a valuable remittance to us, and the low
price at which we were enabled to sell renders it important to other
nations, that we should not be excluded from furnishing it as usual.
You will find by the enclosed paper, that Mr Burgess, an English
merchant, was not permitted to settle at Boston and obtain the rights
of citizenship, upon principles which must be alarming to England. It
shows at the same time the respect that is paid to the resolutions of
Congress, notwithstanding all that has been said and written to prove
the contrary.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_P. S._ I forgot to mention, that I am solicited by Mr Barlow to
transmit to you proposals for printing a work of his, which you will
find described in the enclosed proposals, as they are accompanied with
a specimen of his poetry, which is as much as I have seen of it. You
will judge yourself how far it deserves the patronage he wishes you to
give it.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, November 26th, 1782.
Sir,
You may well remember, that in the beginning of our conferences,
before the other Commissioners arrived, on your mentioning to me a
retribution for the royalists, whose estates had been confiscated, I
acquainted you that nothing of that kind could be stipulated by us,
the confiscation being made by virtue of laws of particular States,
which the Congress had no power to contravene or dispense with, and
therefore could give us no such authority in our commission. And I
gave it as my opinion and advice, honestly and cordially, that if a
reconciliation was intended, no mention should be made in our
negotiations of those people; for they having done infinite mischief
to our properties, by wantonly burning and destroying farm-houses,
villages, and towns, if compensation for their losses were insisted
on, we should certainly exhibit again such an account of all the
ravages they had committed, which would necessarily recall to view
scenes of barbarity that must inflame, instead of conciliating, and
tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of
extinguishing. Understanding, however, from you, that this was a point
your Ministry had at heart, I wrote concerning it to Congress, and I
have lately received the following resolution, viz.
"_By the United States, in Congress assembled._"
September 10th, 1782.
"RESOLVED, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be, and he is
hereby directed to obtain, as speedily as possible, authentic
returns of the slaves and other property, which have been carried
off or destroyed in the course of the war by the enemy, and to
transmit the same to the Ministers Plenipotentiary for
negotiating peace.
"RESOLVED, That, in the meantime, the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs inform the said Ministers, that many thousands of slaves,
and other property, to a very great amount, have been carried
off, or destroyed by the enemy; and that in the opinion of
Congress, the great loss of property, which the citizens of the
United States have sustained by the enemy, will be considered by
the several States as an insuperable bar to their making
restitution or indemnification to the former owner of property,
which has been, or may be forfeited to, or confiscated by any of
the States."
In consequence of these resolutions and circular letters of the
Secretary, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, then sitting, passed the
following act, viz.
"_State of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly._"
Wednesday, September 18th, 1782.
"The bill, entitled 'An Act for procuring an estimate of the damages
sustained by the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the troops and
adherents of the King of Great Britain during the present war,' was
read a second time.
"Ordered to be transcribed, and printed for public consideration.
Extract from the minutes.
PETER Z. LLOYD.
_Clerk of the General Assembly._"
"Whereas great damages, of the most wanton nature, have been committed
by the armies of the King of Great Britain, or their adherents within
the territory of the United States of North America, unwarranted by
the practice of civilized nations, and only to be accounted for from
the vindictive spirit of the said King and his officers; and whereas
an accurate account and estimate of such damages, more especially the
waste and destruction of property, may be very useful to the people of
the United States of America, in forming a future treaty of peace,
and, in the meantime, may serve to exhibit in a true light to the
nations of Europe the conduct of the said King, his Ministers,
officers, and adherents; to the end, therefore, that proper measures
be taken to ascertain the damages aforesaid, which have been done to
the citizens and inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the course of the
present war within this State; Be it enacted by the House of
Representatives of the freemen of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in
General Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that in every
county of this State, which has been invaded by the armies, soldiers,
or adherents of the King of Great Britain, the Commissioners of every
such county shall immediately meet together, each within their county,
and issue directions to the assessors of the respective townships,
districts, and places within such county, to call upon the inhabitants
of every township and place, to furnish accounts and estimates of the
damages, waste, spoil, and destruction, which have been done and
committed as aforesaid, upon the property, real or personal, within
the same township or place, since the first day of which was in
the year of our Lord 177 , and the same accounts and estimates to be
transmitted to the Commissioners without delay. And if any person or
persons shall refuse or neglect to make out such accounts and
estimates, the said assessors of the township or place shall, from
their own knowledge, and by any other reasonable and lawful method,
take and render such an account and estimate of all damage done or
committed, as aforesaid; Provided always, that all such accounts and
estimates to be made out and transmitted as aforesaid, shall contain a
narrative of the time and circumstances; and if in the power of the
person aggrieved, the names of the General, or other officers or
adherents of the enemy by whom the damage in any case was done, or
under whose orders the army, detachment, party, or persons, committing
the same, acted at that time, and also the name and condition of the
person or persons, whose property was so damaged or destroyed, and
that all such accounts and estimates be made in current money, upon
oath or affirmation of the sufferer, or of others having knowledge
concerning the same; and that in every case it be set forth, whether
the party injured hath received any satisfaction for his loss, and by
whom the same was given.
"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the said
Commissioners, having obtained the said accounts and estimates from
the assessor of the several townships and places, shall proceed to
inspect and register the same in a book, to be provided for that
purpose, distinguishing the districts and townships, and entering
those of each place together; and if any account and estimate be
imperfect, or not sufficiently verified and established, the said
Commissioners shall have power, and they, or any two of them, are
hereby authorised to summon and compel any person, whose evidence they
shall think necessary, to appear before them at a day and place
appointed, to be summoned upon oath or affirmation, concerning any
damage or injury as aforesaid; and the said Commissioners shall, upon
the call and demand of the President, or Vice President of the Supreme
Executive Council, deliver, or send to the Secretary of the said
council, all or any of the original accounts and estimates aforesaid,
and shall also deliver, or send to the said Secretary, copies of the
book aforesaid, or any part or parts thereof, upon reasonable notice.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all losses
of negro or mulatto slaves and servants, who have been deluded and
carried away by the enemies of the United States, and who have not
been recovered or recompensed, shall be comprehended within the
accounts and estimates aforesaid; and that the Commissioners and
assessors of any county, which had not been invaded as aforesaid,
shall nevertheless inquire after, and procure accounts and estimates
of any damages suffered by the loss of such servants and slaves, as is
herein before directed as to other property.
"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the
charges and expenses of executing this act, as to the pay of the said
Commissioners and assessors, shall be as in other cases; and that
witnesses shall be rewarded for their loss of time and trouble, as
witnesses summoned to appear in the courts of quarter sessions of the
peace; and the said charges and expenses shall be defrayed by the
commonwealth; but paid, in the first instance, out of the hands of the
Treasurer of the County, for county rates, and levies upon orders
drawn by the Commissioners of the proper county."
We have not yet had time to hear what has been done by the other
assemblies; but I have no doubt that similar acts will be made use of
by all of them, and that the mass of evidence produced by the
execution of those acts, not only of the enormities committed by those
people, under the direction of the British Generals, but of those
committed by the British troops themselves, will form a record that
must render the British name odious in America to the latest
generations. In that authentic record will be found the burning of the
fine towns of Charlestown, near Boston; of Falmouth, just before
winter, when the sick, the aged, the women and children, were driven
to seek shelter where they could hardly find it; of Norfolk, in the
midst of winter; of New London, of Fairfield, of Esopus, &c. besides
near a hundred and fifty miles of well settled country laid waste;
every house and barn burnt, and many hundreds of farmers, with their
wives and children, butchered and scalped.
