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The Great Civil War in Lancashire (1642-1651)

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Title: The Great Civil War in Lancashire  (1642-1651)

Author: Ernest Broxap


        
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[Illustration]

 The Victoria University of Manchester.

 LIBRARY EXCHANGE.

 WITH THE COMPLIMENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY COUNCIL.

 Acknowledgments and publications sent in exchange should
 be addressed to

 THE LIBRARIAN,
 THE UNIVERSITY,
 MANCHESTER.




 PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER

 HISTORICAL SERIES, No. X

 _The Great Civil War in Lancashire_




 SHERRATT & HUGHES
 Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester
 Manchester: 34 Cross Street
 London: 33 Soho Square W.

[Illustration]




 The Great Civil War in Lancashire

 (1642-1651)

 BY

 ERNEST BROXAP, M.A.

 MANCHESTER
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
 1910




 UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS
 NO. LI.




 To
 ASPHODEL




CONTENTS


                                                                  PAGE

 Preface                                                            ix

 Authorities                                                        xi

 Introduction                                                        1

 Chapter I. Preliminaries                                            9

   "    II. The Leaders on Both Sides                               23

   "   III. The Siege of Manchester                                 37

   "    IV. First Operations of the Manchester Garrison             53

   "     V. The Crisis. January-June, 1643                          67

   "    VI. Remaining Events of 1643: and the First Siege of
              Lathom House                                          89

   "   VII. Prince Rupert in Lancashire                            115

   "  VIII. End of the First Civil War                             135

   "    IX. The Second Civil War: Battle of Preston                159

   "     X. The Last Stand: Battle of Wigan Lane: Trial and
              Death of the Earl of Derby                           177

 Index                                                             205




MAPS AND PLANS


 Map. Lancashire, to illustrate the Civil War.           _Frontispiece_


 PLANS IN TEXT.

 I. Manchester and Salford in 1650                          see page 43

 (_Reproduced from Owens College Historical Essays, p. 383_).

 II. The Spanish Ship in the Fylde, March, 1642-3           see page 72

 III. The Battle of Whalley, April, 1643                    see page 82

 IV. Liverpool in 1650                                     see page 128

 (_Reproduced from Transactions of the Historic Society of
 Lancashire and Cheshire, Session 6, 1853-4, Vol. 6, p. 4_).

 V. The Campaign of Preston, 1648                          see page 164

 VI. The Campaign of Wigan Lane, 1651                      see page 191




PREFACE


There has not hitherto been a separate History of the Civil War in
Lancashire, and I venture to think that the present study, by a native
of the County, may suitably find a place in the publications of the
University of Manchester. It is merely intended to be an account of the
Civil War within the borders of the County, religious and social
questions and the general course of the war being touched on only so
much as is necessary to make the narrative intelligible. The principal
sources of information are detailed below, and need not be further
referred to here. It only remains to be said that some care has been
taken with topography, and above all I have tried to give an impartial
narrative of the events. Contemporary writers on both sides naturally
display much prejudice, and it is often difficult to arrive at an exact
knowledge of the facts.

The plan of Manchester is taken from the Owens College Historical Essays
(1902) and my acknowledgments are due to Messrs. Longman & Co. for
permission to reproduce it here. The plan of Liverpool is reprinted from
Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, Session
6, 1853-4, vol. 6, p. 4. The map of Lancashire, and the other plans,
have been specially prepared for the present volume, but the plan of the
Preston Campaign in 1648 is based on that given in Gardiner's "Great
Civil War," vol. 3, p. 431.

I take this opportunity of thanking the authorities at Lathom House,
Hornby Castle, Thurland Castle, and elsewhere, for their courtesy in
allowing a personal inspection of those places to be made. My sincere
thanks are due to Professor T. F. Tout and Professor James Tait of
Manchester, for constant assistance. I share the gratitude felt by so
many of their old pupils for their keen and practical interest in the
work to which their teaching was the first incentive. Professor Tout's
advice has been of great service in preparing this book for the press.

But especially I am indebted to Professor C. H. Firth of Oxford. It was
really at his suggestion that the present work was begun nearly four
years ago, and he has at all times since been ready to give invaluable
help with the utmost kindness. Without his suggestion and help the task
would probably not have been accomplished.

 ERNEST BROXAP.

 WESTCLIFF, HR. BROUGHTON,
     MANCHESTER,
         _March 25th, 1910_.




AUTHORITIES


There has hitherto been no separate account of the Civil War in
Lancashire. The two best accounts in more general works are in Edward
Baines' "History of Lancashire" and in Halley's "Lancashire Puritanism
and Nonconformity." Baines is a capable historian of sound judgment, but
there are now available sources of information which he could not use,
and which subsequent editors could not very well include; and the latter
book is written from a particular standpoint. The last edition of
Baines' work was edited by J. Croston in 5 vols. 1889-93. The Civil War
is dealt with in vol. i, chap. 15, pp. 283-321. The other histories of
Lancashire by Butterworth, Corry, Britton and others are of no value for
the present subject. The few pages devoted to the Civil War in the
"Victoria County History of Lancashire" (vol. ii, pp. 232-240) are
hurried and inaccurate.

The first main source upon which this work is based is the publications
of the local antiquarian societies, the Chetham Society, the Lancashire
and Cheshire Record Society, and the Historic Society of Lancashire and
Cheshire. The first of the three is the most important; and two books in
this series, the "Civil War Tracts" (No. 2), edited by Mr. Ormerod, and
the "Discourse of the Warr in Lancashire" (No. 62), edited by Mr.
Beamont are invaluable. The editing of the Chetham Society books varies
considerably, and it is a great advantage that these two are very ably
done. Mr. Ormerod's "Civil War Tracts," published more than 60 years
ago, is a most exhaustive collection from contemporary pamphlets and
newspapers. In the "Discourse" we have a singularly impartial account
of the local war, written by one who himself fought in it; and Mr.
Beamont's notes to the narrative add greatly to its value. Other volumes
of the Chetham Society which contain material for the Civil War are the
"Autobiography of Adam Martindale" (No. 4), the "Moore Rental" (No. 12),
the "Farington Papers" (No. 39), the "Shuttleworth Accounts" (Nos. 35,
41, 43 and 46), the "Lancashire Lieutenancy," Part 2 (No. 50), and the
"Stanley Papers," Part 3 (Nos. 66, 69 and 70); and some others in a less
degree.

All the above numbers refer to the Old Series of the Society's
Publications. Where the New Series is mentioned in the following pages
the fact is indicated; the later books of the Chetham Society, however,
do not contain much material for the purpose.

In the Record Society's Publications (Nos. 24, 26, 29 and 36) are four
volumes of extracts from the Composition Papers of the local Royalists.
These books contain some valuable details of general information.

The Historic Society Transactions for 1852 give an account of the Siege
of Warrington in 1643 by Dr. Kenrick, and the New Series, Volume 5, an
article on the Earl of Derby by Mr. F. J. Leslie.

Next come the Public Records, the "Journals of the House of Lords" and
the "Journals of the House of Commons," and the "Calendars of Domestic
State Papers," which connect the local history with the general course
of events. The "Reports of the Historical MSS. Commission" also contain
a great deal of very important though scattered information, chiefly in
the form of letters. Most valuable are the Denbigh MSS. (Report 4),
Sutherland MSS. (Report 5), the "Moore Papers" in Capt. Stewart's MSS.
(Report 10, app. 4) and the Portland MSS., vols. 1, 2 and 3. The
contemporary Diary of the Siege of Manchester in the Sutherland MSS. (p.
142) is perhaps the best existing account of the Siege. The Kenyon MSS.
give much information as to the condition of Lancashire in the 17th
century, though not bearing directly on the Civil War.

Clarendon's "History of the Great Rebellion" presents the Royalist
standpoint, and amongst other contemporary or nearly contemporary
authorities may be mentioned Rushworth's "Historical Collections" (1692
edition in 7 volumes), Whitelock's "Memorials" (1732 edit.),
"Autobiography of Captain John Hodgson" (Brighouse, 1882), Seacome's
"House of Stanley" (2nd ed. Manchester, 1767), and Hughes' "Boscobel
Tracts" (ed. 1830). More modern biographical works are: E. G. B.
Warburton's "Prince Rupert" (3 vols. 1849), Léon Marlet's "Charlotte de
la Tremoille Comtesse de Derby" (Paris, 1895), and the "Life of the Earl
of Derby" prefixed by Canon Raines to his edition of the Stanley Papers
(Chetham Society, Nos. 66, 69 and 70). Seacome had the use of the papers
of Bishop Rutter, the chaplain of the Stanley family, and gives valuable
information not elsewhere obtainable, but he is very inaccurate and
biassed. Canon Raines is a violent partisan and quite uncritical. There
are notices in the "Dictionary of National Biography" of the Earl of
Derby and of the Countess of Derby by Professor A. F. Pollard, and also
of a few other local leaders: and of some of the more prominent
Lancashire Roman Catholics in Mr. Joseph Gillow's "Dictionary of
Catholic Biography."

In the British Museum are some Tracts and Newspapers which escaped Mr.
Ormerod's notice. The Tracts are nearly all in the Thomason Collection,
which have recently been made much more accessible by the Catalogue in
two volumes, issued in 1908. References in the following pages has
always been made to the Civil War Tracts where possible, and to the
British Museum Catalogue only when the Tract or Newspaper has not been
reprinted anywhere. The principal newspapers are the Royalist
"Mercurius Aulicus": and "Perfect Diurnall" (which has several issues),
"Certaine Informations, Continuation of Certaine Speciall and Remarkable
Passages," and "Letters from Scotland," &c. on the other side. The last
mentioned, which belongs to 1648 and gives a great deal of local
information, is not quoted at all by Mr. Ormerod. None of the Newspapers
are very reliable but the "Mercurius Aulicus" is hopelessly inaccurate.

Of MSS. in the British Museum, the Rupert MSS. contain letters referring
to the invasion from Ireland, and Prince Rupert's march north in 1644;
the Brereton MSS. deal with the relations between Lancashire and
Cheshire. They concern us mainly in the Spring and Summer of 1645, when
the two counties co-operated against the projected royalist march
northwards; and afterwards later in the same year, when Lancashire help
was needed to complete the reduction of Chester. The Rupert MSS. are
Additional MSS. 18980, 18981: the Brereton MSS. Additional MSS. 11331,
11332, 11333.

Other MSS. Collections are the Tanner MSS. and the Carte MSS. in the
Bodleian Library. The former contain some letters of the local
parliamentarian committee to the Speaker, and some royalist ones dealing
with the campaign of 1651. With these must be mentioned the reprints
from the Tanner MSS. in Cary's "Memorials of the Great Civil War"
(1842). The Carte MSS. being mostly Ormonde Papers, relate to the
landing of troops from Ireland in December, 1643, and the events of the
following Spring and Summer; and many letters of the Earl of Derby to
Ormonde of later date, throwing light on the royalist leader's
retirement in the Isle of Man.

Gardiner's History is always valuable to the student of the period, even
in so local a subject as the present. Naturally the references to
Lancashire are, however, few, and errors of detail sometimes occur.

The following abbreviations have been used:--

 C.J.--Commons' Journals.
 L.J.--Lords' Journals.
 C.S.P.--Calendar of State Papers (Domestic).
 C.W.T.--Civil War Tracts of Lancashire.
 Discourse.--The Discourse of the Warr in Lancashire.
 C.S.--Chetham Society.
 R.S.--Record Society.




INTRODUCTION


The Civil War in Lancashire is an exceedingly interesting and perhaps
the most stirring chapter in the history of the county. It was a real
struggle; it is sufficiently complete in itself to be studied as a
separate subject; while at the same time it illustrates the leading
ideas of the Civil War as a whole, and it had a not unimportant bearing
upon the course of the war in the North of England.

In some counties either King or Parliament had a sufficient majority of
supporters either to prevent fighting, or where there was fighting to
make the result certain; but in Lancashire there was a keen struggle for
supremacy between the two parties. Lancashire was one of the first
counties to take up arms, as it was one of the last to lay them down;
and it was for some time doubtful which side would win.

Geographical conditions were most important and must be described at
some length. Lancashire was in the 17th century an isolated, remote, and
backward part of England. The eastern counties were then the richest and
most populous, and the political centre of England was for long after
this in the south. Lancashire lay aside from the main lines of
communication. It had no great river and no considerable port, Liverpool
being still a very small town. The soil is not fertile, and before the
opening up of the coalfields and the development of the cotton trade
made Lancashire one of the richest parts of England, it was a poor and
thinly populated county. Much of it was and still is barren moorland;
much of it was then marsh land which has since been drained. A glance at
the map will show that the words 'moor' and 'moss' in place names occur
dozens of times. Moreover the natural boundaries are very sharply
defined. Lancashire consists roughly of a coast plain divided into two
by the estuary of the Ribble, and a higher eastern portion rising toward
the border of the county. Its shape can be roughly contained in an
acute-angled triangle, the two longer sides being the west and east. The
west is coast line, the east is an almost continuous range of hills,
forming part of the Pennine Chain. From the Lune valley in the north to
the extreme south-east of the county there is only one good natural
entrance into Lancashire. This is by the Ribble valley, a smaller break
in the hills to the south of the Forest of Pendle joining the Ribble
valley lower down. Between the Lune and the Ribble are Burn Moor and
Bowland Forest; and south of the Ribble Trawden Forest, the Forest of
Rossendale, and Blackstone Edge stretch almost to the south of the
county. It was by the Ribble valley that Prince Rupert marched out of
Lancashire on his way to York in 1644; and it was by this road that
Cromwell entered the county in pursuit of the Scots in 1648. All the
moors are fairly high; the eastern border of Lancashire is seldom lower
than 1000 feet above sea level, and rising in places to 1700 and 1800
feet. Along the southern and most accessible side of Lancashire the
boundary is formed by the river Mersey, which is a considerable stream
for much of the border; and the low-lying land to the north of the river
was in the 17th century mostly undrained marsh, forming a strong
barrier. Thus Lancashire was effectually isolated by its natural
boundaries from the neighbouring counties.

These geographical conditions had two great effects on the war in
Lancashire. In the first place they enabled the issue to be decided
within the county without help or hindrance from outside. There was of
course some connection with Yorkshire and Cheshire, but mostly in the
later years of the war; at first the war was fought out by local troops
within the county itself. This is no drawback to the study of our
subject, for the Civil War was very largely a local war and can best be
studied locally. It was not, like the Wars of the Roses, a dynastic
struggle, in which the nation generally had no direct interest; but its
causes, political, religious and social, went down to the primary
divisions of opinion among Englishmen which have existed ever since, and
to some extent do so to-day. The course of the Civil War in Lancashire
shows the working out on a smaller stage of the main principles of the
period. The religious question was of course very prominent. The local
royalists were either in sympathy with the King's ecclesiastical policy,
or they were Roman Catholics. Lancashire had been conservative in
religion, and there was a very large Roman Catholic population;
particularly the west coast and the Fylde adhered, as to some extent
they still do, to the ancient faith. And though at first Catholics were
not openly included in the royalist armies, and indeed Lord Strange's
first warrants definitely excluded them,[1] the exclusion was only
temporary. A petition of the Lancashire recusants to the King to bear
arms 'for their own defence' was granted, and paved the way for their
admission to the royalist ranks. Some of the most prominent of the
Lancashire royalist leaders were Roman Catholics. The Puritan element
was strongest in the east and south-east of the county, especially in
Manchester and in Bolton, 'the Geneva of the North'; and it was these
places which formed the stronghold of the Parliament's cause in
Lancashire. The Hundreds of Salford and Blackburn were the only two out
of the six Hundreds of the county which were on the popular side in
1642. But a distinctive development took place in the later years of our
period. The Lancashire Parliament men were Presbyterians; indeed so
strong was Presbyterianism as to produce in this county the most
completely organized system in England of Presbyterian church
government. This development occurred after the end of the first Civil
War. The Parliament therefore had the steady support of the Lancashire
leaders in the early part of the struggle; but with the growth of
Independency, they became more and more out of sympathy with the ruling
powers. By 1648 the relations between the two had become so strained
that there was some doubt about the support of Lancashire being
forthcoming against the Scotch Invasion. Eventually the differences were
overcome because the invaders were Scots, and the Lancashire troops
rendered valuable service at the battle of Preston. But there was no
common ground for the Presbyterians and Cromwell; and in 1651, when
Charles II. marched through Lancashire, the county was really in his
favour. The Earl of Derby, Charles' general in Lancashire, had an
interview with the leading Presbyterians, and it was only the
impossibility of reconciling their opinions, and the exhaustion of the
county after nine years of war which prevented Lancashire from being
completely raised in Charles' favour.

The side of the war from which it appears as a class struggle is also
illustrated in Lancashire. The head of the local royalists was James
Stanley, seventh Earl of Derby, representing the great house of Stanley
which had been for generations all-powerful in the north-west of
England; the leaders on the other side were the lesser gentry who stood
to gain by the weakening of his power, and behind them was the awakening
spirit of the towns. The first event of the war in September, 1642, was
Derby's unsuccessful siege of Manchester; the hardest fought engagement
was the royalist capture of Bolton in 1644; the last scene, seven years
later, was Derby's own execution in Bolton market place. These things
are significant of the place which the towns were beginning to take.
And with the Earl of Derby in 1651 died the last of feudalism in
Lancashire.

The geographical conditions had another effect in that as the two
parties were divided the Parliament held in this respect the advantage.
Their territory was the south and south-east of the county which was the
most accessible part of it. Thus the royalists were cut off from the
neighbouring counties, and once at least, in August, 1644, when
Newcastle had overrun all Yorkshire and sent from Halifax a summons to
Manchester, the moorland barrier saved the Lancashire Parliamentarians
from having an invasion to face. Blackstone Edge was fortified and the
difficulty of the ground was enough to secure the safety of the county.

Yet although the war in Lancashire was mostly fought out locally, the
result had a considerable effect on the war in the north of England
generally. This has been too much neglected in the general text books.
The north-west of England was in 1642 mainly Royalist; so was the
neighbouring district of North Wales; and in 1642 Lancashire was mainly
royalist too. The King's party thought themselves and their opponents
thought them the stronger side. Yet in less than twelve months after
Edgehill the Royalist party in Lancashire was completely defeated; and
though Prince Rupert's hurricane descent on the county on his way to
York in 1644 changed things for a little while, it was only a temporary
change, and had no permanent result on the war in Lancashire. This
meant much, for it was in the summer of 1643, when the Lancashire
Parliamentarians were carrying all before them in their county, that the
King's cause generally was at its height; and not only in the south of
England but even in Yorkshire and Cheshire. In the spring of 1643 Sir
Wm. Brereton was holding his own in Cheshire with difficulty; after
Newcastle's victory over the Fairfaxes at Adwalton Moor in July all
Yorkshire except Hull was royalist territory. If the royalists had kept
Lancashire in 1642 as they expected, or had regained it afterwards as
they were always hoping to do, the King would have been supreme in the
north of England, and the war might have been considerably prolonged.

In mere numbers the royalists in Lancashire were probably at all times
equal to their opponents; it may be doubted whether the supporters of
the Parliament ever counted a numerical majority in the county. Their
success was due partly to the fact that their attention was concentrated
on Lancashire, while the royalist leaders were concerned also with other
parts of the country. The soldiers first raised by the Earl of Derby
were withdrawn to swell the regiments of the royalist army at Edgehill;
and several royalist gentlemen raised troops of horse for the King from
among their tenants in Lancashire. No Parliamentarian troops were ever
marched out of the county until the issue at home was decided. But when
this allowance has been made it must be acknowledged that the
Parliament's success was due to the greater ability of its supporters.
Derby was no leader though personally brave; no one could supersede him
on account of his rank, and the conduct of the war in Lancashire for the
King demanded far more ability than he possessed. On the other hand it
happened that the Parliamentarian leaders, Assheton, Shuttleworth,
Moore, Rigby and others were if not brilliant generals at least capable
men. And not only had the Parliament the advantage in leaders but in the
rank and file. Its soldiers were better led but they were better
soldiers also. Clarendon's words on this subject may be quoted:--

    "the difference in the temper of the common people of both sides
    was so great that they who inclined to the Parliament left nothing
    unperformed that they might advance the cause, and were incredibly
    vigorous and industrious to cross and hinder whatsoever might
    provoke the King's; whereas they who wished well to him thought
    they had performed their duty in doing so, and that they had done
    enough for him that they had done nothing against him."[2]

This judgment of the relative zeal of the two parties is true at any
rate of Lancashire.

Small as Lancashire is it is not very easy to connect in one plan
the necessarily somewhat scattered incidents of the war. On the
whole, however, its course at first shows a gradual advance by the
Parliamentarian party northwards and westwards from their base at
Manchester. They first met successfully an attack in their own quarters;
the remainder of 1642 saw them fighting mostly on the defensive in
Salford and Blackburn Hundreds; but early in 1643 they began to extend
their lines until all the county was gradually conquered. The next two
years were occupied in reducing the last royalist strongholds, in
meeting Rupert's invasion, and after he had gone in doing over again the
work which his coming had undone. During the remainder of the period the
outstanding military events are the coming of the Scots in 1648 and the
rising when Charles II. invaded England in 1651. With the defeat and
death of the last royalists at Wigan Lane, and the execution of the Earl
of Derby the Civil War in Lancashire may be said to end.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] "A Copy of Lord Strange's Warrant," 669, f. 3 (74).

