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The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions

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Title: The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell, of Leigh, in Angola and the Adjoining Regions

Author: Andrew Battell

Contributor: active 1591-1649 Anthony Knivet

Editor: Samuel Purchas
        Ernest Georg Ravenstein


        
Release date: November 3, 2012 [eBook #41282]
                Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF ANDREW BATTELL, OF LEIGH, IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS ***

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   WORKS ISSUED BY
   The Hakluyt Society

   THE STRANGE ADVENTURES
   OF
   ANDREW BATTELL.


   SECOND SERIES.
   No. VI.


   THE
   STRANGE ADVENTURES
   OF
   ANDREW BATTELL
   OF LEIGH,
   IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS.

   _REPRINTED FROM “PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES.”_

   Edited, with Notes and a Concise
   HISTORY OF KONGO AND ANGOLA,
   BY
   E. G. RAVENSTEIN.


   Reproduced, by permission of the
   HAKLUYT SOCIETY
   from the edition originally published by the Society
   in 1901
   KRAUS REPRINT LIMITED
   Nendeln/Liechtenstein
   1967


   Printed in Germany

   Lessing-Druckerei—Wiesbaden


COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


   SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.
   THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
   REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
   COMMR. B. M. CHAMBERS, R.N.
   C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A.
   COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
   SIR W. MARTIN CONWAY.
   F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D.
   EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A.
   DUDLEY F. A. HERVEY, C.M.G.
   E. F. IM THURN, C.B., C.M.G.
   J. SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.
   F. W. LUCAS.
   A. P. MAUDSLAY.
   E. J. PAYNE, M.A.
   HOWARD SAUNDERS.
   H. W. TRINDER.
   CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A.

   WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., _Honorary Secretary_.




CONTENTS.


                                                                     PAGE
   INTRODUCTION                                                         i

   BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                     xviii

   THE STRANGE ADVENTURES OF ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH.

   I. Andrew Battell, his voyage to the River of Plate, who being
   taken on to the coast of Brazill was sent to Angola                  1

   II. His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment;
   exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to
   Elamba and Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences                9

   III. Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running
   countries. His trade with them, betraying,
   escape to them, and living with them; with many
   strange adventures. And also the rites and manner of
   life observed by the Iagges, or Gagas, which no Christian
   would ever know well but this author                                19

   IV. His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries;
   abuses; flight from them, and living in the woods divers
   months; his strange boat and coming to Loango                       36

   V. Of the province of Engoy, and other regions of Loango;
   with the customs there observed by the King and people              42

   VI. Of the provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke,
   Motimbas; of the ape-monster Pongo; their
   Hunting, Idolatries, and divers other observations                  52

   VII. Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; the Portuguese Wars
   in those parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things
   remarkable                                                          63


   ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF
   ANGOLA, CONGO, AND LOANGO, from _Purchas His
   Pilgrimage_, 1613 (1617)                                            71


   APPENDICES.

   I. ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA                               89

   II. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END
   OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY                                         102

   III. A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO                                  136

   IV. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF ANGOLA TO THE END
   OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY                                         139

   V. A LIST OF THE GOVERNORS OF ANGOLA                               188


   INDEX AND GLOSSARY                                                 191


   MAPS.

   A GENERAL MAP OF KONGO AND ANGOLA.

   AN ENLARGED MAP OF ANGOLA.


[Illustration]




INTRODUCTION.


Four Englishmen are known to have visited Angola towards the close of
the sixteenth century, namely, Thomas Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony
Knivet and Andrew Battell. All four were taken by the Portuguese out of
English privateers in South-American waters, and spent years of
captivity as prisoners of war; happy, no doubt, in having escaped the
fate of many of their less fortunate companions, who atoned with their
lives for the hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged.

Thomas Turner,[1] although he furnished Samuel Purchas with a few notes
on Brazil, never placed on record what happened to him whilst in
Portuguese Africa. Towres was sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the
heinous offence of eating meat on a Friday; he attempted an escape, was
retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity in Angola. He
died at Masanganu, as we learn from Knivet. Knivet himself has left us
an account of his adventures in Angola and Kongo; but this account
contains so many incredible statements that it was with some hesitation
we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so we might be supposed to
vouch for the writer’s veracity.

Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly circumstantial
record of what he experienced in Kongo and Angola. His narrative bears
the stamp of truth, and has stood the test of time. It is unique,
moreover, as being the earliest record of travels in the _interior_ of
this part of Africa; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit
missionaries, the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell’s
time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely historical
or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta’s famous _Relatione del Reame di
Congo_, “drawn out of the writings and discourses of Duarte Lopez,” and
first published at Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous
_Itinerarium_ of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English
translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed among books of
travel.[2] Samuel Braun, of Basel, who served as barber-surgeon on board
Dutch vessels which traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never
left the coast.[3] Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three voyages
to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as supercargo of Dutch vessels,
penetrate inland.[4] Nay, we are even able to claim on behalf of
Battell that he travelled by routes not since trodden by European
explorers.


Of Andrew Battell’s history we know nothing, except what may be gathered
from his “Adventures,” and an occasional reference to him by his friend,
neighbour, and editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a
native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing village by
the side of its populous upstart neighbour Southend, but formerly a
place of considerable importance. As early as the fifteenth century it
could boast of its guild of pilots, working in harmony with a similar
guild at Deptford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward bound
ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the outward bound. Henry VIII
incorporated both guilds as the “Fraternity of the Most Glorious and
Indivisible Trinity and of St. Clement;” and in the venerable church of
St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard may still be seen
monuments erected in honour of contemporaries of Battell who were
Brethren of the Trinity House; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567,
died 1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no tombstone in
memory of Andrew Battell; and if a memorial tablet was ever dedicated to
him, it must have been removed when the church was renovated in 1837.
Nor do the registers of the church afford a clue to Battell’s death, for
the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year 1684. At the
present time no person of the name of Battell lives at Leigh.


Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village two miles to the
north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613. Battell returned to Leigh about 1610,
bringing with him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a
captive by a gorilla (see p. 55). Purchas had many conferences with
Battell, and the information obtained in this manner was incorporated by
him in _Purchas His Pilgrimage_, the first edition of which was
published in 1613,[5] and will be found in this volume, pp. 71-87.
Battell’s papers, however, only reached Purchas after the author’s
death, and were first published by him in _Hakluytus Posthumus, or
Purchas His Pilgrimes_, in 1625.[6] There is reason to fear that Purchas
did not perform his duties as editor, as such duties are understood at
the present day. As an instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told
his editor in private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was
known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying that Duarte Lopez
could have any information about it; yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is
made responsible for the statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor
is it likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda (p. 74), for
no such lake exists; and Purchas’s authority for its supposed existence
is once more Duarte Lopez or Pigafetta.

Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that Purchas abridged
portions of the MS.; as, for instance, the account of the overland
trading trip to Kongo and Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of
his MS., thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when we
come to inquire into the chronology of Battell’s travels.


There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abraham Cocke sailed
for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of Spain had acceded to the throne
of Portugal in 1580, and that prosperous little kingdom thus became
involved in the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out of
Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt justified in
preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and intercepting Spanish
vessels on their way home from the Rio de la Plata. We do not think,
however, that we do Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to
have been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much by the
lust of gain as by patriotism.

The determination of the chronology of Battell’s adventures presents
some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a single date, namely,
that of his departure from England on May 7th, 1589. There are, however,
incidental references to events the dates of which are known; and these
enable us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confidence,
thus:—

1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose Battell to have reached
Luandu in June, 1590.

2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for two months, and
return to Luandu, where he “lay eight months in a poor estate” (p. 7),
would carry us to the end of June, 1591.

3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. João Furtado de Mendonça, then
employed him during two years and a half trading along the coast. This,
however, is quite impossible: for Mendonça only assumed office in
August, 1594; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell’s day who held
office for a longer period than two and a half years—his term of office
extending to 1602—and as Battell is not likely to have forgotten the
name of an employer who gave him his confidence, we assume that he
really did make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period. Purchas
may be responsible for this transposition.

4. He made a first attempt to escape (in a Dutch vessel), but was
recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he spent “six miserable years,”
1591-96.

5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three months in irons at
Luandu, up to June, 1596.

6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, _note_). After a field
service of over three years, Battell was sent back to Luandu, wounded.
This would account for his time up to 1598 or 1599.

7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence inspired by
his conduct in the field, the Governor now employed him on the trading
ships referred to above.

9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601.

10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one months with them.
Incidentally he mentions that the chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by
the Portuguese seven years before that time (he was actually defeated in
April, 1594).

11. Battell was at Masanganu when João Rodrigues Coutinho was Governor
(Coutinho assumed office in 1602).

12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio of Kambambe by
Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604; and stayed there till 1606, when news
was received of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised his
liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603.

13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken up six months.

14. The Governor having “denied his word,” and a new Governor being
daily expected, Battell secretly left the city, spent six months on the
Dande, and was ultimately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected
was only appointed in August, 1607; and his arrival was actually
delayed.)

15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half—say up to 1610.

Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illustrating this
volume; and, if the outcome of my endeavour does not differ in its broad
features from the maps furnished by M. d’Anville, in 1732, to Labat’s
_Relation Historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale_, this should redound to
the credit of the great French geographer, but should not be accounted a
proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my maps exhibit an
advance in matters of detail, for our knowledge of the country has
increased considerably since the days of d’Anville. They would have
proved still more satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while
to produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had claimed
possession during four centuries. It seems almost incredible that even
now many of the routes followed by the Conquistadores and missionaries
of old cannot be laid down upon a modern map for lack of information.
Sonyo, for instance, through which led the high road followed by
soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador (the
present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is almost a _terra
incognita_. I am almost ashamed to confess that I have even failed to
locate the once-famous factory of Mpinda; all I can say is, that it
cannot have occupied the site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps.

I need hardly say that modern research lends no support to the
extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the knowledge of Inner
Africa possessed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Pigafetta’s
fantastic map, with its elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely
proves the utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of
critical geography. This has long since been recognised. The map which
accompanies Isaac Vossius’s _De Nili et aliorum Fluminum Origine_ (Hagae
Com., 1659) only shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on
“Nimeamaie vel Monemugi,” and may without hesitation be identified with
our Nyasa: for the Monemugi (Muene Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or
Zimbas. The “Iages, gens barbara et inculta,” are placed right in the
centre of Africa. The “Fungeni,” which are shown as neighbours of the
“Macoco,” ought to have been placed to the west of Abyssinia, as they
are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried
out his intention of compiling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681),
these extravagancies of early map-makers would have been exposed more
fully long since.[7]


In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes illustrating
Battell’s narrative, I felt bound to consult all accessible literary
sources dealing with the history and geography of Kongo and Angola.
Whilst ploughing my way through this mass of material, it struck me that
a concise history of these African countries, from the time of their
discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might form an
acceptable appendix to Battell’s _Adventures_, and at the same time
increase the bulk of the volume dedicated to him to more respectable
proportions. Much material of use for such a purpose has seen the light
since the publication of J. J. Lopes de Lima’s historical sketches. Yet
I am bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is
disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates and facts;
but much remains to be done before we can claim to be in possession of a
trustworthy history of that part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch
may rouse a Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano
Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be discoverable in the
archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.[8]

The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell is retained, as a
matter of course; but it is obvious that in the historical appendices
the various ways in which native names are spelt had to be reduced to a
common system. Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese
manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided to adopt the
system now generally followed (even by a few Portuguese writers), viz.,
that all vowels should be sounded as in Italian, and the consonants as
in English, with the only exception that the letter _g_ should always be
hard. I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo, as the
name of that district is spelt according to the nationality of the
writer. In transcribing the native names I have had the unstinted
assistance, among others, of the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist
Missionary Society; yet I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for
many names is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This
arises quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my
authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manuscripts or the
carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful cases are dealt with in the
GLOSSARY and INDEX.


In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude the kindly
assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett, who is spending a life-time
in Luangu; Mr. R. C. Phillips, who is thoroughly acquainted with the
Lower Kongo; the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society;
Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not least, our
ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster.

[Illustration]


BIBLIOGRAPHY.

   Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author’s
   name, or by abbreviated references, are included in this list.


_How cited:_


ALGUNS DOC.—Alguns documentos do archivo nacional da Torre do
Tombo ácerca das navegações e conquistas Portuguezas. Lisboa
(Impr. nac.), 1892.

   A Collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by José
   Ramos-Coelho. See Index _sub_ Angola, Kongo, Manicongo.


PAIVA MANSO.—Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy) Visconde de
Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877.

   A collection of documents, 1492-1722.


BOLETIM.—Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa.

   The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliothéque
   Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559; Letters of F.
   Garcia Simões, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits).

   Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens explorações e conquistas do
   Portuguezes. Collecção de Documentos por Luciano Cordeira.
   Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881.

The following Parts have been published:—


GARCIA MENDES.

   (_a_) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes
   Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the
   companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes).


REBELLO DE ARAGÃO.

   (_b_) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar
   Rebello de Aragão. (He went out to Africa in 1593).


BENGUELLA E SEU SERTÃO.

   (_c_) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu sertão per um Anonymo. (The
   author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may
   possibly have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira).


ESTABELECIMENTOS.

   (_d_) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa
   occidental de Africa por um Anonymo.


ESCRAVOS E MIMAS.

   (_e_) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos.

D. LOPEZ.—Relatione del Reame di Congo e delle circonvicine
contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez,
per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591.

   This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch,
   French and English, but has not hitherto found a competent
   editor. I quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson,
   published at London in 1881.

   Duarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578; and the bulk of this
   volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when
   he was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded
   the information thus obtained into a description of the
   greater part of Africa.


CAVAZZI.—Istorica descrizione de’ tre regni Congo, Matamba, e Angola,
accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo.
Bologna, 1687.

   Cavazzi, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67,
   1670-) and died at Genoa in 1693. This bulky folio only deals
   with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato
   Alamandini, of Bologna. Labat (“Relation historique de
   l’Éthiopie,” Paris, 1732) has given a useful version of it in
   French, which must, however, be used with some caution. It is
   by far the most important work we have at the hand of one of
   the early Catholic missionaries. W. D. Cooley’s observation
   (“Inner Africa Laid Open,” London, 1852, p. 3), that the works
   published up to the time of Cavazzi “would hardly furnish
   twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence,” can apply
   only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst Lopez de Lima
   (“Ensaios,” p. xi) is hardly justified in calling Cavazzi a
   “fabulista,” unless that opprobrious term be confined to what
   the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and
   others.


DAPPER.—Nauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van Olf.
Dapper. Amst., 1668.

   I quote the German translation (“Beschreibung von Afrika,”
   Amst., 1670).

   This is a very careful compilation; more especially
   interesting, as it contains information on the country
   collected during the Dutch occupation (1642-48), not to be
   found elsewhere.


CADORNEGA.—Historia das guerras de Angola (Historia General Angolana),
por D. A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82.

   Cadornega, a native of Villa Viçosa, accompanied D. Pedro
   Cezar de Menezes to Angola in 1639, and died at Luandu in
   1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists in MS. in the
   library of the Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and in the
   Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. I have not been able to consult
   it with the minuteness which it deserves. A rough copy of a
   considerable portion of it is to be found in the British
   Museum (_Add. MS._ 15,183, fol. 33). Copious extracts from it
   are given by Paiva Manso and D. José de Lacerda (“Exame das
   Viagens do Dr. Livingstone,” Lisbon, 1867).


CATALOGO.—Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola (Collecçao de
Noticias para a historia das nações ultramarinas publicada pela Academia
real das Sciencias, tome III, pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826.

   This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784.
   J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his “Memorias contendo a biographia do
   Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres,” Paris, 1825, also
   printed this chronological history, and continued it to the
   year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel L. C.
   C. Pinheiro Furtado. The “Catalogue” is useful, but it is not
   free from very serious errors.


BENTLEY.—Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by the Rev. W.
Holman Bentley. 1887.


CORDEIRO DA MATTA.—Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portugueze coordenado
par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa, 1893.

LOPES DE LIMA, ENSAIO.—Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possessões
Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d’Angola e Benguella), por
José Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846.

   This is a fundamental work. The historical account is
   contained in the Introduction and in chap. v.


LOPES DE LIMA, AN. MAR.—Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do reino do
Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J. Lopes de Lima (“Annaes
maritimos e coloniaes,” Lisboa, 1845, pp. 93-108).


LOPES DE LIMA.—Successos do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii, pelo J. J.
Lopes de Lima (_ibid._, pp. 194-99).


[Illustration]




THE STRANGE ADVENTURES

OF

ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX,

SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA, WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE
ADJOINING REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS.




§ I.

_Andrew Battel, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the
coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola._


[_From the Thames to Cape Palmas._]

In the year 1589, Abraham Cocke[9] of Limehouse, began his voyage toward
the River of Plate, with two pinnaces[10] of fifty tons apiece: the one
was called the _May-Morning_, the other the _Dolphin_.

We sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April; and the six and
twentieth of the same month we put into Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we
took in some provision for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea,
and with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth, where we
remained certain days, and then proceded on our voyage: And running
along the coast of Spain and Barbary we put into the road of Sancta
Cruz,[11] and there set our Light-horse-man[12] together which we
carried in two pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, thinking
that this boat should have made his voyage. This done, we put to sea,
and running along the coast of Guinea we were becalmed, because we were
so near the coast.


[_St. Thomé and the Gulf of Guinea._]

Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that there were very
few sound. And being within three or four degrees of the equinoctial
line we fell with the Cape de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing,
wherewith our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas [Cabo
das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they would trade with us; but
it was but to betray us, for they are very treacherous, and were like to
have taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay
south-west off;[13] but the current and the calms deceived us, so that we
were driven down to the isle of St. Thomé,[14] thinking that we had
been further off to the Sea than we were. And being in distress for wood
and water, we went in on the south end between San Tome and the islands
das Rolas,[15] where we rode very smooth, and with our light-horse-man
went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we found none in the
island. Here we had great store of plantains and oranges. We found a
village of negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of
San Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send them thither
to get their strength again. For the islands are very fruitful, and
though there be no fresh water, yet they maintain themselves with the
wine of the palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of
this island, we burned the village. And running on the east side of San
Tome we came before the town;[16] but we durst not come near, for the
castle shot at us, which hath very good ordnance in it.

Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in four and twenty
hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo Gonsalves:[17] and being within
three leagues of the said cape we cast about and stood again toward the
island of San Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island; and
coming to a little river, which runneth out of the mountains, we went on
shore with our Light-horse-man, with six or seven butts to fill with
water. But the governor had ambushed one hundred men of the island; and
when we were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our men and
hurt another: wherefore we retired to our boat and got aboard.


[_Across the Atlantic to the Brazils._]

Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of Brasil, and lay
west-south-west into the sea: and being some fifty leagues off, we fell
into a shoal of dolphins,[18] which did greatly relieve us, for they did
follow our ship all the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was
some thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we came to
Ilha Grande,[19] which standeth in five [_sic_] degrees southward of the
line, we put in betwixt the island and the main, and haled our ships on
shore, and washed them, and refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh
water. In this island are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And
being here some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was
bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and to get some
refreshments: and presently we went aboard, and took the Portugal
merchant out of the pinnace, which told Abraham Cocke, that within two
months there should two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the
town of Buenos Aires.


[_The Rio de la Plata._]

From this town there come every year four or five caravels to Bahia[20]
in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which bring great store of treasure,
which is transported overland out of Peru into the River of Plate. There
Abraham Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the
_Dolphin’s_ men into his ship, and sent the _Dolphin_ home again, which
had not as yet made any voyage. This Portugal merchant carried us to a
place in this island, where there was a banished man,[21] which had
planted great store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this
fruit, go to the River of Plate: for our bread and our victuals were
almost all spent.