The present British Ministers, when they reflect a little, will
certainly be too equitable to suppose, that their nation has a right
to make an unjust war, (which they have always allowed this against us
to be,) and do all sorts of unnecessary mischief, unjustifiable by the
practice of any individual people, which those they make war with are
to suffer without claiming any satisfaction; but that if Britons, or
their adherents, are in return deprived of any property, it is to be
restored to them, or they are to be indemnified. The British troops
can never excuse their barbarities. They were unprovoked. The
loyalists may say in excuse of theirs, that they were exasperated by
the loss of their estates, and it was revenge. They have then had
their revenge. _Is it right they should have both?_
Some of those people may have merit in their regard for Britain, and
who espoused her cause from affection; these it may become you to
reward. But there are many of them who were waverers, and were only
determined to engage in it by some occasional circumstance or
appearances; these have not much of either merit or demerit; and there
are others, who have abundance of demerit respecting your country,
having by their falsehoods and misrepresentations brought on and
encouraged the continuance of the war; these, instead of being
recompensed, should be punished.
It is usual among Christian people at war to profess always a desire
of peace; but if the Ministers of one of the parties choose to insist
particularly on a certain article, which they have known the others
are not and cannot be empowered to agree to, what credit can they
expect should be given to such professions?
Your Ministers require that we should receive again into our bosom
those who have been our bitterest enemies, and restore their
properties who have destroyed ours, and this, while the wounds they
have given us are still bleeding! It is many years since your nation
expelled the Stuarts and their adherents, and confiscated their
estates. Much of your resentment against them may by this time be
abated; yet, if we should propose it, and insist on it as an article
of our treaty with you, that that family should be recalled and the
forfeited estates of its friends restored, would you think us serious
in our progressions of earnestly desiring peace?
I must repeat my opinion, that it is best for you to drop all mention
of the refugees. We have proposed, indeed, nothing but what we think
best for you as well as ourselves. But if you will have them
mentioned, let it be in an article, in which you may provide, that
they shall exhibit accounts of their losses to the Commissioners,
hereafter to be appointed, who should examine the same, together with
the accounts now preparing in America of the damages done by them, and
state the account, and that if a balance appears in their favor, it
shall be paid by us to you, and by you divided among them as you shall
think proper. And if the balance is found due to us, it shall be paid
by you.
Give me leave, however, to advise you to prevent the necessity of so
dreadful a discussion by dropping the article, that we may write to
America and stop the inquiry.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, November 27th, 1782.
Sir,
An opportunity offering from this port to write directly to you, I do
not choose to hazard anything by the post, which carries this to
Boston, particularly as I did not hear till just now, that a frigate
was to sail from thence, and it is uncertain whether this will arrive
in time to go by her. This then only accompanies the newspapers, which
contain all the public information now in circulation.
The Memorials of Messrs la Marque and Fabru are transmitted to South
Carolina, as it is a matter in which the United States are not
concerned. It is to be hoped, that the State will do justice to the
claimants, if, as asserted, Gillon acted under authority from them. He
has just left this with his ship, not in the most honorable manner,
having, as I am informed, been arrested by order of the proprietor of
the ship for his proportion of the prize money. The sheriff stands in
the gap.
The Swiss officer mentioned in yours, I have sent to Edenton to get
information about. You shall have the result of inquiries in my next.
As your grandson will probably choose to continue in the line he is
in, I cannot but think he might find important advantages from opening
a correspondence with this office. His diligence and accuracy in
collecting and transmitting intelligence would procure him friends
here. My attachment to you will render me desirous to place them in
the best light.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, November 29th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that the Commissioners
of the United States have agreed with Mr Oswald, on the preliminary
articles of the peace between those States and Great Britain. Tomorrow
I hope we shall be able to communicate to your Excellency a copy of
them.[7]
With great respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[7] These articles will be found in the Correspondence of the
Commissioners.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, December 3d, 1782.
Sir,
I have just now received the certificates required by Mr Wallier. The
vessel which carries my other despatches having been long detained, I
embrace the opportunity to forward them. Nothing new since my last,
except that, by a gentleman who left Charleston the 4th instant, we
learn that the British had dismounted their cannon, and were certainly
on the point of leaving it.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON
Passy, December 4th, 1782.
Sir,
We detain the Washington a little longer, expecting an English
passport for her in a few days, and as possibly some vessel bound for
North America may sail before her, I write this line to inform you,
that the French preliminaries with England are not yet signed, though
we hope they may be very soon. Of ours I enclose a copy. The Dutch and
Spain have yet made but little progress, and as no definitive treaty
will be signed till all are agreed, there may be time for Congress to
give us further instructions, if they think proper. We hope the terms
we have obtained will be satisfactory, though, to secure our main
points, we may have yielded too much in favor of the royalists. The
quantity of aid to be afforded us remains undecided. I suppose
something depends on the event of the treaty. By the Washington you
will be fully informed of everything.
With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, December 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I am honored by your several letters, Nos 16, 17, 18 and 19, dated
September 5th, 13th, 15th, and 18th. I believe that the complaints you
make in them of my not writing, may ere now have appeared less
necessary, as many of my letters written before those complaints must
have since come to hand. I will nevertheless mention some of the
difficulties your Ministers meet with, in keeping up a regular and
punctual correspondence. We are far from the seaports, and not well
informed, and often misinformed about the sailing of vessels.
Frequently we are told they are to sail in a week or two, and often
they lie in the ports for months after, with our letters on board,
either waiting for convoy, or for other reasons. The post office here
is an unsafe conveyance; many of the letters we received by it have
evidently been opened, and doubtless the same happens to those we
send; and at this time particularly, there is so violent a curiosity
in all kinds of people to know something relating to the negotiations,
and whether peace may be expected, or a continuance of the war, that
there are few private hands or travellers, that we can trust with
carrying our despatches to the seacoast; and I imagine that they may
sometimes be opened and destroyed because they cannot be well sealed.
Again, the observation you make, that the Congress Ministers in Europe
seem to form themselves into a privy council, transacting affairs
without the privity or concurrence of the sovereign, may be in some
respects just; but it should be considered, that if they do not write
as frequently as other Ministers here do to their respective Courts,
or if when they write, their letters are not regularly received, the
greater distance of the seat of war, and the extreme irregularity of
conveyances may be the causes, and not a desire of acting without the
knowledge or orders of their constituents. There is no European Court,
to which an express cannot be sent from Paris in ten or fifteen days,
and from most of them answers may be obtained in that time. There is,
I imagine, no Minister who would not think it safer to act by orders
than from his own discretion; and yet, unless you leave more to the
discretion of your Ministers in Europe than Courts usually do, your
affairs may sometimes suffer extremely from the distance which, in the
time of war especially, may make it five or six months before the
answer to a letter shall be received. I suppose the Minister from this
Court will acquaint Congress with the King's sentiments, respecting
their very handsome present of a ship of the line. People in general
here are much pleased with it.
I communicated, together with my memoir demanding a supply of money,
copies of every paragraph in your late letters, which express so
strongly the necessity of it. I have been constant in my solicitations
both directly, and through the Marquis de Lafayette, who has employed
himself diligently and warmly in the business. The negotiations for
peace are, I imagine, one cause of the great delay and indecision on
this occasion beyond what has been usual, as the quantum may be
different if those negotiations do or do not succeed. We have not yet
learnt what we may expect. We have been told that we shall be aided,
but it cannot be to the extent demanded; six millions have been
mentioned, but not as a sum fixed. The Minister tells me still, that
he is working upon the subject, but cannot yet give a determinative
answer. I know his good will to do the best for us that is possible.