[2] Clarendon (Macray), Vol. 2, p. 472 (bk. 6, par. 273).




CHAPTER I.

    Preliminaries.--Petitions.--Seizure of Magazines.--The Array and
    the Militia.--First Skirmish at Manchester.


The actual fighting of the civil war was preceded by some months during
which both parties attempted to seize stores of arms and to win over the
local troops; this again followed a long series of proclamations by the
King and by Parliament. Many petitions and memorials were presented to
both from different parts of the country. A number of these petitions
came from Lancashire. The first was presented to the Houses of
Parliament in February 1641-2, and represents the wishes of their
supporters in the county. It praises the work already done in the reform
of civil government and the church, the disposal of the Militia, and in
other ways. As far as Lancashire is concerned it is asked that recusants
be disarmed and the number of 'preaching ministers' increased, also that
provision should be made for the crowds of destitute refugees from
Ireland who were daily arriving in the county; and that a fleet of small
ships be sent for the defence of the coast. As evidence of the natural
but exaggerated fear produced by the Irish rebellion the petitioners
described themselves as "seated in the mouth of danger," and evidently
expected an invasion from the other side of the channel. This petition
was presented to the House of Commons on February 10th, 1642, and the
House promised to take it into consideration.[3]

Two petitions were also sent to the King at York in April and May
respectively. The first merely urged his return to Parliament, but the
other which is much longer and more elaborate, was drawn up by Richard
Heyrick, warden of the Collegiate Church at Manchester, and contained
nearly 8,000 names. It professes great loyalty to the King's person, and
gives him credit for the reforms which had already been carried through;
but asks him to find out some way for an accommodation with the
Parliament. The signatories of this petition afterwards became the
Presbyterian party in the county and five years later they presented the
petition to the Parliament for the establishment of Presbyterianism in
Lancashire.

A few months after this the Recusants in Lancashire petitioned Charles
for permission to take up arms for their own safety, which was very
readily given. Recusants were, however, as yet forbidden to serve in the
Royal armies.[4]

The next step was the raising of the local trained bands, the winning
over of men of influence, and seizing magazines of arms which had been
collected in various places in view of the rebellion in Ireland. The
famous Militia Ordinance, which was the first exercise of Parliament's
claim to legislate without the King's consent, was made on March 5,
1641-2; the King's proclamation forbidding any of the trained bands of
the kingdom to obey the Ordinance was dated at York, May 27th, 1642.
Parliament replied on the following day with their Order beginning
"Whereas it appears that the King seduced by wicked Councell intends to
make War against the Parliament." The King's Commissions of Array were
sent out early in June, and afterwards the raising of troops was pushed
forward by either side.[5] Parliament had early in the year appointed
its own list of Lords Lieutenant of all the counties in England, the
King also naming his own representatives. In the list presented to the
House of Commons on February 10, 1641-2 Lord Wharton is put in for
Lancashire in place of Lord Strange who had previously been Lord
Lieutenant; but curiously enough Lord Strange was nominated by the
Houses for Cheshire. On March 18, however, Sir William Brereton informed
the Commons that his lordship desired to be excused, and the desire
being repeated a week later his name was removed and that of Lord Say
substituted. Lord Strange was made Lord Lieutenant of both Lancashire
and Cheshire by the King.[6] Parliament also appointed a long list of
Deputy-Lieutenants for Lancashire which was afterwards added to during
the ensuing month.[7]

During the summer Commissions of Array were voted to be illegal, and the
House of Lords appointed a Committee to devise means to prevent their
going out; 9000 copies of a Declaration to this effect were printed and
circulated, and the Judges on circuit were each given a copy and ordered
to publish it.[8] (July.)

In the preceding month the Lancashire members of Parliament had been
sent down to form with the Deputy Lieutenants a county Committee for
putting the Militia Ordinance into operation. Their instructions were to
put the Ordinance in force, to collect trained bands, to publish the
Declarations of both Houses, to disarm recusants and see that they
confined themselves to their own houses. It was expressly stated that no
evil was intended to the King, whose greatest danger lay in separating
himself from his Parliament.[9] Active preparations now began on both
sides in Lancashire as in other parts of the country. It is rather
surprising and testifies to the extreme reluctance to begin a war of
which no man could see the end, that the Militia and the Array did not
come to blows before they did. The royalists were the first to move.
Lord Strange returning from a visit to the Court at York called a
meeting of his supporters on Fulwood Moor near Preston in accordance
with a letter from the King to Sir John Girlington, High Sheriff; the
ostensible purpose being to hear read Charles' two Declarations and his
answer to the Lancashire petition. This gathering though by no means so
large as the corresponding royalist demonstration on Heworth Moor,
near York, nevertheless numbered about 5000 people; but if the
Parliamentarians are to be believed it was not at all unanimous in
favour of the King. Rigby and the elder Shuttleworth hearing of the
summons on their way to Lancashire hastened on towards Preston,
hindering as many people as possible from obeying it as they went. At
Standish they deprived the Constable of his warrant, which had that day
been published by the Vicar in church. (Sunday, June 19.) Reaching
Preston the same night they attempted though without success to prevent
the meeting being held; and the following day they attended the meeting
themselves. Lord Strange was accompanied by his eldest son Charles, a
boy of 14, Lord Molyneux, Sir George Middleton, Sir Alexander
Radcliffe, Mr. Tyldesley of Myerscough, Mr. Farington of Worden, and
other prominent Lancashire royalists. The King's Declarations were read
by the Sheriff, the Under Sheriff and others in different parts of the
crowd, and most of the people dispersed. Rigby, however, attempted to
read the Votes of Parliament in answer to the King and demanded
Girlington to deliver up his Commission of Array; whereupon 400 of the
more ardent royalists rode up and down the moor shouting, 'For the King,
For the King.' The remainder stayed and shouted 'For King and
Parliament,' and Rigby declared that the royalists could only count on
the support of a small minority of those present and that they had in
reality lost more than they had gained by the demonstration. On hearing
of the occurrence Parliament summoned Sir John Girlington, Sir George
Middleton, and Sir Edward Fitton to attend as delinquents.[10] Meanwhile
under cover of the excitement on the Moor a servant of Mr. Farington's,
William Sumpner, seized part of the magazine in the town of Preston,
conveying it away secretly on packhorses as ordinary merchandise. The
magazine, which consisted of 13 barrels of powder and some match, had
been mostly collected by Farington and stored in a private house. Early
next morning the remainder was removed by order of the Sheriff. Rigby
hearing of what had taken place again protested, but to no purpose; and
he was not in a position to use force.[11] This was part of a royalist
plan for securing all the ammunition in the county. Considerable stores
had been established by Lord Strange when Lord Lieutenant, the principal
centres being Preston, Warrington, Liverpool and Manchester. Warrington
was royalist in sympathy and that also was seized by the King. Strange
in person secured most if not all of the powder at Liverpool. Rigby,
however, warned Mr. Assheton of Middleton in time to save the magazine
at Manchester.[12] When the royalist design became known in Manchester a
petition was addressed to the Committee asking them if necessary to
remove the magazine to a more secure place. The answer refers to great
levies of money made by Lord Strange, much of which had been spent in
providing ammunition in various places. But there were in Manchester
only 10 barrels of powder and a few bundles of match; they were kept in
the then disused College of the Church which had been granted to the
Earl of Derby by the Crown. This building was afterwards purchased by
the executors of Humphrey Chetham from Charles, eighth Earl of Derby,
and is still the Chetham College. The royalist Commissioners of Array,
Sir Alexander Radcliffe and Mr. Prestwich, with Mr. Nicholas Mosley and
Thomas Danson, the Under Sheriff, endeavoured to seize these stores as
they had seized the others; but Assheton and Sir Thomas Stanley, another
Deputy Lieutenant, prevented them. Judging, however, that the powder was
not safe on Lord Strange's property, it was removed to other parts of
the town.[13] Lord Strange was very angry at the rebuff and threatened
to attack the town. He collected troops at Bury and more than 1000 armed
volunteers came in for the defence of Manchester. These outnumbered the
royalists, and negotiations were thereupon entered into for the disposal
of the magazine. Two or three Deputy Lieutenants visited Lord Strange at
Bury; but his offer to replace the magazine in the College in the joint
keeping of the Parliament men and of Robert Holt, one of his own Deputy
Lieutenants, was refused. (June 23.) Next day the forces were dismissed;
but Lord Strange, having received fresh instructions from York, called a
second muster at Bury and caused an order to be published at Manchester
Cross for the removal of the magazine, part to Rochdale and part to
Bury, only a small part to be left in Manchester.

It was now evident that actual hostilities could not be long delayed.
The Parliamentarians sent to London for help from Lord Wharton. Lord
Strange was required to redeliver that part of the county magazine which
he had seized.[14] On Saturday, June 25, Sir William Brereton was in
Manchester, and reported to the Speaker that he found the townsmen "up
in arms in defence of their magazine," and most of the shops shut. A
Journal, of the first week in July, by a Preston man who accompanied
Rigby to Manchester, relates that 7000 or 8000 militia armed with
muskets and pikes were being daily trained there. On the other hand
reports were brought of royalist musters numbering 4000 at Preston, and
600 on Knutsford Heath in Cheshire.[15] A letter about royalist
movements from Sir Edward Fitton to Sir Thomas Aston at York was
intercepted and sent to London. News came of the King's siege of Hull.
But no one was anxious to strike the first blow in Lancashire, and
relations were not yet so strained between the leaders but that Rigby,
going to see Sir Gilbert Hoghton about a letter of his which had been
seized, could not be asked to stay to dinner. While he was there a Mr.
Dawton who was a recusant came in, and Rigby with characteristic
rudeness told his host that "he should like him better if he were not so
familiar with Papists." In royalist Preston, however, it needed a report
that Lord Wharton was on his march with 20,000 men to make it possible
for "honest men to go through the streets without scoffing at them and
calling them Roundheads." (Friday, July 8.) And a man who directed the
Sergeant coming to deliver a message from Parliament to Lord Strange's
house had his head broken by the royalists.[16]

A week later the first actual bloodshed of the war in Lancashire took
place at Manchester (Friday, July 15), the occasion being a visit of
Lord Strange and some of his supporters to the town. There is an account
of a previous skirmish on July 4, when it is stated that Lord Strange
attempted to force his way into the town and was repulsed with loss; but
this is usually thought to be false.[17] Lord Strange's visit on July
15 was in response to an invitation. Apparently negotiations were still
in progress about the Manchester magazine, and some of his lordship's
supporters, of whom there were a good many in the town, wished to
entertain him at a banquet in the house of Mr. Alexander Green, in order
that the negotiations might be completed. Green was a vintner and lived
on the Conduit, now the bottom of Market Street.[18]

The condition was made that Strange should come peaceably with his own
attendance; but in the excited state of affairs it was almost impossible
that the occasion should end peaceably, especially as Lord Strange had
earlier on the same day called a muster of troops at Bury which was
attended by about 2000 men from the immediate neighbourhood of
Manchester. There are several accounts of what happened, and as may be
expected the two sides give very different views. The royalists describe
the expression of joy by the inhabitants, "continued acclamations,
bonfires, the streets strewed with flowers, &c.," as Lord Strange
entered Manchester in his coach with his ordinary attendants only; the
other side represent him as coming in a warlike manner attended by many
horsemen, "with cocked pistols and shouts that the town was their own."
The local militia under Captain Birch and Captain Holcroft was, however,
in Manchester, and the surprising thing is not that an affray occurred,
but that it was not a great deal more serious than it turned out to be.
Hardly had the Royalists sat down to dinner when word was brought that
Birch and Holcroft accompanied by Sir Thomas Stanley of Bickerstaffe[19]
were marching their men about the streets. The Sheriff immediately ran
downstairs, mounted Lord Strange's horse, and near the Cross met
Holcroft, whose men he endeavoured unsuccessfully to disperse. Alarmed
at Girlington's non-return Strange himself followed him, and missing his
horse pushed his way on foot through the crowd to the end of the street.
The attitude of the townspeople was very threatening and Lord Strange
was several times fired at from houses. As he and the Sheriff were
returning they met Birch who ordered his men to fire, but the rain put
out their matches. To avoid a general skirmish the royalists decided to
leave the town. In the melée, however, a royalist gentleman was knocked
off his horse and the assailant was shot; this was Richard Perceval, a
linen weaver of Kirkmanshulme; he was buried at the Parish Church on
July 18. Lord Strange proceeded for the night to Sir Alexander
Radcliffe's house at Ordsall Hall;[20] and he never entered Manchester
again. Next morning, twenty-five gentlemen of the town, including Green
and Nicholas Mosley, the Boroughreeve, waited on him at Ordsall to
apologize for what had taken place, and declared Stanley, Holcroft and
Birch to be disturbers of the peace; but that they did not speak for a
majority of the townsmen subsequent events were to show.[21]

It has been very commonly stated that this July 15th skirmish was the
first bloodshed of the whole Civil War; the statement is made by Mr.
Gardiner and is repeated in so recent a work as the "Cambridge Modern
History," but is almost certainly incorrect. It is not of course
the fact that Lancashire was before any other county in hostile
preparations. In the months of June and July 1642, the two factions in
arms were facing each other all over England and it was really an
accident rather than otherwise in which county the first blow was
struck. On June 4, the King wrote to Lord Willoughby of Parham
forbidding him to raise the trained bands of Lincolnshire, and in the
same week the Earl of Warwick put the Militia Ordinance into force in
Essex. In Leicestershire a fortnight later bloodshed was narrowly
averted. On June 21, Mr. Hastings, son of the Earl of Huntingdon, who
was a royalist, arrived at Loughborough and marched on Leicester; but
finding a superior force under the Earl of Stamford in possession, he
retreated and most of his men were disarmed. There was an affray in
Dorsetshire in August at which some lives were lost. It would seem,
however, that actually the first blood of the war was shed at Hull. The
King in person was present at the siege of that town which began on
July 4. His troops were not close to the walls but in the following week
there had been three or four skirmishes, one of which lasted for several
hours and some lives must have been lost.[22] It is fitting that the war
should begin at Hull, for that was the city which was first seized for
the Parliament and which first offered defiance to Charles.

It might have been expected that the affray in Manchester would be
followed by further hostilities; but this was not the case, and two
months elapsed before fighting really began in Lancashire. The
intervening time was spent in active preparations by both sides; of the
two the royalists at first appeared to have the advantage. Manchester
had declared for the Parliament, but there was not much of the county
which that party could rely upon, and even Manchester was not unanimous.
Perhaps the majority of the crowd in the streets on July 15 were not
anti-royalists.[23] The immediate outcome of the affray was that
proceedings were begun against Mr. Tyldesley, who was reported to have
killed Perceval, and by the other side against Stanley, Birch and
Holcroft. Parliament stopped both actions. It was Birch who reported the
affair to the House of Commons, and the committee named to deal with
Commissions of Array was asked to consider it.[24]

In the following month there was a prospect of Lancashire being made
the centre of the Royalist operations. Several places were considered
for the raising of the royal standard, and the Earl of Derby suggested
Warrington as suitable. He promised to raise at once 3000 foot and 500
horse, and within three days to make up their number to 10,000 men.
After a few days' consideration Strange was sent back to Lancashire to
make preparations, but in his absence the place was altered to
Nottingham. It is suggested that court jealousy of Strange was
responsible for the alteration.[25] Whatever the reason, however,
Strange's loyalty was unwavering. He returned to Lancashire, and on
August 17 dated from Lathom a warrant to all knights, freeholders and
others able to bear arms (popish recusants excepted) to assemble at
Preston on August 23. A week later Lady Strange wrote to her cousin,
Prince Rupert, on his arrival in England, asking him to send a few
troops of horse into Lancashire for a few weeks to assist in raising
foot. Clarendon says that Strange was looked upon 'as of absolute power
over that people,' and as yet there seems to have been no doubt at
Lathom that this was the case.[26] Strange joined the King at Shrewsbury
with three troops of horse and three regiments of foot. Lord Molyneux
raised two regiments, one of horse and one of foot, and other Lancashire
royalists contributed to the main royal army in a lesser degree. This
draining of Lancashire of royalist troops, a process which was continued
later, was to have a disastrous effect on their cause within the county.

A week after the raising of the royal standard at Nottingham (August 22,
1642), the Commons set about the impeachment of Lord Strange. The
energetic Rigby was one of the five members appointed to prepare the
accusation, but it was nevertheless a fortnight before it was sent up to
the Lords, who agreed next day (September 15). The articles of
Indictment are the raising of forces at Manchester on July 15 and in
other places, the death of Perceval, and the being in actual rebellion
against the King, Parliament and Kingdom. It was, however, evident that
it would be much easier to publish such an impeachment than to have it
carried into effect "considering that if messengers be sent they will be
imprisoned, and if proclamation writs be sent down they will not be
sealed." Several conferences were held between the two Houses as to the
best means of executing the impeachment. On September 16, publication of
the charge was ordered to be made in all churches and chapels and in all
markets and towns; and all Sheriffs and other officers were urged to do
their best to secure Lord Strange's arrest and to send him up to
Parliament.[27] The impeachment no doubt had some effect on public
opinion in Lancashire, but it made no difference to the royalist
preparations which continued to be actively pushed forward.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] This petition is given in "C.W.T.," pp. 2-5. Cf. "C.J.," Vol. 2,
476. Lancashire being a Catholic county the Puritans were exceedingly
afraid of their probable action. Cf. "C.S.P.," 1641-3, p. 166.

[4] "C.W.T.," pp. 38-40. The petition and answer are also given in the
"Discourse," pp. 12-14. While taking stronger measures against the
recusants, Parliament ordered the documents to be printed in order to
arouse public opinion against the King. On Aug. 29 the King issued
instructions to the Commissioners of Array to disarm all "Popish
Recusants, all Brownists, Anabapists and other sectaries." "Rushworth,"
Vol. 4, p. 415.

[5] The Militia Ordinance and the King's Proclamation are printed in
Gardiner's "Constitutional Documents," pp. 166 and 169. For the
Parliament's Order of May 28, _v._ "C.W.T.," p. 7.

[6] "C.J." 2, pp. 424, 486, 496. Lord Strange was the royalist of
greatest influence in Lancashire and Cheshire and so could not be passed
over. But he was so unpopular at court that the appointment was an
unexpected one. Cf. "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 9, app. 2, p. 391.

[7] "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 178; Vol. 6, p. 125. "C.J.," Vol. 2, pp. 495,
499, 591, 598.

[8] "C.J.," Vol. 2, pp. 629, 650, 681.

[9] "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 129. It was on June 9 that the Lancashire members
were directed by the Commons to go down ("C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 615), and
they must have started almost immediately. Several letters were received
before the end of the month both from them and from Sir W. Brereton. On
Saturday, July 16, a report from the Committee and Deputy Lieutenants
was received by the House of Commons, and referred by them to the
Committee for the Defence of the Kingdom. ("C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 676.)

[10] "C.W.T.," p. 14. "Discourse," p. 6. Rigby wrote a long letter
giving an account of the meeting to the Speaker from Manchester on June
24. He calls the majority of the 400 adherents of Lord Strange "popish
recusants." The "Discourse" implies that a majority of the meeting were
in favour of the King. Cf. "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 166.

[11] For Rigby's Letter to the Speaker, _v._ "C.W.T.," p. 329. He
suggests that for so small an amount of powder it was not worth while to
use force; but it was a sufficient reason that he did not know where the
powder had been taken. On July 26th it was ordered by both Houses that
the removal of magazines might be resisted by force. ("L.J.," Vol. 5, p.
242. "C.J.," Vol. 2, pp. 692, 693.)

[12] The Committee's Letter to Lenthall on June 25 ("C.W.T.," p. 16)
states that Lord Strange took 30 barrels of powder and some match from
Liverpool. The "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 111) implies that this
was all the magazine in Liverpool. The report that Strange was
intercepted at Liverpool by Mr. Moore ("C.W.T.," p. 332) is probably
false.

The Manchester petition and answer are given at length in the "Valley of
Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 111). No other places are mentioned except
Manchester, Warrington, Preston and Liverpool, and apparently the
royalists secured all these except the first-named. Cf. A Copy of a
Letter from Chester, etc., 669, f. 6 (78), where it is stated that
Strange armed his troops at Chester with arms sent by the Parliament for
service in Ireland.

[13] "C.W.T.," pp. 16 and 112. Cf. "Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 32; and
also a letter from Richard Radcliffe to Sir John Gell, July 1. 1642:
"Lord Strange threatens to procure aid from the King; but we think His
Majesty has not much to spare." ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 9, app. 2, p.
391.)

[14] "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 166. Sir William Brereton (1604-1661) was the
son of William Brereton of Handforth, Cheshire, and of Margaret,
daughter and co-heiress of Richard Holland of Denton. He was the
Parliamentarian Commander-in-Chief in Cheshire, and was concerned in all
the military operations in that county. But he was also a Deputy
Lieutenant for Lancashire, having close relations with the leaders
there. There is a notice of Brereton, by Mr. T. F. Henderson, in the
"Dictionary of National Biography."

