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History of the Great Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in Germany, Switzerland, &c., Volume 4

by J. H. Merle d'Aubigné · English · Gutenberg #40971 · 1,081,003 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: History of the Great Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in Germany, Switzerland, &c., Volume 4

Author: J. H. Merle d'Aubigné

Translator: H. White


        
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE GREAT REFORMATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY IN GERMANY, SWITZERLAND, &C., VOLUME 4 ***

[Illustration: J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNÉ]

[Illustration: MARTIN LUTHER BEFORE THE DIET AT WORMS

NEW YORK

R CARTER 58 CANAL STREET.]




  HISTORY
  OF THE
  GREAT REFORMATION
  OF THE
  SIXTEENTH CENTURY
  IN
  GERMANY, SWITZERLAND, &c.

  BY J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE,
  PRESIDENT OF THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL OF GENEVA, AND MEMBER OF
  THE "SOCIETE EVANGELIQUE."

  ASSISTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THE ENGLISH ORIGINAL

  BY H. WHITE,
  B.A. TRIN. COLL. CAMBRIDGE, M.A. AND PH. DR. HEIDELBERG.

  VOL. IV.

  NEW YORK:
  ROBERT CARTER, 58 CANAL STREET;
  AND PITTSBURG, 56 MARKET STREET.

  1846.




PREFACE.


When a foreigner visits certain countries, as England, Scotland, or
America, he is sometimes presented with the rights of citizenship.
Such has been the privilege of the "History of the Reformation of the
Sixteenth Century." From 150,000 to 200,000 copies are in circulation,
in the English language, in the countries I have just mentioned; while
in France the number hardly exceeds 4000. This is a real
adoption,--naturalizing this Work in the countries that have received
it with so much favour.

I accept this honour. Accordingly, while the former Volumes of my
History were originally published in France; now that, after a lapse
of five years, I think of issuing a continuation of it, I do so in
Great Britain.

This is not the only change in the mode of publication. I did not
think it right to leave to translators, as in the cases of the former
Volumes, the task of expressing my ideas in English. The best
translations are always faulty; and the Author alone can have the
certainty of conveying his idea, his whole idea, and nothing but his
idea. Without overlooking the merit that the several existing
translations may possess, even the best of them is not free from
inaccuracies, more or less important. Of these I have given specimens
in the Preface to the New Translation of the former Volumes by Dr.
WHITE, which has been revised by me, and which will shortly be
published by Messrs. OLIVER and BOYD. These inaccuracies, no doubt
most involuntary, contributed in giving rise to a very severe contest
that took place in America, on the subject of this Work, between the
Episcopalians and the Baptists on the one hand, and the Presbyterians
on the other,--a contest that I hope is now terminated, but in which
(as a New York correspondent informed me) one of the most beneficial
and powerful Christian Societies of the United States had been on the
brink of dissolution.

With such facts before me, I could no longer hesitate. It became
necessary for me to publish, myself, in English; and this I
accordingly do. But although that language is familiar to me, I was
desirous of securing, to a certain extent, the co-operation of an
English literary gentleman. Dr. HENRY WHITE, a Graduate of Cambridge,
and Member of a Continental University, has had the great kindness to
visit Switzerland for this purpose, although such a step exposed him
to much inconvenience, and to pass with me at Geneva the time
necessary for this labour. I could not have had a more enlightened
coadjutor; and I here express my obligations to him for his very able
assistance.

I therefore publish in English this Continuation of the History of the
Reformation. I do not think that, as I publish, myself, in this
language, any one will have the power, or will entertain the idea, of
attempting another publication. It would be a very bad speculation on
the part of any bookseller; for where is the reader that would not
prefer the original text, as published by the Author himself, to a
translation made by a stranger?

But there is a higher question--a question of morality. Of all
property that a man can possess, there is none so essentially his own
as the labours of his mind. Man acquires the fruits of his fields by
the sweat of his servants and of his beasts of burden; and the produce
of his manufactures by the labour of his workmen and the movement of
his machines; but it is by his own toils, by the exercise of his most
exalted faculties, that he creates the productions of his mind.
Accordingly, in putting this History under the protection of the laws,
I place it at the same time under a no less secure safeguard,--that of
justice. I know that it is written in the consciences on the other
side of the Channel and of the Atlantic: _Ye shall have one manner of
law, as well for the stranger as for one of your own country: for I am
the Lord your God._[1] To English honour I confide this Work.

  [1] Levit. xxiv. 22.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first two Books of this Volume contain the most important epochs
of the Reformation--the Protest of Spire, and the Confession of
Augsburg. The last two describe the establishment of the Reform in
most of the Swiss cantons, and the instructive and deplorable events
that are connected with the catastrophe of Cappel.

It was my desire to narrate also the beginnings of the English
Reformation; but my Volume is filled, and I am compelled to defer this
subject to the next. It is true I might have omitted some matters here
treated of, but I had strong reasons for doing the contrary. The
Reformation in Great Britain is not very important before the period
described in this volume; the order of time compelled me, therefore,
to remain on the Continent; for whatever may be the historian's
desire, he cannot change dates and the order that God has assigned to
the events of the world. Besides, before turning more especially
towards England, Scotland, France, and other countries, I determined
on bringing the Reformation of Germany and German Switzerland to the
decisive epochs of 1530 and 1531. The History of the Reformation,
properly so called, is then, in my opinion, almost complete in those
countries. The work of Faith has there attained its apogee: that of
conferences, of interims, of diplomacy begins. I do not, however,
entirely abandon Germany and German Switzerland, but henceforward they
will occupy me less: the movement of the sixteenth century has there
made its effort. I said, from the very first: It is the History of the
Reformation and not of Protestantism that I am relating.

It is not, however, without some portion of fear that I approach the
History of the Reformation in England; it is perhaps more difficult
than elsewhere. I have received communications from some of the most
respectable men of the different ecclesiastical parties, who, each
feeling convinced that their own point of view is the true one, desire
me to present the history in this light. I hope to execute my task
with impartiality and truth. But I thought it would be advantageous to
study for some time longer the principles and the facts. I am at
present occupied in this task, and shall consecrate to it, with God's
assistance, the first part of my next Volume.

Should it be thought that I might have described the Reformation in
Switzerland with greater brevity, I beg my readers will call to mind
that, independently of the intrinsic importance of this history,
Switzerland is the Author's birthplace.

I had at first thought of making arrangements for the present
publication with the English and Scotch booksellers who had translated
the former portions. Relations that I had maintained with some of
these publishers, and which had gained my esteem for them, induced me
to adopt this course. They were consequently informed by letter of my
purpose, and several months later I had an interview with some of them
at Glasgow. I told them of my intentions, and desired to know theirs.
They replied, that they could not communicate them immediately, since
they would first have to come to an arrangement with their colleagues,
in order to make me a proposal in common. It would appear that they
did not succeed. However that may be, and although I allowed a
sufficient period of time to elapse, I received no communication from
the associated publishers. But at the same time, one of the first
houses in Great Britain, Messrs. OLIVER and BOYD of Edinburgh, who
were introduced to me by my highly respected friend Dr. CHALMERS, made
me a suitable and precise offer. I could wait no longer; and on the
very eve of my departure from London for the Continent, after a
sojourn of three months in Scotland and in England, I made
arrangements with them, which have since been definitively settled,
and the Work is now their property.

The French laws are positive to protect literary property in France,
even if it belongs to a foreigner. I am less familiar with the English
laws; but I will not do England the injustice of believing that its
legislation is surpassed by that of France in justice and in morality.

  J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE.

  EAUX-VIVES, GENEVA, _January 1846_.




CONTENTS.


  BOOK XIII.--PAGE 11.

  THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE.

  1526-1529.

  Twofold Movement of Reform--Reform, the Work of God--First Diet
    of Spire--Palladium of Reform--Proceedings of the Diet--Report of
    the Commissioners--The Papacy described--Destruction of Jerusalem--
    Instructions of Seville--Change of Policy--The Holy League--Religious
    Liberty proposed--Crisis of the Reformation--Italian War--Emperor's
    Manifesto--Italian Campaign--March on Rome--Revolt of the Troops--Papal
    Army--The Assault--The Sack--German Humours--Violence of the
    Spaniards--Profitable Calm--Constitution of the Church--Philip of
    Hesse--The Monk of Marburg--Lambert's Paradoxes--Friar Boniface--
    Disputation at Homburg--Triumph of the Gospel in Hesse--Constitution
    of the Church--Synods--Two Elements in the Church--Luther on the
    Ministry--Organization of the Church--Evils of State Interference--
    Luther's Letter to the Elector--German Mass--Melancthon's Instructions--
    Disaffection--Visitation of the Reformed Churches--Important Results--
    The Reformation Advances--Elizabeth of Brandenburg--A Pious Princess--
    Edict of Ofen--Persecutions--Winckler and Carpenter--Persecutions--
    Keyser--Alarm in Germany--Pack's Forgery--League of the Reformed
    Princes--Advice of the Reformers--Luther's pacific Counsel--Surprise
    of the Papist Princes--Pack's Scheme not improbable--Vigour of the
    Reformation--Alliance between Charles and Clement--Omens--Hostility of
    the Papists--Arbitrary Proposition of Charles--The Schism completed--
    The Protest--Principles of the Protest--The Supremacy of the Gospel--
    Union of Truth and Charity--Ferdinand rejects the Protest--Joy of the
    Protestants--Exultation of the Papists--Peter Muterstatt--Christian
    Unity a Reality--Escape of Grynæus--Melancthon's Dejection--The
    Princes, the true Reformers--Germany and Reform--Union necessary to
    Reform--Difficulty of Union--A Lutheran Warning--Proposed Conference at
    Marburg--Melancthon and Zwingle--Zwingle's Departure--Rumours in
    Zurich--Hoc est Corpus Meum--The Discussion--Figures--Scripture
    explained by Scripture--The Spiritual Eating--Zwingle's Old Song--
    Agitation in the Conference--Metaphor--Christ's Humanity Finite--
    Testimony of Augustin--Luther's Violence--End of the Conference--The
    Landgrave mediates--Their Last Meeting--Zwingle's Emotion--Sectarian
    Spirit of the Germans--Brotherhood Rejected--Christian Charity
    Prevails--The Real Presence--Luther's Dejection--State of Political
    Affairs--Luther's Battle Sermon.


  BOOK XIV.--PAGE 113.

  THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.

  1530.

  Two Striking Lessons--Charles V.--The German Envoys--Boldness of
    the Envoys--The Landgrave's Present--The Envoys under Arrest--Their
    Release and Departure--Meeting of Charles and Clement--Gattinara's
    Proposition--Clement's Objection--War Imminent--Luther's
    Objections--The Saviour is Coming--Charles's Conciliatory Language--The
    Emperor's Motives--The Coronation--Alarm of the Protestants--Luther
    advocates Passive Resistance--Brüch's Noble Advice--Spiritual
    Armour--Luther remains at Coburg--Charles at Innspruck--Two
    Parties at Court--Sentiments of Gattinara--The King of
    Denmark--Piety of the Elector--Wiles of the Romanists--Augsburg--The
    Gospel Preached--The Emperor's Message--The Sermons
    Prohibited--Firmness of the Elector--The Elector's Reply--Preparation
    of the Confession--The Church, the Judge--The Landgrave's
    Catholic Spirit--Augsburg--Violence of the Imperialists--Charles at
    Munich--Charles and the Princes--The Procession--Enters Augsburg--The
    Benediction--Charles and the Landgrave--The Margrave of
    Brandenburg--The Emperor's Silence--Failure of the Interview--Agitation
    of Charles--Refusal of the Princes--Procession of Corpus
    Christi--Exasperation of Charles--The Sermons prohibited--A Compromise
    proposed--A Compromise--Curiosity of the Citizens--The
    New Preachers--The Medley of Popery--Luther Encourages the
    Princes--Veni Spiritus--Mass of the Holy Ghost--The Sermon--Opening
    the Diet--The Elector's Prayer--Insidious Plan of the Romanists--Valdez
    and Melancthon--Evangelical Firmness Prevails--Zeal of the Elector--
    The Signing of the Confession--Luther's Anxiety--Luther's
    Texts--Luther to Melancthon--The Palatine Chapel--Recollections
    and Contrast--The Confession--Prologue--The Confession--Justification--
    Free Will and Works--Faith--Luther on the Confession--Abuses--Church and
    State--Duty of the Bishops--Epilogue--Remarks on the Confession--Church
    and State Distinct--Remarks--Moderate Tone of the Confession--Defects--A
    New Baptism--Effect on the Romanists--Luther demands Religious Liberty--
    Luther's Dominant Idea--Song of Triumph--An Ingenuous Confession--Hopes
    of the Protestants--Failure of the Popish Intrigues--The
    Emperor's Council--Luther opposes Concession--Infatuation of
    the Papists--Scheme of the Romish Doctors--Melancthon's Explanation--
    Refutation--Charles's Dissatisfaction--Interview with the Princes--The
    Swiss at Augsburg--Zwingle's Confession--Afflicting Divisions--The
    Elector's Faith--The Lion's Skin--The Refutation--Imperial
    Commands--Melancthon's Prescience--Policy of Charles--Stormy
    Meeting--Resolutions of the Consistory--The Prayers of the Saints--Two
    Miracles--The Emperor's Menace--The Mask--Omens--Tumult
    in Augsburg--Philip of Hesse--Temptation--Union Resisted--The
    Landgrave--Protestant Firmness--Philip of Hesse--Flight
    from Augsburg--Alarm in Augsburg--Metamorphoses--Unusual Moderation--
    Peace,    Peace--The Mixed Commission--The Three Points--Romish
    Dissimulation--The Main Question--Church Government--Danger
    of Concession--Pretended Concord--Luther's Letters--The
    Word above the Church--Melancthon's Blindness--Papist Infatuation--A
    New Commission--The Landgrave's Firmness--The Two Phantoms--Concessions--
    Rome and Christianity--Irritation--The Gordian Knot--The Council
    Granted--Alarm in Rome--Menaces--Altercations--Fresh Negotiations--
    Protestantism Resists--Luther's Exhortation--The Elector of Saxony--The
    Recess of Augsburg--Irritating Language--Apology of the Confession--
    Intimidation--Final Interview--Messages of Peace--Exasperation of the
    Papists--Restoration of Popery--Tumult in the Church--Union of the
    Churches--The Pope and the Emperor--Close of the Diet--Attack of
    Geneva--Joy of the Evangelicals--Establishment of Protestantism.


  BOOK XV.--PAGE 265.

  SWITZERLAND--CONQUESTS.

  1526-1530.