It is in vain for me to repeat again what I have so often written, and
what I find taken so little notice of, that there are bounds to
everything, and that the faculties of this nation are limited like
those of all other nations. Some of you seem to have established as
maxims the suppositions, that France has money enough for all her
occasions, and all ours besides; and that if she does not supply us,
it is owing to her want of will, or to my negligence. As to the first,
I am sure it is not true, and to the second, I can only say I should
rejoice as much as any man in being able to obtain more; and I shall
also rejoice in the greater success of those who may take my place.
You desire to be very particularly acquainted with "every step which
tends to negotiation." I am, therefore, encouraged to send you the
first part of the journal, which accidents, and a long severe illness
interrupted; but which, from notes I have by me, may be continued if
thought proper. In its present state, it is hardly fit for the
inspection of Congress, certainly not for public view. I confide it
therefore to your prudence.
The arrival of Mr Jay, Mr Adams, and Mr Laurens, has relieved me from
much anxiety, which must have continued, if I had been left to finish
the treaty alone; and it has given me the more satisfaction, as I am
sure the business has profited by their assistance.
Much of the summer has been taken up in objecting against the powers
given by Great Britain, and in removing those objections. The not
using any expressions, that might imply an acknowledgment of our
independence, seemed at first industriously to be avowed. But our
refusing otherwise to treat, at length induced them to get over that
difficulty, and then we came to the point of making propositions.
Those made by Mr Jay and me before the arrival of the other gentlemen,
you will find in the paper A, which was sent by the British
Plenipotentiary to London for the King's consideration. After some
weeks, an under secretary, Mr Strachey, arrived, with whom we had much
contestation about the boundaries and other articles which he proposed
and we settled; some of which he carried to London, and returned with
the propositions, some adopted, others omitted or altered, and new
ones added, which you will see in paper B. We spent many days in
disputing, and at length agreed on and signed the preliminaries, which
you will see by this conveyance. The British Minister struggled hard
for two points, that the favors granted to the royalists should be
extended, and all our fishery contracted. We silenced them on the
first, by threatening to produce an account of the mischief done by
those people, and as to the second, when they told us they could not
possibly agree to it as we requested it, and must refer it to the
Ministry in London, we produced a new article to be referred at the
same time, with a note of facts in support of it, which you have,
C.[8] Apparently, it seemed, that to avoid the discussion of this,
they suddenly changed their minds, dropped the design of recurring to
London, and agreed to allow the fishery as demanded.
FOOTNOTE:
[8] The papers alluded to in this letter will be found in the
Correspondence of the Commissioners for negotiating peace.
You will find in the preliminaries some inaccurate and ambiguous
expressions, that want explanation, and which may be explained in the
definitive treaty, and as the British Ministry excluded our
proposition relating to commerce, and the American prohibition of that
with England may not be understood to cease merely by our concluding a
treaty of peace, perhaps we may then, if the Congress shall think fit
to direct it, obtain some compensation for the injuries done us as a
condition of our opening again the trade. Every one of the present
British Ministry has, while in the Ministry, declared the war against
us as unjust, and nothing is clearer in reason, than that those who
injure others by an unjust war, should make full reparation. They
have stipulated too, in these preliminaries, that in evacuating our
towns, they shall carry off no plunder, which is a kind of
acknowledgment that they ought not to have done it before.
The reason given us for dropping the article relating to commerce,
was, that some statutes were in the way, which must be repealed before
a treaty of that kind could be well formed, and that this was a matter
to be considered in Parliament.
They wanted to bring their boundary down to the Ohio, and to settle
their loyalists in the Illinois country. We did not choose such
neighbors.
We communicated all the articles, as soon as they were signed, to
Count de Vergennes, (except the separate one) who thinks we have
managed well, and told me that we had settled what was most
apprehended as a difficulty in the work of a general peace, by
obtaining the declaration of our independency.
_December 14th._ I have this day learnt, that the principal
preliminaries between France and England are agreed on, to wit.
1st. France is to enjoy the right of fishing and drying on all the
west coast of Newfoundland, down to Cape Ray. Miquelon and St Pierre
to be restored, and may be fortified.
2d. Senegal remains to France, and Goree to be restored. The Gambia
entirely to England.
3d. All the places taken from France in the East Indies to be
restored, with a certain quantity of territory round them.
4th. In the West Indies, Grenada and the Grenadines, St Christophers,
Nevis and Montserat, to be restored to England. St Lucia to France.
Dominique to remain with France, and St Vincents to be neutralized.
5th. No Commissioner at Dunkirk.
The points not yet quite settled are the territory round the places in
the Indies, and neutralization of St Vincents. Apparently these will
not create much difficulty.
Holland has yet hardly done anything in her negotiation.
Spain offers for Gibraltar to restore West Florida and the Bahamas. An
addition is talked of the island of Guadaloupe, which France will cede
to Spain in exchange for the other half of Hispaniola, and Spain to
England, but England, it is said, chose rather Porto Rico. Nothing yet
concluded.
As soon as I received the commission and instructions for treating
with Sweden, I waited on the Ambassador here, who told me he daily
expected a courier on that subject. Yesterday he wrote a note to
acquaint me, that he would call on me today, having something to
communicate to me. Being obliged to go to Paris, I waited on him, when
he showed me the full powers he had just received, and I showed him
mine. We agreed to meet on Wednesday next, exchange copies, and
proceed to business. His commission has some polite expressions in it,
to wit; "that his Majesty thought it for the good of his subjects to
enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States of
America, who had established their independence so justly merited by
their courage and constancy;" or to that effect. I imagine this treaty
will be soon completed; if any difficulty should arise, I shall take
the advice of my colleagues.
I thank you for the copies of Mr Paine's letter to the Abbé Raynal,
which I have distributed to good hands. The errors we see in
histories of our times and affairs weaken our faith in ancient
history. M. Hilliard d'Auberteuil has here written another history of
our revolution, which however he modestly calls _an essay_, and
fearing that there may be errors, and wishing to have them corrected,
that his second edition may be more perfect, he has brought me six
sets, which he desires me to put into such hands in America, as may be
good enough to render him and the public that service. I send them to
you for that purpose, by Captain Barney, desiring that one set may be
given to Mr Paine, and the rest where you please. There is a quarto
set in the parcel, which please to accept from me.
I have never learnt whether the box of books I sent to you, and the
press to Mr Thompson, were put on board the Eagle or one of the
transports. If the former, perhaps you might easily purchase them at
New York; if the latter, you may still receive them among the goods
for Congress, now shipping by Mr Barclay. If they are quite lost let
me know it, that I may replace them.
I have received several letters from your office with bills to pay
Ministers' salaries. Nothing has yet been done with those bills, but I
have paid Mr Laurens 20,000 livres.
I have this day signed a common letter to you drawn up by my
colleagues, which you will receive herewith. We have kept this vessel
longer for two things, a passport promised us from England, and a sum
to send in her; but she is likely to depart without both, being all of
us impatient that Congress should receive early intelligence of our
proceedings, and for the money we may probably borrow a frigate.
I am now entering on my 78th year; public business has engrossed fifty
of them; I wish now to be, for the little time I have left, my own
master. If I live to see this peace concluded, I shall beg leave to
remind the Congress of their promise then to dismiss me. I shall be
happy to sing with old Simeon, _now lettest thou thy servant depart in
peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation_.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, December 15th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that our courier is to
set out tomorrow at ten o'clock, with the despatches we send to
Congress, by the Washington, Captain Barney, for which ship we have
got a passport from the King of England.[9] If you would make any use
of this conveyance, the courier shall wait upon you tomorrow at
Versailles, and receive your orders.