[15] "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 174. Cf. a further letter to the Speaker in "H.
L. Cal." ("Hist. MSS. Com.," rep. 5, p. 31), written on June 24, in
which Brereton states that Lord Strange is prepared to enforce his
Commission of Array when Parliament does the Militia Ordinance. He
desires further instructions, for the Commission cannot be stopped
without violence, which "once begun may not be so easily composed."

[16] This "Journal" is given in "C.W.T.," p. 24. The writer seems well
informed and fairly impartial.

[17] The chief authority for this skirmish is a tract called "The
Beginning of Civil Warres in England, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 24). It is a
circumstantial account giving the times at which the battle began and
ended and the number killed on both sides. But nevertheless it is almost
certainly an entire fabrication. None of the main authorities mention
it; and if any skirmish occurred at all on July 4 it would certainly
have been mentioned in Lord Strange's impeachment. Cf. also "C.W.T.,"
pp. 27 and 331. The "Victoria County History of Lancashire," referring
to this date, says: "Doubt has been cast on the truth of this report,"
but this statement is not strong enough (Vol. 2, p. 235).

[18] Green had given £1. 10s. to the building of Salford Chapel in 1634.
Judging from the amounts at which he was assessed in the levies made
upon the town during the war, he was a well-to-do man; the Conduit was
then one of the streets inhabited by the richer citizens ("Manchester
Municipal Records"). Green does not seem to have been an ardent
royalist, for he was not sequestered, but he afforded shelter to one
George Leigh of Barton-upon-Irwell, who at first supported the royalist
cause, but on Prince Rupert's invasion fled to Manchester ("Royalist
Composition Papers," Vol. 4, p. 82).

[19] Sir Thomas Stanley was the son of Edward Stanley of Bickerstaffe,
who was made a Baronet in 1627-8. He was a consistent, if rather
lukewarm, supporter of the Parliamentary cause. He was the direct
ancestor of the present Earl of Derby. ("Lancashire Lieutenancy," Pt. 2,
p. 246.)

[20] "C.W.T.," p. 33, note. Sir Alexander Radcliffe was committed to the
Tower for his part in this disturbance, and remained a prisoner until
the following year. Ordsall Hall, then about 1-1/2 miles from the town,
stands now in the midst of cottages and workshops. It is the property of
Lord Egerton, and was until recently used as an Anglican Training
College.

[21] There are a Parliamentarian paper describing the affray, two
royalist tracts and an account in the "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," pp.
29, 30, 31 and 113). The reference in the "Discourse," p. 6, may be
dismissed as worthless; that writer is not often well informed on
matters relating to Manchester. It is evident that the banquet was a
pre-arranged affair in spite of statements to the contrary ("C.W.T.," p.
30), and also that the rising of the townsmen was not wholly the result
of the Parliamentarian leaders' agitation. Probably each party in the
town made its own arrangements entirely neglecting their effect on the
other; and probably each side gave afterwards what it honestly thought
to be the statement of the facts. There is an account of this affray in
Burghall's "Providence Improved" (R.S., No. 19, p. 29); but it adds no
new details.

[22] "Rushworth," Vol. 4, p. 670, 676, 678. Cf. an article by the
present writer on the "Sieges of Hull during the Great Civil War," in
the "English Historical Review" (1905), Vol. 20, p. 464.

[23] The account given in the "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 113)
suggests this. The statement that the other side were in a vast majority
is, however, made by both parties.

[24] The judges in Lancashire were ordered to stay proceedings against
Tyldesley, "who, as this House is informed, slew the man at Manchester,"
and other proceedings begun for the same reason. There is a similar
order concerning proceedings against Stanley, Birch and Holcroft
("C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 714). Assheton, Rigby and Moore were members of this
Committee ("C.J.," Vol. 2, pp. 689, 690). It seems probable that the man
actually responsible for the death of Perceval was Richard Fleetwood of
Rossall ("C.W.T.," p. 72).

[25] The authority for this statement is Seacome's "House of Stanley,"
p. 70-74. Though Seacome is very inaccurate, there seems to be no reason
for doubting his statement here.

[26] "A Copy of Lord Strange's Warrant," 669, f. 6 (74); Marlet's
"Charlotte de la Tremoille," pp. 76-7; "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 2, p.
342 (bk. 6, par. 67). Marlet is of the opinion that Prince Rupert would
have acceded to the request, but was prevented by the King.

[27] The Impeachment was moved in the House of Commons on August 29, and
Sir Robert Harley took it to the Lords on Sept. 14 ("C.J.," Vol. 2, p.
742; "L.J.," Vol. 5, pp. 353, 354, 355, 357). The order for publishing
the Impeachment and carrying it out was dated Friday, Sept. 16 ("L.J.,"
Vol. 5, p. 358). The Impeachment and Order are printed in "C.W.T.," pp.
35-37.




CHAPTER II.

The Leaders on Both Sides.


In September, 1642, when the two parties in Lancashire faced each other
before coming to blows, the royalist prospects appeared considerably the
better. Their leaders were the men of chief rank in the county; they had
the undivided support of the numerous Catholic families; they held
nearly all the defensible positions and fortified houses, and they had
secured nearly all the stores of arms and ammunition which the county
contained. In four out of the six Hundreds of Lancashire their influence
was entirely predominant. With the possession of the greater part of the
county, and the support of two out of the three religious parties it
appeared that the King had a far better prospect of success than the
Parliament. In the light of the events of the next two years this
expectation is seen to have been unjustified, but in September, 1642,
the result could not be foreseen. There was reason for expressions such
as that of the author of the "Discourse:" "That part of the Civill
Broyles that fell within this County shewes a Divine hand to have
overruled them, considering that a handfull in respect of the multitude
always caried it."[28] For even the east and south-east parts of the
county where Puritanism had its stronghold were not all of one mind, and
the strength of their resistance had not yet appeared. Sir Edward Fitton
could write in June, 1642, "I may assure you that the major part of
this Hundred of Manchester where I live will stand right," meaning of
course it would support the King. And that there were many royalists
even in Manchester itself the events of July 15 and 16 had plainly
shown. Moreover even the possibility of raising the royal standard
within the borders of Lancashire would seem to show that it was a county
whose loyalty could be relied upon.

It is not possible in the present work to give a detailed account of all
the families in Lancashire during the Civil War; all that can be done is
to indicate the main lines of division between the various parties and
to give brief descriptions of the more prominent leaders on both sides.

The unquestioned leader of the royalists was the head of the great house
of Stanley, James Stanley, Lord Strange, afterwards 7th Earl of Derby.
Though not actually succeeding to the title until September, 1642, his
father William the 6th Earl had resigned all his estates in his son's
favour five years before, and Strange had been since then the leader of
the county. Born on January 31, 1606-7, he was educated in Bolton and at
Oxford, and entered public life very early, becoming member of
Parliament for Liverpool in 1625. Two years later he was summoned to the
House of Lords as Baron Strange under the impression that this title was
held by his father; that however not being the case the summons amounted
to the creation of a new peerage. In June, 1626, Strange married, and
lived for a time at court; but he soon retired to his estates in the
north of England, living chiefly at Lathom House, and finding ample
scope for his activities in local affairs in Lancashire, Cheshire and
the Isle of Man. Strange was not a man fitted by temperament or
inclination to shine at a court like that of Charles I., and though his
loyalty was conspicuous and undoubted, he had evidently made himself
very unpopular with the royal advisers who hindered rather than helped
him during the Civil War. "Court friendship," he writes, "is a cable
that in storms is ever cut," and probably the words had a personal
significance. But however objectionable he may have been to the Court,
Strange was marked by his position for leadership when the King needed
help from Lancashire.

In February, 1638-9, he was summoned by Charles at the outbreak of the
first Scotch war, and in 1640 he joined the King at York. When the Civil
War began he was Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire, and was
continued in those positions by the King, though of course removed by
Parliament.

In 1642 Strange was 35 years of age. He was in many ways not unworthy of
the great traditions of the famous House which he represented. There is
no need to subscribe to all the panegyrics which royalist writers have
showered upon the 'martyr earl'; and no doubt his personal worth,
unhappy history, and tragic death are some excuse for them. Personally
he was honourable, high minded and brave; even his enemies speak of him
as a "worthy gentleman, courteous and friendly" and suggest that his
actions were rather due to evil counsels than to his own disposition.
Indeed it is remarkable that of contemporary judgments, Clarendon's is
the most unfavourable. He was personally religious, as his Book of
Private Devotions shows, and he was a patron of literature and art. But
there seems to have been in his character some underlying flaw of
weakness and irresolution which paralysed all his actions. He broke with
the Court, yet he made himself no party in Lancashire; and finding
himself in 1642 in command of great resources, he had not the strength
to concentrate his efforts, and lost control in the county while sending
to the main royalist armies troops over which he had no command. His
leadership was marked by no foresight or capacity; he left Lancashire
just at a time when his presence was most needed there; and on his
return obeyed, though with reluctance, the Queen's orders to go to the
Isle of Man, when it was far more necessary that he should remain in
England. During his absence the famous first siege of Lathom House was
sustained by the Countess of Derby. Refusing all overtures after the end
of the first war, he retired to the Isle of Man, which became a refuge
for the more irreconcilable royalists. Pursued to the last by
ill-fortune and bad judgment Derby emerged from his retirement to join
Charles II.'s expedition in 1651; he escaped wounded from his own defeat
at Wigan to join in the general rout at Worcester; and finally, having
surrendered on promise of quarter to a Captain who could not keep the
promise, he was the only Lancashire royalist to suffer death on the
scaffold. But if unswerving loyalty and sincerity in a lost cause
constitute a claim to martyrdom, the leader of the Lancashire royalists
is abundantly entitled to the honour.[29]

Lord Derby was ably seconded if not directed by his wife; indeed she was
the stronger character of the two. She was the daughter of Claude de la
Tremoille, Duc de Thouars, and grand-daughter of William the Silent,
Prince of Orange. On coming to England her mother had endeavoured,
though without success, to have her attached to the household of the
Queen. After the outbreak of the war it would seem as if Lady Derby had
endeavoured to secure herself against possible reverses of the royalist
cause; but she showed no wavering afterwards, and her defence of Lathom
House in 1644 was the one conspicuous success of the royalist cause in
Lancashire. After her husband's death she was with difficulty persuaded
to surrender the Isle of Man when all other resistance had come to an
end.[30]

Next in rank was Richard, Second Viscount Molyneux, the son of Sir
Richard Molyneux of Sefton, who had been created in 1628 Viscount
Molyneux of Maryborough in the Irish peerage. He was only 19 at the
outbreak of the Civil War, and though he took some part in the fighting
he was not personally of much advantage to his party in Lancashire.
There are several references to him by contemporaries as Lord Derby's
son-in-law, the fact being that a 'child marriage' was contracted in
1639 between Molyneux and Henrietta Maria, eldest daughter of Lord
Derby, who was then only 9 years old. There was some legal doubt as to
whether the marriage was not actually valid; but it was never
consummated, though apparently the matter was still in abeyance in 1650
when Molyneux received permission to send messengers to the Isle of Man
to receive the lady's answer. He died in July, 1654, and was succeeded
in the title by his brother Caryll, who also had taken some little part
in the war in Lancashire.

Molyneux surrendered after the capture of Ludlow and took the Covenant
and the Negative Oath in August 1646. His fine at a sixth was
£9,037.[31]

By far the ablest of the Lancashire Royalists, and next to Derby the
most prominent, was Thomas Tyldesley. He was a Roman Catholic, of a
younger branch of the Tyldesleys of Tyldesley, and resided at Myerscough
Hall near Garstang. He married Bridget Standish, whose mother was sister
of Richard, first Viscount Molyneux, and was therefore a cousin by
marriage of the second Viscount. He is better known as Sir Thomas
Tyldesley, being knighted for his services when with the Queen at Burton
Bridge in July, 1643. Tyldesley was concerned in all the early Royalist
movements in Lancashire. He was in command at Liverpool when it was
first surrendered to the Parliament in 1643; and attended Rupert in the
following year at the sack of Bolton, the recapture of Liverpool, and
the relief of Lathom House. When the Royalist cause in Lancashire was
finally lost, Tyldesley was active in other parts of the country, and
was three times taken prisoner. He was Governor of Lichfield when that
town was captured in 1646; he then served in Ireland, and took part in
Hamilton's invasion in 1648. Afterwards Tyldesley found refuge in the
Isle of Man, joined Derby's invasion in 1651, and was killed at the
Battle of Wigan Lane. He was a good specimen of the best type of
chivalrous Cavalier. He never compounded for his estates, and
considering the very prominent part which he took in the War, the ruling
powers treated him very lightly, for no forfeiture is known to have
followed his death.[32]

After Tyldesley the three most prominent Lancashire royalists were Sir
Gilbert Hoghton of Hoghton, Sir John Girlington of Thurland, and Mr.
William Farington of Worden Hall, near Chorley. Hoghton was the son of
the Sir Richard Hoghton who, when Sheriff in 1617, had entertained King
James the First at Hoghton Tower. He was an elderly man at the outbreak
of the war, and took a more prominent part in the earlier operations. In
Blackburn Hundred, however, Hoghton was the first royalist to take
action, and he was present at the loss of Preston in February, 1642-3.
Later he served at Chester, but became involved in a dispute with
Colonel Byron the royalist Governor. He died in 1647.[33]

Sir John Girlington of Thurland was Sheriff of Lancashire in 1642. He
was one of the first to be sent for by the House of Commons as a
delinquent, on account of his energy in plundering his opponents. He was
twice besieged in his strong castle at Thurland, and after surrendering
it for the second time in October, 1643, Girlington took refuge in
Yorkshire, where he was killed in action in the following year.[34]

William Farington of Worden had been Sheriff of Lancashire in 1636. He
was a member of the Commission of Array and one of the royalist
collectors for Leyland Hundred. His principal military service was at
the first Siege of Lathom House, where he was Lady Derby's most trusted
adviser. He suffered imprisonment and sequestration and did not compound
until 1649. His fine was £511.[35] Farington acted in the attempted
pacification in the Autumn of 1642.

It is significant of the strength of the popular movement against the
King that even in Lancashire a majority of the members of the Long
Parliament were opposed to him. There were at this time two members for
the County and two each for Lancaster, Preston, Clitheroe, Wigan, Newton
and Liverpool, fourteen in all; and the popular party had eight to the
King's six, while in weight and ability their advantage was far greater.
The full list of the Lancashire members is as follows:--

 LANCASHIRE.
   Ralph Assheton, Esq.
   Roger Kirkby, Esq.

 LANCASTER.
   John Harrison, Knight.
   Thomas Fanshaw, Esq.

 PRESTON.
   Richard Shuttleworth, Esq.
   Thomas Standish, Esq.

 CLITHEROE.
   Ralph Assheton, Esq.
   Richard Shuttleworth, Gent.

 WIGAN.
   Orlando Bridgeman, Esq.
   Alexander Rigby, Esq.

 NEWTON.
   William Ashhurst, Esq.
   Roger Palmer, Knight.

 LIVERPOOL.
   John Moore, Esq.
   Richard Wyn, Knight and Baronet.

Of the above, Kirkby, Fanshaw, Harrison, Bridgeman, Palmer and Wyn were
nominally royalists, but three of them took no part in the war at all,
and only Kirkby had anything to do with it in Lancashire. Roger Kirkby
of Kirkby Lonsdale was a member of the royalist County Committee, and
one of their collectors for Lonsdale Hundred; he was concerned in the
capture of Lancaster in 1643, and in the attempt to raise the siege of
Thurland Castle later on the same year, but his name does not afterwards
appear.[36]

Sir John Harrison was a native of Beaumont, near Lancaster, but he lived
in London, where he had acquired considerable wealth as an official in
the Customs. At the outbreak of the war he was arrested, but he escaped
and joined the King at Oxford. Harrison outlived the Restoration by ten
years, and died at the age of eighty. His daughter was Anne Lady
Fanshawe, the wife of Sir Richard Fanshawe.[37]

Bridgeman was the son of the Bishop of Chester of that name, and a
lawyer. On the day on which Lord Strange's impeachment was moved
Bridgeman was disabled from sitting any longer, it having been reported
to the House that he had raised fourteen men to assist Lord Strange and
had been active in persuading others to do so. Bridgeman came into some
prominence after the Restoration, being created a Baronet in 1660, and
in 1667 Lord Keeper. He was the ancestor of the Earls of Bradford.[38]

Ralph Assheton of Middleton, one of the members for the County, was head
of that branch of the ancient family. In the seventeenth century the
three principal branches were that at Middleton, Whalley, and Downham
near Clitheroe, the last being now the only one which remains. He was
the son of Richard Assheton, and his wife Mary, daughter of Thomas
Venables, Baron of Kinderton in Cheshire, and he married Elizabeth, only
daughter of John Kay of Woodsome in Yorkshire. Born on March 31, 1606,
Assheton was quite a young man at the beginning of the Civil War, but he
at once came to the front, and was first Colonel and afterwards
Major-General in command of all the forces in Lancashire. He was a man
of great energy and ability and of moderate views. He fought in nearly
every engagement of the first war, and on January 2, 1644-5, was
specially thanked by the House of Commons for his services to the
public. This vote was repeated after the Battle of Preston in 1648. But
no one was safe in such troublous times. In 1644 Assheton was committed
to the Tower for a fortnight on refusing to obey an order of Parliament
about the payment of some money; and in May, 1650, a warrant was issued
by the Council of State for him to be brought before the Council on a
charge of high treason. Whether the warrant was executed or not does not
appear. Assheton died early in 1651, and was buried in Middleton Parish
Church on February 25, 1650-1.[39]

He must be distinguished from two other Ralph Asshetons, both of them on
the Parliamentary side. These were Ralph Assheton, eldest son of Sir
Ralph Assheton of Whalley, who was M.P. for Clitheroe in the Long
Parliament, and Ralph Assheton of Downham who was a Deputy-Lieutenant
and a sequestrator of delinquents' estates. The latter of these,
however, died in 1643.

Richard Shuttleworth of Gawthorpe near Padiham, ancestor of the present
Lord Shuttleworth, was born in 1587, and had been Sheriff of Lancashire
in 1618. His experience and standing in the county, as well as his
ability made him of great value to his party. He was a moderate man of
Presbyterian views, and became a lay elder of the third Lancashire
Classis. He was the only one, however, of the original Lancashire
leaders who had an interview with Lilburne in the campaign of 1651. Four
of his sons took part in the war, three of them becoming colonels, while
one of them was killed at Lancaster in 1643 while still a captain.[40]

Alexander Rigby of Middleton near Preston, was certainly the most active
of the Lancashire Parliamentarians. He seems to have attempted to
control local affairs and to attend Parliament at the same time, and was
constantly travelling about between London and Lancashire. He was one of
the first to take action on the Parliament's side in Lancashire; his
chief military commands were at Thurland Castle in 1643 and at the first
siege of Lathom in the following year. He commanded a cavalry regiment
against Hamilton in 1648. In the following year Cromwell appointed him a
Baron of the Exchequer, and he died in 1650 from fever caught whilst
trying a case. Rigby was named as one of the King's judges but he
refused to sit. In spite of his ability he was never popular with his
own party, and Lady Derby's description of him as "that insolent rebel"
fairly represents the royalist opinion of him. He was nevertheless
closely connected with the opposite party by relationship. A curious
illustration of Rigby's activity was his 'Governship' of Lygonia, a
district in the province of Maine in North America. He bought the
charter and described himself as Governor until his death, though he
never visited America and discharged his duties by deputy.[41]

John Moore was head of the family of Moore of Bank Hall, near Liverpool.
He was the leader of the Puritans in that district and was returned for
Liverpool in the Short Parliament. He took little part in the early
military operations in Lancashire but commanded at the first siege of
Lathom; and he was Governor of Liverpool when that place was stormed by
Prince Rupert in August, 1644. Moore was blamed for his surrender, but
apparently without due reason. He was a Deputy-Lieutenant, Sequestrator,
and one of the judges at the King's trial, his name appearing in the
death warrant. He afterwards served in Ireland and died in 1650. His son
Edward, was created a Baronet by Charles II. Moore was a restless,
bitter, and unscrupulous man, and his household was described as a 'hell
upon earth' by Adam Martindale, who for a time acted as his clerk.[42]

William Ashhurst took no part in the operations in Lancashire but looked
after the interests of the county at Westminster. He attained some
prominence in the House of Commons, and was one of the commissioners
sent to Scotland in 1647-8. His brother Major Ashhurst who had at first
fought on the Parliament's side joined Charles the Second in the
expedition of 1651, and William Ashhurst was for a time imprisoned as a
suspected person.[43]

It has already been indicated that the division of Lancashire between
the two factions followed the same lines as the division of the country
generally, that is, the Parliament had the south-east and the King the
north-west. The divisions of the families also on the whole followed
this arrangement. But no hard and fast lines can be drawn. The
Parliament for instance had one firm supporter, Colonel Moore, in the
extreme west, and one, Colonel Dodding, in Lancaster; Rigby himself
lived near Preston: while on the other hand the Nowells of Read lived in
what was chiefly a Parliamentarian district, and we find the Traffords,
Mosleys, and the Radcliffes who were Royalists in or near Manchester
itself.