With this hard allowance we departed from this island, and were
six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of Lobos Marinos,[22]
which is in the mouth of the River of Plate. This island is half a mile
long, and hath no fresh water, but doth abound with seals and
sea-morses,[23] in such sort that our light-horseman could not get on
shore for them, without we did beat them with our oars: and the island
is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived some thirty days, lying
up and down in the river, and were in great distress of victuals. Then
we determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to
take one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so high up the
river as the town, we had a mighty storm at south-west,[24] which drove
us back again, and we were fain to ride under the Isla Verde[25]—that
is, the green island—which is in the mouth of the river on the north
side.


[_A Prisoner of the Portuguese._]

Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and gave over the
voyage, and came to the northward again, to the isle of Sant Sebastian,
lying just under the tropic of Capricorn.[26] There we went on shore to
catch fish, and some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were
all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe fraught with
Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu Sancto.[27] These Indians
landed on the west side of the island, and came through the woods and
took five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de
Janeiro]. After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went to sea,
and was never heard of more.[28]


[_Transported to Angola—A Voyage to the Zaire._]

When we that were taken had remained four months in the River of
Janeiro, I and one Torner[29] were sent to Angola in Africa, to the city
of Saint Paul,[30] which standeth in nine degrees to the southward of
the equinoctial line. Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put
into prison, and sent up the River Quansa,[31] to a town of garrison,
which is 130 miles up the river. And being there two months the pilot of
the governor’s pinnace died: then I was commanded to carry her down to
the city, where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor
estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman. But being
recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de Mendoça,[32] who then was
governor, commanded me to go to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a
pinnace, to trade for elephants’ teeth,[33] wheat,[34] and oil of the
palm-tree. The river Zaire[35] is fifty leagues from the city, to the
northward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the mouth of
that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes, which had at that
time a town in it. Here we laded our pinnace with elephants’ teeth,
wheat, and oil of the palm, and so returned to the city again.




§ II.

   _His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment;
   exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to Elamba and
   Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences._


[_Trading in Loango._]

When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen leagues to the
northward of the River Zaire, and carried all commodities fit for that
country, as long glass beads, and round blue beads, and seed beads, and
looking-glasses, blue and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were
very rich commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for we
had for one yard of cloth three elephants’ teeth, that weighed 120
pounds; and we bought great store of palm-cloth[36] and elephants’
tails.[37] So, in little time we laded our pinnace. For this voyage I
was very welcome to the governor, who promised me my liberty if I would
serve him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon the coast.


[_An Attempted Escape._]

Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the merchant of which
ship promised to carry me away. And, when they were ready to depart I
went secretly on board, but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in
the ship, and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put in
prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months, thinking that the
governor would have put me to death. But at last I was banished for ever
to the Fort of Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts. Here
I lived a most miserable life for the space of six years without any
hope to see the sea again.


[_A Second Attempt at Escape._]

In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were banished as
myself. To one of these Egyptians[38] I brake my mind, and told him that
it were better for us to venture our lives for our liberty than to live
in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and
told me he would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got
three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got the best canoe
that we could find, and went down the river Cuanza, and being as far
down as Mani Cabech,[39] which is a little lord in the province of
Elamba [Lamba], we went on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and
shot. Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know where we
went on shore. We made a little fire in the wood, and scorched Guinea
wheat,[40] which we [had] brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we
had none other food.

As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that night and the next
day, without any water at all. The second night we were not able to go,
and were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to
maintain life. The third day we met with an old negro which was
travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind him, and made him
lead us the way to the Lake of Casansa.[41] And, travelling all that day
in this extreme hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of
Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues from the city
of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask water, but they would give us
none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot;
but seeing that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani
Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us to stay all
night, only to betray us; but we departed presently, and rested that
night in (_sic_) the lake of Casansa.

The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is towards the
north,[42] and passed it with great danger. For there are such abundance
of crocodiles in this river that no man dare come near the riverside
when it is deep. The fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande,
and travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against the
Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,[43] which is a lord that warreth
against the King of Congo, whither we intended to go. Here we passed the
river, and rested half the night. And being two leagues from the river
we met with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We told them
that we were going to Congo. These negroes said that we were in the
wrong way, and that they were Masicongos,[44] and would carry us to
Bambe,[45] where the Duke of Bambe lay.

So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we perceived
that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled by the sun, and would go
no further that way, and turned back again to the westward; they stood
before us with their bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But
we, determining to go through them, discharged six muskets together and
killed four, which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they
followed us four or five miles, and hurt two of our company with their
arrows. The next day we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled
all that day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh day,
in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come after us with
horsemen and great store of negroes. Hereupon our company being
dismayed, seven of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the
thickets. I, and the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they
followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little wood. As soon
as the captain had overtaken us he discharged a volley of shot into the
wood, which made us lose one another.


[_Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain._]

Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the negroes did take
me in the woods they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better
end among the Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood
with my musket ready charged, making none account of my life. But the
captain, thinking that we had been all twelve together, called to me and
said: “Fellow Soldier, I have the governor’s pardon; if you will yield
yourselves you shall have no hurt.” I, having my musket ready, answered
the captain that I was an Englishman, and had served six years at
Massangono, in great misery; and came in company with eleven Portugals
and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather than I will be
hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me and
said: “Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I protest, as I am
a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life for thy resolute mind.”
Whereupon I yielded up my musket and myself.

Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and negroes to search the
woods, and to bring them out alive or dead, which was presently done.
Then they carried us to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three
Egyptians lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great
bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped.


[_A campaign in Lamba._][46]

At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that were banished out
of Portugal, up into the country of Elambe. Then I was with
proclamation through the city banished for ever to the wars, and marched
with them to Sowonso,[47] which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of
Bamba; from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a
great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his town, and then he obeyed
us, and brought three thousand warlike negroes to us. From thence [we
marched] to Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately
with us, but was forced to obey; and then to Combrecaianga,[48] where we
remained two years. From this place we gave many assaults and brought
many lords to subjection. We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched
to the Outeiro,[49] or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt all
Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to the chief town of
Ingombe, which is half a day’s journey to go up.[50]

This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand bows, and spoilt
many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoil among them,
whereupon he retired up into the mountain, and sent one of his captains
to our general, signifying that the next day he would obey him. The next
day he entered our camp with great pomp, with drums, petes,[51] and
Pongoes,[52] or waits, and was royally received; and he gave great
presents, and greatly enriched the general, and them which marched up.
Upon the top of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief
town; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes, and other
roots, and great store of oranges and lemons. Here is a tree that is
called _Engeriay_,[53] that beareth a fruit as big as a pome-water,[54]
and hath a stone in it, present remedy (_sic_) for the wind colic, which
was strange to the Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that
springeth out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We were
here five days, and then we marched up into the country, and burned and
spoiled for the space of six weeks, and then returned to Engombe again,
with great store of margarite stones,[55] which are current money in
that land. Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant
mountain, which remained twelve months: but I was shot in my right leg,
and many Portugals and Mulatoes were carried to the city to be cured.


[_A Voyage to Benguella._]

Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with sixty soldiers,
myself being one of the company, and all kinds of commodities. We turned
up to the southward until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a
fair sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and sheep,
wheat[56] and beans; but we staid not there, but came to Bahia das
Vaccas: that is, the Bay of Cows, which the Portugals call Bahia de
Torre,[57] because it hath a rock like a tower. Here we rode on the
north side of the rock, in a sandy bay, and bought great store of cows,
and sheep—bigger than our English sheep—and very fine copper. Also, we
bought a kind of sweet wood, called _Cacongo_,[58] which the Portugals
esteem much, and great store of wheat and beans. And having laded our
bark we sent her home; but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little
fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are
treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days we had five
hundred head of cattle; and within ten days the governor sent three
ships, and so we departed to the city.

In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth coast.
Here may any ship that cometh out of the East Indies refresh themselves.
For the Portugals carracks[59] now of late come along the coast, to the
city, to water and refresh themselves. These people are called
_Endalanbondos_,[60] and have no government among themselves, and
therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade with these
people must stand upon their own guard. They are very simple, and of no
courage, for thirty or forty men may go boldly into the country and
fetch down whole herds of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass
beads of an inch long, which are called _Mopindes_,[61] and paid fifteen
beads for one cow.

This province is called Dombe,[62] and it hath a ridge of high _serras_,
or mountains, that stretch from the _serras_ or mountains of Cambambe,
wherein are mines, and lie along the coast south and by west. Here is
great store of fine copper, if they would work in their mines; but they
take no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this place wear
skins about their middles and beads about their necks. They carry darts
of iron, and bow and arrows in their hands. They are beastly in their
living, for they have men in women’s apparel, whom they keep among their
wives.

Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks, which weigheth
fifteen pound at the least; about their arms little rings of copper,
that reach to their elbows; about their middle a cloth of the _Insandie_
tree, which is neither spun nor woven;[63] on their legs rings of copper
that reach to the calves of their legs.




§ III.

   _Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running
   countries. His trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and
   living with them; with many strange adventures. And also the
   rites and manner of life observed by the Iagges or Gagas,
   which no Christian could ever know well but this author._[64]


[_A Second Voyage to Benguella._]

In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we came to the Morro,
or cliff of Benguelle,[65] which standeth in twelve degrees of southerly
latitude. Here we saw a mighty camp on the south side of the river
Cova.[66] And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore
with our boat; and presently there came a troop of five hundred men to
the waterside. We asked them who they were. Then they told us that they
were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra
Leôa],[67] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to
the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called Dongo.[68] The
great Gaga, which is their general, came down to the waterside to see
us, for he had never seen white men before. He asked wherefore we came.
We told him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade us
welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities. We laded our ship
with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did not
cost one real, which were worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis.

[In a marginal note, Purchas adds:—

   “He, in discourse with me, called them Iagges, and their chief
   the great Iagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by
   false spelling.”]


[_Among the Jagas._]

Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and desired our boat to
pass his men over the river Cova, for he determined to overrun the realm
of Benguele, which was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went
with him to his camp, which was very orderly, entrenched with piles of
wood; we had houses provided for us that night, and many burthens
[loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and flour.

In the morning, before day, the general did strike his _gongo_,[69]
which is an instrument of war that soundeth like a bell, and presently
made an oration with a loud voice, that all the camp might hear, that he
would destroy the Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches
as were not to be looked for among the heathen people. And presently
they were all in arms, and marched to the river side, where he had
provided _Gingados_.[70] And being ready with our boat and _Gingados_,
the general was fain to beat them back because of the credit who should
be first. We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets we
beat the enemy off, and landed, but many of them were slain. By twelve
of the clock all the Gagas were over.

Then the general commanded all his drums, _tavales_,[71] _petes_,
_pongos_, and all his instruments of warlike music to strike up, and
gave the onset, which was a bloody day for the Benguelas. These
Benguelas presently broke, and turned their backs, and a very great
number of them were slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and
child. The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of this
country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords, and their heads
presented and thrown at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women and
children that were brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that
were brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are
the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in the world, for they
feed chiefly upon man’s flesh [notwithstanding of their] having all the
cattle of that country.

They settled themselves in this country and took the spoil of it. We had
great trade with these Gagas, five months, and gained greatly by them.
These Gagas were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela,
although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of cattle
and wheat, and many other commodities; but they lacked wine, for in
these parts there are no palm-trees.

After the five months were expired they marched toward the province of
Bambala,[72] to a great lord that is called Calicansamba, whose country
is five days up into the land. In these five months’ space we made three
voyages to the city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found
them not.


[_March into the Interior._]

Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go up into the land
after them. So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the
Bay of Benguela to stay for us. And marching two days up into the
country we came to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat; and coming
to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the Gagas had
passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we sent a negro which we had
bought of the Gagas, and [who] lived with us, and bid him say that he
was one of the great Gaga’s men, and that he was left to carry us to the
camp. This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga, but he
delayed the time, and would not let us pass till the Gaga was gone out
of his country. This lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear
of him, began to palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land
till we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself a mighty
man having us with him. For in this place they never saw [a] white man
before, nor guns. So we were forced to go with him, and destroyed all
his enemies, and returned to his town again. Then we desired him that he
would let us depart; but he denied us, without we would promise him to
come again, and leave a white man with him in pawn.


[_Left as an Hostage._]

The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place,
determined to draw lots who should stay; but many of them would not
agree to it. At last they consented together that it were fitter to
leave me, because I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I
was fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and shot,
promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two months they would come
again and bring a hundred men to help him in his wars, and to trade with
him. But all was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would
have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this lord till the two
months were expired, and was hardly used, because the Portugals came not
according to promise.

The chief men of this town would have put me to death, and stripped me
naked, and were ready to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the town
commanded them to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come.
And after that I was let loose again, I went from one town to another,
shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And being in fear
of my life among them I ran away, purposing to go to the camp of the
Gagas.


[_He joins the Jagas._]

And having travelled all that night, the next day I came to a great town
which was called Cashil, which stood in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here
I was carried into the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great
and small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was never any
white man seen. Here were some of the great Gaga’s men, which I was glad
to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was.

This town of the lord Cashil is very great and is so overgrown with
_Olicondie_ [_baobab_][73] trees, cedars,[74] and palms, that the
streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the town there is an
image, which is as big as a man, and standeth twelve feet high; and at
the foot of the image there is a circle of elephants’ teeth, pitched
into the ground. Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men’s
skulls, which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this image.
They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill goats, and pour their
blood at his feet. This image is called Quesango,[75] and the people
have great belief in him, and swear by him; and do believe when they are
sick that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this town
were little images, and over them great store of elephants’ teeth
piled.[76]

The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes, very orderly.
Their houses were round like a hive, and, within, hanged with fine mats
very curiously wrought. On the south-east end of the town was a mokiso
[_mukishi_] which had more than three tons of elephants’ teeth piled
over him.

From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country with the
Gagas[77] two days, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had
his camp, and was welcome to him. Among the cannibal people I determined
to live, hoping in God that they would travel so far to the westward
that we should see the sea again; and so I might escape by some ship.
These Gagas remained four months in this place, with great abundance and
plenty of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing, drinking,
dancing, and banquetting, with man’s flesh, which was a heavy spectacle
to behold.

At the end of four months they marched towards the _Serras_, or
mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty high, and have great copper
mines, and they took the spoil all the way as they went. From thence
they went to the river Longa,[78] and passed it, and settled themselves
in the town of Calango,[79] and remained there five or six months. Then
we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,[80] and came to the
river Gonsa [Coanza],[81] and marched on the south side of the river to
a lord that was called Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo.
Here we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very cold.

Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals, they marched to the
westward again, and came along the river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that
is called Shillambansa,[82] uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his
chief town, which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded. This
place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found great store of wild
peacocks,[83] flying up and down the trees, in as great abundance as
other birds. The old lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the
town, and had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which
peacocks he gave to his _Mokeso_, and they were called _Angello
Mokeso_,[84] that is, the Devil’s or Idol’s Birds, and were accounted as
holy things. He had great store of copper, cloth, and many other things
laid upon his grave, which is the order of that country.[85]

From this place we marched to the westward, along the river Coanza, and
came right against the _Serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, or Serras de
Prata.[86] Here is the great fall of water, that falleth right down, and
maketh a mighty noise that is heard thirty miles. We entered into the
province of Casama,[87] and came to one of the greatest Lords, which was
called Langere. He obeyed the great Gaga, and carried us to a Lord
called Casoch,[88] which was a great warrior, for he had some seven
years before overthrown the Portugals camp, and killed eight hundred
Portugals and forty-thousand negroes, that were on the Portugals side.
This Lord did stoutly withstand the Gagas, and had the first day a
mighty battle, but had not the victory that day. So we made a sconce of
trees after their fashion, and remained four months in the wars with
them. I was so highly esteemed with the great Gaga, because I killed
many negroes with my musket, that I had anything that I desired of him.
He would also, when they went out to the wars, give charge to his men
over me. By this means I have been often carried away in their arms, and
saved my life. Here we were within three days’ journey of Massangano,
before mentioned, where the Portugals have a fort: and I sought means,
and got to the Portugals again with merchant negroes that came to the
camp to buy slaves.


[_Military Organisation of the Jagas._]

There were in the camp of the Gagas twelve captains. The first, called
Imbe Calandola,[89] their general, a man of great courage. He warreth
all by enchantment, and taketh the Devil’s counsel in all his exploits.
He is always making of sacrifices[90] to the Devil, and doth know many
times what shall happen unto him. He believeth that he shall never die
but in the wars. There is no image among them, but he useth certain
ceremonies. He hath straight laws to his soldiers: for, those that are
faint-hearted, and turn their backs to the enemy, are presently
condemned and killed for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He useth every
night to make a warlike oration upon an high scaffold, which doth
encourage his people.

It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch their camp,
although they stay but one night in a place, to build their fort, with
such wood or trees as the place yieldeth: so that the one part of them
cutteth down trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and
buildeth a round circle with twelve gates.[91] So that every captain
keepeth his gate. In the middle of the fort is the general’s house,
intrenched round about, and he hath many porters to keep the door. They
build their houses very close together, and have their bows, arrows, and
darts standing without their doors; and when they give alarm, they are
suddenly all out of the fort. Every company at their doors [gates?] keep
very good watch in the night, playing upon their drums and
_tavales_.[92]


[_A River of Gold._]

These Gagas told us of a river that is to the southward of the Bay of
Vaccas,[93] that hath great store of gold: and that they gathered up
great store of grains of gold upon the sand, which the fresh water
driveth down in the time of rain. We found some of this gold in the
handles of their hatchets, which they use to engrave with copper; and
they called it copper also, and do not esteem it.


[_Palm Wine._]

These Gagas delight in no country, but where there is great store of
Palmares, or groves of palms. For they delight greatly in the wine and
in the fruit of the palm, which serveth to eat and to make oil. And they
draw their wine contrary to the Imbondos.[94] These palm-trees are six
or seven fathoms high, and have no leaves but in the top: and they have
a device to go up to the top of the tree, and lay no hands on it, and
they draw the wine in the top of the tree in a bottle.

But these Gagas cut the palm-trees down by the root, which lie ten days
before they will give wine. And then they make a square hole in the top
and heart of the tree, and take out of the hole every morning a quart,
and at night a quart So that every tree giveth two quarts of wine a day
for the space of six and twenty days, and then it drieth up.


[_Jaga Raids._]

When they settle themselves in any country, they cut down as many palms
as will serve them wine for a month: and then as many more, so that in a
little time they spoil the country. They stay no longer in a place than
it will afford them maintenance. And then in harvest-time they arise,
and settle themselves in the fruitfullest place they can find; and do
reap their enemy’s corn, and take their cattle. For they will not sow,
nor plant, nor bring up any cattle, more than they take by wars.[95]
When they come into any country that is strong, which they cannot the
first day conquer, then their General buildeth his fort, and remaineth
sometimes a month or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great wars to
the inhabitants to see him settled in their country, as though he fought
with them every day. So that many times the inhabitants come and assault
him at his fort: and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh[96] them on
for the space of two or three days. And when their General mindeth to
give the onset, he will, in the night, put out some one thousand men:
which do ambush themselves about a mile from their fort. Then in the
morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of the fort, as
though he would take their town. The inhabitants coming near the fort to
defend their country, being between them, the Gagas give the watchword
with their drums, and then the ambushed men rise, so that very few
escape. And that day their General overunneth the country.


[_Dress and Ornaments._]

The great Gaga Calando[97] hath his hair very long, embroidered with
many knots of Banba[98] shells, which are very rich among them, and
about his neck a collar of _masoes_,[99] which are also shells, that are
found upon that coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twenty
shillings a shell: and about his middle he weareth _landes_, which are
beads made of the ostrich eggs.[100] He weareth a palm-cloth about his
middle, as fine as silk. His body is carved and cut with sundry works,
and every day anointed with the fat of men.[101] He weareth a piece of
copper cross his nose[102], two inches long, and in his ears also. His
body is always painted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty wives,
which follow him when he goeth abroad; and one of them carrieth his bows
and arrows; and four of them carry his cups of drink after him. And when
he drinketh they all kneel down, and clap their hands and sing.[103]

Their women wear their hair with high _trompes_ full of bamba [_mbamba_]
shells, and are anointed with civet.[104] They pull out four of their
teeth, two above and two below, for a bravery. And those that have not
their teeth out are loathsome to them, and shall neither eat nor drink
with them. They wear great store of beads about their necks, arms, and
legs; about their middles, silk cloths.