  Three Periods of Reform--Two Movements in the Church--The Two
    Movements--Aggressive Spirit--The Schoolmaster--Farel's New
    Baptism--Farel's Studies--The Door is Opened--Opposition--Lausanne--
    Picture of the Clergy--Farel at Lausanne--Farel and the
    Monk--Opposition to the Gospel--The Converted Monk--Christian
    Unity--State-Religion--A Resolution of Berne--Almanack of Heretics--
    Haller--Zwingle's Exhortation--Anabaptists at Berne--Victory
    of the Gospel--Papist Provocations--Proposed Disputation--Objections
    of the Forest Cantons--Important Question--Unequal Contest--A
    Christian Band--The Cordeliers' Church--Opening of the Conference--
    Christ the Sole Head--Remarkable Conversion--St. Vincent's Day--A
    Strange Argument--Papist Bitterness--Necessity of Reform--Zwingle's
    Sermon--Charity--Edict of Reform--The Reformation Reproached--The
    Reform Accepted--Faith and Charity--First Evangelical
    Communion--Faith shown by Works--Head of Beatus--Threatening
    Storm--Revolt--Christ in Danger--A Revolt--Energy
    of Berne--Victory--Political Advantages--Romish Relics--Nuns of
    St. Catherine--Contests--Spread of Reform--A Popish Miracle--Obstacles
    in Basle--Zeal of the Citizens--Witticisms of Erasmus--Half
    Measures--The Petition--Commotion in Basle--Half Measures Rejected--
    Reformed Propositions--A Night of Terror--The Idols Broken--The
    Hour of Madness--The Reform Legalized--Erasmus in Basle--Objections--
    Principles of the Reformation--Farel's Commission--Farel
    at Lausanne--Farel at Morat--Neufchâtel--Farel's Labours--Farel's
    Preaching--Popery in Neufchâtel--Resistance of the Monks--The
    Hospital Chapel--Civil Power Invoked--Guillemette de Vugy--The
    Feast of Assumption--The Mass Interrupted--Farel's Danger--Ill
    Treatment of Farel--Apostles and Reformers Compared--Farel
    in the Cathedral--The Idols Destroyed--Interposition of the Governor--
    Reflections--Plans of the Romanists--The Governor's Difficulties--
    Preliminaries--Hatred and Division--Proposed Delay--The Romanist
    Protest--The Voting--Majority for Reform--Protestantism Perpetual--The
    Image of St. John--A Miracle--Popery and the Gospel--Reaction
    Preparing--Failure of the Plot--Farel's Labours--De Bely at
    Fontaine--The Pastor Marcourt--Disgraceful Expedient--The Reform
    Established--Remarks.


  BOOK XVI.--PAGE 361.

  SWITZERLAND--CATASTROPHE.

  1528-1531.

  Christian Warfare--Zwingle--Persecutions--Austrian Alliance--Animosity--
  Christian Exhortation--Keyser's Martyrdom--Zwingle and
  War--Zwingle's Error--Zwingle's Advice--War of Religion--Zwingle
  joins the Army--War--The Landamman Æbli--Bernese Interposition--Swiss
  Cordiality--The Zurich Camp--A Conference--Peace
  Restored--Austrian Treaty Torn--Zwingle's Hymn--Nuns of St.
  Catherine--Conquests of Reform--The Priest of Zurzack--The Reform
  in Glaris--Italian Bailiwicks--The Monk of Como--The Monk
  of Locarno--Letter to the German Church--The Monks of Wettingen--Abbé
  of St. Gaul--Kiliankouffi--Soleure--A New Miracle--Popery
  Triumphs--The Grisons Invaded--Forebodings to Berne--Mutual
  Errors--Failure of the Diet--Political Reformation--Activity
  of Zurich--Diet Arau--Blockade of the Waldsleddtes--Indignation--France
  Conciliates--Diet at Bremgarten--The Five Cantons Inflexible--Zurich--
  Zwingle's False Position--The Great Council--Zwingle
  at Bremgarten--The Apparition--Zwingle's Agony--Frightful
  Omens--The Comet--Zwingle's Tranquillity--New Mediations--Deceitful
  Calm--Fatal Inactivity--Zurich Forewarned--Manifesto
  of the Cantons--The Abbot Wolfgang--Infatuation of Zurich--The
  War Begins--A Fearful Night--The War--Army of Zurich--Zwingle's
  Departure--Anna Zwingle--Army of Zurich--Battle of Cappel--The
  March--Ambuscade--The Banner in Danger--The Banner
  Saved--Terrible Slaughter--Slaughter of the Pastors--Zwingle's Last
  Moments--Barbarity of the Victors--The Furnace of Trial--Distress--Zwingle
  is Dead--Funeral Oration--Army of Zurich--Another Reverse--Inactivity
  of the Bernese--Joy of the Romanists--End of the
  War--Death of Œcolampadius--Conclusion.




HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.




BOOK XIII.

THE PROTEST AND THE CONFERENCE. 1526-1529.


I. We have witnessed the commencement, the struggles, the reverses,
and the progress of the Reformation; but the conflicts that we have
hitherto described have been but partial; we are entering upon a new
period,--that of general battles. Spire (1529) and Augsburg (1530) are
two names that shine forth with more immortal glory than Marathon,
Pavia, or Marengo. Forces that up to the present time were separate,
are now uniting into one energetic band; and the power of God is
working in these brilliant actions, which open a new era in the
history of nations, and communicate an irresistible impulse to
mankind. The passage from the middle ages to modern times has arrived.

A great protest is about to be accomplished; and although there have
been protestants in the Church from the very beginning of
Christianity, since liberty and truth could not be maintained here
below, save by protesting continually against despotism and error,
Protestantism is about to take a new step. It is about to become a
body, and thus attack with greater energy that "mystery of iniquity"
which for ages has taken a bodily shape at Rome, in the very temple of
God.[2]

  [2] 2 Thess. ii.

[Sidenote: TWOFOLD MOVEMENT OF REFORM.]

But although we have to treat of protests, it must not however be
imagined that the Reformation is a negative work. In every sphere in
which anything great is evolved, whether in nature or society, there
is a principle of life at work,--a seed that God fertilizes. The
Reformation, when it appeared in the sixteenth century, did not, it is
true, perform a new work, for a reformation is not a formation; but it
turned its face toward the beginnings of Christianity, thither were
its steps directed; it seized upon them with adoration, and embraced
them with affection. Yet it was not satisfied with this return to
primitive times. Laden with its precious burden, it again crossed the
interval of ages, and brought back to fallen and lifeless Christendom
the sacred fire that was destined to restore it to light and life. In
this twofold movement consisted its action and its strength.
Afterwards, no doubt, it rejected superannuated forms, and combated
error; but this was, so to speak, only the least of its works, and its
third movement. Even the protest of which we have to speak had for its
end and aim the re-establishment of truth and of life, and was
essentially a positive act.

[Sidenote: REFORM THE WORK OF GOD.]

This powerful and rapid twofold action of reform, by which the
apostolic times were re-established at the opening of modern history,
proceeded not from man. A reformation is not arbitrarily made, as
charters and revolutions are in some countries. A real reformation,
prepared during many ages, is the work of the Spirit of God. Before
the appointed hour, the greatest geniuses and even the most faithful
of God's servants cannot produce it; but when the reforming time is
come, when it is God's pleasure to intervene in the affairs of the
world, the divine life must clear a passage, and it is able to create
of itself the humble instruments by which this life is communicated to
the human race. Then, if men are silent, the very stones will cry
out.[3]

  [3] Luke xix. 40.

It is to the protest of Spire (1529) that we are now about to turn our
eyes; but the way to this protest was prepared by years of peace, and
followed by attempts at concord that we shall have also to describe.
Nevertheless the formal establishment of Protestantism remains the
great fact that prevails in the history of the Reformation from 1526
to 1529.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Duke of Brunswick had brought into Germany the threatening message
of Charles the Fifth. The Emperor was about to repair from Spain to
Rome to come to an understanding with the Pope, and from thence to
pass into Germany to constrain the heretics. The last summons was to
be addressed to them by the Diet of Spire, 1526.[4] The decisive hour
for the Reformation was about to strike.

  [4] See Vol. III. book x. chap. xiv. The Diet of Spire, held in 1526,
  must not be confounded with that of 1529, at which the protest took
  place.

On the 25th June, 1526, the diet opened. In the instructions, dated at
Seville, 23d March, the Emperor ordered that the Church customs should
be maintained entire, and called upon the diet to punish those who
refused to carry out the edict of Worms,[5] Ferdinand himself was at
Spire, and his presence rendered these orders more formidable. Never
had the hostility which the Romish partisans entertained against the
evangelical princes, appeared in so striking a manner. "The
Pharisees," said Spalatin, "pursue Jesus Christ with violent
hatred."[6]

  [5] Sleidan, Hist Ref. book vi.

  [6] Christum pharisæis vehementer fuisse invisum.--(Seckend. ii. p.
  46.)

[Sidenote: PALLADIUM OF REFORM.]

Never also had the evangelical princes showed so much hope. Instead of
presenting themselves frightened and trembling, like guilty men, they
were seen advancing, surrounded by the ministers of the Word, with
uplifted heads and cheerful looks. Their first step was to ask for a
place of worship. The Bishop of Spire, count-palatine of the Rhine,
having indignantly refused this strange request,[7] the princes
complained of it as of an injustice, and ordered their ministers to
preach daily in the halls of their palaces. An immense crowd from the
city and the country, which amounted to many thousands, immediately
filled them.[8] In vain on the feast days did Ferdinand, the
ultra-montane princes, and the bishops assist in the pomps of the
Roman worship in the beautiful cathedral of Spire; the unadorned Word
of God, preached in the Protestant vestibules, engrossed the hearers,
and the Mass was celebrated in an empty church.[9]

  [7] Fortiter interdixit.--(Cochlœs, p. 138.)

  [8] Ingens concursus plebis et rusticorum.--(Cochlœus.) Multis
  millibus hominum accurrentibus.--(Seckend. ii. p. 48.)

  [9] Populum a sacris avertebant.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

It was not only the ministers, but the knights and the grooms, "mere
idiots," who, unable to control their zeal, everywhere extolled the
Word of the Lord.[10] All the followers of the evangelical princes
wore these letters braided on their right sleeves: V. D. M. I. Æ.,
that is to say, "The word of the Lord endureth for ever."[11] The same
inscription might be read on the escutcheons of the princes, suspended
over their hotels. The Word of God--such from this moment was the
palladium of the Reform.

  [10] Ministri eorum, equites et stabularii, idiotæ, petulanter
  jactabant verbum Domini.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

  [11] Verbum Domini Manet in Æternum.--(Ibid.)

This was not all. The Protestants knew that the mere worship was not
sufficient: the Landgrave had therefore called upon the Elector to
abolish certain "court customs" which dishonoured the Gospel. These
two princes had consequently drawn up an order of living which forbade
drunkenness, debauchery, and other vicious customs prevalent during a
diet.[12]

  [12] Adversus inveteratos illos et impios usus nitendum esse.--(Seck.
  ii. p. 46.)

[Sidenote: FIRMNESS OF THE REFORMERS.]

Perhaps the Protestant princes sometimes put forward their dissent
beyond what prudence would have required. Not only they did not go to
Mass, and did not observe the prescribed fasts, but still further, on
the meagre days, their attendants were seen publicly bearing dishes of
meat and game, destined for their masters' tables, and crossing, says
Cochlœus, in the presence of the whole auditory, the halls in which
the worship was celebrating. "It was," says this writer, "with the
intent of attracting the Catholics by the savour of the meats and of
the wines."[13]

  [13] Ut complures allicerentur ad eorum sectam, in ferculis
  portabantur carnes coctae in diebus jejunii, aperte in conspec
  nitotius auditorii.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

The Elector in effect had a numerous court: seven hundred persons
formed his retinue. One day he gave a banquet at which twenty-six
princes with their gentlemen and councillors were present. They
continued playing until a very late hour--ten at night. Everything in
Duke John announced the most powerful prince of the empire. The
youthful Landgrave of Hesse, full of zeal and knowledge, and in the
strength of a first Christian love, made a still deeper impression on
those who approached him. He would frequently dispute with the
bishops, and thanks to his acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures, he
easily stopped their mouths.[14]

  [14] Annales Spalatini.

This firmness in the friends of the Reformation produced fruits that
surpassed their expectation. It was no longer possible to be deceived:
the spirit that was manifested in these men was the spirit of the
Bible. Everywhere the sceptre was falling from the hands of Rome. "The
leaven of Luther," said a zealous Papist, "sets all the people of
Germany in a ferment, and foreign nations themselves are agitated by
formidable movements."[15]

  [15] Germaniae populi Lutherico fermento inescati, et in externis
  quoque nationibus, gravissimi erant motus.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

It was immediately seen how great is the strength of deep convictions.
The states that were well disposed towards the Reform, but which had
not ventured to give their adhesion publicly, became emboldened. The
neutral states, which demanded the repose of the empire, formed the
resolution of opposing the edict of Worms, the execution of which
would have spread trouble through all Germany, and the Papist states
lost their boldness. The bow of the mighty was broken.[16]

  [16] 1 Samuel ii. 4.

[Sidenote: PROCEEDINGS OF THE DIET.]

Ferdinand did not think proper, at so critical a moment, to
communicate to the diet the severe instructions he had received from
Seville.[17] He substituted a proposition of a nature to satisfy both
parties.

  [17] Some historians appear to think that these instructions were
  communicated in reality at the very opening of the diet. Ranke shows
  that this was not the case; but adds, that he sees no reason why the
  commissaries should have thought themselves authorized to make any
  other proposition. The motives that I have assigned appear to me the
  true ones. I shall state below why the commissaries returned
  afterwards to the imperial instructions.

The laymen immediately recovered the influence of which the clergy had
dispossessed them. The ecclesiastics resisted a proposal in the
college of princes that the diet should occupy itself with church
abuses, but their exertions were unavailing. Undoubtedly a
non-political assembly would have been preferable to the diet, but it
was already something that religious matters were no longer to be
regulated solely by the priests.

The deputies from the cities having received communication of this
resolution, called for the abolition of every usage contrary to the
faith in Jesus Christ. In vain did the bishops exclaim that, instead
of abolishing pretended abuses, they would do much better to burn all
the books with which Germany had been inundated during the last eight
years. "You desire," was the reply, "to bury all wisdom and
knowledge."[18] The request of the cities was agreed to,[19] and the
diet was divided into committees for the abolition of abuses.

  [18] Omnes libros esse comburendos. Sed rejectum est quia sic omnis
  doctrina et eruditio theologica interitura esset.--(Seckend. ii. p.
  45.)

  [19] Civitatum suffragia multum valuerunt.--(Ibid.)

Then was manifested the profound disgust inspired by the priests of
Rome. "The clergy," said the deputy from Frankfort, "make a jest of
the public good, and look after their own interests only." "The
laymen," said the deputy from Duke George, "have the salvation of
Christendom much more at heart than the clergy."

[Sidenote: THE PAPACY DESCRIBED.]