I hoped I might have been able to send part of the aids we have asked,
by this safe vessel. I beg that your Excellency would at least inform
me what expectations I may give in my letters. I fear the Congress
will be reduced to despair, when they find that nothing is yet
obtained.
With the greatest and most sincere respect, I am, Sir, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTE:
[9] _Copy of a Passport given to the Ship Washington, to carry over
the Preliminary Articles._
GEORGE the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and so forth. To all Admirals,
Vice Admirals, Captains, Commanders of our ships of war, or
privateers, Governors of our forts and castles, customhouse
comptrollers, searchers, &c., to all and singular our officers, and
military and loving subjects whom it may concern, greeting. Our will
and pleasure is, and we do hereby strictly charge and require you, as
we do likewise pray and desire the officers and ministers of all
Princes and States, in amity with us, to permit and suffer the vessel
called the Washington, commanded by Mr Joshua Barney, belonging to the
United States of North America, to sail from either of the ports of
France, to any port or place in North America, without any let,
hinderance, or molestation whatsoever; but on the contrary, affording
the said vessel all such aid and assistance as may be necessary.
Given at our Court of St James, the tenth day of December; 1782, in
the 23d year of our reign. By his Majesty's command.
T. TOWNSHEND.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, December 15th, 1782.
Sir,
I cannot but be surprised, Sir, that after the explanation I have had
with you, and the promise you gave, that you would not press the
application for an English passport for the sailing of the packet
Washington, that you now inform me, you have received the passport,
and that at ten o'clock tomorrow morning your courier will set out to
carry your despatches. I am at a loss, Sir, to explain your conduct
and that of your colleagues on this occasion. You have concluded your
preliminary articles without any communication between us, although
the instructions from Congress prescribes, that nothing shall be done
without the participation of the King. You are about to hold out a
certain hope of peace to America, without even informing yourself on
the state of the negotiation on our part.
You are wise and discreet, Sir; you perfectly understand what is due
to propriety; you have all your life performed your duties. I pray you
to consider how you propose to fulfil those, which are due to the
King? I am not desirous of enlarging these reflections; I commit them
to your own integrity. When you shall be pleased to relieve my
uncertainty, I will entreat the King to enable me to answer your
demands.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with sincere regard, your very humble and
obedient servant,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, December 17th, 1782.
Sir,
I received the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to
me on the 15th instant. The proposal of having a passport from England
was agreed to by me the more willingly, as I at that time had hopes of
obtaining some money to send in the Washington, and the passport would
have made its transportation safer, with that of our despatches, and
of yours also, if you had thought fit to make use of the occasion.
Your Excellency objected, as I understood it, that the English
Ministers by their letters sent in the same ship, might convey
inconvenient expectations into America. It was therefore I proposed
not to press for the passport, till your preliminaries were also
agreed to. They have sent the passport without being pressed to do it,
and they have sent no letters to go under it, and ours will prevent
the inconvenience apprehended. In a subsequent conversation your
Excellency mentioned your intention of sending some of the King's
cutters, whence I imagined, that detaining the Washington was no
longer necessary; and it was certainly incumbent on us to give
Congress as early an account as possible of our proceedings, who will
think it extremely strange to hear of them by other means, without a
line from us. I acquainted your Excellency, however, with our
intention of despatching that ship, supposing you might possibly have
something to send by her.
Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the interests
of France; and no peace is to take place between us and England, till
you have concluded yours. Your observation is, however, apparently
just, that in not consulting you before they were signed, we have been
guilty of neglecting a point of _bienséance_. But as this was not from
want of respect for the King, whom we all love and honor, we hope it
will be excused, and that the great work, which has hitherto been so
happily conducted, is so nearly brought to perfection, and is so
glorious to his reign, will not be ruined by a single indiscretion of
ours. And certainly the whole edifice sinks to the ground immediately,
if you refuse on that account to give us any further assistance.
We have not yet despatched the ship, and I beg leave to wait upon you
on Friday for your answer.
It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than I am, of what
I and every American owe to the King, for the many and great benefits
and favors he has bestowed upon us. All my letters to America are
proofs of this; all tending to make the same impressions on the minds
of my countrymen, that I felt in my own. And I believe, that no Prince
was ever more beloved and respected by his own subjects, than the King
is by the people of the United States. _The English, I just now
learn, flatter themselves they have already divided us._ I hope this
little misunderstanding will therefore be kept a secret, and that they
will find themselves totally mistaken.
With great and sincere respect, I am, Sir, your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, December 24th, 1782.
Sir,
Sundry circumstances occurring since mine of the 5th and 14th, have
hitherto retarded the departure of our despatches. They will now go
under the security of a British passport, be accompanied by a sum of
money, and by some further intelligence from England, which shows the
still unsettled state of minds there, and, together with the
difficulties and small progress in the Dutch and Spanish negotiations,
makes the speedy conclusion of peace still uncertain.
The Swedish Ambassador has exchanged full powers with me. I send a
copy of his herewith. We have had some conferences on the proposed
plan of our treaty, and he has despatched a courier for further
instructions respecting some of the articles.
The Commissioners have joined in a letter to you, recommending the
consideration of a proposal from Mr Bridgen, relating to copper coin.
With this you have a copy of that proposal, and a sample of the
copper. If it should be accepted, I conceive the weight and value of
the pieces (charge of coinage deducted) should be such that they may
be aliquot parts of a Spanish dollar. By the copy enclosed, of an old
letter of mine to Mr Bridgen, you will see the ideas I had of the
additional utility such a coinage might be of, in communicating
instruction.[10]
_December 25th_. Enclosed is a copy of a letter just received from the
Count de Vergennes, upon the present state of negotiation with
England.[11]
With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTES:
[10] See this letter in Volume III. p. 106.
[11] This refers to a letter, which has been already printed under a
wrong date. See above, p. 21.
* * * * *
_Powers of the Swedish Ambassador to treat._
Translation.
Gustavus, by the Grace of God, King of Sweden, of the Goths and
Vandals, &c. &c. &c. Heir of Norway, Duke of Sleswick-Holstein, of
Stormaria, and of Ditmarsen, Count of Oldenburgh and of Delmenhorst,
&c. &c. makes known, that the United States of North America, viz. New
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on
the Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and
Georgia, having obtained the fruit of their courage and constancy, and
their Independence being duly and solidly acknowledged and
established; We, in consequence of our desire to concur with them in
the establishment of certain fixed rules, by which a reciprocal and
advantageous commerce may be carried on between Sweden and North
America, which may be permanent between the two nations, have
nominated, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do
nominate, constitute, and appoint our very dear and well beloved Count
Gustavus Philip de Creutz, our Ambassador Extraordinary at the Court
of France, Knight and Commander of our Orders, and we give him full
powers to confer with whomsoever the United States shall have
furnished with their powers in due form, to agree on, conclude, and
sign such Treaty of Amity and Commerce between us and the said United
States, as shall be reciprocally advantageous to our subjects,
promising, on our word of a King, to agree to everything that our said
Ambassador shall stipulate, promise, and sign in virtue of the present
power, as likewise to make out the ratifications in proper form, and
to deliver them to be exchanged at such time as shall be agreed on by
the treaty so to do. In faith of which, we have signed these presents
with our own hand, and have caused our royal seal to be thereunto
affixed.
GUSTAVUS.
COUNT ULR. SCHEFFER.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, January 2d, 1783.
Sir,
I was honored with your letters by the Danae. I congratulate you upon
the promising state of our negotiations, since peace begins to be no
less desirable here than elsewhere.