Moreover hardly a single family of note was to be found entirely united.
Even the Stanleys had their representative in the Parliament's
ranks, Sir Thomas Stanley. Sir Gilbert Hoghton's eldest son was a
Parliamentarian, whilst Capt. Standish, son of the M.P. for Preston, was
killed in the royalist ranks at Manchester. The two bitterest opponents
of the King in Lancashire were Rigby and Moore; and Rigby's wife was the
sister of an active royalist, while Moore's son was created a Baronet
after the Restoration.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] "Discourse," p. 5. Cf., however, "MSS. of Lord Montague of
Beaulieu," p. 153. J. Dillingham to Lord Montague, May, 1642: "I am
assured from a good hand that in Lancashire and Cheshire the Puritans
are able to encounter the papists, and the Protestants are rather for
the Puritan party than the popish. This you may build upon for my
authority is very good."

[29] The chief authorities for Lord Derby's career are the article in
the "Dict. Nat. Biog."; The Life by Canon Raines in the "Stanley
Papers," C.S., No. 66, and Seacome's "House of Stanley." Seacome had
access to the papers of Bishop Rutter, the supposed author of the
Journal of the first siege of Lathom House, and his work contains
valuable information about the Stanley family not otherwise obtainable;
but he is a bitter partisan and very inaccurate. The first edition of
his work was published at Liverpool in 1741; the references in the
following pages are to the second edition, printed by Joseph Harrop in
Manchester in 1767.

[30] _Vide_ "Dict. Nat. Biog." "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 11, pts. 1-3, p.
85. Despatch of the Tuscan Resident at Whitehall: "The Duchess is very
desirous of attaching her (Lady Strange) to the household of the Queen;
but with little prospect of success, either because no more French are
desired, or because she has no influence with those who dispose of these
offices." Cf. also "Moore Rental," pp. 136, 137.

"Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 10, "Bouverie MSS.," p. 91, November 10-20,
1642. W. Strickland to John Pym from the Hague: The States General have
received a letter from Lady Derby which has been communicated to
Strickland by Lord Vosbergen. Lady Derby desires the States General to
mediate with Parliament that her person, children and house may be
secured from dangers to which she may be exposed by Lord Derby following
the King's party. "I told Lord Vosbergen that some of her letters were
said to show but little good affection to Parliament, and I knew not how
far Parliament had power to exempt any from these common dangers."

_Same Day and Place_: "Do what you please about Lady Derby's business; a
civil answer will serve, though it be not to expectation. I desire to
speak for malignants, but I could do no less" (_ibid_, p. 93).

[31] For a sound account of Molyneux _vide_ "Hist. Soc.," Vol. 7 and 8,
pp. 245-278. This contains an account of the "child marriage."
Particulars of his sequestration are given in "Royalist Composition
Papers," R.S., No. 26, p. 157.

[32] "Dict. Nat. Biog." "C.W.T.," pp. 306, 353. "Discourse," p. 92.
Myerscough Lodge lies just aside from the main road from Preston to
Garstang, and about half-way between the two. Until comparatively
recently some parts of the old house remained, but in 1887 the Lodge was
entirely re-built. Clarendon's estimate of Tyldesley is a very high one
("Hist. Rebell.," ed. Macray, Vol. 5, p. 186; bk. 13, par. 70).

[33] "Discourse," p. 91. "Rupert MSS." ("Add. MSS.," 18981), fol. 266.

[34] "C.W.T.," p. 344. "Discourse," p. 90.

[35] "Farington Papers" (C.S., No. 39). "Discourse," p. 94. Worden Hall,
some three miles from Chorley, is still standing, though it was largely
dismantled when the new Hall was built. The old stables remain. About
half a mile away across the fields is Buckshawe Hall, the residence of
Major Robinson, the supposed author of the "Discourse." Both are now
used as farmhouses. Several stone gate-posts bearing Robinson's initials
are now built into the walls at Buckshawe.

[36] "C.W.T.," pp. 67, 84, 149, 347.

[37] "Memoirs of Anne Lady Fanshawe" (ed. H. C. Fanshawe, 1907), pp.
21-25.

[38] "C.W.T.," 340. "C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 742.

[39] "C.W.T.," 337. "Discourse," p. 100. Both these notices, however,
give the date of Assheton's death incorrectly. The entries in the Parish
registers of Middleton put the question beyond doubt ("Lanc. Parish
Register Soc.," Vol. 12, pp. 45, 98). For the votes of the House of
Commons _v._ "C.J.," Vol. 4, p. 7; Vol. 5, p. 680. The former referred
to Assheton's "great, constant and very faithful service." He was
committed to the Tower on Feb. 9, 1643-4, for not paying £1,500 of the
King's revenue in his hands, as one of the Receivers of the King's
Revenue. The Order for his arrest in 1650 was issued by the Council of
State on May 1, "To deliver Lieut.-Col. Ralph Assheton, prisoner in the
Compter for debt, into the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms, to be
brought before Council on a charge of High Treason, he having been
informed against as a very dangerous person" ("C.S.P.," 1650, p. 539).
It is difficult to see how this warrant can refer to anyone else. In
"Iter Lancastrense" (C.S., 6), p. 29, a description of Assheton's tomb
in Middleton Church is given, and the situation of it is exactly
indicated. This book was published in 1845; but on the restoration of
Middleton Church by Bishop Durnford in 1869, the stone was removed with
others bearing brasses into the sacrarium. The floor of the Assheton
Chapel is now occupied by pews. The Albany Mill stands on the site of
old Middleton Hall. There is a pedigree of the Middleton Asshetons in
Baines' "Lancashire" (ed. Croston), Vol. 2, p. 396.

[40] "C.W.T.," p. 352. "Discourse," p. 101, note. Pedigree in Whitaker's
"Whalley," p. 339. Robert Shuttleworth (1784-1855) had an only daughter
Janet, who married, in 1842, Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth; the present
Lord Shuttleworth is their son (Burke's "Peerage"). Colonel Ughtred
Shuttleworth was committed to the Tower in March, 1651 ("C.S.P.," 1651,
p. 104).

[41] "C.W.T.," p. 351. "Discourse," p. 127. "Palatine Note Book," Vol.
3, pp. 137-140. Rigby's elder brother, George Rigby of Peel, was the
ancestor of the present Lord Kenyon.

[42] "C.W.T.," p. 349. "Discourse," pp. 101-2. "Martindale's Life," pp.
36-7. "There was such a pack of arrant thieves and they so artificial at
their trade, that it was scarce possible to save anything out of their
hands except what I could carry about with me or lodge in some other
house. Those that were not thieves (if there are any such) were
generally, if not universally, profaned bitter scoffers at piety." For
the surrender of Liverpool _vide_ "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 10, app. 4,
pp. 102-3 (Depositions of Capt. Andrew Ashton concerning the loss of
Liverpool). It is here stated that when Moore heard of the royalists'
entry into the town he drew his sword and asked for volunteers, but his
men refused to follow him, and he then reluctantly proceeded to the
waterside, many shots being fired at him as he embarked. The fullest
account of Moore is in the "Moore Rental," pp. v-xxxix.

[43] "C.W.T.," p. 337. "Tanner MSS.," Vol. 59, fol. 503. Another
brother, Henry, became a prominent London merchant and philanthropist.




CHAPTER III.

The Siege of Manchester.


From the days when it was a Roman fortress Manchester had probably been
the most considerable place in Lancashire. Leland had referred to it in
the previous century as the "fairest best builded quickest and most
populous town of all Lancashire": and as in those days the ring of towns
now surrounding it, the creation of the cotton trade, were non-existent,
Manchester was in proportion larger than now. It was the principal
market for the fustians which were manufactured at Bolton, Leigh and the
places adjacent. The following quotation is from Lewis Robert's
"Merchant's Map of Commerce" written in 1641.

    "The town of Manchester buys the linen yarn of the Irish in great
    quantity and weaving it returns the same again to Ireland to sell;
    neither doth their industry rest here for they buy cotton wool in
    London that comes first from Cyprus and Smyrna and work the same
    into fustians vermilions dimities etc., which they return to London
    where they are sold, and from thence not seldom sent into such
    foreign parts where the first materials may be more easily had for
    their manufacture."

Though Manchester was in the 17th century no more than a small unwalled
town its position at the junction of the Irk and Irwell gave it some
natural strength on the north and west sides; but there were no walls or
defences of any kind. The town consisted of a half circle of houses
round the Collegiate Church, with Deansgate and Market Stead Lane
branching off to the south-west and south-east respectively. The
population was probably from 5000 to 6000, and of Salford about
one-fourth of that.[44] The bridges over the Irwell and Irk described by
Leland were still all that existed during the Civil War; but the Chapel
on Salford Bridge which he mentions had fallen into ruin, and was during
the war often used as a prison. All that now remains above ground of the
Manchester of that day besides a few old public houses and one street
corner is the Collegiate Church, now the Cathedral, and the old College,
which is now Chetham Hospital.

If the Civil War had not broken out when it did Manchester might have
attained a distinction for which it had to wait for another 250 years.
In March, 1640-1, a proposal was made to establish a University in the
town. A petition was presented to Parliament urging the great distance
of Oxford and Cambridge and the great expense which was incurred at
those places, "so that divers gentlemen are induced to send their sons
to foreign universities or to allow them only country breeding." It was
pointed out that the north of England generally would benefit "which by
reason of the distance from Court and University suffers a double
eclipse of honour and learning," and Manchester was stated to be the
fittest place, being central in position and an old town "formerly both
a city and a sanctuary." Lord Strange was much interested in the scheme
and had promised to contribute liberally towards it; and the old
College, at that time disused and much neglected, was indicated as a
very suitable place for the University to be established.

Unfortunately the success of this very interesting scheme was made
impossible by the agitated condition of public affairs. An attempt was
made to secure Lord Fairfax's support, but he pointed out that even if
the opposition of Oxford and Cambridge and other difficulties did not
prove insuperable, Parliament had no leisure to discuss matters of such
local interest. In view of the trials of Stafford and of Laud and the
state of church affairs, a Manchester University bill had no chance of a
hearing.[45]

It was fortunate for the Parliamentarian cause in Lancashire that the
largest town in the county was on its side. The 'very London of those
parts' had as much weight then as now in local affairs, though not its
present importance in the national life. The Civil War gave Manchester a
national position such as it had never had before. There was no doubt
that the majority of the townsmen were against the King; the town was
not unanimous as the affray on July 15 had shown, but the fact that the
Manchester magazine alone was not secured by the royalists is
significant enough; we cannot credit the statements made to the
contrary. Curiously enough, however, Salford was royalist in
sympathy.[46]

During September, 1642, it was definitely known in Manchester that Lord
Strange was collecting troops for an attack upon the town. Towards the
end of the month the Parliamentarian newspapers contained disquieting
rumours about the royalist plans. Lord Strange was said to have 1000
foot, and it was thought possible that Rupert, and even the King might
join him.[47] The situation was critical; for the majority of the county
was on his lordship's side, and there was no garrison in Manchester, and
no fortifications of any kind. The townsmen were able, however, to
secure the services of a capable engineer to direct the defence. This
was John Rosworm, a German by birth, who had seen service in the Low
Countries, and had been in Ireland until the insurrection there broke
out. He had come to Manchester early in the summer of 1642; and when the
war began entered into an agreement signed by 22 of the principal
citizens of Manchester to defend the town for 6 months for the sum of
£30.[48] This engagement was renewed 6 months later, and eventually
Rosworm remained in the service of the town for more than six years
at a salary of £60 a year. Also in January, 1642-3, he became
Lieutenant-Colonel in Assheton's regiment of foot. Rosworm was a capable
officer and served the town well; but his own estimate of his services
is much higher than anybody else's, and his statements about the arrears
owing to him from the town must have been greatly exaggerated. His
service during the siege, however, was most valuable. It was only in
September that he was engaged by the town, and he at once began to make
such defences as were possible, by building mud walls at the street
ends, and fixing posts and chains to keep out the enemy's horse. These
preparations were only just completed in time; and even so it
was accident rather than otherwise which gave the town another
reinforcement. Sir Edward Fitton and Mr. Leigh of Adlington beginning to
disarm their tenants, the supporters of the Parliament from all the
neighbourhood round Manchester flocked into the town and completely
silenced any objections which the royalists there were making to the
works. All the present suburbs of Manchester were not, however,
favourable to the Parliament. On September 24 one John Scholes being
sent to ring the bells at Prestwich Church 'backwards,' was prevented by
the Rector, Isaac Allen. Allen was afterwards deprived of his living,
but it was urged in his favour that he was a man of blameless life, and
he had not directed his parishioners to take either side in the war. In
1645 he was allowed £40 per annum for maintenance.

Lord Strange mustered his troops at Warrington, and it was 10 o'clock at
night on Saturday, Sept. 24, when news reached the town that he was on
his march. The distance is only 18 miles, but delayed by the breaking of
a wheel of one of the gun carriages and probably also by bad roads, his
troops did not arrive before the town until the following day. Their
numbers are variously stated from 2000 to 4000 men, and they were
probably about half way between these estimates. With Lord Strange were
Lord Molyneux, Sir Gilbert Hoghton, Sir Alexander Radcliffe, Sir John
Girlington, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Tyldesley, Mr. Farington and many
others of the royalist gentry of the south and west of Lancashire. The
force included four troops of horse and one of dragoons; the foot were
trained bands and some Welshmen. They were divided into two somewhere on
the march, one division keeping north of the Irwell and occupying
Salford, the other crossing the river and approaching Manchester by way
of Alport Lane. Lord Strange was with the latter party and took up his
quarters at Alport Lodge belonging to Sir Edward Mosley.[49]

When the royalists approached the alarm was given by ringing the bells
'backwards'; it was 9 o'clock on Sunday morning, and the townsmen were
called out of church. Two envoys were sent out to Lord Strange, who kept
one of them with him for some hours, sending the other back with Captain
Windebank to demand an entrance into the town; he promised to respect
life and property if this were conceded. This demand was of course
refused, and next day hostilities began.[50]

[Illustration: A PLAN OF MANCHESTER and SALFORD about 1650.]

The Parliamentary troops in the town, which numbered about 1000,
consisted partly of the militia under the command of Captain Radcliffe
and partly of those who had come in from the surrounding country to its
assistance. The best of the latter were 150 tenants of Mr. Assheton of
Middleton under Captain Bradshaw. The various positions had already been
assigned. Bradshaw was posted at the end of Deansgate; Salford Bridge,
which he rather unreasonably calls "the only place of manifest danger,
greatest action and least defence," Rosworm took for himself; Captain
Radcliffe held Market Stead Lane and Captain Booth Millgate. Lieutenant
Barwick was posted in Hunt's Bank; and on Shudehill 'a company of
resolute soldiers without any commander.' The guns or gun, for perhaps
there was only one, defended Bradshaw's position, which was really the
most difficult.[51]

On Monday morning Lord Strange sent another message formally demanding
all the arms in the town to be delivered up, and quarter for a troop of
his horse; but the townsmen replied that this was forbidden by the
Protestation, and by Ordinance of Parliament. About mid-day the royalist
batteries opened fire, shooting bullets of 4 lbs., 6 lbs., and 8 lbs.
weight; but little damage was done except to the houses. They then
attacked Deansgate at close quarters and setting fire to some buildings
at the end of the town, almost effected an entrance. Rosworm was obliged
to send 20 of his 50 musketeers as reinforcement, and the royalists were
at length driven back with some loss. Later in the afternoon an assault
was also made on Salford Bridge, but this was more easily repulsed as
the royalists had there to charge uphill, and their position was
commanded by the higher ground of the churchyard. There is also said to
have been a royalist attack of horse against the east of the town, but
this also was beaten off. Firing continued until dark, and at midnight a
party of royalists went down to the water's edge in Salford, and
attempted to set fire to the town by means of lighted faggots. The
royalists are said to have lost 120 men against 3 of the defenders.[52]

Next day no direct attacks were delivered at Deansgate or the Bridge.
The former seems to have been left quite free, but a cannonade was begun
by the royalists in Salford which so terrified Rosworm's raw soldiers
that 16 of them took to their heels; and he says that some of those who
stayed did so from fear of his drawn sword.[53] As he had sent away 20
of his men on the previous day only 14 now remained at this important
position; but volunteers brought up his men to their original number
again. On this day the other street ends were attacked by the royalists,
especially Market Stead Lane; but they were beaten back at all points.
Gaining confidence, the townsmen began to sally out on their own account
and cut off several small parties which were straggling in the fields.
Seven troopers with their horses were taken and one quarter-master shot
with the loss of two of the garrison.

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon Lord Strange called a parley and again
proposed surrender; after some negotiation a truce was agreed upon until
7 o'clock on the following morning, but it seems to have been observed
by neither side.[54] Lord Strange's proposals were considered, but it
was not likely that after having repelled his attacks for two days the
townsmen would be more ready to treat than before; and all the royalist
terms were refused.[55] Strange made many proposals, less and less being
asked for on each refusal. First he demanded to march through the town,
then £1000 in money, then 200 muskets; finally he offered to depart if
50 muskets were surrendered. "The town said they would not give him so
much as a rusty dagger"[56]; and next day hostilities were resumed.

The defenders were, however, not quite so unanimous as the defiant
replies would suggest. There was a party in the town led by Colonel
Holland the Governor, which desired to come to terms with the royalists.
They pointed out that the stock of ammunition was running very low,
and that the country people who had come in as volunteers were
becoming restive owing to the plundering by the royalists in the
neighbourhood.[57] Rosworm describes a scene when Holland on Wednesday
afternoon came down to him at the Bridge urging these considerations;
Rosworm referred the matter to his soldiers, who declared they would
stand firm, and Holland went away in anger. Shortly after this Mr.
Bourne, the aged fellow of the Collegiate Church coming by, Rosworm
urged him to go along Deansgate to Bradshaw's men and persuade them if
necessary to resist. They, however, needed no persuasion but declared
"by a general shout that they would part with their arms and their lives
together."[58] It was perhaps a concession to the faint-hearted that on
the following day Mr. Alexander Butterworth of Belfield was sent towards
London for aid.[59]

There was, however, no need to bring help from London or anywhere else,
for the royalist attack was nearly spent. When hostilities were resumed
the Parliamentarians were the assailants. At 10 o'clock on Thursday,
September 29, 200 men sallied out from Deansgate to relieve a house
which had been occupied by the royalists; they were attacked by 100
musketeers and a troop of horse, but after an hour's fighting the
royalists were defeated, most of the horse being driven into the river
and an officer[60] and two men drowned. The losses are given as 13 on
each side and the town made two prisoners. In Salford some guns
previously placed in a position which was commanded by the churchyard
were removed. On this day also the royalists lost one of their leaders
in Salford, Captain Standish, who was shot by a marksman posted at the
top of the church tower.[61] There was no further fighting after this.
The following day desultory firing continued from Deansgate and Salford,
and at the former position the royalists began to dig a trench as if
they intended to establish a blockade; but it was only a pretence for
they dared no longer to come to close quarters.[62] On Saturday the Earl
of Derby, as he now was from his father's death on the previous day,
sent for an exchange of prisoners, of which the town is said to have
taken 85. The royalists made up their number by seizing non-combatants
from the surrounding district. When the exchange had been effected the
royalists decamped in such haste that Rosworm was able to send out a
party openly to capture their arms.

It is not very easy to estimate satisfactorily the losses on both sides
during the six days of the siege. We have very full details, but
unfortunately all the accounts are written by Parliamentarians, and no
one-sided descriptions of Civil War battles can be relied upon. Heyrick
for instance roundly says of the Monday operations when fighting was the
most severe of all, "in this day's fight blessed be God we lost not one
man." One writer states that the townsmen lost no one at all except one
boy who was looking on from a stile; and they all estimate the royalist
casualties at some hundreds. It is of course to be expected that few of
the defenders were killed but surprising that many lives were lost at
all. Seventeenth century musketry was very erratic, and the besieger's
cannon was probably wholly useless; and the combatants came to close
quarters very little except on the first day of the siege. The
"Sutherland Diary," which seems altogether the most accurate and
moderate account estimates the royalist losses at 220 killed and 85
prisoners; detailed losses of the defenders amount only to 19. But on
the first day the losses are said to be 125 and 3 respectively, which
sounds very unlikely. It is, however, not possible to arrive at any
greater accurateness for all the accounts agree in the main that about
80 prisoners were taken by the town, and that the royalists lost from
100 to 250 men. Nineteen is the largest total given for the defenders'
losses.[63] A very glowing picture of the state of the town during the
siege is given by Heyrick and other writers. Heyrick says "our Souldiers
from first to last had prayers and singing of Psalmes daily at the
street ends, most of our Souldiers being religious honest men of a
civill and inoffensive conversation, which came out of conscience of
their oath and protestation. The Townsmen were kind and respective to
the Souldiers; all things were common: the Gentlemen made bullets night
and day; the Souldiers were resolute and coragious and feared nothing so
much as a Parley; the deputy Lieutenants, Captaine Chantwell and other
gentlemen took paines night and day to see that the Souldiers did their
duty."[64]

If this description is not somewhat overdrawn, it is because the town
did not stand by itself in the matter of defence. The neighbouring
Deputy-Lieutenants and Bradshaw's men probably did much not only in
numbers but in moral effect to strengthen the resistance. For there was
certainly a party in the town less inclined to stand out. Manchester
contained many royalists; and as we have seen, they were at least the
majority in Salford. Probably Lord Strange counted on a far less
stubborn resistance than he encountered; and judging by the support
given him in July he was justified in doing so. This may have had
something to do with the badly organised state of his force, though
there is no need to credit all the stories which the other side told
about its composition. It was evidently without discipline or
efficiency;[65] and the attack was ill-planned and conducted with no
vigour. The royalists attacked Manchester which was not a strong
position on the whole, at two of its strongest points. At Deansgate they
had no advantage of ground, and in Salford they were at a disadvantage,
having to advance across a narrow sloping bridge which was commanded by
the higher opposite bank of the river; whereas at Shude Hill or at
Market Stead Lane the royalists would have had the advantage of ground,
and their guns would have proved much more effective at these positions
than pointing up Salford Bridge. The principal attacks should have been
delivered at these two points.

