The Paston Letters, A.D. 1422-1509. Volume 2 (of 6)
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Title: The Paston Letters, A.D. 1422-1509. Volume 2 (of 6)
Editor: James Gairdner
Release date: October 8, 2012 [eBook #40989]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
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This edition, published by arrangement with Messrs. ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
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No. 44.
[[The number 44 is handwritten.]]
* * * * *
* * * *
THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509
* * * *
* * * * *
THE PASTON LETTERS
A.D. 1422-1509
New Complete Library Edition
Edited with Notes and an Introduction
By
JAMES GAIRDNER
of the Public Record Office
_VOLUME II_
London
Chatto & Windus
[Decoration]
Exeter
James G. Commin
1904
Edinburgh: T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty
THE PASTON LETTERS
_Early Documents_
Before entering upon the correspondence of the Paston family, in the
reign of Henry VI., we have thought it well to give the reader a brief
note of such deeds and charters of an earlier date as appear either to
have been preserved in the family, or to have any bearing on its
history. The following is a list of those we have been able to meet with
either in the originals or in other quarters, such as Blomefield’s
_History of Norfolk_, where notices are given of several documents,
which appear now to have got into unknown hands. The documents seen by
Blomefield, and those from the Paston and Dawson-Turner collections, now
in the British Museum, were probably all at one time part of the Paston
family muniments. The three Harleian charters seem to have been derived
from a different source.
A Deed is cited by Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ vi. 480), by which
Anselm, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, and the Convent there, gave to
Osbern, the priest (said by Blomefield to have been a son of Griffin
de Thwait, the founder of the Paston family), the land of St.
Benet’s of Paston (_terram Sancti Benedicti de Paston_), in fee, for
half the farm of one _caruca_, as his ancestors used to pay for the
same.
Also a Deed of William the Abbot (who lived in King Stephen’s
reign), granting to Richer de Pastun, son of Osbern, son of Griffin
de Thwete, all the land that the Convent held in Pastun, with their
men, and other pertinencies.
Also a Deed of Covenant between Richer de Paston and Reginald the
Abbot, and Convent of St. Benet’s, Holme, that when peace should be
settled in England, and pleas held in the Court of our Lord the
King, the said Richer would, at the request and at the expense of
the Abbot, give him every security in Court to release the lands in
Pastun.
‘Ralph de Paston was son, as I take it’ (says Blomefield) ‘of this
Richer, and appears to have had two sons, Richard and Nicholas.
‘Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, by his deed, _sans_ date, granted
to Geoffrey, son of Roger de Tweyt, lands in this town (Oxnead),
paying 9d. per ann. for his homage and service, 40s. for a fine
(_in gersumam_), and paying to him and his heirs on the feasts of
St. Andrew, Candlemas, Pentecost, and St. Michael, on each feast,
2s. _ob._ He sealed with one _lis_. Laurence de Reppes, William and
John, his brother, William de Bradfield, &c., were witnesses.’
--Blomefield, vi. 480-1.
‘There was also another branch of this family, of which was Wystan,
or Wolstan, de Paston, which I take to be the lineal ancestor of Sir
William Paston, the Judge, and the Earls of Yarmouth. This Wolstan
lived in the reign of Henry II. and Richard I., and married, as is
probable, a daughter of the Glanvilles, as appeared from an
impalement of Paston and Glanville in the windows of Paston Hall in
Paston. His son and heir styled himself Robert de Wyston and Robert
de Paston; who, dying in or about 1242, was buried at Bromholm, and
left Edmund de Paston. To this Edmund, son of Robert, son of Wolstan
de Paston, Sir Richard de Paston gave the land in Paston which
Robert, his father, held of him and Nicholas, his brother, by deed
_sans_ date.’ --Blomefield, vi. 481.
Undated Deed of Nicholaus filius Radulfi Diaconi de Paston, granting
to Robert, son of Wistan de Paston, two parcels of land--one of them
abutting on the lands of Eudo de Paston. Witnesses--Richard de
Trunch; Will. Esprygy; Ralph de Reppes; Roger de Reppes; Richard,
s. of Ralph de Baketon; John de Reppes; Roger, s. of Warin de Paston;
Hugh, s. of Will. de Paston, &c.--Add. Charter 17,217, B.M. (Paston
MSS.).
Undated Deed of Richard, son of Ralph de Pastune, granting to
Edmund, son of Robert Wistan de Pastune, lands in Pastune,
&c.--(_Seal attached, in fine condition._)--Add. Charter 17,218,
B.M. (Paston MSS.).
Blomefield also mentions (vi. 481) that Nicholas, son of Ralph de
Paston, gave lands to Robert, son of Wystan de Paston, by deed _sans
date_. Witness, Roger de Repps.
Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, the son of Ralph, Deacon of
Paston, grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Wiston of Paston,
certain lands at Paston.--Add. Charter 14,810, B.M. (D. Turner’s
Collection of Deeds relating to Norfolk).
Richard, son of Ralph de Paston, according to Blomefield (xi. 24),
gave 12_d._ a year rent in Paston to the Priory of Bromholm. This
gift is also mentioned by Richard Taylor in his Index Monasticus of
the Diocese of Norwich, p. 15, where the purpose of the endowment is
said to be ‘to keep their books in repair.’
Deed, cited by Blomefield (vi. 481), by Richard, son of John, son of
Richard de Paston, granting to Richer Alunday and his heirs his
native Alan de Tilney, with all his family, &c. (_cum tota
sequela_), and 7 acres of land in Paston and Knapton, with
messuages, &c., for 4 marks of silver _in gersumam_, and a rent of
22_d._ a year.
Undated Deed Poll, whereby William, the son of Robert Barrett,
grants to Edmund, the son of Robert Whiston of Paston, certain lands
in the Common Field of Paston.--Add. Charter 14,813, B.M.
(D. Turner’s Coll.).
Undated Indenture between Clement Parcerit of Gimmingham, and Cecil,
his wife, and Edmund, the son of Robert de Paston, concerning lands
in Paston Field.--Add. Charter 14,814, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).
Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard de Lessingham grants to William,
son of Robert de Paston, certain lands in the Common Field of
Paston.--Add. Charter 14,812 (D. Turner’s Coll.).
Ancient Deed of Nich. Chancehose of Baketun granting to Edmund, fil.
Roberti Wistan de Pastun, and his heirs, for 30_s._, a _tresroda_ of
land in Pastun.--Add. Charter 17,219, B.M. (Paston MSS.).
Undated Deed Poll, by which Richard, son of John de Paston, grants
to Roger, his brother, certain lands in Paston Field.--Add. Charter
14,811, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).
Undated Deed Poll, whereby Hugh, son of William de Pastun, grants to
Walter, son of Edmund de Pastun, and his heirs, a _tresroda_ of land
in the fields of Pastun, ‘inter terram quæ fuit Osberti Salr. (?),
ex parte Austri, et terram quæ fuit Ricardi Chaumpeneys ex parte
Aquilonis, et abuttat super forreram quæ fuit Roberti Carpentar’
versus Orientem, et super liberam et terram ecclesiæ de Past’ versus
Occidentem.’ --Add. Charter 2004, B.M.
A.D. 1313, 16 Oct. ‘William de Paston obtains a pardon as an
adherent of the Earl of Lancaster for his participation in the death
of Gaveston, and the disturbances occasioned thereby.’ 16 Oct.,
7 Edw. II.--Palgrave’s Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. div. iii. p.
1262.
A.D. 1324, 22 Jan. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday after the Feast of St.
Agnes, 17 Edward II., whereby Henry de Mundham, parson of Oxnead,
and another, grant to William Hautayne and Alice, his wife,
a certain messuage and premises in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,804,
B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).
A.D. 1324, 19 Feb. Quit-Claim by Edmund, son of Robert de Neketone,
to Robert de Paston, Tabernarius, of lands in the fields without the
West Gate of Bury St. Edmund’s. Sunday after St. Valentine’s Day,
17 Edw. II. Seal attached.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 31, B.M.
A.D. 1329, 24 Dec. Deed Poll of Margery, daughter of Robert de
Neketon, granting to Robert de Paston lands in the fields of St.
Edmund’s. St. Edmund’s Bury, Sunday, Christmas Eve, 3 Edw.
III.--Harl. Charter 54 A. 32, B.M.
A.D. 1330. Petition to Parliament 4 Edw. III. of John de Claveryng,
complaining that John Payne of Dunwich, Constantine de Paston,
Austin Fitzwilliam, and others of Dunwich, took by force and arms
five ships and a boat belonging to him, at Wallerswyke, and goods to
the value of £300, after having beat, shipwrecked, and imprisoned
(_baterent, naufrerent, et enprisonerent_) the said John’s servants.
The king’s answer: ‘Eyt en Chauncellerie oyer et terminer pur le
horibilite du trespas, devant covenables justices.’ --Rolls of Parl.
ii. 33.
A.D. 1333, 29 April. Deed Poll, dated Thursday next before the Feast
of the Invention of the Holy Cross, 7 Edward III., whereby Alice,
widow of William Hautayne, grants to Henry de Colby and others a
messuage, with the appurtenances in Oxnead.--Add. Charter 14,805,
B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).
A.D. 1341, 28 Aug. Deed Poll of Robert de Paston granting to William
de Bradeleghe and William Child, Chaplains, lands in the fields of
St. Edmund’s Bury, without the West Gate at Stanywerp, &c. St.
Edmund’s Bury, Tuesday after St. Bartholomew, 15 Edw. III.--Harl.
Charter 54 F. 37, B.M.
A.D. 1341. Indenture of 15 Edw. III. between John de Knapeton,
rector of Freugges, and Clement de Paston and Will. his son.--Add.
Charter 17,221, B.M. (Paston MSS.).
A.D. 1361. Charter of Sir Rob. de Mauteby to the Prior of St.
Olave’s, Herlyngflet, 35 Edw. III.--Add. Charter 17,222 (Paston
MSS.), B.M.
Notes of Proceedings in Outlawry of the time of Edward III. Judgment
by Sir John Hody, mentioned in a more modern hand.--Paston MSS.,
B.M.
A.D. 1382, 5 Oct. Deed Poll, dated on Sunday next after the Feast of
St. Michael, 6 Richard II., by which Robert de Paston grants to John
Gant certain lands in Paston field.--Add. Charter 14,817, B.M.
(D. Turner’s Coll.).
A.D. 1404, 1 Oct. Deed by which Mary, Lady Mortimer, mother of Sir
John Fastolf, grants to her said son her manors of Caister and
Caister Hall, together with her manor of Repps and the advowson of
the free Chapel of St. John, within the said manor of Caister, to
hold to him and his heirs for ever. 1 Oct., 6 Henry IV.--Add.
Charter 14,597, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.).
THE PASTON LETTERS
_Henry V_
1
HENRY V.’S CONQUESTS IN FRANCE[5.1]
[Sidenote: 1417-9]
These be the names of Townes, Castell, Citees, and Abbeys that the [King
did][5-2] gete in his secund viage:--
The Town of Cane and the Castell.
The Town of Valeis [_Falaise_] and the Castell.
The Town of Argenton and the Castell.
The Town of Bayeux and the Castell.
The Town of Alawnsom and the Castell.
The Town of Frezsne le Vicont and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Savers de Vive and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Jakes de Beueron and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Jakes de Burvam and the Castell.
The Town of Seint Low and the Castell.
The Town of Valence and the Castell.
The Cytee of Averense and the Castell.
The Cytee of Sees.
The Cytee of Leseaux.
The Cytee of Everose.
The Town of Louerse.
The Town of Counsheux.
The Town of Vire.
The Town of Karentine.
The Town of Chyrbourgh and the Castell.
The Town of Vernoile and ij. Castell.
The Town of Morteyn and the Castell.
The Town of Powntlarche and the Castell.
The Town of Esey and the Castell.
The Town of Dounfrount and the Castell.
The Town of Pountedomer and the Castell.
The Town of Turve and the Castell.
The Town of Costaunce and the Castell.
The Cytee of Roon and the Castell.
The Town of Galion and the Castell.
The Town of Galdebek [_Caudebec_].
The Town of Mustirvilers.
The Town of Depe.
The Town of Ve and the Castell.
The Town of Vernoile suz Seyne and the Castell.
The Town of Mawnt and the Castell.
The Castell of Towk.
The Castell of Morvile.
The Castell of Overs in Awge.
The Abbey of Seint Savers suz Deve.
The Abbey of Seint Peers suz Dive.
The Abbey of Seint Stevenis of Cane.
The Bole Abbey of Cane.
The Castell of Cursy.
The Castell of Gundy.
The Castell of Nevylebeke.
The Castell of Vermus.
The Castell of Garcy.
The Castell of Oo [_Eu_].
The Castell of Vileine.
The Castell of Egyll.
The Castell of Regyll.
The Castell of Curton.
The Castell of Fagernon.
The Castell of Chamberexs.
The Castell of Ryveers.
The Castell of Bewmanill.
The Castell of Bewmalyn.
The Castell of Harecourt.
The Abbey of Behelwyn.
The Castell of Parlevesque.
The Castell of Semper.
The Castell of Tracy.
The Castell of Tylly.
The Castell of Groby.
The Castell of Carsell.
The Castell of Hommbe.
The Castell of Seynt Denise.
The Castell of Bonvile.
The Castell of Grennevile.
The Castell of Perers.
The Castell of Seint Gilerinz.
The Castell of Bewmound.
The Castell of Asse la Rebole.
The Castell of Tanny.
The Castell of Antony.
The Castell of Balon.
The Castell of Mountfort.
The Castell of Tovey.
The Castell of Lowdon.
The Castell of Noaus.
The Castell of Seynt Romains in Plaine.
The Castell of Daungell.
The Castell of Peschere.
The Castell of Bolore.
The Castell of Keshank.
The Castell of Turre.
The Castell of Seint Imains.
The Castell of Seint Germains.
The Castell of Bomstapyll.
The Castell of Croile.
The Castell of Bakuile.
The Castell of Bellacombyr.
The Castell of Douyle.
The Castell of Likone.
The Castell of Ankyrvile.
The Abbey of Seint Katerinz.
These er the gates names of Roon, and how the lordys lay in sege, and to
fore what gate, and also the derth of vitailes withyn the forseyd Cytee
of Roon.
_Le Port Causches._ To fore thys gate, lay my Lord of Clarense[8.1] vnto
riversyde of Seyne with mykyl of hys howsold and a grete market; and
then fro that gate upward lay my Lord of Urmound,[8.2] my maistre
Corwayle[8.3] with the Lord Talbotts meyne. _Le Port de Castell._ At
thys gate my Lord Marchall,[8.4] the Lord of Haryngton. _Le Port de
Bewvoisyn._ At thys gate lay my Lord of Excester. _Le Port de
Vowdelagate._ To fore thys gate lay the Lord Roos, the Lord Wylleby, the
Lord Fyhew,[8.5] Sir John Gray, and Sir William Porter. _Le Port Seint
Yllare._ To fore thys gate lay the kyng and my Lord of Glowcestyr. _Le
Port de Martynvile._ To fore thys lay my Lord of Warwyk and Sir Phelip
Leche. _Le Port debut de Pount._ To fore thys gate lay my Lord of
Huntyngdon, my Lord of Sawlisbyry, my maistre Nevile, and my mayster
Umphirvile. _Le Port de Vicount._ Thys ys the chefe Watergate of the
town, and at thys gate cometh in al maner marchawndys and vitailes.
Furthyrmore as towchyng to the derth of vytayles withyn this forseyd
Cytee, j. [_one_] Buschell of Whete was worth v. scutys, j. lofe j.
frank, j. dog j. frank, j. kat ij_s._ sterlinges, j. rat vj_d._
sterlinges. And as towchyng all other vitailes, it was spendit or that
we com in to the Cytee.
Urbis Rotomagi Wulstano captio claret,
Quam Rex Henricus Quintus sexto capit anno.
[Footnote 5.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
[Footnote 5.2: Parchment mutilated.]
[Footnote 8.1: Thomas, Duke of Clarence, the King’s brother.]
[Footnote 8.2: James Butler, Earl of Ormond.]
[Footnote 8.3: Sir John Cornwall, afterwards Lord Fanhope.]
[Footnote 8.4: John Mowbray, Earl Marshal, afterwards Duke of
Norfolk.]
[Footnote 8.5: Fitz-Hugh.]
2
AMYE BOWET TO ----[9.1]
[Sidenote: 1417-9]
Trescher et mon tresfiable amy je vous salue tressouvent de tout mon
cuer, desirant pur savoir et oier bons noveles de vous, et que vous
soiez en prosperitee. Et, mon tresfiable amy, vous face assavoir que
monsieur mon baron covient sey apparailler et ordenyier envers le Roy
ore en y ceste proschein viage en la presence oue le Duc de Excestre,
pur la quelle luy covient faire graundes expenses entour son arraie en
salvacion de son honour, lequel je vorreie faire ma diligence pur saluer
et encrescer a mon poair, come je suy graundement tenuz; et vous estez
la persone en la quelle je plus graundement maffie devaunt aucune altre
ore vivant. Pur quey je vous emprie tresespecialment de trestout mon
cuer que vous please pur faire a tant pur moy quant a ore pur moy faire
chevyceance de xl. marcz come pur voie dapprompt ore en y ceste nostre
graunde busoigne, promittant de certeyne que sereez bien et loialment
repaiez a aucune jour reisoignable que vous veuilliez assigner; et si
vous ne osez pleignement affier en y ceste ma promys pur peril quent
purra avenir en temps avenir, vous auerez tiel seuretee come vous
veuillez deviser. Trescher et mon tresfiable amy, pluisours a vous nay
escrier au present, mays que vous veuillez doner foie et credence a une
gentile feme portour dycestes. Et pri al Saint Espirit qil vous ait touz
jours en sa tressaintisme garde. Escript en haste a Wrentham, le
xxviii^me jour de Mars.
AMYE BOWET.
On the back is written in a different hand:--
‘Thomas Lente et Matillda uxor mea petunt de Galfrido Somerton
xiij_s._ iiij_d._ quos Willelmus Lyster et dicta Matillda, circa
xxiiij. annos elapsos quum ipsi levaverunt finem de tenementis in
Castre inter ipsos et Walterum Gase; et dicit quod dicta Matillda
quando ipsa examinata fuit per Justiciarios apud Jernemuth qui
sedebant super Rayes (?) in ecclesia Fratrum Carmelitarum, dictus
Justiciarius dedit dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._ quos ipse habere
debuisset pro labore suo dictæ Matilldæ, et dictus Galfridus dictos
xiii_s._ iiii_d._ posuit in loculo suo proprio et nullatenus illos
dictæ Matilldæ solvit: et ad festyngong per iiii. annos elapsos le
boteler apud Somerton audivit quod dictus Galfridus promisit dictæ
Matilldæ et dicto Thomæ tunc viro suo dictos xiii_s._ iiii_d._’
[Footnote 9.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 141.] This letter appears to
be of a very early date. If its contents refer, as seems
probable, to the preparations for Henry V.’s expedition in
France, it is of the year 1417, and so earlier than No. 1;
which, however, it may follow as bearing on the same subject.]
[[lequel je vorreie faire _error for “vorroie”?_]]
3
[THE PARSON OF EDINGTHORPE] TO WILLIAM SEWARDBY[10.1]
_A mon trescher et honure sieur, William Sewardby._
[Sidenote: 1417-9?]
Trescher et honure sieur, jeo me recomaund a vous si tresentierement de
t . . . . . . . . . . . doyere et de savore bonez novells de vous et de
vostre entiere estat et souereyn . . . . . . . tres bonz de vous auore
et savore com vous mesmes lez sauera meltz devisere ou . . . . . . et si
de moy le vostre. Vous plese savore, a la fesaunce de cestez j’estoy en
bon saunte. [Et quant a] vostre boys de denz le boys de Baketon vous
plese savore que le Prieur de Bromholm est (?) [nostre] parochen, et
nous ade prie pur avore vostre dit boys dissevere et departie a son boys
issint . . . . boys que est parcel a vostre boys pur lour profit et
saunz damage de vostre dit boys, mes Richa[rd] . . . . . . . disseveryng
fere saunz vostre volunte ou autre maundement de vous, come le portour
de . . . . . . . ment que jeo ne puis ore escrire. Et touchant vostre
manere illuques si longuement com . . . . . . . maynez de dit priour,
vous, ne null de voz bien voliauncez y aueroyent nulle conyschaun[ce]
. . . de vostre manere as autrez de lours seigneuries, et ensi vous et
vostrez serrount en temps avenir . . . . . . . que vous les tenez en voz
maynez proprez et sure tiele colour si vous plese Richard Causton . . .
. . . . et payr omez a vous si taunt come le priour avaundit fet a
termes et jours par vous assign[ez] . . . . . . pur avore par voz
tenauntz lez ditz terez, rentz et tenementz, boys et autres comoditez
. . . . . . . disseverez et departez. Et vous covyent avore i. seneschal
pur tenire vostres courtez iluque[s] . . . . . . . de dit priour ne en
son daungere, mes tiel homme que nad null dom de eux et tiele . . .
. . . vous luy voliez bien rewardere pur son travail. Trescher et
honoure sieur, de ceste matere et de . . . . . . . par le portour de
cestz, et nous ferrouns nostre powere et diligence de lez accomplere a
vostre . . . . . . . Sieur, jeo prie a Dieux quil vous doyne tresbon vie
et long honour et souereyn joye de . . . . . . . A Edythorp juxta
Bromholm, le primer jour de Jul’.
[Footnote 10.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 142.] This letter appears
also to be of a very early, but quite an uncertain date. It is
unfortunately mutilated, some words being lost on every line on
the right hand side of the MS.]
4
ABSTRACT[11.1]
[Sidenote: 1420 / 24 MARCH]
Marriage Settlement of William Paston, dated the Eve of the Annunciation
of the Virgin, 8 Henry V.--It is agreed between Sir Edmund Berre, Kt.,
on the one part, and William Paston of Paston on the other, that the
latter shall marry Agnes, daughter of the said Sir Edmund, and that his
trustees of the manor of Oxenede, Norf., shall demise the same to the
said William and Agnes, and the heirs of their bodies, &c. Also Sir
Edmund’s trustees, either of the manor of Estodenham, co. Norf., or of
the manor of Hollewellebury, Herts, at the option of William Paston,
shall deliver one or other manor to the said William and Agnes, and the
heirs of their bodies, &c. If Estodenham be chosen, Paston is to make to
Sir Edm. and his wife Alice an estate for life, either in the manors of
Marlingford, Norf., and Stanstede, Suff., or in the manors of Elghe and
Willyngham, Suff., &c.
5
ABSTRACT[11.2]
[Sidenote: 1422]
Inspeximus of a Deed of Thos. Pecke, clk., dated 10 Hen. V., granting
the reversion of the manors of Breydeston, Caston, &c., then held by Sir
John Carbonell and Margery, his wife, to Sir Rob. Brewys, John
Fitz-Rauff, and others.--(_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, ii. 285.)
[Footnote 11.1: [Add. Charter 17,225, B.M.]]
[Footnote 11.2: [Add. Charter 17,243.]]
THE PASTON LETTERS
_Henry VI_
6
INFORMATION AGAINST WALTER ASLAK[12.1]
[Sidenote: 1424]
Be it remembred that where, on the nyght next biforne the feste of the
Circumcision of owre Lord Jesu, the [second][12.2] yeer of the regne of
Kyng Henry the Sexte, certeyns maffaisours, felons, and brekeres of the
kynges peas vnknowyn, to the noumbre of iiij^xx [_four score_] and more
by estimacion, of malice and imaginacion forne thowght felonowsly, the
dwellyng place of John Grys of Wyghton, in Wyghton, in the shyre of
Norffolk, brokyn, and with carpenteres axes the yates and the dores of
the seyd place hewen, and the seyd John Grys, and hys sone, and a
servaunt man of hese by here bodyes tokyn, and fro the seyd dwellyng
place by the space of a myle to a payre gawles ledden, there hem for to
have hangyd; and by cause hem fayled ropes convenient to here felonowse
purpos, the seyd John Grys, hese sone, and hys man there felonowsely
slowen and mordered in the most orrible wyse that ever was herd spoken
of in that cuntre. Wher up on Walter Aslak, purposyng and imaginyng to
putte William Paston in drede and intollerable fere to be slayn and
mordered in the seyd forme with force and ageyn the kinges peas, on the
shyre day of Norffolk, halden at Norwiche, the xxviij day of August, in
the seyd secunde yeer, beyng there thanne a grete congregacion of poeple
by cause of the seyd shyre, in hese owne persone, and by Richard
Kyllynworth, that tyme hese servaunt, to the seyd William Paston swiche
and so many manaces of deth and dismembryng maden and puttyn by certeyns
Englische billes rymed in partye, and up on the yates of the Priorie of
the Trinite chirche of Norwiche, and on the yates of the chyrche of the
Freres Menures of Norwiche, and the yates of the same Cite called
Nedeham yates and Westewyk yates, and in othre places wyth inne the seyd
Cite by the seyd Walter and Richard sette, makyng mension and berying
this undyrstondyng that the seyd William, and hese clerkes, and
servauntes schuld be slayn and mordered in lyke forme as the seyd John
Grys in the seyd forme was slayne and mordered: conteyning also these
too words in Latyn, _et cetera_, by which wordes communely it was
undyrstandyn that the forgeers and makers of the seyd billes imagyned to
the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, more malice and harm than
in the seyd billes was expressed. Wherfore the seyd William, hese seyd
clerkes and servauntz, by longe tyme aftyr were in gret and intolerable
drede and fere by the sayd maffaisours and felons to be slayn and
mordered. Wherfore the seyd William, hese clerkes and servauntes, ne
durst not at here fredom nothyr goon ne ryde.