But I will not enter into that subject at present, as I mean to write
very fully both to Mr Jay and you by Mr Jefferson, who will sail in
company with this frigate in the Romulus, a ship of fortyfour guns.
Lest, however, any accident should happen to prevent his arriving so
soon as the Emerald, I enclose a resolution of Congress, which was
suggested by the proposition you mention to have been made to Mr
Oswald, on the subject of commerce. For my own part, I presume that it
is already included in your propositions, but as we have yet been
favored only with that short note of them, which has been transmitted
by you, we can form no accurate judgment on the subject. You can
hardly conceive the embarrassments that the want of more minute
details subjects us to.
You will learn from the Count de Rochambeau, that the French army
sailed the 24th ult. Perhaps it were to be wished that they had
remained here, at least till New York and Charleston were evacuated,
or rather till the peace. Congress have, however, given them a good
word at parting, as you will see by the enclosed resolves. Not being
consulted, they could interpose no objections to their departure,
though they were not without many reasons for wishing to detain them.
Our finances are still in great distress. If the war continues, a
foreign loan in addition to those already received will be essential.
A plan for ascertaining what shall be called contingent expenses, is
under the consideration of Congress, as well as the objections you
have stated with respect to the mode of paying your salaries, which
will, I believe, be altered. The allowance to Mr Franklin has been
confirmed, and your moderation and his upon this point have done you
both honor in the opinion of Congress.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, January 6th, 1783.
Sir,
I have before me your letters of the 25th and 29th of June, 12th of
August, 3d and 26th of September, and 14th of October last. Several
matters contained in them have already been answered, and some others
I am unable to reply to, till Congress have decided on such
propositions as I have submitted to their consideration.
The convention relative to consuls has been objected to by Mr Barclay,
on account of its prohibiting the consuls from trading. As the funds
of Congress leave them no means of affording an adequate support to
persons who are qualified, they fear, that the only inducement to
accept the appointment will be taken away by this prohibition. Mr
Barclay's letter on that subject is under consideration.
I see the force of your objections to soliciting the additional twelve
millions, and I feel very sensibly the weight of our obligations to
France, but every sentiment of this kind must give way to our
necessities. It is not for the interest of our allies to lose the
benefit of all they have done, by refusing to make a small addition to
it, or at least to see the return that our commerce will make them
suspended by new convulsions in this country. The army have chosen
committees; a very respectable one is now with Congress. They demand
with importunity their arrears of pay. The treasury is empty, and no
adequate means of filling it presents itself. The people pant for
peace; should contributions be exacted, as they have heretofore been,
at the point of the sword, the consequences may be more dreadful than
is at present apprehended. I do not pretend to justify the negligence
of the States in not providing greater supplies. Some of them might do
more than they have done; none of them all that is required. It is my
duty to confide to you, that if the war is continued in this country,
it must be in a great measure at the expense of France. If peace is
made, a loan will be absolutely necessary to enable us to discharge
the army, that will not easily separate without pay. I am sorry that
neither Mr Jay nor you sent the propositions at large, as you have
made them, since we differ in opinion about the construction to be put
on your commercial article, as you will find by a resolution enclosed
in my letter.
I wish the concession made of our trade may be on conditions of
similar privileges on the part of Great Britain. You will see that
without this precaution, every ally that we have, that is to be
treated as the most favored nation, may be entitled to the same
privileges, even though they do not purchase them by a reciprocal
grant.
As to confiscated property, it is at present in such a state, that the
restoration of it is impossible. English debts have not, that I know
of, been forfeited, unless it be in one State, and I should be
extremely sorry to see so little integrity in my countrymen, as to
render the idea of withholding them a general one; however, it would
be well to say nothing about them, if it can conveniently be done.
I am more and more convinced, that every means in your power must be
used to secure the fisheries. They are essential to some States, and
we cannot but hate the nation, that keeps us from using this common
favor of Providence. It was one of the direct objects for carrying on
the war. While I am upon this subject, I cannot but express my hope,
that every means will be used to guard against any mistrusts or
jealousies between you and France. The United States have shown their
confidence in her by their instructions. She has repeatedly promised
to procure for us _all we ask_, as far as it lies in her power. Let
our conduct leave her without apology, if she acts otherwise, which I
am far from suspecting.
With respect to the seamen you mention, I wish if any further order is
necessary, than that which Mr Barclay already has, that you would give
it so far as to enable him to state their accounts, and transmit them
to Mr Morris. As the treaty with Holland is concluded, I hope you have
made some progress in that with Sweden, a plan of which has been
transmitted; another copy will go by Mr Jefferson.
I am glad to find you have some prospect of obtaining what is due on
the Bon Homme Richard's prize money. That matter has been much spoken
of, and occasioned some reflection, as it is alleged that M. Chaumont
was imposed on the officers as their agent by the Court, and of course
that they should be answerable for his conduct, which certainly has
been very exceptionable.
Congress have come to no determination, as to the size or expense of
the pillar they propose to erect at Yorktown. What I wished of you was
to send me one or two plans, with estimates of the expense, in order
to take their sense thereon.
As to the designs of Spain, they are pretty well known, and Mr Jay and
Congress concur so exactly in sentiment with respect to them, that I
hope we have now nothing to fear from that quarter.
Congress have it now under consideration to determine what should be
allowed as contingent expenses. I believe house-rent will not be
allowed as such. I mentioned in my last what respected your grandson,
to which I have nothing to add. I agree with you in sentiment, that
your salaries should not depend on the fluctuations of the exchange,
and have submitted that part of your letter to Congress. I believe
they will direct a stated sum to be paid. Waiting for this
determination, I am prevented from drawing bills at this time. As to
the money received from me, you will be pleased to replace with it the
two quarters' salary you had drawn before it came to hand. You will
have bills for a third quarter, which have been sent on some time
since.
Several important political events have taken place here lately. The
evacuation of Charleston, the sailing of the French fleet and the
army, the decision of the great cause between Connecticut and
Pennsylvania, in favor of the latter, the state of the army, &c., all
of which I should enlarge upon, if this was not to be delivered by Mr
Jefferson, who will be able to inform you fully on these points and
many others, that you will deem important to a right knowledge of the
present state of this country.[12]
I enclose a state of the trade between these States and the West
Indies, as brought in by a Committee of Congress, and referred to me.
It may possibly afford you some hints, and will serve to show how
earnestly we wish to have this market opened to us.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTE:
[12] Mr Jefferson did not go, as was here expected. See his reasons
in his _Memoir, Correspondence, &c._ Vol. I. p. 41.
* * * * *
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, January 14th, 1783.
Sir,
I am much obliged by your information of your intended trip to
England; I heartily wish you a good journey, and a speedy return, and
request your kind care of a packet for Mr Hodgson.
I enclose two papers, that were read at different times by me to the
Commissioners; they may serve to show, if you should have occasion,
what was urged on the part of America on certain points; or may help
to refresh your memory. I send you also another paper, which I once
read to you separately. It contains a proposition for improving the
law of nations, by prohibiting the plundering of unarmed and usefully
employed people. I rather wish than expect, that it will be adopted.
But I think it may be offered with a better grace by a country, that
is likely to suffer least and gain most by continuing the ancient
practice; which is our case, as the American ships, laden only with
the gross productions of the earth, cannot be so valuable as yours,
filled with sugars or with manufactures. It has not yet been
considered by my colleagues, but if you should think or find that it
might be acceptable on your side, I would try to get it inserted in
the general treaty. I think it will do honor to the nations that
establish it.
With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
_Propositions relative to Privateering, communicated to Mr
Oswald._
It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of
war, and the inducements to it should be diminished.