[_Infanticide._]

The women are very fruitful, but they enjoy none of their children: for
as soon as the woman is delivered of her child, it is presently buried
quick [alive], so that there is not one child brought up in all this
generation.[105] But when they take any town they keep the boys and
girls of thirteen or fourteen years of age as their own children. But
the men and women they kill and eat. These little boys they train up in
the wars, and hang a collar about their necks for a disgrace, which is
never taken off till he proveth himself a man, and bring his enemy’s
head to the General: and then it is taken off and he is a freeman, and
is called _Gonso_ or soldier.[106] This maketh them all desperate, and
forward to be free, and counted men: and so they do increase. In all
this camp there were but twelve natural Gagas that were their captains,
and fourteen or fifteen women. For it is more than fifty years since
they came from Serra de Lion, which was their native country. But their
camp is sixteen thousand strong, and sometimes more.[107]


[_Human Sacrifices._][108]

When the great Gaga Calandola undertaketh any great enterprise against
the inhabitants of any country, he maketh a sacrifice to the Devil, in
the morning, before the sun riseth. He sitteth upon a stool, having upon
each side of him a man-witch: then he hath forty or fifty women which
stand round about him, holding in each hand a _zevra_ [zebra][109] or
wild horse’s tail, wherewith they do flourish and sing. Behind them are
great store of petes, ponges, and drums, which always play. In the midst
of them is a great fire; upon the fire an earthen pot with white
powders, wherewith the men-witches do paint him on the forehead,
temples, ’thwart the breast and belly, with long ceremonies and
inchanting terms. Thus he continueth till sun is down. Then the witches
bring his _Casengula_,[110] which is a weapon like a hatchet, and put it
into his hand, and bid him be strong against his enemies: for his
_mokiso_ is with him. And presently there is a man-child brought, which
forthwith he killeth. Then are four men brought before him; two whereof,
as it happeneth, he presently striketh and killeth; the other two he
commandeth to be killed without the fort.

Here I was by the men-witches ordered to go away, as I was a Christian,
for then the Devil doth appear to them, as they say. And presently he
commandeth five cows to be killed within the fort, and five without the
fort: and likewise as many goats, and as many dogs, and the blood of
them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are eaten with great
feasting and triumph. And this is used many times by all the other
captains of their army.


[_Burial of the Dead._]

When they bury the dead they make a vault in the ground, and a seat for
him to sit.[111] The dead hath his head newly embroidered, his body
washed, and anointed with sweet powders. He hath all his best robes put
on, and is brought between two men to his grave, and set in seat as
though he were alive. He hath two of his wives set with him, with their
arms broken, and then they cover over the vault on the top. The
inhabitants when they die are buried after the same fashion, and have
the most part of their goods buried with them. And every month there is
a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourn and sing doleful
songs at his grave for the space of three days, and kill many goats, and
pour their blood upon his grave, and palm-wine also; and use this
ceremony as long as any of their kindred be alive.[112] But those that
have no kindred think themselves unhappy men, because they have none to
mourn for them when they die. These people are very kind one to another
in their health; but in their sickness they do abhor one another, and
will shun their company.




§ IV.

   _His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries;
   abuses; flight from them and living in the woods diverse
   months; his strange boat, and coming to Loango._


[_João Rodrigues Coutinho’s Campaign, 1602._]

Being departed from the Gagas I came to Masangano, where the Portugals
have a town of garrison. There was at that time a new Governor, which
was called Sienor Iuan Coutinho,[113] who brought authority to conquer
the mines or mountains of Cambamba; and to perform that service the King
of Spain had given him seven years’ custom off all the slaves and goods
that were carried thence to the West Indies, Brazil, or whithersoever,
with condition that he should build three castles, one in Demba,[114]
which are the salt mines, the other in Cambamba, which are the silver
mines, and the other in Bahia das Vaccas, or the Bay of Cows.

This gentleman was so bountiful at his coming that his fame was spread
through all Congo, and many mulatoes and negroes came voluntarily to
serve him. And being some six months in the city he marched to the
Outaba of Tombo,[115] and there shipped his soldiers in pinnaces, and
went up the river Consa or Coanza, and landed at the Outaba of
Songo,[116] sixty miles from the sea. This lord Songo is next to Demba,
where the salt-mines be. In this place there is such store of salt that
most part of the country are perfect clear salt, without any earth or
filth in it, and it is some three feet under the earth as it were ice;
and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is carried up into
the country, and is the best commodity that a man can carry to buy
anything whatsoever.

Here the Governor staid ten days, and sent a pinnace to Masangano for
all the best soldiers that were there. So the captain of the castle sent
me down among a hundred soldiers, and I was very well used by the
Governor; and he made me a sergeant of a Portugal company, and then he
marched to Machimba,[117] from thence to Cauo, and then to Malombe, a
great lord. Here we were four days, and many lords came and obeyed us.
From thence we marched to a mighty lord called Angoykayongo,[118] who
stood in the defence of his country with more than sixty thousand men.
So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a great slaughter
among them. We took captives all his women and children, and settled
ourselves in his town, because it was a very pleasant place, and full of
cattle and victuals. And being eight days in this town the Governor
sickened and died, and left a captain in his room to perform the
service.


[_Manuel Cerveira Pereira carries on the war._]

After we had been two months in the country of Angoykayongo we marched
towards Cambambe, which was but three days’ journey, and came right
against the Serras da Prata, and passed the river Coanza, and presently
overran the country, and built a fort hard by the riverside. Here I
served two years.

They opened the silver-mines, but the Portugals did not like of them as
yet, because they yielded small share of silver.[119]

This new upstart governor was very cruel to his soldiers, so that all
his voluntary men left him; and by this means he could go no further.

At this time there came news by the Jesuits that the Queen of England
was dead, and that King James had made peace with Spain.[120] Then I
made a petition to the Governor, who granted me licence to go into my
country; and so I departed with the Governor and his train to the city
of St. Paul. But he left five hundred soldiers in the fort of Cambambe,
which they hold still.[121]


[_A Trading Trip to Congo._]

Then I went with a Portugal merchant to the province of Bamba, and from
thence to the Outeiro [“hill”], or city standing upon a mountain of
Congo,[122] from thence to Gongon[123] and Batta,[124] and there we
sold our commodities and returned in six months to the city [Loanda]
again.


[_Final Escape from Captivity._]

Then I purposed to have shipped myself for Spain, and thence homewards.
But the Governor denied his word, and commanded me to provide myself
within two days to go up to the Conquest again. This Governor had served
his three years,[125] and the citizens looked every day for another out
of Portugal. So I determined to absent myself for ten or twenty days,
till the other Governor came, and then to come to the city again. For
every Governor that cometh maketh proclamation for all men that be
absent, to come with free pardon.

The same day, at night, I departed from the city with two negro boys
that I had, which carried my musket and six pounds of powder, and a
hundred bullets, and that little provision of victuals that I could
make. In the morning I was some twenty miles from the city, up along the
river Bengo, and there I staid certain days, and then passed Bengo and
came to the river Dande, which is to the northward, purposing to know
what news was in the city, for I was near the highway of Congo. And one
of my negroes inquired of those that passed, and brought me word that it
was certain that the new Governor came not that year.

Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would go to the city again and be
hanged, or to stay and live in the woods, for I had run away twice
before. So I was forced to live in the woods a month, betwixt the rivers
of Dande and Bengo. Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, and
passed over the river, and went to the lake of Casansa.[126] Here is the
greatest store of wild beasts that is in any place of Angola. About this
lake I staid six months, and lived only upon dried flesh, as buffes
[buffaloes], deer, mokokes,[127] impolancas,[128] and roebucks, and
other sorts, which I killed with my musket, and dried the flesh, as the
savages do, upon an hurdle, three feet from the ground, making
underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the flesh green boughs,
which keep the smoke and heat of the fire down, and dry it. I made my
fire with two little sticks, as the savages used to do. I had sometimes
Guinea wheat [maize] which my negro boy would get of the inhabitants for
pieces of dried flesh.

This lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry sorts. I have taken
up a fish that hath skipped out of the water on shore, four feet long,
which the heathen call Sombo.[129]

Thus, after I had lived six months with the dried flesh and fish, and
seeing no end of my misery, I wrought means to get away.

In this lake are many little island that are full of trees called
_Memba_ [_bimba_][130] which are as light as cork and as soft. Of these
trees I built a _lergado_ [_Jangada_], with a knife of the savages that
I had, in the fashion of a box nailed with wooden pegs, and railed round
about, because the sea should not wash me out; and with a blanket that I
had I made a sail, and prepared three oars to row withall.

This lake of Casanza is eight miles over, and issueth into the river
Bengo. So I entered into my _gingado_ [_Jangada_], and my two negro
boys, and rowed into the river Bengo, and so came down with the current
twelve leagues to the bar. Here I was in great danger, because the sea
was great; and being over the bar I rode into the sea, and then sailed
afore the wind along the coast, which I knew well, minding to go to the
kingdom of Longo [Loango], which is towards the north; and being that
night at sea, the next day I saw a pinnace come before the wind, which
came from the city, and was bound to San Thomé, and she came near to me.
The master was my great friend, for we had been mates together, and for
pity’s sake he took me in, and set me on shore in the port of Longo,
where I remained three years, and was well beloved of the king, because
I killed him deer and fowls with my musket.




§ V.

_Of the Province of Engoy [Ngoyo], and other Regions of Loango, with the
Customs there observed by the King and People._


_[Kabinda.]_

From the Point of the Palmar [Ponta do Palmar],[131] which is the north
side of the river Zaire, is the port of Cabenda [Kabinda],[132] where
many ships use to water and refresh themselves; and it is five leagues
northwards. This place is called, Engoy [Ngoyo], and is the first
province of Longo [Loango], and is full of woods and thickets. And seven
leagues northwards of that place is the river Cacongo,[133] a very
pleasant place and fruitful. Here is great stock of elephants’ teeth,
and a boat of ten tons may go up the river.

The Mombales[134] have great trade with them, and pass the river Zaire
in the night, because then it is calm, and carry great store of
elephants’ teeth to the town of Mani Sonna [Sonyo], and sell them in the
port of Pinda to the Portugals, or any other stranger that first
cometh.[135]

At four leagues from Cacongo is the river of Caye, or Longo Leuyes.[136]
This town of Caye [Kaia] is one of the four seats or lordships of
Longo. And then the Angra, or Gulf, das Almadias.[137] In this gulf, or
bay, are great store of canoes or fishermen, because the sea is smoother
there than upon the coast. And two leagues northward is the port of
Longo [Loango]. And it is a sandy bay, and a ship may ride within a
musket-shot of the shore in four or five fathoms.


[_The Capital of Loango._]

The town of Mani Longo is three miles from the waterside, and standeth
on a great plain. This town is full of palm and plantain-trees and very
fresh, and their houses are built under the trees. The streets are wide
and long, and always clean swept. The King hath his houses on the west
side, and before his door he hath a plain, where he sitteth, when he has
any feastings or matters of wars to treat of. From this plain there
goeth a great wide street, some musket-shot from the place; and there is
a great market every day, and it doth begin at twelve of the clock.

Here is great store of palm-cloths of sundry sorts, which is their
merchandizes; and a great store of victuals, flesh, hens, fish, wine,
oil, and corn. Here is also very fine log wood,[138] which they use to
dye withall—it is the root of the log wood which is the best—and
_molangos_[139] of copper. Here is likewise great store of elephants’
teeth, but they sell none in the market-place.


[_A Royal Audience._]

The King hath ten great houses, and is never certain to be found but in
the afternoon, when he cometh to sit. And then he keepeth always [to]
one house. The house is very long, and at twelve of the clock it is full
of noblemen. They sit upon carpets upon the ground. The house is always
full of people till midnight.

The last king, Gembe [Njimbe],[140] never used to speak in the day, but
always in the night. But this king speaketh in the day: howbeit he
spendeth most of the day with his wives. And when the king cometh in he
goeth to the upper end of the house, where he hath his seat, as it were
a throne. And when the king is set, they clap their hands and salute
him, saying in their language: _Byani Pemba_, _Ampola_, _Moneya_,
_Quesinge_.[141]


[_The King’s Wives._][142]

On the south side of the king’s houses he hath a circuit [compound] or
village, where his wives dwell, and in this circuit no man may come on
pain of death. He hath in this place one hundred and fifty wives and
more. And if any man be taken within this circuit, if he be with a
woman, or do but speak to her, they be both brought into the
market-place and their heads be cut off, and their bodies quartered, and
lie one day in the street. The last king Gymbe [Njimbi], had four
hundred children by his women.


[_The King Drinks!_]

When the king drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, and he that
bringeth it hath a bell in his hand, and as soon as he hath delivered
the cup to the king, he turneth his face from the king and ringeth the
bell; and then all that be there fall down upon their faces, and rise
not till the king have drunk. And this is very dangerous for any
stranger that knoweth not the fashions, for if any seeth the king drink
he is presently killed, whatsoever he be. There was a boy of twelve
years, which was the king’s son. This boy chanced to come unadvisedly
when his father was in drinking. Presently the king commandeth he should
be well apparelled and victuals prepared. So the youth did eat and
drink. Afterward the king commandeth that he should be cut in quarters
and carried about the city, with proclamation that he saw the king
drink.[143]


[_The King at Dinner._][144]

Likewise for his diet, when it is dinner-time, there is a house of
purpose, where he always eateth, and there his diet is set upon a
_bensa_,[145] like a table. Then he goeth in, and hath the door shut. So
when he hath eaten, then he knocketh and cometh out. So that none see
the king eat nor drink. For it is their belief, that if he be seen
eating or drinking, he shall presently die. And this is an order with
all kings that now are, or shall succeed, unless they abolish this cruel
custom.


[_The King as a Rain-maker._]

The king is so honoured as though he were a god among them, and is
called _Sambe_ and _Pongo,_[146] that is God. And they believe that he
can give them rain when he listeth. So once a year, when it is time to
rain, that is in December, the people come to beg rain and bring their
gifts to the king, for none come empty.[147] Then he appointeth the day,
and all the lords far and near come to the feast with all their troops,
as they go in the wars. And when all the troops of men be before the
king, the greatest Lord cometh forthwith his bows and arrows, and
sheweth his skill with his weapon; and then he hath a merry conceit or
jest that he speaketh before the king, and kneeleth at his feet; and
then the king thanketh him for his love; and in like manner they do all.

The king sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a carpet spread upon
the ground, which is some fifteen fathoms about, of fine _ensacks_,[148]
which are wrought like velvet, and upon the carpet his seat, which is a
fathom from the ground. Then he commanded his _Dembes_ [Ndamba][149] to
strike up, which are drums, so great, that they cannot carry them, and
others that are very great. He hath also eight _Pongos_,[150] which are
his waits, made of the greatest elephants’ teeth, and are hollowed and
scraped light, which play also. And with the drums and waits they make
an hellish noise. After they have sported and shewed the king pleasure,
he ariseth and standeth upon his throne, and taketh a bow and arrows in
his hand, and shooteth to the sky; and that day there is great
rejoicing, because sometimes they have rain. I was once there when the
king gave rain, and it chanced that day to rain mightily, which made the
people have a great belief in their folly.[151]


[_Albinos._]

Here are sometimes born in this country white children, which is very
rare among them, for their parents are negroes. And when any of them are
born, they are presented unto the king and are called _Dondos_
[_Ndundu_].[152] These are as white as any white man. These are the
king’s witches, and are brought up in witchcraft, and always wait on the
king. There is no man that dare meddle with these _Dondos_. If they go
to the market they may take what they list, for all men stand in awe of
them. The King of Longo had four of them.


[_The Nkishi, or Fetishes._]

The king also is a witch, and believeth in two idols which are in Longo.
The one is called _Mokisso à Longo_, the other is called
_Checocke_.[153] This last is a little black image, and standeth in a
little house at a village called Kinga, which standeth in the
landing-place of Longo. This house of _Checocke_ standeth in the
highway, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesy of
the country. Those that be craftsmen, as fishermen, hunters, and
witches, do offer to this idol, that they may have good luck. This
_Checocke_ doth sometimes in the night come and haunt some of his best
beloved: sometimes a man, sometimes a boy or a woman. And then they be
frantic for the space of three hours; and whatsoever the frantic person
speaketh, that is the will of _Checocke_. And they make a great feast
and dancing at his house.[154]

There is another _Mokisso_ which is also in Kinga, and it is called
_Gomberi_. It is the name of a woman, and is in a house where an old
witch dwelleth, and she is called _Ganga Gomberi_, which is, the Priest
of _Gomberi_. Here once a year is a feast made, and _Ganga Gomberi_
speaketh under the ground.[155] And this is a common thing every year. I
have asked the negroes what it was, and they told me that it was a
strong _Mokisso_ that is come to abide with _Checocke_.


[_Children are born White._]

The children in this country are born white, and change their colour in
two days to a perfect black. As, for example, the Portugals, which dwell
in the kingdom of Congo, have sometimes children by the negro women, and
many times the fathers are deceived, thinking when the child is born it
is theirs, and within two days it proveth the son or daughter of a
negro; which the Portugals do greatly grieve at, for they rejoice when
they have a mulato child, though it be a bastard.


[_The Royal Princes._]

The town of Longo [Loango] standeth in the midst of four Lordships, and
is governed by four Princes, which are the King’s sisters’ sons, for
the King’s sons can never be kings. The first is Mani Cabango,[156] the
second Mani Salag, the third Mani Bock, the fourth Mani Cay. This Mani
Cay is next to be king, and hath his train and court as a Prince. And
when the King dieth he cometh presently into the seat of the King. Then,
Mani Bock cometh to Cay, Mani Salag cometh to Bock, and Mani Cabango
cometh to Salag. And then they provide another to go to Cabango, so
there be four Princes that wait on the King when their turns come.


[_The Kings Mother._]

The mother of these Princes is called Mani Lombo,[157] and she is the
highest and chief woman in all the land. She maketh choice of her
husband, and when she is weary of him she putteth him away, and taketh
another. Her children are greatly honoured, and whosoever passeth by
them kneel down and clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the
country.

These Lordships are champaign grounds, and full of corn and fruit.


[_Palm Cloth._][158]

The men in this kingdom make good store of palm-cloth of sundry sorts,
very fine and curious. They are never idle: for they make fine caps of
needlework as they go in the streets.


[_The Royal Tombs._]

There is a place two leagues from the town of Longo, called
Longeri,[159] where all their kings be buried, and it is compassed round
about with elephants’ teeth pitched in the ground, as it were a Pale,
and it is ten roods in compass.


[_Europeans Committed to the Sea._]

These people will suffer no white man to be buried in their land,[160]
and if any stranger or Portugal come thither to trade, and chance to
die, he is carried in a boat two miles from the shore, and cast into the
sea. There was once a Portugal gentleman, that came to trade with them,
and had his house on shore. This gentleman died, and was buried some
four months. That year it did not rain so soon as it was wont, which
beginneth about December, so that they lacked rain for some two months.
Then their _mokisso_ told them that the Christian, which was buried,
must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the sea; and within three
days it rained, which made them have a great belief in the devil.




§ VI.

   _Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke,
   Motimbas: of the ape-monster Pongo: their Hunting, Idolatries,
   and divers other observations._


[_Bongo._]

To the eastward of Longeri is the Province of Bongo, and it bordereth on
Mococke, [of which] the great Angeca[161] is king. In this place is
great store of iron, and palm-cloth, and elephants’ teeth, and great
store of corn.