Wher up on the seyd William, for hese owyn persone, affermyd a pleynt of
trespas ageyn the seyd Walter and Richard, processe contynued ther up on
til the seyd Walter and Richard were founden gilty of the seyd trespas
by an iniquisicion ther of takyn in dwe and lawefull forme, by whiche
inquisicion the damages of the seyd William for the seyd trespas were
taxed to cxx^li [£120]. Aftyr which pleynte affermyd, and to fore ony
plee up on the seyd pleynt pleded, the seyd Walter and William, by
Thomas Erpyngham, Knyght, a myghty and a gret supportour of the seyd
Walter in alle these matiers and circumstaunces ther of ageyn the seyd
William, were induced to trete in the same matier in the forme that
folwith: That is to seyne, that the seyd William schuld sue forth the
seyd pleynt and the execucion ther of at hese owne will, and the seyd
Walter schuld defende hym self in the seyd pleynt at hese owne will,
except that he schuld no benefice take by noon proteccion, ne wrytte of
_corpus cum causa_, ne of no lordes lettres up on the seyd sute. And
what so ever fortunyd in the seyd pleynt, the proces, execucion, or the
sute ther of, the seyd Walter and William schuld stonde and obeye to the
ordinaunce of certeyns persones by the seyd William and Walter
arbitratores that tyme named, if thei myghten accordyn, and ellys of
anoonpier also that same tyme named, of alle the seyd trespas, pleynt,
and sute, and alle the circumstaunces ther of, so that the seyd
arbitrement and ordinaunce of the seyd arbitratores, or ellys of the
seyd nounpier, were made withinne xl. dayes next folwyng aftyr the
jugement geven in the seyd pleynt.
And aftyrward, the Thursday next biforn Pentecost, the thrydde yeer of
the regne of the seyd kyng, at London, in the presence of the right
excellent, high and myghty prynce, the Duc de Gloucestre,[14.1] and by
hese commaundement, atte sute and instaunce of the seyd Thomas
Erpyngham, it was accordyd bytwen the seyd William and Walter that thei
schuld stande and obeye to the ordinaunce and award of alle the seyed
matiers of twenye of these iiij. persones, William Phelip, Knyght, Henry
Inglose, Knyght, Oliver Groos, and Thomas Derham, chosen on the partye
of the seyd William Paston, and tweyne of those iiij. persones, Symond
Felbrygge, Knyght, Bryan Stapilton, Knyght, Roberd Clyfton, Knyght, and
John of Berneye of Redeham, chosen on the partie of the seyd Water, and
elles the decree and jugement of a nounpier to be chosen by the same
arbitrores. The whiche William Phelip, Bryan Stapilton, Roberd Clyfton,
Oliver Groos, John of Berneye, and Thomas Derham, takyng up on hem the
charge of the makyng of the seyd award and ordinaunce by the assent of
the seyd Thomas Erpyngham, the Fryday next aftyr the feste of the
Assumpcion of Owre Lady, in the seyd thrydde yeer, at Norwiche, tokyn
ensurans of the seyd William and Walter by here fayth and here trowthez
to stande and obeye to here ordinaunce of alle the seyd matiers, and the
same day biforne noon, maden here full ordinaunce and arbitrement of
alle the same matiers in the chyrche of the Greye Freyrys at Norwich;
and aftyrward, up on the same award and ordinaunce mad, hadden a
communicacion ther of with the seyd Thomas Erpyngham; and aftyr the same
communicacion, the same day aftyr noon, the same ordinaunce and award
wretyn was red byforn the seyd arbitrores and the seyd Walter and
William, and examyned, agreed, and assented, and by the seales of the
same vj. arbitrores and the seyd Walter and William, was affermed and
ensealed and left in the handes of the seyd Sir Bryan, saveliche to be
kept in playne remembraunce of the seyd award and ordinaunce; the whiche
award and ordinaunce the seyd William was at all tymes redy to obeye and
performe, on to the seyd feste of Michelmesse, that the seyd Walter to
holde or performe the seyd award pleynly refused.
And where the seyd Walter, by jugement of the Chaunceller of Inglond,
the xvj. day of Jull’ the seyd thrydde yeer, was remytted to the kynges
prison at Norwich by cause of the seyd sute, the seyd Walter yede at
large owt of warde fro the seyd xvj. day of Jull’ to the seyd day of the
makyng of the seyd arbitrement and award, and fro that day in to
Michelmesse thanne next aftyr; the seyd William that meene tyme evermore
supposyng that the seyd Walter wolde have holde and performyd the sayd
ordinaunce, arbitrement, and award. And at the comyng of the right high
and myghty prynce the Duc of Norfolk fro his Castell of Framyngham to
the Cetie of Norwyche, aftyr the seyd day of the makyng of this
arbitrement and ordinaunce, and to fore the feste of Michelmesse than
next folwyng, the seyd Walter by hese sotill and ungoodly enformacion
caused the seyd Duke to be hevy lord to the seyd William. Where the seyd
William the tyme of the seyd enformacion was with Sir John Jermy,
Knyght, and othre of the counseill of the seyd Duk of Norffolk in hys
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk, thanne to hym falle [_fallen_] by
the deth of the right worthy and noble lady hys modyr, occupied abowte
the dwe service of wryttes of _diem clausit extremum_[16.1] aftyr the
deth of the seyd lady. And where as the seyd William Paston, by
assignement and commaundement of the seyd Duk of Norffolk, at hese fyrst
passage over the see in to Normandye, in the kynges tyme Henry the
Fyfte, was the Styward of the seyd Duc of Norffolk, of alle hese
lordshipes in Norffolk and Suffolk fro hys seyd passage un to the seyd
feste of Michelmesse; [And[16.2] over that as sergeaunt of lawe, thow he
be unworthy, withholdyn with the seyd Duc of Norffolk alle the tyme that
he was sergeaunt bifore the same feste of Michelmesse. And all be it
that the fees and the wages of the seyd William for hys seyd service
unpayed draweth a gret some to hys pouere degree, if the seyd Duk of
Norffolk lyked, of hys noble and plentifous grace, to graunte to the
seyd William, in right, ony part of the favour of hese good lordship,
the seyd William wolde evere be hys pouere and trewe bedeman, and evere
in hys herte thenke alle hys seyd service, and alle the service that
ever he dede to the seyd [Duke] of Norfolk, plentefeousely weell
rewarded.[16.3]]
And where the seyd Walter, the tyme of the seyd trespas and of the seyd
bylles makyng ne long to fore, ne never aftyr biforn the seyd comyng of
the seyd Duc of Norffolk to Norwich, ne no tyme hangyng the seyd sute,
ne the tyme of makyng of the said arbitrement and ordinaunce, never was
servaunt to the seyd Duc of Norffolk at fees, ne at wages, ne wythhaldyn
in hese service, ne to hym sued to be supported by hese high Lordship in
this seyd matier, to the knowleche of the seyd William, ne to no commune
knowleche, in the shyres of Norffolk, Suffolk, ne Norwiche; the sute
that the seyd Walter made for supportacion in this seyd matier was be
the meene of the seyd Thomas Erpyngham to the seyd Duk of Gloucestre, by
whose reule and commaundemente the seyd arbitrement and award was mad in
the forme aforn seyd. And not with stondying the seyd trespas and
grevaunce by the seyd Walter doon the seyd William, ne that the seyd
William ne is not satisfied of the seyd cxx^li., ne no peny therof,
and hath absteyned hym of al maner of execucion, sewyng of godes or
catelles, that by force of the seyd processe, or ony othyr, he myght
have had ageyn the seyd Walter or hese borwes [_sureties_], ne that the
seyd William hath suffred the seyd Walter to gon at large by long tyme
whan he myght have had hys body in warde in lawfull forme: The seyd
Walter, be billes in the too last parlementz holden at Westminster and
at Leycestre, and at divers tymes in divers other maneres hath noysed
and skaundered the seyd William ungoodly and othyr wyse than othyr
[_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde; and, overmore, caused the seyd
William orribly to be manassed of hys deth, betyng and dismembryng of
hys persone by certeyns servauntz of the Lordes Fitz Wauter and othre
persones, and by ferefull and overe felle lettres and sondes. Wherfore
the seyd William, nothyr hese frendes, ne hese servauntz in hys
companye, at here fredam sithen the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt
not, ne yet ne dar not rydyn ne goo abowte swyche occupacion as he arn
used and disposed, to here grete and unportable drede and vexacion in
here spirites, and gret harme and damage and losse of here pouere
goodes.
[Overmore,[17.1] the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet rigorously suethe a
wrytte of _decies tantum_[17.2] ageyns x. persones of the seyd
Inquisicion and ij. of the servauntz of the seyd William and iiij. othre
persones; supposyng by hese seyd sute hem to have taken of the seyd
William in hys seyd syte lxij^li [£62] and more of moneye. The whiche
sute of _decies tantum_ the seyd Walter, betwyx God and hym, knewith
verraly is untrewe. And also the seyd Walter hath sued, and yet persuyth
Adam Aubre, on of the seyd Inquisicion in the court of the said Duc of
Norffolk of hys manoir of Fornsete, by cause and occasion of the seyd
matiers, in whiche sute in the seyd court it is proceded ageyn the seyd
Adam in other maner thanne othyr lawe, conscience, or good fayth
wolde.[18.1]]
Overmore the seyd William, atte commaundement of the seyd Duc of
Norffolk, hath submytted hym to stonde to the ordinaunce of divers
persones of alle the seyd matiers: ones at Leyceetre, the Wednesday next
biforn Palm Soneday, the iiij. yeer of the regne of the syd kyng;
anothyr tyme at Reed clyf in Aprill the same iiij. yeer, aftyr the forme
of certeyns billes endented ther of made. The whiche submission, with
alle the circumstaunces ther of, the seyd William hath be at alle tymes
redy to obeye. The cause why the seyd Walter, by the seyd Englishe
bylles, and in othyr forme, putte and sette the seyd William, and hys
seyd clerkes and servauntz, in drede and fere intollerable to be slayn
and mordered, and to hem trespaced in the forme aforn seyd, was onely
for as moche as the seyd William was with the prior of Norwiche of
counseille in hese trewe defence ageyn the entent of the seyd Walter in
a sute that he made ageyn the seyd priour of a voweson of the chyrche of
Sprouston in the counte of Norffolk, wher to the seyd Walter hath nothyr
title suffisaunt ne right in no maner wyse by ony matier by hym declared
byforn thys tyme.
This scrowe is mad only for the informacion of the worthy and
worshipfull lordes the arbitrores; savyng evere to the maker the
benefice reasonably to adde and amenuse, his ignoraunce in swiche
occupation and defaute of leyser also tendrely considered.
[Footnote 12.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This paper refers to
proceedings as late as the fourth year of Henry VI., and
therefore cannot be earlier than 1426; but as it mainly relates
to outrages committed in the second year of Henry VI., _i.e._
1424, we have arranged it under that year.]
[Footnote 12.2: This word is omitted in the MS.]
[Footnote 14.1: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
England.]
[Footnote 16.1: These were writs issued on the death of a tenant
_in capite_ of the Crown, and directed to the escheators in the
different counties in which his lands lay, directing them to
inquire by jury what lands he held, and of what value, and who
was his nearest heir, and what was the heir’s age.]
[Footnote 16.2: Over this word is written ‘va,’ the first
syllable of _vacat_, showing that the passage is cancelled.]
[Footnote 16.3: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ Note 2.]
[Footnote 17.1: Here is written ‘va.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2.]
[Footnote 17.2: A writ against a juror who had been bribed, by
which the prosecutor could recover from him ten times the amount
of the bribe, dividing the proceeds with the King.]
[Footnote 18.1: Here is written ‘cat.’ --_See_ p. 16, Note 2, and
p. 17, Note 1.]
[[anoonpier also that same tyme named
_error for “a noonpier” with space?_]]
[[othyr wyse than othyr [_either_] gentilnesse or trowthe wolde
_bracketed gloss printed in roman (non-italic) type_]]
[[the seyd parlement at Leycestre durſt not
_anomalous long s in original_]]
[[ones at Leyceetre _text unchanged: error for “Leycestre”?_]]
7
WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN STAYNFORD[19.1]
_To my weel beloved John Staynford of Furnyvales Inne_.
[Sidenote: 1425]
The instruccion to comune of to John Robynson of Carleton bysyde Snayth.
To enquerre and wyte whether the stoon may be sawed or nought. Whether
it wille chippe or chynne or affraye with frost or weder or water.
Also that every pece of the stoon be iij. foote longe, and that xv.
tunne tyght of the stoon be every stoon weel bedded into the walle and a
foote thikke that it ryse in heighte a foote in the walle; and x. stones
of the stoan must be ii. foote broad, and at the lest a foote and an
half thikke. A stoon wil drawe the wighte of a pipe, as I suppose; the
gret stones and nought the smallere stones shuld be sawed, so that every
pece sawed shud holde the seid lengthe of iij. foote, and the seid brede
of ij. foote, and to be, after it is sawed, half a fote or lesse on
thikkenesse, and thenne the brode sawed stones shulde evere stond in the
werk betwen the seid weel bedded stonys that shuld ryse but a fote in
the walle and ben ankered iche of hem with other; and this werk shal be
strong j nowe, as werkmen seyn, and drawe but litill cariage. I wold
have swiche stoan a xx^ti tunne tight caried to Moneslee[19.2] in
Norffolk between Crowmere and Bromholm, and but a myle from Bromholm.
To reporte plein answere of this bylle writen and how sone I myght have
the seid stone caried to Monesle aforn seid, and for what price.
This werk is for a . . .
W. PASTON.
On the back is written, also in the Judge’s hand:--
‘Sount due a mon sieur Will. Bardolf de ses gages en les lyueres a
. . . de mon tres honneure seigneur le Count de Warrwick, capitayn
illeoqes, iusques al iiij.^e jour de febr. lan de Roy Henri Sysme
tierce, ccccxiii_li._ xvj_s._ x_d._ q^a.’
Below this is written in Fenn’s hand: ‘14 Feb^y 3 H. 7. 1487’
--a great misreading of the date.
[Footnote 19.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 213.] This letter appears
from the postscript to be of the year 1425, as Bardolf’s wages,
due on the 4th February in that year, had not yet been paid.]
[Footnote 19.2: Mundesley.]
8
NICHOLAS PRIOR OF BROMHOLM TO WILLIAM PASTON[20.1]
_A Will’ Paston soit donne._
[Sidenote: 1425 / JULY 5]
Dere Syre and weel be loved, I grete yow weel, and do yow to wetyn that
Dawn John Pastone was atte Norwiche on Munday last passed, and dede
settyn on Cryste Chyrche gates divers litteres, a lytyl tyme, and ij.
copiis wheche stondyn ther yet, for somounnyn me to the curt of Rome.
And we supposyn to have hym at Bromholm, or sum man in hys name wyth
inne a lytyl tyme; for dawn Robert of Yorke was atte Norwiche be
sendynge of my lady of Murlee, and spak wythe hym in hyre hous on Munday
afornseyd, and ther he told the forseyd dawn Robert that he wolde nedys
ben Priour of Bromholm, to levyn and deyin ther upon. Also he seyde, as
for the composissioun of Bromholm, he hadde do sherchyd att Clunye; and
ther inne he standyth clere as he seythe; and as for provisyoun, he
seyde he hadde spokyn wyth the Chaunceler and the chef Justyse and
Ascam, and thei demptyne hym clere as ther inne, and he seyth; and other
dowte is ther none inne be hys tale. And after this the forseyd dawn
John askyd obedience of the forseyd dawne Robert in my ladyis presens,
and dawn Robert seyde agayne he xulde noghte done that atte that tyme,
but he badde hym provyn owt hys purpos as for the composissioun and
provisioun to an hende, and than he wolde do hys dever to hym; and thus
he departyd. Where for, yif ony thing may be don whyl ye arn now atte
Londone for oure helpe and his lettyng, gode Syre, helpythe atte this
tyme if it maybe godely, we be seche yow. Dawn Thomas of Cane was atte
my lord of Norwiche for helpe in this matier, and he seyde he was
inhibytyd and alle hys clerkes be the curt of Rome in this matier, and
he seyde by yowre advys, yif it lyke yow, wryttes may ben taken agens
hym, and that is best remedye ther inne; j. [_one_] wrytte is _ne
ingrediatur manu forti_. The Holy Trinite have yow in governaunce.
Wretyn atte Bromholm the v. day of July,
_per_ NICH. PRIOREM DE BROMHOLM.
[Footnote 20.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 1.] This letter is
evidently of the year 1425. Comp. No. 10.]
9
ABSTRACT[21.1]
[Sidenote: 1425 / SEPT. 24]
Bill witnessing a concord made 24 Sept. 4 Hen. VI. between John
Kertelyng, clerk, general attorney to Sir John Fastolf, on the one part,
and Richard Boson, Esq., on the other, viz.: That Fastolf shall have in
fee-simple the manor of the said Richard in Castre called Bosons of the
gift of the said Richard before Easter next, and that the said Richard
shall have Fastolf’s manor in Titeleshale called Peekhalle, in
fee-simple, of the gift of Fastolf, paying to Fastolf £60 within the
next four years.
[Footnote 21.1: [From a Bodl. MS.]]
10
WILLIAM PASTON TO ----[21.2]
[Sidenote: 1425 / NOV. 5]
Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recommaunde me to yow, and thank
yow for the good, trew, and diligent labour ye have hadde for the matier
betwen the Priour of Bromholme[21.3] and his commoigne[21.4] apostata,
Johne Wortes, that namythe hym self Paston, and affermith hym untrewely
to be my cousyn. [I have many pouere men of my kyn, but so fals, and so
pouere,--but he was nevere of my kyn.][22.1] God defende that any of my
saide kyn shuld be of swyche governaunce as he is of! Maister John
Ixworthe told me that he hadde lettres fro a frende of yowres in the
courtt of Rome, that is of the seyd prioures counseill in this mater as
ye be, whos name I knowe nought, specifyeng that the seyd John Wortes
adversarius prioris desperat in causa et concordiam quærit. It is told
me sithen that the seyd John Wortes is in the cite of Rome, sacred a
bysshop of Irland, videlicet episcopus Corcagensis, wherby it is seyd
here that his pretense of his title to the priourie of Bromholme is
adnulled, and voide in your lawe. The seyd John Wortes, and a contreman
of myne in the seyd court, Maister John Urry, have sent me lettres,
wherof I sende yow copies and a trewe instruccion of the seyd matier
closed with this bille, the whiche lettres and the matier ther of me
semyth mervaillous and straunge. A prest of Norffolk, that spak with yow
in Julie or August last passed, told me that he yede with yow to the
cardinales hous, Trikaricensis,[22.2] to espie if any swyche processe
were sued ageyn me as the seyd lettres specifien, and that ye told the
same prest at alle tymes ther was than no swiche processe sued, ne had;
the whiche relacion I trust and beleve bettre than the seyd lettres.
I have, by advys of counseill, in makyng a procuracie _ad agendum,
defendendum, provocandum, et appellandum_ to yow and the seyd Maister
John Urry and the Wynsalaw (?) de Swysto; and also a general appelle,
the engrossyng of wyche the messager of this bill myght nought abide;
the whiche procuracie and appelle I shal sende to yowr persone,
tantummodo [cum pecuniis],[22.3] with moneye onward, on trust. My will
is, ye have the chief governaunce of this matier, and that this article
be counseille [_i.e._, secret]; wher upon I prey yow hertily to be
saddely avysed in these matiers, and, as nede is, so to governe hem by
your wysdom, that the seyd prioures estat and honeste, and myn also, to
yowr worshepe be saved; and that, in alle haste resonable, ye lyke to
sende me redes lettres of alle the seyd matier, and the circumstances
ther of, and who ye wil I be governed in this mater. I was nevere
somouned, ne never hadde tydynges of this matier but by seyd lettres and
other fleyng tales that I heve herd sithen, ne nevere hadde to do more
with the seyd John Wortes than is specified in the seyd instruccion. Al
myghty God have yow in His governaunce. Writen at London, the v. day of
Novembre.
Yowre frend unknowen.[23.1]
_A Instruccion and Information of the verray trewe matier betwen the
Priour and the Covent of Bromholm and the seyd John and me, as I am
enformed, and as I knowe touchant my persone and the_[23.2] ----.
[Sidenote: Ista litera missa non fuit.]
Right worthy and worshepefull Sir, I recomaunde to yow, preyeng yow to
wite that I have resceyved yowr goodly lettres makyng mencion that Sir
John Paston,[23.3] ut asserit, hath optyned me condempnyd to hym in
CCC[vij.][23.4] marcz and C._s._; and that the same John, atte
reverence of your right worthy persone, hathe cesed of his sute of
certeins processes ageyns me up on the seyd condempnacion, takyng
continuance[23.5] of the same matier unto Cristemasse next comyng; by
which lettres ye conseille me to make ende with the seyd John, ne
deterius inde contingat. I [s]end yow, closed with this bille,
[the][23.6] copie of un frendly lettre that the seyd John hathe sent to
me late, touchant the same matier. The seyd priour hath sent also to
yow, and to Mayster William Swan, whiche longe hathe be his procurator,
a procuracie for my person, and v. marcz of moneye onward. Wher up, in
the seyd prioures name, and in myn own also, I prey yow hertily to sette
al these matieres in continuaunce un to yowr comyng in to Ingeland; and
because ye arn here beneficed, owr cuntreman, and of worshepe and
cunnyng worthyly endowed, the seyd priour and his brether, and I also,
willen gladdely in these matieres be treted by yow; and if this mesure
be accepted, and we may have knowyng here ther of, it shall cause the
attemptacion of diverses matieres a geyn summe frendes of the seyd John
to cese. And if this continuance be refused, I prey yow, with al my
power, that of your wysdom and good discrecion ye wille, in the seyd
prioures name, and myn, defenden the seyd sutes, and alle other that the
seyd Johne sueth ageyn the seyd priour and me, in your best maner, and
to be of owr counseill in these matieres; and as ye lyke resonablely to
write to us, so we wil be governed in yowre rewarde, and al other
circumstaunces of the same matieres.[24.1] I conceyve by your seyd
lettres that the grece of the matier conteigned in the same ye have of
the informacion and assercion of the seyd John, and as he hath enformed
yow, I wot weel ye trewely writen; but I hope and trust verrayly the
matier of his informacion is untrewe [for he hathe no cause to swe to
me, ne I was nevre somouned ne cited].[24.2] The priour of Bromholm sued
ageyn the seyd John and other in Ingeland a wryt of _præmunire facias_,
and I was therin of the same prioures counseill as the lawe of Ingelond
and myn office willen, and more I have nought hadde to do with the seyd
Johne, and I can nought beleve that in this cas the same Johne myght by
your lawe any swich sute have ageyn me as your lettre specifieth. Also
William, the prest specified in yowr [letter],[24.3] told me that he,
after that ye told hym of this matier, lyke as yewrce (?), he comuned
with Maister William Swan, and he told the seyd prest ther no processe
in the courte ageyn me in no maner ----.[24.4]
The above two documents are from a corrected draft, written on one
side of a broad sheet of paper. On the other side is a long Latin
pleading, also much corrected, relative to the Abbey of Bermondsey;
prefixed to which are the following words, in the same hand as the
preceding letters:--
‘Sir, do writen ij. copies of this note in papier, wyde writen, and
gete a copie of the writte in the Eschekyr ageyn.’
The pleading referred to is in a different hand, and begins as
follows:--
‘Et prædictus abbas dicit quod ipse de præmissis domino Regi
compotum reddere non debet; quia dicit quod diu ante erectionem,
fundationem sive erectionem prioratus de Bermundeseye qui nunc
erectus est in prædictam Abbatiam, Willielmus Rufus filius Willelmi
Conquestoris nuper Rex Angliæ fuit seisitus de manerio de
Bermundeseye,’ etc.
[Footnote 21.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter, being
dated in November, was probably written before Nos. 11 and 12
which follow, though evidently very near them in point of date.
The chief evidence of the time when they all must have been
written will be seen in No. 12.]