If rapine is abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken
away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.
The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of the
ancient piracy, though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular
persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the
nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war, some rich ships,
not upon their guard, are surprised and taken. This encourages the
first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels, and many others to do
the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful, arm
their merchant ships better, and render them not so easy to be taken;
they go also more under protection of convoys; thus while the
privateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels subject to be
taken, and the chances of profit, are diminished, so that many cruises
are made, wherein the expenses overgo the gains; and as is the case in
other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of
adventurers are losers, the whole expense of fitting out all the
privateers, during a war, being much greater than the whole amount of
goods taken. Then there is the national loss of all the labor of so
many men during the time they have been employed in robbing; who
besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and debauchery, lose
their habits of industry, are rarely fit for any sober business after
a peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and
housebreakers. Even the undertakers, who have been fortunate, are by
sudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues
when the means of supporting it ceases, and finally ruins them; a just
punishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many
honest innocent traders and their families, whose subsistence was
employed in serving the common interests of mankind.
Should it be agreed and become a part of the law of nations, that the
cultivators of the earth are not to be molested or interrupted in
their peaceable and useful employment, the inhabitants of the sugar
islands would perhaps come under the protection of such a regulation,
which would be a great advantage to the nations who at present hold
those islands, since the cost of sugar to the consumer in those
nations, consists not merely in the price he pays for it by the pound,
but in the accumulated charge of all the taxes he pays in every war,
to fit out fleets and maintain troops for the defence of the islands
that raise the sugar, and the ships that bring it home. But the
expense of treasure is not all. A celebrated philosophical writer
remarks, that when he considered the wars made in Africa, for
prisoners to raise sugars in America, the numbers slain in those wars,
the numbers that, being crowded in ships, perish in the
transportation, and the numbers that die under the severities of
slavery, he could scarce look on a morsel of sugar without conceiving
it spotted with human blood. If he had considered also the blood of
one another, which the white nations shed in fighting for those
islands, he would have imagined his sugar not as spotted only, but as
thoroughly dyed red. On these accounts I am persuaded, that the
subjects of the Emperor of Germany, and the Empress of Russia, who
have no sugar islands, consume sugar cheaper at Vienna, and Moscow,
with all the charge of transporting it after its arrival in Europe,
than the citizens of London or of Paris. And I sincerely believe, that
if France and England were to decide, by throwing dice, which should
have the whole of their sugar islands, the loser in the throw would be
the gainer. The future expense of defending them would be saved; the
sugars would be bought cheaper by all Europe, if the inhabitants might
make it without interruption, and whoever imported the sugar, the same
revenue might be raised by duties at the custom houses of the nation
that consumed it. And, on the whole, I conceive it would be better for
the nations now possessing sugar colonies to give up their claim to
them, let them govern themselves, and put them under the protection of
all the powers of Europe as neutral countries, open to the commerce of
all, the profits of the present monopolies being by no means
equivalent to the expense of maintaining them.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, January 18th, 1783.
Sir,
It is essential that I should have the honor of conferring with you,
Mr Adams, and your other colleagues, who are in Paris. I therefore
pray you to invite these gentlemen to come out to Versailles with you
on Monday, before ten o'clock in the morning. It will be well, also,
if you will bring your grandson. It will be necessary for much
writing and translating from English into French to be done. The
object for which I ask this interview is very interesting to the
United States.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, January 18th, 1783.
Sir,
Agreeably to the notice just received from your Excellency, I shall
acquaint Mr Adams with your desire to see us on Monday before ten
o'clock, at Versailles; and we shall endeavor to be punctual. My other
colleagues are absent; Mr Laurens being gone to Bath, in England, to
recover his health, and Mr Jay into Normandy. I shall bring my
grandson, as you direct.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
BENJAMIN VAUGHAN TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 18th, 1783.
My Dearest Sir,
I cannot but in the most earnest manner, and from recent
circumstances, press your going early to Versailles tomorrow; and I
have considerable reason to think, that your appearance there will not
displease the person whom you address. I am of opinion, that it is
very likely that you will have the glory of having concluded the peace
by this visit; at least I am sure, if the deliberations of tomorrow
evening end unfavorably, that there is the strongest appearance of
war; if they end favorably, perhaps little difficulty may attend the
rest.
After all, the peace will have as much that is conceded in it, as
England can in any shape be made just now to relish, owing to the
stubborn demands, principally of Spain, who would not, I believe, upon
any motive recede from her conquests. What I wrote about Gibraltar
arrived after the subject, as I understand, was canvassed, and when it
of course must have appeared impolitic eagerly and immediately to
revive it.
You reproved me, or rather reproved a political scheme yesterday, of
which I have heard more said favorably by your friends at Paris, than
by any persons whatever in London. But do you, my dear Sir, make this
peace, and trust our common sense respecting another war. England,
said a man of sense to me the other day, will come out of the war like
a convalescent out of disease, and must be re-established by some
physic and much regimen. I cannot easily tell in what shape a
bankruptcy would come upon England, and still less easily in what mode
and degree it would affect us; but if your confederacy mean to
bankrupt us now, I am sure we shall lose the great fear that would
deter us from another war. Your allies, therefore, for policy and for
humanity's sake, will, I hope, stop short of this extremity;
especially as we should do some mischief to others, as well as to
ourselves.
I am, my dearest Sir, your devoted, ever affectionate, and ever
obliged,
B. VAUGHAN.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, January 19th, 1783.
Sir,
Late last night I received a note from Count de Vergennes, acquainting
me that it is very essential he should have a conference with us, and
requesting that I would inform my colleagues. He desires that we may
be with him before ten on Monday morning. If it will suit you to call
here, we may go together in my carriage. We should be on the road by
eight o'clock.
With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, January 21st, 1783.
Sir,
I have just received your letters of November 9th and December 3d.
This is to inform you, and to request you to inform the Congress, that
the preliminaries of peace between France, Spain, and England, were
yesterday signed, and a cessation of arms agreed to by the Ministers
of those powers, and by us in behalf of the United States, of which
act, so far as relates to us, I enclose a copy. I have not yet
obtained a copy of the preliminaries agreed to by the three Crowns,
but hear, in general, that they are very advantageous to France and
Spain. I shall be able, in a day or two, to write more fully and
perfectly. Holland was not ready to sign preliminaries, but their
principal points are settled. Mr Laurens is absent at Bath, and Mr Jay
in Normandy, for their healths, but will both be here to assist in
forming the Definitive Treaty. I congratulate you and our country on
the happy prospects afforded us by the finishing so speedily this
glorious Revolution, and am, with great esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
JOHN JAY TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 26th, 1783.
Sir,
It having been suspected, that I concurred in the appointment of your
grandson to the place of Secretary to the American commission for
peace _at your instance_, I think it right, thus unsolicited, to put
it in your power to correct the mistake.
Your general character, the opinion I had long entertained of your
services to our country, and the friendly attention and aid with which
you had constantly favored me after my arrival in Spain, impressed me
with a desire of manifesting both my esteem and attachment by stronger
evidence than professions. That desire extended my regard for you to
your grandson. He was then indeed a stranger to me, but the terms in
which you expressed to Congress your opinion of his being qualified
for another place of equal importance, were so full and satisfactory,
as to leave me no room to doubt of his being qualified for the one
above mentioned. I was, therefore, happy to assure you, in one of the
first letters I afterwards wrote you from Spain, that in case a
Secretary to our commission for peace should become necessary, and the
appointment be left to us, I should take that opportunity of evincing
my regard for you, by nominating him, or words to that effect. What I
then wrote, was the spontaneous suggestion of my own mind,
unsolicited, and I believe unexpected by you.