[_Cango._]

To the north-east is the great province of Cango,[162] and it is
fourteen days journey from the town of Longo. This place is full of
mountains and rocky ground, and full of woods, and hath great store of
copper. The elephants in this place do excel, and there are so many that
the people of Longo hath great store of elephants’ teeth, and bring them
to the port of Longo.


[_Calongo._]

To the northwards of Longo, three leagues, is the river Quelle:[163] and
on the north side is the province of Calongo [Chilunga]. This country is
always tilled, and full of corn, and is all plain and champaign ground,
and hath great store of honey. Here are two little villages that show at
sea like two hummocks,[164] which are the marks to show the port of
Longo; and fifteen miles northward is the river Nombo,[165] but it hath
no depth for any bark to go in. This province, towards the east,
bordereth upon Bongo; and towards the north upon Mayombe, which is
nineteen leagues from Longo along the coast.


[_Yumbe._][166]

The province of Mayombe is all woods and groves, so overgrown that a man
may travel twenty days in the shadow, without any sun or heat. Here is
no kind of corn nor grain, so that the people liveth only upon plantains
and roots of sundry other sorts, very good, and nuts; nor any kind of
tame cattle, nor hens. But they have great store of elephants’ flesh,
which they greatly esteem, and many kinds of wild beasts; and great
store of fish. Here is a great sandy bay, two leagues to the southward
of Cape Negro, which is the port of Mayombe. Sometimes the Portugals
take logwood[167] in this bay. Here is a great river called Banna.[168]
In the winter it hath no bar, because the general winds cause a great
sea; but when the sun hath his south declination, then a boat may go in,
for then it is smooth because of the rain. This river is very great, and
hath many islands, and people dwelling in them. The woods are covered
with baboons, monkeys, apes and parrots, that it will fear any man to
travel in them alone. Here also are two kinds of monsters, which are
common in these woods, and very dangerous.


[_Gorillas and Chimpanzis._][169]

The greatest of these two monsters is called _Pongo_ [_Mpungu_] in their
language, and the lesser is called _Engeco_. This _Pongo_ is in all
proportions like a man, but that he is more like a giant in stature than
a man; for he is very tall, and hath a man’s face, hollow-eyed, with
long hair upon his brows. His face and ears are without hair, and his
hands also. His body is full of hair, but not very thick, and it is of a
dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man but in his legs, for they
have no calf. He goeth always upon his legs, and carryeth his hands
clasped upon the nape of his neck when he goeth upon the ground. They
sleep in the trees, and build shelters from the rain. They feed upon
fruit they find in the woods and upon nuts, for they eat no kind of
flesh. They cannot speak, and have no more understanding than a beast.

The people of the country, when they travel in the woods, make fires
when they sleep in the night. And in the morning, when they are gone,
the _Pongoes_ will come and sit about the fire till it goeth out, for
they have no understanding to lay the wood together. They go many
together, and kill many negroes that travel in the woods. Many times
they fall upon the elephants, which come to feed where they be, and so
beat them with their clubbed fists and pieces of wood that they will run
roaring away from them.

Those _Pongoes_ are never taken alive, because they are so strong that
ten men cannot hold one of them, but yet they take many of their young
ones with poisoned arrows. The young Pongo hangeth on his mother’s
belly, with his hands clasped fast about her, so that when the country
people kill any of the females, they take the young one which hangeth
fast upon his mother. When they die among themselves, they cover the
dead with great heaps of boughs and wood, which is commonly found in the
forests.

[Purchas adds in a marginal note:

   “He told me in a conference with him that one of these Pongos
   took a negro boy of his, which lived a month with them, for
   they hurt not those which they surprise at unawares, except
   they look on them, which he [the boy] avoided. He said, their
   height was like a man’s, but their bigness twice as great. I
   saw the negro boy.

   “What the other monster [the Engeco] should be he hath
   forgotten to relate, and these papers came to my hand since
   his death, which otherwise, in my often conferences, I might
   have learned. Perhaps he meaneth the Pigmy Pongo-killers
   mentioned.”]


[_Hunting Dogs._]

The Morombes[170] use to hunt with their country-dogs, and kill many
kinds of little beasts, and great store of pheasants. But their dogs be
dumb, and cannot bark at all.[171] They hang wooden clappers about their
necks, and follow them by rattling of the clappers. The huntsmen have
_Petes_ [whistles], which they whistle their dogs withall. These dogs,
in all this country, are very little, with prickt ears, and are for the
most part red and dun. The Portugal mastiff dog, or any other great dog,
are greatly esteemed because they do bark. I have seen a dog sold up in
the country for thirty pounds.


[_The Maramba Fetish._][172]

In the town of Mani Mayombe is a fetish called Maramba, and it standeth
in a high basket made like a hive, and over it a great house. This is
their house of religion, for they believe only in him, and keep his
laws, and carry his reliques always with them. They are for the most
part witches, and use their witchcraft for hunting and killing of
elephants and fishing, and helping of sick and lame men, and to forecast
journeys, whether they shall speed well or evil. By this Maramba are all
thefts and murders tried, for in this country they use sometimes to
bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their neighbours are
brought before the Maramba; and if it be a great man that dieth, the
whole town cometh to swear. The order is, when they come before Maramba,
to kneel and clasp Maramba in their arms, and to say: _Emeno, eyge
bembet Maramba_, that is, “I come to be tried, O Maramba.”[173] And if
any of them be guilty, they fall down stark dead for ever. And if any
of them that swear hath killed any man or child before, although it may
be twenty years past, he presently dieth. And so it is for any other
matter.

From this place, as far as it is to Cape de Lopo Gonsalves, they are all
of this superstition. I was twelve months in this place, and saw many
die after this sort.

These people be circumcised,[174] as they are through all Angola, except
the kingdom of Congo, for they be Christians. And those that will be
sworn to Maramba[175] come to the chief Gangas, which are their priests
or men-witches, as boys of twelve years of age, and men and women. Then
the Gangas put them into a dark house, and there they remain certain
days with very hard diet. After this they are let abroad, and commanded
not to speak for certain days, what injury soever they be offered, so
that they suffer great penury before they be sworn. Lastly, they are
brought before Maramba, and have two marks cut upon their shoulders
before, like a half moon, and are sworn by the blood that falleth from
them, that they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one kind
of flesh and some one kind of fish, with many other toys [trifles]. And
if they eat any of this forbidden meat they presently sicken, and never
prosper.[176] They all carry a relique of Maramba in a little box, and
hang it about their necks, under their left arms.

The Lord of this province of Mayombe hath the ensign or shape of Maramba
carried before him, and whithersoever he goeth; and when he sitteth
down it is set before him; and when he drinketh his palm-wine the first
cup is poured at the foot of the _Mokiso_ or idol, and when he eateth
anything, the first piece he throweth towards his left hand, with
enchanting words.


[_Sette._]

From Cape Negro northward is a great Lord called Mani Seat,[177] which
has the greatest store of elephants’ teeth of any Lord in the kingdom of
Longo, for his people practice nothing else but to kill elephants. And
two of these negroes will easily kill an elephant with their darts. And
here is great store of logwood.


[_Mani Kesock._][178]

There is another Lord, to the eastward, which is called Mani Kesock, and
he is eight days’ journey from Mayombe. Here I was with my two negro
boys to buy elephants’ hairs and tails. And in a month I bought twenty
thousand, which I sold to the Portugals for thirty slaves, and all my
charges borne.

From this place I sent one of my negro boys to Mani Seat with a
looking-glass. He did esteem it much, and sent me four elephants’ teeth
(very great) by his own men, and desired me to cause the Portugals, or
any other ship, to come to the northward of the Cape Negro, and he would
make fires where his landing place is, for there was never yet any
Portugal or other stranger in that place.[179]


[_Pygmy Elephant-Hunters._]

To the north-east of Mani Kesock are a kind of little people called
Matimbas,[180] which are no bigger than boys of twelve years old, but
are very thick, and live only upon flesh, which they kill in the woods
with their bows and darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and bring
all their elephants’ teeth and tails to him. They will not enter into
any of the Marombos[181] houses, nor will suffer any to come where they
dwell; and if by chance any Maramba, or people of Longo [Loango], pass
where they dwell, they will forsake that place and go to another.

The women carry bow and arrows, as well as the men, and one of these
will walk in the woods alone, and kill the _Pongos_ [gorillas] with
their poisoned arrows. I have asked the Marombos whether the elephant
sheddeth his teeth or no, and they say no! But sometimes they find their
teeth in the woods, but they find their bones also.


[_Poison Ordeals._]

When any man is suspected of any offence he is carried before the king,
or before Mani Bomma [Mamboma],[182] which is, as it were, a judge under
the king. And if it be upon matter that he denieth, and cannot be proved
but by their oath, then the suspected person is thus sworn: they have a
kind of root which they call _Imbondo_ [_mbundu_].[183]

This root is very strong, and is scraped into water. The virtue of this
root is, that if they put too much of it into water, the person that
drinketh it cannot void urine, and so it striketh up into the brain, as
though he were drunk, and he falleth down, as though he were dead. And
those that fall are counted as guilty, and are punished.[184]

[Purchas adds, in a marginal note:—

   “He told me that this root makes the water as bitter as gall
   (he tasted it), and one root will serve to try one hundred.
   They which have drunk and made water are cleared, before
   which, if dizziness take them, they cry: _Undoke_,
   _Undoke_,[185] and presently execute them. See my _Relations_,
   b. 7 c. 10, which I writ from his mouth.[186] Neither may this
   be ascribed to the virtue of the herb, but to the vice of the
   Devil, a murderer and his instrument, the _Ganga_ or
   priest.[187] And therefore that conjecture seems unprobable.
   For how could an ordinary trial of life where are so many so
   perilous; and therefore curious (more than) spectators, nor
   perceive this in so long and frequent experience, which costs
   so many their dearest friends their dearest life? I think
   rather that this was the transcriber’s conjecture. I remember
   no such scruple in his narrations to me. Who knows not the
   Devil’s ambition of Deity, and cruel misanthropy or
   man-hating? This is his apish imitation of Divinity, and those
   rites prescribed for trial in the case of jealousy, Numbers,
   v.[188] In Guinea like trial is made by salt, and also by the
   _Fetisseroes_ pot. In _Benomotapa_ by water also; in the
   _Maramba_ trial before [mentioned (see p. 56)], and _Motamba_
   trial by hot iron in Angola;[189] the ploughshares in olden
   times with us; and the trial of witches in the East parts by
   water, etc., were not unlike in deceivable superstition.”]


[_Death and Witchcraft._][190]

In this country none of any account dieth but they kill another for him,
for they believe they die not of their own natural death, but that some
other hath bewitched them to death. And all those are brought in by the
friends of the dead which they suspect, so that many times there come
five hundred men and women to take the drink made of the foresaid root
_Imbonda_ [_mbundu_]. They are brought all to the high street or
market-place, and there the master of the _Imbonda_ sitteth with his
water, and giveth everyone a cop of water by one measure; and they are
commanded to walk in a certain place till they make water, and then they
be free. But he that cannot urine presently falleth down dead, and all
the people, great and small, fall upon him with their knives and beat
and cut him into pieces. But I think the witch that giveth the water is
partial, and giveth to him whom he will have to die, the strongest
water, but no man can perceive it that standeth by. And this is done at
the town of Longo almost every week in the year.




§ VII.

   _Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus; The Portugal Wars in those
   parts; the Fishing, Grain, and other things remarkable._


[_Domestic Animals._]

In this kingdom there is no kind of tame cattle but goats, for none
other cattle will live here. Oxen and kine have been brought hither, but
they presently die. The hens in this place do so abound that a man may
buy thirty for the worth of sixpence in beads.[191]


[_Wild Birds._]

Here is store of pheasants, and great plenty of partridges and wild
fowl. Here is a kind of fowl that lives in the land bigger than a swan,
and they are like a heron, with long legs and long necks, and it is
white or black, and hath in her breast a bare place without feathers,
where she striketh with her beak. This is the right Pelican, and not
those sea-birds which the Portugals call pelicans, which are white and
as big as geese, and these abound in this country also.


[_The Zebra._]

Here is also the _zevera_ or zebra, which is like a horse, but that his
mane, his tail, his strakes and divers colours down his sides and legs
do make a difference. These _zeveras_ are all wild and live in great
herds, and will suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let them
shoot three or four times at them before they will run away.[192]


[_The Hippopotamus._]

Moreover, there are great store of sea or river horses, which feed
always on the land, and live only by grass, and they be very dangerous
in the water. They are the biggest creature in this country, except the
elephant. They have great virtue in the claws of their left forefoot,
and have four claws on every foot, like the claws of an ox. The
Portugals make rings of them, and they are a present remedy for the
flux.

[Illustration: The Zevera, or Zebra.]


[_Portuguese dealings with the Natives._]

The Portugals make war against the negroes in this manner. They have out
of Congo a nobleman, which is known to be a good Christian and of good
behaviour. He bringeth out of Congo some one hundred negroes that are
his followers. This _Macicongo_ [_mwishi-Kongo_]is made _Tandala_,[193]
or general over the black camp, and hath authority to kill, to put down
Lords and make Lords, and hath all the chief doings with the negroes.
And when any Lord cometh to obey he first cometh to Tandala and bringeth
his present, as slaves, kine and goats. Then the Tandala carrieth him
before the Portugal Governor, and bringeth two slaves for the Governor’s
page, before he goeth in. Then he must have a great gift for the
Governor, which is sometimes thirty or forty slaves, besides cattle. But
when he cometh before the Governor he kneeleth down and clappeth his
hands, and falleth down with his face upon the ground, and then he
riseth and saith: “I have been an enemy, and now I protest to be true,
and never more to lift my hand against you.” Then the Governor calleth a
soldier, which hath deserved a reward, and giveth the Lord to him. This
soldier seeth that he have no wrong; and the Lord acknowledgeth him to
be his master, and he doth maintain the soldier and maketh him rich.
Also, in the wars he commandeth his master’s house to be built before
his own, and whatsoever he hath taken that day in the wars, he passeth
[divideth] with his master. So that there is no Portugal soldier of any
account, but hath his negro _sova_, or Lord.[194]


[_Fishing._]

They use upon this coast to fish with harping irons, and wait upon a
great fish that cometh once a day to fish along the shore, which is like
a grampus. He runneth very near the shore and driveth great shoals of
fish before him; and the negroes run along the shore as fast as they are
able to follow him, and strike their harping irons round about him, and
kill great store of fish, and leave them upon the sand till, the fish
hath done feeding; and then they come and gather their fish up.

This fish will many times run himself on ground, but they will presently
shove him off again, which is as much as four or five men can do. They
call him _Emboa_, which is in their speech a dog, and will by no means
hurt or kill any of them.[195]

Also, they use in the bays and rivers, where shoal water is, to fish
with mats, which are made of long rushes, and they make them of an
hundred fathoms long. The mats swim upon the water, and have long rushes
hanged upon one edge of the mat, and so they draw the mat in compass, as
we do our nets. The fishes, fearing the rushes that hang down, spring
out of the water and fall upon the mat, that lyeth flat on the water,
and so are taken.


[“_Corn._”]

They have four sorts of corn in Longo. The first is called
_Masanga_,[196] and it groweth upon a straw as big as a reed, and hath
an ear a foot long, and is like hempseed. The second is called
_Masembala_.[197] This is of great increase, for of one kernel there
springs four or five canes, which are ten foot high, and they bear half
a pint of corn apiece. This grain is as big as tares, and very good.
Thirdly, they have another that groweth low like grass, and is very like
mustard-seed: and this is the best.[198] They have also the great Guinea
wheat, which they call _Mas-impoto_.[199] This is the least esteemed.


[_Ground-nuts._]

They have very good Peason [peas], somewhat bigger than ours, but they
grow not as ours do; for the pods grow on the roots, underneath the
ground, and by their leaves they know when they be ripe.[200] They have
another kind of Peason, which they call _Wando_.[201] This is a little
tree, and the first year that it is planted it beareth no fruit; but
after, it beareth fruit three years, and then it is cut down.[202]


[_Plantains, or Bananas._]

Their plantain trees bear fruit but once, and then are cut down, and out
of the root thereof spring three or four young trees.


[_Bees and the Baobab._]

They have great store of honey, which hangeth in the _Elicondy_
trees.[203] They gather it with a hollow piece of wood, or chest, which
they hang in the top of the tree, and once a year it is full, by smoke
rewarding the laborious creatures with robbery, exile, death.

[Purchas here adds in the margin, “out of Battell’s own reports”:—

This _Alicunde_ or _Elicondi_ tree is very tall and exceeding great,
some as big as twelve men can fathom, spreading like an oak. Some of
them are hollow, and from the liberal skies receive such plenty of
water, that they are hospitable entertainers of thousands in this
thirsty region. Once have I known three or four thousand remain at one
of these trees, and thence receiving all their watery provision for four
and twenty hours, and yet not empty. The negroes climbed up with pegs
of hardwood (which that softer easily receiveth, the smoothness not
admitting other climbing), and I think that some one tree hold forty
tuns of water.

This tree affords not less bountiful hospitality to the back than belly,
yielding (as her belly to their bellies, so) her back to their backs;
excepting that this is better from the younger trees, whose tenderer
backs being more seasonable for discipline, are so soundly beaten (for
man’s fault, whence came the first nakedness), whereby one fathom cut
from the tree is extended into twenty, and is presently fit for wearing,
though not so fine as the _Iuzanda_[204] tree yields. This tree yields
excellent cloth from the inner bark thereof by like beating.]


[_Palm Trees._]

Of their palm trees, which they keep with watering and cutting every
year, they make velvets, satins, taffetas, damasks, sarsenets, and such
like; out of the leaves, cleansed and purged, drawing long threads and
even, for that purpose. They draw wine (as it is said) from the
palm-tree. There is another kind of palm-tree which beareth a fruit good
for the stomach and for the liver, and most admirable.[205]


[_A Crocodile Story._]

One crocodile was so huge and greedy that he devoured an
_Alibamba_,[206] that is, a chained company of eight or nine slaves,
but the indigestible iron paid him his wages, and murdered the murderer,
found afterwards in his belly. I have seen them watch their prey,
hauling in gennet, man, or other creature, into the water. But one
soldier thus wrapt in shallower water drew his knife, took his taker in
the belly, and slew him.]


[THE END.]

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




ON THE RELIGION AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLES OF ANGOLA, CONGO AND
LOANGO.


   The following notes on the religion and customs of the Negroes
   of Angola, Congo and Loango, are taken from Book vii, chapters
   ix and x, of _Purchas His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the
   World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places
   discovered from the Creation unto this Present_. London (H.
   Fetherstone), 1617. This account is a compilation. Purchas
   quotes, among others, Duarte Lopez, De Barros, Osorio, Marmol,
   and Du Jarric. In what follows, we confine ourselves to the
   oral information which Purchas received from his friends or
   acquaintances, Andrew Battell and Thomas Turner.


CHAP. IX, § I.—ANGOLA.

[_The Slave Trade._]

Master Thomas Turner, one that had lived a long time in Brasil, and had
also been at Angola, reported to me[207] that it was supposed eight and
twenty thousand slaves (a number almost incredible, yet such as the
Portugals told him) were yearly shipped from Angola and Congo, at the
Haven of Loanda.[208] He named to me a rich Portugal in Brasil, which
had ten thousand of his own, working in his _Ingenios_[209] (of which he
had eighteen) and in his other employments. His name was John du Paus,
exiled from Portugal, and thus enriched in Brasil.[210] A thousand of
his slaves at one time entered into conspiracy with nine thousand other
slaves in the country, and barricaded themselves for their best defence
against their master, who had much ado to reduce some of them into their
former servitude.