[Footnote 21.3: Who this Prior was we cannot say, the list of
the Priors of Bromholm being very defective. Blomefield says,
that a Prior John has been met with in the 11th of Edward III.,
and Robert, in the 14th of Henry VI.--that is to say, in 1435 or
1436, just ninety-nine years later. Nothing is known of the
Priors between these dates, even by the latest editors of
Dugdale.]
[Footnote 21.4: ‘Commoigne,’ i.e. brother monk. The writer also
calls him _apostata_, _i.e._ a monk who has run away and
renounced his order.]
[Footnote 22.1: These words occur in the draft, but are crossed
out.]
[Footnote 22.2: Thomas Brancaccio, Cardinal Bishop of Tricarico.
He was made a cardinal by his uncle, Pope John XXIII., and is
said to have been a man of very bad morals.]
[Footnote 22.3: Interlined, and afterwards erased.]
[Footnote 23.1: Above these words, and in the place where the
signature might have been expected, occur these names, one above
another--
‘Thomas Abbas de Leyston, in Com’ Suff.
‘Ricardus Fremelyngham, concanonichus ibidem.’
They do not, however, appear to be connected with the letter.
The following words are also scrawled between this letter and
the next:-- ‘N. persona ecclesiæ de Testerton in Com’ Norff.
Gees Cuttyng. Joh’ persona ecclesiæ de Yermuth (?), Alicia
Gosloth (?).’]
[Footnote 23.2: _Sic._]
[Footnote 23.3: The title ‘Sir’ was at this time commonly
prefixed to a priest’s name.]
[Footnote 23.4: The ‘vij.’ is struck out.]
[Footnote 23.5: Contiañce, MS. here and after.]
[Footnote 23.6: Struck out.]
[Footnote 24.1: Here occur the following words, crossed
out:-- ‘Ferthermore, touchant my persone, I mervaille that the
seyd ---- Ferthermore.’]
[Footnote 24.2: Struck out.]
[Footnote 24.3: Omitted in MS.]
[Footnote 24.4: The draft here ends abruptly.]
[[fuit seisitus de manerio _text has “d emanerio”_]]
11
JOHN PASTON _ALIAS_ WORTES[25.1]
_Venerables et discretes persones les courtesans demorans en l’ostel
du Templebar en la cité de Londres, Mes treschiers et treshonnourés
seigneurs et amis._
[Sidenote: 1426]
Treschiers et treshonnourés seigneurs et grans amis, toutte
recommendation premise, plaisir vous soit de scavoir que je vous notifie
et avertich pour le present que Wilhelmus Paston le Sargant est
denunciés escommuniés, que plus plainement poes perchevoir per
Instrument que vous envoye. Et pour tant, mez treschiers seigneurs, que
je disire moult le salut de votre ames et l’onneur de cascun de vous,
comme faire le doy, affin que vous u [_ou_] aucun de vous n’ayes aucune
conversation u participation auvecquels le dit Wilhelmus, car il est
aggrevés a cloquettes sonans, et tant que pour faire cesser en touttes
eglises leur il voldroit aler. Mais jou qui suy homme d’eglise et sur
touttes choses desire et convoite l’onneur et le bien dou Royaulme, car
gy suy tenus, je ne envoye point pour le present les dittes aggravances,
ne ossi voillans faire si grand mal que poroye jusquels a che que j’aray
certaines novelles et responses comment li dis Wilhelmes se voldra
ordonner en mes affaires, car nous avons en le loy que nuls os
excumeniés ne puet et ne doit estre admis devant juge quelcunque. Mes
treschiers seigneurs, se aucune chose vo plaise que faire puisse, mande
le me et le feray de bon cuer. E le sancte Dieuls qui vous ait tous et
cascun de vous en sa sancte garde. Et osy, mes treschiers et
treshonourés seigneurs, plaise vous scavoir que encelle meyme cause li
dis Wilhelmes est redevaules et enquews envers moy, par sentence
diffinitive que j’ay obtenu pour moy, en mille deuls cens et trente
ducas, et que li dis Wilhelmes ne puet yestre jamays absols sy non qu’il
soit d’acort auvecquels moy. Escript a en la ville de Bruges le xxiij^e
jour de Jenvier.
JOHANNES PASTON,[26.1] en temps passé Priour
de Broholm, et pour le present evesquels
de Corkagen, le tout vostre.
[Footnote 25.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] William Paston, who is
here spoken of as a Serjeant, attained that degree in 1421, and
was made Judge of the Common Pleas in 1429. But a closer
approximation to the date of this letter may be made by
comparing it with that which follows, which is certainly much
about the same time.]
[Footnote 26.1: William Paston, as appears by Nos. 12 and 14
following, disputed this writer’s right to call himself Paston,
and asserted that his real name was Wortes. It is curious that
neither in the list of the Bishops of Cork, nor in that of the
Priors of Bromholm, is the name either of Paston or Wortes to be
met with.]
12
WILLIAM PASTON TO WILLIAM WORSTED AND OTHERS[26.2]
_A mez treshonnourés Meistres Will’m Worstede, John Longham, et Meistre
Piers Shelton soit donné._
[Sidenote: 1426 / MARCH 1]
Right worthy and worshepefull sires and maistres, I recomand me to yow,
and thank yow with al my herte, of the gret tendrenesse ye lyke to have
of the salvacion of my symple honeste, preying yow evermore of your good
continuance. I have, after the advys of your lettre, doon dewely
examyned the instrument by the wysest I coude fynde here, and in
especial by on Maister Robert Sutton,[27.1] a courtezane of the Court of
Rome, the which is the chief and most chier man with my Lord of
Gloucestre, and his matier in the said court for my lady, his
wyff;[27.2] and here aunswere is that al this processe, though it were
in dede preceded as the instrument specifieth, is not suffisant in the
lawe of Holy Cherche, and that hem semyth, by the sight of the
instrument and by the defautes [that] ye espied in the same and other,
and in maner by the knowelech of the notarie, that the processe, in gret
part ther of, is fal[se and un]trewe. I have taken advys of Maister
Robert Bruus, chauncellor with my Lord of Cantirbury,[27.3] and Maister
Nicholl Billesdon,[27.4] cha[uncellor] of my Lord of Wynchestre,[27.5]
and Maister John Blodwelle,[27.6] a weel lerned man holden, and a
suffisant courtezan of the seyd court, and all these acorden to the seyd
Maister Robert Sutton. Nought with stondyng that I herde nevere of this
matier no maner lykly ne credible evidence unto that I sey your lettre
and the instrument, yet I made an appell and a procuracie, and also a
provocacion, at London, longe biforn Cristemasse, by the a[dvys] of
Maister David Aprys, Maister Symond Kempston, and Maister James Cole,
and sent al this, with an instruccion of al the matier, w[ith] my
procuratours to Rome by your frere, my Maister Suppriour, and geff hym
gold that he was content: and, evermore, nowe here by advys I make this
day a newe appelle and a newe procuracion, and upon this alle the seyd
worthy men here seyn and informe me pleynly I have no maner cause in
lawe ne in conscience to drede aught in this matier. Myn
adversarie[27.7] is become Bysshop of Cork in Irland, and ther arn ij.
other persones provided to the same bysshopriche yet lyvyng, beforn my
seyd adversarie; and by this acceptacion of this bysshopriche, he hath
pryved hym self of the title that he claymed in Bromholm, and so
adnulled the ground of his processe ageyn me, and also the tyme of his
grevaunce pretendid, and the tyme of his sute he was _apostata_, and I
trowe is yet, and so unable to sue any swich processe. I purpose me to
come homward be London, to lerne more in this matier, if I may. I prey
the Holy Trinite, lord of your cherche and of alle the werld, delyvere
me of my iij. adversaries, of this cursed bysshop for Bromholm, Aslak
for Sprouston,[28.1] and Julian Herberd for Thornham. I have nought
trespassed ageyn noon of these iij., God knowing, and yet I am foule and
noysyngly vexed with hem, to my gret unease, and al for my lordes and
frendes matieres, and nought for myn owyn. I wot not whether it were
best in any sermon or other audience, in your cherche or elles where, to
declare aught of this matier in stoppyng of the noyse that renneth in
this case. I submitte me and alle this matier to your good discrecion;
and evere gremercy God, and ye, who ever have yow and me in His gracious
governance. I suppose to see yow on Palm Sunday. Writen at Leycestre,
the Friday the thredde wyke of Lente.
Alle the seyd lerned men telle me trewely ther is nother perill ne
doubte in the takyng doun of the instrument and the bille to no
creature. Which instrument and bille I send yow ageyn by the berare of
this, which I prey you to kepe as pryve as ye may.
Yowr man,
W. PASTON.
I have preyed my Maister Hammond to write yow tydyngges, and smale (?)
lesynges among.
[Footnote 26.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] About the year 1425 the
question of the validity of the Duke of Gloucester’s marriage
with Jacqueline of Hainault was before the Court of Rome. This
letter must have been written in the spring of the year
following, when Parliament was sitting at Leicester. The
original is slightly mutilated at the edge in one place.]
[Footnote 27.1: Prebendary of Lincoln, 1435-9. Died 1439.]
[Footnote 27.2: Jacqueline of Hainault, whom Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester, married, pretending that her former marriage with
John, Duke of Brabant, was void by consanguinity. The question
which of the two marriages was valid was at this time before the
Pope.]
[Footnote 27.3: Archbishop Chicheley.]
[Footnote 27.4: Dean of Salisbury, 1435-41. Died 1441.]
[Footnote 27.5: Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards
Cardinal.]
[Footnote 27.6: LL.D. Prebendary of Hereford about 1433, and of
Lichfield 1432-43.]
[Footnote 27.7: John Paston or Wortes, the writer of the
preceding letter.]
[Footnote 28.1: A lordship in Sprouston was acquired by John
Aslake of Bromholm in 14 Richard II., and seems to have
continued some time in that family. Blomefield notes that a
Walter Aslake, Esq. of Sprouston, had a protection in the 10th
of Henry VI., being in France in the retinue of John, Duke of
Bedford (Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, x. 462). Probably this was the
same Walter Aslak mentioned in No. 6 preceding. --_See_ p. 18.]
13
ABSTRACTS[29.1]
[Sidenote: 1426]
(1) _Capias_ against William Stayard of Great Yarmouth, late lieutenant
of Thomas Chaucer,[29.2] chief butler of Henry V., for debts to the
Crown.
(2) Release by William Steyard of Great Yarmouth, to Elizabeth, widow of
John Rothenhale, Knight, of all personal actions against her as her
husband’s executor. 7 April, 4 Hen. VI.
14
ABSTRACT[29.3]
JOHN PASTON _alias_ WORTES.
[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 1]
i. Draft writ to the Sheriff of Norwich to attach and bring before the
Council John Paston _alias_ Wortes and others for violation of the
statutes of Provisors 25 Edw. III. and 16 Ric. II., on the complaint of
John Brundale, prior of Bromholm that although he, Brundale, was
canonically elected prior, the said Paston or Wortes had crossed the sea
without royal license, obtained a provision of the said priory in the
Court of Rome, and got himself installed as prior, and the other
expelled. Also the said John Paston or Wortes, and John Gees,
a Carmelite friar of Norwich, Edmund Alderford, late of Norwich, clerk,
Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche, William Cuttyng of Worsted, clerk, John
Gees of Crowemer, merchant, and Ralph Gunton of Norwich, scrivener,
received the said instruments at Bakton, and put them into
execution.--Dated 1 Dec.
ii. On the back of the preceding is another draft writ of the same date
against the same parties for endeavouring to draw the prior out of the
kingdom by a suit in the Court of Rome.
The paper is endorsed--’S. (?) Billæ vis. Veneris prox. post diem
antedictum (?) Anno H. vj. v^to, et non necessario festinant’. Iterum
supervidendum.’
_Endorsed in a later hand_-- ‘Towchynge Sir John Fastolffes landes
in Norffolk and Surrye.’
[Footnote 29.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
[Footnote 29.2: He is believed to have been son of Geoffrey
Chaucer, the famous poet, and his daughter Alice married William
De la Pole, at this time Earl, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]
[Footnote 29.3: [From a Bodl. MS.]]
[[Barth. Waryn, parson of Trunche _text has “Barth,” with , for ._]]
15
ABSTRACT[30.1]
---- ---- TO WILLIAM PASTON.
[Sidenote: 1426(?)]
‘Dear and well-beloved Cousin.’ --Is in good health, but ill at ease,
being informed that she is in debt to Steyard for my lord’s debt, whose
soul God assoil, £7 and a pipe of wine. Knew nothing of it in my lord’s
life, except of 2 pipes for herself, and one for her mother-in-law, of
which she has paid 20s. Since my Lord’s death, Steyard has never asked
her for it. ‘For which time, as I was at Jernemouth abiding in the Frere
Carmes the time of the pestilence, his wife came unto me,’ asking the
writer to be good lady to him; and he asked no more then than the above
3 pipes. He asked no more last harvest when he was sick and like to die,
when John of Berneye was present. Thinks, therefore, his asking is
untrue. My Lord would have made me or some of his council privy to such
a debt. Hopes Paston, whom my Lord made one of his feoffees, will see
‘that ye and I be discharged anemps the King as for the debt of
Steyard.’ --Dated Castre, the day after the Conversion of St. Paul.
Addressed, ‘A mon tres cher et bien ame cousin, Will’m Paston soit
donné.’
[This letter is endorsed in another hand, ‘W. Paston, j. feoffatorum
et executorum Johannis Rothnale per lit’ Cz. (?)’ It seems,
therefore, to have been written by the Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir
John Rothenhale, whose name occurs in No. 13 in connection with
William Steyard of Great Yarmouth. She was the daughter of Sir
Philip Branch, Kt., and had been previously married to John Clere of
Ormesby. She died at Caister, the place from which this letter is
dated, in 1440; and by her will, which was dated at Caister, 16th
October 1438, she bequeathed all her goods at Ormesby to her son
Robert Clere, and all her goods at Horning Hall, in Caister, to her
son Edmund. --_See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, iv. 35, vi. 392, xi.
210.]
[Footnote 30.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
[[whose name occurs in No. 13
_corrected by editor from “No. 8”_]]
16
ABSTRACT[30.2]
[Sidenote: 1426-7]
Depositions on the ---- day of ----, 5 Hen. VI., by Richard Wyoth,
executor of Margery, daughter and heir of Edmund Bakon, touching the
manor of Gressam which Bakon purchased, _temp._ Edw III. After the death
of two brothers, Margery became sole possessor, and gave it to Wyoth and
other executors to perform her will, with proviso that Philip Vache and
Eliz., his wife, should have it during their lives, but that the
reversion of it should be sold, giving William, son of Robert Moleyns,
the first option of purchase. It was accordingly offered to him, but he
refused to buy. On the death of said Eliz., however, he bought the manor
for 420 marks, and held it two years, when Wyoth re-entered because part
of the purchase-money was unpaid. W. Moleyns’s wife, however, induced
him to accept security from Thos. Fawkoner, merchant of London, whose
daughter the said William agreed that his son should marry, when he came
of age; and it was arranged that meanwhile Fawkoner and Wyoth should be
jointly enfeoffed of the manor, which was to be given in jointure, if
the marriage took effect. The marriage did not take effect, and Fawkoner
re-entered upon the manor according to the enfeoffment, but paid Wyoth
nothing, till Thos. Chawsers,[31.1] Esq., a kinsman of the said Margery,
made him understand that Wyoth might enter on his own portion, and had
even a prior right to himself. At length Fawkoner sold his right to
Chaucers and Wyoth, and released the manor on security for the payment.
Wyoth then said he should have little advantage by the bargain, except
in having easy days of payment; ‘et quod dictus Thomas Chaucers, pro
bona voluntate quod (_sic_) erga dictum Willelmum Paston gessit,
episcopum Londoni de emptione ejusdem manerii per longum tempus
dilatavit, intentione ut idem Willelmus illud emeret si voluerit.’
17
ABSTRACT[31.2]
RAUF, Parson of Cressyngham, to WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.
[Sidenote: 1427-43]
Is he to deliver to John Halleman Paston’s evidences belonging to the
manor of Wodhalle in Pagrave, and under what form? Hopes to see him at
Norwich, on Tuesday or Wednesday after Michaelmas-day. Cressingham,
20 Sept.
On the back are written, in William Paston’s hand, some notes of a case
touching ‘Frater Kensale.’
[Ralph Wolman _alias_ Harple was incumbent of Cressingham from 1427
to 1460; but this letter could not have been written later than
1443, as William Paston died in August of the following year.]
[Footnote 30.2: _Ibid._]
[Footnote 31.1: _See_ Note 2 on page 29. _See also_ Blomefield,
viii. 127.]
[Footnote 31.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
18
ABSTRACT[31.3]
Mutilated Letter in French, from JOHN VAUX, Parson of Edythorp, to ----.
[Sidenote: 1426]
Only the right-hand half of the letter remains. Names mentioned--Richard
de Causton, William Coule. Date lost.
[John Vaux was Rector of Edingthorp in Norfolk, in 1388. His
successor was John Prentys, who was presented to the living in 1429
by the feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster.--Blomefield, xi. 29.]
[Footnote 31.3: _Ibid._]
19
ABSTRACT[32.1]
[Sidenote: 1426 / DEC. 7]
‘A grant of the Monastery of Bury to make William Paston, justice,
brother of the Chapter-House.’ Day of St. Ambrose 1429.
[The description is taken from an endorsement. The document itself
is printed in Yates’s _Bury St. Edmunds_, p. 156.]
[Footnote 32.1: [Add. Charter 17,226, B.M.]]
20
WILLIAM PASTON TO THE VICAR OF THE ABBOT OF CLUGNY[32.2]
[Sidenote: 1430(?)]
My ryghte worthy and worshopeful lord, I recomaunde me to yow. And for
as meche [as I] conseyve verrayly that ye arn Vicar general in Inggelond
of the worthy Prelate, the Abbot of Clunie, and have hys power in many
grete articles, and mong other in profession of monkes in Inggelond of
the seyd ordere. And in my cuntre, but a myle fro the place where I was
born, is the poure hous of Bromholm of the same ordre, in wheche arn
divers vertuous yongge men, monkes clad and unprofessyd, that have
abedyn there. . . . Abbyte ix. or x. yeer; and be lenger delaye of here
profession, many inconvenientez arne lyke to falle. And also the priour
of . . . hath resigned in to your worthy handes by certeins notables and
resonables causes, as it apperyth by an instrument, and a symple lettre
under the comune seal of the seyd hous of Bromholm, which the berare of
this hath redy to shewe yow, wher up on I prey yow wyt al my herte, and
as I evere may do yow service, that it lyke to your grace to graunte of
your charite, by yowr worthy lettres to the priour of Thetford in
Norfolk, of the seyde ordre of Clunye, autorite and power as your
ministre and depute to professe in dwe forme the seyd monkes of Bromholm
unprofessed. And that it lyke yow evermore to accepte and admitte the
seyd resygnacion by your seyd autoritie and power, wyth the favour of
your good lordshepe in comfort and consolacion of your pouere prestes,
the monkes of the seyd hous of Bromholm, and there up to graunte your
worthy lettres, wittenessyng the same acceptacion and admyssion of the
seyd resignacion, and al your seyd lettres to delyvere to my clerke, to
wham I prey yow to gyve feith and credence touchant this matier, and to
delivere it hym in alle the hast resonable. And I am your man, and evere
will be by the grace of God, which evere have yow in his kepyng. Writen
at Norwich the [33.1] of Aprill.
Yowres,
WILL. PASTON.
[Footnote 32.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is printed
from a rough draft written on paper, corrected in William
Paston’s own hand, and scribbled over, after his fashion, with
numerous other drafts and jottings on both sides. Some of these
occur upside down between the lines of this letter. At the head
of the memoranda on the back are the words, ‘In parliamento,
anno H. vj. viijº.’ from which we may infer the date to be at
least as early.]
[Footnote 33.1: Blank in MS.]
21
ABSTRACT[33.2]
[Sidenote: 1429-30]
A Memorandum, dated 8 Henry VI., that Sir Simon Felbrigge, William
Paston, &c., recovered certain land in Edithorp, Bakton, and
Northwalsham, against Richard, Abbot of St. Benet’s, Hulme, John Roys,
and others.
[Footnote 33.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
22
ABSTRACT[33.3]
ROBERT, LORD OF WILLUGHBY AND BEAUMESNIL, TO WILLIAM PASTON, ESQ.
[Sidenote: 1431 / JAN. 8]
Notifying that he has granted to Sir William Oldhall and Margaret, our
sister, his wife, for moneys which Oldhall has lent and paid for him at
need, an annuity of 120 marks on lands in Norfolk and Suffolk, in which
ye (William Paston, Esq.) stand enfeoffed, to our behoof. Pont de
l’Arche, 8 Jan. 1430, 9 Hen. VI.--_Signed. Fine seal, mutilated._
[Footnote 33.3: [Add. Charter 17,227, B.M.]]
23
ABSTRACT[34.1]
[Sidenote: 1432 / MAY 1]
Deed Poll, whereby Robert York, Prior of the church of St. Andrew of
Broomholme, and the Convent of the same place, grant to Sir Simon
Felbrygg, Knt., William Paston of Paston, and others, certain lands in
Bacton Wood, &c., 1 May, 10 Henry VI. (_Fragment of seal._)
[Footnote 34.1: [Add. Charter 14,313, B.M. (Dr. Turner’s
Coll.)]]
24
EDUCATION OF HENRY VI[34.2]
_Articles de Monsr. de Warrewyk[34.3] touchant le bon regime du Roy,
etc._[34.4]
[Sidenote: 1432 / NOV. 9]
For the goode reule, demesnyng and seuretee of the Kynges persone, and
draught of him to vertue and connyng, and eschuyng of eny thing that
mighte yeve empeschement or let therto, or cause eny charge, defaulte,
or blame to be leyd upon the Erle of Warrewyk at eny tyme withouten his
desert, he, considering that perill and besinesse of his charge aboute
the Kinges persone groweth so that that auctoritee and power yeven to
him before suffiseth him nought without more therto, desireth therfor
thees thinges that folowen.
Furst, that considering that the charge of the reule, demesnyng, and
governance, and also of nourture of the Kinges persone resteth upon the
said Erle whiles it shal like the king, and the perille, daunger, and
blame if eny lak or defaulte, were in eny of thees, the whiche lak or
defaulte mighte be caused by ungodely or unvertuous men, if eny suche
were aboute his persone; he desireth therfore, for the goode of the
King, and for his owne seuretee, to have power and auctoritee to name,
ordeigne, and assigne, and for cause that shal be thought to him
resonable to remoeve thoo that [shal] be aboute the Kinges persone, of
what estate or condicion that thei be, not entending to comprehende in
this desir the Stuard, Chamberlein, Tresoror, Contrerollor, ne Sergeantz
of offices, save suche as serve aboute the Kinges persone and for his
mouth.
_Responsio._ As toward the namyng, ordeignance, and assignacion
beforesaid, it is agreed, so that he take in noon of the iiij. knightes
ne squyers for the body without th’advis of my Lord of Bedford,[35.1]
him being in England, and him being out, of my Lord of Gloucestre[35.2]
and of the remenant of the Kinges Counsail.
* * *
Item, the said Erle desireth that where he shal have eny persone in his
discrecion suspect of mysgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to
be aboute the King, except th’estates of the hous, that he may putte hem
from excercise and occupacion of the Kinges service till that he shal
mowe have speche with my Lordes of Bedford or of Gloucestre, and with
the other Lordes of the Kinges Counsaile, to that ende that, the
defaulte of eny suche persone knowen unto him, shal mowe ordeigne
therupon as theim shel thenke expedient and behoveful.
_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.
* * *
Item, the said Erle desireth that, for sikenesse and other causes
necessaries and resonables, he may, by warnyng to my Lordes of Bedford
or Gloucestre and the Kinges Counsail, be and stande freely descharged
of the saide occupacion and besinesse about the Kinges persone, under
the favour and goode grace of the King, my Lordes of Bedford and
Gloucestre, and other Lordes of the Kinges Counsail.
_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.
* * *
Item, that considering howe, blessed be God, the King is growen in
yeers, in stature of his persone, and also in conceite and knouleche of
his hiegh and royalle auctoritee and estat, the whiche naturelly causen
him, and from day to day as he groweth shul causen him, more and more to
grucche with chastising, and to lothe it, so that it may resonably be
doubted leste he wol conceive ayeins the said Erle, or eny other that
wol take upon him to chastise him for his defaultes, displesir, or
indignacion therfore, the whiche, without due assistence, is not easy to
be born: It like, therfore, to my Lord of Gloucestre, and to alle the
Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, to promitte to the said Erle, and assure
him, that thei shul fermely and trewely assisten him in the excercise of
the charge and occupacion that he hathe aboute the Kinges persone,
namely in chastising of him for his defaultes, and supporte the said
Erle therinne; and if the King at eny tyme wol conceyve for that cause
indignacion ayeins the said Erle, my said Lord of Gloucestre, and
Lordes, shul do alle her [_i.e._ their] trewe diligence and power to
remoeve the King therfro.