The commissions made their report: people were astonished at it. Never
had men spoken out so freely against the pope and the bishops. The
commission of the princes, in which the ecclesiastics and the laymen
were in equal numbers, proposed a fusion of Popery and Reform. "The
Priests would do better to marry," said they, "than to keep women of
ill-fame in their houses; every man should be at liberty to
communicate under one or both forms; German and Latin may be equally
employed in the Lord's Supper and in Baptism; as for the other
sacraments, let them be preserved, but let them be administered
gratuitously. Finally, let the Word of God be preached according to
the interpretation of the Church (this was the demand of Rome), but
always explaining Scripture by Scripture" (this was the great
principle of the Reformation). Thus the first step was taken towards a
national union. Still a few more efforts, and the whole German race
would be walking in the direction of the Gospel.

The evangelical Christians, at the sight of this glorious prospect,
redoubled their exertions. "Stand fast in the doctrine," said the
Elector of Saxony to his councillors.[20] At the same time hawkers in
every part of the city were selling Christian pamphlets, short and
easy to read, written in Latin and in German, and ornamented with
engravings, in which the errors of Rome were vigorously attacked.[21]
One of these books was entitled, _The Papacy with its Members painted
and described by Doctor Luther_. In it figured the pope, the cardinal,
and then all the religious orders, exceeding sixty, each with their
costumes and description in verse. Under the picture of one of these
orders were the following lines:

    Greedy priests, see, roll in gold
      Forgetful of the humble Jesu:

under another:

    We forbid you to behold
      The Bible, lest it should mislead you![22]

and under a third:

    We can fast and pray the harder
    With an overflowing larder.[23]

  [20] Elector Saxoniæ conciliarios suos exhortatus est, in doctrina
  evangelica firmi.--(Seckend. ii. p. 48.)

  [21] Circumferebantur item libri Lutherani venales per totam
  civitatem.--(Cochlœus, p. 138.)

  [22] Dass die Schrift sie nicht verführe,
          Durft ihr keinen nich studir.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 536.)

  [23] Doch war ihr küch nimmer leer.--(Ibid.)

"Not one of these orders," said Luther to the reader, "thinks either
of faith or charity. This one wears the tonsure, the other a hood;
this a cloak, that a robe. One is white, another black, a third gray,
and a fourth blue. Here is one holding a looking-glass, there one with
a pair of scissors. Each has his playthings......Ah! these are the
palmer worms, the locusts, the canker-worms, and the caterpillars
which, as Joel saith, have eaten up all the earth."[24]

  [24] L. Opp. xix. p. 535. Joel i. 4.

[Sidenote: THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.]

But if Luther employed the scourges of sarcasm, he also blew the
trumpet of the prophets; and this he did in a work entitled _The
Destruction of Jerusalem_. Shedding tears like Jeremiah, he denounced
to the German people a ruin like that of the Holy City, if like it
they rejected the Gospel.[25] "God has imparted to us all his
treasures," exclaimed he; "he became man, he has served us,[26] he
died for us, he has risen again, and he has so opened the gates of
heaven, that all may enter......The hour of grace is come......The
glad tidings are proclaimed......But where is the city, where is the
prince that has received them? They insult the Gospel: they draw the
sword, and daringly seize God by the beard.[27]......But wait......He
will turn round; with one blow will he break their jaws, and all
Germany will be but one wide ruin."

  [25] Libelli, parvuli quidem mole, sed virulentia perquam grandes,
  sermo Lutheri Teuthonicus de destructione Jerusalem.--(Cochlœus, p.
  138.)

  [26] Wird Mensch, dienet uns, stirbt fur uns.--(Luth. Opp. xiv. (L.)
  p. 226.)

  [27] Greiffen Gott zu frech in den Bart.--(Ibid.) Deo nimis ferociter
  barbam vallicant.--(Cochlœus.)

These works had a very great sale.[28] It was not only the peasants
and townspeople who read them, but nobles also and princes. Leaving
the priests alone at the foot of the altar, they threw themselves into
the arms of the new Gospel.[29] The necessity of a reform of abuses
was proclaimed on the 1st of August by a general committee.

  [28] Perquam plurima vendebantur exemplaria.--(Cochlœus, p. 139.)

  [29] Non solum plebs et rustica turba, verum etiam plerique optimatum
  et nobilium trahebantur in favorem novi Evangelii, atque in odium
  antiquæ religionis.--(Cochlœus, p. 160.)

[Sidenote: THE INSTRUCTIONS OF SEVILLE.]

Then Rome, which had appeared to slumber, awoke. Fanatical priests,
monks, ecclesiastical princes, all beset Ferdinand. Cunning, bribery,
nothing was spared. Did not Ferdinand possess the instructions of
Seville? To refuse their publication was to effect the ruin of the
Church and of the empire. Let the voice of Charles oppose its powerful
_veto_ to the dizziness that is hurrying Germany along, said they, and
Germany will be saved! Ferdinand made up his mind, and at length, on
the 3d August, published the decree, drawn up more than four months
previously in favour of the edict of Worms.[30]

  [30] Sleidan, Hist. de la Ref. liv. vi. p. 229.

The persecution was about to begin; the reformers would be thrown into
dungeons, and the sword drawn on the banks of the Guadalquivir would
pierce at last the bosom of Reform.

The effect of the imperial ordinance was immense. The breaking of an
axle-tree does not more violently check the velocity of a railway
train. The Elector and the Landgrave announced that they were about to
quit the diet, and ordered their attendants to prepare for their
departure. At the same time the deputies from the cities drew towards
these two princes, and the Reformation appeared on the brink of
entering immediately upon a contest with the Pope and Charles the
Fifth.

But it was not yet prepared for a general struggle. It was necessary
for the tree to send out its roots deeper, before the Almighty
unchained the stormy winds against it. A spirit of blindness, similar
to that which in former times was sent out upon Saul and Herod,[31]
then seized upon the great enemy of the Gospel; and thus was it that
Divine Providence saved the reform in its cradle.

  [31] 1 Sam. xvi. 14-23; Matt. ii.

[Sidenote: CHANGE OF POLICY.]

The first movement of trouble was over. The friends of the Gospel
began to consider the date of the imperial instructions, and to weigh
the new political combinations which seemed to announce to the world
the most unlooked-for events. "When the Emperor wrote these letters,"
said the cities of Upper Germany, "he was on good terms with the Pope,
but now everything is changed. It is even asserted that he had told
Margaret, his deputy in the Low Countries, to proceed _gently_ with
respect to the Gospel. Let us send him a deputation." That was not
necessary. Charles had not waited until now to form a different
resolution. The course of public affairs, taking a sudden turn, had
rushed into an entirely new path. Years of peace were about to be
granted to the Reform.

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS LIBERTY PROPOSED.]

Clement VII., whom Charles was about to visit, according to the
instructions of Seville, in order to receive in Rome itself and from
his sacred hands the imperial crown, and in return to give up to the
pontiff the Gospel and the Reformation,--Clement VII, seized with a
strange infatuation, had suddenly turned against this powerful
monarch. The Emperor, unwilling to favour his ambition in every point,
had opposed his claims on the states of the Duke of Ferrara. Clement
immediately became exasperated, and cried out that Charles wished to
enslave the peninsula, but that the time was come for re-establishing
the independence of Italy. This great idea of Italian independence,
entertained at that period by a few literary men, had not, as now,
penetrated the mass of the nation. Clement therefore hastened to have
recourse to political combinations. The Pope, the Venetians, and the
King of France, who had scarcely recovered his liberty, formed a _holy
league_, of which the King of England was by a bull proclaimed the
preserver and protector.[32] In June 1526, the Emperor caused the most
favourable propositions to be presented to the Pope; but these
advances were ineffectual, and the Duke of Sessa, Charles's
ambassador at Rome, returning on horseback from his last audience,
placed a court-fool behind him, who, by a thousand monkey tricks, gave
the Roman people to understand how they laughed at the projects of the
Pope. The latter responded to these bravadoes by a brief, in which he
threatened the Emperor with excommunication, and without loss of time
pushed his troops into Lombardy, whilst Milan, Florence, and Piedmont
declared for the Holy League. Thus was Europe preparing to be avenged
for the triumph of Pavia.

  [32] Sleidan, Hist. de la Ref. liv. vi.; Bullar. Mag. roman. x.

Charles did not hesitate. He wheeled to the right as quickly as the
Pope had done to the left, and turned abruptly towards the evangelical
princes. "Let us suspend the Edict of Worms," wrote he to his brother;
"let us bring back Luther's partisans by mildness, and by a good
council cause the evangelical truth to triumph." At the same time he
demanded that the Elector, the Landgrave, and their allies should
march with him against the Turks--or against Italy, for the common
good of Christendom.

Ferdinand hesitated. To gain the friendship of the Lutherans was to
forfeit that of the other princes. The latter were already beginning
to utter violent threats.[33] The Protestants themselves were not very
eager to grasp the Emperor's hand. "It is God, God himself, who will
save his churches."[34]

  [33] Ferdinandus, ut audio, graviter minatur.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 801.)

  [34] Imperator pollicetur......sed nemo his promissis movetur. Spero
  Deum defensurum esse suas Ecclesias.--(Ibid.)

What was to be done? The edict of Worms could neither be repealed nor
carried into execution.

[Sidenote: CRISIS OF THE REFORMATION.]

This strange situation led of necessity to the desired solution:
religious liberty. The first idea of this occurred to the deputies of
the cities. "In one place," said they, "the ancient ceremonies have
been preserved; in another they have been abolished; and both think
they are right. Let us allow each one to do as he thinks fit, until a
council shall re-establish the desired unity by the Word of God." This
idea gained favour, and the _recess_ of the diet, dated the 27th
August, decreed that a universal, or at least a national free council
should be convoked within a year, that they should request the Emperor
to return speedily to Germany, and that, until then, each state should
behave in its own territory in a manner so as to be able to render an
account to God and to the Emperor.[35]

  [35] Unusquisque in sua ditione ita se gereret ut rationem Deo et
  imperatori reddere posset.--(Seckend. ii. p. 41.)

Thus they escaped from their difficulty by a middle course; and this
time it was really the true one. Each one maintained his rights, while
recognising another's. The diet of 1526 forms an important epoch in
history: an ancient power, that of the middle ages, is shaken; a new
power, that of modern times, is advancing; religious liberty boldly
takes its stand in front of Romish despotism; a lay spirit prevails
over the sacerdotal spirit. In this single step there is a complete
victory: the cause of the Reform is won.

Yet it was little suspected. Luther, on the morrow of the day on which
the _recess_ was published, wrote to a friend: "The diet is sitting at
Spire in the German fashion. They drink and gamble, and there is
nothing done except that."[36] "Le congrès danse et ne marche
pas,"[37] has been said in our days. It is because great things are
often transacted under an appearance of frivolity, and because God
accomplishes his designs unknown even to those whom he employs as his
instruments. In this diet a gravity and love of liberty of conscience
were manifested, which are the fruits of Christianity, and which in
the sixteenth century had its earliest, if not its most energetic
development among the German nations.

  [36] Potatur et luditur, præterea nihil.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 126.)

  [37] The congress dances but does not move forward.

Yet Ferdinand still hesitated. Mahomet himself came to the aid of the
Gospel. Louis, king of Hungary and Bohemia, drowned at Mohacz on the
29th August, 1526, as he was fleeing from before Soliman II., had
bequeathed the crown of these two kingdoms to Ferdinand. But the Duke
of Bavaria, the Waywode of Transylvania, and, above all, the terrible
Soliman, contested it against him. This was sufficient to occupy
Charles's brother: he left Luther, and hastened to dispute the two
thrones.


[Sidenote: ITALIAN WAR.]

II. The Emperor immediately reaped the fruits of his new policy. No
longer having his hands tied by Germany, he turned them against Rome.
The Reformation had been exalted and the Papacy was to be abased. The
blows aimed at its pitiless enemy were about to open a new career to
the evangelical work.

Ferdinand, who was detained by his Hungarian affairs, gave the charge
of the Italian expedition to Freundsberg, that old general who had
patted Luther in a friendly manner on the shoulder as the reformer was
about to appear before the diet of Worms.[38] This veteran, observed a
contemporary,[39] who "bore in his chivalrous heart God's holy Gospel,
well fortified and flanked by a strong wall," pledged his wife's
jewels, sent recruiting parties into all the towns of Upper Germany,
and owing to the magic idea of a war against the Pope, soon witnessed
crowds of soldiers flocking to his standard. "Announce," Charles had
said to his brother,--"announce that the army is to march against the
Turks; every one will know what Turks are meant."

  [38] See Vol. II. book vii. chap. viii.

  [39] Haug mars chalk, surnamed Zeller.

Thus the mighty Charles, instead of marching with the Pope against the
Reform, as he had threatened at Seville, marches with the Reform
against the Pope. A few days had sufficed to produce this change of
direction: there are few such in history in which the hand of God is
more plainly manifested. Charles immediately assumed all the airs of a
reformer. On the 17th September, he addressed a manifesto to the
Pope,[40] in which he reproaches him for behaving not like the father
of the faithful, but like an insolent and haughty man;[41] and
declares his astonishment that, being Christ's vicar, he should dare
to shed blood to acquire earthly possessions, "which," added he, "is
quite contrary to the evangelical doctrine."[42] Luther could not have
spoken better. "Let your holiness," continued Charles the Fifth,
"return the sword of St. Peter into the scabbard, and convoke a holy
and universal council." But the sword was much more to the pontiff's
taste than the council. Is not the Papacy, according to the Romish
doctors, the source of the two powers? Can it not depose kings, and
consequently fight against them?[43] Charles prepared to requite "eye
for eye, and tooth for tooth."[44]

  [40] Caroli Imperat. Rescriptum ad Clementis Septimi
  criminationes.--(Goldasti, Constitut. Imperiales, i. p. 479.)

  [41] Non jam pastoris seu communis patris laudem, sed superbi et
  insolentis nomen.--(Ibid. p. 487.)

  [42] Cum id ab evangelica doctrina, prorsus alienum videtur.--(Ibid.
  p. 489.)

  [43] Utriusque potestatis apicem Papa tenet--(Turrecremata de
  Potestate Papali.)

  [44] Exod. xxi. 24.

[Sidenote: ITALIAN CAMPAIGN.]

Now began that terrible campaign during which the storm burst on Rome
and on the Papacy that had been destined to fall on Germany and the
Gospel. By the violence of the blows inflicted on the pontifical city,
we may judge of the severity of those that would have dashed in pieces
the reformed churches. While we retrace so many scenes of horror, we
have constant need of calling to mind that the chastisement of the
seven-hilled city had been predicted by the Divine Scriptures.[45]

  [45] Revel. xviii. We should not, however, restrict this prediction to
  the incomplete sack of 1527, and from which the city soon recovered.