When I came here on the business of that commission, I brought with me
the same intentions, and should always have considered myself engaged
by honor, as well as inclination, to fulfil them, unless I had found
myself mistaken in the opinion I had imbibed of that young gentleman's
character and qualifications; but that not being the case, I found
myself at liberty to indulge my wishes, and be as good as my word. For
I expressly declare, that your grandson is, in my opinion, qualified
for the place in question, and that, if he had not been, no
consideration would have prevailed upon me to propose, or join in his
appointment.
This explicit and unreserved statement of facts is due to you, to him,
and to justice, and you have my consent to make any use of it that you
may think proper.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect,
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
FROM M. ROSENCRONE, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN DENMARK,
TO M. DE WALTERSTORFF.
Translation.
Copenhagen, February 22d, 1783.
Sir,
As I know you are on the point of making a tour to France, I cannot
omit warmly recommending to you to endeavor, during your stay at
Paris, to gain as much as possible, the confidence and esteem of Mr
Franklin.
You will recollect, Sir, what I said to you in our conversations, of
the high respect which all the King's Ministry have for that Minister.
You have witnessed the satisfaction with which we have learned the
glorious issue of this war for the United States of America, and how
fully we are persuaded, that it will be for the general interest of
the two States to form, as soon as possible, reciprocal connexions of
friendship and commerce. Nothing, certainly, would be more agreeable
to us, than to learn by your letters, that you find the same
dispositions in Mr Franklin, and in that case it seems to me the
shortest way of accelerating these new connexions would be to take the
treaty between the Congress and the States-General for the basis, and
that Mr Franklin should communicate to us his ideas on the changes or
additions which he might think reciprocally useful in the treaty of
commerce, which Congress might conclude with us.
We should eagerly and frankly reply to such overtures; and, as soon as
the changes thus agreed on shall have met the approbation of Congress,
one of the persons commissioned by that body, then in Europe, might,
in order to gain time, come here with full powers to conclude, leaving
on both sides the most particular stipulations for the negotiations of
the Ministers which those States shall, in the sequel, send to reside
with each other.
I shall finish, Sir, with hoping that you may happily terminate the
visits you have proposed to make to the different parts of France; and
it is with sentiments of the most distinguished respect, that
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROSENCRONE.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, March 7th, 1783.
Sir,
I but this moment hear of this opportunity, by which I can only send
you a line to acquaint you, that I have concluded the treaty with
Sweden, which was signed on Wednesday last. You will have a copy by
the first good opportunity. It differs very little from the plan sent
me; in nothing material.[13] The English Court is in confusion by
another change of Ministry, Lord Shelburne and his friends having
resigned; but it is not yet certainly known who will succeed, though
Lord North and Mr Fox are talked of as two, they being reconciled!! I
cannot add, but that I am, with great esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
_P. S._ The change in the Ministry is not supposed of any importance
respecting our definitive treaty, which must conform to the
preliminaries; but we shall see.
FOOTNOTE:
[13] This treaty is printed in the public _Journals of Congress_,
Vol. IV. p. 241, under the date of July 29th, 1783.
* * * * *
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, March 12th, 1783.
My Dear Friend,
It is a long while since I have heard from you, or indeed since I
wrote to you. I heartily congratulate you on those pacific events,
which have already happened, and I wish to see all other final steps
of conciliation succeed speedily. I send you copies of two papers,
which I have already communicated to Mr Laurens; the one called
_Conciliatory Propositions, in March, 1783_; the other _A Sketch of a
Provisional Treaty of Commerce for opening the Ports between Great
Britain and the United States of America without Delay_; to each of
which is prefixed a short state of the argument on each head.
As for the news of this country, you have doubtless heard, that Lord
Shelburne's administration has for some time been considered as at an
end; although no other has been as yet substituted in the place of it.
It was understood yesterday, and I believe with good foundation, that
what is now called the Portland party have been applied to, and they
are now considered as the party most likely to succeed. As far as my
wishes go, such an event would be most satisfactory to me. I have
known the Duke of Portland for many years, and by experience I know
him to be a nobleman of the strictest honor, and of the soundest whig
principles, sincere and explicit in every thought and transaction,
manly in his judgment, and firm in his conduct. The kingdom of
Ireland, of which he was lately Lord Lieutenant, bears unanimous
testimony to this character of him. The Cavendish family, (a good whig
name) Mr Fox, Lord Fitzwilliam, &c. &c. form the core of his system
and connexions. I most earnestly wish to see a firm administration
upon a whig foundation, which I should consider as a solid basis, on
the part of this country, for a perpetual correspondence of amity and
conciliation with America. I am very anxious to hear of your health.
God bless you.
Ever your most affectionate,
D. HARTLEY.
* * * * *
_Conciliatory Propositions, March, 1783._
Terms of peace having been agreed upon between Great Britain and
France, on the 20th of January, 1783, there need not be any further
delay in proceeding to conclude the proposed treaty between Great
Britain and the United States of America, upon the basis of the
provisional articles of the 30th of November, 1782.
It is to be observed, that none of the articles of the provisional
treaty are to take effect, until the conclusion of the definitive
treaty with America, at which time likewise all places in the American
States, in possession of the British arms, are to be evacuated, and
the British army withdrawn from the United States (by article 7.) If
therefore it should be wished on the part of Great Britain to bring
forward the fifth article respecting the loyalists, before the
conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, the bayonet should
be withdrawn from the American breast, by the voluntary removal of the
British troops with all convenient despatch. This condition of the
removal of the troops is likewise necessary, before any provisional
terms of commerce with America can take place.
By the 6th article of the provisional treaty, all future confiscations
in America are precluded, although the prosecutions at present
subsisting are not to be stopped before the definitive treaty. But if
the substantial pledge of returning amity on the part of Great
Britain, viz. the removal of the troops should be voluntarily
anticipated, it would be but reasonable that all prosecutions should
be immediately abated on the part of America; and to facilitate the
removal of the troops, the loyalists may be permitted to remain in
safety and unmolested, (if they choose to remain) from the period of
removing the troops, until twelve months after the definitive treaty.
There is another article of the provisional treaty, the delay of which
is much to be lamented, viz. the mutual release of prisoners of war on
both sides. As this is an article of reciprocity, both sides from
principles of humanity are equally interested to bring it forward into
effect speedily, that those unhappy captives may not alone suffer the
miseries of war in the time of peace.
Upon these considerations, the following supplemental terms of a
treaty between Great Britain and the United States are proposed.
1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn with all convenient
speed.
2. That the commissioners on both sides do proceed to the conclusion
of the definitive treaty.
3. That the commissioners do speedily negotiate a provisional
convention of commerce (hereunto annexed) to take place immediately.
The terms of this temporary convention, not to be pleaded on either
side in the negotiation of final and perpetual treaty of commerce,
between Great Britain and the United States.
4. That the commissioners do negotiate a perpetual treaty of commerce.
5. That all prosecutions of the loyalists in America be immediately
abated, and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after
the definitive treaty, unmolested in their endeavors to obtain
restitution of their estates.
6. That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released.
7. That intercourse of amity and commerce do immediately take place
between Great Britain and the United States of America.
* * * * *
_Sketch of a Provisional Treaty of Commerce._
As soon as preliminaries of peace are signed with any independent
States, such as Spain, France, and Holland, the course of mutual
commerce emerges upon the same terms and conditions as were existing
antecedent to the war, the new duties imposed during the war excepted.