_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.
* * *
Item, the said Erle desireth that for asmuche as it shal be necessarie
to remoeve the Kinges persone at diverse tymes into sundry places, as
the cases mowe require, that he may have power and auctoritee to remoeve
the King, by his discrecion, into what place him thenketh necessarie for
the helthe of his body and seuretee of his persone.
_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.
* * *
Item, sith the said Erle hath take upon him the governance of the Kinges
persone, he desireth that alle th’estates, officers, and servantz of the
Kinges hous, of what estate and condicion thei be, have special
commandement and charge yeven by my Lordes of Bedford and Gloucestre,
and by the Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that in alle manere thinges
seyn and advised by the said Erles descrecion, that is, for the Kinges
estate, worship, helthe, and profit, by his commandement and
ordeignance, thei be attendant and obeissant in accomplisshing therof.
_Responsio._ It is agreed as it is desired.
* * *
Item, for asmuche as the said Erle hath knouleche that in speche that
hath be had unto the King at part and in prive, not hering the said Erle
nor eny of the knightes set aboute his persone, nor assigned by the said
Erle, he hath be stured by summe from his lernyng, and spoken to of
diverse materes not behovefull, the seid Erle doubting the harme that
mighte falle to the King, and the inconvenientz that mighte ensue of
suche speche at part if it were suffred, desireth that in al speche to
be had with the King, he or oon of the iiij. knightes, or sum persone to
be assigned by the said Erle, be present and prive to it.
_Responsio_. This article is agreed, excepting suche persones as for
nieghnesse of blood, and for their estate, owe of reson to be suffred to
speke with the King.
* * *
Item, to th’entent that it may be knowen to the King that it procedeth
of th’assent, advis, and agreement of my Lord of Gloucestre, and alle my
Lordes of the Kinges Counsail, that the King be chastised for his
defaultes or trespasses, and that for awe therof he forbere the more to
do mys, and entende the more besily to vertu and to lernyng, the said
Erle desireth that my Lord of Gloucestre, and my said other Lords of the
Counsail, or great part of hem, that is to say, the Chanceller and
Tresorer, and of everych estate in the Counsail, spirituell and
temporell, summe come to the Kinges presence, and there to make to be
declared to him theire agreement in that behalve.
_Responsio._ Whan the King cometh next to London, all his Counsail shal
come to his presence, and there this shal be declared to him.
* * *
Item, the said Erle, that all his dayes hath, aboven alle other erthely
thinges, desired, and ever shal, to kepe his trouthe and worship
unblemysshed and unhurt, and maye not for all that lette malicious and
untrewe men to make informacions of his persone, suche as thei may not,
ne dare not, stand by, ne be not trewe, besecheth therfore my Lord of
Gloucestre, and alle my said Lords of the Counsail, that if thei, or eny
of hem, have be enformed of eny thing that may be or soune to his charge
or defaulte, and namely in his occupacion and reule aboute the Kinges
persone, that the said Erle may have knowleche therof, to th’entent that
he may answer therto, and not dwelle in hevy or synistre conceit or
opinion, withoute his desert and without answere.
_Responsio._ It is agreed.
CROMWELL.
H. GLOUCESTRE.
J. EBOR. P. ELIEN.
W. LINCOLN. J. BATHON., Canc. J. ROFFEN.
SUFFOLK. H. STAFFORD.
J. HUNTYNGTON.
The foregoing document is written on a skin of parchment docqueted
with the words printed in italics at the head. The following
memorandum is also endorsed-- ‘xxixº die Novembris anno undecimo
apud Westm. lecti fuerunt præsentes articuli coram dominis infra et
subscribentibus et ad eosdem Responsiones dabantur secundum quod
infra patet, præsentibus dominis infrascriptis.’ There are also
other endorsements, but of a later date.
[Footnote 34.2: [Add. Charter 17,228, B.M.]]
[Footnote 34.3: Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who died
in 1439.]
[Footnote 34.4: This title is taken from a contemporary
endorsement.]
[Footnote 35.1: John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, the
King’s uncle, brother of the late King Henry V.]
[Footnote 35.2: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Protector of
England, another uncle of the King, being the youngest brother
of Henry V. He was called ‘the Good Duke Humphrey.’]
25
DALLING’S PETITION[38.1]
[Sidenote: 1433(?)]
Prefixed to this document in Fenn is the following title:--
‘A Petition to the Commons of England against Sir William Paston,
Knight, a Judge of the Common Pleas, by William Dalling.’ This
heading, however, has been taken from a more modern endorsement. No
contemporaneous document, so far as I am aware, gives Judge Paston
the designation of knight, or speaks of him as Sir William. In this
petition itself he is called simply William Paston, one of the
Justices; and although his name occurs frequently on the Patent
Rolls, in commissions of the peace, of gaol delivery, and the like,
down to the year of his death, the word ‘miles’ is never appended to
it.
The original commencement of this document has been crossed out. It was
in these words:--
Plesit to the righte sage and wyse Communes of this present
Parlement, that wher every Justice of the Kyng is sworne that he
shulde not take no fees ne reward for to be of councell with noo
man, but oonly wyth our Soverayne Lorde the Kyng, and therto thei be
swore. And ther is oon Will’ Paston, one of the Justice of our
Soverayne Lorde in the Comene Place, taketh fees and rewarde.
On the back of the original document is written, in a hand of the
time, ‘Falsa billa Will’i Dalling, ad Parliamentum tempore quo Henr.
Grey fuit vicecomes ante annum terciodecimum Regis Henr. vj^{ti}.’
Henry Grey was sheriff of Norfolk in 1430, and again in 1433-4. The
Parliament referred to must either have been that of 8 Hen. VI.
(1429-30) or that of 12 Hen. VI. (1433), which sat till 21st
December. Probably the latter.
[Sidenote: 1434(?)]
Plese it to Commines of the present Parlement, that William Paston, on
of the Justice of oure Saverayne Lorde Kyng, takyth diverse fees and
rewardes of diverses persones withinne the shir of Norffolk and Suffolk,
and is with holde with every matere in the sayde contrees, that is for
to sey:--Of the Toune of Yernemuth, 1_s._ yerly; of the Abot of Seyn
Benetys. xxvj_s._ viij_d._; of the Prior of Seyn Feithes, xx_s._; ‘and
of my Lady Rothenhale,[39.1] xx_s_’; and of the Prior of Norwich, x_s._;
and of the Prior of Penteney, xx_s._; and of the Toun of Lenn, xl_s._;
and of the Prior of Walsyngham, xx_s._; and of Katherine Shelton,[39.2]
x. mrc. ayeins the Kyng for to be of hir councell for to destroye the
right of the Kyng and of his warde, that is for to sey, Raf,[39.3] soon
and eyer of John Shelton.
[Footnote 38.1: [From Fenn, iii. 14.]]
[Footnote 39.1: This sentence in the original has a line drawn
over it. She was a widow of Sir John Rothenhale, Knight, and
dying at Caister, by Yarmouth, in 1440, was buried in Norwich
Cathedral.--F. _See_ Nos. 13 and 15, _ante_.]
[Footnote 39.2: Catharine, widow of William Shelton, Esq., and
daughter of Simon Barret, was grandmother to Ralph, and died in
1456.--F.]
[Footnote 39.3: Sir Ralph Shelton, Knight, son and heir of John
Shelton, Esq., was born in 1430. He married Margaret, daughter
of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, and was High Sheriff of
Norfolk.--F.]
26
ABSTRACT[39.4]
[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 26]
Lease made at Castre, on Monday before Michaelmas 14 Henry VI., by
Geoffrey Walle, surveyor of the manors of Sir John Fastolf, to John
Rakesond, son of Geoffrey Rakesond of Ormesby, of a messuage of
Fastolf’s in Ormesby, called Reppes Place, etc.
[Footnote 39.4: [Phillipps MS., 9,735, No. 264.]]
27
ABSTRACT[40.1]
[Sidenote: 1435 / SEPT. 30]
A _vidimus_ or official attestation of two indentures relative to the
custody of the castle of Le Mans between Sir John Fastolf, governor of
Anjou and Maine, and captain of Le Mans under the Duke of Bedford, and
Matthew Goth [Gough] and Thomas Gower as his lieutenants. The first
indenture is for the quarter from 1st October to 31st December 1434,
the second for the three quarters following, to 30th September 1435.
A retinue is to be maintained of twenty-four lances and the ‘archiers de
la personne dudit Mathieu,’ viz., sixty mounted and fourteen on foot,
and 222 archers besides. Mounted archers to have 12_d._ a day, etc.
The document is authenticated by the _garde du scel des obligations de
la Viconté de Rouen_, on the 8th March 1448 (i.e. 1449).
28
NOTE[40.2]
[Sidenote: 1432-5]
Building accounts of William Granere, master of the works at Caistre in
11, 12, and 13 Henry VI.
[Footnote 40.1: [Add. Charter 17,237, B.M.]]
[Footnote 40.2: [Add. Charters 17,229-31, B.M.]]
29
JOHN GYNE TO JOHN PASTON[40.3]
_To the worthy and worshipful sir and my good maister, John Paston of
Trynyte hall in Cambrigge_
[Sidenote: 1435-6]
Right worthy and worshipfull sir, and my good maister, I comaund me to
yow. Like it yow to witte that on the Soneday next after the Ascencion
of oure Lord, in the high weye betwex Cambrigge and the Bekyntre toward
Newmarket, I fonde a purs with money ther inne. Th’entent of this my
symple lettre is this, that it please to your good Maistership by weye
of charite, and of your gentilnesse, to witte if ony of youre knowleche
or ony other, swich as yow semeth best in your discrecion, have lost
swich a purs, and, the toknes ther of told, he shal have it ageyn, what
that ever he be, by the grace of oure Lord, Who ever have yow in his
blissed kepyng. Wretyn at Sneylewell the Moneday next after the seid
Soneday. By youre pover servaunt,
JOHN GYN.
[Footnote 40.3: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 4.] Fenn has written on the
MS. of this letter the date ‘_circa_ 1435-6,’ which, I agree
with him, must have been about the time that it was written.]
30
WILLIAM PASTON TO LORD ----[41.1]
[Sidenote: 1436]
Paston recomaund hym to youre good lordeship, willyng with all his herte
to doo yow servise to his symple power. And as touching the maner of
Walsham he seyth that at your comaundement he wille be redy to shewe yow
and preve that the seid maner and all the vesture and crop therof this
yeer by trewe title in lawe and conscience is his owen trewly, bowth and
in gret party payed for, and that John Roys never hadde non estate in
the seid maner, but oonly occupied it by suffraunce of the seid Paston
and other feffes in the seid maner, and that be bargayn of the seid
maner th’estate that the seid Roys shuld have hadde in the seid maner
and in stoor therof shul have be condicionel to be voide and nought for
defaute of payement, and that the seid John Roys ne kept not his dayes
of the payementz, &c.; and that the seid William Paston, in the lyve of
the seid John Roys, for defaute of payment entred in the seid maner with
the seid the crop and the vesture of this yeer therof than therupon, and
that the seid John Roys never at noo tyme payed to the seid John Baxtere
sith the seid bargeyn, nother for the seid bargeyn ne for the dette he
aught to hym, more thaune an C. and xl. marcz, wherof he borwed ageyn of
the seid John Baxtere xl_li._; and over that he oweth and beforn the
seid bargeyn aught by his obligacion to the seid John Baxtere, of trew
dette of mony borwed, other xl_li._, and hath hadde and taken the
profitz of the seid maner by iij. hool yer before his deth to the value
of xxx_li._ and more, and that he receyved in his said bargayn of the
seid John Baxtere xl. marcz worth of stoor; the which iiii^{xx}li. of
dette and xxx_li._ of the profitz of the seid maner, and xl. marcz worth
of stoor, maketh the somme of Cxxxvi_li._ xiij_s._ iiij_d._ Wherof,
thogh the lawe wille it not, were abated, if conscience required it,
Cxl. marcz payed by the seid John Roys and x_li._ for the value of the
seid crop, over the value of the verray ferme of the seid maner for this
yeer, yet remanyneth dwe to the executoures of the seid John Baxter
liij_li._ vj_s._ viij_d._, and all the title and interesse of the seid
John Roys his heyres and assignes in the seid maner lawfully and in
conscience extincted and adnulled. Wher upon the said Paston lowly
besecheth your good lordeship that if it may be preved this mater be
trew that ye wille not be displesed thogh he desire to have his fre
disposicion of the seid maner.
On the back of this letter are the following memoranda:--
‘Hæc billa . . . . . . [testatur][42.1] quod Johannes Baxtere
vendidit Johanni Roys mesuagium suum [vocatum][42.1] Walccham place,
cum toto stauro ibidem vivo et mortuo in Bryanes, cum omnibus aliis
terris et tenementis suis, liberis et nativis, cum pertinentiis, ex
parte occidentali ecclesiæ North Walsham, et molendinum ventriticum
et mesuagium nuper Rogeri atte Hille, cum omnibus redditibus et
servitiis pertinentibus dictis mesuagio et tenemento ubicumque
fuerint in comitatu Norffolk, pro iijC. marcis et l. marcis; unde
dictus Johannes Roys solvit dicto Johanni Baxtere die Jovis proximo
ante festum Apostolorum Simonis et Judæ anno regni regis Henrici VI.
xij., C. m., et habet diem solvendi residuum, videlicet ad festum
Nativitatis Domini et festum sancti Michaelis proximo futurum xl.
marcas annuatim, quousque dictæ CCC. marcæ et l. marcæ plenarie
persolvantur. Datum die Jovis prædicto. Hæc prædicta de manu Thomæ
Whitewelle.’
Then after two further imperfect entries relating to the same
matter:--
‘Memorandum, quod licet esset concordatum quod W. Roys haberet
barganium, &c., quod, ut credo, non ita erit, tunc in festo
Nativitatis Domini anno regni regis Henrici VI. xvº debentur
executoribus de eodem barganio C. marcæ præter et ultra Cxl. marcas
per Johannem Roys in vita sua solutas et xl_li._ de antiquo per
dictum Johannem Roys Johanni Baxter debitas, videlicet per
obligacionem suam xxxv_li._ inde, et ex mutua sua obligacione v_li._
de Perey Noble (?), ut patet per papirum dicti Baxter, et ultra
xl_li._ per dictum Johannem Baxter post dictum barganium dicti
Johanni Roys per obligacionem . . . ejusdem Johannis Roys præstitas.
Memorandum eciam quod dictus Johannes Roys nec uxor ejus unquam
protulerunt aliquem denarium solvendum dictis . . . dicti Johannis
Baxter nec Willelmo Paston post mortem dicti Baxter. Set circa
Nativitatem Domini anno regni dicti regis xiiijº et in quadragesima
tunc proximo sequente uxor dicti Roys apud Paston dixit quod habuit
xx. marcas paratas ad solvendum. Et sic dixit Johannes Roys tempore
quo Domina Skales fuit apud Paston, videlicet ix. die Januarii dicto
anno xiiijº et sic omnibus temporibus quibus dictus J. Roys et uxor
ejus ut prædicitur dixerunt quod habuerunt xx. marcas paratas ad
solvendum semper fuerunt arretro xl_li._ absque dictis xl_li._ novi
debiti et xl_li._ antiqui debiti.’
[Footnote 41.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 140.]]
[Footnote 42.1: Mutilated.]
31
NOTE
[Sidenote: 1436 / MAY 19]
Fenn mentions an indenture, dated 19th May 1436, 14 Henry VI., and
signed by the Earl (afterwards Duke) of Suffolk, from which he has given
a facsimile of Suffolk’s signature. See vol. i. p. 36.--The original of
this indenture I have not met with.
32
ABSTRACT[43.1]
[Sidenote: 1438 / AUG. 18]
Sir H. Inglose notifies his agreement with John Topy of Wyndham, jun.,
in an action for trespass done to him at Stalham. Dilhams, Monday after
the Assumption of Our Lady, 16 Henry VI.
[Footnote 43.1: [Add. Charter 17,232, B.M.]]
33
JOHN WILLOUGHBY TO LORD BEAUMONT[44.1]
_To my ryght noble and ryght [dra]dde lord, my Lord Beaumont._
[Sidenote: 1432-40]
Ryght wursshipfull sire, my ryghte noble, and ryghte dradde lorde, after
dyw recommendacion to yowr reverens, please hit yow to know that yowr
lordesship luste to empointe me to abyde yowr noble avys touching the
landis of Latemer, which my Lorde Latemer holdith ate this day. My lord,
I muste, and owe of dywte, abyde yowre empoyntement, and shall; how be
hit I have be confortid to complaine me to my lordis and yow of the
grete wronge that I have. But, sir, y have soe verray truste one yowre
lordesship that I refuse all counsaille, abyding yowre empointemente and
rewell, as my diwte is to doo; byseching yow, my lord, to remembre yow
and compasse of yowre servaunt, and that ye lust of yowr grace to comyne
with my Lord of Salisbury, and to fele him in the mater, and as ye fele
him, hit please yowre lordesship I may have knowlege; and whate yowre
pore bedman may do to yowre plesire, I ame redy ate yowre comaundement
ate all howris, which knowith God, Hoe have yow, my ryghte noble lord,
in His blessid gouvernauns.
Write ate Broke, the v. day of Marche.
Your pore bedman and servant,
JOHN WYLUGHBY.
[Footnote 44.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
letter was the father of Robert, first Lord Willoughby de Broke,
who afterwards laid claim to the barony of Latimer, as being
descended from Elizabeth, sister and sole heir of John Nevill,
fifth Lord Latimer, who died in 1430. He was, however,
unsuccessful, as the title had been revived in 1432 by a writ of
summons to George Nevill, a son of Ralph, first Earl of
Westmoreland. This George died in 1469, and was succeeded by his
grandson, Richard Neville, then an infant of two years old, who
had summons to Parliament as Lord Latimer in 1492. The Lord
Latimer here spoken of seems to be George Nevill, and it is
probable that the letter was written between 1432 and 1440, as
John, Lord Beaumont, was created Viscount in the latter year,
while he is not so addressed here.]
34
AGNES PASTON TO WILLIAM PASTON[45.1]
_To my worshepefull housbond, W. Paston, be this letter takyn_
[Sidenote: 1440(?)]
Dere housbond, I recomaunde me to yow, &c. Blessyd be God I sende yow
gode tydynggs of the comyng, and the brynggyn hoom, of the
gentylwomman[45.2] that ye wetyn of fro Redham, this same nyght,
acordyng to poyntmen [_appointment_] that ye made ther for yowr self.
And as for the furste aqweyntaunce be twhen John Paston[45.3] and the
seyde gentylwomman, she made hym gentil cher in gyntyl wise, and seyde,
he was verrayly your son. And so I hope ther shall nede no gret trete be
twyxe hym.
The parson of Stocton[45.4] toold me, yif ye wolde byin her a goune,
here moder wolde yeve ther to a godely furre. The goune nedyth for to be
had; and of colour it wolde be a godely blew, or erlys a bryghte
sangueyn.
I prey yow do byen for me ij. pypys of gold.[45.5] Your stewes[45.6] do
weel.
The Holy Trinite have you in governaunce.
Wretyn at Paston, in hast, the Wednesday next after _Deus qui
errantibus_,[45.7] for defaute of a good secretarye. Yowres,
AGN. PASTON.
[Footnote 45.1: [From Fenn, i. 2.] This letter must have been
written some little time before the marriage of John Paston and
Margaret Mauteby, which seems to have been about 1440.]
[Footnote 45.2: Margaret, daughter and heir of John Mauteby,
shortly afterwards married to John Paston, Esq.]
[Footnote 45.3: Son of William and Agnes Paston.]
[Footnote 45.4: Laurence Baldware was rector of Stockton ‘about
1440.’ --Blomefield, viii. 49.]
[Footnote 45.5: Gold thread on pipes or rolls, for needlework or
embroidery.--F.]
[Footnote 45.6: Ponds to keep fish alive for present use.--F.]
[Footnote 45.7: The Collect for the Third Sunday after Easter.]
35
ABSTRACT[46.1]
[Sidenote: About 1440]
Draft Lease by Sir Simon Felbrygge; Oliver Groos, Esq.; John Berney of
Redham, Esq.; William Paston of Paston; Thomas Stodhagh; Roger Taillour
of Stafford Bernyngham; and Thomas Newport of Runham, executors of
Robert Mawteby and John his son, to Margery, widow of the said John, of
‘two parts of manors, &c.’ and the reversion, &c., which they lately
held along with Sir Miles Stapleton, Sir William Argenten, Sir John
Hevenyngham, Sir John Carbonell, Sir William Calthorpe, John Boys, Esq.,
and William Caston, Esq., now deceased, by deed of Robert Mawteby. The
remainder, after Margery’s death, is to go to Margaret, daughter of the
said John and Margery, and the heirs of her body; then to Peter Mauteby,
son of Robert and uncle of Margaret; then to Alianora, widow of Robert;
then to Alianora, widow of William Calthorp and sister of Robert
Mawteby, with reversion to the trustees to fulfil the will.
[This paper is addressed to John Berney of Reedham, and appears, by
an endorsement, to have been transmitted along with a letter of
William Paston. The date is fixed by the contents within pretty
narrow limits, for it is after the death of John Boys, Esq., which
was in August 1439 (Inquis. _post mortem_, 18 Hen. VI., No. 2), and
before that of Sir Simon Felbrigg in 1442 (Inquis. _p. m._, 21 Hen.
VI., No. 33). It is easy to see, in fact, that the document had
something to do with the marriage settlement of John Paston and
Margaret Mauteby, which was about 1440.]
36
ROBERT REPPS TO JOHN PASTON[46.2]
_A mon tresreverent et treshonerable Maister John Paston soit doné._
[Sidenote: 1440 / NOV. 1]
Salvete, &c. Tytyngs, the Duk of Orlyawnce[46.3] hath made his oath upon
the Sacrement, and usyd it, never for to bere armes ayenst Englond,
in the presence of the Kyng and all the Lordes, except my Lord of
Gloucestre.[46.4] And proving my seyde Lord of Gloucestre agreyd never
to hys delyveraunce, qwan the masse began he toke his barge, &c.
God yef grace the seide Lord of Orlyaunce be trewe, for this same weke
shall he to ward Fraunce.
Also Freynchmen and Pykardes, a gret nowmbre, kome to Arfleet,[47.1] for
to arescuyd [_have rescued_] it; and our Lordes wyth here smal pusaunce
manly bytte [_beat_] them, and pytte hem to flyte, and, blyssyd be our
Lord, have take the seide cite of Arflet; the qwych is a great juell to
all Englond, and in especiall to our cuntre.
Moreover there is j. [_i.e._ one] kome in to Englond, a Knyght out of
Spayne, wyth a kercheff of plesaunce i wrapped aboute hys arme; the
qwych Knyght wyl renne a cours wyth a sharpe spere for his sovereyn lady
sake; qwom other [_either_] Sir Richard Wodvyle[47.2] or Sir Christofore
Talbot[47.3] shall delyver, to the wyrchip of Englond and of hem selff,
be Goddes grace.
Ferthermore, ye be remembryd that an esquyer of Suffolk, callyd John
Lyston, recoveryd _in assisa novæ disseisinæ_[47.4] vij^c [700] marc in
damages ayenst Sir Robert Wyngfeld, &c. In avoydyng of the payement of
the seid vij. c. marc, the seide Sir Robert Wyngfeld sotylly hath
outlaywed the seide John Lyston in Notyngham shir, be the vertue of qwch
outlagare, all maner of chattell to the seide John Lyston apperteynyng,
arn acruwyd on to the Kyng, &c. And anon as the seide utlagare was
certyfyed, my Lord Tresorer[47.5] graunted the seid vij. c. marc to my
Lord of Norffolk, for the arrerag of hys sowde [_pay_] qwyl he was in
Scotland; and, acordyng to this assignement forseide, taylles
[_tallies_] delyvered. And my Lord of Norffolk hath relesyd the same
vij. c. marc to Sir Robert Wyngfeld. And here is greet hevyng an shovyng
be my Lord of Suffolk and all his counsell for to aspye hough this mater
kam aboute, &c.
Sir, I beseche recomende me on to my mastres your modyr, to my mastres
your wyff, and to my mastres your suster, _et omnibus alijs quorum
interest_, &c.
Sir, I pray you, wyth all myn hert, hold me excusyd that I wryte thus
homly and briefly on to you, for truly convenable space suffycyd me
nowt.
No more atte this tyme, butte the Trynyte have you in proteccion, &c.;
and qwan your leysyr is, resorte ageyn on to your college, the Inner
Temple, for ther ben many qwych sor desyr your presence, Welles and
othyr, &c.
Wretyn in le fest de touts Seynts, entre Messe et Mateyns, _calamo
festinante_, &c.