[Sidenote: MARCH ON ROME.]

In the month of November, Freundsberg, at the head of fifteen thousand
men, was at the foot of the Alps. The old general, avoiding the
military roads, that were well guarded by the enemy, flung himself
into a narrow path, over frightful precipices, that a few blows of the
mattock would have rendered impassable. The soldiers are forbidden to
look behind them; nevertheless their heads turn, their feet slip, and
horse and foot fall from time to time down the abyss. In the most
difficult passes, the most sure-footed of the infantry lower their
long pikes to the right and left of their aged chief, by way of
barrier, and Freundsberg advances, clinging to the lansquenet in
front, and pushed on by the one behind. In three days the Alps are
crossed, and on the 19th November the army reaches the territory of
Brescia.

The Constable of Bourbon, who since the death of Pescara was
commander-in-chief of the imperial army, had just taken possession of
the duchy of Milan. The Emperor having promised him this conquest for
a recompense, Bourbon was compelled to remain there some time to
consolidate his power. At length, on the 12th February, he and his
Spanish troops joined the army of Freundsberg, which was becoming
impatient at his delays. The Constable had many men, but no money: he
resolved therefore to follow the advice of the Duke of Ferrara, that
inveterate enemy of the princes of the Church, and proceed straight to
Rome.[46] The whole army received this news with a shout of joy. The
Spaniards were filled with a desire of avenging Charles the Fifth, and
the Germans were overflowing with hatred against the Pope: all exulted
in the hope of receiving their pay and of having their labours richly
recompensed at last by the treasures of Christendom that Rome had been
accumulating for ages. Their shouts re-echoed beyond the Alps. Every
man in Germany thought that the last hour of the Papacy had now come,
and prepared to contemplate its fall. "The Emperor's forces are
triumphing in Italy," wrote Luther; "the Pope is visited from every
quarter. His destruction draweth nigh; his hour and his end are
come."[47]

  [46] Guicciardini, History of the Wars in Italy, book xviii. p. 698.

  [47] Papa ubique visitatur, ut destruatur; venit enim finis et hora
  ejus.--(Luther to Haussmann, 10th January, 1527. Epp. iii. p. 156.)

[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE TROOPS.]

A few slight advantages gained by the papal soldiers in the kingdom of
Naples, led to the conclusion of a truce that was to be ratified by
the Pope and by the Emperor. At this news a frightful tumult broke out
in the Constable's army. The Spanish troops revolted, compelled him to
flee, and pillaged his tent. Then approaching the lansquenets, they
began to shout as loudly as they could, the only German words they
knew: _Lance!_ _lance!_ _money!_ _money!_[48] These words found an
echo in the bosoms of the Imperialists; they were moved in their turn,
and also began to cry with all their might: _Lance!_ _lance!_ _money!_
_money!_ Freundsberg beat to muster, and having drawn up the soldiers
around him and his principal officers, calmly demanded if he had ever
deserted them. All was useless. The old affection which the
lansquenets bore to their leader seemed extinct. One chord alone
vibrated in their hearts: they must have pay and war. Accordingly,
lowering their lances, they presented them, as if they would slay
their officers, and again began to shout, "Lance! lance! money!
money!"--Freundsberg, whom no army however large had ever frightened!
Freundsberg, who was accustomed to say, "the more enemies, the greater
the honour," seeing these lansquenets, at whose head he had grown
gray, aiming their murderous steel against him, lost all power of
utterance, and fell senseless upon a drum, as if struck with a
thunderbolt.[49] The strength of the veteran general was broken for
ever. But the sight of their dying captain produced on the lansquenets
an effect that no speech could have made. All the lances were
upraised, and the agitated soldiers retired with downcast eyes. Four
days later, Freundsberg recovered his speech. "Forward," said he to
the Constable; "God himself will bring us to the mark." Forward!
forward! repeated the lansquenets. Bourbon had no other alternative:
besides, neither Charles nor Clement would listen to any propositions
of peace. Freundsberg was carried to Ferrara, and afterwards to his
castle of Mindelheim, where he died after an illness of eighteen
months; and on the 18th April, Bourbon took the highroad to Rome,
which so many formidable armies coming from the north had already
trodden.

  [48] Lanz, lanz, gelt, gelt.

  [49] Cum vero hastas ducibus obverterent indignatione et ægritudine
  animi oppressus, Fronsbergius subito in deliquium incidit, ita ut in
  tympano quod adstabat desidere cogeretur, nullumque verbum proloqui
  amplius posset.--(Seckend. ii. p. 79.)

[Sidenote: THE ASSAULT.]

Whilst the storm descending from the Alps was approaching the eternal
city, the Pope lost his presence of mind, sent away his troops, and
kept only his body-guard. More than thirty thousand Romans, it is
true, capable of bearing arms, paraded their bravery in the streets,
dragging their long-swords after them, quarrelling and fighting; but
these citizens, eager in the pursuit of gain, had little thought of
defending the Pope, and desired on the contrary that the magnificent
Charles would come and settle in Rome, hoping to derive great profit
from his stay.

On the evening of the 5th May Bourbon arrived under the walls of the
capital; and he would have begun the assault at that very moment if he
had had ladders. On the morning of the 6th the army, concealed by a
thick fog which hid their movements,[50] was put in motion, the
Spaniards marching to their station above the gate of the Holy Ghost,
and the Germans below.[51] The Constable, wishing to encourage his
soldiers, seized a scaling-ladder, mounted the wall, and called on
them to follow him. At this moment a ball struck him: he fell, and
expired an hour after. Such was the end of this unhappy man, a traitor
to his king and to his country, and suspected even by his new friends.

  [50] Guicciardini, vol. ii. p. 721.

  [51] Since the new wall built by Urban VIII. on the top of the
  Janiculum, the gates of the Holy Ghost and of Seltimiana have become
  useless.

His death, far from checking, served only to excite the army. Claudius
Seidenstucker, grasping his long sword, first cleared the wall; he was
followed by Michael Hartmann, and these two reformed Germans exclaimed
that God himself marched before them in the clouds. The gates were
opened, the army poured in, the suburbs were taken, and the Pope,
surrounded by thirteen cardinals, fled to the Castle of St. Angelo.
The Imperialists, at whose head was now the Prince of Orange, offered
him peace on condition of his paying three hundred thousand crowns.
But Clement, who thought that the Holy League was on the point of
delivering him, and who fancied he already saw their leading horsemen,
rejected every proposition. After four hours' repose, the attack was
renewed, and by an hour after sunset the army was master of all the
city. It remained under arms and in good order until midnight, the
Spaniards in the Piazza Navona, and the Germans in the Campofiore. At
last, seeing no demonstrations either of war or of peace, the soldiers
disbanded and ran to pillage.

[Sidenote: THE SACK.]

Then began the famous "Sack of Rome." The Papacy had for centuries put
Christendom in the press. Prebends, annates, jubilees, pilgrimages,
ecclesiastical graces,--she had made money of them all. These greedy
troops, that for months had lived in wretchedness, determined to make
her disgorge. No one was spared, the imperial not more than the
ultramontane party, the Ghibellines not more than the Guelfs.
Churches, palaces, convents, private houses, basilics, banks,
tombs--every thing was pillaged, even to the golden ring that the
corpse of Julius II. still wore on its finger. The Spaniards displayed
the greatest skill; they scented out and discovered treasures in the
most mysterious hiding-places; but the Neapolitans were still more
outrageous.[52] "On every side were heard," says Guicciardini, "the
piteous shrieks of the Roman women and of the nuns whom the soldiers
dragged away by companies to satiate their lust."[53]

  [52] Jovius Vita Pompeii Colonnæ, p. 191; Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. ii.
  p. 398.

  [53] Guicciardini, ii. p. 724.

[Sidenote: GERMAN HUMOURS.]

At first the Germans found a certain pleasure in making the Papists
feel the weight of their swords. But ere long, happy at finding food
and drink, they were more pacific than their allies. It was upon those
things which the Romans called "holy" that the anger of the Lutherans
was especially discharged. They took away the chalices, the pyxes, the
silver remonstrances, and clothed their servants and camp-boys with
the sacerdotal garments.[54] The Campofiore was changed into an
immense gambling-house. The soldiers brought thither golden vessels
and bags full of crowns, staked them upon one throw of the dice, and
after losing them, they went in search of others. A certain Simon
Baptista, who had foretold the sack of the city, had been thrown into
prison by the Pope; the Germans liberated him, and made him drink with
them. But, like Jeremiah, he prophesied against all. "Rob, plunder,"
cried he to his liberators; "you shall however give back all; the
money of the soldiers and the gold of the priests will follow the same
road."

  [54] Sacras vestes profanis induebant lixis.--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

Nothing pleased the Germans more than to mock the papal court. "Many
prelates," says Guicciardini, "were paraded on asses through all the
city of Rome."[55] After this procession, the bishops paid their
ransom; but they fell into the hands of the Spaniards, who made them
pay it a second time.[56]

  [55] Wars of Italy, ii. p. 723.

  [56] Eundem civem seu curialem haud raro, nunc ab Hispanis, nunc a
  Germanis ære mutuato redimi.--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

One day a lansquenet named Guillaume de Sainte Celle, robes, and
placed the triple crown upon his head; others, adorning themselves
with the red hats and long robes of the cardinals, surrounded him; and
all going in procession upon asses through the streets of the city,
arrived at last before the castle of Saint Angelo, where Clement VII.
had retired. Here the soldier-cardinals alighted, and lifting up the
front of their robes, kissed the feet of the pretended pontiff. The
latter drank to the health of Clement VII., the cardinals kneeling did
the same, and exclaimed that henceforward they would be pious popes
and good cardinals, who would have a care not to excite wars, as all
their predecessors had done. They then formed a conclave, and the Pope
having announced to his consistory that it was his intention to resign
the Papacy, all hands were immediately raised for the election, and
they cried out "Luther is Pope! Luther is Pope!"[57] Never had pontiff
been proclaimed with such perfect unanimity. Such were the humours of
the Germans.

  [57] Milites itaque levasse manum ac exclamasse: Lutherus Papa!
  Lutherus Papa!--(Cochlœus, p. 156.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF THE SPANIARDS.]

The Spaniards did not let them off so easily. Clement VII. had called
them "Moors," and had published a plenary, indulgence for whoever
should kill any of them. Nothing, therefore, could restrain their
fury. These faithful Catholics put the prelates to death in the midst
of horrible tortures, destined to extort their treasures from them:
they spared neither rank, sex, nor age. It was not until after the
sack had lasted ten days, and a booty of ten million golden crowns had
been collected, and from five to eight thousand victims had perished,
that quiet began to be in some degree restored.

Thus did the pontifical city expire in the midst of a long and cruel
pillage, and that splendour with which Rome from the beginning of the
sixteenth century had filled the world faded in a few hours. Nothing
could preserve this haughty city from chastisement, not even the
prayers of its enemies. "I would not have Rome burnt," Luther had
exclaimed; "it would be a monstrous deed."[58] The fears of Melancthon
were still keener: "I tremble for the libraries," said he, "we know
how hateful books are to Mars."[59] But in despite of these wishes of
the reformers, the city of Leo X. fell under the judgment of God.

  [58] Romam nollem exustam, magnum enim portentum esset.--(Epp. iii. p.
  221.)

  [59] Metuo bibliothecis.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 869.)

Clement VII., besieged in the castle of Saint Angelo, and fearful that
the enemy would blow his asylum into the air with their mines, at last
capitulated. He renounced every alliance against Charles the Fifth,
and bound himself to remain a prisoner until he had paid the army four
hundred thousand ducats. The evangelical Christians gazed with
astonishment on this judgment of the Lord. "Such," said they, "is the
empire of Jesus Christ, that the Emperor, pursuing Luther on account
of the Pope, is constrained to ruin the Pope instead of Luther. All
things minister unto the Lord, and turn against his adversaries."[60]

  [60] Ut Cæsar pro Papa Lutherum persequens, pro Luthero papam cogatur
  vastare.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 188.)


[Sidenote: PROFITABLE CALM.]

III. And in truth the Reform needed some years of repose that it might
increase and gain strength; and it could not enjoy peace, unless its
great enemies were at war with each other. The madness of Clement VII.
was as it were the _lightning-conductor_ of the Reformation, and the
ruin of Rome built up the Gospel. It was not only a few months' gain;
from 1526 to 1529 there was a calm in Germany by which the Reformation
profited to organize and extend itself. A constitution was now to be
given to the renovated Church.

The papal yoke having been broken, the ecclesiastical order required
to be reestablished. It was impossible to restore their ancient
jurisdiction to the bishops; for these continental prelates maintained
that they were, in an especial manner, the Pope's servants. A new
state of things was therefore called for, under pain of seeing the
Church fall into anarchy. Provision was made for it. It was then that
the evangelic nations separated definitely from that despotic dominion
which had for ages kept all the West in bondage.

Already on two occasions the diet had wished to make the reform of the
Church a national work; the Emperor, the Pope, and a few princes were
opposed to it; the Diet of Spire had therefore resigned to each state
the task that it could not accomplish itself.

But what constitution were they about to substitute for the papal
hierarchy?

They could, while suppressing the Pope, preserve the Episcopal order:
it was the form most approximate to that which was on the point of
being destroyed.

They might, on the contrary, reconstruct the ecclesiastical order, by
having recourse to the sovereignty of God's Word, and by
re-establishing the rights of the christian people. This form was the
most remote from the Roman hierarchy. Between these two extremes there
were several middle courses.

[Sidenote: PHILIP OF HESSE.]

The latter plan was Zwingle's; but the reformer of Zurich had not
fully carried it out. He had not called upon the christian people to
exercise the sovereignty, and had stopped at the council of two
hundred as representing the Church.[61]

  [61] _Supra_, Vol. III. b. xi. ch. x.

The step before which Zwingle had hesitated might be taken, and it was
so. A prince did not shrink from what had alarmed even republics.
Evangelical Germany, at the moment in which she began to try her hand
on ecclesiastical constitutions, began with that which trenched the
deepest on the papal monarchy.

It was not, however, from Germany that such a system could proceed. If
the aristocratic England was destined to cling to the episcopal form,
the docile Germany was destined the rather to stop in a governmental
medium. The democratic extreme issued from Switzerland and France. One
of Calvin's predecessors then hoisted that flag which the powerful arm
of the Genevese Reformer was to lift again in after-years and plant in
France, Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, and even in England, whence it
was a century later to cross the Atlantic and summon North America to
take its rank among the nations.

None of the evangelical princes was so enterprising as Philip of
Hesse, who has been compared to Philip of Macedon in subtlety, and to
his son Alexander in courage. Philip comprehended that religion was at
length acquiring its due importance; and far from opposing the great
development that was agitating the people, he put himself in harmony
with the new ideas.