The weather was no doubt an item in favour of the town. It was a very
wet week, and not only did the rain make communication impossible
between the two divisions of the royalists, for the Irwell rises rapidly
in flood; but as the besiegers were mostly out in the open the
discomfort of their position served to demoralise them still further.

"By reason of cold and wet hunger and thirst and labour want of sleep
and a bitter welcome that we gave them, their hearts were discouraged
mightily."[66]

Moreover no attempt was made by the royalists to blockade the town,
which kept open communications during all the week of the siege. It was,
however, a mistake to divide the royalist forces at all.

Nevertheless Manchester might congratulate itself on a very
considerable and well deserved success. The thanksgivings of October
2nd, and of October 6th, when there was a special service in the church
for the soldiers, were amply justified; for it was the first trial of
strength, and the royalists were thought to be the stronger. The effect
of their failure was therefore very great. And it is surely not only
local pride which sees in the siege of Manchester an event which had an
importance quite out of proportion to that which is at first apparent.
As a Parliamentarian writer says, "had not that town stood very firmly
for the King and Parliament in all probability the whole county had
been brought into subjection to the oppression and violence of
the Cavaliers."[67] This is quite true. Manchester became the
Parliamentarian headquarters, though even after their first success that
party was for three months very largely on the defensive. Manchester was
the key of the position, and had it fallen in October, 1642, and
remained in royalist hands the King would have been supreme in the whole
county. And to have been supreme in Lancashire would have enormously
strengthened Charles' cause in all the north of England.

FOOTNOTES:

[44] The population is probably estimated from the list of Manchester
signatures to the Protestation of 1641-2, which are given at length in
the "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 1. This is supposed to be a complete list
of the householders in Manchester at the time. The whole total, however,
is 1,305, and as 120 or more are names of officers mostly outside the
town, and there are many reduplications besides, the estimate of 5,000
seems nearer the mark.

[45] "Fairfax Correspondence" (2 vols., 1848), Vol. 2, pp. 271-4. "Hist.
MSS. Com.," Rep. 9, app. 2, pp. 431-2. Fairfax writes to his brother,
Henry Fairfax, at Ashton-under-Lyne: a bill in Parliament would cost 100
marks, and would have very small chance of success.

[46] The Reeve of Salford at this time was Henry Wrigley, a successful
cloth merchant and banker. He gave £20 towards the £200 which was
subscribed for the building of Salford Chapel, the remainder being paid
by Humphrey Booth. Wrigley was Constable for Salford Hundred, and in
that capacity issued the summons under the Commission of Array for the
muster at Bury on July 14, 1642. He was a lukewarm royalist, however,
and prevented two of his servants from joining the royalist army.
Afterwards he closed his house and fled to London, where he appeared
definitely on the Parliament's side. Attempts were afterwards made to
convict him as a malignant, but without success. Wrigley, who was a very
prosperous merchant, afterwards lived at Chamber Hall, near Oldham. He
was one of Humphrey Chetham's executors and High Sheriff of Lancashire
in 1651. ("Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3. pp. 103, 104.)

[47] "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke), Sept., 19-26. "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke
and Wood), Sept., 19-26. "The Cavaliers have disarmed most of
Lancashire; Lord Wharton has been ordered north."

[48] Rosworm's connection with Manchester is given in greatest detail in
his "Good Service Hitherto Ill-Rewarded ("C.W.T.," pp. 215-244), which
was an appeal to Parliament against the arrears of his salary from the
town; and it cannot therefore be called an impartial account of his
services. His estimate of himself is always a great deal higher than
that given by other writers. Moreover his complaints of arrears would
seem to have been considerably exaggerated. From the "Good Service" one
would gather that the town never paid Rosworm anything at all; there
are, however, given in "C.W.T.," pp. 246, 247, particulars showing that
Rosworm was paid £135 between Dec., 1644, and July, 1647, which is not
very far short of his amount due for the period. He also received £28 in
1648 ("Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 2, New Series, No. 63; "Manchester
Civic Records). It must be remembered that our information of payments
made is necessarily very fragmentary. The details in "C.W.T." are said
to be "from an old Book of Accounts of the town of Manchester in the
custody of the Boroughreeve," but it is an example of the way in which
the Manchester Municipal Records have been neglected that this book does
not now exist, and no information as to its contents can be obtained.

In 1651 Rosworm was recommended by the Council of State to be employed
as engineer at Yarmouth, where some works were to be erected in prospect
of an attempted landing by the enemy ("C.S.P.," 1649-50, pp. 225-235).

[49] Alport Lodge stood half a mile from the town, on the site of the
present Great Northern Goods Station. It seems to have been burnt down
by accident during the siege. Sir Edward Mosley contributed £20,000 to
the royal cause. He afterwards joined Sir Thomas Aston in Cheshire, and
was taken prisoner near Middlewich. One-tenth levied on his estate
amounted to £4,874. His pardon was passed by Parliament in October,
1647. (Axon, "Lancashire Gleanings," p. 3. "H. L. Calendar, Hist. MSS.
Com.," Vol. 6.)

[50] The principal authorities for the Siege of Manchester are a number
of Tracts in the Thomason Collection:--"Newes from Manchester"; "A True
and Faithfull Relation of the Besieging of the Town of Manchester,
etc."; "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege
of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Perfect Relation of the Proceedings at
Manchester, etc.," E. 121 (13). The first two of these are given in
"C.W.T.," pp. 44 and 49; the third is summarised in the appendix to that
volume, p. 332. The fourth Tract differs greatly from the other
accounts. There are also several other Tracts of little value. To these
must be added Rosworm's narrative ("C.W.T.," pp. 219-223) and that in
Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," pp. 111-123). And perhaps the
most interesting account of all is the Diary contained in the Sutherland
MSS., "Hist. MSS. Comm.," Report 5, p. 142. The present writer
contributed an essay on the Siege of Manchester to the "Owens College
Historical Essays" (1902), p. 377.

[51] The Captain Bradshaw here mentioned was probably Robert Bradshaw,
younger brother of John Bradshaw, of Bradshaw Hall, near Bolton, Sheriff
of Lancashire in 1645 (often wrongly confused with President Bradshaw).
He did good service in command of the Assheton tenantry at Manchester:
"Captain Bradshaw hath quit himself most valiantly to his everlasting
renown; he prays with his soldiers every day himself," E. 240 (23). His
name does not, however, appear much afterwards, but if he was the
Captain Bradshaw who was taken prisoner later in the year, and carried
to Lathom House, he died soon after his release from there. The
"Discourse" calls him "a very moderate man and of good parts" (p. 20).

Richard Radcliffe lived at Radcliffe Hall, a moated house then standing
south of Market Stead Lane. It was afterwards called Pool Fold, and the
name is still preserved. The Hall was pulled down in 1811. This is
usually supposed to have been the Richard Radcliffe who was elected
Member of Parliament for Manchester in Cromwell's Parliament of 1656;
but as he is called 'old Mr. Radcliffe' in the following year, this may
be doubted. The return of the Burgess to Parliament in 1656 simply calls
the Member "Richard Radcliffe, Esquire, of Manchester." Radcliffe served
at the second defence of Bolton against the royalists in 1643.
("C.W.T.," p. 351. "Manchester Municipal Records." "Palatine Note Book,"
Vol. 3, pp. 265-6.)

Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Booth, was the fifth son of Sir George
Booth, Lord of the Manor of Warrington; for a full account of his career
_vide_ a note in the "Discourse," p. 120-122. He must be distinguished
from Colonel (afterwards Sir George) Booth, grandson of the Sir George
Booth referred to, who at first fought on the Parliament's side, but
headed a rising for Charles the Second in 1659, and became first Lord
Delamere after the Restoration.

[52] These numbers sound very disproportionate, but the statement is
made in the "Sutherland MSS.," which seems much the most reliable in the
matter of numbers. "These were estimated," the account continues, "from
the graves found in the fields about the town, and five more were found
in the sands of the river; and it is supposed that more were cast into
the river, among whom was Mr. Mountain, a Colonel of horse, and Captain
Skirton and a lieutenant, with others of note" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol.
5, p. 142). The tract called "A True and Faithful Relation, etc.," which
is supposed to have been written by Heyrick, says roundly: "In this
day's fight, blessed be to God, we lost not one man."

Richard Heyrick, the Warden of the Collegiate Church, was son of Sir
William Heyrick, Alderman of London, who afterwards lived at Beaumanor,
in Leicestershire. He was born in London in 1600, became Rector of North
Repps, in Norfolk, and Warden of Manchester in 1635, his father
obtaining the Wardenship for him in satisfaction of some monetary
transactions with the Crown. Heyrick was a man of great energy, and was
the leader of the Presbyterian party in Manchester. He was a cousin of
Herrick the poet. (Art. by C. W. Sutton, "Dictionary of National
Biography.")

[53] No other account mentions this incident.

[54] The royalists continued plundering, if they suspended their actual
attacks upon the town; and evidently the garrison took opportunity to
bring in reinforcements. They came from Bolton, and two of them were
killed by the royalists during a skirmish outside the town; "Coming
peaceably with 150 more to assist the town," Heyrick says quaintly
("C.W.T.," p. 55).

[55] The terms offered are variously stated, the fullest account being
given in a tract entitled, "The Lord Strange, his Demands, etc."
("C.W.T.," p. 47). Rosworm mentions only a demand for 100 muskets.
Heyrick says that the question was finally referred to the soldiers,
"who all resolutely answered they would not give him a yard of match,
but would maintain their cause and arms to the last drop of blood."

[56] "Sutherland MSS."

[57] "As also their foot plundered, which gave the occasion and example
for all the plundering that after happened in the county" ("Discourse,"
P. 7).

Richard Holland (afterwards Colonel in the service of the Parliament)
lived at Heaton, in Prestwich. He was a magistrate and sequestrator, and
served at Preston, Wigan and the first siege of Lathom House. Rosworm
was his bitter enemy, and accused him of great cowardice.

[58] The shortage of ammunition was evidently a very grave danger, for
all the accounts mention it. Rosworm confesses that he had only 6 lbs.
of powder and 18 fathom of match left, but he had told no one. Cf. a
letter from Sir John Hotham to the Speaker on Nov. 25, 1642, in which he
refers to his having sent from Hull five barrels of powder to Manchester
"when they were in that extremity with Lord Strange" ("Portland MSS.,"
Vol. 1, p. 174). This powder arrived on Oct. 14 ("C.W.T.," p. 122). The
"Valley of Achor" refers to the fact that the very wet weather made the
country people more willing to stay in Manchester, it being harvest time
("C.W.T.," p. 118).

Rev. William Bourne was senior fellow of the Collegiate Church. He died
in the following year. He "had long been a blessing to the town, and had
seen a resurrection of it from the Plague, nigh forty years before"
(evidently the visitation of 1605), and "was lifted up from the gates of
death and raised in spirit to promote this work."

[59] Cf. also a letter dated Sept. 26, signed by Holland, Booth, Egerton
and Hide, to Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie "at Haslingden or
elsewhere," asking them to send powder and match for the relief of
Manchester ("Lancs. Lieutenancy," pt. 2, p. 273).

[60] This was Captain Snell, who "had two rings on his hands worth £20"
("Sutherland MSS.").

[61] Captain Thomas Standish was not of the royalist family of that name
at Standish; that branch was represented at the siege of Manchester by
its head, Ralph Standish, the uncle of Lord Molyneux and father-in-law
of Colonel Tyldesley; but was the eldest son of Thomas Standish of
Duxbury, near Chorley, Shuttleworth's colleague as M.P. for Preston.
Heyrick says he was killed whilst "reproaching his soldiers because they
would not fall on," but the "Discourse" less picturesquely, but probably
with more accuracy, that "quartered in a house upon the north side of
Salford, well up towards the Chapel, was, by a bullet shot from the top
of Manchester Steeple, slain" (p. 7). The "Sutherland Diary" gives a
touch of human interest in the statement, "He was to have married Mr.
Archbould's kinswoman, who married Sir John Harper of Cork." There is no
doubt that the loss of Standish was a serious blow to the attack.

[62] "On Friday Lord Strange's forces were so scattered that they durst
not come within pistol shot of the town" ("Sutherland Diary"). When
Derby requested an exchange of prisoners and a cessation of plundering,
the town retorted that they had not plundered at all, but his lordship
had done so much damage "that £10,000 would not make a recompense"
("C.W.T.," p. 55).

[63] These figures are from the authorities cited above. The only
independent estimate is in a letter from Stephen Charlton to Sir R.
Leveson: "News confirmed by several letters from Manchester that they of
the town have slain about 300 of Lord Strange's forces" ("Hist. MSS.
Com.," Vol. 5, p. 161).

[64] The "Valley of Achor" goes further than this: "A spirit of Piety
and Devotion in Prayers and singing of Psalms rested generally upon
Persons and families, yea Taverns and Innes where it might not put in
the head formerly" ("C.W.T.," p. 120). Cf. however "Salford Portmote
Records," C.S. (new series), 48, Vol. 2, p. 77; on Oct. 16, 1644, Edward
Rosterne was presented "for making an affray on the Bridge with the
soldiers that kept the Bridge there."

[65] It was stated that the royalist forces had been summoned to
Warrington to meet the King, and the direction of their march was at
first concealed from them. "The Lord Strange's Souldiers some of them
wept, others protested great unwillingness to fight against Manchester,
affirming they were deceived and deluded else they had not come hither"
("C.W.T.," p. 56).

[66] "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of
Manchester," etc., E. 121 (45).

[67] "Exceeding Joyful News out of Lancashire, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 103).
Cf. "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 6, p. 67: "For Manchester the Lord
Strange, who had by His Majesty's favour and encouragement recovered his
spirits (after the impeachment), undertook, without troubling His
Majesty further northward in a very short time to reduce that place
(which was not so fortunately performed because not so resolutely
pursued) and to send a good body of foot to the King to Shrewsbury."




CHAPTER IV.

First Operations of the Manchester Garrison.

Capture of Preston.


When the House of Commons met on Monday, Oct. 3, letters were read
giving information of Lord Strange's retreat. It was, however, feared
that he would very soon return to make another attempt. There was a
false alarm in Manchester on the same day that the royalists were coming
back, and the rumours were repeated on October 5 and October 10; and at
intervals all through the rest of the month the town lived in fear of a
second royalist attack. It was again reported in the newspapers that the
King was to join the Earl of Derby against Manchester and then to march
into Yorkshire against the Hothams.[68] Fortunately all these rumours
were false. Manchester was never to see any more fighting and only once
again the march of a hostile army. And there was never any real prospect
at this time of Charles invading Lancashire. The Earl of Derby sent some
of his troops to join the royal army, but he does not seem to have
himself joined the King.

Parliament had realised the importance of retaining Manchester, and
already during the siege a commission had been issued for raising 1000
dragoons under Sir John Seaton for service in Lancashire. Unfortunately
it was easier to issue commissions than to carry them out; in spite of
newspaper reports to the contrary the dragoons had not reached
Manchester by the end of November. Indeed it is doubtful whether they
were ever sent at all, though Seaton was in command in Lancashire early
in the new year.[69] Supplies of powder were, however, sent to
Manchester; a large amount reached the town on October 22, besides that
which had been sent from Hull; though several convoys were intercepted
by the royalists, one on its way from Worcester, one by Sir Edward
Mosley at Stafford, and one later on October 24. Mr. Assheton had also a
warrant from the Speaker for conveying four small brass pieces to
Manchester and one for the defence of his own house at Middleton.[70]
The whole county was organised for military purposes by the Parliament,
companies being raised and Colonels appointed for each Hundred; Assheton
and Holland in Salford Hundred, Shuttleworth and Nicholas Starkie in
Blackburn, Rigby for Amounderness and Leyland, Moore and Peter Egerton
in West Derby, and Mr. Dodding for Lonsdale Hundred. The local captains
were those who had already served at the siege of Manchester, Birch,
Bradshaw, Radcliffe and Venables. Salford Hundred was the most active
for the Parliament, and Manchester led the way. The troops there were
steadily drilled, the magazine replenished, and fortifications
considerably strengthened. Not content with this the garrison began to
make small expeditions on its own account to plunder the houses of
royalists in the neighbourhood.[71] Alport Lodge where Lord Strange and
Tyldesley had stayed during the siege was destroyed;[72] a party was
sent to disarm the town of Bury, where the first royalist musters had
been made; and Captain Birch led a force into Blackburn Hundred to
capture Townley Hall. As soon, however, as the war had actually broken
out men began to realise what consequences its long continuance may
have. It was, writes Clarendon, "the opinion of most that a battle would
determine all"; and when Edgehill had been fought and small skirmishes
occurring in all parts of the country had left matters much as they
were, local attempts at pacification began to be made in many places.
These merely attempted to make a temporary arrangement for cessation,
and were quite distinct from the negotiations between King and
Parliament which continued all through the autumn of 1642. Questions of
principle were not raised, and as the local opponents had usually been
on good terms before the war began, it was not difficult for them to
come to some agreement. In Devon and Cornwall a treaty was entered into
by the two parties; in Yorkshire and in Cheshire, and no doubt in other
counties also, pacifications were arranged. Parliament, however,
steadily refused to countenance them, and the position was no doubt a
sound one.

In Lancashire negotiations were opened through the medium of Roger
Nowell of Read, a royalist captain, but a relative of Colonel
Shuttleworth, and it was decided to attempt a meeting of a certain
number from each party at Blackburn on Thursday, October 13.
Shuttleworth wrote to Holland and Egerton in Manchester asking for their
co-operation, and they replied on October 10 agreeing to the meeting,
but suggesting Bolton as a better place since they were not willing to
leave their own Hundred. Shuttleworth replied next day to Nowell naming
Bolton as the place, and offering either the following Monday or
Tuesday, October 17 or 18 for the date. Nowell fixed October 18 with
William Farington, and it was arranged that six leaders from each side
should meet. The Parliamentarians were Shuttleworth, Starkie, Egerton,
Holland, John Bradshaw and John Braddyl; the royalists Farington,
Alexander Rigby of Burgh, John Fleetwood, Savile Radcliffe, and it was
hoped Sir Thomas Barton and Robert Holt of Castleton. But the intended
meeting never took place. Parliament somehow had news of the
arrangement, and promptly put their veto upon it. On October 15 Holland
wrote from Manchester that Parliament had forbidden any local attempts
at pacification; Shuttleworth forwarded the letter to the royalists, and
the incident closed.[73]

There seems to have been one further attempt to bring about a
pacification in Lancashire, or perhaps it would be more correct to say
that Manchester was included in negotiations which were proceeding in
Cheshire at the initiative of Lord Kilmorey and Lord Brereton. It was
proposed that the troops in and near Manchester should be disbanded and
the town 'secured' by the Earl of Derby. But the Parliamentarians had
nothing to gain by the terms suggested, and the former failure had made
them more cautious. They replied that they had done nothing consciously
to provoke Lord Derby's hostility; but that if satisfactory proposals
for pacification were submitted they would send them up to Parliament
immediately by a special messenger.[74] Meanwhile the royalists in the
county were also arming, and in spite of peace proposals all
preparations were being made for a protracted struggle. After retreating
a little way from Manchester Lord Derby seems to have sent some
regiments to the King and made his own headquarters at Warrington. But
he was reported to be in a very despondent frame of mind, "for the last
Thursday (November 24) at Warrington at dinner he said he was born under
an unfortunate planet and that he thought some evil constellation
reigned at the time of his birth, with many such other words of passion
and discontent." There was even a report about this time that his life
was in danger, which is the more credible as it comes from a royalist
source. He summoned a meeting of his supporters on October 10 at
Warrington,[75] and it was resolved to call out the trained bands and
freehold bands of Lancashire and to raise horse, and also to bring about
an association with the counties of Shropshire, Flint, Denbigh,
Cumberland and Westmorland. The resolutions were signed by Derby and 23
others; it is rather surprising to find that the Parliamentarian leaders
were also summoned to this meeting.[76] Shuttleworth and Starkie
certainly had invitations, and probably some others also. The chief
royalist garrisons were established at Warrington, Wigan and Preston.
Wigan was the nearest town to Lathom House, and was described by its
opponents as the "most malignant town in all the county"; Warrington,
however, on account of its geographical importance as commanding the
only bridge into Cheshire, was the most strongly fortified, and
contained the most numerous garrison. At the end of October the
Parliamentarian leaders had information that there were royalist troops
to the number of 1400 in six garrisons, of which 400 were at Warrington,
300 at Preston and 200 at Wigan.[77] In December another royalist
meeting was held at Preston and the organisation was further completed.
Collectors were appointed for every Hundred to raise the sum of £8,700
to be employed for the payment of 2000 foot and 400 horse and for the
provision of a magazine. The collectors were Girlington and Roger Kirkby
for Lonsdale Hundred; Adam Mort, Mayor of Preston, and Alexander Rigby
of Burgh for Amounderness; Farington and John Fleetwood for Leyland;
Henry Ogle, John Bretherton and Robert Mercer for West Derby; Robert
Holt and Francis Sherington for Salford; and Sir John Talbot and
Radcliffe Assheton for Blackburn. The rates of pay were fixed; and
Girlington, Mort, Kirkby and James Anderton or any three of them were to
form a standing council at Preston to give reports periodically to Lord
Derby, and having power to summon other advisers as they pleased.[78]

Actual hostilities began again about the end of November, and for two
months in spite of the winter, there was constant fighting in various
parts of the county. The climax of the campaign, which on the whole went
greatly in favour of the Parliamentarians, was their capture of
Preston in February, 1642-3. A number of skirmishes occurred almost
simultaneously at the end of November, the first being in Blackburn
Hundred.[79] There had been a general meeting of royalists at Preston on
November 7, and a week or two later Sir Gilbert Hoghton fired his beacon
as a signal to the Fylde. Hoghton Tower occupies a conspicuous position,
and the light of the beacon would be seen all over the low lying country
nearer the sea. With the troops thus raised he disarmed Whalley and
occupied Blackburn. Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie, hearing of this,
hastily raised 8000 men and attacked the royalists by night. Moonlight
prevented a complete surprise, but the victory was complete. After two
hours fighting they gained an entrance into Blackburn, and the royalists
fled in such haste that they left their own arms and all that they had
seized in Whalley. Hoghton himself escaped with difficulty.