Yours,
ROB. REPPES.
[Footnote 46.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
[Footnote 46.2: [From Fenn, i. 4.] This letter was written in
1440, the year of the release of the Duke of Orleans.]
[Footnote 46.3: Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was taken prisoner
at the battle of Agincourt in 1415, and had never since been
released.]
[Footnote 46.4: Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, uncle of the King,
and before this time Protector.]
[Footnote 47.1: Harfleur.]
[Footnote 47.2: Afterwards Earl Rivers, father of Elizabeth,
Queen of Edward IV.]
[Footnote 47.3: Third son of John, the famous Earl of
Shrewsbury.]
[Footnote 47.4: _i.e._, in an assize of novel disseisin--an
ancient law process.]
[Footnote 47.5: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]
37
ABSTRACT[48.1]
---- ---- TO FRIAR BRACKLEY (?).
[Sidenote: About 1440 (?)]
Touching a suit of Reynold Rowse against William Burgeys. This suit was
instituted originally for 5_s._ 4_d._ of rent; but when Rouse found he
could not prevail by right, he maliciously sued the other for trespass
in having fished his water, and driven him away by force. He afterwards
got him arrested for treachery upon an obligation (_i.e._, a bond).
Burgeys complained to Justice Paston, who counselled him not to plead;
‘For zyf thu do, he seyd, thu xalte hafe the werse, be thi case never so
trewe, for he is feid with my Lord of [N]orthfolke, and mech he is of he
[_sic_] counsel; and also, thu canst no man of lawe in Northfolke ne in
Sowthfolke to be with the azens hym; and, for [s]othe no more myth I
qwan I had a ple azens hym; and therfor myn counsel is, that thu make an
end qwat so ever the pay, for he xal elles on do the and brynge the to
nowte.’
[This letter is mutilated, and in part defaced. It is addressed on
the back-- ‘Be this take to Mayster Brele (?) of the Greye Freres.’
Although the name seems to be written Brele, it was probably
intended for Friar Brackley of Norwich, of whom we have several
letters of a later period. The date must be between the year 1429,
when William Paston was made a judge, and 1444, when he died; and as
the name of Reginald Rows occurs in Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_,
ix. 441) ‘about 1440,’ this letter will probably not be far out of
its true place if inserted in that year.]
[Footnote 48.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
38
MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[49.1]
_To my worshepfull husbond, John Paston, abidyng at Petyrhous in
Cambrigg._
[Sidenote: After 1440]
Ryth reverent and worsepful husbon, I recomawnde me to zow with alle myn
sympyl herte, and prey zow to wete that there come up xi. hundyr Flemyns
at Waxham, quereof wer takyn, and kylte, and dronchyn [_drowned_] viij.
hundryte. And thei had nowte a be, ze xul a be atte home this
Qwesontyde, and I suppose that ze xul be atte home er owte long be.
I thanke yow hertely for my lettyr, for I hadde none of zow syn I spooke
with zow last of for the matyr of Jon Mariot; the qwest passyd nowte of
that day, for my Lorde of Norfolke was in towne for Wedyrbys
matyr,[49.2] qwer for he wolde nowt latyd pase off, for further (?) of I
kowe [_know_?] Fynch ne Bylbys makethe no purwyans for hys gode.
No mor I wryte to zow atte this tyme, but the Holy Trenyte hawe zow in
kepyng. Wretyn in Norweche, on Trenyte Sune day.
Yowr,
MARKARYTE PASTON.
[Footnote 49.1: [From Fenn, iii. 18.] The date of this letter is
uncertain. From the fact of John Paston’s residence at Peter
House in Cambridge, it would appear, as Fenn remarks, to have
been written early in his married life, and we know that he was
married as early as 1440.]
[Footnote 49.2: Probably Thomas Wetherby, who was Mayor of
Norwich in 1432-3, is referred to. He took offence at the
Aldermen and Commons of the city for not naming the person he
wished as his successor, and for some years afterwards showed
his hostility by instigating prosecutions against the city,
causing their attorneys to abandon their pleas, and so forth.]
39
SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO HENRY INGLOSE AND JOHN BERNEY[50.1]
_To my ryght wel belovyd cosyns, Herry Inglese and Johan Berney,
Escuiers._
[Sidenote: After 1440 (?)]
Ryght wel belovyd cosyns, I comaund me to yow. And please you to hafe in
knoulege that at whyche tyme ye were delyvered out of pryson by the
moyen of ij. prysonners that y delyvered yow, whyche, as ye know wel,
one was Burd Vynollys and the other Johan de Seint Johan dit Dolot, and
in lyke wyse I boughte anothyr prysonner clepyt Johan Villers for the
delyveraunce of Mautbye[50.2] Sqwyer, whyche mater ye knowythe welle.
And for as moche as my wrytynges that makyth mencion of that
delyveraunce of the said Mautbye be not in my warde, y pray you that ye
wolle undre your seelys certyffye me the trouthe how the said Mautbye
was delyveryd by my moyen. Y hafe found a cedule that makyth mencion of
that prysonner, of whyche I sende you a double, to be better avertysed
of the mater. And therfor, as my trust ys yn yow that ye sende me your
gode remembraunce in as goodly haste as ye may. And our Lord kepe you.
Wryt at Londone the v. day of November.
JOHN FASTOLF, _Chevalier_.
[Footnote 50.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] The date
of this letter is quite uncertain; but as Fastolf is believed to
have returned from abroad about 1440, we presume it was not
earlier than that year.]]
[Footnote 50.2: No doubt John Mauteby, son-in-law of John Berney
and father of Margaret Paston. _See_ Blomefield’s _Norfolk_, xi.
228.]
[[Herry Inglese _text unchanged: normal spelling is “Inglose”_]]
40
ABSTRACT[50.3]
[Sidenote: 1441 / MAY 7]
Letters Patent, dated 7th May 19 Henry VI., by which Richard, Duke of
York, Earl of March, etc., lieutenant and governor of France, grants to
his beloved councillor, Sir John Fastolf, an annuity of £20.
[Footnote 50.3: [Add. Charter 14,598, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]
41
ABSTRACT[51.1]
[Sidenote: 1441 / OCT. 14]
Sir Thomas Keryell, lieutenant of Calais, notifies that his servant,
John à Bekkes, mariner, master of his ship _Bonaventure_, has sold it to
Sir John Fastolf, and that he agrees to the sale. Calais, 14th October
1441. Signed ‘R. Wenlok.’ (_Fine seal, mutilated._)
[Footnote 51.1: [Add. Charter 17,233, B.M.]]
42
NOTE
[Sidenote: 1442]
A proviso occurs for William Paston and Robert and Esmond Clere in an
Act of Parliament 20 Henry VI., securing to them certain copyhold lands
with two mansions thereon in Paston and Edithorp, Norfolk, held by the
feoffees of the duchy of Lancaster, in exchange for other lands, called
Charterhold, with two mansions thereon, in the same places.--_Rolls of
Parliament_, v. 59.
43
ABSTRACT[51.2]
JOHN AND MARGARET PASTON.
[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 15]
Indenture tripartite, whereby Sir Simon Felbrigge, Oliver Groos, Esq.,
and William Paston, feoffees of Robert Mauteby, Esq., deceased, at the
request of Margaret, wife of John Paston, daughter and heir of John
Mauteby, son and heir of said Robert, and in consideration that the said
John Paston and Margaret now have issue a son, John, whereby John Paston
the father is by the law of England, for term of his life of the
inheritance of his said wife, ---- grant and confirm to the said John
Paston the manors of Mauteby, Sparham, Basyngham, Westbekham, Matelask,
and Briston, the manor of Salle called Kirkehalle, and the manor called
Fleghalle in Wynterton, Somerton, Ormesby, Martham, Horseye,
Waxstonesham, and Pallyng, and 100_s._ rent in Castre by Norwich and
Merkeshale, Norfolk; and the manor of Freton in Suffolk; with certain
reversions on the death of Eleanor, wife of Thomas Chambre, Esq.,
formerly wife of the said Robert Mauteby, Margery, wife of Ralph
Garneys, Esq., mother of the said Margaret, formerly wife of John
Mauteby, and of Edward Mauteby, Esq., and Thomas Mauteby, Esq., sons of
the said Robert. To hold to the said John Paston, with remainder to
Margaret and the heirs of her body; with contingent remainders in tail
to Edw. Mauteby, Thomas Mauteby, &c.
Dated Mauteby, 15 April, 20 Hen. VI.
[Footnote 51.2: [From a Bodl. MS.]]
44
ABSTRACT[52.1]
[Sidenote: 1442 / APRIL 20]
Grant by John, Duke of Norfolk, to William Berdewell, Esq., of an
annuity of 10 marks out of Stonham, Suffolk. Framlingham, 20th April 20
Henry VI.
[Footnote 52.1: [Add. Charter 17,234, B.M.]]
45
ABSTRACT[52.2]
ELEANOR CHAMBRE TO WILLIAM PASTON.
[Sidenote: About 1442]
Thanks him for what he did for her at Sparham at their last interview.
He then expected to have more leisure to attend to her affairs at London
after this Hallowmass, when he would ordain that she should have lawful
estate for life in the partition made ‘betwixt you and me, to for such
that was there for my husband and for me at that time.’ Begs him to do
it now, and deliver it to her brother, John Chambre, or her servant,
John Coke, the bearer. Sends the deed of annuity under her husband’s
signet and hers, which she must pay to Paston’s children.
Welouby, Sunday after St. Martin.
[Alianore, widow of Robert Mauteby, Esq., remarried Thomas Chambers,
Esq., lord of Sparham in her right, in 20 Henry VI. Her son, John
Mauteby, was the father of Margaret, wife of John Paston. --_See_
Blomefield, xi. 228.]
[Footnote 52.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
46
DEPOSITION AGAINST JOHN HAWTEYN[52.3]
[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 8]
Primo suggessit Sanctissimo Papæ mentiendo quod coactus et constrictus
[fuisset] metu parentum ordinem[52.4] intrare; secundo quod in
insufficienti et prohibita ætate et in eodem ordine invite esset
professus; Et tertio, quod ita fuerat invallatus et inclusus in ordinis
arctitudine ut sibi tempus opportunum exeundi acquirere nequiret. Contra
quæ sic depono, non per ficta et fantastice ymaginata, sed per visa et
audita a fide dignis denunciata. Et primo, contra primum articulum,
viz., quod metu parentum etc. quia, ut asserunt fide media quam plures
fide digni quorum nomina perlongum esset enarrare, quod alter parentum,
suple pater, neci submersionis suffocatus fuerat in Themisia diu
antequam ordinem ingressus est prænotatus Johannes; ergo, dissonum
videtur quod metu parentum ingressus est, sed tantum alterius parentis.
Secundo, contra secundum articulum, scilicet quod ex insufficienti etc.,
quia per vere visa et audita a fide dignis personis contra illud
testimonium perhibere volentibus verum est asserere quod xiiij^cim
annorum fuerat ætatis antequam indutus esset; quod sic evidet, quia
natus erat in Swapham Markett, in loco qui Delgate dicitur, ubi parentes
ejus commorabantur, quando primo intraverant villam antedictam pro
annuali stipendio dato Thomæ Delgate, cujus erat ipsa mansio, et istud
ad testimonium Adæ Ram, Roberti Sergaunte, Agnetis Ymay commatris[53.1]
sæpedicti Johannis Hawteyn et Katerinæ Gannok, uxoris compatris[53.1]
Johannis Hawteyn prædicti, viz. Johannis Gannok qui obiit anno Domini
mccccxxxiiijº. Istis transactis, parentes dicti Johannis, viz. Haymundus
Hawteyn, pater ejus, et Claricia Hawteyn mater ejus, conjunctim emerunt
mansionem in eadem villa, viz. Swapham Markett, a Martino Waron anno
regni Regis Ricardi Secundi post conquestum xxijº, quod datum, suple
Regis Ricardi, præcessit nativitas Johannis Hawteyn in Delgate per
testimonia præallegata. De facili ergo, probatur quod sit ætatis annorum
xliiijºr ad minus, enumerando a xxijº anno regni Regis Ricardi Secundi
post conquestum usque ad annum xxj^m Henrici Sexti.
* * *
Omnia in hac cedula quo ad Hawteyn dicta fuerunt Jacobo Gresham viijº
die Septembris anno Regis Henrici vj^ti xxijº, prout scribuntur. Frater
Johannes Alburugh dicit quod hoc medio intravit Johannes Hawteyn in
ordinem. Circa xij. annum ætatis suæ missus fuit London’ essend’ cum
quodam Thoma Brown modo apprenticii; quod actum fuit, quodque sibi non
bene complacuit, et cucurrit ad Fratres et dixit quod fuit nepos
Alburugh, et ea de causa Reverendus Magister Walden[54.1] interrogavit
eum si vellet esse frater, et dixit quod vellet et humiliter rogavit ex
caritate. Et veraciter scit quod fuit ætatis xiiij. annorum et amplius
tempore professionis suæ et moram traxit ibidem per iij. vel iiij.
annos. Et postea fuit apud Maldon per duos annos, et ab illo loco exiit.
Deinde captus et Norwico incarceratus per dimidium annum. Et postea in
domo de Blakney per iiijºr annos mansit, et ibidem fuit terminarius et
hospes; et cucurrit ab inde cum vestibus officii de domo hospicii
furtive et cepit librum (?) Alburugh avunculi sui et canciavit illum
apud Aylesham pro iiij. marcis et dimidia, quas dictus Alburugh solvit
pro libro rehabendo.
Et addidit idem Johannes Hawteyn vel Alburugh frater et avunculus dicti
Johannis Hawteyn quod Johannes Hawteyn apostata fuit natus apud Swafham
Market circa iiij. annum post transitum patris sui a Scheryngton usque
Swafham. Et dicit quod Robertus frater ejus fuit pluris ætatis quam
Johannes fuit per iiijºr annos, et dictus Robertus fuit natus apud
Scherynton.
Et serviens Daubeney dicit quod Hamond Hawteyn transivit a Scheryngton
usque Swafham tempore quo Thomas Erpyngham custodivit Regem R. in Turre
London.[54.2]
Stephanus Plattyng de Aylesham pro vero dicit quod ad Festum
Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ anno regni Regis Henrici vj^ti xxjº elapsi
fuerunt xxviijº anni postquam ipse primo habitavit in dicta villa de
Aylesham; quo tempore Claricia quæ fuit uxor Hamonis Hawteyn fuit vidua
et commorans in messuagium nunc Johannis Draper de Aylesham, et postea
nupta fuit Petro Fysch, cæco, qui insimul vixerunt vj. vel vij. annos,
et post obitum dicti Petri dicta Claricia cepit in virum Willelmum
Punyant de Aylesham. Et ad dictum festum Purificationis Beatæ Mariæ
dicto anno xxjº dicti Ponyant et Claricia insimul in matrimonio
cohabitaverunt per xxij. annos. Hoc de Pounyant cum Claricia affirmant.
Et dicit idem Ponyant quod frater Johannes Hawteyn professus fuit post
matrimonium inter ipsum et præfatam Clariciam et quod ipse ad ultimum
exitum suum de ordine prædicto dimisit capam suam in domo dicti Ponyant
apud Aylesham.
Willelmus Barbour dicit quod quo ad nativitatem Johannis Hawteyn penitus
ignorat, sed dicit quod habet quendam (_sic_) filiam ætatis xliiijºr
annorum, et ultra vel circa, et dicit quod Johannes Hawteyn est talis
ætatis. Et dicit quod Tiphania soror Hawteyn est manens in villa ultra
London vocata Hawehunte, sed in quo comitatu ignorat.
This paper is endorsed, ‘Hauteyn, Oxened.’
[Footnote 52.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
[Footnote 52.4: The Order of Carmelites. --_See_ Note 1 on page
54.]
[Footnote 53.1: _Compater_ and _commater_ (in French _compère_
and _commère_) correspond in meaning to the old English word
_gossip_, _i.e._ god-sib, or related in baptism--generally
applied to godfathers and godmothers.]
[Footnote 54.1: The celebrated Thomas Netter of Walden,
provincial of the Carmelite order in England; a great opponent
of Wycliffe.]
[Footnote 54.2: Richard II. was committed to the Tower in 1399,
just before his formal resignation of the crown.]
47
MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[55.1]
_To my rygth worchepful husbond, John Paston, dwellyng in the Inner
Temple at London, in hast._
[Sidenote: 1443 / SEPT. 28]
Ryth worchipful hosbon, I recomande me to yow, desyryng hertely to her
of yowr wilfar, thanckyng God of yowr a mendyng of the grete dysese that
ye have hade; and I thancke yow for the letter that ye sent me, for be
my trowthe my moder and I wer nowth in hertys es fro the tyme that we
woste of yowr sekenesse, tyl we woste verely of your a mendyng. My moder
be hestyd a nodyr ymmage of wax of the weytte of yow to oyer Lady of
Walsyngham, and sche sent iiij. nobelys to the iiij. Orderys of Frerys
at Norweche to pray for yow, and I have be hestyd to gon on pylgreymmays
to Walsingham, and to Sent Levenardys[55.2] for yow; be my trowth I had
never so hevy a sesyn as I had from the tyme that I woste of yowr
sekenesse tyl I woste of yowr a mendyng, and zyth myn hert is in no
grete esse, ne nowth xal be, tyl I wott that ze ben very hal. Your
fader[56.1] and myn was dysday sevenyth [_this day se’nnight_] at
Bekelys for a matyr of the Pryor of Bromholme, and he lay at Gerlyston
that nyth, and was ther tyl it was ix. of the cloke, and the toder day.
And I sentte thedyr for a goune, and my moder seyde that I xulde have
dan [_then_], tyl I had be ther a non, and so thei cowde non gete.
My fader Garneyss[56.2] senttee me worde that he xulde ben her the nexch
weke, and my emme [_uncle_] also, and pleyn hem her with herr hawkys,
and thei xulde have me hom with hem; and so God help me, I xal exscusse
me of myn goyng dedyr yf I may, for I sopose that I xal redelyer have
tydyngys from yow herr dan I xulde have ther. I xal sende my modyr a
tokyn that sche toke me, for I sopose the time is cum that I xulde
sendeth her, yf I kepe the be hest that I have made; I sopose I have
tolde yow wat it was. I pray yow hertely that [ye] wol wochesaf to sende
me a letter as hastely as ze may, yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow, and
that ye wollen wochesaf to sende me worde quowe your sor dott. Yf I
mythe have had my wylle, I xulde a seyne yow er dystyme; I wolde ye wern
at hom, yf it wer your ese, and your sor myth ben as wyl lokyth to her
as it tys ther ze ben, now lever dan a goune zow [_though_] it wer of
scarlette. I pray yow yf your sor be hol, and so that ze may indur to
ryde, wan my fader com to London, that ze wol askyn leve, and com hom
wan the hors xul be sentte hom a zeyn, for I hope ze xulde be kepte as
tenderly herr as ze ben at London. I may non leyser have to do wrytyn
half a quarter so meche as I xulde sey [_say_] to yow yf I myth speke
with yow. I xall sende yow a nothyr letter as hastely as I may. I thanke
yow that ze wolde wochesaffe to remember my gyrdyl, and that ze wolde
wryte to me at the tyme, for I sopose that wrytyng was non esse for yow.
All myth God have yow in his kepyn, and sende yow helth. Wretyn at
Oxenede, in ryth grete hast, on Sent Mikyllys Evyn.
Yorys,
M. PASTON.
My modyr grette yow wel, and sendyth yow Goddys blyssyng and hers; and
sche prayeth yow, and I pray yow also, that ye be wel dyetyd of mete and
drynke, for that is the grettest helpe that ye may have now to your
helthe ward. Your sone[57.1] faryth wel, blyssyd be God.
[Footnote 55.1: [From Fenn, iii. 20.] This letter was written
after the birth of John Paston’s eldest son, who was born in
1442, and cannot be later than 1443, as William Paston, who is
mentioned, died in August of the year following.]
[Footnote 55.2: St. Leonard’s Priory, Norwich.]
[Footnote 56.1: William Paston.]
[Footnote 56.2: Perhaps her godfather. The family of Garneys
were Lords of Gelderstone, the place called by Margaret Paston
Gerlyston, a few lines above.]
[Footnote 57.1: Almost certainly his eldest son, John,
afterwards Sir John Paston.]
[[yf wryhyn be non dysesse to yow
_text unchanged: error for “wrytyn”?_]]
48
ABSTRACT[57.2]
LAND IN PASTON.
[Sidenote: 1443 / OCT. 17]
Warrant to Sir Roger Frenles, Knight, Chief Steward of the Duchy lands
in Norfolk and other counties, and Sir Thomas Tudenham, particular
Steward of the lordship and manor of Gymyngham, to demise (_dimittere et
tradere_) to the undertenants (_bassis tenentibus_) specified in an act
of Parliament, certain charterhold land in Paston and Edithorp granted
to the King by William Paston, Robert Clere, and Edmund Clere in
exchange for certain parcels of copyhold land, in accordance with an act
of the last Parliament holden at Westminster. The copyhold land granted
to them consisted of 36½ acres 9 perches 1½ qr. of a perch and 1 pekke
of land, pasture, heath, and marsh, with two houses built on certain
parcels thereof, with ¼ of a rood of waste land [not belonging to the
Duchy?] in Paston; and it was given in recompense for 36½ acres 26½
perches and half a quarter of a perch, half a ‘pekke’ and one ‘naylle’
of land, pasture, and heath, called ‘Chartrehold,’ with two houses built
on certain parcels thereof, in Paston and Edithorp, which are to be
annexed to the Duchy. These parcels are specified in an inquisition
dated 18 May 18 Hen. VI., remaining in the treasury of the Duchy, which
was taken by virtue of letters of the Cardinal to Lord Bardolf and
others.
17 Oct. 22 Hen. VI.
[Footnote 57.2: [From the Chancery Roll of the Duchy of
Lancaster, 22 Hen. VI., Y. 2 c., No. 79.]]
49
WILLIAM PASTON AND WILLIAM JOYE[58.1]
[Sidenote: 1444]
Hec sunt hostilmenta et vutensilia domus, bona et catalla, que Willelmus
Paston, in indentura presentibus annexa nominatus, tradidit et dimisit
Willelmo Joye in eadem indentura nominato, secundum formam ejusdem
indenture, ex communi assensu eorundem Willelmi et Willelmi, per
Robertum Gynne, Johannem Albon de Paston et alios appreciata, assignata
et specificata, modo subsequenti, videlicet: tres equi precii quinque
marcarum; quatuor vacce, quelibet precii vij_s._ vj_d._; una juvenca
brendyt precii v_s._; unus tauriculus, precii iiij_s._; una juvencula
dowet precii iij_s._; due sues, quelibet precii iij_s._ iiij_d._; tres
porculi, quilibet precii xvj_d._; tres porcelli, quilibet precii
xij_d._; quatuor alii porcelli, quilibet precii viij_d._; una carecta,
precii vj_s._ viij_d._; apparatus carette, videlicet una sella, unum par
des stroppys; duo paria dez trayses, precii ij_s._; due caruce cum les
hokys et stappilles; unum par rotarum; due herpice, precii v_s._;
quatuor paria dez trayses ad aratrum, precii viij_d._; due furse fimose,
precii vj_d._; una vanga, precii iij_d._; unus tribulus, precii iij_d._
Hec sunt blada et alia hostilmenta et utensilia domus, bona et catalla,
per predictum Willelmum Paston predicto Willelmo Joye secundum formam
dicte indenture similiter dimissa et non appreciata, videlicet: sex
quarteria frumenti; xxv. quarteria ordei; viij. quarteria avenarum;
quidam tassus pisarum in fine australi antique grangie messuagii
predicti, qui est altitudinis iij. virgarum et iij. quarteriorum unius
virge, et quidam alius tassus vescarum in boriali fine ejusdem grangie,
altitudinis iij. virgarum et j. quarterii unius virge; qui quidem duo
tassi fuerunt vesture xij. acrarum et dimidii, et dimidii rode terre;
iij. vasa vocata Kelerys; j. Gilyngsat; iiij. stondes pro servitio; j.
stonde in coquina; ij. patelle cum ligaminibus ferreis; j. parva patella
cum ligamine ferreo; j. magna olla ennea [_ænea_]; alia olla ennea
minor; j. parva olla ennea; j. tabula; j. par des trostelles; j. longum
hostium jacens in boteria; j. par des trestelles, j. trow, ij. bolles,
j. morter, j. thede, j. temse, j. mashsterell, j. tankard cum ligamine
ferreo; j. bultyngpoke, j. magna trow pro farina, cista pro farina, j.
fleshoke, j. tripes ferreum, j. veru ferreum; j. aunderun, j. par de
tongys, j. lach’gres ennua, j. seturis, j. magnum lavacrum pendens, j.
kynderkyn, ij. soos leeke, j. par de belwes, j. magnum planke super
mensam coquine hargour; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; iij. sauserys de
pewter; iij. perapsides; iij. disci; j. magnus discus, vj. sissorn, iij.
ciphi de ligno, j. chayer; duo longa scanna, j. scannum mediocre
longitudinis; ij. scanna vocata buffet stoles; ij. bankar; j. gladius,
ij. ferra vocata aplates; j. chirne; j. chyrnyng staf; j. curta falx; j.
candelabrum ferreum; j. parvum salerium; j. beryngsceppes, unum par dez
pepyrquens, ij. uteri, j. cadus cum vergous; j. parva cista in boteria;
j. selura supra servisiam; j. metesetell; j. pykforke; iij. longa
bordclothis; j. towayll, j. san . . . et j. walet pro autumpno; j.
lucerna; ij. vomeri et ij. cultri que ponderant xvij. li. et dim.; j.
carectula, Anglice, a carre; j. sunvectorium (?); ij. novi rowintrees et
j. curtum lignum in le carthows; ij. veteres bige; j. par rotarum
ferratarum; ij. kemell cum hopys ferreis; j. frena, j. pelvis; viij.
sacci; iiij. longa ligna fraxinora in pistrina; j. fetyrlok.