[_Fetishes._]

To return to Angola, we may add the report of another of our countrymen,
Andrew Battell (my near neighbour, dwelling at Leigh, in Essex) who
served under Manuel Silvera Pereira,[211] Governor under the King of
Spain, at his city of St. Paul, and with him went far into the country
of Angola, their army being eight hundred Portugals and fifty thousand
Naturals. This Andrew Battell telleth that they are all heathens in
Angola. They had their idols of wood in the midst of their towns,
fashioned like a negro, and at the foot thereof was a great heap of
elephants’ teeth, containing three or four tuns of them: these were
piled in the earth, and upon them were set the skulls of dead men, which
they had slain in the wars, in monument of their victory.[212] The idol
they call _Mokisso_ [_Mukishi_], and some of them have houses built
over them. If any be sick, he accounteth it _Mokisso’s_ hand, and
sendeth to appease his angry God, with pouring wine (which they have of
the palm tree) at his feet.[213] They have proper names of distinction
for their _Mokissos_, as _Kissungo_, _Kalikete_, etc., and use to swear
by them, _Kissungo wy_, that is, by _Kissungo_.[214]


[_Trial by Ordeal._]

They have another more solemn oath in trial of controversies: this trial
is called _Motamba_,[215] for which purpose they lay a kind of hatchet,
which they have, in the fire, and the _Ganga-Mokisso_, or _Mokisso’s_
Priest,[216] taketh the same red-hot, and draweth it near to the skin of
the accused party; and if there be two, he causeth their legs to be set
near together, and draweth this hot iron without touching between them;
if it burns, that party is condemned as guilty, otherwise he is freed.


[_Burial._][217]

For the ceremonies about the dead, they first wash him, then paint him,
thirdly apparel him in new clothes, and then bring him to his grave,
which is made like a vault, after it is digged a little way down,
undermined, and made spacious within; and there set him on a seat of
earth, with his beads (which they use on chains and bracelets for
ornament), and the most part of his goods, with him in his last home.
They kill goats and shed the blood in the graves, and pour wine there in
memorial of the dead.


[_Dogs._][218]

... Andrew Battell saith that the Dogs in these countries are all of one
sort, prick-eared curs of a mean bigness, which they use also to hunt
with, but they open not (for they cannot bark), and therefore they hang
clappers made of little boards about their necks. He hath seen a mastiff
sold for three slaves....


[_Quizama._]

This kingdom [of Angola] hath many lordships subject thereto, as far as
the sea-coast as Cape Negro. Towards a lake called Aquelunda[219] lieth
a country called Quizama, the inhabitants whereof being governed after
the manner of a commonwealth, have showed themselves friendly to the
Portugals, and helped them in their wars against Angola. The houses in
Angola are made in fashion like a bee-hive.


[_Women and the Moon._]

The women at the first sight of the new moon, turn up their bums in
despite, as offended with their menstruous courses, which they ascribe
unto her.


[_Horses’ Tails._][220]

The men sometimes, in a valorous resolution, will devote themselves unto
some haughty attempt in the wars; and, taking leave of the king, will
vow never to return until they bring him a horse-head, or some other
thing, very dangerous in the enterprise, and will either do it or die.
Horse-tails are great jewels, and two slaves will be given for one tail,
which commonly they bring from the River of Plate, where horses are
exceedingly increased and grown wild. They will, by firing the grass
round about, hem the horses about with a fiery circle, the fire still
straightening and growing nearer till they have advantage enough to kill
them. Thus have the European cattle, of horse and kine, so increased in
the other world, as they spare not to kill the one for their hides, and
the other for their tails.


CHAPTER IX, § II.—OF CONGO.

[_A Crocodile Story._][221]

... Andrew Battell told me of a huge crocodile which was reported to
have eaten a whole _Alibamba_, that is, a company of eight or nine
slaves chained together, and at last paid for his greediness: the chain
holding him slave, as before it had the negroes, and by his undigestible
nature devouring the devourer; remaining in the belly of him after he
was found, in testimony of this victory. He hath seen them watch and
take their prey, haling a gennet, man, or other creature into the water.
A soldier thus drawn in by a crocodile, in shallower waters, with his
knife wounded him in the belly, and slew him.


CHAPTER IX, § III.—OF THEIR ... STRANGE TREES....

Having stated that they use in Congo to make “clothes of the _Enzanda_
tree,[222] of which some write the same things that are reported of the
Indian fig-tree,” that it sends forth a hairy substance from the
branches, which no sooner touch the ground but they take root, and grow
up in such sort, that one tree would multiply itself into a wood if
nature set not some obstacle (a marginal note adds that “Andrew Battell
saith that the tree which thus strangely multiplieth itself is called
the _Manga_ tree”[223]). Purchas continues as follows:—

“But more admirable is that huge tree called _Alicunde_,[224] of which
my friend Andrew Battell supposeth some are as big (besides their
wonderful tallness) as twelve men can fathom. It spreads like a oak.
Some of them are hollow, and the liberal clouds into those natural casks
disperse such plenty of water, that one time three or four thousand of
them, in that hot region, continued four and twenty hours at one of
these, which yielded them all drink of her watery store, and was not
emptied. Their negroes climbed up with pegs[225] (for the tree is smooth
and not therefore otherwise to be climbed, and so soft that it easily
receiveth pegs of harder wood, driven into her yielding substance with a
stone), and dipped the water, as it had been out of a well. He supposed
that there is forty tuns of water in some one of them. It yielded them a
good opportunity for honey, to which end the country people make a kind
of chest, with one hole in the same, and hang it upon one of these
trees, which they take down once a year, and with fire or smoke chasing
or killing the bees, take thence a large quantity of honey.[226] Neither
is it liberal alone to the hungry or thirsty appetite, but very
bountifully it clothes their backs, and the bark thereof, which, being
taken from the younger _Alicundes_ [_nkondo_], and beaten, one fathom
which they cut out from the tree will by this means extend itself into
twenty, and presently is cloth fit for wearing, though not so fine as
that which the _Inzanda_[227] tree yieldeth. [It serves them also for
boats, one of which cut out in proportion of a scute[228] will hold
hundreds of men.”][229] In a further marginal note Purchas adds: “These
boats, saith Andrew Battell, are made of another tree, for the
_Alicunde_ is of too spongy a substance for that purpose.”


CHAPTER X, § I.—OF LOANGO.

[_Offerings._]

... Andrew Battell lived among them [the Bramas of Loango][230] for two
years and a half. They are, saith he, heathens, and observe many
superstitions. They have their _Mokissos_ or images [_nkishi_] to which
they offer in proportion to their sorts and suits;[231] the fisher
offereth fish when he sueth for his help in his fishing; the countryman,
wheat; the weaver, _Alibungos_,[232] [that is] pieces of cloth; others
bring bottles of wine; all wanting that they would have, and bringing
what they want, furnishing their _Mokisso_ with those things whereof
they complain themselves to be disfurnished.


[_Funeral Rites._]

Their ceremonies for the dead are divers. They bring goats and let them
bleed at the _Mokisso’s_ foot, which they after consume in a feasting
memorial of the deceased party, which is continued four or five days
together, and that four or five several times in the year, by all his
friends and kindred. The days are known, and though they dwell twenty
miles thence, yet they will resort to these memorial exequies, and,
beginning in the night, will sing doleful and funeral songs till day,
and then kill, as aforesaid, and make merry. The hope of this maketh
such as have store of friends to contemn death; and the want of friends
to bewail him makes a man conceive a more dreadful apprehension of
death.[233]


[_Prohibitions—Taboo._]

Their conceit is so ravished with superstition that many die of none
other death. _Kin_[234] is the name of unlawful and prohibited meat,
which, according to each kindred’s devotion, to some family is some kind
of fish; to another a hen; to another, a buffe [beef]; and so of the
rest: in which they observe their vowed abstinence so strictly that if
any should (though all unawares) eat of his _Kin_, he would die of
conceit, always presenting to his accusing conscience the breach of his
vow, and the anger of _Mokisso_. He hath known divers thus to have died,
and sometimes would, when some of them had eaten with him, make them
believe that they had eaten of their _Kin_, till, having sported himself
with their superstitious agony, he would affirm the contrary.

They use to set in their fields and places where corn or fruits grow, a
basket, with goat’s horns, parrot’s feathers, and other trash: this is
the _Mokisso’s_ Ensign, or token, that it is commended to his custody;
and therefore, the people very much addicted to theft, dare not meddle,
or take anything. Likewise, if a man, wearied with his burthen, lay it
down in the highway, and knit a knot of grass, and lay thereon; or leave
any other note (known to them) to testify that he hath left it there in
the name of his idol, it is secured from the lime-fingers of any
passenger. Conceit would kill the man that should transgress in this
kind.[235]

In the _banza_ [_mbanza_], or chief city, the chief idol is named
_Chekoke_.[236] Every day they have there a market, and the _Chekoke_ is
brought forth by the _Ganga_, or priest, to keep good rule, and is set
in the market-place to prevent stealing. Moreover, the king hath a
Bell,[237] the strokes whereof sound such terror into the heart of the
fearful thief that none dare keep any stolen goods after the sound of
that bell. Our author inhabited in a little reed-house, after the Loango
manner, and had hanging by the walls, in a cloth case, his piece,
wherewith he used to shoot fowls for the king, which, more for the love
of the cloth than the piece, was stolen. Upon complaint, this bell (in
form like a cow-bell) was carried about and rung, with proclamation to
make restitution; and he had his piece next morning set at his door. The
like another, found in a bag of beans of a hundred pound weight, stolen
from him, and recovered by the sound of this bell.


[_Poison Ordeal._][238]

They have a dreadful and deadly kind of trial in controversies, after
this manner: there is a little tree, or shrub, with a small root (it is
called _Imbunda_) about the bigness of one’s thumb, half a foot long,
like a white carrot. Now, when any listeth to accuse a man, or a family,
or whole street, of the death of any of his friends, saying, that such a
man bewitched him, the _Ganga_ assembleth the accused parties, and
scrapes that root, the scrapings whereof he mixeth with water, which
makes it as bitter as gall (he tasted of it); one root will serve for
the trial of a hundred men. The _Ganga_ brews the same together in
gourds, and with plantain stalks hitteth everyone, after they have
drunk, with certain words. Those that have received the drink walk by,
till they can make urine, and then they are thereby free’d. Others
abide till either urine frees them, or dizziness takes them, which the
people no sooner perceive but they cry, _Undoke, Undoke_,[239] that is
“naughty witch”; and he is no sooner fallen by his dizziness, but they
knock him on the head, and dragging him away, hurl him over the cliff.
In every Liberty[240] they have such drinks, which they make in case of
theft, and death of any person. Every week it falls out that some or
other undergoes this trial, which consumeth multitudes of people.


[_Albinos._][241]

There be certain persons called _Dunda_ [_ndundu_], which are born by
negro parents, and yet are, by some unknown cause, white. They are very
rare, and when such happen to be born, they are brought to the king, and
become great witches: they are his councillors, and advise him of lucky
and unlucky days for execution of his enterprises. When the king goes
any whither the _Dundas_ go with him, and beat the ground round about
with certain exorcisms before the king sits down, and then sit down by
him. They will take anything in the market, none daring to contradict
them.


[_The Gumbiri Fetish._]

Kenga is the landing-place of Loanga. They have there an idol called
_Gumbiri_, and a holy house called _Munsa Gumbiri_,[242] kept and
inhabited by an old woman, where once a year is a solemn feast, which
they celebrate with drums, dances, and palm-wines; and then, they say,
he speaketh under the ground. The people call him _Mokisso Cola_,[243]
or a strong _Mokisso_, and say, that he comes to stay with _Chekoke_,
the idol of the banza. That _Chekoke_ is a negro image, made sitting on
a stool; a little house is then made him. They anoint him with _Toccola_
[_tacula_],[244] which is a red colour made of a certain wood, ground on
a stone, and mixed with water, wherewith they daily paint themselves,
from the waist upwards, esteeming it a great beauty; otherwise they
account not themselves ready. It is for like purposes carried from hence
to Angola.


[_Possessed of the Fetish._]

Sometimes it falls out that some man or boy is taken with some sudden
enthusiasm, or ravishment, becoming mad, and making a whooping and great
clamours.

They call them _Mokisso-Moquat_[245] that is, taken of the _Mokisso_.
They clothe them very handsomely, and whatever they bid in that fit (for
it lasteth not very long), they execute as the _Mokisso’s_ charge.


[_The Maramba Fetish._][246]

_Morumba_[247] is thirty leagues northwards from hence, in the Mani
Loango’s dominions, where he [Battell] lived nine months. There is a
house, and in it a great basket, proportioned like to a hive, wherein is
an image called _Morumba_, whose religion extendeth far. They are sworn
to this religion at ten or twelve years old; but, for probation are
first put in a house, where they have hard diet, and must be mute for
nine or ten days, any provocation to speak notwithstanding. Then do
they bring him before _Morumba_, and prescribe him his _Kin_ [kina], or
perpetual abstinence from some certain meat. They make a cut in his
shoulder like to a half moon, and sprinkle the blood at _Morumba’s_
feet, and swear him to that religion. In the wound they put a certain
white powder in token of his late admission; which, so long as it
continueth, doth privilege him to take his meat and drink with
whomsoever he pleaseth, none denying him the same, at free cost.

They also have their fatal trials before this image, where the accused
party, kneeling down and clasping the hive, saith: “_Mene quesa cabamba
Morumba_,” signifying that he comes thither to make trial of his
innocence;[248] and if he be guilty he falls down dead; being free he is
free’d.

Andrew Battell saith he knew six or seven, in his being there, that made
this trial.


CHAP. X, § III.—OF THE GIACCHI, OR IAGGES.[249]

[_Origin of the Jagas._]

... Andrew Battel lived (by occasion of the Portugals treachery) with
the Iagges a longer time than ever any Christian or white man had done,
namely, sixteen months, and served them with their [his] musket in the
wars; neither could Lopez (saith he) have true intelligence whence they
came,[250] for the Christians at that time had but uncertain
conjectures of them: neither after had the Portugals any conversing, but
by way of commerce; but he, being betrayed, fled to them for his life,
and after, by stealth, escaped from them: the only European that ever
lived in their camp.

He saith they are called Iagges by the Portugals, by themselves
Imbangolas*[251] (which name argues them to be of the Imbij and Galæ
before mentioned) and come from Sierra Liona;*[252] that they are
exceeding devourers of man’s flesh, for which they refuse beef and
goats, whereof they take plenty. They have no settled habitation, but
wander in an unsettled course.


[_Infanticide among the Jaga._]

They rise in harvest, and invading some country, there stay as long as
they find the palms, or other sufficient means of maintenance, and then
seek new adventure. For they neither plant nor sow, nor breed up cattle,
and, which is more, strange, they nourish up none of their own children,
although they have ten or twenty wives a man, of the properest and
comeliest slaves they can take. But when they are in travail they dig a
hole in the earth, which presently receiveth in that dark prison of
death the new-born creature, not yet made happy with the light of life.
Their reason is that they will not be troubled with education, nor in
their flitting wanderings be troubled with such cumbersome
burthens.[253]

Once, a secret providence both punisheth the father’s wickedness, and
preventeth a viperous generation, if that maybe a prevention where there
is a succession without generation; and as Pliny saith of the Esseni
(lib. v, c. 15), _Gens æterna est in qua nepto nascitur_. For of the
conquered nations they [the Jaga] preserve the boys from ten to twenty
years of age, and bring them up as the hope of their succession, like
_Negro-azimogli_,[254] with education fitting their designs. These wear
a collar about their neck in token of slavery, until they bring an
enemy’s head slain in battle, and then they are uncollared, free’d, and
dignified with the title of soldiers; if one of them runs away he is
killed and eaten; so that, hemmed in betwixt hope and fear, they grow
very resolute and adventurous, their collars breeding shame, disdain,
and desperate fury, till they redeem their freedom as you have heard.

Elembe,[255] the great Iagge, brought with him twelve thousand of these
cruel monsters from Sierra Liona, and after much mischief and spoil
settled himself in Benguele,[256] twelve degrees from the Zone
southwards, and there breedeth and groweth into a nation. But Kelandula,
sometime his page, proceeds in that beastly life before mentioned, and
the people of Elembe, by great troops, run to him and follow his camp in
hope of spoil.


[_Human Sacrifices._]

They have no _fetissos_, or idols. The great Iagge, or Prince, is master
of all their ceremonies, and a great witch. I have seen this Kelandula
(sayth our author) continue a sacrifice from sun to sun, the rites
whereof are these: himself sat on a stool, in great pomp, with a cap
adorned with peacocks’ feathers (which fowls, in one country called
_Shelambanza_,[257] are found wild; and in one place, empaled about the
grave of the king, are fifty kept and fed by an old woman, and are
called _Ingilla Mokisso_, that is, Birds of Mokisso).[258] Now, about
him thus set, attended forty or fifty women, each of them waving
continually a zebra’s tail in their hands. There were also certain
Gangas, priests or witches. Behind them were many with drums and pipes,
and _pungas_[259] (certain instruments made of elephants’ teeth, made
hollow a yard and a half, and with a hole like a flute, which yield a
loud and harsh sound, that may be heard a mile off). These strike and
sound, and sing, and the women wave (as is said) till the sun be almost
down. Then they bring forth a pot, which is set on the fire with leaves
and roots, and the water therein, and with a kind of white powder the
witches or Gangas spot themselves, one on the one cheek, the other on
the other; and likewise their foreheads, temples, breasts, shoulders,
and bellies, using many enchanting terms, which are holden to be prayers
for victory. At sunset a Ganga brings his _Kissengula_,[260] or
war-hatchet, to the Prince (this weapon they use to wear at their
girdles) and putting the same in his hands bid him to be strong, [that]
their God goes with him, and he shall have victory. After this they
bring him four or five negroes, of which, with a terrible countenance,
the great Iagge with his hatchet kills two, and the other two are
killed without the fort. Likewise, five kine are slain within, and other
five without the fort; and as many goats and as many dogs, after the
same manner.

This is their sacrifice, at the end whereof all the flesh is, in a
feast, consumed. Andrew Battell was commanded to depart when the
slaughter begun, for their devil, or _Mokisso_ (as they said) would then
appear and speak to them.[261]

This sacrifice is called _Kissembula_[262] which they solemnise when
they undertake any great enterprise. There were few left of the natural
Iagges, but of this unnatural brood the present succession was raised.

[Illustration]




APPENDIX I.

ANTHONY KNIVET IN KONGO AND ANGOLA:

BEING

   Extracts from “The Admirable Adventures and Strange Fortunes
   of MASTER ANTONIE KNIVET, which went with MASTER THOMAS
   CANDISH in his Second Voyage to the South Sea, 1591,”
   published in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, Part IV, lib. vi, c. 7.
   London, 1625.


INTRODUCTION.

Master Anthony Knivet joined the second expedition of Thomas Cavendish,
which left England in August, 1591. He seems to have served on board the
_Roebuck_, of which vessel one Cocke was captain. Nothing in his
narrative enables us to identify this Cocke with the Abraham Cocke of
Limehouse, who was “never heard of more” after he parted from Battell on
the coast of Brazil in 1590, nor with the Abram Cocke who, according to
Knivet, put in at the Ilha Grande in 1598, in the hope of making prizes
of some of the richly-laden Spanish vessels returning from the Rio de la
Plata. Battell, surely, may be supposed to have been acquainted with the
fate of his old shipmate, whilst Knivet gives no hint that the Abram
Cocke of the Ilha Grande was the captain of the _Roebuck_, to whom he
was indebted for his life when Cavendish was about to throw him
overboard in Magellan’s Strait. It is, however, just possible that there
was but one Abraham Cock, who had not been heard of for some time when
Battell returned to England about 1610.[263]

When Cavendish returned from Magellan’s Strait, he put Knivet and
nineteen other sick men ashore near St. Sebastian, to shift for
themselves. Knivet was ultimately taken by the Portuguese; but they
spared his life, and he became the “bond-slave” of Salvador Corrêa de
Sá, the Governor of Rio de Janeiro; and apart from the time he spent
among the cannibal Indians, and on a voyage to Angola, he remained with
his master to the end, and returned with him to Portugal in 1599.