The case between Great Britain and America is different, because
America, from a dependent nation before the war, emerges an
independent nation after the war. The basis, therefore, of a
provisional treaty between Great Britain and the United States would
be simply to arrange such points as would emerge after the war,
impracticable and discordant to the newly established independence of
the American States, and to leave all others, as much as possible,
untouched. For instance, that all instrumental regulations, such as
papers, bonds, certificates, oaths, and all other documents should be,
between Great Britain and the United States, upon the same footing,
and no other than as between Great Britain and any other independent
nation, but that all duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights, privileges,
and all pecuniary considerations, should emerge into action and effect
as before. I say emerge as before, not stipulated for any fixed term,
because I am speaking of a provisional _treaty_, not of a provisional
_bill_ of commerce, for a specified period. By this means, all
difficulties, which otherwise would be accumulated, and obstruct a
temporary and provisional act are avoided _in limine_. The ports will
be immediately opened, upon specified and known conditions. If the
legislature of either country thinks proper to introduce on its own
part any new conditions or regulations, even previous to the intended
treaty of commerce, that will not shut the ports again generally but
only operate _pro tanto_ according to the case; on which side soever
any novel condition should arise, the other will likewise be at
liberty to make any corresponding regulations as between independent
nations. The great object is to open the ports between Great Britain
and the United States, immediately on the signature of preliminaries
of peace, as between France and Great Britain. By the proposition
above stated, Great Britain and France, and Great Britain and the
United States respectively, on the subject of intercourse of commerce,
would emerge again after the war into situations relatively similar to
their situation before the war.
The Crown of Great Britain is enabled by the Conciliatory Act of 1782
to repeal, annul, make void, or suspend, for any time or times, the
operation and effect of any act of Parliament, or any clause,
provision, matter, or thing therein contained, relating to the
colonies or plantations now become the United States of America; and,
therefore, the crown is not only competent to conclude, but likewise
to carry into effect any provisional treaty of commerce with America.
The first foundation must be laid in the total repeal of the
Prohibitory Act of December, 1775, not only as prohibiting commerce
between Great Britain and the United States, but as the corner stone
of the war; by giving up universally all American property at sea to
military plunder, without any redress to be obtained by law in any
British Court of Admiralty. After this, all obstructions from the act
of navigation and other acts regulating the commerce of the States of
America (formerly dependent upon Great Britain,) may be removed.
Instructions may be sent to the Commissioners of the customs to
dispense with bonds, certificates, &c. which by the old laws are
required to be discharged or attested by supposed governors, naval or
customhouse officers in America. The questions of drawbacks, bounties,
&c. after opening the ports, may remain free points of discussion and
regulation, as between States having no commercial treaty subsisting
between them. As the Crown is competent to open an intercourse of
commerce with America by treaty, this mode is preferable to any act of
Parliament, which may be only a jealous and suspicious convention _ex
parte_. This mode by treaty avoids the accumulated difficulties, which
might otherwise obstruct the first opening of the ports by act of
Parliament, and above all, it secures an alternate binding part of the
bargain, which no act of Parliament can do.
Breviate of the treaty, viz. Provisional for intercourse and commerce
between Great Britain and the United States of America.
1. That all ports shall be mutually open for intercourse and commerce.
2. And therefore the King of Great Britain agrees to the repeal of the
prohibitory acts, viz. 16 Geo. 3, chap. 5, &c. The King of Great
Britain likewise agrees by instructions, according to the laws of
Great Britain, to his Commissioners of customs and other officers, to
remove all obstructions to American ships either entering inwards or
clearing outwards, which may arise from any acts of Parliament
heretofore regulating the commerce of the American States, under the
description of British colonies or plantations, so as to accommodate
every circumstance to the reception of their ships, as the ships of
independent States.
3. All duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights, privileges, and all other
money considerations shall remain, respecting the United States of
America, upon the same footing as they now remain respecting the
province of Nova Scotia in America, or as if the aforesaid States had
remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this subject to regulations
or alterations by any future acts of the Parliament of Great Britain.
4. On the part of the States of America, it is agreed that all laws
prohibiting the commerce of Great Britain shall be repealed.
5. Agreed upon the same part, that all ships, and merchandise of the
British dominions shall be admitted upon the same terms as before the
war, except any imposts laid during the war. All this subject to
future regulations or alterations by the legislatures of the American
States respectively.
6. The principles and spirit of this treaty to be supported on either
side by any necessary supplemental arrangements. No tacit compliance
on the part of America in any subordinate points to be argued at any
time hereafter to the prejudice of their independence.
* * * * *
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, March 23d, 1783.
Dear Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me,
requesting a recommendation to America, of Mr Joshua Grigby. I have
accordingly written one, and having an opportunity the other day, I
sent it under cover to Mr Benjamin Vaughan. The general proclamations
you wished for suspending, or rather putting an end to hostilities,
are now published; so that your "heart is at rest," and mine with it.
You may depend on my joining my hearty endeavors with yours, in
"cultivating conciliatory principles between our two countries;" and I
may venture to assure you, that if your bill for a provisional
establishment of the commerce had passed as at first proposed, a
stipulation on our part in the definitive treaty, to allow reciprocal
and equal advantages and privileges to your subjects, would have been
readily agreed to.
With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, March 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I need hardly tell you, that the intelligence brought by the
Washington diffused a general pleasure. We had long been in suspense
with respect to the negotiations, and had received no other lights on
that subject, than those the speech of his Britannic Majesty and Mr
Townshend's letters threw upon it. These were by no means sufficient
to dissipate all our apprehensions.
The terms you have obtained for us comprise most of the objects we
wish for. I am sorry, however, that you found it necessary to act with
reserve, and to conceal your measures from the Court of France. I am
fearful that you will not be able to produce such facts, as will
justify this conduct to the world, or free us from the charge of
ingratitude to a friend, who has treated us not only justly but
generously.
But this is a disagreeable subject, and I refer you for my sentiments,
and those of Congress, to my letter, in answer to the joint letter
from our Ministers. I am sorry that the commercial article is stricken
out; it would have been very important to us to have got footing at
least in the British West Indies, as a means of compelling France to
pursue her true interest and ours, by opening her ports also to us.
We have just learned by a vessel from Cadiz, that the preliminary
articles for a general peace were signed the 20th. The abstract of the
treaty sent me by the Marquis de Lafayette, does the highest honor to
the moderation and wisdom of France. Never has she terminated a war
with more glory, and in gaining nothing but that trophy of victory,
Tobago, she has established a character, which confirms her friends,
disarms her enemies, and obtains a reputation that is of more value
than any territorial acquisitions she could make.
We have been in great distress with respect to our army. Pains were
taken to inflame their minds, and make them uneasy at the idea of a
peace, which left them without support. Inflammatory papers were
dispersed in camp, calling them together to determine upon some mad
action. The general interposed, postponed the meeting to a future day,
on which he met them, and made them an address, that will do him more
honor than his victories. After which they passed several resolves,
becoming a patriot army. Congress are seriously engaged in endeavoring
to do them justice. I am in great hopes, that we shall shortly be
brought back to such a situation, as to be enabled to enjoy the
blessings you have laid the foundation of.
I received from Mr Franklin the papers relative to the Portuguese
vessel, which I have caused to be laid before the Court of Appeals,
where the cause is now depending. The cargo having been condemned, and
the yacht acquitted at Boston, I doubt not but full justice will be
done to the proprietors on the rehearing. You know so much of our
constitution as to see, that it is impossible to interfere further in
these matters, than by putting the evidence in a proper train to be
examined. I have had the proceedings in the case of the brig
Providentia transmitted to me from Boston, with a full state of the
evidenc
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