_In dorso_--
Summa catall’ infrascriptorum et appreciat’, v_li._ 19_s._ 8_d._
Summa granorum infrascriptorum ultra persas (?) et vesias,
iiij_li._ xviij_s._ iiij_d._
Quarterium frumenti ad iiij_s._, quarterium ordei ij_s._
iiij_d._, et querterium avenarum ad ij_s._
Item, vestura xij. acrarum et di., et di. rod. pisarum et vescar’.
Item, dicta vestura piseii et vescar. ad l_s._, lacr’ ad iiij_s._
de xij. acr’ et di. rod. non lax.
Summa totalis, xiiij_li._ viij_s._
[Footnote 58.1: [From Douce Charters in Bibl. Bodl., No. 18.]]
50
OXNEAD AND FRIAR HAWTEYN[60.1]
[Sidenote: 1443-9]
This day at x. of the clok Edmund Paston and the parson of Oxened went
owth of the Manor doun to Wantown Gapp, for thei herd tydynges that the
freyr[60.2] was comyng; and with the seyd frier came John Cates and on
Whalter Herman of Wheytte, and Wylliam Yemmys of Burgh, the frieres man.
And Edmund Paston seyd to John Cates Welcome, and he askyd hem what
here[60.3] cause was in commyng. The Frier seyd he cam for to speke with
the gode lady, and Edmund seyd that he shuld speke with her. At this
tyme sche was so ocupied he myth not speke with her. And he seyd that he
shuld assay; and he cam redyng fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate; and
there he lyted and knokkyd on the gate; and we folwyd as yarn as we
myth; and ther was with in John Jaallere and John Edmundes, and asked
the friere what he wold; and he seyd that he wuld comyn inne for to
speke with the gode ladi of the hows. And thei seyd nay, he shuld not
come in. And than cam on Edmund Paston and the parson, and asked hym
what was cause of his comyng at this tyme. And he seyd for to entre in
the maner of Oxened, the which his fader was possessid of and his
auncestres from kyng Edward the thred on to Colbys tyme, and that he had
fownd a tayll ther of in the kynges bokes. And than Edmund Paston
answeryd hym and seyd that it wher best declaryng of his evydence in
Westminster hall. And he seyd a geyn, so he shuld whan he myth. And he
seyd to hem that come with hym, ‘Serys, I chargge yow ber record how
that I am kept owth with stronge hand, and may not take poscession.’ And
evyn forth with he presyd to the gate ward to a leyd hand on the gate.
And than the seyd Edmund put hym fro the gate and seyd, ‘Ne wer for
reverence of thy lord and myn, and thow leyst any hand on the gate I
xall sey thye hert blod or thow myn.’ And than the seyd frier seyd
scornfully that he myth thanke his mayster. And than the seyd Edmund
seyd that he myth sey his lord ryght wele; and than he stowpyd doun and
toke up herd and delivered to his man, seying to hem that come with hym,
‘I charge yow all of the kynges behalffe ye bere record that I take here
poscession of myn inheritance.’ And Edmund seyd that this takyng of
poscession skylled nowgt. And than the friere seyd that sen he myth not
have it nowe, he shuld come a geyn a nothir tyme. Edmund is rede forth
to Heydon. It was told us this afternon that ther wer iij. men come fro
Skeyton and mette with the frier in the feld and spoke with hym a gode
while, and than redyn the same wey that they come.
[Footnote 60.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 19.] This paper, like No.
63, which also refers to Friar Hauteyn’s claim to Oxnead, can be
assigned to no definite year; but its date must be before the
death of Edmund Paston in 1449. It is indorsed in a later hand:
‘A Frier came to take possession of the mannor of Oxned.’]
[Footnote 60.2: John Hauteyn.]
[Footnote 60.3: _here_ (or _her_) for _their_.]
[[fro Wantown Gappe to the grete Cate
_text unchanged: error for “Gate”?_]]
51
JAMES GRESHAM TO WILLIAM PASTON[61.1]
_To my right worthy and worshepfull Lord, William Paston, Justice, in
hast._
[Sidenote: 1444 / JAN. 29]
Please it your good Lordship to wete that the Chief Justice of the
Kynggs Benche[61.2] recomaundeth hym to yow, and is right sory of the
matier that is cause of your noun comyng hedir, but he wole do al that
he can or may for yow. He hath hadde a cyetica [sciatica] that hath
letted hym a gret while to ride, and dar not yet come on non horses bak,
and ther for he hath spoke to the Lordes of the Conseill, and enformed
hem of your sekenesse and his also, that he may not ride at these next
assizes to Estgrynsted; and though thoe assizes discontynue _puer noun
venue dez Justicez_, he hopeth to be excused and ye also. And as for the
remenant of the assizes, he shall purvey to be ther by water. And
Almyghty Jesu make yow heyle and strong.
Wretyn right simply the Wednesseday next to fore ye Fest of the
Purificacion of Our Lady at London.
By your most symple servaunt,
JAMYS GRESHAM.
[Footnote 61.1: [From Fenn, iii. 26.] ‘From a memorandum,’ says
Fenn, ‘on the back of this letter, dated in April 1444, it is
probable that it was written on the 30th of January 1443.’ Did
Fenn mean the 30th of January 1443-4? In the side-note
immediately below the letter, he dates it in his usual exact
manner, ‘Wednesday, 30th of January 1443, 22 H. vi.’ But
unfortunately there is an error here. January in the 22d year of
Henry VI., means January 1444 according to the modern
computation, or 1443 in the style formerly in use, by which the
year was reckoned from the 25th of March. But the 30th of
January was a Wednesday in 1443, only according to the modern
computation of the year,--that is to say, it was a Wednesday in
the year 1442-3, not in 1443-4. I imagine, however, that the
‘30th of January’ should have been ‘29th of January,’ and that
Fenn really meant 1443-4, corresponding with the 22nd year of
Henry VI.; for the memorandum to which he refers is a draft
agreement, dated on Passion Sunday, 22 Hen. VI., A.D. 1444.]
[Footnote 61.2: The celebrated Sir John Fortescue.]
52
JOHN GYNEY TO WILLIAM PASTON[62.1]
_To the worthy and worshipfull Sir and good Lord and Maister, William
Paston, on of the Justices of oure Sovereign Lord, of his Commone Benche
at Westminster._
[Sidenote: Not later than 1444]
Right worthy and worshipfull Sir, and my good Lord and Maister,
I recomaund me to yow. And where as ye, by your lettre direct to my
Lady, your wyf, wold that my seid Lady shuld have Robert Tebald and me
to geder, as sone as she myght, and the evidences which the seid Robert
receyved of yow at your last beyng at Norwich, and that I shuld amende
the defautes therinne, and that that doon there shuld of Baxteres Place
of Honyng be taken estate to yow and to other, as your seid lettre
requireth: Prey and beseche yow to witte that, on the Friday next after
your departyng fro Paston, Thomas Walysh and William Burgh, in his owen
persone, and the seid Thomas by William Inges and William Walsyngham,
his attornies, by his lettre under his seal, where [_were_] at Honyng,
and delyvred to my Lady Scarlet seson [_seisin_] in the seid place, and
Colbyes and Donnynges in Walsham. And the seid Thomas Walyssh, as the
seid Tebald told me, wold not enseale the seid lettre of attornie til
the parson of Ingeworth come to hym therfore, and required hym to don
it. Wychyngham in his owen persone in the nyght next beforn the seid
Friday, as the seid Tebald infourmeth me, come to the same Tebaldes
hows, and desired hym to enseale acquytaunce, as he seid, and the same
Robert refused to don it.
Nertheless, whether it were acquytaunce or were not, the same Robert kan
not seye, for he myght noo sight have there of. And the seid Wychyngham
the same nyght rood to John Willyot, and desired of hym the same, and
refused also to don it. What is the best to be don in this matier my
seid Lady, your wyf, kan not thynke with owt your advis and counseile.
Wherfore as touchyng the takyng of th’estate to yow and other, as in
your seid lettre is conteigned, is yet right nought doon.
The Holy Trinite have yow in his blissed kepyng. Wretyn at North
Walsham, the Thursday next after the Purificacion of oure Lady.
My seid Lady, your wyf, preyeth yow to be remembred of here grene gynger
of almondes for Lente, and of the leche of Orwelde, for here seknes
encreseth dayly upon here, whereof she is sore a ferd.
By youre servunt,
JOHN GYNEY.
[Footnote 62.1: [From Fenn, iii. 28.] There is nothing to be
said of the date of this letter, except that it is not later
than 1444, when William Paston died.]
53
ABSTRACT[63.1]
[Sidenote: 1444 / MARCH 15]
Indenture between the Prior and Convent of the Monastery of St. Andrew,
Bromholme, impropriators of the Church of St. Margaret, Paston, and John
Partrik, vicar of the said church, of the first part, William Paston of
Paston, of the second part, and Edmund Palmer of Wytton, of the third
part, relative to lands in Baketon and Wytton, and containing amongst
other things a grant by the Prior and Convent to the said John Partrik,
at the instance of the said William Paston, in consideration of which
masses, called _certeynes_, are to be performed every Friday for the
souls of William Paston and Agnes his wife, and the obit of Clement
Paston, William’s father, is to kept yearly on St. Botolph’s day (17th
June). Dated 15th March 22 Henry VI. Confirmed by Walter, Bishop of
Norwich, and John, the Prior of the Cathedral of Norwich, and the
chapter of that church, 11th and 21st March 1446[-7].
[Footnote 63.1: [Add. Charter 14,571, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]
[[Confirmed by Walter _text has “Comfirmed”_]]
54
ABSTRACT[64.1]
JOHN MARYOT TO WILLIAM PASTON, Justice.
[Sidenote: Before 1444]
Is ready to fulfil the indentures of Becham made by W. P. with his late
mother, if W. P. will send ‘the indenture of our part,’ that Maryot may
know the terms and his own title. Will make no bargain else.--Crowmer,
Monday after Our Lady’s Nativity.
[Footnote 64.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the following
letter are quite uncertain in point of date, except that they
were of course written before the death of William Paston, to
whom they were addressed.]
55
ABSTRACT[64.2]
WILLIAM WOTTON DE PAGRAVE TO JUSTICE PASTON.
Sends his wife to him to explain some business about lands in Lytyl
Pagrave, of which a woman of Sporle has already spoken to him; also
touching some land at Castleacre.--_On parchment._
[Footnote 64.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
56
---- ---- TO JOHN PASTON[64.3]
[Sidenote: 1444]
Righte reverent and my most worshipful maister, I recomaund me to yow.
Please it yow to wite that I sende yow a copie of a verdite take before
my maister Roberd Clere by vertu of a writ _diem clausit
extremum_,[64.4] whiche writ I sende yow also with this, of whiche
verdite the wordis arn as it folwith:--
_Inquisicio capta apud Wynterton, secundo die Novembris anno regni Regis
Henrici vj^ti post conquestum vicesimo tertio, coram Roberto Clere
escaetore domini Regis in com. Norfolk et Suffolk, virtute brevis domini
Regis sibi directi et presenti Inquisitioni consuti, per sacramentum
Johannis Berkyng, Nicholai Pikeryng, Johannis Chapell, Johannis Jekkys,
Willelmi Stiwardson, Roberti Hosele, Johannis Topy, Johannis Wacy,
Johannis Rychers, Thomæ Broun, Walteri Heylok, Willelmi Stotevyle, Thomæ
Mason, Roberti Marche, Johannis Kechon, legalium et proborum hominum in
hac parte pro domino Rege juratorum: Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum
quod Willelmus Paston nominatus in dicto brevi nulla terras et tenementa
tenuit de domino Rege in capite die quo obiit in comitatu predicto. Et
quod obiit quarto decimo die mensis Augusti, anno regni domini Regis
predicti xxij. Et quod Johannes Paston filius ipsius Willelmi est hæres
ejus propinquior, et ætatis xxiij. annorum._
Ther is founde more of other thyngges be the same verdite touchyng other
matieris, whiche he will not certifie yet. And for as moche as my
maister Clere wetyth well that the seid verdite touchyng my maister your
fader, hoes soule God assoyle, must have other maner of makyng thanne he
kan make, he recomaundith hym to my maistres your moder, and yow also;
and prey yow that ye will do it make as effectuel and availeabill for
the wel of my maister your fader and yow as ye kan, and sele it with
your seall, or what seall ellys ye will, in his name, and sealle it also
with as many of other seales as ther be jerores, and delyvere it to
William Bondes, his depute, to delyvere into the Chauncelre. And if
William Bondes be fro London or this may be redy, thanne purveye ye for
the speed of this matier in youre best wise; and what so ever ye do, or
sey, or write, or seale, or avouche in this matier in my maister Cleris
name, he shall avowe it, and [_i.e._ if] it shulde coste hym gret parte
of his good.
Sir, ther is noon enquerre take in Suffolk, for as moche as my maister
your fader helde no londe ther but be my maistres your moder; but if ye
will that he shall inquere ther as sone as he may wete it, it shall be
doo; and if this forseide verdite may serve for bothe, he is right glad
therof. He tolde me that he seide to the jurores, whiche have sealed her
verdite: ‘Seris, I wot well this verdite after my makyng is not
effectuel in lawe, and therfore may happe it shall be makid newe at
London, and ellys peraventure I shulde be amercied in the Kyngges
Courte; and therfore I truste yow, and [_i.e._ if] it be newe mad and
newe sealed, ye will avowe it.’ And thei seide with a good herte ya;
these wordes wern seide _in secreta confessione_ to v. or vj. of the
reuleris of the seide jurre whiche he kan truste righte well. He preyith
yow to holde hym excused that he writyth not to yow for this matier, for
he is ocupied in other wise. He badde me write in this fourme to yow,
which he supposith ye will beleve, and he knoweth alle this writyng, and
is well concented and agreed therto. Sir, ther arn xv. jurores abowe to
certifie ye, as many as ye will: but lete these men that be tottid be
certified, for thei be the rewleris and t . . . . he spk (?) &c. Sir,
atte reverence of God, if I shall make ony purvyaunce in this cuntre for
my maistres comyng hom, lete me have reson[able] warnyng, and so God me
helpe, and I shall do my dever. I here no tydyngges of Thom’ yet. My
maistres Garneys, your moder, . . . . . .[66.1] Berney, and my maisteris
your sonys and my maister your brother arn heyle and mery, and recommend
hem to yow. And I beseche your [mastership][66.1] that this sympil
skrowe may recomaund me to my reverant and worshipful maistres, your
moder. And I prey our Lord of his . . . . . .[66.1] bothe moche worship
and wilfare, and graunte me to do and labour that is to your bothenerys
pleaser.[66.2]
Writen the Saterday next. . . . . . .[66.3]
This letter appears to have been used as a wrapper for others. It is
endorsed, ‘Literæ diversorum directæ J. Paston receptæ apud London
per diversos annos ante festum Michaelis anno xxxiiij Hen. VI.
Literæ Fastolff pro Costid (?). Literæ W. Wayt pro tempore suæ
tribulationis. Literæ Windham.’
[Footnote 64.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is without
a signature or address, and who the writer was does not appear.
It was evidently written soon after the taking of the
inquisition on the death of William Paston, the Judge, the date
of which is given in the extract as 2nd November 23 Henry VI.,
_i.e._ 1444.]
[Footnote 64.4: _See_ p. 16, Note 1.]
[Footnote 66.1: Mutilated.]
[Footnote 66.2: _I.e._, that which is to the pleasure of you
both (?).]
[Footnote 66.3: A little mutilated at bottom.]
[[quarto decimo die mensis Augusti _printed “dccimo”_]]
[[In the following letter, interlineations (Footnotes 67-2, 68-1) are
shown in brackets [ ] immediately after the original word.]]
57
WILL OF EDMUND NORMAN[67.1]
[Sidenote: 1444 / DEC. 6]
In Dei nomine, amen. Ego Edmundus Norman de Fylby, compos mentis, die
Dominica in festo sancti Nicholai Episcopi, anno domini M^lmo iiij^c xl.
iiij.^to, condo testamentum meum in hunc mundum (_sic_). In primis do et
lego animam meam Deo Patri, &c., corpusque meum sepeliendum in ecclesia
sancti Petri de Crowmere. Item, summo altari ecclesiæ prædictæ xl_d._
[vjs. viijd.[67.2]] Item, emendacioni ejusdem ecclesiæ xl_d._ [vjs.
viijd.[67.2]] Item, summo altari ecclesiæ de Fylby xl_d._ Item,
emendationi ecclesiæ de Fylby prædictæ vel fenestræ de novo faciendæ et
intrando in parte boriali ecclesiæ prædictæ in fine occidentali, x.
marcas. Item, Edmondo, capellano sancti Johannis Baptistæ in eadem
ecclesia, xl_d._ Item, volo quod omnes feoffati in terris et tenementis
remittant jus suum Edmundo Clere armigero, magistro meo, ut ipse vendat
et disponat cum aliis executoribus meis pro salute animæ meæ, et patris,
matris, et omnium quibuscumque teneor. Item, cuilibet ordini fratrum de
Jernemoth, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, fratribus ordinis Minorum de Walsyngham
vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, lego Willelmo Bondis omnia bona mea existentia in
hospicio meo London’, [de Clifforde] videlicet lectum et indumenta mea.
Item, lego Roberto Baketon et uxori ejus, firmario meo in Fylby, omnia
utencilia mea infra mansionem meam ibidem præter lectum plumale postea
legatum. Item, Edmundo filio dicti Roberti, filiolo meo, xl_s._ Item,
filiabus ejusdem Roberti, Elizabethæ et Margaretæ, cuilibet xx_s._ Item,
Edmundo filio Roberti Norman de Ormesby, vj_s._ viii_d._ Item, Ricardo
Kemp, xxvj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Johanni Grave, sonam meam deargent’.[67.3]
Item, Nicholao Pekeryng de Fylby, meum optimum lectum plumale infra
mansionem meam apud Fylby. Item, Johanni Spencer de Crowmere, xx_s._
Item, uxori Johannis Couche, pro labore et diligentia suis circa me dum
infirmabar, vj_s._ viij_d._ Item, Edmundo Bataly capellano vj_s._
viii_d._ [xxs. [68.1]] Item, lego Thomæ Stalham et uxori ejus meum
lectum plumale apud Norwicum. Item, die obitus mei ad exequias, cuilibet
capellano iiij_d._ et clerico, j_d._ Item, ad distribuendum inter
pauperes die sepulturæ, xl_d._ Residuum vero bonorum meorum non
legatorum do et lego executoribus meis, quos ordino et constituto
Edmundum Clere, armigerum, Magistrum meum Robertum Clere, Willelmum
Bondes, Nicholaum Pekeryng, Magistrum Johannem Semecrofte et Ricardum
Kemp, ut ipsi disponant pro salute animæ meæ.
[68.2]Et lego dicto Edmundo Clere pro labore suo x_li._ si vult. Et
Roberto Clere C_s._, et similiter cuilibet aliorum executorum xl_s._
Item, lego Pers. de Crowmere iij_s._ iiij_d._
Item, volo quod in fenestra ecclesiæ de Fylby tres[68.3] ymagines,
videlicet, una ymago sancti Edmundi, alter[a] Sancti Johannis Baptistæ,
alia Sanctæ Mariæ, et ibidem fiat scriptio:--_Orate pro animabus
Johannis Norman seniori, Margaretæ uxoris ejus, et Edmundi filii
prædicti_ et tale armo (_sic_). [_Here follows a sketch of a shield,
the upper part marked as silver and the lower black, with the word
_‘Katerwole’_ (?) upon it._]
[Footnote 67.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 10.]]
[Footnote 67.2: Interlineations by another hand.]
[Footnote 67.3: Here occurs an illegible interlineation, in
which only ‘xs.’ is visible.]
[Footnote 68.1: Interlineations by another hand.]
[Footnote 68.2: What follows is in a different hand, apparently
the same as that of the interlineations noticed above.]
[Footnote 68.3: Corrected from ‘quatuor.’]
58
THE DUKE OF NORFOLK TO JOHN PASTON[68.4]
_To our right trusti and welbelovid John Paston, Squier. The Duc of
Norff._
[Sidenote: Before 1444 (?)]
Trusti and right welbelovid, we grete you weel, lating you witte that
for the trust that as weel we, as the heires of Edmund Swathyng, have
unto you, we have appointed you to be one of the makeres up
indifferently of the evydences betwix us and the seide heires. Wherfor
we pray you hertily, that ye wil yeve attendaunce at such day and place
as ye and our right trusti and welbelovid frende William Yelverton, with
oure welbelovid servaunt Jenney, shal mow attende to the making up of
the seide evidencez; and we shal send summe of our servauntz to awayte
upon you for your reward and costis, that ye shal be pleasid with by the
grace of God, who have you ever in his keping.
Wreten undir our signet in oure Castel of Framlyngham,
the xviij. day of ----.
{ JOHN[69.1] } NORFF.
{ MOWBRAY. }
[Footnote 68.4: [From Fenn, i. 10.] Fenn thinks this letter must
have been written before 1444, when Yelverton was made a judge.
This is, doubtless, most probable. There is, however, an Edmund
Swathing, Esq., mentioned by Blomefield (_Hist. of Norfolk_,
viii. 42) as alive in 1446, and if it be his executors who are
referred to, the date would appear to be later.]
[Footnote 69.1: The name ‘John Mowbray’ is represented by a
curious monogram, in which every letter both of the Christian
and the surname can be traced.]
59
JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[69.2]
_To the Kyng our Soverayn Lord._
[Sidenote: After 1444]
Ples your Hyghnes of your abundante grace, an consyderacion of the
servys and plesure that your Hyghnes knowyth to yow don by William
Paston, late one of your judgys, and old servaunt to that nobyll Prinse
your fadyr, to graunte onto John Paston, Esquyer, sonn and heyir of the
seyd Wylliam, your lettrys patents under the seel of yowr Duche of
Lancastre, being in the keping of Thomas Chesham, aftyr affecte of note
folowyng; and he schall pray to God for yow.
* * *
Rex, etc. Sciatis, quod de gracia nostra speciali et ex mero motu
nostro, ac pro bono et laudabyli servicio quod dilectus et fidelis nobis
Willelmus Paston, nuper unus Justiciariorum nostrorum, defunctus, nobis
in vita sua inpendydit, consessimus et hac presenti carta nostra
confirmavimus, in quantum in nobis est, Johanni Paston armigero, filio
et heredi dicti Willelmi, viginti tria mesuagia, quingintas triginta et
iiij. acras pasture, bruere et marissy in villis de Paston, Edythorp, et
Bakton, in comitatu nostro Norff. quas diversi tenentes nostri ibidem de
nobis separatim native tenent ad voluntatem nostram per virgam sive
copiam et per serta redditus et servissia, nativa annualia inde nobis
reddend., que ad valorem novem librarum annuatim exeunt vel infra.