A few days after this engagement, on Sunday, November 27, a skirmish
occurred in which Lord Derby's troops were concerned, though it does not
appear that he himself was present. The countryside was going to church
when a post rode in with the news that the Earl's troops were marching
towards Chowbent; about 3000 men were hastily collected against him and
a running fight ensued all the way to Leigh, some two miles distant. The
royalists were gradually driven back, some being killed and many
wounded. On Lowton Common, two miles beyond Leigh, they turned and faced
the Parliamentarian horse which had left the foot far behind; but after
a short stand they again broke and fled, many prisoners being taken in
the pursuit.[80]

It is worthy of remark that most of the actual fighting during the Civil
War in Lancashire was running fighting. This first instance is only one
of many more in the next few years. The decisive battle in the county
covered many miles of ground, and even the battle of Preston itself was,
after Langdale's first stand, a long and straggling engagement half way
across the county. Attacks on houses or towns excepted, there were few
if any pitched battles until that at Wigan Lane in 1651, which was the
last battle of the war.

The next encounter went in favour of the royalists, and, as all the
Parliamentarians admit, it was a great disaster. During the next few
weeks both parties sent out from their garrisons plundering expeditions
against houses in the neighbourhood which belonged to the other side. In
retaliation for some plunder by the Wigan garrison, a local company of
Parliamentarians together with two from Manchester, attacked the house
of a Roman Catholic gentleman near Wigan. They were surprised by a
superior force of royalists, but abandoning their booty they managed to
escape. A day or two afterwards, however, they were again surprised near
Westhoughton by a force of 1000 men, and being surrounded they were all
compelled to surrender at discretion. This was on December 15, 1642; 160
men together with Captains Bradshaw and Venables were captured. Venables
was probably some months in captivity at Lathom House; Bradshaw was
released earlier, but soon afterwards died.[81]

This was, however, the only royalist success for some time to come.
The two remaining engagements of the year went in favour of the
Parliamentarians. Both took place on Christmas Eve. On that day the
Manchester garrison accompanied by Rosworm marched out by way of
Chowbent, which they cleared of the enemy, to Leigh. This was a
measure of retaliation for plundering by the Wigan garrison in the
neighbourhood. The royalists made some resistance, but being largely
outnumbered by the attacking force they were surrounded and overpowered.
The Parliamentarians marched on the market place from different sides,
and they recovered many of the arms which had been captured a fortnight
before. The victory was regarded with great satisfaction as a revenge
for Venables' surrender. Within three days the Parliamentarian troops
were back in Manchester. The other engagement was also fought on
previously contested ground at Blackburn, in this case the assailants
being the royalists. Sir Gilbert Hoghton had a special case against this
garrison as it was only three miles from his own house. Accordingly on
Christmas Eve he marched out of Blackburn, it was said with 5000 men, to
attack the town. The garrison numbered only 400. But there was no
fighting at close quarters; the royalists had with them one small piece
of cannon which they discharged repeatedly without effect, but they
hardly approached within musket shot at all, and under cover of night
they retreated. No lives were lost and the only result was the
plundering of the countryside.[82]

In January, 1642-3, there was very little done by either side. Some
Manchester troops set out to capture the house of Mr. Leigh at Adlington
in Cheshire, but they returned without doing anything. The only other
incident was an unsuccessful plot by Sir John Talbot, which is reported
incorrectly in details though there seems to be no doubt of the main
facts. Talbot was one of the royalist collectors for Blackburn Hundred
and lived at Salesbury Hall near Ribchester. Early in January he invited
some of the Parliamentarian leaders to pay a visit to his house; but
suspecting some treachery they sent a troop of horse instead, and found
that it was a plot to capture the supposed guests. Returning with
reinforcements they attacked the ambush with superior numbers and sacked
the house.

The next trial of strength, the capture of Preston by the
Parliamentarians, was an important event. Confident in its strength and
thinking no doubt that an attack was improbable, the royalists had
relaxed their vigilance, and Preston was only weakly garrisoned. News of
this being brought to Colonel Shuttleworth, he planned a joint attack
with the Manchester garrison, which was now under the command of Sir
John Seaton. Seaton left Manchester on Monday evening, February 6,
accompanied by Colonel Holland, Serg.-Major Birch, Serg.-Major Sparrow,
Captain Booth and other officers, with three foot companies from
Manchester and three from Bolton. They came to Blackburn on Tuesday
night, and were joined there by four or five companies more. These
altogether numbering about 1000 men together with about 600 'club-men'
set out from Blackburn late on Wednesday evening, February 8, for
Preston, which is ten miles away. It was a clear night and the whole
force having crossed Ribble Bridge, which was almost if not entirely
undefended, drew up in the fields a little distance from the town walls.
The attack was made at about half past seven o'clock, a little while
before sunrise, at two places. A few men attacked from the south and the
main body from the east of the town; the former being guided by somebody
familiar to the ground soon gained an entrance, but elsewhere the
royalists offered a most determined resistance. For two hours the
garrison fought stoutly. There were outer and inner walls, and the
garrison kept both with pikes and swords. Captain John Booth showed
conspicuous bravery, and was the first to scale the outer defences,
bidding his soldiers either follow him or give him up; in another place
a small body of the Parliamentarians driven back from the outer walls
gained entrance by means of a house. The Manchester troops under
Holland showed great bravery. After other resistance had been overcome
the royalists occupied the church tower, and were dislodged with
difficulty. Then the defence collapsed, and the besiegers became masters
of the town. The losses do not seem to have been very great on either
side; but the royalists' killed included Adam Mort, the Mayor, and his
son, both energetic supporters of the cause, Radcliffe Hoghton,
brother of Sir Gilbert Hoghton, and others of note. Very few of the
Parliamentarian officers were killed. There were many prisoners taken,
including Lady Hoghton, Lady Girlington, Mr. Towneley, Mr. Anderton of
Clayton, a son of Sir John Talbot, and a nephew of Sir Gilbert Hoghton.
Sir Gilbert only saved himself by a hasty flight to Wigan.[83]

The capture of Preston was an enormous blow to the King's party in
Lancashire. An account, written by John Tilsley, Vicar of Dean,
describes the engagement as "much to the advancement of the public work
in this county and not so altogether impertinent to the Kingdom"; and
there is justification for his statement. In attacking Preston the
Manchester garrison were venturing for the first time right into the
enemy's country. No longer on the defensive as at the end of 1642, they
were now reversing the original position of the two parties in the
county. And if the royalist standard had fallen at Preston it could
hardly be raised with safety anywhere in Lancashire. Preston was also
important geographically, as being on the main road through Lancashire.
"It blocks up the way to all the north-east part of Lancashire, where
were the chief malignants and the cream of the Earl's forces."[84]
Moreover Preston symbolised the royalist cause, and since it was (as it
still is) a stronghold of Roman Catholicism, it was specially obnoxious
to the Puritan party. The Lancashire Parliamentarians, therefore, had
captured their enemy's stronghold and broken the lines of communication
between Newcastle, Chester and Shrewsbury.

FOOTNOTES:

[68] On Monday, October 3, the state of Lancashire was referred to the
Committee of Safety. Thanks were voted on the 6th. The "Valley of Achor"
gives details of the false alarms ("C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 792. "C.W.T.," p.
122. "Perfect Diurnall," Oct. 15).

[69] Some troops of horse are mentioned at first, but not afterwards. It
was intended to borrow £16,000 in London for this purpose at the usual
rate of 8 per cent. "All persons who are willing to go soldiers in the
service under Col. Sir John Seaton as dragoniers, are to resort to Capt.
Henry Legh at the Sign of the Sun near Cripplegate, and Capt. William
Stackhouse at his house in St. Thomas Apostles, and there are to be
listed for that service" ("L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 377). In "England's
Memorable Accidents," Oct. 17-24, mention is made of the 1,000 dragoons
being on their march. Some of these dragoons are part of those men that
came out of Holland in the ship that was forced by a leak to put into
Yarmouth ("C.W.T.," p. 60). A letter written on Dec. 2, however, makes
it clear that the men had not arrived then, and it is doubtful if they
ever did so. Cf. "Tanner MSS." 59, fol. 683, where Rigby speaks of the
"remains of the money raised for the Lancashire dragoniers taken into
the Lord General Essex's army."

[70] "C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 833. "C.W.T.," p. 123. Cf. also "Portland
MSS.," Vol. 1, p. 160. A. Stavely, Leicester, to the Speaker. The
Parliamentarian garrison there is between Ashby and Belvoir, two
royalist strongholds, and on the road from Nottingham and Derby to
Manchester; so that their small strength of horse is constantly employed
in convoy of ammunition and other commodities (Nov. 24, 1643).

[71] The Parliamentarian soldiers were guilty of much vandalism in these
operations, "taking out of Churches the Books of Common Praier,
Surplisses, Fonts, and breaking down of Organs where they found any." At
Bury they seized the surplice "and put it on the back of a Souldier, and
caused him to ride in the cart the Armes were carried in, to be matter
of sport and laughter to the Behoulders" ("Discourse," p. 11).

[72] Some of the timber from Alport Lodge was used to strengthen the
defences of Manchester.

[73] Seven of the letters referred to above are printed in the
"Farington Papers" (C.S., 39), pp. 80-86, and three of these also in the
"Lancashire Lieutenancy," pt. 2 (C.S., 50), pp. 282-286. Nowell himself
was unable to take any part in the negotiation after October 12, as he
started on the following Friday to join the King. Richard Nowell, the
younger brother of Roger Nowell of Read, was killed at the capture of
Bristol by Prince Rupert, being then captain in Lord Molyneux's
regiment. Dugdale's "Visitation of Lancs.," 1664 (C.S., 84), p. 122. The
Bradshaw here referred to was probably of Bradshaw Hall, near Bolton,
elder brother of Capt. Bradshaw. Braddyl lived at Portfield, near
Whalley. Fleetwood and Farington were the royalist collectors for
Leyland Hundred, and Holt one of those for Salford Hundred.

[74] These proposals are printed in "C.W.T.," 61; also in "Lancs.
Lieutenancy," pt. 2, 300, together with a letter from the Committee at
Manchester to Col. Shuttleworth. The proposals were evidently made about
the middle of October, as the letter above referred to is dated Oct. 22,
and states that an answer was to be returned to the Earl of Derby on the
following Monday morning, _i.e._, Oct. 24.

[75] Cf. "Ashmolean MSS." 830, fol. 289, for an 'oath imposed by the
Earl of Derby upon Lancashire.' No date is given. He who takes it
promises "to the uttermost of my power and with hasard of my life
maintain and defend the true Protestant religion established in the
Church of England, His Majesty's sacred person, his heirs and lawful
successors, His Majesty's just powers and prerogatives and the just
powers and priveleges of parliament against the forces now under the
command of the Earl of Essex and against all other forces whatsoever,"
etc.

[76] "Sutherland MSS." "Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 347. "Lancs.
Lieut.," pt. 2, pp. 296-298. Shuttleworth's letter of refusal is given.
Assheton and Rigby were at this time in London, and Shuttleworth sent
them weekly reports of affairs in Lancashire.

[77] The other three places were Ormskirk, Eccleston and Prescot.
Through the medium of George Rigby of Peel the Parliament appointed
informants in Wigan and Warrington ("Lancs. Lieut.," pt. 2, pp.
289-291).

[78] "C.W.T.," p. 66. "Discourse," p. 16. The Rigbys of Burgh were
royalists. This is Alexander Rigby the elder, who died in 1650; it was
his son who was Sir Thomas Tyldesley's cornet at the Battle of Wigan,
and erected the monument to his Colonel ("C.W.T.," 351. "Discourse," pp.
106, 126). Radcliffe Assheton lived at Chadderton; this was the only
branch of the Assheton family which took the King's side in the Civil
War.

[79] This seems to have been the first in point of time, though the
dates are somewhat confused. Shuttleworth is said to have halted his men
on Hinfield Moor (according to one account it was the scene of the
battle, but that is evidently an error), but this name does not now
appear on the map of Lancashire. The nearest approach to it is Inchfield
Moor, which is on the extreme eastern border of the county, and cannot
be the place intended here.

[80] The name Chowbent has recently disappeared from the map, being
represented by Atherton, the two railway stations which used to bear the
name being now called respectively Atherton (Central) and Howe Bridge.
The ground descends gradually towards Leigh. Lowton Common is still
partly an open space. The language of this description, "A true and full
relation of the troubles in Lancashire, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 63), is very
picturesque, "For now the men of Blackburn, Paduam, Burnely, Clitheroe
and Colne, with those sturdy churles in the two forests of Pendle and
Rossendale have raised their spirits, and have resolved to fight it out
rather than their Beefe and fatt Bacon shall be taken from them."

[81] "C.W.T.," pp. 63 and 125. "Discourse," p. 20. The details of this
engagement are very confused, but the above seems the most probable
course of events. There is no doubt about the large number of prisoners.
There is a story told by one Parliamentarian writer of the conduct of
the royalist troop which may be set against that of the Manchester
soldiers at Bury. "The carriage of the cavaliers about Wigan was most
insolent, yea blasphemous, for after they had pulled down the pulpit in
Hendon Chapel, and played at cards in the pews and upon the desk, they
surprised the Holy Bible, took it away, and afterwards tore it in
pieces, and then stucke up the leaves of it upon the posts in severall
places in Wigan, saying, 'This is the Roundheads' Bible.'"

Venables was of the ancient Cheshire family of that name at Antrobus. He
was afterward Commander-in-Chief of the Parliamentarian troops in
Ulster, and later, with the rank of General, led the expedition to the
West Indies which took possession of Jamaica. He acquiesced in the
Restoration, and died in 1687, aged 75 ("Discourse" note, p. 99).

[82] "Discourse," pp. 21-2. The humour of this narrative can hardly be
unconscious: "The greatest execution that it did, as was heard of, a
bullet enterd into a house upon the South syde of the Church Yard and
burst the bottom out of a fryen pan. There was no nearer assault to the
towne than a quarter of a mile. They wear afraid of comming near one
another. The soldiers within the Towne went out of it and discharged
there muskets towards them at randome for anything was knowne there was
not a man sleyne or hurt. Upon Christmas day at night Sir Gilbert
withdrew his forces being weary of the Siege, and his Souldiers and
Clubmen were glad of it, that they might eate their Christmas pyes at
home."

[83] "The true relation of the taking of the Town of Preston by Colonell
Seaton's forces from Manchester, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 71). "A perfect
Relation of the Taking of the Towne of Preston in Lancashire, etc."
("C.W.T.," p. 73). Also shorter accounts in "C.W.T.," pp. 127, 224; and
"Discourse," p. 23. The first of these tracts was written by John
Tilsley, Vicar of Dean, near Bolton. "So soon as matters were settled we
sung the praises to God in the streets (Sir, it was wonderfull to see
it), the sun brake forth and shined brightly and hot in the time of the
exercise, as if it had been Midsummer."

[84] "C.W.T.," p. 72.




CHAPTER V.

The Crisis. January to June, 1643.


The next six months was the really critical time in the Lancashire Civil
War. In it the issue was finally decided, and by the end of the summer
the royalist resistance was practically overcome. In this period it was
for a time quite possible that the royalists would gain the upper hand;
their best planned operations were in these months, and they showed more
enterprise and energy than either before or afterwards. For a time at
least they more than stemmed the tide of defeat which was rising against
them. The fighting was now chiefly in royalist territory, mostly in
Amounderness and Leyland Hundred; but the engagements in the Fylde in
March were rather due to accident than otherwise, and the real struggle
resolved itself into mutual attacks on Preston, Lancaster and Wigan on
the one hand and on Blackburn and Bolton on the other. The Earl of Derby
was said to have intended a second assault on Manchester, but there was
never any probability of his being able to carry it out.

The isolation of Lancashire is illustrated in the early part of 1643, as
it is seen how events were developing here without regard to the course
of the general war or even of that in the neighbouring counties of
Yorkshire and Cheshire. The spring and summer of 1643 saw the highest
point of success which the King's cause attained during the war. In the
beginning of the year the royalists advanced in the west with the
victory of Bradock; and in the north by the beginning of the invasion of
Yorkshire by the Earl of Newcastle. In May, Hopton's victory over the
Earl of Stamford at Stratton secured Cornwall for the royalists; and
they won further victories over Sir William Waller at Lansdown and at
Roundway Down in July. Rupert took Bristol by storm. And in Yorkshire by
the end of the summer Newcastle was nearly supreme. After his defeat of
the Fairfaxes at Adwalton Moor in July, all the county except Hull was
in his hands. It was, on the other hand, just in these two months that
the royalist cause was being overthrown in Lancashire. In February they
had lost Preston, and though they made a short revival in the following
month, by the end of April their complete reduction was only a question
of time, and by the end of the summer only a few places remained in
their power.

The Parliamentarian leaders spent some days in Preston in disposing of
the numerous prisoners which they had taken, and in erecting new
fortifications. This was done under the direction of Rosworm. Colonel
Shuttleworth also sent out summonses for surrender to all the
neighbourhood, and many came in and made their subjection. It was,
however, only a matter of necessity, for the district remained royalist
in sympathy. An expedition was then sent out to take possession of
Hoghton Tower.[85] It consisted of three foot companies mostly Blackburn
men, one of them being commanded by Captain Starkie, son of Colonel
Starkie of Huntroyd. They found Hoghton Tower garrisoned by no more than
30 or 40 musketeers, far too few to hold so large a place. The house was
summoned and the garrison asked for a quarter of an hour delay. When
that time expired they asked for another quarter of an hour in which to
decide, and finally surrendered the Tower upon promise of quarter. This
was a victory, however, which was more costly to the Parliamentarian
party than many defeats; for after Captain Starkie and his company had
entered the Tower an accidental explosion of gunpowder wrecked part of
the building, and killed the captain and 60 of his men. An accusation of
treachery was of course made against the garrison, and six of the
royalist soldiers who had not been able to escape were detained; but
there seems no reasonable doubt that the explosion was due to accident
only.[86]

Two days after this occurrence (Thursday, Feb. 16) a determined attack
was made on Bolton by the royalist garrison from Wigan. Though the
actual assault was a surprise some danger must have been expected, for
Bolton was garrisoned by 500 men under the command of Colonel Assheton,
drawn from various places. It included the companies of Captain Buckley
of Oldham, Captain Schofield of Rochdale, Captain Holt of Bury, and
Captain Ashhurst from Radcliffe Bridge. The royalists, consisting of 11
companies of foot and two of dragoons, together with two troops of
horse, left Wigan, which is nine miles by road, early in the morning,
surprised the enemy's scouts, and were within sight of Bolton before
their movements were suspected. If they had attacked the town
immediately the surprise would have been complete; but they made a
detour instead, and approached from the south. As it was, however, they
had a great initial advantage, for they surrounded Bolton on all sides
before help could be summoned. They then advanced towards Bradshawgate,
and overpowered the soldiers in the three outworks which were at a
little distance from the walls. Captain Ashhurst with 24 men was
intercepted by 60 royalists as he retreated towards the town; but with
some loss he cut his way through, and gained the shelter of the chain
and mud walls at the end of the street. The royalists followed and set
fire to a house outside the chain, while they occupied some others and
from them fired on the Parliamentarian troops, who were forced to fall
back along the street. Then, having secured an entrance into a royalist
house, they took the defenders in the rear. One Parliamentarian officer,
Serg.-Major Leigh, had his horse shot under him, and was himself wounded
in the arm while mounting another. Finally, however, two of the garrison
forced an entrance into the royalists' houses, and Captain Ashhurst with
16 men breaking in from the other side, the town was gradually cleared
of the royalist troops. While the fight lasted their horse without the
town had prevented reinforcements from coming in, but now hearing the
shouts of approaching troops they hastily retreated towards Wigan.
Captain Radcliffe arrived with 200 fresh soldiers from Manchester, but
too late to take any part in the battle.[87]

This first royalist attack on Bolton was one of the hardest fought
encounters of the whole war. Colonel Assheton himself is said to have
showed much bravery, and the hand-to-hand fighting was severe. The
losses on either side are difficult to estimate; they seem as usual to
have been understated by the Parliamentarian writers. The day after the
unsuccessful royalist attack on Bolton, Serg.-Major Birch was sent from
Preston with a company of foot to occupy Lancaster. The royalists had
never had a garrison in that town, probably thinking it quite secure
from attack; there were only a few soldiers in the Castle. Birch entered
the town without opposition, and summoned Sir John Girlington and Mr.
Kirkby, who were in the Castle, to surrender; being quite unable to
defend the place they did so, and were allowed to march away; Birch
thereupon took possession of the town for the Parliament. A garrison was
left in the Castle under the command of Captain William Shuttleworth.