My friend, Colonel G. Earl Church, to whom I applied for an opinion on
the trustworthiness of Knivet’s statements with regard to Brazil, writes
as follows:—

“Yesterday morning I spent at the R. Geo. Soc., refreshing my memory of
Knivet’s extraordinary adventures. One must read them always bearing in
mind the romantic spirit of the age in which they were written, and the
novel surroundings in which every adventurer found himself in the New
World. Giving due weight to all this, I find Knivet’s relation of his
voyages singularly truthful, so far as my knowledge of Brazil goes. What
he states, excepting in two or three minor particulars, clashes with no
geographical, descriptive, or historical point with which I am familiar,
and he often throws in a sentence which relates to facts which no man
could invent, and which makes his narrative impressive with
truthfulness. I utterly discard Cavendish’s opinion of his men and
companions for Cavendish appears to have been one of the most
cold-blooded freebooters who ever cut a throat or raided a settlement
or scuttled a prize.”

I regret not being able to write in terms equally favourable of what
Knivet claims to have experienced during his visit to Angola and Kongo.
Knivet says that he ran away from bondage on June 27th, 1597, and that
he reached the “port of Angola” after a perilous voyage of five months,
that is in November. He then sailed up the Kwanza, and reached
Masanganu, where he remained three months, when he was arrested in
consequence of a requisition of his master and sent back to Brazil,
which he must have reached before June, 1598. We should be quite
prepared to accept this part of his story if his description of
Masanganu did not show that he can never have been there. Knivet,
however, is not content with such modest honours, but claims to have
resided for some time at the court of the King of Kongo, and to have
fallen in the hands of the Portuguese when on his road to Prester John’s
country. By them he was carried to Masanganu, where he lived three
months. These two accounts are absolutely irreconcilable. As to the
author’s astounding geographical misstatements, I refer the reader to
the notes appended to his narrative.


FIRST ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1220-2).

Continually I desired my master to give me leave to get my living,
intending to come into my country, but the Governor would not let me go
from him. When I saw no means to get leave of my master, I determined to
run away to Angola, for to serve the King as a soldier in Massangano
till such time that I might pass myself to the King of Anyeca,[264]
which warreth against the Portugals, and so have come through Prester
Johns country into Turkey.

On the seven and twentieth day of June, 1597, I embarked myself unknown
to my master, in a small ship of one Emanuell Andrea, for to come for
Angola. In this voyage we were driven so near the Cape of Good Hope that
we thought all of us should have been cast away, the seas are there so
great; and by reason of the current they brake in such sort that no ship
is able to endure. There we brake both our main mast and our mizzen. It
pleased God to send us the wind Eastward, which brought us to our
desired harbour [of] Angola.[265] We had been five months in our voyage,
and by that means other ships that departed two months after us were
there before us.

When I heard that there were ships of the River of Ienero [Rio de
Janeiro], I durst not go ashore for fear of being known of some of the
Portugals. The next day after that we came into the harbour, there came
a great boat aboard us, to ask if we would sell any Cassava meal. We
told them we would, and asked them whither they went with their boat.
They answered, that they tarried for the tide to go up to the River of
Guansa [Kwanza] to Masangano. Then I thought it a fit time for my
purpose, and so embarked myself in the bark. The Portugals marvelled to
see me go willingly to Masangano; for there men die like chickens, and
no man will go thither if he can chose.

Nine days we were going up the River of Guansa [Kwanza], in which time
two Portugal soldiers died; the country is so hot that it pierceth their
hearts. Three days after I had been in Masangano, Don Francisco de
Mendosa Fortado,[266] the Governor of the city of Kongo, having
received a letter from Salvador Coria de Sasa [Salvador Corrêa de Sá],
who was his great friend, sent a Pursuivant for me, who brought me by
land through the King of Kongo’s country, and in six days we came to a
town called Saint Francis[267] (where the Governor was), hard by the
kingdom of Manicongo.

When I came before the Governor he used me very kindly in words, and
asked me what I meant, to cast myself away wilfully in Masangano. Then I
told him how long I had served Salvador Coria de Sasa; and in how many
dangers I had been for him and his Son, without ever having any
recompence of any of them, and therefore I thought it better to venture
my life in the King’s service, than to live his Bond-slave. The Governor
commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a pair of bolts to be
put upon my legs, because I should not run away.

About a fortnight after I was sent back again in a Carvell [caravel] of
Francis Lewes, and in two months we arrived in the River of Jenero [Rio
de Janeiro], and I was carried with my bolts on my legs before the
Governor; when he saw me he began to laugh and to jest with me, saying
that I was welcome out of England. So, after many jests he spake, he
bade pull off my bolts from my legs, and gave me clothes and used me
very well.


SECOND ACCOUNT (_Purchas_, pp. 1233-7).

Angola is a kingdom of itself in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did
begin to inhabit: The country of Angola cometh along the coast; as
Portugal doth upon Spain, so doth Angola run upon the Kingdom of Longa
[Luangu] and Manicongo.

In Angola the Portugals have a City called the Holy Ghost,[268] where
they have great store of Merchandise, and the Moors do come thither with
all kind of such things as the country yieldeth; some bring elephant’s
teeth, some bring negro slaves to sell, that they take from other
kingdoms which join hard by them; thus do they use once a week, as we
keep markets, so do all the Blackamoors bring hens and hogs, which they
call gula,[269] and hens they call Sange,[270] and a kind of beast that
they take in the wilderness, like a dog, which they call ambroa:[271]
then they have that beast which before I have told you of, called gumbe,
which is bigger than a horse.[272]

The Blackamoors do keep good laws, and fear their King very much; the
King is always attended with the nobles of his realm, and whensoever he
goeth abroad, he has always at the least two hundred archers in his
guard, and ten or twelve more going before him, singing and playing with
pipes made of great canes, and four or five young Moors coming after
him as his pages. After them follow all his noblemen.

When there falleth out any controversy among them, they crave battle of
the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the
King and fall flat on their breasts; then they rise up and kneel upon
their knees, stretching out their arms crying, _Mahobeque benge,
benge_;[273] then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a
horse-tail; then they go to the camp, and with their bows they fight it
out till they kill one another. After the battle is done, if any liveth,
he that liveth falleth down before the King in the same manner as he did
when he went to the field; and after a long oration made, he taketh the
horse-tail from the King’s shoulder, and waveth it about the King’s
head, and then layeth it on his shoulder again, and goeth away with
great honour, being accompanied with all the nobles of the Court. The
Moors of Angola do know that there is a God, and do call God
_Caripongoa_,[274] but they worship the sun and the moon.

The country is champaign plain, and dry black earth, and yieldeth very
little corn; the most of anything that it yieldeth is plantons
[plantains], which the Portugals call _baynonas_ [bananas], and the
Moors call them _mahonge_[275] and their wheat they call _tumba_,[276]
and the bread _anou_; and if you will buy any bread of them, you must
say, _Tala cuna auen tumbola gimbo_; that is, _Give me some bread, here
is money_.[277] Their money is called _gullginbo_,[278] a shell of a
fish that they find by the shore-side; and from Brazil the Portugals do
carry great store of them to Angola.

These Moors do esteem very much of red, blue and yellow cloths. They
will give a slave for a span of cloth in breadth, I mean, and the length
of it, of the breadth of the piece; those pieces of cloth they wear
about their middles, and under it they hang the skin of a great weasel
before them, and another behind them, and this is all the garments that
they wear. A weasel in their language is called _puccu_.[279] You can do
a Blackamoor no greater disgrace than to take away his skin from before
him, for he will die with grief if he cannot be revenged.

The Portugals do mark them as we do sheep, with a hot iron, which the
Moors call _crimbo_.[280] The poor slaves stand all in a row one by
another, and sing _Mundele que sumbela he Carey ha belelelle_,[281] and
thus the poor rogues are beguiled, for the Portugals make them believe
that they that have not the mark is not accounted a man of any account
in Brazil or in Portugal, and thus they bring the poor Moors to be in a
most damnable bondage under the cover of love.

The country of Angola yieldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moors
do make their houses all covered with earth. These houses are no bigger
than a reasonable chamber, and within are many partitions, like the
cabins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand upright in them.
Their beds are made of great bulrushes sewed together with the rinds of
a tree. They do make cloth like spark of velvet (but it is thinner) of
the bark of a tree, and that cloth they do call _mollelleo_.[282]

The elephants do feed in the evening and in the morning in low marshes,
as there be many. The Moors do watch which way they come, and as soon as
the elephants are at meat, they dig great holes in the ground, and cover
them with sticks, and then they cover the pits with earth; and when they
have made all ready they go to the elephants and shoot at them with
their arrows; and as soon as the elephants feel themselves hurt, they
run at whatsoever they see before them, following after the Blackamores
that chase them. Then they fall into the deep pits where, after they are
once in, they cannot get out.

The Moors of Angola are as black as jet; they are men of good stature;
they never take but one wife, whom they call _mocasha_.[283] These Moors
do cut long streaks in their faces, that reach from the top of their
ears to their chins. The women do wear shells of fishes[284] on their
arms, and on the small of their legs. The law amongst them is, that if
any Moor do lie with another’s wife, he shall lose his ears for his
offence. These Moors do circumcise their children, and give them their
names, as we do when we baptize.

Angola may very easily be taken, for the Portugals have no forts to
defend it of any strength.

The King[285] of Congo is the greatest King in all Ethiopia; and doth
keep in the field continually sixty thousand soldiers, that do war
against the King of Vangala,[286] and the King of Angola; this King is a
Christian, and his brother-in-law of arms with the King of Spain. His
servants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and he doth favour
them very much.

The King is of a very liberal condition, and very favourable to all
travellers, and doth delight very much to hear of foreign countries. He
was in a manner amazed to hear how it was possible Her Majesty [Queen
Elizabeth] had lived a maiden Queen so long, and always reigned in peace
with her subjects. When I was brought before the King, and told him of
my country, what plenty of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked
of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would show himself
very angry, and tell them that every man was best able to speak of his
country, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true.

The King of Congo, when he goeth to the camp to see his army, rideth
upon an elephant in great pomp and majesty; on either side of the
elephant he hath six slaves. Two of them were kings, that he himself had
taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were
brothers to the King of Ancica, and some of them were of the chiefest
blood of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaves, at every command
of the King of Congo, do fall flat on the ground on their breasts. When
the King doth ride, as you have heard, they carry a canopy, as it were a
cloth of state, over his head. His two secretaries, the one a nobleman
of Spain, the other a Moor, do ride next after him. Before him goeth at
the least five hundred archers which are his guard; then there followeth
a Moor, which doth nothing but talk aloud in praise of the King,
telling what a great warrior he hath been, and praising his wisdom for
all things that he hath accomplished very honourably to his great fame
of such as knew him.

When this King of Congo cometh to his host, all the soldiers, as he
passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He never cometh into
his host after any battle, but he dubbeth at the least twenty Knights
Portugals, and as many Moors, giving them very great living according to
their callings, and the service that they have done. The brother of this
King was in Spain at my coming from thence for ambassador from his
brother.[287]

Here the Portugal Captain would have taken me perforce, to have been a
common soldier, but the King commanded that they should let me go
whither I would, and my determination at that time was to have gone for
the country of Prester John [Abyssinia], for I had a great desire to see
the River of Nilo and Jerusalem (for I accounted myself as a lost man,
not caring into what country or kingdom I came) But it was not the will
of God that I should at that time obtain my desire, for travelling
through the kingdom of Congo, to have gone to the kingdom of
Angila,[288] it was my fortune to meet a company of Portugal soldiers
that went to a conquest that the King of Spain had newly taken, called
Masangana; which place is on the borders of Anguca. Here they made me
serve like a drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and
lime to make a fort.

It lyeth right under the Line, and standeth in a bottom in the middle
of four hills, and about are many fogges [bogs] but not one river.[289]
It is the unfirmest country under the sun. Here the Portugals die like
chickens. You shall see men in the morning very lusty, and within two
hours dead. Others, that if they but wet their legs, presently they
swell bigger than their middles;[290] others break in the sides with a
draught of water. O, if you did know the intolerable heat of the
country, you would think yourself better a thousand times dead, than to
live there a week. There you shall see poor soldiers lie in troops,
gaping like camelians [camels?] for a puff of wind.

Here lived I three months, not as the Portugals did, taking of physick,
and every week letting of blood and keeping close in their houses when
they had any rain, observing hours, and times to go abroad morning and
evening, and never to eat but at such and such times. I was glad when I
had got anything at morning, noon, or night; I thank God I did work all
day from morning till night; had it been rain or never so great heat, I
had always my health as well as I have in England.

This country is very rich. The king had great store of gold[291] sent
him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a
great city at Masangana; which city Paulas Dias, Governor of Angola,
took and situated there; and finding hard by it great store of gold,
fortified it with four forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round
about it, and within that wall; now the Portugals do build a city, and
from this city every day they do war against the King of Angica, and
have burnt a great part of his kingdom.

The Angicas[292] are men of goodly stature; they file their teeth before
on their upper jaw, and on their under jaw, making a distance between
them like the teeth of a dog; they do eat man’s flesh; they are the
stubbornest nation that lives under the sun, and the resolutest in the
field that ever man saw; for they will rather kill themselves than yield
to the Portugals. They inhabit right under the line, and of all kinds of
Moors these are the blackest. They do live in the law of the Turks, and
honour Mahomet. They keep many concubines, as the Turks do; they wash
themselves every morning upwards, falling flat on their faces towards
the east. They wear their hair all made in plaits on their heads, as
well men as women; they have good store of wheat, and a kind of grain
like vetches, of which they make bread: they have great store of hens
like partridges, and turkeys, and all their feathers curl on their
backs. Their houses are like the other houses of the kingdoms
aforenamed.

And thus I end, showing you as brief as I can, all the nations and
kingdoms, that, with great danger of my life, I travelled through in
twelve years of my best age, getting no more than my travel for my pain.
From this kingdom, Angica, was I brought in irons again to my master,
Salvador Corea de Sasa, to the City of San Sebastian in Brazil, as you
have heard.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




APPENDIX II.

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF KONGO TO THE END OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.


THE EARLY HISTORY OF KONGO.

If traditions may be accepted where written history fails us, the
foundation of the Empire of Kongo lies back no further than the middle
of the fifteenth century.

The founder of the dynasty and first King of Kongo—Ntotela ntinu
nekongo—was Nimi a Lukeni, the son of Nimi a nzima and of Lukeni lua
nsanzi, the daughter of Nsa ku ki-lau. His father appears to have been a
mere village chief in Kurimba (Corimba),[293] a district of the kingdom
of Kwangu. He had established himself at a ferry on a great river
(_nzari_), now known to us as the Kwangu, and levied a toll upon all
travellers who crossed the stream. One day the young man’s aunt came
that way, and claimed exemption on the ground of being the old chief’s
sister. Her brother was absent, and not only was the claim denied, but
young Nimi a Lukeni, notwithstanding that she was with child, caused her
to be disembowelled. The younger members of his clan looked upon this
act of brutality as one of bravery, and shielded him against his
father’s just wrath. He then placed himself at their head, assumed the
title of _ntinu_ (king), and started westward upon a career of conquest.

The country he was about to invade was inhabited by a people kindred to
those of Angola and of the country to the north of the Zaire, split up
into numerous small clans[294] ruled by independent kinglets. This, no
doubt, would account for the rapidity and the extent of his conquests,
which have been matched however, in our own days, by the Makololo.

Having defeated Mbumbulu mwana Mpangala of Mpemba-kasi, he founded his
capital—Mbazi a nkanu—[295] upon a rock within that chief’s territory.
By degrees he extended his conquests southward to the Kwanza and even
beyond, installed his uncle Nsa ku ki-lau as ruler of the important
province of Mbata, bestowed large territories upon others of his
adherents, and even restored some of their father’s territories to the
children of the Mwana Mpangala. His “sons,” attended by the great Nganga
Ngoyo, he sent across the Zaire, and they became the founders of the
“kingdoms” of Kakongo and Luangu; whilst a third son, by a slave woman,
is supposed to be the ancestor of the “counts” of Sonyo or Soyo.[296]
Anciently the King of Kakongo, before he assumed his kingship, was bound
to marry a princess of the blood royal of Kongo, whilst he of Luangu
married a princess of Kakongo; yet the ruler of Luangu was highest in
rank, for he enjoyed the title of _nunu_ (“aged person”), whilst his
brother of Kakongo had to be contented with the inferior title of
_nkaji_ (“spouse”). The Kings were elected by the feudal princes, but
their choice was limited to the sons of princesses, as in a great part
of negro Africa.[297]

Of the early institutions of Kongo we know next to nothing, though we
may presume that the law of succession was originally the same there as
in the sister-states to the north, for the first Ntotela was succeeded
by two nephews (Nanga kia ntinu and another, whose name has not reached
us). But even thus early, and anterior to the introduction of
Christianity, the old law of succession was broken through, for Nkuwu a
ntinu, the fourth Ntotela, was a son of Ntinu Nimi a Lukeni, and was
succeeded by a son of his own, Nzinga a Nkuwa, the first Christian
Ntotela, better known in history as John I.

If Dapper may be believed, it was the custom to bury twelve virgins with
the earlier kings—a distinction much sought after, as in other parts of
Africa; but the people of Kongo have never been charged with
cannibalism, nor its rulers with the bloody rites practised by the Jaga.


CÃO’S DISCOVERY OF THE KONGO, 1482.[298]

It was towards the end of 1482, that the natives at the mouth of the
River Kongo for the first time saw rising above the horizon the white
wings of a European vessel, ascending, as it were, from the Land of
Spirits; and we can imagine their surprise when they for the first time
beheld the bleached faces of its inmates. Yet they came on board,
offering ivory in exchange for cloth. The interpreters from the Guinea
coast who were with Cão naturally failed to make themselves understood,
but they learnt from signs that far inland there dwelt a powerful king.
Cão at once despatched some Christian negroes in search of this
potentate. They were the bearers of suitable presents, and were
instructed to assure the King of the friendly intentions of his
visitors, whose only desire it was to trade with him.

Before continuing his voyage, Cão set up the first of the stone pillars,
or _padroes_, which he had on board. He then sailed south along the
coast, noting its prominent features, but curiously missed the Kwanza
or River of Angola, although its clayey waters discolour the sea for ten
or fifteen miles. On a low foreland, Cabo do Lobo,[299] ten miles beyond
the cliffs named by him Castello d’Alter Pedroso, he set up a second
pillar, to mark the furthest point reached by him.

On again returning to the Kongo, he was annoyed to find that his
messengers had not returned; and as he was naturally anxious to make
known in Portugal his discovery of a magnificent river and a powerful
kingdom, he left them behind him, and seized instead four unsuspecting
visitors to his ship as “hostages;” giving their friends to understand
that they should be restored to them after the lapse of fifteen months,
when they would be exchanged for his own men. These latter appear to
have been treated with distinction at first, but when the King heard of
Cão’s high-handed proceedings he refused to admit them any longer to his
presence, and even threatened them with death, should his own people not
be restored.

Among the hostages carried off by Cão there was a man of some
distinction in his own country, Nsaku (Caçuto) by name, who picked up
Portuguese quickly, and much pleased King John by the information he was
able to give. He, as well as his companions, were much petted in
Portugal, and, in defiance of all sumptuary laws, were dressed in fine
cloths and silks.

Cão himself, soon after his arrival, in April, 1484, was appointed a
cavalier in the Royal household, granted an annuity of 18,000 reals, and
on the 14th of that month he was “separated from the common herd,” and
granted a coat-of-arms charged with the two pillars erected by him
during this memorable voyage.


CÃO’S SECOND VOYAGE, 1485-6.