Concessimus eciam eidem Johanni curiam lete, seu visus franciplegii
nostri, in villis de Paston et Edithorp predictis, que est annui valoris
viij. solidorum per estimacionem; ad quatuor libratas, quatuor solidatas
et octo denariatas redditus. Redditum octo boschellorum avenarum et
trium caponum cum pertinentiis in villis predictis, ac in villis Wytton
et Easewyk in comitatu predicto, percipiendum anuatim de omnibus et
singulis liberys tenentibus nostris ibidem pro tenementis suis qui de
nobis separatim tenent in eisdem villis, una cum fidelitatibus et aliis
serviciis eorundem tenentium et eorum cujuslibet, de, seu pro,
tenementis illis et eorum qualibet parcella nobis debitis sive
pertinentibus. Concessimus etiam eidem Johanni et heredibus suis
officium parcarie ac costidie[70.1] parci nostri de Grymygham in com.
nostro predicto, una cum proficuo agistamenti bestiarum ejusdem parci
pro vadiis suis pro officio predicto annuatim percipiend: salvis no . .
et hodierna sufficienti pastura ferarum nostrarum ibidem ut tempore
nostro prius usitatum fuit; quod quidem proficuum agistamenti ad valorem
x. marcarum extendit per annum. Habenda, tenenda et percipienda predicta
messuagia, terram, pasturam, brueram, mariscum, curiam lete, et visus
franciplegii, redditus, et servissia, officium et agistament’ proficu’
cum pertinentiis, prefato Johanni et heredibus suis de nobis et
heredibus nostris, per fidelitatem et redditum unius rose rubie ad
Festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste annuatim nobis solvendum,
si petatur, pro omnibus serviciis, exaccionibus et demandis. Eo quod
messuagia, terra, pastura, bruera, mariscus, curia lete, redditus,
servicia predicta, officium et agistament’ profic’, valorem supra
specificatum excedant, vel valorem illum non attingant, aut aliquo actu,
restriccione seu mandato facto, edito aut proviso non obstante. Volumus
etiam et assignavimus quod omnes illi qui per nos seu ad usum nostrum,
jus, titulum, seu statum in premissis, seu aliquo premissorum habuerunt
seu habent, nobis antehac non relaxatum, jus, titulum et statum illa
prefato Johanni et heredibus suis dimittent et relaxent. In cujus . . .
[Footnote 69.2: [From Tanner MS. 95, f. 82.] This is a draft in
the handwriting of William Worcester, very illegible from the
number of the corrections, and also from the ink being very much
faded. Of its date I cannot tell except that it was clearly
written in the reign of Henry VI. and after the death of Judge
Paston in 1444.]
[Footnote 70.1: _Sic_, _pro_ custodiæ.]
60
CATHERINE, DUCHESS OF NORFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[71.1]
_To our right trusty and hertily welbeloved John Paston, Squier._
{_Kateryn, Duchesse_}
{_of Norff._ }
[Sidenote: After 1444 (?)]
Right trusty and entierly welbeloved, we grete you wel hertily as we
kan. And for as moche as we purpose with grace of Jesu to be at London
within bryff tyme, we pray you that your place ther may be redy for us,
for we wole sende our stuff thedir to for [_tofore_, _i.e._ before] our
comyng; and siche agrement as we toke with you for the same, we shall
duely performe yt with the myght of Jesu, who haff you in his blissed
keping.
Wretyn at Eppeworth, ij^de day of Octobre.
[Footnote 71.1: [From Fenn, iii. 16.] The writer of this letter
was the widow of John Mowbray, second Duke of Norfolk, who died
in 1432. After the Duke’s death, she married again no less than
three times; and Fenn thinks this letter, which is dated from
Epworth in Lincolnshire, a seat of the Duke of Norfolk’s, was
probably written during her first widowhood. It must be
remarked, however, that in 1432 John Paston was only twelve
years old at the utmost, so that this letter could hardly have
been written till at least ten years after. It is, besides,
hardly probable that John Paston would have been addressed as
the owner of a ‘place’ in London, before his father’s death in
1444. The exact year, however, is quite uncertain.]
61
ABSTRACT[72.1]
ROBERT, LORD WYLUGHBY [of Eresby], TO JOHN PASTON.
[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1451]
Desires him to favour Reginald Balden who ‘hath ado with you for certain
lyflode which was his father’s, wherein your father was enfeoffed.’
Boston, 16th December.
[The date of this letter is probably after the death of William
Paston in 1444, and cannot be later than 1451, as the writer died on
St. James’s day (25th July) 1452.]
[Footnote 72.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]
62
AGNES PASTON TO EDMUND PASTON[72.2]
_To Edmond Paston of Clyffordis Inn, in London, be this Lettre take._
[Sidenote: 1445 / FEB. 4]
To myn welbelovid sone, I grete yow wel, and avyse yow to thynkk onis of
the daie of youre fadris counseyle to lerne the lawe, for he seyde manie
tymis that ho so ever schuld dwelle at Paston, schulde have nede to
conne defende hym selfe.
The Vikare[72.3] of Paston and yowre fadre,[72.4] in Lenttyn last was,
wher [_were_] thorwe and acordidde, and doolis[72.5] sette howe broode
the weye schulde ben,[72.6] and nowe he hath pullid uppe the doolis, and
seithe he wolle makyn a dyche fro the corner of his walle, ryght over
the weye to the newe diche of the grete cloose. And there is a man in
Truntche, hyzht Palmer to, that hadde of yowre fadre certein londe in
Truntche over vij. yere or viij. yere agoone for corn, and trewli hathe
paide all the yers; and now he hathe suffrid the corne to ben with sette
for viij_s._ of rentte to Gymmyngham, wich yowre fadre paide nevere.
Geffreie axid Palmere why the rentte was notte axid in myn husbonddis
tyme; and Palmere seyde, for he was a grete man, and a wyse man of the
law, and that was the cawse men wolde not axe hym the rentte.
I sende yow the namis of the men that kaste down the pittis, that was
Gynnis Close, wretyn in a bille closid in this lettre.
I sendde yow not this lettre to make yow wery of Paston; for I leve in
hoope, and ye wolle lern that they schulle be made werye of her werke,
for in good feyth I dar welseyne it was yowr fadris laste wille to have
do ryzht wel to that plase, and that can I schewe of good profe, thowe
men wolde seye naye. God make yow ryzht a good man, and sende Goddis
blessyng and myn.
Wrettyn in haste, at Norwich, the Thorsdaie aftir Candelmasse daie.
Wetith of yowre brothere John now manie gystis [_joists_] wolle serve
the parler and the chapelle at Paston, and what lenghthe they moste be,
and what brede and thykknesse thei moste be; for yowre fadris wille was,
as I weene veryli, that thei schuld be ix. enchis on wey, and vij.
another weye. And porveythe therfor that thei mow be squarid there, and
sentte hedre, for here can non soche be hadde in this conttre. And seye
to yowre brothir John it weer wel don to thinkke on Stansted
Chirche;[73.1] and I praye yow to sende me tydynggs[73.2] from be yond
see, for here thei arn a ferde to telle soche as be reportid.
By yowr Modre,
AUGNEIS PASTON.
[Footnote 72.2: [From Fenn, iii. 32.] This letter must have been
written in February 1445, as it appears from the contents that
William Paston was dead, but had been alive in the preceding
Lent.]
[Footnote 72.3: John Partrick of Swathfield was Vicar of Paston,
from 1442 to 1447.--F.]
[Footnote 72.4: William Paston, the Judge.]
[Footnote 72.5: Landmarks. ‘Dolestones’ are still spoken of in
Norfolk in this sense. --_See_ Latham’s Edition of Johnson’s
_Dictionary_.]
[Footnote 72.6: On the 6th July 1443 a licence was granted to
William Paston to enclose a portion of the highway at Paston,
and another at Oxnead, on his making two other highways in place
thereof.--_Patent Roll_, 21 Henry VI. p. 1, m. 10.]
[Footnote 73.1: Stansted Church in Suffolk.--Dame Agnes had
possessions in that parish.--F.]
[Footnote 73.2: These tidings relate to our foreign
transactions, the giving up of Maine, Truces, &c. &c. on the
King’s marriage, which had taken place in November.--F.]
63
JOHN HAWTEYN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY[74.1]
_To the most reverent Fader in God the Archebisshop of Caunterbury,
Chanceler of Englond._
[Sidenote: 1444-9]
Besecheth mekely zour gracious Lordship, zour owne servant and oratour
John Hauteyn, chapeleyn, that wher he hath dyvers seutees and accions in
lawe to be sewed a zent A., that was the wife of W. Paston, of the maner
of Oxenedes, in the countee of Northfolk; and for as meche as zour seid
besecher can gete no counsell of men of court to be with hym in the seid
matiers, by cause that the seid W. P. was one of the Kynges Justices,
and John P., son and heir to the seid W. P., is al so a mon of court;
that hit plese zour good Lordship to assigne, and most streytly to
comaund John Heydon,[74.2] Thomas Lyttylton,[74.3] and John Oelston to
be of counsell with zour seid besecher in the seid matiers, and oder
that he hath to do azenst the seid Anneys and oder; and zour said
besecher shal contente hem well for their labour. And that this be doo
in the reverence of God, and wey of charite.
JOHN HAUTEYN, Chapeleyn.
[Footnote 74.1: [From Fenn, iii. 36.] This is a petition
addressed to John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, as
Chancellor, after the death of William Paston in 1444. Stafford
was made Archbishop in 1443. His appointment as Chancellor was
even earlier, and he held the office till the 31st of January
1450.]
[Footnote 74.2: A lawyer and recorder of Norwich.--F.]
[Footnote 74.3: Afterwards the famous Judge Lyttelton.--F.]
64
SIR ROGER CHAMBERLAIN TO AGNES PASTON[75.1]
_To my right worchepfull Cosyn, Agnes Paston._
[Sidenote: After 1444]
Right worchepfull cosyn, I comand me to you. And as for the mater that
ye sent to me fore, touchyng the maner callid Walshams, in Walsham, the
trouth is, youre husbond soldyt to my moder upon condition that she
shuld never sel it but to youre sones, John or William; and for the
suerte of the seid condition, youre seid husbond, as I conseyve, ded the
seid maner be charged with a gret annuyte upon the same condition, or
the tyme that my seid moder toke estate, of the whech I suppose ye shall
fynde sufficiant evydens, if ye serge youre evydences therfor. And I be
seche almyty God kepe you.
Wretyn at Geddyng, the xv. day of September.
Your Cosyn,
SIR ROGER CHAMBERLEYN.
[Footnote 75.1: [From Fenn, iii. 38.] Nothing can be said as to
the date of this letter, except that it is evidently after the
death of William Paston.]
65
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO THE VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[75.2]
_To the right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid
brother, the Viscounte Beaumont._
[Sidenote: Between 1442 and 1455]
Right worshipful, and with all myn herte right entierly beloved brother,
I recomaunde me to you, thenking right hertili youre good brotherhode
for your gode and gentill letters, the whiche it hath liked you to sende
unto me nowe late; and like it you to knowe I perseeve by the tenor of
the seid lettre, your gode desire of certein dubete that I owe unto you.
In gode faith, brother, it is so with me at this tyme, I have but easy
stuffe of money withinne me, for so meche as the seison of the yer is
not yet growen, so that I may not plese youre seide gode brotherhode,
as God knoweth my will and entent were to do, and I had it.
Nevertheless, and it like you, I sende you, bi my sonne Stafford,[76.1]
an obligacion wherof, of late tyme, I have rescevid part of the dubete
therinne comprisid; the residue of whiche I prai you to resceve bi the
seid obligacion, and that I may have an acquitance therof, and to yeve
credence unto my seid sonne in such thing as he shall say unto your gode
brotherhode on my behalve.
Right worshipfull, and with all myn herte right entirely belovid
brother, I beseche the blissed Trinite, preserve you in honor and
prosperite.
Writen at my Castell of Makestok,[76.2] the xvij. day of Marche.
Yowre trew and fethfull broder,
H. BUKINGHAM.
[Footnote 75.2: [From Fenn, i. 16.] There appear to be no means
of ascertaining the exact year when this letter was written; but
as the writer was created Duke of Buckingham on the 14th
September 1441, and his son, the Earl of Stafford, was killed at
the battle of St. Albans on the 22nd May 1455, the date must lie
between these two limits.]
[Footnote 76.1: Humphrey, Earl of Stafford, the Duke’s eldest
son, who was slain at St. Albans in 1455.]
[Footnote 76.2: In Warwickshire.]
66
WILLIAM YELVERTON TO JOHN PASTON[76.3]
_To my ryght wurchepfull cosyn, John Paston, Esquier._
[Sidenote: Between 1444 and 1460]
Right worchepful cosyn, I recomaunde me to yow, thankyng yow as hertyly
as I kan for my selff, &c., and specially for that ye do so moche for
Oure Ladyes hous at Walsyngham, which I trust veryly ye do the rather
for the grete love that ye deme I have therto; for trewly if I be drawe
to any worchep or wellfare, and discharge of myn enmyes daunger,
I ascryve it unto Our Lady.
Preyng yow therfore that ye woln ben as frendly to Our Ladyes hous as I
wote well ye have alwey ben, and in especyall now, that I myght have of
yow the report certeynly be your letter of that, that Naunton your cosyn
informyd yow, and told yow be mouth of all maters towchyng Oure Ladyes
hous of Walsyngham.
For me thynkyth be that I have herde be Oure Ladys prest of Walsyngham,
if I understode weel that mater, that it shuld do moch to the gode spede
of the mater; and dought yow not our Lady shall quyte it yow and here
poer priour here aftyr, as he may, &c.
Preying yow also, cosyn, and avysyng for the ease of us both, and of our
frendes, and of many other, that ye be at London be tymes this terme,
and if we spede well now, all well all this yere aftir; for I knowe
veryly ther was nevyr made gretter labour thanne shall be made now, and
therfore I pray to Our Lady, help us, and her blissid Sone, which have
you in His holy kepyng.
Wreten at your poer place of Bayfeld, on Sent Fraunces day,[77.1] in
hast.
Your cosyn,
WILLIAM YELVERTON, Justis.
[Footnote 76.3: [From Fenn, i. 20.] The date of this letter is
not earlier than 1444, when William Yelverton was appointed a
Justice of the King’s Bench; and, as Fenn remarks, it is
probably not later than 1460, when he was made a Knight of the
Bath, otherwise he would have signed himself Knight as well as
Justice.]
[Footnote 77.1: St. Francis’ day is the 4th of October.]
67
ABSTRACT[77.2]
[Sidenote: 1446 / OCT. 30]
Indenture, dated 30 Oct. 25 Henry VI., by which Agnes Paston grants a
lease to John Downing, miller, and others, of the mill called Woodmill,
in Paston.
[Footnote 77.2: [Add. Charter 14,819, B.M. (D. Turner’s Coll.)]]
68
THE BAILIFF AND JURATS OF JERSEY TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[78.1]
_A nos treshonorés et nobles Signours Visconte Beaumont, Connestable
d’Engleterre et Seigneur de Sudele, grant mestre de hostel de nostre
Souverayn Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et France._
[Sidenote: 1447]
Treshonorablez et noblez seigneurs, nous nous recommandons tant que
faire le povons a voz honnorablez seignouriez. Et vous plese savoir que
le samedy xv^me jour du moys de Aprille nous avons receu unez lettrez
patentes de nostre Souverain Seigneur le Roy d’Engleterre et de France,
contenant comme il vous a donné la guarde dez islez de Jersey et
Guernesey durant le non aage de l’er de mon Seigneur de Warwyk, et unez
aultrez lettrez a nous directes de par vous, presentées de par voz
servitours John Morin et Robert Haxby. Et pour cause que eulx n’avoyent
point de procuracions, ou feisions difficultey, et non obstant a voz
ditz servitours a estey delivrée et baillie la pocession de la dicte
isle de Jersey, et ont juré et promis par lours serementz de guarder le
loys et coustumez et anciens usagez de la dicte isle, et nous envoier
lettrez soubz lez seaulx de voz armez, comme voz promettez tenir en
fermete ce que eulx ont promis, et de ce nous ont bailly plege Sire John
Bernard, cappitaine desdictez islez, quer aultrement nous ne lez eussons
point receus, comme il apparest par le certificat a eulx par nous donné,
quer tous lez seigneurs, guardes, cappitaines, juges, et aultrez
officers de audevant de cez hourez ont estey juréz a nous lois,
coustumez et anciens usagez, lez queilz ont estey guardéz et seront en
tempz advenir avecquez l’aide de Dieu, qui vous ayt en sa sainte guarde.
Escript en Jersey le xvij^me jour du moys de Aprill.
De par lez vostrez le Bailiff [et]
Jurés de l’Isle de Gersy.
[Footnote 78.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The custody of the
islands of Jersey and Guernsey, &c., during the minority of Ann,
daughter and heir of Henry de Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, was
granted in 25 Henry VI. to John, Viscount Beaumont, and Sir
Ralph Butler, Lord Sudley. --_See_ Dugdale’s _Baronage_, ii. 54.]
[[nous nous recommandons
_printed “recommandous” (the doubled “nous” is not an error)_]]
69
EDMUND PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[79.1]
_Tradatur Johanni Paston, of the Inner In in the Temple, att London._
[Sidenote: 1447(?)]
Ryth worschipfull brothir, I recomaund me to yow, &c. I preye write to
myn modre of your owne hed as for to consell her howh that sche kepe her
prevye, and tell no body ryth nowth of her counsell; for sche woll tell
persones many of her counsell this day, and to morwe sche woll sey be
Goddis faste that the same men ben false. I have seen parte of the
evydence, and the maner[79.2] hath be pourchasid be parcell, and certeyn
feffement mad of the avowson, and certeyn pecis of lond enterlessant the
maner; and I wote well ye have on collaterall rellesse wyth a warente of
on of the wyffys of Hauteyn[79.3] of all the holl maner.
Steward, the chiffe constable, told me he was enpanellyd up on the
assise be twex yow and Frauncesse; he axyd me counsell what he myght do
ther inne, for he told me it was take in Sir Thomas Tudham name. He wold
fayne be chalengyd. I concellyd him swere the trewthe of the issue that
he shall be swore to, and thanne he nedyd never to drede hym of noon
atteynte. I yave him this counsell, and noon othir. He enqueryd me of
the rewle of myn master Danyell[80.1] and myn Lord of Suffolke,[80.2]
and askyd wheche I thowte schuld rewle in this schere; and I seyd bothe,
as I trowh, and he that survyvyth to hold be the vertue of the survyvyr,
and he to thanke his frendes, and to aquite his enmyys. So I fele by him
he wold forsake his master, and gette him a newh yf he wyste he schuld
rewle; and so wene I meche of all the contre is so disposyd. The holy
Trenyte kepe yow.
Wrete at Norwiche, on the Wednysday after Seynt Peter[80.3] in hast.
Your Brother,
E. PASTON.
[Footnote 79.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the conversation
here reported touching the anticipated ascendancy of Daniel and
the Marquis, afterwards Duke, of Suffolk, this letter may be
referred to the year 1447. In April of the year following, the
influence of Suffolk was paramount, and Daniel was said to be
out of favour, as will be seen by Letter 75 following.]
[Footnote 79.2: The manor of Oxnead. --_See_ Blomefield, vi.
478.]
[Footnote 79.3: Probably Robert, father of John Hauteyn, the
friar.]
[Footnote 80.1: Thomas Daniel.]
[Footnote 80.2: William de la Pole, at this time Marquis,
afterwards Duke, of Suffolk.]
[Footnote 80.3: St. Peter’s day is the 29th June.]
[[att London _printed “Lonaon” (recurring error with italic “d”)_]]
70
ABSTRACT[80.4]
[Sidenote: 1447 / SEPT. 3]
Deed by which William Pope, perpetual Vicar of Paston, confirms to
Agnes, widow of William Paston, and John Bakton, their estate in a piece
of land, particularly described; and also binds himself to celebrate
mass every Friday for the souls of said William and Agnes, &c. &c.,
exhort his parishioners to put up prayers for them every Sunday, called
‘certeynys,’ and celebrate William Paston’s obit on the 13th August.
Dated at Paston, 3rd September 26 Henry VI.
[Footnote 80.4: [Add. Charter 17,235, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]
71
ABSTRACTS[80.5]
[Sidenote: 1447 / OCT. 21, 26]
21 Oct., at London.--Letter from Fastolf to Thomas Howys and John Grene,
desiring them to procure information about one Robert Eccles, cousin and
heir to John Eccles, whom the counsel for the prior of Hickling propose
to call to give evidence about the rent of 25 marks.
1447, [26 Oct.] ‘Thursday byfore S. Symond and Jude,’ 26 Hen. VI. at
Castre. Long letter from Thomas Howys in reply to the preceding, with
the results of searches made in the Bishop’s registry for wills of the
Eccles family, with particulars about various members of the family,
etc.
[For these abstracts I am indebted to Mr. Macray, and also for those
immediately following, which are from the same source.]
[Footnote 80.5: [From MSS. Hickling, 130, 140, in Magd. Coll.,
Oxf.]]
72
ABSTRACTS[81.1]
THE PRIOR OF HICKLING.
_Hickling 71._
[14 . . ] At Westminster.
_Letter_ [on paper, in English] from two counsel, _William Wangeford_
and _William Jenney_, to Sir John Fastolf, giving their opinion on his
claim against the prior of Hickling. Sir John cannot recover the £20
forfeit, because the condition of the obligation only extended to the
heirs of Sir Hugh Clifford, and not to his assigns, and Sir John is only
an assign; but the rent of 25 marks is sure to him, and he can recover
it, if denied by the prior, by process of law; they will consult with
justices and serjeants whether he can recover it by distraint.
_Hickling 74._
[14 . . ] Friday in the 2nd week after Easter at Lenne.
_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Henry Notyngham_ to Sir Henry
Barton, Alderman of London. Has counselled with Paston, and finds him
more friendly and ready to help in Barton’s matter than ever before;
supposes that the cause is, that the prior that was obstinate is dead,
and another appointed, who Paston trusts will be more easy to stir.
Desires that Paston may be thanked. Sends a letter which he desires
‘a child of zours’ may carry to Mistress Jenkin Leventhorpe the younger;
and ask at my lord’s inn of Doreham or of Ratclyff or some other which
he may think best, if he (_i.e._ my Lord of Durham) shall be at this
Parliament. Send to Thomelin Grys, spicer at Norwich, some ‘loder,’ as
soon as he can goodly buy it, which comes each week to Rossamez Inn in
St. Laurence’s Lane.
_Hickling 75._
[14 . . ] 14 Apr., at Norwich.
_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _H[enry] Notyngham_ to Sir Henry
Barton, alderman of London. Delivered Paston the copy of the deeds;
shewed his letter to the prior and convent, but gained nothing; they
said they would please Barton full fain, but all their counsel are full
against their binding themselves by any such confirmation; they were
bound to the former owner and his heirs, but not to his assigns. Advises
him to get good counsel, and thinks nothing can be done unless he gets
Paston’s assent and grant to help the matter.
_Hickling 89._
[1450 _or_ 1451?] 18 Aug. Norwich.
_Letter_ [in English, on paper] _from_ ‘_W. [Hart], Bisshope of
Norwich_,’ to Sir John Fastolf. Has put himself greatly in his devoir to
put an end to the controversy between Fastolf and the house of Hykelyng,
and has been so importunate that Lord Scales has advised him not to
meddle in the matter, because he is taken as a suspect person; if he
could do him more profit, he would not spare labour or cost, on account
of Fastolf’s towardness and gentleness to condescend unto right and
reasonable mean, the which he conceives not in the other party. Had
hoped his good and devout purpose towards the place of St. Bennett’s
would have grown to some good conclusion; was there the Sunday before
St. Laurence’s Day, and greatly rejoiced at such work and cost as he has
done there. Heartily desires him to come here to the air of his natural
birth, where he will find my Lord of Norfolk and such attendance as the
Bishop and other gentles of the country may do, ready unto him at all
times; his coming would be to his health and heart’s ease, and the cause
of much peace in the country.
Small seal, fastened _on_ the letter; a stag; a straw round it.
_Hickling 104._
[ ]
_Letter_, [in English, on paper] from _Lord Scales_ to Sir John Fastolf,
asking him to withdraw an outlawry which has been issued against John
Dowebegyng, servant of the former, for a debt of £100 due to Fastolf by
Thomas Danyell, Esq., for which Dowebegyng had become bound.
Signed by Lord Scales, who adds a postscript in his own hand that
Fastolf has been as faithful and kind to him since he came into England
as he was in France, and that there is no one of his estate for whom he
would do so much.
Small seal, on the paper, with a straw round it.
[Footnote 81.1: [From MSS. in Magd. Coll., Oxf.]]
[[The empty brackets after “Hickling 104” are in the original.]]
73
ABSTRACT[82.1]
[Sidenote: 1447 / NOV. 29]
Indenture, dated St. Andrew’s Eve, 26 Henry VI., between Agnes Paston
and Waryn Baxter, the former agreeing that Baxter shall have, at the
will of the lord of the manor of Knapton, the lands, &c. that were
Richard Redys [Rede’s], with reservations.
[Footnote 82.1: [Add. Charter 17,236, B.M. (Paston MSS.)]]