The morning-star had risen for Hesse almost at the same time as for
Saxony. In 1517, when Luther was preaching in Wittemberg the
gratuitous remission of sins, men and women were seen in Marburg
repairing secretly to one of the ditches of the city, and there, near
a solitary loophole, listening to the words that issued from within,
and that preached doctrines of consolation through the bars. It was
the voice of the Franciscan, James Limburg, who having declared that,
for fifteen centuries, the priests had falsified the Gospel of Christ,
had been thrown into this gloomy dungeon. These mysterious assemblies
lasted a fortnight. On a sudden the voice ceased; these lonely
meetings had been discovered, and the Franciscan, torn from his cell,
had been hurried away across the Lahnberg towards some unknown spot.
Not far from the Ziegenberg, some weeping citizens of Marburg came up
with him, and hastily snatching aside the canvass that covered his
car, they asked him, "Whither are you going?" "Where God wills,"
calmly replied the friar.[62] There was no more talk of him, and it is
not known what became of him. These disappearances are usual in the
Papacy.

  [62] Rommel, Phil. von Hesse, i. p. 128.

Scarcely had Philip prevailed in the Diet of Spire, when he resolved
on devoting himself to the Reformation of his hereditary states.

[Sidenote: Lambert's Paradoxes.]

His resolute character made him incline towards the Swiss reform: it
was not therefore one of the moderates that he required. He had formed
a connexion at Spire with James Sturm, the deputy from Strasburg, who
spoke to him of Francis Lambert of Avignon, who was then at Strasburg.
Of a pleasing exterior and decided character, Lambert added to the
fire of the South the perseverance of the North. He was the first in
France to throw off the cowl, and he had never since then ceased to
call for a radical reform in the Church. "Formerly," said he, "when I
was a hypocrite, I lived in abundance; now I consume frugally my daily
bread with my small family;[63] but I had rather be poor in Christ's
kingdom, than possess abundance of gold in the dissolute dwellings of
the Pope." The Landgrave saw that Lambert was such a man as he
required, and invited him to his court.

  [63] Nunc cum familiola mea panem manduco et potum capio in
  mensura.--(Lamberti Commentarii de Sacro Conjugio.)

Lambert, desiring to prepare the reform of Hesse, drew up one hundred
and fifty-eight theses, which he entitled "paradoxes," and posted
them, according to the custom of the times, on the church doors.

Friends and enemies immediately crowded round them. Some Roman
catholics would have torn them down, but the reformed townspeople
kept watch, and holding a synod in the public square, discussed,
developed, proved these propositions, and ridiculed the anger of the
Papists.

[Sidenote: FRIAR BONIFACE.]

A young priest, Boniface Dornemann, full of self-conceit, whom the
bishop, on the day of his consecration, had extolled above Paul for
his learning, and above the Virgin for his chastity, finding himself
too short to reach Lambert's placard, had borrowed a stool, and
surrounded by a numerous audience, had begun to read the propositions
aloud.[64]

  [64] Cum statura homines hujusmodi esset ut inter Pygmæos internosci
  difficulter posset, scabellum sibi dari postulabat, eoque conscenso,
  cœpit, &c.--(Othon. Melandri Jocorum Cent.)

"All that is deformed, ought to be reformed. The Word of God alone
teaches us what ought to be so, and all reform that is effected
otherwise is vain."[65]

  [65] Vana est omnis Reformatio quæ alioqui fit.--(Paradoxa Lamberti:
  Sculteti Annal.)

This was the first thesis. "Hem!" said the young priest, "I shall not
attack that." He continued.

"It belongs to the Church to judge on matters of faith. Now the Church
is the congregation of those who are united by the same spirit, the
same faith, the same God, the same Mediator, the same Word, by which
alone they are governed, and in which alone they have life."[66]

  [66] Ecclesia est congregatio eorum quos unit idem
  spiritus.--(Paradoxa Lamberti: Sculteti Annal.)

"I cannot attack that proposition," said the priest.[67] He continued
reading from his stool.

  [67] Hanc equidem haud impugnaverim. Illam ne quidem
  attigerim.--(Othon. Mel. Joc. Cent.)

"The Word is the true key. The kingdom of heaven is open to him who
believes the Word, and shut against him who believes it not. Whoever,
therefore, truly possesses the Word of God, has the power of the keys.
All other keys, all the decrees of the councils and popes, and all the
rules of the monks, are valueless."

Friar Boniface shook his head and continued.

[Sidenote: DISPUTATION AT HOMBURG.]

"Since the priesthood of the Law has been abolished, Christ is the
only immortal and eternal priest, and he does not, like men, need a
successor. Neither the Bishop of Rome nor any other person in the
world is his representative here below. But all Christians, since the
commencement of the Church, have been and are participators in his
priesthood."

This proposition smelt of heresy. Dornemann, however, was not
discouraged; and whether it was from weakness of mind, or from the
dawning of light, at each proposition that did not too much shock his
prejudices, he failed not to repeat: "Certainly, I shall not attack
that one!" The people listened in astonishment, when one of
them,--whether he was a fanatical Romanist, a fanatical Reformer, or a
mischievous wag, I cannot tell--tired of these continual repetitions,
exclaimed: "Get down, you knave, who cannot find a word to impugn."
Then rudely pulling the stool from under him, he threw the unfortunate
clerk flat in the mud.[68]

  [68] Apagesis, nebulo! qui quod impugnes infirmesque invenire haud
  possis! hisque dictis scabellum ei mox subtrahit, ut miser ille
  præceps in lutum ageretur.--(Oth. Mel. Joc. Cent.)

On the 21st October, at seven in the morning, the gates of the
principal church of Homburg were thrown open, and the prelates,
abbots, priests, counts, knights, and deputies of the towns, entered
in succession, and in the midst of them was Philip, in his quality of
first member of the Church.

After Lambert had explained and proved his theses, he added: "Let him
stand forth who has anything to say against them." There was at first
a profound silence; but at length Nicholas Ferber, superior of the
Franciscans of Marburg, who in 1524, applying to Rome's favourite
argument, had entreated the Landgrave to employ the sword against the
heretics, began to speak with drooping head, and downcast eyes; but as
he invoked Augustin, Peter Lombard, and other doctors to his
assistance, the Landgrave observed to him: "Do not put forward the
wavering opinions of men, but the Word of God, which alone fortifies
and strengthens our hearts." The Franciscan sat down in confusion,
saying: "This is not the place for replying." The disputation,
however, recommenced, and Lambert, showing all the fire of the South,
so astonished his adversary, that the superior, alarmed at what he
called "thunders of blasphemy and lightnings of impiety,"[69] sat down
again, observing a second time, "This is not the place for replying."

  [69] Fulgura impietatum, tonitrua blasphemiarum.

[Sidenote: TRIUMPH OF THE GOSPEL IN HESSE.]

In vain did the Chancellor Feige declare to him that each man had the
right of maintaining his opinion with full liberty; in vain did the
Landgrave himself exclaim that the Church was sighing after truth:
silence had become Rome's refuge. "I will defend the doctrine of
purgatory," a priest had said prior to the discussion; "I will attack
the paradoxes under the sixth head (on the true priesthood)," had said
another;[70] and a third had exclaimed, "I will overthrow those under
the tenth head (on images);" but now they were all dumb.

  [70] Erant enim prius qui dicerent: Ego asseram purgatorium; alius,
  Ego impugnabo paradoxa tituli sexti, etc.--(Lamberti Epistola ad
  Colon.)

Upon this Lambert, clasping his hands, exclaimed with Zacharias:
_Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; for he hath visited and redeemed
his people_.

After three days of discussion, which had been a continual triumph for
the evangelical doctrine, men were selected and commissioned to
constitute the churches of Hesse in accordance with the Word of God.
They were more than three days occupied in the task, and then their
new constitution was published in the name of the synod.

The first ecclesiastical constitution produced by the Reformation
should have a place in history, so much the more as it was then set
forward as a model for the new Churches of Christendom.[71]

  [71] This constitution will be found in Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca,
  vol. ii. p. 588: "Pro Hassiæ Ecclesiis, et si deinde nonnullæ _aliæ_
  ad idem _nostro exemplo_ provocarentur."

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH.]

The autonomy or self-government of the Church is its fundamental
principle: it is from the Church, from its representatives assembled
in the name of the Lord, that this legislation emanates; there is no
mention in the prologue either of state or of Landgrave.[72] Philip,
content with having broken for himself and for his people the yoke of
a foreign priest, had no desire to put himself in his place, and was
satisfied with an external superintendence, necessary for the
maintenance of order.

  [72] Synodus _in nomine Domini congregata_.--(Ibid.)

A second distinctive feature in this constitution is its simplicity
both of government and worship. The assembly conjures all future
synods not to load the Churches with a multitude of ordinances,
"seeing that where orders abound, disorder superabounds." They would
not even continue the organs in the churches, because, said they, "men
should understand what they hear."[73] The more the human mind has
been bent in one direction, the more violent is the reaction in the
contrary direction when it is unbent. The Church passed at that time
from the extreme of symbols to that of simplicity. These are the
principal features of this constitution:--

  [73] Ne homines non intelligant.--(Ibid. cap. 3.)

"The Church can only be taught and governed by the Word of its
Sovereign Pastor. Whoever has recourse to any other word shall be
deposed and excommunicated.[74]

  [74] Non admittimus verbum aliud quam ipsius pastoris
  nostri.--(Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca, cap. 2.)

"Every pious man, learned in the Word of God, whatever be his
condition, may be elected bishop if he desire it, for he is called
inwardly of God.[75]

  [75] Si quis pius, in verbo sancto et exercitatus, docere petit verbum
  sanctum, non repellatur, a Deo enim interne mittitur.--(Ibid. cap.
  23.)

"Let no one believe that by a bishop we understand anything else than
a simple minister of the Word of God.[76]

  [76] Ne quis putet, nos hic per episcopos, alios intelligere, quam
  ministros Dei verbi.--(Ibid.)

"The ministers are servants, and consequently they ought not to be
lords, princes, or governors.

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH--BISHOPS.]

"Let the faithful assemble and choose their bishops and deacons. Each
church should elect its own pastor.[77]

  [77] Eligat quævis ecclesia episcopum suum.--(Ibid. cap. 23.)

"Let those who are elected bishops be consecrated to their office by
the imposition of the hands of three bishops; and as for the deacons,
if there are no ministers present, let them receive the laying on of
hands from the elders of the Church.[78]

  [78] Manus imponant duo ex senioribus, nisi alii episcopi
  intersint.--(Ibid. cap. 21.)

"If a bishop causes any scandal to the Church by his effeminacy, or by
the splendour of his garments, or by the levity of his conduct, and
if, on being warned, he persists, let him be deposed by the
Church.[79]

  [79] Deponat ecclesia episcopum suum, quod ad eam spectet judicare de
  voce pastorum.--(Ibid. cap. 23.)

"Let each church place its bishop in a condition to live with his
family, and to be hospitable, as St. Paul enjoins; but let the bishops
exact nothing for their casual duties.[80]

  [80] Alat quævis ecclesia episcopum suum sicque illi administret ut
  cum sua familia vivere possit.--(Schminke, Monumenta Hassiaca, cap.
  23.)

"On every Sunday let there be in some suitable place an assembly of
all the men who are in the number of the saints, to regulate with the
bishop, according to God's Word, all the affairs of the Church, and to
excommunicate whoever gives occasion of scandal to the Church; for the
Church of Christ has never existed without exercising the power of
excommunication.[81]

  [81] Fiat conventus fidelium in congruo loco, ad quem quotquot ex
  viris in sanctorum numero habentur......Christi ecclesiam nunquam
  fuisse sine excommunicatione.--(Ibid. cap. 15.)

"As a weekly assembly is necessary for the direction of the particular
churches, so a general synod should be held annually for the direction
of all the churches in the country.[82]

  [82] Ut semel pro toto Hessia celebretur synodus apud Marpurgum tertia
  dominica post pascha.--(Ibid. cap. 18.)

[Sidenote: TWO ELEMENTS IN THE CHURCH.]

"All the pastors are its natural members; but each church shall
further elect from its body a man full of the Spirit and of faith, to
whom it shall intrust powers for all that is in the jurisdiction of
the synod.[83]

  [83] Universi episcopi......Quælibet ecclesia congregetur et eligat ex
  se ipsa unum plenum fide et Spiritu Dei.--(Ibid.)

"Three visiters shall be elected yearly, with commission to go through
all the churches, to examine those who have been elected bishops, to
confirm those who have been approved of, and to provide for the
execution of the decrees of the synod."

It will no doubt be found that this first evangelical constitution
went in some points to the extreme of ecclesiastical democracy; but
certain institutions had crept in that were capable of increase and of
changing its nature. Six superintendents for life were afterwards
substituted for these annual visiters (who, according to the primitive
institution, might be simple members of the church); and, as has been
remarked,[84] the encroachments, whether of these superintendents or
of the state, gradually paralyzed the activity and independence of the
churches of Hesse. This constitution fared as did that of the Abbé
Sièyes, in the year 8, which, being destined to be republican, served
through the influence of Napoleon Bonaparte to establish the despotism
of the Empire.

  [84] Rettig, Die Freie Kirche.

It was not the less a remarkable work. Romish doctors have reproached
the Reformation for making the Church a too interior institution.[85]
In effect, the Reformation and Popery recognise two elements in the
Church,--the one exterior, the other interior; but while Popery gives
precedence to the former, the Reformation assigns it to the latter. If
however it be a reproach against the Reformation for having an inward
Church only, and for not creating an external one, the remarkable
constitution of which we have just exhibited a few features, will save
us the trouble of reply. The exterior ecclesiastical order, which then
sprung from the very heart of the Reformation, is far more perfect
than that of Popery.

  [85] This is the opinion set forth in the _Symbolik_ of Dr. Möhler,
  the most celebrated defender of the Romish doctrine among our
  contemporaries.

[Sidenote: LUTHER ON THE MINISTRY.]

One great question presented itself: Will these principles be adopted
by all the Churches of the Reformation?

Everything seemed to indicate as much. The most pious men thought at
that time that the ecclesiastical power proceeded from the members of
the Church. By withdrawing from the hierarchical extreme, they flung
themselves into a democratical one. Luther himself had professed this
doctrine as early as 1523. The Calixtins of Bohemia, on seeing the
bishops of their country refuse them ministers, had gone so far as to
take the first vagabond priest. "If you have no other means of
procuring pastors," wrote Luther to them, "rather do without them, and
let each head of a family read the Gospel in his own house, and
baptise his children, sighing after the sacrament of the altar as the
Jews at Babylon did for Jerusalem.[86] The consecration of the Pope
creates priests--not of God, but of the devil, ordained solely to
trample Jesus Christ under foot, to bring his sacrifice to naught, and
to sell imaginary holocausts to the world in his name.[87] Men become
ministers only by election and calling, and that ought to be effected
in the following manner:--

"First, seek God by prayer;[88] then being assembled together with all
those whose hearts God has touched, choose in the Lord's name him or
them whom you shall have acknowledged to be fitted for this ministry.
After that, let the chief men among you lay their hands on them, and
recommend them to the people and to the Church."[89]

  [86] Tutius enim et salubrius esset, quemlibet patrem-familias suæ
  domui legere Evangelium.--(L. Opp. lat. ii. p. 363.)