Cão’s departure on a second voyage was much delayed, either because the
King’s Council were opposed to these adventures, which strained the
resources of a small kingdom like Portugal, or—and this is more
likely—because it was desired that a change in the Royal Arms, which was
only made in June, 1485, should be recorded on the stone pillars which
Cão was to take with him.

Great was the rejoicing when Cão’s “fleet” appeared in the Kongo, and
the hostages, loud in praise of the good treatment they had received,
were once more among their friends. Cão at once forwarded rich presents
to the King, with an invitation to throw aside all fetishes, and to
embrace the only true and saving faith; promising that, on his return
from a voyage to the south, he would personally visit the capital of his
kingdom. This promise Cão was not permitted to fulfil, for having set up
a pillar on Monte Negro (15° 40´ S.) and another on Cape Cross (21°
50´),[300] he died a short distance beyond. Of the details of his death
we know nothing.[301] It seems, however, that the loss of their
commander induced a speedy return home: for Cão’s vessels must have
arrived in Portugal before August, 1487, as in that month Dias sailed on
his famous voyage, taking with him the negroes whom Cão had kidnapped to
the south of the Kongo, with a view to their learning Portuguese, and
being employed as interpreters in future voyages.

Cão, therefore, never saw the King of Kongo; and there are good grounds
for believing that Nsaku who was sent by the King to Portugal to ask
for priests, masons, carpenters, agricultural labourers, and women to
make bread, only reached Europe in one of Dias’s vessels, in December,
1488. Nsaku, most certainly, was first introduced to King John at Beja,
in January, 1489, when he and his companions were baptised, the King
himself, the Queen, and gentlemen of title acting as sponsors.(312) He
was sent back to the Kongo with Don Gonçalo de Sousa, in December, 1490,
about two years after he had been baptised.[302]


THE EMBASSY OF 1490-1.[303]

Don João de Sousa, the ambassador, left Portugal on December 19th, 1490,
with a fleet commanded by Gonçalo de Sousa, as captain-major. Among the
pilots were Pero d’Alemquer and Pero Escovar, men famous in the maritime
history of Portugal. Ten Franciscan Friars[304] went out with this
fleet, and so did Nsaku, the ambassador of the King of Kongo. The plague
was raging at Lisbon at the time, and before the vessels reached the
Cape Verde Islands, this dreaded disease had carried off João de Sousa
(the ambassador), the captain-major, and many others. Ruy de Sousa, a
nephew of the captain-major, was then chosen to take the place of D.
João de Sousa.

After a voyage of a hundred days the vessels reached the Kongo, and the
Mwana of Sonyo and his son, who had already been instructed in the
Christian doctrine by a priest from S. Thomé, were baptised on Easter
Sunday, April 3rd, 1491, and were thenceforth known as Don Manuel and
Don Antonio da Silva; for it was the practice of the Portuguese, from
the very beginning, to bestow Portuguese names and titles upon the
negroes who submitted to the sacrament of baptism.

This ceremony performed, Ruy de Sousa started for the King’s
capital,[305] which he reached on April 29th. The King received him
seated on a platform, in a chair inlaid with ivory. He wore a
loin-cloth, presented to him by Cão, copper bracelets, and a cap of
palm-cloth. A zebra tail depended from his left shoulder—a badge of
royalty.[306]

The King was about to join his son Mbemba a Nzinga, Duke of Nsundi, who
had taken the field against the Bateke;[307] but before doing so he was
anxious to be baptised. The foundations of a church having been laid on
Rood Day, May 3rd,[308] the King and his Queen were baptised at once by
Frei João de Santa Maria, and were named Don João and Donna Leonor,
after the King and Queen of Portugal.

The King, marching for the first time under the banner of the Cross, and
supported by the firearms of his Portuguese allies, came back a victor
to his capital. His eldest son and many nobles were then baptised.

When Ruy de Sousa departed, he left behind him Frei Antonio[309] with
other priests, and gave instructions for an exploration of the Kongo
river above the cataracts, which do not appear to have been acted upon.
He also founded a factory near the mouth of the Kongo, where the
enterprising people of S. Thomé had already established commercial
relations, although formal permission to do so was only granted them by
King Manuel on March 26th, 1500. Dom Pedro, a cousin of the King of
Kongo, accompanied him, with nine attendants, who, having been taught to
read and write, returned to their native country with D. João Soares,
early in 1494.[310]

The missionaries lost no time in preaching the doctrines of their
Church; but whilst Don Affonso proved an ardent Christian, who
recklessly destroyed all fetishes discovered in his province of Nsundi,
the King himself soon grew lukewarm, owing to the priests’ interference
with polygamy and other valued social institutions. In the country at
large, the heathen still held their ground.


D. AFFONSO I, 1509-1540.[311]

And thus it happened that when João I died in 1509, the chiefs favoured
his second son, _Mpanzu a nzinga_,[312] a heathen, whilst the dowager
queen and the Count of Sonyo took the part of the elder brother. Don
Affonso, immediately on hearing of his father’s illness, hurried up to
the capital, accompanied by only thirty-six Christians. He found that
his father had died. His brother approached with a mighty army, but five
flaming swords seen in the heavens on the eve of battle gave courage to
his small following, whilst a white cross and the appearance of St.
James at the head of the celestial host struck terror into the hearts of
the assailants. They fled in a panic.[313] Mpanzu himself was taken,
wounded, and decapitated.

Order having been restored throughout the country, King Affonso availed
himself of the presence of Gonçalo Rodriguez Ribeiro, who had come from
Portugal with a number of priests, and was about to return to that
country, to send an embassy to Pope Julius II and King Manuel.[314] The
head of this mission was Don Pedro (de Castro?), a cousin of the King
(who was accompanied by his wife), and with him went D. Manuel, a
brother of the King, and D. Henrique, a son. The presents conveyed to
Portugal included seven hundred copper bracelets, elephant tusks,
slaves, parrots, civet cats and other animals, and native cloth. D.
Henrique remained behind at Rome, where he was ordained and created
Bishop of Utica in 1518.[315]

The mission sent by King Manuel in return was far-reaching in its
effects upon the political development of Kongo.[316] Of its magnitude
we may judge when we learn that it embarked in five vessels. Its leader,
Simão da Silva, dying on the road to S. Salvador, his place was taken by
Alvaro Lopes, the Royal factor. In his company were priests, experienced
soldiers, masons and carpenters to build churches and a royal palace,
and a lawyer (_leterado_) to explain the law books which figured among
the royal gifts, besides horses, mules, cloth, banners, church furniture
and images. The ambassador was instructed to explain the management of
the royal household in Portugal, and King Affonso quickly learnt the
lessons he received, and at once introduced the Portuguese titles of
Duke, Marquis, and Count. The ambassador likewise had with him an
elaborate coat-of-arms for the King,[317] and twenty less ambitious
heraldic designs for his principal noblemen; and the monarch himself
adopted a title closely imitated from that of his “brother” of
Portugal.[318] The ambassador was likewise instructed to make inquiries
about the origin of the Kongo in a lake, and to bring home cargoes of
slaves, copper and ivory.

The King was delighted with all these gifts, not being aware that by
accepting them he virtually acknowledged himself to be a vassal of the
King of Portugal; and he published a long manifesto to his people, in
which he dwelt upon his past career, the blessings of the Christian
faith, and the honours now done him. He actually read the six bulky
folios, but he told Ruy d’Aguiar (in 1516) that if complicated laws like
these were to be introduced in his dominions, not a day would pass
without a legal offence of some kind being committed.[319]

The intercourse between Kongo and Lisbon must have been very active in
those days. We learn, for instance, that in 1526 the King asked for
physicians and apothecaries, and in 1530 he forwarded to his “brother”
Manuel two silver bracelets, which he had received from Matamba. Many
young Kongoese were sent to Portugal to be educated; but, to judge from
a letter written by the King in 1517, the results were not always very
gratifying.[320] Nay, he accuses Antonio Viera, to whom he entrusted
twenty young relations to be taken to Portugal, of having parted with
several among them to Mpanzu-alumbu, his enemy, and of having left
others behind him at S. Thomé.[321] A second embassy left Kongo in 1540,
to do homage to Pope Paul III. It was headed by D. Manuel, a brother of
the King, who had been a member of D. Pedro’s mission. King Affonso
expected the King of Portugal to pay 3,000 cruzados towards the expenses
of this mission, in consideration of the large profits which he derived
from the trade with Kongo.[322]

As a member of the Church militant, King Affonso deserved well of the
priesthood. He ruthlessly ordered all fetishes to be destroyed
throughout his dominions, but supplied their place with images of
saints, crosses, agni dei, and other ecclesiastical paraphernalia, which
he held to be more effectual. The clergy were numerous in his day, and
in addition to secular priests included Franciscans, Dominicans and
Austin Friars. They were wealthy, too, for lands and slaves had been
given them, and Christian churches arose even in remote parts of the
country. A Franciscan friar, Antonio de Dénis (known in the world as D.
Diogo de Vilhegas) had been appointed Bishop of S. Thomé and Kongo,[323]
and took possession of his see in 1534, on which occasion exceptional
honours were shown him. He was a man of energy and much sincerity, but,
unhappily for his Church, survived only a few years. On his death-bed he
desired that D. Henrique, the King’s son, whom he himself had ordained a
priest, when in Rome, and whom the Pope (as already mentioned) had
created Bishop of Utica in 1518, should succeed him in the episcopal
chair. The Pope, however, before he would consent to the appointment of
a native, desired personally to inquire into the matter. D. Henrique
went to Rome, but died on the voyage home, in 1539 or earlier.

King Affonso deserved his reputation as a zealous Christian, and had
certainly proved himself a good friend to the regular and secular clergy
who undertook to convert his people. Yet, as early as 1515, he had
occasion to call upon the King of Portugal to aid him in suppressing the
irregularities of these “unworthy preachers of the Holy Catholic Faith,”
whose inordinate desire of power and covetousness brought scandal upon
the Church, and promised little for the future.[324] Towards the close
of his reign, in 1540, one of these priests, Frei Alvaro, actually
attempted to assassinate the King, in church, and after Mass![325]

The Portuguese living at the time in Kongo were placed under a royal
factor and a Corregedor (magistrate), and enjoyed ex-territorial
jurisdiction. They had a factory at Mpinda, at the mouth of the Kongo,
where the King of Portugal levied heavy duties. The commercial relations
do not appear to have been at all times of the most friendly nature. In
1514 the King complained that Fernão de Mello, the Governor of S. Thomé,
traded with the Mpangu-lungu[326] who were his enemies; and in 1526 he
remonstrated against the conduct of the Portuguese slave-merchants.
Indeed, so preposterous were the claims put forward by the Portuguese
officials, that King Affonso, in 1517, humbly begged to be allowed to
employ a ship of his own when trading; or, at least to be exempted from
paying the heavy duties exacted by a foreign, albeit suzerain, power
upon the outlanders trading in his kingdom. These ill-advised exactions
explain, too, why trade gradually deserted the Kongo, and sought more
favourable openings to the south, at Luandu, as is shown by an inquiry
held in 1548.[327]

The Portuguese made an effort to exploit the mineral wealth of the
country. Ruy Mendes, the “factor of the copper mines,” is stated to have
discovered lead; and Gimdarlach (Durlacher?), a German “fundidor,” in
1593 discovered copper, lead, and silver. The King, however, would not
allow the mines to be worked, for he feared that such a concession might
cost him his kingdom.

Proposals for the exploration of the interior were made, but bore no
fruit. Gregòrio de Quadra, who had spent several years as a prisoner
among the Arabs, was sent to Kongo in 1520, with instructions to make
his way thence to the country of Prester John. The King refused his
consent; Quadra returned to Portugal, and died a monk.[328] Balthasar de
Castro, the companion of Manuel Pacheco in Angola, desired to explore
the upper Kongo in 1526; but neither his scheme nor that of Manuel
Pacheco himself, who was to have built two brigantines, seems to have
been carried out.

Of the domestic wars corned on by the King, we know next to nothing.
Angola and Matamba seem to have been virtually independent in his day,
though the island of Luandu, with its valuable cowry-fishery, was held
by him and his successors until 1649. He conquered, however,
Mpanzu-alumbu (Mpangu-lunga?)[329] on the lower Kongo, a district
inhabited by a predatory tribe.[330] That his successes in these “wars”
were due to his Portuguese mercenaries and their fire-locks is a matter
of course.

Don Affonso died in 1540, or soon afterwards, leaving behind him a son,
D. Pedro, who succeeded him, and three daughters.[331]


D. PEDRO AND HIS SUCCESSORS, 1540-1561.

PEDRO I had been educated in Portugal, and is described by Cavazzi as a
wise prince who had inherited all the virtues of his father, and was a
great friend of the missionaries. His reign was apparently a short
one,[332] and he was succeeded by a cousin, D. FRANCISCO, who only
reigned two or three years, and left the kingdom to a son,[333] D.
DIOGO.[334] Duarte Lopez describes this prince as a man of noble mind,
witty, intelligent, prudent in council, an upholder of the missionaries,
and at the same time a great warrior who, in the course of a few years,
conquered many of the neighbouring countries. His “wars” certainly did
not enlarge the borders of his kingdom, and the only war we know of
ended in disaster. The Portuguese at S. Salvador, jealous of the growing
commercial importance of Luandu, had persuaded the King to send an army
against Ngola Mbandi, they themselves furnishing an auxiliary corps. The
Kongoese, in spite of this, were defeated on the river Dande (about
1556); and Ngola not only appealed to Portugal for protection, but also
allied himself with the Jagas, with whose aid he invaded Kongo (in
1558).

Nor were the relations of D. Diogo with the missionaries quite as
friendly as Lopez would lead us to believe. As early as 1549, D. Diogo
complained of the overbearing conduct of the Jesuits who had arrived in
that year in the company of D. João Baptista, the Bishop of S.
Thomé;[335] the priests, on their side, accused the King of having shown
little respect to the bishop, and of having ordered them to be pulled
out of their pulpits, when they denounced his vices and those of his
people.[336] The Jesuits may have been over-zealous in the performance
of what they conceived to be their duty, and too prone to meddle in
politics; but they seem to have led clean lives, which cannot be said of
all of their clerical brethren. When D. Gaspar Cão,[337] the Bishop of
S. Thomé and Kongo, a man who took the duties of his office seriously,
visited S. Salvador, these priests openly defied his authority. But
after several of the recalcitrant priests had been deported to Portugal,
whilst others had left voluntarily with such wealth as they had been
able to amass, discipline was re-established.[338]


A REIGN OF ANARCHY, 1561-1568.

When Diogo died, about 1561, the Portuguese residents endeavoured to
secure the throne for one of their own creatures, and caused the duly
elected favourite of the people to be assassinated. As a result, the
people of S. Salvador rose upon the Portuguese, many of whom were
killed, not even priests being spared. The accounts[339] of this period
of disorder are too confused to enable us to be certain even of the
names of the reigning kings. D. AFFONSO II, a son (probably
illegitimate) of D. Diogo, ascended the throne of his father, but was
murdered by his brother, D. BERNARDO, who appears to have been the
candidate favoured by the Portuguese. He at once sent Father Estevão de
Laguos on an embassy to Queen Catherine of Portugal, who, in a letter
dated June 26th, 1562,[340] congratulated him upon his accession, whilst
gently chiding him for the murder of his brother. This King was
evidently friendly disposed towards the Portuguese; and Antonio Vieira,
a negro, who had visited Portugal as member of an embassy, when writing
to Queen Catherine in April 1566,[341] suggested that he might be
induced to allow the mines of copper and tin to be worked. D. Bernardo
is stated by the Duke of Mbamba to have fallen in a war with the
Anzicas, “in defence of Christianity and the Fatherland.” He was
succeeded by D. HENRIQUE, a brother of D. Diogo, who, after a short and
troubled reign, died of a wound received in a battle, either against
some revolted vassals,[342] or fighting the Anzicanas.[343] He was the
last king of the original dynasty, for Alvaro I, his successor, was only
a step-son.


D. ALVARO I AND THE AYAKA, 1568-1574.[344]

D. Alvaro, immediately on his accession, sent an embassy to Portugal, to
apologise for the massacre of many Portuguese during the reigns of his
predecessors, which he excused on the ground of the vices and abuses of
the clergy. These excuses were apparently accepted in Portugal,
fortunately for D. Alvaro, for the very next year the dreaded Ayaka[345]
invaded his kingdom by way of Mbata; and, being worsted, the King fled
with his adherents to the Hippopotamus Island,[346] on the lower Kongo,
where they suffered many hardships, and whence he appealed piteously to
the Portuguese for help. This help was not denied him. Francisco de
Gouvea, corregedor of S. Thomé, in 1570, hastened to his aid with six
hundred Portuguese, expelled the Ayaka, reinstated the King in his
capital, and built a wall round S. Salvador for greater security. The
King fully recognised the value of the service that had been rendered
him, for Paulo Dias de Novaes told Garcia Mendes[347] that he
acknowledged himself a vassal of Portugal;[348] and as neither gold or
silver had been discovered in his country, he agreed to pay a tribute in
_njimbos_, which he actually did for a few years.

No sooner was Alvaro once more seated securely upon his throne than he
sent the Count of Sonyo against Ngola (1572). Several encounters took
place in Musulu and Mbuila (Ambuila); but in the end Ngola was allowed
to retain his father’s conquests, the river Dande being fixed upon as
the boundary between the two kingdoms. Kongo, however, retained
possession of the valuable island of Luandu.

Among other events of this reign we should mention a second visit of D.
Gaspar Cão, the bishop, shortly before his death (in 1574); and the
scandal caused by the burial of a notorious infídel, D. Francisco Mbula
matadi, in the church of S. Cruz, the roof of which was taken off by
night, and the body, carried away by the Devil![349]

D. Alvaro only enjoyed his prosperity for a short time, for when Paulo
Dias landed at Luandu, in 1575, he was already dead.[350]


D. ALVARO II, 1574-1614.

Alvaro II, a son of Alvaro I, is described by Bishop D. Manuel Baptista
as a “zealous Christian, father and friend of all;”[351] but it is
evident that he looked not with overmuch favour upon the Portuguese
residents in his country, and he is charged, in a memoir addressed by
Domingos d’Abreu Brito to King Philip I, in 1592 with having plotted
with the kings of Ndongo and Matamba against the Portuguese. An army
which he sent ostensibly to the aid of the Portuguese in 1583 retired,
apparently without striking a blow, whilst he furnished a contingent to
the forces of Matamba which invaded Angola in 1590. He hindered, by
specious excuses, the completion of a stone fort at Mpinda, which had
been commenced in 1609 by Antonio Gonçalves Pitta, until all the workmen
had died. He favoured Dutch traders to the great detriment of the
Portuguese; and we know from Samuel Braun,[352] that an effort was made
in 1612 to expel the Dutch from the Kongo, and that it would have been
successful, had not the natives sided with these heretical enemies,
whose dealings appeared to them to be more generous. Moreover, the King,
although he had promised Sebastian da Costa (1580) that he would allow
the supposed silver mines to be sought for, eventually refused his
consent.[353]

Turning to Church affairs, we hear of the usual applications for
missionaries, and of several episcopal visitations by D. F. Antonio de
Goiva (1578), D. Manuel de Ulhoa, D. Miguel Baptista Rangel, and D.
Manuel Baptista. D. Manuel de Ulhoa presided over a synod at S.
Salvador, in 1585, and laid down statutes for the government of his see.
D. Miguel Baptista Rangel was the first Bishop of Kongo, which had been
separated from the diocese of S. Thomé by a Bull of May 20th, 1596. His
successor, D. Manuel Baptista, resided for several years in Kongo, where
he died in 1621; and a letter addressed to King Philip II, in 1612,[354]
speaks of the results of over a century of missionary effort as
insignificant, and describes the people as incurable barbarians, full of
vice.


D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, 1622-1624.