The Parliamentarians did not long retain possession of Lancaster at this
time, but their expedition represents a great advance on former
operations. Lancaster is 17 miles north of Preston, which had hitherto
been the limit of their territory.

After this there was some weeks quiet in Lancashire, and the actual
recommencement of hostilities was due to a rather curious accident. A
large vessel appeared off Rossall Point at the north-west corner of the
Fylde, and lay off shore at anchor discharging her guns, for three or
four days. She was at first thought to be a royalist vessel; but as no
attempt was made to land, a pilot was at length sent out and the ship
found to be the Saint Anne of Dunkirk, a Spanish frigate, belonging to
the Dunkirk squadron, which had been driven out of her course by
contrary winds. She carried recruits on their way to be trained in the
Low Countries. Finding that her presence in those waters was quite
accidental, the ship was beached in the mouth of the Wyre on the
Rossall side (that is in the present Fleetwood Harbour), and she was
taken possession of in the name of the Parliament. The Earl of Derby,
however, who was at Lathom, heard of the occurrence, and setting off
hastily with one troop of horse, he crossed the Ribble and stayed that
night (Saturday, March 4) with Mr. Clifton at Lytham Hall. The same day
four foot companies of the Parliament's troops arrived in the Fylde from
Preston under the command of Major Sparrow, and quartered round
Poulton and Singleton. But the conduct of the Parliamentarians was
incomprehensible. Next morning (Sunday, March 5) Sparrow drew out his
men at a place called The Hoes (now Layton Common), but hearing that the
Earl was on his march northwards from Lytham, he retreated, ferried his
men over the Wyre, and marched them along the eastern bank of the
Estuary to a point opposite to the present town of Fleetwood.[88]
Meanwhile Derby rode straight to the ship without resistance; he took
prisoners Colonel Dodding and Mr. Townson of Lancaster who were on
guard, set the ship on fire, and taking with him the Spanish officers
and their ladies rode hurriedly back to Lathom the same night, stopping
only to search Rossall Hall for arms on the way.[89] As the Saint Anne
burned the guns discharged, and fell either into the bottom of the ship
or into the water. But the Parliamentarians recovered most of them and
sent them by sea to Lancaster to strengthen the fortifications there.

[Illustration: THE SPANISH SHIP IN THE FYLDE, MARCH 1643]

Major Sparrow explained that he had crossed the river in order to
guard the ship more effectually, but it is impossible to see how this
could have been so. He was apparently guilty of carelessness if not of
cowardice; as the "Discourse" put it "being as feared of the Earl as the
Earl was of him." If he had only done as he was advised and retreated
towards Rossall, he would have saved the ship and checked the royalist
advance, for Derby could not have attacked in face of such superior
numbers. The Spanish Ambassador disclaimed all intention of interfering
in the English Civil War, and requested that the crew might be sent
safely to London and so to Flanders. The House of Lords passed two
resolutions to this effect, and as far as the officers were concerned
they were probably carried out; but the unfortunate sailors were thrown
on the hostile countryside. Some of them died of hunger, and some of
them more fortunate who obtained shelter were unable to recover from the
privations which they had endured while at sea.[90] This incident is a
somewhat unpleasant illustration of the customs of war in the
seventeenth century. No one seemed to consider that the foreign ship
cast ashore by accident had any claim to fair treatment. Each side took
possession of it in turn; and after the royalists had burnt the vessel
the Parliamentarians returned and seized as many of the guns as they
could. Both parties were quite indifferent to the fate of the unhappy
crew.

During the months of March and April there was almost incessant fighting
in Lancashire with varying fortune. At the end of February the
Parliament held both Preston and Lancaster, and Blackburn and Bolton
besides, the royalists still keeping possession of Wigan, Warrington and
Liverpool; and repeated attempts were now made by each party on the
positions of the other side. The royalists showed in these two months
better generalship and greater energy than at any other time during the
war; it almost seemed at one period as if they might gain the upper
hand; but they were gradually overcome and the early summer found the
fate of the county practically decided.

The royalists were the first to take action. About the middle of March a
plan was formed to recover the Spanish guns from Lancaster.[91] The Earl
of Derby marched out of Wigan on Monday, March 13, with 600 foot and 400
horse, and on the Tuesday night stayed again with Mr. Clifton at Lytham
Hall, his men being quartered round Kirkham. He stayed a day or two in
order to summon the Fylde, which was entirely royalist in sympathy, and
so added to his numbers 3000 clubmen over whom officers were appointed.
He was then joined by Sir John Girlington and Mr. Tyldesley with 600
more soldiers from York, of whom half were musketeers, and the whole
force set forward to Lancaster. Early in the morning of March 18 the
town was summoned, but they returned answer that all their arms were in
the disposal of the Parliamentarian troops in the Castle; and the
royalists prepared for an attack.

The Parliamentarians were disorganised and showed much irresolution.
There had been trouble among their troops at Preston, in which for a
time Sir John Seaton's life was in danger, and he had had to escape for
a while to Lancaster. When it was known that the royalists were on their
way to Lancaster Colonel Assheton marched in pursuit, but probably
because he was outnumbered refused to go any further than Garstang, in
spite of Seaton's remonstrances. In Lancaster there were some 600
Parliamentarian troops under Holcroft and Sparrow, but they were not
able to hold an open town against such superior numbers as the royalists
possessed and retreated into the castle. Captain William Shuttleworth
was killed before they were able to gain the shelter of the walls. The
Castle was not provisioned for a siege, and had no adequate water
supply, but the royalists made no attempt to take it, and dispersed
their troops through the streets, plundering and setting fire to the
houses. The town was thoroughly sacked.[92] The following day, hearing
that Assheton and Seaton were on their march from Preston they
retreated. In the meantime the garrison had broken out of the Castle
while the royalists were plundering and had secured provisions for some
days. The Earl of Derby seems to have been a great deal better informed
about the enemy's movements than were the Parliamentarians; for he was
able to outwit them again and escape their advance.[93] Both Seaton and
Assheton were now on their march from Preston with eleven companies of
foot and "some few ill-mounted horse that durst not look the enemy in
the face"; Assheton having collected what men he could from Salford
Hundred, and reached Preston on the 18th. On Monday, March 20th, Derby
removed his troops to Ellel about five miles south of Lancaster on the
main road; and hearing that Assheton was at Cockerham waited just long
enough to escape being caught, and marched with all speed to Preston,
which he expected would be left but poorly defended. He was right in his
conjecture, and the action of the Parliamentarian commanders showed
great carelessness or undue haste. It is only three miles from Ellel to
Cockerham, and the latter place is hardly on the direct route between
Preston and Lancaster. The Parliamentarians therefore reached Lancaster
only to find the enemy gone, and they had to content themselves with
reinforcing the garrison and replenishing the stores in the Castle.
Meanwhile Derby had marched straight on Preston, using great care to
prevent his approach being known; and he had almost reached the town
before news of his advance was brought. In Preston there had only been
left four companies of foot and five hundred clubmen under Colonel
Holland, and Colonel Duckenfield's troop of horse; but late at night as
it was the Friars Gate was strongly guarded, and all preparations made
for resistance. The townsmen, however, were strongly royalist in
sympathy, and as the Earl approached the garrison gradually melted away,
and led by Colonel Shuttleworth most of them made their escape as best
they could. The royalist ostlers had locked the stable doors and secured
the keys; so that many of the Parliamentarians being unable to get at
their horses were taken prisoners. The royalists again garrisoned
Preston, and plundered unmercifully any in the town who had been
suspected of disaffection to their cause (March 20).

Assheton hearing that the royalists had regained Preston, found his own
position at Lancaster untenable, and leaving a garrison in the Castle
marched into Blackburn Hundred, and by way of Chipping and Whalley into
east Lancashire. A week later Seaton writes from Manchester in great
despondency. He was without troops and his personal unpopularity was
still so great that he hardly dared to show himself in the streets. The
"Mercurius Aulicus" reported with rather less than its usual inaccuracy
that "all Lancashire except Manchester is in royalist hands."[94]

This was indeed the most spirited and successful operation conducted by
the royalists. They derived no doubt some advantage from the
disorganisation of the enemy's troops and their demoralisation owing to
insufficient pay and clothing, as also from the carelessness which
success had produced in the Parliamentarian officers; for their tactics
show to much greater advantage than those of Assheton and Seaton, and
for a time at least they regained much of the ground which they had
lost. It is possible that there were other successes besides those which
have just been described; one Parliamentarian writer even mentions a
capture of Blackburn; and in any case a bold following up of the
victories might possibly have led to a royalist reconquest of the
county.[95] The royalist star was now in the ascendant in the north of
England. Queen Henrietta Maria who had landed at Bridlington in
February, had overrun the greater part of Yorkshire; some of her troops
had advanced as far as Skipton, and were thus an additional menace on
the north-east of Blackburn Hundred.

As might be expected, the Earl of Derby now began to plan an advance
into the enemy's country. It is stated, probably with truth, that he
intended to form a second siege of Manchester; and he certainly did make
a second attack on Bolton on March 28, 1643. Bolton was, however,
prepared, and was well garrisoned, while the Parliamentarians had also
established a garrison for its additional protection, in the town of
Bury. The royalists came in sight of Bolton about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, but after their summons for surrender had been refused, they
made no attack until dark. They then delivered a sharp assault on the
outworks and there was fighting at close quarters for some time. The
assailants were at length beaten off with the loss of ten men. After
some reinforcements to the town had come in from Bury the royalists
delivered another attack upon the south side of the town, and owing to
the darkness were able to get quite close to the mud walls before they
were observed; but this attempt met with no better success and they
finally retired with the loss of 23 men.[96]

This was, however, almost the end of aggressive tactics on the part of
the royalists. By this time the Parliamentarian leaders seem to have
restored the morale of their troops, and they soon regained the upper
hand in the county. The recovery was shown when four days after Lord
Derby's unsuccessful attack on Bolton, they besieged Wigan itself. This
was on Easter Eve, 1643. Their force consisted of 2000 foot, mostly
musketeers, and 200 or 300 horse, with 8 guns, under the command of
Colonel Holland; as Assheton's regiment was included Rosworm also
accompanied the expedition, and as usual he represents his own share in
the operations as very great. Wigan was commanded by Major-General
Blaire, a Scotchman who had been recommended to the Earl of Derby by the
King. Attacking fiercely at the south-east end of the town Assheton's
musketeers forced an entrance after an hour's fighting, and the Wigan
garrison which numbered 1,400 men broke and fled in disorder; many
prisoners were taken. Some of the garrison, however, retreated to the
Church Tower, and shooting from there did considerable execution on the
attacking force; and a threat to blow up the church with gunpowder was
necessary before they were reduced to surrender.[97] The town was then
thoroughly plundered by the Parliamentary soldiery. They did not,
however, occupy Wigan, but marched away the same night, their departure
being probably hastened by a report that the Earl of Derby was on his
way to its assistance. The Earl came as far as Standish Moor; but
hearing there that Wigan had been taken, plundered and abandoned by the
enemy he returned to Lathom. One Parliamentarian writer estimates the
amount of plunder taken in Wigan at £20,000.[98] Its loss naturally
caused some consternation at Lathom House which is only six miles
distant. Lady Derby wrote to Prince Rupert, "In the name of God, Sire,
take pity on us, and if you will come you may reconquer Wigan easily and
with much glory to your Highness. I know not what to say; but have pity
on my husband, my children, and myself who are altogether lost if God
and your Highness have not pity on us."[99] There was some reason for
her agitation. As Preston and Lancaster had been lost in the north, so
now Wigan had been lost in the west; and a great effort would be
necessary if the royalist cause in Lancashire were not to suffer defeat.

The next encounter, however, went in their favour. Elated at their
success at Wigan, "that impregnable piece the enemy's pride and
presumption our fear and despair," the Parliamentarian troops assaulted
Warrington on April 5th. In this they joined Sir William Brereton, the
commander-in-chief in Cheshire, who towards the end of March was
quartered with his horse at Nantwich; and he had sent for 500 foot to
join him in the attempt. Warrington was strongly held, the Earl of Derby
being there in person. On Monday, April 3, Captain Ardern and some other
captains approached the town from the Cheshire side, but the royalist
garrison seeing the smallness of the force, sallied out and routed them
on Stockton Heath, having by a ruse given Ardern to understand that they
were of his own party. Brereton's main forces shortly afterwards coming
up were at a second attack also defeated by the royalists. Brereton,
however, remained on the ground, and having been joined by Holland's
troops from Manchester the two together made an attack on Warrington on
April 5th. The advance was from two sides, from the east near the
Parish Church, a battery being placed on Moot Hill, and from the west
where Brereton's men occupied the house of one Edward Bridgman at
Sankey, about a mile from the town. The royalists, however, fought with
great determination, and in spite of their numbers the Parliamentarians
were unable to effect an entrance on any point. "Wigan (thought
impregnable) proved easy; Warrington (thought easy) proved now
impregnable."[100]

It has been stated that the operations round Warrington at the beginning
of April, 1643, were the critical events of this Spring; but really the
decisive contest occurred at the end of the month and was fought in
north-east Lancashire between Padiham and Whalley. The Parliamentarian
forces in Blackburn Hundred were still very disorganised and evidently
discouraged by their reverse at Warrington on April 5th. After that
action the Earl of Derby removed to Preston, where he made preparations
for following up his success, calling a general muster there about the
middle of April. Accompanied by Lord Molyneux, Sir Gilbert Hoghton,
Colonel Tyldesley, and other well known royalists he marched out of
Preston at the head of eleven troops of horse, 700 foot, and many
clubmen mostly from the Fylde, numbering in all about 5000 men. Keeping
on the north bank of the Ribble they reached Ribchester at noon on
Wednesday, April 19, crossed the river by ferry at Salesbury, and
marched on Whalley. The Parliamentarians were completely taken by
surprise. Two troops of horse at Dukenhalgh Hall near Clayton-le-Moors
were their only forces in the neighbourhood, and these retreated to
Padiham, after sending to warn Colonel Shuttleworth, who was at his
house at Gawthorpe. Shuttleworth received the message during the night,
but he at once sent out summonses to the countryside, and next morning
one additional troop of horse and about 500 foot had collected (Ap. 20).
The Earl of Derby instead of continuing his march had occupied Whalley,
and early on the same morning he drew up his troops on the east side of
the river Calder, apparently waiting to be attacked. Derby himself had
quarters in Whalley Abbey, Sir Ralph Assheton's house. The royalists
made a great mistake in not at once advancing in force. After some
delay, however, they advanced and the scouts of both sides approached
each other near Read Hall, half way between Padiham and Whalley. The
royalists were so overwhelmingly superior in numbers that Shuttleworth
and his captains refused to engage with them, and ordered a general
retreat towards Padiham.[101] But the soldiers took matters into their
own hands and "being resolute men replied to the Captains boldly bidding
them take what course they pleased for their safety, yet they would
adventure themselves, see the enemy and have one bout with them, if God
will." Shuttleworth, therefore, drew out his men to await the royalists'
advance.

[Illustration: BATTLE OF WHALLEY, APRIL, 1643.]

About a mile from Whalley on the high road to Padiham a bye-road turns
up the hill to the left; after passing a further turn to Sabden it
leaves on the right hand a farm house called Easterley, crosses Sabden
Brook, skirts the grounds of Read Hall, and descends again to join the
main road. There seems no doubt that in this now secluded and very
beautiful lane, the decisive encounter of the Civil War in Lancashire
began.[102] The Parliamentarian troops awaited the royalist advance
just above Read Hall, hiding their musketeers behind the stone walls on
either side of the lane. Presently they saw the advance guards
descending the hill by Easterley to the Brook. As the royalists mounted
again out of the hollow they were surprised by a well-directed volley
which threw them into disorder; and the Parliamentarians followed up
their advantage so well that the royalists broke and fled back towards
Whalley pursued by the Parliamentarian foot. Tyldesley himself was with
the advance guard and joined in the flight. Gaining confidence as they
proceeded, Shuttleworth's men pressed the royalists hard, and by the
time they had reached Whalley the retreat had become a rout. The
royalists remaining in Whalley, being taken by surprise, were not able
to make any stand, but joined the flying troops, who were now pursued
along the way they had come through Langho towards the River Ribble. The
chase extended over about five miles; and the Parliamentarian troops as
they followed found the country strewn with arms which the royalists had
cast away in their flight. The Earl of Derby himself with difficulty
maintained some sort of order in the rearguard. Arrived at Salesbury,
horse and foot plunged into the water without waiting for the boats, and
waded the river up to their necks. Once across they were safe from
attack, but the flight continued to Preston, and Derby did not draw rein
until he reached Penwortham Hall near Preston, where he stayed the
night.[103]

This was the most remarkable victory of the war in Lancashire, and it
was decisive. The royalists had been successful at Warrington; and on
this occasion their army must have outnumbered their opponents by at
least four to one. The Parliamentarians were quite unprepared, and in
all probability if Derby had advanced directly on Padiham the result
would have been very different. As it was the defeat showed the real
weakness of the royalist cause in Lancashire. The Earl of Derby left the
county a few weeks later to join the Queen in Yorkshire; and he never
led an army in Lancashire again until the ill-fated expedition of 1651.
After this the supremacy of the Parliamentary cause was never in real
doubt.

Assheton was not slow to follow up the victory at Whalley. Two days
later he marched on Wigan (April 22), which was occupied by Colonel
Tyldesley with 9 troops of horse and 700 foot; Assheton had 2,200 horse
and foot mostly belonging to the Manchester garrison, and the royalists
were in no condition to resist superior numbers. They fell back on
Lathom without fighting, and Assheton demolished all the out-works and
fortifications at Wigan, burnt the new gates and posts, and made
the townsmen swear not in future to bear arms against "King and
Parliament."[104] Derby himself seems to have been at Prescot, but on
Assheton advancing against him he retreated to Lathom, and then the
Parliamentarians gradually moved northwards and westwards, driving the
enemy before them. On hearing of the loss of Wigan, the Queen sent a
message to Lord Derby not to engage the enemy again until she sent him
reinforcement; but having waited for a fortnight in vain he was
persuaded by Molyneux and Tyldesley to endeavour to hasten it in person.
There is no doubt that the Queen at this time intended to invade
Lancashire. She writes from York to the King on April 23 "my
proposition is this--to detach from the body of the army 2000 footmen
and 1000 horsemen, 200 dragoons and some cannon and to send them at once
into Lancashire to join with Earl Derby and to clear out that county,
which I hope can be done in ten or twelve days, and then come to join me
at Newark"; and three weeks after this she writes again that the army
was to march directly on Leeds, Bradford and Halifax. Derby was to
return, to collect what troops he could, and remain on the defensive
until "the army can march to Manchester which I hope will be soon; for I
believe that Leeds being taken, the other two places will be
inconsiderable, and so Manchester will come into play; which if we take
it all Lancashire is yours."[105] These plans were, however, frustrated
by the royalist defeat by Sir Thomas Fairfax at Wakefield in May; and
there was no longer any hope of reinforcements to the Lancashire
royalists from the Queen's army. Derby returned to Lancashire; and a
rumour having come of a Scotch invasion by means of the Isle of Man, he
was persuaded to sail thither to prevent it. Returning to Lancashire
about the end of May, he hastily crossed the county with a very small
following, and rode to Whitehaven, whence he took ship to the Isle of
Man, landing there on June 15. The Countess of Derby and her children
remained at Lathom House.[106]

It is difficult to understand why Derby should have left Lancashire just
at a time when it appeared that the presence of a leader was most
necessary there; unless indeed he had already given up the cause as
hopeless. This explanation of his joining the Queen and of his departure
for the Isle of Man is his own, and is probably the true one though the
Parliamentarians put a much less favourable construction on his
movements. They hinted that his leaving Lancashire was due to cowardice.
And even his enemies at the Court made it an occasion of maligning him
by suggesting that he had more care for his own property in the Isle of
Man than for the royal cause in England. But at best he was sacrificing
the royalist interests in Lancashire. Three days after landing in the
Isle of Man Derby summoned a meeting of his tenants at Peel; but no
great eagerness was shown in response to his request for aid.