  [87] Per ordines papisticos non sacerdotes Dei sed sacerdotes Satanæ,
  tantum ut Christum conculcent.--(Ibid. p. 364.)

  [88] Orationibus tum privatis tum publicis.--(Ibid. p. 370.)

  [89] Eligite quem et quos volueritis. Tum impositis super eos manibus,
  sint hoc ipso vestri episcopi, vestri ministri, seu pastores.--(L.
  Opp. lat. ii. p. 370.)

[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH.]

Luther, in thus calling upon the people alone to nominate their
pastors, submitted to the necessities of the times. It was requisite
to constitute the ministry; but the ministry having no existence, it
could not then have the legitimate part that belongs to it in the
choice of God's ministers.

But another necessity, proceeding in like manner from the state of
affairs, was to incline Luther to deviate from the principles he had
laid down.

The German Reformation can hardly be said to have begun with the lower
classes, as in Switzerland and France; and Luther could scarcely find
anywhere that christian people, which should have played so great a
part in his new constitution. Ignorant men, conceited townspeople, who
would not even maintain their ministers--these were the members of the
Church. Now what could be done with such elements?

But if the people were indifferent, the princes were not so. They
stood in the foremost rank of the battle, and sat on the first bench
in the council. The democratic organization was therefore compelled to
give way to an organization conformable to the civil government. The
Church is composed of Christians, and they are taken wherever they are
found--high or low. It was particularly in high stations that Luther
found them. He admitted the princes as representatives of the people;
and henceforward the influence of the state became one of the
principal elements in the constitution of the evangelical Church.

In the mind of the Reformer, this guardianship of the princes was only
to be provisional. The faithful being then in minority, they had need
of a guardian; but the era of the Church's majority might arrive, and
with it would come its emancipation.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE ELECTOR.]

We may admit that this recourse to the civil power was at that time
necessary, but we cannot deny that it was also a source of
difficulties. We will point out only one. When Protestantism became an
affair of governments and nations, it ceased to be universal. The new
spirit was capable of creating a new earth. But instead of opening new
roads, and of purposing the regeneration of all Christendom, and the
conversion of the whole world, the Protestants sought to settle
themselves as comfortably as possible in a few German duchies. This
timidity, which has been called prudence, did immense injury to the
Reformation.

The organizing power being once discovered, the Reformers thought of
organization, and Luther applied to the task; for although he was in
an especial manner an assailant and Calvin an organizer, these two
qualities, as necessary to the reformers of the Church as to the
founders of empires, were not wanting in either of these great
servants of God.

It was necessary to compose a new ministry, for most of the priests
who had quitted the Papacy were content to receive the watchword of
Reform without having personally experienced the sanctifying virtue of
the Truth. There was even one parish in which the priest preached the
Gospel in his principal church, and sang mass in its succursal.[90]
But something more was wanting: a Christian people had to be created.
"Alas!" said Luther of some of the adherents of the Reform, "they have
abandoned their Romish doctrines and rites, and they scoff at
ours."[91]

  [90] In æde parochiali evangelico more docebat, in filiali missi
  fiabat.--(Seck. p. 102.)

  [91] Sic enim sua papistica neglexerunt, et nostra contemnunt.--(L.
  Epp. iii. p. 224.)

[Sidenote: GERMAN MASS.]

Luther did not shrink from before this double necessity; and he made
provision for it. Understanding that a general visitation of the
churches was necessary, he addressed the Elector on this subject, on
the 22d October 1526. "Your highness, in your quality of guardian of
youth, and of all those who know not how to take care of themselves,"
said he, "should compel the inhabitants, who desire neither pastors
nor schools, to receive these means of grace, as they are compelled to
work on the roads, on bridges, and such like services.[92] The papal
order being abolished, it is your duty to regulate these things; no
other person cares about them, no other can, and no other ought to do
so. Commission, therefore, four persons to visit all the country; let
two of them inquire into the tithes and church property; and let two
take charge of the doctrine, schools, churches, and pastors." We
naturally ask, on reading these words, if the church which was formed
in the first century, without the support of princes, could not in the
sixteenth be reformed without them?

  [92] Als oberster vormund der Jugend und aller die es bedurfen, sall
  sie mit Gewalt dazu halten.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 136.)

Luther was not content with soliciting in writing the intervention of
the prince. He was indignant at seeing the courtiers, who in the time
of the Elector Frederick had shown themselves the inveterate enemies
of the Reformation, rushing now, "sporting, laughing, skipping," as he
said, on the spoils of the Church. Accordingly, at the end of this
year, the Elector having come to Wittemberg, the Reformer repaired
immediately to the palace, made his complaint to the prince-electoral,
whom he met at the gate, then without caring about those who stopped
him, made his way by force into his father's bedchamber, and
addressing this prince, who was surprised at so unexpected a visit,
begged him to remedy the evils of the Church. The visitation of the
churches was resolved upon, and Melancthon was commissioned to draw up
the necessary instructions.

In 1526, Luther had published his "German Mass," by which he signified
the order of church service in general. "The real evangelical
assemblies," he said, "do not take place publicly, pellmell, admitting
people of every sort;[93] but they are formed of serious Christians,
who confess the Gospel by their words and by their lives,[94] and in
the midst of whom we may reprove and excommunicate, according to the
rule of Christ Jesus.[95] I cannot institute such assemblies, for I
have no one to place in them;[96] but if the thing becomes possible, I
shall not be wanting in this duty."

  [93] Non publice, sive promiscue et admissa omnis generis plebe.--(De
  Missa Germ.)

  [94] Qui nomina sua in catalogum referrent, adds he.--(Ibid.)

  [95] Excommunicari qui Christiano more se non gererent.--(De Missa
  Germ.)

  [96] Neque enim habeo qui sint idonei.--(Ibid.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S INSTRUCTIONS.]

It was also with a conviction that he must give the Church, not the
best form of worship imaginable, but the best possible, that
Melancthon laboured at his Instructions.

The German Reformation at that time tacked about, as it were. If
Lambert in Hesse had gone to the extreme of a democratical system,
Melancthon in Saxony was approximating the contrary extreme of
traditional principles. A conservative principle was substituted for a
reforming one. Melancthon wrote to one of the inspectors:[97] "All the
old ceremonies that you can preserve, pray do so.[98] Do not innovate
much, for every innovation is injurious to the people."[99]

  [97] Dr. Dewette thinks this letter is Luther's (L. Epp. iii. p. 352).
  It appears clear to me, as also to Dr. Bretschneider, that it is
  Melancthon's. Luther never went so far in the way of concession.

  [98] Observo quantum ex veteribus cæremoniis retineri potest,
  retineas.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 990.)

  [99] Omnis novitas nocet in vulgo.--(Ibid.)

They retained, therefore, the Latin liturgy, a few German hymns being
mingled with it;[100] the communion in one kind for those only who
scrupled from habit to take it in both; a confession made to the
priest without being in any way obligatory; many saints' days, the
sacred vestments,[101] and other rites, "in which," said Melancthon,
"there is no harm, whatever Zwingle may say."[102] And at the same
time they set forth with reserve the doctrines of the Reformation.

  [100] Non aboleas eam totam (the Latin mass): satis est alicubi
  miscere Germanicas cantationes.--(Ibid.)

  [101] Ut retineantur vestes usitatæ in sacris.--(Corp. Ref. ad Jonam,
  20th December 1527.)

  [102] Vel si Zwinglius ipse prædicaturus sit.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p.
  910.)

It is but right to confess the dominion of facts and circumstances
upon these ecclesiastical organizations; but there is a dominion which
rises higher still--that of the Word of God.

Perhaps what Melancthon did was all that could be effected at that
time: but it was necessary for the work to be one day resumed and
re-established on its primitive plan, and this was Calvin's glory.

[Sidenote: DISAFFECTION.]

A cry of astonishment was heard both from the camp of Rome and from
that of the Reformation. "Our cause is betrayed," exclaimed some of
the evangelical Christians: "the liberty is taken away that Jesus
Christ had given us."[103]

  [103] Alii dicerent prodi causam.--(Camer. Vita Melancthon, p. 107.)

On their part the Ultramontanists triumphed in Melancthon's
moderation: they called it a retractation, and took advantage of it to
insult the Reform. Cochlœus published a "horrible" engraving, as he
styles it himself, in which, from beneath the same hood was seen
issuing a seven-headed monster representing Luther. Each of these
heads had different features, and all, uttering together the most
frightful and contradictory words, kept disputing, tearing, and
devouring each other.[104]

  [104] Monstrosus ille Germaniæ partus, Lutherus septiceps.--(Cochlœus,
  p. 169.)

The astonished Elector resolved to communicate Melancthon's paper to
Luther. But never did the Reformer's respect for his friend show
itself in a more striking manner. He only made one or two unimportant
additions to this plan, and sent it back accompanied with the highest
eulogiums. The Romanists said that the tiger caught in a net was
licking the hands that clipped his talons. But it was not so. Luther
knew that the aim of Melancthon's labours was to strengthen the very
soul of the Reformation in all the churches of Saxony. That was
sufficient for him. He thought besides, that in every thing there must
be a transition; and being justly convinced that his friend was more
than himself a man of transition, he frankly accepted his views.

The general visitation began. Luther in Saxony, Spalatin in the
districts of Altenburg and Zwickau, Melancthon in Thuringia, and
Thuring in Franconia, with ecclesiastical deputies and several lay
colleagues, commenced the work in October and November 1528.

[Sidenote: IMPORTANT RESULTS.]

They purified the clergy by dismissing every priest of scandalous
life;[105] they assigned a portion of the church property to the
maintenance of public worship, and they placed the remainder beyond
the reach of plunder; they continued the suppression of the convents;
they established everywhere unity of instruction; and "Luther's
greater and smaller catechisms," which appeared in 1529, contributed
more perhaps than any other writings to propagate throughout the new
churches the ancient faith of the Apostles; they commissioned the
pastors of the great towns, under the title of superintendents, to
watch over the churches and the schools; they maintained the abolition
of celibacy; and the ministers of the Word, become husbands and
fathers, formed the germ of a third estate, whence in after-years were
diffused in all ranks of society learning, activity, and light. This
is one of the truest causes of the intellectual and moral superiority
that indisputably distinguishes the evangelical nations.

  [105] Viginti fere rudes et inepti, multique concubinarii et potatores
  deprehensi sunt.--(Seckend. p. 102.)

The organization of the churches in Saxony, notwithstanding its
imperfections, produced for that time at least the most important
results. This was because the Word of God prevailed; and because,
wherever this Word exercises its power, secondary errors and abuses
are paralyzed. The very discretion that was employed proceeded in
reality from a good principle. The reformers, unlike the enthusiasts,
did not utterly reject an institution because it was corrupted. They
did not say, for example: "The sacraments are disfigured, let us do
without them! the ministry is corrupt, let us reject it!"--but they
rejected the abuse, and restored the use. This prudence is the mark of
a work of God; and if Luther sometimes permitted the chaff to remain
along with the wheat, Calvin appeared later, and more thoroughly
purged the Christian threshing-floor.

[Sidenote: THE REFORMATION ADVANCES.]

The organization which was at that time accomplishing in Saxony,
exerted a strong reaction on all the German empire, and the doctrine
of the Gospel advanced with gigantic strides. The design of God in
turning aside from the reformed states of Germany, the thunderbolt
that he caused to fall upon the seven-hilled city, was clearly
manifest. Never were years more usefully employed; and it was not only
to framing a constitution that the Reformation devoted itself, it was
also to extend its doctrine.

The duchies of Luneburg and Brunswick, many of the most important
imperial cities, as Nuremberg, Augsburg, Ulm, Strasburg, Gottingen,
Gosslar, Nordhausen, Lubeck, Bremen, and Hamburg, removed the tapers
from the chapels, and substituted in their place the brighter torch of
the Word of God.

In vain did the frightened canons allege the authority of the Church.
"The authority of the Church," replied Kempe and Zechenhagen, the
reformer of Hamburg, "cannot be acknowledged unless the Church herself
obeys her pastor Jesus Christ."[106] Pomeranus visited many places to
put a finishing hand to the Reform.

  [106] Evangelici auctoritatem Ecclesiæ non aliter agnoscendam esse
  contendebant quam si vocem pastoris Christi sequeretur.--(Seckend. i.
  p. 245.)

In Franconia, the Margrave George of Brandenburg, having reformed
Anspach and Bayreuth, wrote to his ancient protector, Ferdinand of
Austria, who had knit his brows on hearing of his reforming
proceedings: "I have done this by God's order; for he commands princes
to take care not only of the bodies of their subjects, but also of
their souls."[107]

  [107] Non modo quoad corpus, sed etiam quoad animam.--(Seckend. ii. p.
  121.)

In East Friesland, on new-year's day, 1527, a Dominican named Resius,
having put on his hood,[108] ascended the pulpit at Noorden, and
declared himself ready to maintain certain theses according to the
tenor of the Gospel. Having silenced the Abbot of Noorden by the
soundness of his arguments, Resius took off his cowl, laid it on the
pulpit, and was received in the nave by the acclamations of the
faithful. Ere long the whole of Friesland laid aside the uniform of
Popery, as Resius had done.

  [108] Resius, cucullum indutus, suggestum ascendit.--(Scultet. Ann. p.
  93.)

[Sidenote: A PIOUS PRINCESS.]

At Berlin, Elizabeth, electress of Brandenburg, having read Luther's
works, felt a desire to receive the Lord's supper in conformity with
Christ's institution: a minister secretly administered it at the
festival of Easter, 1528; but one of her children informed the
Elector. Joachim was greatly exasperated, and ordered his wife to keep
her room for several days;[109] it was even said that he intended to
shut her up.[110] This princess, being deprived of all religious
support, and mistrusting the perfidious manœuvres of the Romish
priests, resolved to escape by flight; and she claimed the assistance
of her brother, Christian II. of Denmark, who was then residing at
Torgau. Taking advantage of a dark night, she quitted the castle in a
peasant's dress, and got into a rude country-waggon that was waiting
for her at the gate of the city. Elizabeth urged on the driver, when,
in a bad road, the wain broke down. The electress, hastily unfastening
a handkerchief she wore round her head, flung it to the man, who
employed it in repairing the damage, and ere long Elizabeth arrived at
Torgau. "If I should expose you to any risk," said she to her uncle,
the Elector of Saxony, "I am ready to go wherever Providence may guide
me." But John assigned her a residence in the castle of Lichtenberg,
on the Elbe, near Wittemberg. Without taking upon us to approve of
Elizabeth's flight, let us acknowledge the good that God's Providence
drew from it. This amiable lady, who lived at Lichtenberg, in the
study of His word, seldom appearing at court, frequently going to hear
Luther's sermons, and exercising a salutary influence over her
children, who sometimes had permission to see her, was the first of
those pious princesses whom the house of Brandenburg has counted, and
even still counts, among its members.