74
JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[83.1]
_To my right worshipfull mayster, John Paston._
[Sidenote: 1448 / MARCH 11]
Worthy and worshipful sir, and my right good maister, I recomaund me to
yow. And do yow wete that this nyght at soper I was with my maistresse
your wyff at my maistresse Cleres, and blissed be God thei fare weel and
hopyn that [you[83.2]] shall sende themme good tidyng of your matier,
Whanne ye knowe the certeynte therof, &c. And my maistresse your modir
come thedir and fareth well and sendeth yow Goddis blissyng and heris,
and she bad me write to yow that she hath verey knowelage by a trewe and
trusty man, whos name she shall telle yow by mouthe atte your next
metyng, that ther was purposed a gret meyne of a wondir gaderyng of
shipmen abowte Conorhithe for to have come to Oxened, and putte me owt
there in a wers wyse thanne ye were put owt at Gresham; and this was
purposed for to have ben at Oxened and a ryfled and put in the
preest[83.3] there, but this purpose helde not, for thei were
countermandet, by what mene I can not knowe yeet. And[83.4] it is do hir
to wete that thei be purposed to be at Ox[n]ede a bowt midlent, and I am
promitted that I shall have ii. days warnyng by a good freend. And
therfor she prayeth yow that ye aspie besily if the preest come into
thir countre or noght. For if ought shall be doo I trowe the Frere wole
be there atte doyng. And if ye can aspie that he come hider, send my
maistresse word as hastily as ye may, and of your avyse and of all other
thyngges as ye seme, &c. And God have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at ix.
on the clokke at evyn the noneday (_sic_) nex to fore Sent Gregory day
in hast.
My brother Bekke and his felawship shall telle yow more by mowthe thanne
I can telle yow now.
Your servaunt,
J. GRESHAM.
[Footnote 83.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 178.] St. Gregory’s Day is
doubtless that of St. Gregory the Pope (12 March), and this
letter may be referred with certainty to the year 1448, just
after Paston’s first expulsion from Gresham. The Monday before
St. Gregory’s Day in that year would be the very day preceding.]
[Footnote 83.2: Omitted in MS.]
[Footnote 83.3: Friar John Hawteyn.]
[Footnote 83.4: ‘and’ repeated in MS.]
75
MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[84.1]
_To my ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, Jon Paston, be this lettyr delyveryd in
hast._
[Sidenote: 1448 / APRIL]
Ryth wyrchypful hwsbond, I recomawnd me to zw, desyryng hertyly to heryn
of zour wel fare, praying zw to wete that I was with my Lady
Morley[84.2] on the Satyrday next after that ze departyd from hens, and
told here qhat answer that ze had of Jon Butt, and sche toke it ryth
straw[n]gely, and seyd that sche had told zw, and schewyd zw i now
[_enough_], qher by ze myth have knowleche that the releve owt [_ought_]
to ben payd to her. And sche seyd sche wyst wel that ze delay it forthe,
that sche xuld nowth have that longyth to her ryth. And sche told me hw
it was payd in Thomas Chawmbers tym, qhan her dowther Hastyngs[84.3] was
weddyd; and sche seyd sythyn that ze wyl make none end with her, sche
wyl sew therfore as law wyl.
I conseyvyd be here that sche had cwnsel to labore azens zw therin
withyn ryth schort tym. And than I prayd her that sche wuld vwche save
nowth to labowr azens zw in this mater tyl ze kom hom; and sche seyd
nay, be her feyth, sche wuld no more days zeve [_give_] zw therin. Sche
seyd sche had sett zw so many days to a kord with her, and ze had broke
them, that sche was ryth wery therof; and sche seyd sche was but a
woman, sche must don be her cownseyl, and her cwnseyle had avysyd her,
so sche seyd sche wyld do. Than I prayd her azyn that sche wuld teryn
[_tarry_] tyl ze kom hom, and I seyd I trostyd veryly that ze wuld don
qhan ze kom hom, as itt longeth to zw to don; and if ze myth have very
knowleche that sche awyth of ryth for to have itt, I seyd I wyst wel
that ze wuld pay it with ryth gode wyl, and told her that ze had sergyd
to a fownd wrytyng therof, and ze kwd non fynd in non wyse. And sche
sayd sche wyst wele there was wrytyng therof inow, and sche hath wrytyng
therof hw Syr Robert of Mawthby, and Sir Jon, and my grawnsyre, and
dyverse other of myn awncesterys payd it, and seyd nevyre nay therto.
And in no wyse I kwd not geyn no grawnth of her to sesyn tyl ze kom hom;
and sche bad me that I xuld don an erand to my moder, and qhan I kam
hom, I dede myn erand to her. And sche axyd me if I had spokyn to my
lady of this forseyd mater, and I told her hw I had do, and qhat answer
I had; and sche seyd sche xuld gon to my Lady Morles on the nexst day,
and sche xuld speken to her therof, and a say to getyn grawnt of her to
sesyn of the forsayd mater tyl that ze kom hom. And truly my moder dede
her dever ryth feythfully therin, as my cosyn Clare[85.1] xal tellyn zw
qhan that he speketh with zow; and sche gete grawnt of my seyd lady that
there xuld nowth ben don azens zw therin, and ze wold acordyn with her,
and don as ze owyn to do be twyx this tym and Trinyte Sunday.
Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy recommawndeth hym to zu, and prayt zw that
ze wyl vwchesave to leten hym byn [_buy_] of zw the ferm barly that ze
xuld have of hym, and if ze wyl laten hym have it to a resonabyl pris,
he wyl have it with ryth a gode wyl; and he prayit zw if ze wyl that he
have it, that ze wyl owche save [_vouchsafe_] to send hym word at qhat
pris he xuld have the kowmb as hastyly as ze may, and ellys he must be
purvayd in other plase.
As twchyng other tydyngs, I sopose Jon of Dam xal send zw word in a
letter. As it is told me veryly, Heydon xal not kom at London this term.
It is seyd in this contre that Danyell[86.1] is owth of the Kyngs gode
grase, and he xal dwn and all hys mene, and all that ben hys wele
wyllers; there xal no man ben so hardy to don nether seyn azens my Lord
of Sowthfolk,[86.2] nere non that longeth to hym; and all that have don
and seyd azens hym, they xul sore repent hem. Kateryn Walsam xal be
weddyd on the Munday nexst after Trinyte Sonday, as it is told me, to
the galaunte with the grete chene; and there is purvayd for her meche
gode aray of gwnys, gyrdelys, and atyrys, and meche other gode aray, and
he hathe purcheysyd a gret purcheys of v. mark be zer to zevyn her to
her joynture.
I am aferd that Jon of Sparham is so schyttyl wyttyd, that he wyl sett
hys gode to morgage to Heydon, or to sum other of ywre gode frendys, but
if [_i.e._ unless] I can hold hym inne the better, ere ze kom hom. He
hath ben arestyd sythyn that ye went, and hath had moche sorw at the
sewte of mayster Joh Stoks of London for x. mark that Sparham owt to
hym; and in gode feyth he hath had so moche sorow and hevynesse that he
wyst nowth qhat he myth don. I fell hym so disposyd that he wold asold
and asett to morgage all that he hath, he had nowth rowth to qhom, so
that he myth an had mony to an holpyn hym self wyth; and I entretyd hym
so, thatt I sopose he wyll nother sellyn ner sett to morgage, nother
catel ner other gode of hese, tyl he speke with zw. He soposeth that al
that is don to hym is att the request of the Parson of Sparham and
Knatylsale. I sopose it is almas to comfort hym, for in gode feyth he is
ryth hevy, and hys wyf al so. He is nowth nw under arest, he hath payd
hys feys, and goth at large; he was arestyd att Sparham, of on of
Knatysales men.
Hodge Feke told me thatt Sym Schepherd is styl with Wylly,[86.3] and if
ze wyl I xal purvey that he xal be browth hom er ze kom hom. It is told
me that he that kept zour schep was owth lawyd on Munday at the swth of
Sir Thomas Todynham, and if it be so, ze arn nowth lyk to kepe hym
longe. And as twchyng that that ze badeyn me spekyn for to Bakton, he
seyth he is wel avysyd that sche seyd sche wuld never have to don with
all, ner he kan not pek that sche seyd sche hath non ryth to have it,
and he wyl say lyche as he hath herd her seyd; and if sche speke to hym
therof, he wyll rather hold with zw than with her. I pray ye that ze wyl
vwche save to send me word hw ze spede in zour matter twchyng Gressam,
and hw Danyel is in grace. Harry Goneld hath browth to me xl_s._ of
Gressam syn ze zede, and he seyth I xal have more or Qhythson tyd, if he
may pyk it up.
I sopose Jamys Gressam hath told zw of other thyngs that I have sped syn
ze zedyn hens. If I her any strawnge tydyngs in this contre, I xall send
zw word. I pray zw that I may ben recommawndyd to my Lord Danyel.
The Holy Trynyte have zw in hys kepyng, and send zw helth and gode spede
in al zour maters twchyng zour ryth.
Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Wedenys day nexst after thatt ze partyd hens.
Yors,
MARGARETE PASTON.
[Footnote 84.1: [From Fenn, iii. 54.] The date of this letter is
fixed by an endorsement in these words, ‘Literæ termino Paschæ
anno xxvj.,’ showing that it was written in Easter term, in the
26th year of Henry VI. Easter term in that year lasted from the
10th of April to the 6th of May.]
[Footnote 84.2: Isabel, widow of Thomas, Lord Morley, who died
in 1435. She was the daughter of Michael de la Pole, Earl of
Suffolk. Fenn confounds her with the widow of the Lord Morley
who died in 1417, who was a daughter of Edward, Lord Dispencer,
and had previously married Sir Hugh Hastings. But this lady died
about 1426 (Blomefield, ii. 440), and cannot be the lady
mentioned in the text.]
[Footnote 84.3: Ann, married to John Hastyngs. --_See_
Blomefield, ii. 430.]
[Footnote 85.1: Probably William, eldest son of Robert Clere of
Ormesby, who died in 1446. --_See_ Blomefield, vi. 336.]
[Footnote 86.1: Thomas Daniel.]
[Footnote 86.2: _See_ p. 80, note 2.]
[Footnote 86.3: William Paston, son of the Judge (?).]
[[Laueraw[n]ce Rede of Mawthhy
_text unchanged: error for “Mawthby”?_]]
[[mayster Joh Stoks of London
_text unchanged: error for “Joh.” or “Jon”?_]]
76
LORD SCALES TO THOMAS GNATESHALE[87.1]
_To Thomas Gnateshale._
[Sidenote: Date uncertain]
Thomas Gnateshale, I wul ze wite it was oute of my remembrance that
Paston hade pout in my determinacion the discort betwene you and hym.
I was the more favourable to your entent, but in so mych as I had
forgete that beforesaid, I praye you that ye suffre the cornes in mene
hand til that I have determined the matier betwene you too be the advis
of lerned men whech han knowelich in such causses, the which thing I wul
do in as short tyme as may, wherof ze shal have knowelich.
Writen at Myddelton, the xiiij. day of August.
THE LORD SCALES.
[Footnote 87.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The person to whom this
is addressed is probably the same ‘Knatysale’ mentioned in the
preceding letter, and as it contains no evidence of any definite
date, we think best to insert it here.]
77
ABSTRACT[88.1]
MARGARET PASTON TO HER HUSBAND (_not addressed_).
[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 19]
On Friday last, the Parson of Oxened ‘being at messe in one Parossh
Chirche, evyn at levacion of the sakeryng, Jamys Gloys had been in the
town, and come homeward by Wymondam’s gate,’ when he was attacked by
Wymondham who had two of his men with him, and driven into ‘my mother’s
place’ for refuge. With the noise of this, my mother and I came out of
the church from the sakeryng, and Wymondham ‘called my mother and me
strong whores, and said, ye Pastons and all her kin were . . . . . . .
yngham said he lied, knave and churl as he was.’ After noon my mother
and I reported this to the Prior of Norwich, who sent for Wymondham;
and Pagrave came with us. While Wymondham was with the Prior, and we at
home, Gloys was assaulted again in the street, ‘as he stood in the Lady
Hastyngs’ chamber,’ by Thomas Hawys, one of Wymondham’s men. This last
assault the Parson of Oxened saw. Sends Gloys to her husband for fear of
further trouble. The Lady Morle ‘would have the benefice of her
obligacion,’ as her counsel tells her it is forfeit, and she would not
have the relief till she have your homage. The Lord Moleyns’ man is
collecting the rent at Gresham ‘a great pace,’ as James Gresham will
report to you.
Trinity Sunday, at even.
Further statement about the assault added in a different hand
(qu. Agnes Paston’s?).
[From the fact of Lord Molyns being in possession of Gresham, and
collecting rents there, it is clear that the date of this letter is
1448. This date also agrees with what is said in Letter 75 about a
relief claimed by Lady Morley.]
[Footnote 88.1: [From Phillipps MS. 9735, No. 256.]]
78
JOHN NORTHWOOD TO JOHN, VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[88.2]
_To my worschypful and reverent Lord, John, Vicont Beaumont._
[Sidenote: 1448 / MAY 28]
Rygth worschypfull, and my reverent and most spesiall Lord, y recomaund
me un to yowr good grace in the most humble and lowly wyse that y canne
or may, desyryng to her of your prosperite and well fare [as to
my][88.3] most syngeler joy and spesiall comfort.
And gyf hyt plees your Hygnes, as towchyng the soden aventuer that fell
latly at Coventre, plees hyt your Lordshyp to her that, on Corpus
Christi Even[89.1] last passed, be twene viij. and ix. of the clok at
a[fternon],[89.2] Syr Umfrey Stafford[89.3] had browth my mayster Syr
James of Urmond[89.4] towa[r]d hys yn [_inn_] from my Lady of
Shrewesb[ery,[89.5] and][89.2] reterned from hym toward hys yn, he met
with Syr Robert Harcourt[89.6] comyng from hys moder towards hys yn, and
pass[ed Syr][89.2] Umfrey; and Richard, hys son, came somewhat be hynd,
and when they met to gyder, they fell in handes togyder, and [Sir
Robert][89.2] smot hym a grette st[r]oke on the hed with hys sord, and
Richard with hys dagger hastely went toward hym. And as he stombled, on
of Harcourts men smot hym in the bak with a knyfe; men wotte not ho hyt
was reddely. Hys fader hard noys, and rode toward hem, and hys men ronne
befor hym thyder ward; and in the goyng downe of hys hors, on, he wotte
not ho, be hynd hym smot hym on the hede with a nege tole, men know not
with us with what wepone, that he fell downe; and hys son fell downe be
fore hym as good as dede. And all thys was don, as men sey, in a Pater
Noster wyle. And forth with Syr Umfrey Stafford men foloed after, and
slew ij. men of Harcowrttus, on Swynerton, and Bradshawe, and mo ben
hurt; sum ben gonne, and sum be in pryson in the jayll at Coventre.
And before the coroner of Coventre, up on the sygth of the bodyes, ther
ben endited, as prynsipall for the deth of Richard Stafford, Syr Robert
Harcourt and the ij. men that ben dede. And for the ij. men of Harcourts
that ben dede, ther ben endited ij. men of Syr Umfrey as prynsipall. And
as gytte ther hath ben no thyng fownden before the Justice of the Pees
of Coventre of thys riot, be caws the shreffe of Warwyk shyre is
dede,[90.1] and they may not sytt in to the tyme ther be a new shreve.
And all thys myschef fell be cawse of a nold debate that was be twene
heme for takyng of a dystres, as hyt is told.
And All mygthty Jesu preserve yowr hye astat, my spesiall Lord, and send
yow long lyve and good hele.
Wryten at Coventre on Tewusday next after Corpus Christi day, &c.
Be yowr own pore Servant,
JOHN NORTHWOD.
[Footnote 88.2: [From Fenn, i. 12.] The date of this letter will
appear by a foot-note.]
[Footnote 88.3: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as
‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]
[Footnote 89.1: 22nd May.]
[Footnote 89.2: The bracketed words are noted by Fenn as
‘imperfect in the original, the paper being chafed.’]
[Footnote 89.3: Killed in an engagement with Jack Cade in June
1450.]
[Footnote 89.4: Probably Sir James Butler, son and heir-apparent
of James, fourth Earl of Ormond, who in 1449 was created Earl of
Wiltshire.]
[Footnote 89.5: Wife of John Talbot, the famous Earl of
Shrewsbury.]
[Footnote 89.6: He signalised himself in the wars of Henry VI.
and Edward IV., was a Knight of the Garter, and in November
1470, 10 Edward IV., was slain by the Staffords, perhaps in
revenge for this murder of Richard Stafford.--F.]
[Footnote 90.1: Thomas Porter was sheriff of the counties of
Warwick and Leicester in 26 Henry VI., and died in his year of
office on Monday after Corpus Christi day (27th May 1448), the
day before this letter was written.--Inquisition _post mortem_,
27 Henry VI., No. 13.]
79
LORD MOLYNS TO THE BISHOP OF WINCHESTER[90.2]
_To the worschypful Fader yn God, and my ryth gode Lord, the Bysshop of
Wynchestyr.[90.3]_
[Sidenote: 1448 / JUNE 13]
Worschypful Fader yn God, and my rythe gode Lord, as hertely as y canne,
y recomaund me to your gode Lordschyp; to the wyche plese hyt to wyt
that y have resayvyd your lettre, by the wyche y oundyrstond the dayely
sute to your Lordschyp as of Pastun, as for the mater betwyx hym and me,
wer yn also y fele that he ys wyllyd that comynycasyon and trete schold
be had betwyxt hys counsayle and myne, now at Mydsomer; to the wyche, my
Lord, y am at the reverens of your Lordschyp wel agreyd, and have send
to my counsayle at Loundon, aftyr the seyng of thys your last letter,
as for the trete by twyxt hym and me, and that they schold yeve ful
attendauns to the end of the mater by twne the sayde Pastun and me, as
thow y were present with hem.
And, my Lord, hyt were to grete a thyng, and hyte laye yn my power, but
y wold do at the reverens of your Lordschyp, yn las than hyt schold hurt
me to gretly, wyche y wote wel your Lordschyp wol nevyr desyr.
And God for hys mercy have you, rythe worschypful Fadyr yn God, and my
rythe gode Lord, yn hys blessyd kepyng.
Wrytyn with my noune chaunsery hand, yn hast, the xiij. daye of June,
at Teffaunt.
Vere hartely your,
MOLYNS.
[Footnote 90.2: [From Fenn, i. 190.] It appears, by John
Paston’s petition presented to Parliament two years later, that
after he had been dispossessed of Gresham by Lord Molyns in
February 1448, communications passed between his counsel and
that of Lord Molyns on the subject until Michaelmas following.
This letter must refer to the first overtures.]
[Footnote 90.3: The celebrated William of Waynflete.]
80
ANONYMOUS TO JOHN PASTON[91.1]
[Sidenote: 1448]
[Illustration]
Worchepeful mayster I recomend me to yow: and I pray yow to wete I was
at Katefeld in Cobbes place for to se the armes as ye comaunded me, and
the feld is gold wyth iii. bukkeles of sylver mad on the wyse as it is
her, wyth floweris of sylver on the bukkelis mad of iiij. lyke a
trewlove. Also, syr, I have spoke to a fryer that is conversaunt at
Wykelwode wyth Randolffis dowter and he hath behestid me for to gete me
Randolffis armes of hese dowter Wyltones wyf; but I have not yet spoke
wyth the frier a yen. Also I pray yow to wete that I was at Mauteby and
ye have there CC. combz of malt if ye wyl gef for xiiii_d._ a combz in
the comes and xxi. for xx. ye shal have redy mony, as I suppose, for
Pykeryng sellyth for xi_d._ and xii_d._ the lest that hath, as the
parson of Mauteby tellyth me. And the parson and I have do throche your
qwete for it was ete wyth myse to petowsly for to se; and if it plese
yow I pray yow that ye wyl send me word qwhedyr ye wyl selle your malt
and your qhete aftyr the pryse of the countre or (?) it shal be purveyid
for to kepe it til ye may sett. And I have spoke to Lawrauns Reede for
the ferme; but he wyl not take it, as I conseyve, til he speke wyth yow.
I suppos for to a made a covienaunt wyth hym, but he hath no sewerte
yet, and the londis shal not be in your handis til myhelmes as he
seyeth; ther for he is the mor terying, &c. I beseche all myti Jhesu
spede yow and kepe yow.
[_Not signed._]
On the back are some names of families in a contemporary hand, and
five shields of arms tricked in a modern hand, the latter being
apparently the armorial bearings of ancestors of the Earl of
Yarmouth, to whom there is a letter addressed by ‘Wm. Smyth’ upon
this subject at f. 146 of the MS.
[Footnote 91.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 143.] This letter is
neither signed nor addressed, but there is no doubt the person
for whom it was intended was John Paston the eldest, who
possessed property at Mautby in right of his wife. The reference
to Laurence Reede seems further to show that it is of the year
1448. See p. 85.]
81
JAMES GLOYS TO JOHN PASTON[92.1]
_To my Ryght Wurchepfull master John Paston be this deliuered in hast._
[Sidenote: 1448 / DEC. 3]
Right reverent and wurchepfull sir, I recommande me to yow, desyryng to
here of yowr welfare, the which gracyows God contynually preserve and
kepe to yowr gostly hele and bodily welfare; praying yow to wete that as
for the broke sylver that my mastres wend for to a sent yow whan she
dede wryte her letter, ther is none in your forcer; she supposyd that ye
left it at Norwiche in yowr cofere, wher of ye have the key. Also my
mastres yowr moder grete yow wele, and pray yow to send her word how she
shall do with Edward of Whode of Paston; for she dede seys his corn on
the lond the last hervest, and he led it a wey after that it whas seysyd
with awth licens and leve of here or any of here offyceris. Item, my
mastres yowr syster recommand her hertly to yow, and pray yow that and
ye wold wochesaff to speke to my master Edmund, and pray hym if that he
hath bowth here ger that she sent to hym fore, that he wold send it her
home; in cas that[93.1] he have not bowth it, that he wold be it and
sent it here in all the hast that he may goodly. Forthermore if it plese
yow to her of my master Berney, he was at Gresham with my mastres on the
Tuysday next after Halwemasday, the same day that we dystreynyd Jamys
Rokkysson, and I had mette a litill a fore with Pertrych, and he thrett
me, and sayd that we shuld not long kepe the dystresse, and there for my
mastres dede us don on owr jakkys and owr salettis. My master Berney cam
in and the parson of Oxened with hym and sey us in owre jakkis, and he
wexe as pale as any herd and wold right fayn a ben thens. So my mastres
dede hym dyne, and whill thei wher at dynar Herry Collys told my mastres
openly among us all that the same tyme that Pertrych entryd a geyn up on
yow, his master was at Causton to yow ward, and there it was told hym
that Pertrych had putt yow owth and all your men, and that ye and my
mastres wher redyn a geyn to Norwhich, and all your howshold, and that
causyd hym that he cam no forther that tyme; and my Master Berney
confermyd all this and seyd that it was so. Whan thei had etyn he had
mych hast to a be thens, so my mastres desyryd and prayd hym that he
wold come a geyn or aght long; and so with mych praying he be hest her
if he mythe. And Herry Collys stode ther bysyde and seyd to my felachep,
‘What shuld my master do here,’ quod he, ‘lete yowr master send after
his kynnysmen at Mautby, for thei have nowth that thei mawn lese.’ And
so thei redyn her wey. And with in a sevenygt after my master Berney
sent Davy to my mastres, and prayd my mastres that she wold hold his
master excusyd, for he had hurt his owyn hors that he rode up on; and he
dede Davy sadillyn an oder hors; and he stode by and made water whill he
sadyllyd hym, and as Davy shuld a kyrt the hors, he slenkyd behynd and
toke his master on the hepe suyche a stroke that never man may trust hym
after, and brake his hepe. And he had sent Herry Collys to Norwhich for
medycynys, so he must ryde hom the same nygt; for his master had no man
at home. So my mastres was rygth sory, and wend that it had be trowth,
but I know wele that it was not so. It happyd that I rod the next day to
Norwhich, and I rood in to my mastres your moder, and she dede aske me
after my master Berney, and I told here how he was hurt. And she askyd
the parson of Oxened if he wer hurt, and he seyd nay; for Davy lay with
hym the same nygt a fore and told hym that he was heyll and mery, and
prayd hym that he wold be with hym the Sonday next after; and so Davy
lay the same nygt after that he had told my mastres the tale with the
parson of Oxened. I beseche yow of yowre gode masterchep that ye wold
not do wreythe this letter, for and my mastres knew that I sent yow
suyche a letter I were never abyll to loke up on her, nor to abyde in
her heysyte. My mastres yowr moder hath sent yow ij. letteris; she hath
in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde, and she wuld wete if ye had hem or
nawth. The Holy Trynyte have yow in kepyng. Wrytyne at Norwhich on Sent
Clementis evyn. In hast.
Your servaunt,
JAMIS GLOYS.
[Footnote 92.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 57.] This letter bears upon
the dispute about Gresham, and is probably of the year 1448, for
it is to be presumed that Edmund Paston died shortly after the
date of his nuncupative will, 21st March 1449.]
[Footnote 93.1: The word ‘that’ is repeated in the MS. by
inadvertence.]
[[she hath in dosyd hem to my master Edmunde
_text unchanged: error for “in closyd” or “in dorsyd”?_]]
82
MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[94.1]
_To my ryght worchippfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in
hast._
[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JAN. 31]
Righ
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