Meanwhile things had gone from bad to worse for the royalist cause in
Lancashire. After the capture of Wigan, Assheton had chased Molyneux and
Tyldesley from Ormskirk to Preston, and thence across the Ribble into
the Fylde. The royalists quartered at Kirkham for two days, but on
Assheton's approach made practically no resistance; they marched
northwards across the Wyre and through Cockerham to Hornby. Assheton
followed as far as Lancaster; he took from there 14 of the Spanish guns
and leaving the remainder to fortify the Castle, returned back through
Preston to Manchester. On the return march his men took advantage of his
temporary absence to make a detour through the Fylde, where they
plundered Royalists and Parliamentarians alike. After Assheton's return
Tyldesley crossed into Yorkshire to join the Queen; Molyneux proceeded
southwards again, and taking on his way a few prisoners whom he left at
Lathom went over Hale Ford into Cheshire.[107]

Warrington was the victors' next objective. On May 20, the Manchester
garrison marched out against it, and three days later met at Warrington
Sir William Brereton with a considerable force of Cheshire men, who had
left Nantwich on May 21. Next morning the besiegers' cannon were placed
in position and opened fire on the town. There was, however, no close
fighting, as the royalists had very little provision for a siege; and
on the following Saturday, May 27, a parley was called by Col. Norris,
the royalist Governor. During the week a garrison had been dislodged
from Winwick Church, three miles away, and the position of Warrington
had been rendered hopeless by the certainty that no help could be looked
for from the Queen. Accordingly Norris surrendered, his officers being
allowed their horses and pistols, while the men were suffered to depart
without their arms. Next day (Trinity Sunday, May 28) Sir George Booth,
lord of the manor, entered the town again. Only six men were reported to
have been killed in the last siege, four of the besiegers and two
royalists.[108]

Sometime before this Liverpool had been occupied for the Parliament,
apparently without opposition.[109]

The work of reducing the county was not yet, however, quite complete.
The royalists in North Lancashire, taking advantage of Assheton's
preoccupation in the south-west, laid siege to Lancaster. The castle,
however, held out for three weeks, and the other places being reduced,
Assheton marched to its assistance. The royalists did not wait for his
approach, but retreated and disposed some of their forces for the
defence of Hornby and Thurland Castles, the remainder marching to join
the Queen. Assheton immediately set out to effect the capture of these
places.

Hornby Castle is about nine miles north-east of Lancaster, Thurland four
miles further away. Approaching Hornby first, three companies of foot
were sent on before to reconnoitre; they fell into an ambush but
suffered little loss, though the royalist reports magnified it into a
great reverse. The castle was found to be very difficult of access,
being on a steep hill, and the building itself rising gradually from its
lowest point at the gatehouse. The besiegers, however, captured a
soldier escaping from the Castle, and from him learnt that it was
possible to enter by some windows high up on the east side of the
building at the end of the hall. This adventurous effort succeeded.
Under cover of a frontal attack on the gatehouse, a party armed with
ladders, ropes, and combustible materials, effected an ascent of the
windows, and set the Castle on fire; attacked thus in two places the
garrison surrendered at discretion.[110]

Next day the Parliamentarian troops marched on to Thurland, which was
given up at their summons with little or no fighting. Sir John
Girlington himself was taken prisoner, and also many royalist ladies who
had found a refuge in this last stronghold. Much spoil of money and
plate was also made.

Thus by June, 1643, practically all Lancashire was for the first time in
the hands of the Parliament; Lathom House and Greenhalgh Castle being
now the only places where the royalist flag was still flying. Many of
the Parliamentarian soldiers returned to their homes. "Now the whole
county being cleared of all the King's forces way was made that all such
as had fled out of any part thereof might return to their wives,
children and friends and have what their enemies had left them."

FOOTNOTES:

[85] Hoghton Tower was practically a ruin half a century ago, but has
since then been very carefully restored, and is now to outward
appearance much as in the old days. It occupies a commanding position on
a hill six miles from Preston and four miles from Blackburn, standing
about 550 feet above sea level.

[86] "A punctuall relation of the passages in Lancashire this weeke,
etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p.
127). "Discourse," p. 24. "Certaine Informations," No. 6, Feb. 20-27.
The first and last of these accounts make allegations of treachery but
not the other two; and the "Valley of Achor" would not have omitted the
charge if it had not been quite baseless. The "Discourse" ascribes the
disaster to "want of heedfulnesse," and the "Valley of Achor" is still
more definite: "It dispossessed them by the help of Powder to which
their disorders laid a Train fired by their neglected matches, or by
that great Souldiers' Idoll, Tobacco." "O that this thundering alarm
might ever sound in the eares of our Swearing, Cursing, Drunken,
Tobacco-abusing Commanders and Souldiers unto unfaigned Repentance. For
do they think that those upon whom the Tower fell and slew them, were
sinners above the rest of the Army?"

In his "Pilgrimages to Old Homes" (1906), p. 84, Mr. Fletcher Moss says
that it was the gate house into the second court which was blown up; but
it would rather seem to have been the Tower itself, which then crowned
the building on its eastern side.

[87] "Speciall Passages and Certain Informations from severall Places"
("C.W.T.," p. 77). "A punctuall relation, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). The
latter of these accounts is an extremely vivid narrative, and must have
been communicated, if not written, by an eye-witness. The former tract
gives the defenders' losses as five, the latter as eight or ten; and it
is stated that 100 of the royalists were either killed or mortally
wounded. These numbers must be received with considerable reservation.
The "Discourse" states incorrectly that Alexander Rigby of Burgh was
killed in this engagement. The "Valley of Achor" mentions a "new
invented mischievous Instrument which received this description at
Bolton: An head about a quarter of a yard long, a staffe of two yards
long or more, put into that head, twelve iron pikes round about, and one
in the end to stab with. This fierce weapon (to double their scorn) they
called a Roundhead." The Editor of "C.W.T." (p. 129) states that the
"Mercurius Civicus," June 2-16, 1643, gives a picture of one of these
"Roundheads."

[88] Apparently Sparrow crossed somewhere about the present Shard
Bridge. Unless it happened to be high tide, however, there would be no
need for a ferry. The River Wyre at this point is a broad expanse of
water when the tide is full, but at low water it shrinks to a width of
eight or ten yards, and can easily be forded for a long stretch.

[89] Rossall Hall is now the headmaster's house at Rossall School. The
Fleetwoods of Rossall were royalists, and the statement that Derby
plundered the house for arms can only be correct on the assumption that
the Parliamentarian party had previously taken possession of it.

[90] The "Discourse" (pp. 25-27) gives much the fullest account of these
operations; this writer is usually especially well informed with regard
to the Fylde. His estimate of the ability of Serj.-Major Sparrow is very
different from that given by Tilsley in his narrative of the capture of
Preston, but is probably more reliable. It is only fair to state,
however, in Sparrow's defence that Seaton says that the Earl also had
foot with him and 300 horse, and that there were 400 Spaniards; and that
Sparrow crossed the river in order to guard the ammunition which had
been taken from the ship. From Lytham to Rossall Point is about 13
miles, Layton Common lying half-way between the two places; Poulton is a
little nearer Rossall, and closer to the river. For the fate of the
Spaniards, Cf. "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 652; "Hist. MSS. Com." Report 8, p.
63. Five names of officers are given, the chief being Don Francisco de
Aco and Don Alonzo Navarro. The date of the burning of the ship by the
royalists is given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary ("Stanley Papers,"
Pt. 3, Vol. 3, C.S. 70, p. 3, ed. Raines).

[91] Seaton says that the guns were 22 in number, including 8 brass
pieces, 2 demi-cannon, one minion, and 3 sacres. At first there was some
competition between Manchester, Bolton, Preston and Lancaster as to
which town should receive the guns, but the matter was decided in favour
of Lancaster, which was in more royalist territory, and perhaps also
because of rumours of the projected attack.

[92] On July 7, 1645, Parliament ordered that "when this unnatural war
shall be ended" Lancaster should receive the sum of £8,000 out of the
estates of delinquents who were actually present at the siege ("C.J.,"
Vol. 4, p. 168). Payment of this relief was long delayed; and on
December 23, 1647, the House ordered that the inhabitants of Lancaster
should farm papists' and delinquents' estates to the value of £2,000 for
one year, in part of their former vote. The Castle was later to cause
considerable trouble to the authorities. In March, 1646-7 Parliament
ordered that it be dismantled, but for some reason the order was not put
into effect until years afterwards, in spite of its having been repeated
several times ("C.J.," Vol. 5, 101; "C.S.P.," 1649-50, pp. 385, 536,
etc., etc.).

[93] The royalist opinion of their prospects in Lancashire at this time
was very favourable. Cf. "Mercurius Aulicus," March 15, 1643: "By
letters of March 7, it is certified that affairs in Lancashire are not
so bad as reported. Wigan and Warrington still hold good for the King,
and in Liverpool, the principal town toward Ireland, there are some foot
companies of Sir T. Salisbury's regiment and a troop of Flintshire
horse. Lancaster is recovered by Col. Tyldesley." And again on March 31:
"Last Monday Mr. Kirkby came to the Queen asking for arms and reporting
that Lord Molyneux had taken Bolton."

[94] There are two accounts of the capture of Preston in the "Mercurius
Aulicus," 1643, pp. 150 and 159 respectively. The former is given in
"C.W.T.," p. 84. The fullest Parliamentarian account is in the
"Discourse," p. 29. Cf. also "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132) and
Seaton's Letter "Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 3 (No. 57). Seaton says
that though he was suffering from a fall from his horse he would have at
once pursued the royalists at Preston, but his men refused to follow
him. On the next morning, when news came of Derby's occupation of
Preston, none of them would remain in Lancaster; and Colonel Stanley's
three companies flatly disobeyed his orders. Evidently the men had got
quite out of hand, and Seaton was very unpopular. He gives as the reason
that he had restrained the soldiers from plundering at Preston. The
dates of the capture of Lancaster are given by the Earl of Derby in his
Diary "Stanley Papers," C.S. 70, ed. Raines, Pt. 3, Vol. 3, p. 3).

[95] "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132). Probably one reason for the
unmanageableness of the troops was want of supplies and of pay. Cf. a
letter from Col. Holland to John Booth, Manchester, March 19, 1643,
concerning the condition of the regiments with which they have been
ordered to join Lord Denbigh for the relief of Wem. What with
"sicknesse, diseases, and other disasters of warre" the two regiments
together do not exceed 600 men, and these are so discouraged and
mutinous through want of pay and clothing that it is feared that they
will refuse to march ("Denbigh MSS.," Vol. 4, p. 265).

[96] "C.W.T.," p. 133. The "Mercurius Aulicus" contains a description of
a defeat of two Parliamentarian troops of horse by Lord Derby's
regiment; but this seems to have been invented.

[97] "Discourse," p. 36. "C.W.T.," pp. 134, 226. The last of these is
from Rosworm's "Good Service," and is the fullest. It has sometimes been
treated as if referring to the first attack on Warrington ("Discourse"
note, p. 113), but though the language is rather ambiguous, Rosworm is
evidently describing the taking of Wigan, where he himself was present.
He makes a strong charge of cowardice against Holland, whom, he states,
refused to leave any garrison in Wigan, though Rosworm himself offered
to remain there; and finally Holland marched away in such haste as to
endanger the safety of the forces. But the Parliamentarians cannot as
yet have hoped to garrison Wigan.

[98] Vicars' "Parliamentary Chronicle," Pt. 1, p. 297 ("C.W.T.," p. 94).

[99] Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 86.

[100] "C.W.T.," pp. 94, 135. "Discourse," p. 31. There is a long note in
the "Discourse," pp. 112-124, giving an account of these operations. Cf.
also a paper by Dr. Kenrick in the "Transactions of the Lancashire and
Cheshire Historic Society," Vol. 4 (1852), p. 18. The attack is said to
have begun at four o'clock in the afternoon and lasted till dark. One
account states that the Earl of Derby declared that he would set fire to
Warrington rather than surrender it, and that Sir William Brereton
thereupon ordered a retreat in order to save the town. This was the
Parliamentarian way of explaining away their defeat. There is no Moot
Hill now, though Dr. Kenrick states that military relics have been found
on the site by excavation.

[101] Mr. Ormerod appears to assume that Colonel Assheton was in
command, and it is true that one of the accounts ("C.W.T.," p. 97) does
mention a Captain Ashton; but as he is not mentioned anywhere else he
was probably not present.

[102] The narrative in the "Discourse," p. 33, is very minute, being
evidently that of an eye-witness. He says that the first sight of the
royalists which their opponents had was "mounting out of a Hollow dingle
between Ashterley and Reed-head." This hollow dingle must certainly be
the depression through which Sabden Brook flows; the roadway now crosses
it by a bridge. The farmhouse on the right descending to the brook is
still called Easterley.

[103] "Discourse," pp. 31-34. "A True Relation of a great and wonderfull
Victory, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 95). The latter is largely reprinted in
"Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages," May 4-11.
The Ribble at Salesbury takes a wide curve, and is therefore somewhat
shallower. There is no 'boat' there now, but a bridge at Ribchester.

[104] "Speciall Passages," May 6 ("C.W.T.," p. 98).

[105] Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," pp. 88, 89. "Letters of Queen
Henrietta Maria," edited by Mrs. Everett Green (1857), pp. 190, 195.

[106] Seacome, p. 82. The Earl reached the Isle of Man on June 15; he
evidently found the island in a very turbulent state. The Queen wrote to
Newcastle: "Lord Derby is here. He is no longer capable of defending
himself or of raising troops."

[107] "Discourse," p. 39.

[108] Newspapers in "C.W.T.," pp. 100-101; _vide_ also "Perfect
Diurnall" (Cook), May 15-22. There is a tract in "C.W.T.," p. 102, which
professes to give an account of the surrender of Warrington, but it is
exceedingly unreliable.

[109] "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 138). Contradictory statements
are, however, made about a ship from the Earl of Warwick's fleet which
appeared in the Mersey at this time.

[110] "Discourse," p. 40. Hornby Castle has been largely re-built, the
lower portion of the lofty central tower being the oldest remaining
part. The Castle stands on an isolated hill, occupying a very strong
natural position. The hill on all sides is steep, and especially so on
the north-east side where its base is encircled by the River Wenning. It
was evidently on this quarter that the surprise attack was delivered;
but it is hardly possible now to judge of the danger of the enterprise.
The descent down to the Wenning, partially levelled at the top to make a
garden, is not an arduous climb; and the present buildings on that side
do not approach very near to the edge of the descent. On July 6 the
House of Commons ordered that Hornby Castle should be demolished in
order to avoid the expense of keeping a garrison there; and two days
later Assheton was directed to send the order down to Lancashire,
although no answer had been returned by the House of Lords ("C.J.," Vol.
3), pp. 158-159.




CHAPTER VI.

Remaining Events of 1643; and the First Siege of Lathom House.


It was a sign of the complete victory of the Parliamentarian party in
Lancashire that now for the first time troops from this county began to
be sent into Yorkshire and Cheshire. In the middle of June, 1643, before
the surrender of Hornby and Thurland Castles, 2000 men from Manchester
were reported to have joined Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire, and a month or
two after this we find Lancashire troops taking part in the war in
Cheshire.[111]

Fairfax at this time had need of all the help that he could get, for
Newcastle was pressing him hard. The royalists took Leeds, Halifax and
Wakefield in succession. In the last few days of June the Fairfaxes
marched from Bradford against Newcastle, who left his quarters at Howley
and drew up his army on Adwalton Moor, some three miles from Bradford,
to await their attack. The Parliamentarian force consisted of 1,200 men
from Leeds, 500 from Halifax, Pontefract and other places, 7 companies
from Bradford, together with 12 companies from Lancashire under the
command of Colonel Assheton and Colonel Holland. All these were foot;
and there were also 13 troops of horse of which 3 had come from
Lancashire. The royalists on the other hand had 8,000 foot of their
former army, and 7,000 recently raised by Commission of Array, with
perhaps 4000 horse. Newcastle drew up his men on Adwalton Moor, also
occupying some houses in the enclosed ground in front of his position.
The Parliamentarian 'forlorn' was under Captain Milday; the van under
Major-General Gifford consisted of the 1,200 Leeds foot, and the main
battle was formed by the Lancashire foot and the 500 from Halifax under
Lord Fairfax himself; in the rear were the Bradford soldiers under
Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes. Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded all the cavalry.
At first the battle went in favour of the Parliamentarians; they
attacked vigorously, their 'forlorn' driving back the enemy, and their
van then faced the royalists' right wing, while their rear attacked in
the centre. All Newcastle's line began to give ground, but the
Parliamentarians incautiously advanced too far into the open moor; and
Newcastle, who greatly outnumbered them, sent forward a detachment along
a lane to the left of his position which took the enemy in the rear.
Most of the Yorkshire troops had been used only to garrison duty, and
caught thus between two fires, they were unable to execute an orderly
retreat, but began to run. The loss in killed was not very great, but a
large number were taken prisoner, and two of the four guns were lost.
The Parliamentarian centre being strengthened by the Lancashire troops,
was brought off safely by Sir Thomas Fairfax. Lord Fairfax could only be
persuaded to leave the field when the royalists had intercepted his
retreat to Bradford, and he reached the town with difficulty. Sir Thomas
was forced to seek refuge in Halifax for that night, and joined his
father in Bradford the following day.[112]

The defeat was a serious blow to the Parliament's cause in Yorkshire,
and its moral effect was greater still. Moreover the Lancashire troops
at once returned home, with the exception of 200 foot and 20 horse, who
were persuaded to remain on promise of prompt pay. The Fairfaxes were
unable to retain Bradford, and were forced to retreat to Hull, which was
soon practically the only place in Yorkshire in the hands of the
Parliament. It was indeed only by good fortune that they kept Hull, for
Sir John Hotham had declared that he would shut the gates against them;
but the discovery of the Hothams' plot and their arrest gave Fairfax a
place of retreat when he most needed it.

On July 5th, Newcastle dated from Bradford a summons to the town of
Manchester. He offered the townsmen protection and pardon if they would
lay down their arms. But it was not likely that having already driven
the royalists out of their own borders the Manchester garrison would
listen to a summons sent from 30 miles distant; and a defiant answer was
returned two days later. "Sir we are nothing dismayed at your force, but
hope that God who hath been our Protector hitherto, will so direct our
just Army that we shall be able to return the violence intended into
their bosoms that shall essay the prosecution of it." This is, however,
very different language from the urgent letter to Lenthall written the
day before,[113] in which they refer to their loss of men and arms at
the battle of Adwalton Moor, the encouragement which that defeat had
given to the royalists at home, and the great danger in which they were
placed by the retreat of Fairfax to the extreme east of Yorkshire.
Newcastle, however, soon had too much on his hands in Yorkshire to do
more than send a summons into a neighbouring county. But the Lancashire
leaders took the precaution of guarding the frontier against him. They
sent 1200 men to Rochdale, and 800 more to Blackstone Edge, four miles
further on, over which passes the main road into Yorkshire. The garrison
was attacked once at least; and it was kept there most of the winter,
being maintained out of the several Hundreds of the county from
sequestered Roman Catholic estates. Colonel Tyldesley's estate at
Myerscough was one of the first to be sequestered (Oct.). The defences
at Blackstone Edge were constructed under the direction of Rosworm, who
was sent from Manchester for that purpose. The newspapers report that in
the middle of July Newcastle sent 200 horse to break through, but
without success. A few were killed and many taken prisoners, and the
rest retreated; "because it is naturally so strong that 500 men can keep
1000 neither is that way fit either for carriages or ordnance." Indeed
the nature of the ground, which is very rough and covered with heather,
is such as to make it exceedingly difficult for the movements of
cavalry.[114]

The newspapers also mention royalist defeats in July at Colne, where 40
prisoners were taken, and also at Clitheroe, and at Thornton. It would
appear from this that Newcastle continued his attempts to break through
the Lancashire defences. Evidently it was necessary to keep a watch upon
the eastern border of the county during this winter, and it was
fortunate for the Parliamentarian party that the Moors formed such a
strong natural defence. Some troops for a time were kept at Colne and
even at Emmott Lane Head, which is three miles further on just on the
border of the county.[115]

Lancashire forces were also sent to fight under the command of Sir
William Brereton and Sir Thomas Fairfax in Cheshire. They do not seem
to have taken part in any very important engagements in that county; but
they assisted at the siege of Halton Castle which fell on July 22, and
they also fought at Chester. Some time in June, 1643, Alexander Rigby
arrived in Lancashire with a Colonel's commission to raise forces in
Leyland and Amounderness Hundreds. Rigby was not the man to remain idle,
even though the fighting seemed over. He appointed 15 or 20 captains in
Amounderness to raise foot companies and one troop of horse; and a few
also in Leyland. The Order of Parliament for impressing troops was not
passed until the end of October, 1643, but it was easier to raise men
now that they could be provided for out of sequestered estates.[116]
With the troops which he had raised Rigby at once set himself to reduce
Thurland Castle, which had been re-occupied by Sir John Girlington, and
well stored with ammunition and provisions; and early in August he
marched against it. This second siege proved much harder than the first,
and lasted seven 

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