  [109] Aliquot diebus a marito in cubiculo detenta fuisse.--(Seckend.
  ii. p. 122.)

  [110] Marehio statuerat eam immurare.--(L. Epp. ad Lenkium, iii. p.
  296.)

At the same time, Holstein, Sleswick, and Silesia decided in favour of
the Reformation: and Hungary, as well as Bohemia, saw the number of
its adherents increase.

[Sidenote: EDICT OF OFEN.]

In every place, instead of a hierarchy seeking its righteousness in
the works of man, its glory in external pomp, its strength in a
material power, the Church of the Apostles reappeared, humble as in
primitive times, and like the ancient Christians, looking for its
righteousness, its glory, and its power solely in the blood of Christ
and in the Word of God.[111]

  [111] Revelation xii. 11.


IV. All these triumphs of the Gospel could not pass unperceived; there
was a powerful reaction, and until political circumstances should
permit a grand attack upon the Reformation on the very soil where it
was established, and of persecuting it by means of diets, and if
necessary by armies, they began to persecute in detail in the Romish
countries with tortures and the scaffold.

On the 20th August, 1527, King Ferdinand, by the Edict of Ofen in
Hungary, published a tariff of crimes and penalties, in which he
threatened death by the sword, by fire, or by water,[112] against
whoever should say that Mary was a woman like other women; or partake
of the sacrament in an heretical manner; or consecrate the bread and
wine, not being a Romish priest; and further, in the second case, the
house in which the sacrament should have been administered was to be
confiscated or rased to the ground.

  [112] Die sollen mit den Feuer Schwerdt oder Wasser gestraft
  werden.--(Ferd. Mandat. L. Opp. xix. p. 596.)

Such was not the legislation of Luther. Link having asked him if it
were lawful for the magistrate to put the false prophets to death,
meaning the Sacramentarians, whose doctrines Luther attacked with so
much force,[113] the Reformer replied: "I am slow whenever life is
concerned, even if the offender is exceedingly guilty.[114] I can by
no means admit that the false teachers should be put to death;[115] it
is sufficient to remove them." For ages the Romish Church has bathed
in blood. Luther was the first to profess the great principles of
humanity and religious liberty.

  [113] Contra hostes sacramentarios strenue nobiscum certare.--(Epp. to
  Lenk, July 14, 1528.)

  [114] Ego ad judicium sanguinis tardus sum, etiam ubi meritum
  abundat.--(Ibid.)

  [115] Nullo modo possum admittere falsos doctores occidi.--(Epp. to
  Lenk, July 14, 1528.)

[Sidenote: PERSECUTIONS--WINKLER AND CARPENTER.]

They sometimes had recourse to more expeditious proceedings than the
scaffold itself. George Winkler, pastor of Halle, having been summoned
before Archbishop Albert in the spring of 1527, for having
administered the sacrament in both kinds, had been acquitted. As this
minister was returning home along an unfrequented road in the midst of
the woods, he was suddenly attacked by a number of horsemen, who
murdered him, and immediately fled through the thickets without taking
anything from his person.[116] "The world," exclaimed Luther, "is a
cavern of assassins under the command of the devil; an inn, whose
landlord is a brigand, and which bears this sign, _Lies and Murder_;
and none are more readily murdered therein than those who proclaim
Jesus Christ."

  [116] Mox enim ut interfecerunt, aufugerunt per avia loca, nihil prædæ
  aut pecuniæ capientes.--(Cochl. p. 152.)

At Munich George Carpenter was led to the scaffold for having denied
that the baptism of water is able by its own virtue to save a man.
"When you are thrown into the fire," said some of his brethren, "give
us a sign by which we may know that you persevere in the faith."--"As
long as I can open my mouth, I will confess the name of the Lord
Jesus."[117] The executioner stretched him on a ladder, tied a small
bag of gunpowder round his neck, and then flung him into the flames.
Carpenter immediately cried out, "Jesus! Jesus!" and the executioner
having turned him again and again with his hooks, the martyr several
times repeated the word Jesus, and expired.

  [117] Dum os aperire licebit, servatoris nostri nomen profiteri
  nunquam intermittam.--(Scultet. ii. p. 110.)

[Sidenote: PERSECUTIONS--KEYSER.]

At Landsberg nine persons were consigned to the flames, and at Munich
twenty-nine were thrown into the water. At Scherding, Leonard Keyser,
a friend and disciple of Luther, having been condemned by the bishop,
had his head shaved, and being dressed in a smock-frock, was placed on
horseback. As the executioners were cursing and swearing, because they
could not disentangle the ropes with which he was to be bound, he
said to them mildly: "Dear friends, your bonds are not necessary; my
Lord Christ has already bound me." When he drew near the stake, Keyser
looked at the crowd and exclaimed: "Behold the harvest! O Master, send
forth thy labourers!" He then ascended the scaffold and said: "O Jesu,
save me! I am thine." These were his last words.[118] "Who am I, a
wordy preacher," exclaimed Luther, when he received the news of his
death, "in comparison with this great doer?"[119]

  [118] Incenso jam igne, clara voce proclamavit: _Tuus sum Jesu! Salva
  me!_--(Seckend. ii. p. 85.)

  [119] Tam impar verbosus prædicator, illi tam potenti verbi
  operator.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 1214.)

Thus, the Reformation manifested by such striking works the truth that
it had come to re-establish; namely, that faith is not, as Rome
maintains, an historical, vain, dead knowledge,[120] but a lively
faith, the work of the Holy Ghost, the channel by which Christ fills
the heart with new desires and with new affections, the true worship
of the living God.

  [120] Si quis dixerit fidem non esse veram fidem, licet non fit viva,
  aut eum qui fidem sine charitate habet, non esse christianum, anathema
  sit.--(Conc. Frid. Sess. 6, p. 28.)

These martyrdoms filled Germany with horror, and gloomy forebodings
descended from the thrones among the ranks of the people. Around the
domestic hearth, in the long winter evenings, the conversation wholly
turned on prisons, tortures, scaffolds, and martyrs; and the slightest
noise alarmed the old men, women, and children. These narratives
gained strength from mouth to mouth; the rumour of a universal
conspiracy against the Gospel spread through all the Empire. Its
adversaries, taking advantage of this terror, announced with a
mysterious air that they must look during this year (1528) for some
decisive measure against the Reform.[121] One scoundrel resolved to
profit by this state of mind to satisfy his avarice.

  [121] Nescio quid mirari quod hoc anno contra reformationem
  expectandum sit.--(Seckend. ii. p. 101.)

[Sidenote: PACK'S FORGERY.]

No blows are more terrible to a cause than those which it inflicts
upon itself. The Reformation, seized with a dizziness, was on the
verge of self-destruction. There is a spirit of error that conspires
against the cause of truth, beguiling by subtlety;[122] the
Reformation was about to experience its attacks, and to stagger under
the most formidable assault,--perturbation of thought, and
estrangement from the ways of wisdom and of truth.

  [122] 2 Corinthians xi. 3.

Otho of Pack, vice-chancellor to Duke George of Saxony, was a crafty
and dissipated man,[123] who took advantage of his office, and had
recourse to all sorts of practices to procure money. The Duke having
on one occasion sent him to the Diet of Nuremberg as his
representative, the Bishop of Merseburg confided to him his
contribution towards the imperial government. The Bishop having been
afterwards called upon for this money, Pack declared that he had paid
it to a citizen of Nuremberg, whose seal and signature he produced.
This paper was a forgery; Pack himself was the author of it.[124] This
wretch, however, put an impudent face on the matter, and as he was not
convicted, he preserved the confidence of his master. Erelong an
opportunity presented itself of exercising his criminal talent on a
larger scale.

  [123] Homo erat versutus, et præterea prodigus, quo vitio ad alia
  inductus est.--(Seckend. ii. p. 94.)

  [124] It is still to be seen in the records at Dresden.

No one entertained greater suspicions with regard to the Papists than
the Landgrave of Hesse. Young, susceptible, and restless, he was
always on the alert. In the month of February 1528, Pack happening to
be at Cassel to assist Philip in some difficult business, the
Landgrave imparted to him his fears. If any one could have had any
knowledge of the designs of the Papists, it must have been the
vice-chancellor, one of the greatest enemies to the Reform. The crafty
Pack heaved a sigh, bent down his eyes, and was silent. Philip
immediately became uneasy, entreated him, and promised to do nothing
that would injure the Duke. Then, Pack as if he had allowed an
important secret to be torn from him with regret, confessed that a
league against the Lutherans had been concluded at Breslau on the
Wednesday following _Jubilate_ Sunday, 12th May 1527; and engaged to
procure the original of this act for the Landgrave, who offered him
for this service a remuneration of ten thousand florins. This was the
greatest transaction that this wretched man had ever undertaken; but
it tended to nothing less than the utter overthrow of the Empire.

The Landgrave was amazed: he restrained himself, however, wishing to
see the act with his own eyes before informing his allies. He
therefore repaired to Dresden. "I cannot," said Pack, "furnish you
with the original: the Duke always carries it about his person to read
it to other princes whom he hopes to gain over. Recently at Leipsic,
he showed it to Duke Henry of Brunswick. But here is a copy made by
his highness's order." The Landgrave took the document, which bore all
the marks of the most perfect authenticity. It was crossed by a cord
of black silk, and fastened at both ends by the seal of the ducal
chancery.[125] Above was an impression from the ring Duke George
always wore on his finger, with the three quarterings that Philip had
so often seen; at the top, the coronet, and at the bottom, the two
lions. He has no more doubts as to its authenticity. But how can we
describe his indignation as he read this guilty document? King
Ferdinand, the Electors of Mentz and of Brandenburg, Duke George of
Saxony, the Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Salzburg, Wurtzburg, and
Bamberg, have entered into a coalition to call upon the Elector of
Saxony to deliver up the arch-heretic Luther, with all the apostate
priests, monks, and nuns, and to re-establish the ancient worship. If
he make default, his states are to be invaded, and this prince and his
descendants are to be for ever dispossessed. The same measure was next
to be applied to the Landgrave, only ("it was your father-in-law, Duke
George," said Pack to Philip, "who got this clause inserted") his
states shall be restored to him in consideration of his youth, if he
becomes fully reconciled to the Holy Church. The document stated
moreover the contingents of men and money to be provided by the
confederates, and the share they were to have in the spoils of these
two heretical princes.[126]

  [125] Cui filum sericum circumligatum, et sigillum cancellariæ
  impressum erat.--(Seck. ii. p. 94.)

  [126] Hortleber, De Bello Germanico, ii. p. 579.

Many circumstances tended to confirm the authenticity of this paper.
Ferdinand, Joachim of Brandenburg, and George of Saxony, had in fact
met at Breslau on the day indicated, and an evangelical prince, the
Margrave George, had seen Joachim leave Ferdinand's apartments,
holding in his hand a large parchment to which several seals were
attached. The agitated Landgrave caused a copy to be taken of this
document, promised secrecy for a time, paid Pack four thousand
florins, and engaged to make up the sum agreed upon, if he would
procure him the original. And then, wishing to prevent the storm, he
hastened to Weimar to inform the Elector of this unprecedented
conspiracy.

"I have seen," said he to John and his son, "nay more--I have had in
my hands, a duplicate of this horrible treaty. Signatures,
seals--nothing was wanting.[127] Here is a copy, and I bind myself to
place the original before your eyes. The most frightful danger
threatens us--ourselves, our faithful subjects, and the Word of God."

  [127] Nam is affirmabat se archetypon vidisse, commemorabat
  σφρἁγιδας.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 986.)

[Sidenote: ADVICE OF THE REFORMERS.]

The Elector had no reason to doubt the account the Landgrave had just
given him: he was stunned, confounded, and overpowered. The promptest
measures alone could avert such unheard of disasters: everything must
be risked to extricate them from certain destruction. The impetuous
Philip breathed fire and flames;[128] his plan of defence was already
prepared. He presented it, and in the first moment of consternation he
carried the consent of his ally, as it were by assault. On the 9th
March 1528, the two princes agreed to employ all their forces to
defend themselves, and even to take the offensive, and to sacrifice
life, honour, rank, subjects, and states, to preserve the Word of God.
The Dukes of Prussia, Mecklenburg, Luneburg, and Pomerania, the Kings
of Denmark and Poland, and the Margrave of Brandenburg, were to be
invited to enter into this alliance. Six hundred thousand florins were
destined for the expenses of the war; and to procure them, they would
raise loans, pledge their cities, and sell the offerings in the
churches.[129] They had already begun to raise a powerful army.[130]
The Landgrave set out in person for Nuremberg and Anspach. The alarm
was general in those countries; the commotion was felt throughout all
Germany,[131] and even beyond it. John Zapolya, King of Hungary, at
that time a refugee at Cracow, promised a hundred thousand florins to
raise an army, and twenty thousand florins a month for its
maintenance. Thus a spirit of error was misleading the princes; if it
should carry away the Reformers also, the destruction of the
Reformation was not far distant.

  [128] Mirabiliter incensus erat.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 986.)

  [129] Venditisque templorum donariis.--(Seck. ii. p. 95.)

  [130] Magno studio validum comparaverunt ambo exercitum.--(Cochl. p.
  171.)

  [131] Non leviter commotos esse nostrorum animos.--(Corp. Ref. ii. p.
  986.)

But God was watching over them. Supported on the rock of the Word,
Melancthon and Luther replied: "It is written, Thou shalt not tempt
the Lord thy God." As soon as these two men whom the danger threatened
(for it was they who were to be delivered up to the papal power) saw
the youthful Landgrave drawing the sword, and the aged Elector himself
putting his hand on the hilt, they uttered a cry, and this cry, which
was heard in heaven, saved the Reform.

Luther, Pomeranus, and Melancthon immediately forwarded the following
advice to the Elector: "Above all things, let not the attack proceed
from our side, and let no blood be shed through our fault. Let us wait
for the enemy, and seek after peace. Send an ambassador to the Emperor
to make him acquainted with this hateful plot."

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S PACIFIC COUNSEL.]