BERNARDO II, a son of Alvaro II, only reigned for a few months, for he
was killed by his brother, ALVARO III, and a complaint addressed to him
by the Governor of Angola about the admission of heretical Dutchmen to
trade in Sonyo was answered by his successor. This Alvaro III, the
fratricide, is nevertheless described by Cavazzi as having been “wise,
modest, courageous, and above all a zealous Christian.” It was during
his reign, in 1619, that the Jesuits founded a college at S. Salvador. A
proposed mission of Italian Capuchins came to nothing, for King Philip
of Spain, by royal letters of September 22nd, 1620, forbade foreign
missionaries to enter Portuguese colonies without first obtaining a
royal license.[355] Alvaro III died on May 26th, 1622, and was succeeded
by D. PEDRO II AFFONSO, whom Cavazzi describes as a son of Alvaro III;
whilst a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador,[356] who wrote an interesting life
of this prince in 1624, makes him out to have been a son of Mbiki a
ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, and a descendant, in the female line, of the
first King of Kongo. If this biographer can be trusted, he was a man of
much promise, and of a mild, forgiving temper; for although the Duke of
Mbamba had sought his life, he conferred upon him the marquisate of
Wembo. His reign was a short and troubled one. In August, 1622, the Duke
of Mbata had been killed by rebels, and his vassal, the King of Kwangu
(Ocango), had suffered a defeat. João Corrêa de Souza, the Governor of
Angola, summoned him to surrender Luandu Island and all the copper
mines; and this being refused, the Portuguese under Luiz Gomez, aided by
the Jagas, crossed the Dande at Ikau and invaded Nambu a ngongo, and (in
December) also Mbumbi, where the Duke of Mpemba and many others were
killed and eaten by the Jagas, in spite of their being Christians. The
people of the invaded districts revenged themselves by killing the
Portuguese living in their midst, the King vainly endeavouring to
protect them. These invaders had scarcely been driven off, when Captain
Silvestre Soares, with a body of Jagas, entered Ngombe and Kabanda. But
that which gave most pain to the King was the destruction of the kingdom
of Bangu, and the murder of its King by the Jagas, with the aid of the
King of “Loango,” which was the “trunk and origin of the kingdom of
Kongo.”[357] In the midst of these afflictions, the King was rejoiced to
learn the arrival of D. Simão Mascarenhas at Luanda; but he met with an
accident, and died on April 13th, 1624, after a short reign of less than
two years, and mourned by six sons and two daughters.[358]


D. PEDRO’S SUCCESSORS, 1624-1641.

GARCIA, the eldest son of D. Pedro, when elected was only twenty years
of age, He was succeeded by D. AMBROSIO, in October, 1626, whose reign,
up till March, 1631, was one continuous warfare with his powerful
vassals. The country became unsafe, and the Portuguese retired for a
time from S. Salvador. ALVARO IV, a son of Alvaro III, made himself
master of the kingdom, and retained possession until his death, February
25th, 1636. He was succeded by his son, ALVARO V, who, doubting the
loyalty of his half-brothers, the Duke of Mbamba and the Marquis of
Kiowa, made war upon them, was defeated and taken prisoner, but
liberated. Unmindful of the generosity of his opponents, he once more
tried the fortune of battle, was taken again, and executed (in August,
1636). The Duke of Mbamba was unanimously elected in his place, and
reigned, as ALVARO VI, until his death on February 22nd, 1641. He waged
two unsuccessful wars against the Count of Sonyo, in 1636 and again in
1637; and was obliged to surrender the district of Makuta (Mocata) to
his adversary.


GARCIA II AFFONSO, O KIMBAKU, 1641-1663,[359]

the half-brother and old companion in arms of Alvaro VI, took possession
of the throne at a critical time; for in August of the year of his
accession, the Dutch captured Luandu, and the fortunes of the Portuguese
were at the lowest ebb. The Dutch lost no time in sending an embassy to
Kongo (1642),[360] and these new allies lent him their assistance in a
small war against Mwana Nsala, who had defied the royal authority.[361]
But they declined to give effective help against a more powerful vassal,
the Count of Sonyo, as it might have interfered with their trade
interests on the Lower Kongo.[362] The King’s army was defeated twice on
April 29th, 1645, when Affonso, the King’s son, was taken prisoner, and
again in July 1648, in the forest of Mfinda angulu. Meanwhile the Dutch
had broken the padrão set up by Cão at the mouth of the Kongo; they had
re-named S. Antonio’s Bay after their river Pampus at Amsterdam; had
gone to S. Salvador; and at least one of them, Johan Herder,[363] had
travelled far inland, and visited the Mwana Nkundi on the Kwangu. The
heretical tracts and books which they liberally distributed were in due
course burnt by the Capuchin friars.

Portugal was, moreover, irritated by the admission of Italian and
Castilian Capuchins, a batch of whom, headed by P. Bonaventura of
Alessano,[364] arrived at S. Salvador, on September 2nd, 1645, without
having previously called at Lisbon. This first mission was followed by
three others in 1648, 1651 and 1654,[365] and mission stations were
established in Mbata, in Nkusu, Nsundi, Mpemba, Mbwela, and Wembo
(Ovando).[366] Among the more noteworthy missionary travels of the time
was that of P. Girolamo of Montesarchio, who visited Konko a bele
(Concobello), in 1652.[367]

Even greater offence was given to Portugal by a mission which the King
despatched to Rome in 1646, and which arrived there, by way of Holland,
in May, 1648. P. Angelo de Valenza, the head of this mission, had been
instructed to beg the Pope to appoint three bishops for Kongo, Matamba
and the Makoko’s country, without reference to the claims of Portugal.
This the Pope declined to do; but to show his pleasure at receiving this
mission, he had a medal struck in memory of its visit, with the
inscription “Et Congo agnovit Pastorem,” and sent the King a Royal crown
blessed by himself. The King, however, when his mission returned (1651),
and when he heard that the Pope had refused to change Kongo from an
elective into a hereditary monarchy, grew wroth. He openly renounced
Christianity, forbade the Capuchins to preach the word of God, and
recalled his native ngangas. But when some bags containing relics and
ornaments, which the King had taken out of the churches, were
miraculously spared by a fire which broke out in his palace, he
reconsidered his position. A reconciliation with the Capuchins was
effected, and soon afterwards the King, in penitential robes, actually
marched at the head of a procession which had been organised to turn
away a threatened plague of locusts; he allowed himself to be crowned by
P. Giannuario of Nola, in the name of his Holiness, and took an active
part in the celebration of the Pope’s jubilee.[368]

Meanwhile the Portuguese had recovered Luandu, and the King was called
upon to pay the penalty for having made friendship with the Dutch
heretics, and admitted foreigners as missionaries. Bartholomeu de
Vasconcellos invaded Kongo. The King at once sent P. Domingos Cardoso, a
Jesuit, and the Capuchin Friar Bonaventura Sardo, to Luandu, where they
had an interview with the Governor (on February 19th, 1649), and
preliminary terms of peace were arranged.[369] The treaty was reported
upon by the _Conselho Ultramarino_, and confirmed in 1651 at Lisbon,
whither Friar Bonaventura[370] of Sorrento had gone to do homage to the
King of Portugal, on behalf of the Prefect of the Capuchins, as also to
plead the cause of his Order in reference to the proposed treaty. The
terms of this treaty, as modified, were as follows:—Castilians or
Dutchmen not to be permitted to reside or travel in Kongo nor their
ships to be admitted, unless provided with a Portuguese passport; the
Capuchin friars to communicate with Rome only by way of Luandu or
Lisbon, and no Castilians to be admitted among them; the Kings of Kongo
and Portugal to mutually assist each other if attacked by an enemy; an
ambassador of the King of Kongo to take up his residence at Luandu, as
also a royal prince, as hostage, or in his absence two or three men of
rank; compensation to be granted for all the losses suffered by the
Portuguese since the arrival of the Dutch, and fugitive slaves to be
surrendered; Portuguese merchants to be exempted from the payment of
tolls; a site to be granted at the mouth of the Kongo for a fortress;
all gold and silver mines to be ceded to the crown of Portugal, and the
country to the south of the river Dande to be ceded absolutely; and
finally the King of Kongo to acknowledge himself a “tributario” of
Portugal.

The King seems to have long hesitated before he ratified this treaty,
for in 1656, Diogo Gomes de Morales was ordered to invade Kongo to
enforce it, and was on the point of crossing the river Loje into Mbamba,
when he was recalled, as envoys from the King had arrived at Luandu,
definitely to arrange the terms of peace.

During the later years of his life, D. Garcia once more fell away from
his Christian teachers, whom he accused of being influenced by political
motives. Suspecting the Duke of Mpemba of a desire to deprive his son of
the succession, he had him executed; and when the native diviners
accused his eldest son, Affonso, of aiming at his life, he had his
second son elected as his successor. He died in 1663.


D. ANTONIO I, 1663-66.

D. Antonio had been enjoined by his dying father to avenge the
humiliation forced upon him by the Portuguese. He inaugurated his reign
by killing his own brother and other relatives, whom he suspected of
disloyalty. The warnings of heaven—fiery balls, an earthquake, which
destroyed part of his capital, a plague, which decimated the
population—were disregarded by him.

He very soon found himself involved in a war with the Portuguese, who
claimed possession of the mines which had been promised by treaty, and
complained of raids made upon friendly chiefs. On July 13th, 1665, the
King called upon his people to rise in defence of their country and
liberty.[371] His diviners had promised him an easy victory. The
Portuguese had recently been reinforced from Brazil, yet the army which
they were able to put into the field only numbered four hundred
Europeans, with two field guns and six thousand negroes. It was
commanded by Luiz Lopez de Sequeira, the captain-major, with whom were
Manuel Rebello de Brito, Diogo Rodriguez de Sá, Simão de Matos and
Antonio Araujo Cabreira, the serjeant-major. The hostile forces met on
January 1st, 1666, at Ulanga, near the Pedras de Ambuilla.[372] Antonio,
seeing the small force opposed to him, hoped to gain an easy victory;
but the Portuguese, formed in square, resisted the onslaught of his
hosts for six hours. At last the King left the ranks, desirous of a
personal encounter with Lopez de Sequeira; but he was shot down, his
head was cut off, and stuck upon a pike. His followers fled in dismay.
The missionaries assert that the Virgin Mary, with her Child, was seen
to stand by the side of the Portuguese leader, directing the battle, and
that a fiery rain fell upon the idolaters.[373]

The Governor of Angola, in commemoration of this victory, built the
chapel of N.S. da Nazareth at Luandu, whilst the King of Portugal amply
rewarded the victors.


A TIME OF ANARCHY, AFTER 1666.

We are indebted to Pedro Mendes for an account of the history of Kongo
from the death of D. Antonio in 1666 to the beginning of the eighteenth
century.[374] During that time, according to this authority, there were
fourteen Kings of Kongo, of whom four were beheaded (or killed) by the
Musurongo, five by the Ezikongo, three died a natural death, and two
were survivors when he wrote, namely, D. Pedro IV, at Salvador, and D.
João at Mbula.[375] At one time there were actually three kings in the
field.

ALVARO VII, a royal prince who had passed his early life in retirement,
but who, on being raised to the throne, turned out a monster of
iniquity, was killed by his own subjects, abetted by the Count of Sonyo
(1666), under whose auspices took place the election of his successor,
D. ALVARO VIII (1666-70), who was in turn removed by the Marquis of
Mpemba. Alvaro VIII[376] had allowed the Portuguese to search for gold,
but this search turned out as fruitless as the search for silver at
Kambambe. Meanwhile D. AFFONSO III AFFONSO had been proclaimed at
Kibangu, the new capital (1667), whilst D. PEDRO III _nsukia ntamba_ was
put up as an opposition King in Mbula. The latter defeated his rival,
who fled beyond the Mbiriji (Ambriz), and died there (of poison?). His
widow, D. Anna, a daughter of a former King, Garcia, retired to Nkondo
(Mucondo), and survived her husband until 1680. The people proclaimed D.
GARCIA III _nenganga mbemba_[377] his successor, whilst the opposition,
at the old capital (S. Salvador), declared D. DANIEL DE GUZMAN,
descendant of Mpanzu (Alvaro I), to be the rightful King. D. Daniel took
the field against D. Garcia III, but, before he reached the residence of
that King, he was overtaken by D. Pedro of Mbula; his army was
dispersed, and himself beheaded. His children sought refuge with the
Count of Sonyo, and by treachery they succeeded in getting D. Pedro into
their power, and killed him. The people of Mbula thereupon raised his
brother, D. JOÃO, to the throne, who survived until after 1710. S.
Salvador, after D. Daniel had deserted it, became the haunt of wild
beasts.

Meanwhile D. RAFAEL, Marquis of Mpemba, who had been proclaimed King
some time anterior to this, had been obliged to seek refuge among the
Portuguese, and his reinstatement was one of the objects of the
disastrous expedition of 1670,[378] by which it was sought to punish
Count Estevão da Silva of Sonyo for his desecration of Christian
churches and the ill-treatment of Portuguese traders: or, rather, his
dealings with heretic competitors.

João Soares de Almeida, the commander of this expedition, had with him
five hundred Portuguese, supported by a strong force of native allies,
among whom was a Jaga Kalandula. He won a battle, in which Estevão was
killed; but Pedro, the brother of the unfortunate Count, rallied the
forces of Sonyo, unexpectedly fell upon the Portuguese near the Mbiriji
(Ambriz), and scarcely a man among them escaped. Count Pedro then
expelled the Italian Capuchins, who were supposed to be friendly to
Portugal, and invited in their stead Belgian members of the same Order,
who arrived in September, 1673, under the lead of P. Wouters. But,
having been accused of stopping the rain, and having in reply
excommunicated the Count, they were speedily expelled.[379] Peace
between Sonyo and Portugal was only restored in 1690, when the former
promised to abolish idolatry and to sell no slaves to heretics.

It was about this period (between 1669 and 1675) that Francisco do
Murça, the captain-major of Dande, visited S. Salvador, and proceeded
thence to Mbata and the Kwangu, where he was told that this river flowed
through the kingdom of the Makoko, and entered the sea at Mpinda, a fact
long before known to the missionaries. These latter had not quite
abandoned the Kongo, notwithstanding these troubles, and in 1668 the
Capuchins still occupied their monasteries at the capital of Mbamba and
at Mpembu;[380] whilst Girolamo Merolla (1682-88) and Antonio Zucchelli
steadily laboured (1700-02) in Sonyo and Luangu.[381]

D. ANDRE succeeded D. Garcia, but died after a short reign. D. MANUEL
_nzinga elenge_, a descendant of Mpanzu, was duly elected, but expelled
by the sons of the late D. Garcia, who raised ALVARO IX to the throne in
his stead. This prince was never recognised by the Count of Sonyo, who
looked upon D. Manuel, who had sought refuge with him, as the legitimate
King. He was reinstated by him for a time, but ultimately fell into the
power of his enemies, and was beheaded.

Alvaro IX was succeeded in 1694 by his brother PEDRO IV _nsanu a
mbemba_, also known as _agoa rosada_,[382] who once more returned to the
ancient capital. He and D. João of Mbula were the only Kings alive in
1701, when the Capuchin Friar Francisco de Pavia, and his colleague
Friar João Maria went throughout the kingdom of Kongo, preaching peace,
and calling upon the leading men to recognise D. Pedro as their King;
and thus put an end to quarrels which had distracted the country for an
entire generation.


A RETROSPECT.

And if we ask to what extent, and in what manner, have the natives of
Kongo been benefited by two centuries of contact with the civilisation
of Europe, and of missionary effort, we feel bound to admit that they
have not been benefited at all—either materially or morally. On the
contrary. There were, no doubt, a few earnest men among the
missionaries, and the Church of Rome deserves some credit for the zeal
with which she addressed herself to the object of converting the
natives. At the same time it cannot be denied that the instruments she
employed, the methods she pursued, and the surrounding circumstances,
were not favourable to success. And success there has been none—at
least, none of an enduring nature—notwithstanding the boastful, if not
absolutely mendacious, reports of her missionaries. The assertion that
there was a time when the whole of Kongo had become Roman Catholic must
raise a smile on the face of those who have attentively studied the
missionary reports. There were eleven churches and a crowd of priests at
the capital; but the outlying provinces were but poorly attended to. The
number of missionaries, even including the native helpers, was never
large enough to administer, even to a tithe of the population, those
rites and sacraments, which the Roman Catholic Church professes to be of
essential importance.[383]

I quite agree with the Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, when he says that the
“great spiritual edifice” [raised by the missionaries] has not only
“crumbled into the dust, but it has left the unfortunate inhabitants of
that country in as deep ignorance and superstition, and perhaps in
greater poverty and degradation, than they would have been if Roman
Catholicism had never been proclaimed among them.”[384] Father José
Antonio de Souza, who resided at S. Salvador from 1881-87, and was
subsequently created Bishop of Mozambique, virtually admits this, for he
says: “Christianity did not penetrate deeply; it passed over the country
like a heavy rain, which scarcely wetted the surface of the land, and
left the subsoil absolutely dry and sterile.”[385] He adds
significantly: “By the side of the missionary stood the slave-trader.”
And surely it was the export slave trade, created by the cupidity of the
Portuguese, but shared in by Dutch, French and English, which undermined
the prosperity of the country, and decimated its population. And the
missionaries never raised a protest against this traffic, although it
was against the tenets of their Church,[386] for they profited by it.
The only thing which they did for the wretched slaves was to endeavour
to secure, as far as possible, that they should not fall into the hands
of heretics; so that at least their souls might be saved, whatever
became of their bodies.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]




APPENDIX III.

A LIST OF THE KINGS OF KONGO.

(NTOTELA NTINU MAKONGO.)


   1. Ntinu mini a lukeni.

   2. Nanga kia ntinu, his nephew or cousin.

   3.    —             —

   4. Nkuwu a ntinu, son of No. 1.

   5. João I Nzinga a nkuwu, son of No. 4, baptised May
   3rd, 1491, died 1509.

   6. Mpanzu a nzinga (Mpanzu a kitima?), second son of
   No. 5, 1509.

   7. Affonso I Mbemba a nzinga (Mbemba nelumbu),
   eldest son of No. 5, 1509-40.

   8. Pedro I Nkanga a mbemba, son of No. 7, 1540-44.

   9. Francisco Mpudi a nzinga, 1544-46.

   10. Diogo Nkumbi a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1546-61.

   11. Affonso II Mpemba a nzinga, an illegitimate son of
   No. 10? 1561.

   12. Bernardo I, (bastard) son of No. 10, 1561-67.

   13. Henrique (Nerika) a mpudi, son of No. 9, 1567-68.

   14. Alvaro I o Mpanzu, Mini a lukeni lua mbamba,
   stepson of No. 12, 1568-74.

   15. Alvaro II Nempanzu a Mini, son of No. 14, 1574-1614.


   16. Bernardo II Nenimi a mpanzu, son of No. 15, 1615.

   17. Alvaro III Mbiki a mpanzu, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 15,
   1615 to May 26th, 1622.

   18. Pedro II Affonso Nkanga a mbiki, son of Mbiki an tumbo,
   Duke of Nsundi, grandson of a daughter of No. 7, 1622 to April
   13th, 1624.

   19. Garcia I Mbemba a nkanga, Duke of Mbamba, son of No. 18,
   April 1624, to June 26th, 1626.

   20. Ambrosio I, October 10th, 1626, to March, 1631.

   21. Alvaro IV, son of No. 17, 1631 to February 25th, 1636.

   22: Alvaro V, son of No. 21, 1636-38.

   23. Alvaro VI, Duke of Mbamba, August, 1638, to February 22nd,
   1641.

   24. Garcia II o kimbaku, (Nkanga a lukeni), Marquis of Kiwa,
   1641-63.

   25. Antonio I Nevita a nkanga, mwana mulaza, son of No. 24,
   1663-66.

   26. Alvaro VII Nepanzu a masundu, 1666-67.

   27. Pedro III Nsukia ntamba of Mbula, 1667-79.

   28. Alvaro VIII, 1667-7

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