Thus it was that the faith of the children of God, which is so
despised by politicians, conducted them aright, at the very moment
when the diplomatists were going astray. The Elector and his son
declared to the Landgrave that they would not assume the offensive.
Philip was in amazement. "Are not the preparations of the Papists
worthy an attack?" asked he.[132] "What! we will threaten war, and yet
not make it! We will inflame the hatred of our antagonists, and leave
them time to prepare their forces! No, no; forward! It is thus we
shall secure the means of an honourable peace."----"If the Landgrave
desires to begin the war," replied the Reformer, "the Elector is not
obliged to observe the treaty; for we must obey God rather than men.
God and the right are above every alliance. Let us beware of painting
the devil on our doors, and inviting him as godfather.[133] But if the
Landgrave is attacked, the Elector ought to go to his assistance; for
it is God's will that we preserve our faith." This advice which the
Reformers gave, cost them dear. Never did man, condemned to the
torture, endure a punishment like theirs. The fears excited by the
Landgrave were succeeded by the terrors inspired by the Papist
princes. This cruel trial left them in great distress. "I am worn away
with sorrow," cried Melancthon; "and this anguish puts me to the most
horrible torture.[134] The issue," added he, "will be found on our
knees before God."[135]

  [132] Landgravius præparamenta adversariorum pro agressione
  habebat.--(Seck. ii. p. 95.)

  [133] Man darf den Teufel nicht über die Thür malen, noch ihn zu
  gevattern bitten.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 321.)

  [134] Curæ vehementer cruciarunt.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 988.)

  [135] Εν γοηνασι θεου.--(Ibid. p. 988.)

The Elector, drawn in different directions by the theologians and the
politicians, at last took a middle course: he resolved to assemble an
army, "but only," said he, "to obtain peace." Philip of Hesse at
length gave way, and forthwith sent copies of the famous treaty to
Duke George, to the Dukes of Bavaria, and to the Emperor's
representatives, calling upon them to renounce such cruel designs. "I
would rather have a limb cut off," said he to his father-in-law, "than
know you to be a member of such an alliance."

[Sidenote: SURPRISE OF THE PAPIST PRINCES.]

The surprise of the German courts, when they read this document, is
beyond description. Duke George immediately replied to the Landgrave
that he had allowed himself to be deceived by unmeaning absurdities;
that he who pretended to have seen the original of this act was an
infamous liar, and an incorrigible scoundrel; and that he called upon
the Landgrave to give up his authority, or else it might well be
thought that he was himself the inventor of this impudent fabrication.
King Ferdinand, the Elector of Brandenburg, and all the pretended
conspirators made similar replies.

Philip of Hesse saw that he had been deceived;[136] his confusion was
only exceeded by his anger. He had therefore himself justified the
accusations of his adversaries who called him a hot-headed young man,
and had compromised to the highest degree the cause of the Reformation
and that of his people. He said afterwards, "If that had not happened,
it would no more happen now. Nothing that I have done in all my life
has caused me greater vexation."

  [136] Wir fühlten dass wir betrogen waren.--(Hortleber, iv. p. 567.)

Pack fled in alarm to the Landgrave, who caused him to be arrested;
and envoys from the several princes whom this scoundrel had
compromised met at Cassel, and proceeded to examine him. He maintained
that the original act of the alliance had really existed in the
Dresden archives. In the following year the Landgrave banished him
from Hesse, showing by this action that he did not fear him. Pack was
afterwards discovered in Belgium; and at the demand of Duke George,
who had never shown any pity towards him, he was seized, tortured, and
finally beheaded.

The Landgrave was unwilling to have taken up arms to no purpose. The
archbishop-elector of Mentz was compelled, on the 11th June, 1528, to
renounce in the camp of Herzkirchen all spiritual jurisdiction in
Saxony and Hesse.[137] This was no small advantage.

  [137] Kopp. Hess. Gerichts.--Verf. i. p. 107.

[Sidenote: PACK'S SCHEME NOT IMPROBABLE.]

Scarcely had the arms been laid aside, before Luther took up his pen,
and began a war of another kind. "Impious princes may deny this
alliance as long as they please," wrote he to Link; "I am very certain
that it is not a chimera. These insatiable leeches will take no repose
until they see the whole of Germany flowing with blood."[138] This
idea of Luther's was the one generally entertained. "The document
presented to the Landgrave may be," it was said, "Pack's invention;
but all this fabric of lies is founded on some truth. If the alliance
has not been concluded, it has been conceived."[139]

  [138] Sanguisugæ insatiabiles quiescere nolunt, nisi Germaniam
  sanguine madere sentiant. 14th June, 1528.

  [139] Non enim prorsus confictares.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 988.)

Melancholy were the results of this affair. It inspired division in
the bosom of the Reformation, and fanned the hatred between the two
parties.[140] The sparks from the piles of Keyser, Winckler,
Carpenter, and so many other martyrs, added strength to the fire that
was already threatening to set the empire in flames. It was under such
critical circumstances, and with such menacing dispositions, that the
famous Diet of Spire was opened in March 1529. The Empire and the
Papacy were in reality preparing to annihilate the Reformation,
although in a manner different from what Pack had pretended. It was
still to be learnt whether there would be found in the revived Church
more vital strength than there had been in so many sects that Rome had
easily crushed. Happily the faith had increased, and the constitution
given to the Church had imparted greater power to its adherents. All
were resolved on defending a doctrine so pure, and a church government
so superior to that of Popery. During three years of tranquillity, the
Gospel tree had struck its roots deep; and if the storm should burst,
it would now be able to brave it.

  [140] Hæc minæ apud inimicos odia auxerint.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 985.)


[Sidenote: ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHARLES AND CLEMENT.]

V. The sack of Rome, by exasperating the adherents of the Papacy, had
given arms to all the enemies of Charles V. The French army under
Lautrec had forced the imperial army, enervated by the delights of a
new Capua, to hide itself within the walls of Naples. Doria, at the
head of his Genoese galleys, had destroyed the Spanish fleet, and all
the imperial power seemed drawing to an end in Italy. But Doria
suddenly declared for the Emperor; pestilence carried off Lautrec and
half of his troops; and Charles, suffering only from alarm, had again
grasped the power with a firm resolution to unite henceforward closely
with the Pontiff, whose humiliation had nearly cost him so dear. On
his side Clement VII., hearing the Italians reproach him for his
illegitimate birth, and even refuse him the title of Pope, said aloud,
that he would rather be the Emperor's groom than the sport of his
people. On the 29th June, 1528, a peace between the heads of the
Empire and of the Church was concluded at Barcelona, based on the
destruction of heresy; and in November a diet was convoked to meet at
Spire on the 21st February, 1529. Charles was resolved to endeavour at
first to destroy the Reform by a federal vote; but if this vote did
not suffice, to employ his whole power against it. The road being thus
traced out, they were about to commence operations.

Germany felt the seriousness of the position. Mournful omens filled
every mind. About the middle of January, a great light had suddenly
dispersed the darkness of the night.[141] "What that forebodes,"
exclaimed Luther, "God only knows!" At the beginning of April there
was a rumour of an earthquake that had engulfed castles, cities, and
whole districts in Carinthia and Istria, and split the tower of St.
Mark at Venice into four parts. "If that is true," said the Reformer,
"these prodigies are the forerunners of the day of Jesus Christ."[142]
The astrologers declared that the aspect of the quartiles of Saturn
and Jupiter, and the general position of the stars, was ominous.[143]
The waters of the Elbe rolled thick and stormy, and stones fell from
the roofs of churches. "All these things," exclaimed the terrified
Melancthon, "excite me deeply."[144]

  [141] An aurora borealis. "Magnum chasma, quo nox tota
  illuminabatur."--(L. Epp. iii. p. 420.)

  [142] Si vera sunt, diem Christi præcurrunt hæc monstra.--(Ibid. p.
  438.)

  [143] Adspectum τετραγὁνων Saturni et Jovis.--(Corp.
  Ref. i. p. 1075.)

  [144] Ego non leviter commoveor his rebus.--(Ibid. p. 1076.)

[Sidenote: OMENS.]

The letters of convocation issued by the imperial government agreed
but too well with these prodigies. The Emperor, writing from Toledo to
the Elector, accused him of sedition and revolt. Alarming whispers
passed from mouth to mouth that were sufficient to cause the fall of
the weak. Duke Henry of Mecklenburg and the Elector-palatine hastily
returned to the side of Popery.

Never had the sacerdotal party appeared in the diet in such numbers,
or so powerful and decided.[145] On the 5th March, Ferdinand, the
president of the diet, after him the Dukes of Bavaria, and lastly the
ecclesiastical Electors of Mentz and Treves, had entered the gates of
Spire surrounded by a numerous armed escort.[146] On the 13th March,
the Elector of Saxony arrived, attended only by Melancthon and
Agricola. But Philip of Hesse, faithful to his character, entered the
city on the 18th March to the sound of trumpets, and with two hundred
horsemen.

  [145] Nunquam fuit tanta frequentia ullis conciliis ἁρχιερἑων
  quanta in his est.--(Corp. Ref. p. 1039.)

  [146] Mogantinum et Trevirensem cum comitatu armato.--(Seckend. ii. p.
  129.)

The divergence of men's minds soon became manifest. A Papist did not
meet an Evangelical in the street without casting angry glances upon
him, and secretly threatening him with perfidious machinations.[147]
The Elector-palatine passed the Saxons without appearing to know
them;[148] and although John of Saxony was the most important of the
electors, none of the chiefs of the opposite party visited him.
Grouped around their tables, the Roman-catholic princes seemed
absorbed in games of hazard.[149]

  [147] Vultu significant quantum nos oderint, et quid
  machinentur.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1040.)

  [148] Pfalz kennt kein Sachsen mehr.--(Epp. Alberti Mansfeld.)

  [149] Adversæ partes proceres alea tempus perdere.--(L. Epp. iii. p.
  438.)

[Sidenote: HOSTILITY OF THE PAPISTS.]

But erelong they gave positive marks of their hostile disposition. The
Elector and the Landgrave were prohibited from having the Gospel
preached in their mansions. It was even asserted at this early period
that John was about to be turned out of Spire, and deprived of his
electorate.[150] "We are the execration and the sweepings of the
world," said Melancthon; "but Christ will look down on his poor
people, and will preserve them."[151] In truth God was with the
witnesses to his Word. The people of Spire thirsted for the Gospel,
and the Elector wrote to his son on Palm Sunday: "About eight thousand
persons were present to-day in my chapel at morning and evening
worship."

  [150] Alii exclusum Spiræ, alii ademtum electoratum.--(Ibid.)

  [151] Sed Christus respiciet et salvabit populum pauperem.--(Corp.
  Ref. i. p. 1040.)

The Roman party now quickened their proceedings: their plan was simple
but energetic. It was necessary to put down the religious liberty that
had existed for more than three years, and for that purpose they must
abrogate the decree of 1526, and revive that of 1521.

On the 15th March the imperial commissaries announced to the diet that
the last resolution of Spire, which left each state free to act in
conformity with the inspirations of its conscience, having given rise
to great disorders, the Emperor had annulled it by virtue of his
supreme power. This arbitrary act, and which had no precedent in the
Empire, as well as the despotic tone with which it was accompanied,
filled the evangelical Christians with indignation and alarm.
"Christ," exclaimed Sturm, "has again fallen into the hands of
Caiaphas and Pilate."[152]

  [152] Christus est denuo in manibus Caiaphi et Pilati.--(Jung
  Beyträge, p. 4.)

[Sidenote: RESOLUTIONS OF THE DIET.]

A commission was charged to examine the imperial proposition. The
Archbishop of Salzburg, Faber, and Eck, that is to say, the most
violent enemies of the Reformation, were among its members. "The Turks
are better than the Lutherans," said Faber, "for the Turks observe
fast-days and the Lutherans violate them.[153] If we must choose
between the Holy Scriptures of God and the old errors of the Church,
we should reject the former."[154] "Every day in full assembly Faber
casts some new stone against the Gospellers," says Melancthon.[155]
"Oh, what an Iliad I should have to compose," added he, "if I were to
report all these blasphemies!"

  [153] Vociferatus est Turcos Lutheranis meliores esse.--(Corp. Ref. p.
  1041.)

  [154] Malle abjicere scripturam quam veteres errores Ecclesiæ.--(Ibid.
  p. 1046.)

  [155] Faber lapidat nos quotidie pro concione.--(Ibid.)

The priests called for the execution of the Edict of Worms, 1521, and
the evangelical members of the commission, among whom were the Elector
of Saxony and Sturm, demanded on the contrary the maintenance of the
Edict of Spire, 1526. The latter thus remained within the bounds of
legality, whilst their adversaries were driven to _coups d'état_. In
fact, a new order of things having been legally established in the
Empire, no one could infringe it; and if the diet presumed to destroy
by force what had been constitutionally established three years
before, the evangelical states had the right of opposing it. The
majority of the commission felt that the re-establishment of the
ancient order of things would be a revolution no less complete than
the Reformation itself. How could they subject anew to Rome and to her
clergy those nations in whose bosom the Word of God had been so richly
spread abroad? For this reason, equally rejecting the demands of the
priests and of the Evangelicals, the majority came to a resolution on
the 24th March that every religious innovation should continue to be
interdicted in the places where the Edict of Worms had been carried
out; and that in those where the people had deviated from it, and
where they could not conform to it without danger of revolt, they
should at least effect no new reform, they should touch upon no
controverted point, they should not oppose the celebration of the
Mass, they should permit no Roman catholic to embrace Lutheranism,[156]
they should not decline the Episcopal jurisdiction, and should tolerate
no Anabaptists or Sacramentarians. The status-quo and no proselytism--such
were the essentials of this resolution.

  [156] Nec catholicos a libero religionis exercitio impediri debere,
  neque cuiquam ex his licere Lutheranismum amplecti.--(Seckend. ii. p.
  127.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORMATION IN DANGER.]

The majority no longer voted as in 1526: the wind had turned against
the Gospel. Accordingly this proposition, after having been delayed a
few days by the festival of Easter, was laid before the diet on the
6th April, and passed on the 7th.[157]

  [157] Sleidan, i. p. 261.

If it became a law, the Reformation could neither be extended into
those places where as yet it was unknown, nor be established on solid
foundations in those where it already existed. The re-establishment of
the Romish hierarchy, stipulated in the proposition, would infallibly
bring back the ancient abuses; and the least deviation from so
vexatious an ordinance would easily furnish the Romanists with a
pretext for completing the destruction of a work already so violently
shaken.

The Elector, the Landgrave, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the Prince of
Anhalt, and the Chancellor of Luneburg on one side, and the deputies
for the cities on the other, consulted together. An entirely new order
of things was to proceed from this council. If they had been animated
by selfishness, they would perhaps have accepted this decree. In fact
they were left free, in appearance at least, to profess their faith:
ought they to demand more? could they do so? Were they bound to
constitute themselves the champions of liberty of conscience in all
the world? Never, perhaps, had there been a more critical situation;
but these noble-minded men came victorious out of the trial. What!
should they legalize by anticipation the scaffold and the torture!
Should they oppose the Holy Ghost in its work of converting souls to
Christ! Should they forget their Master's command: "_Go ye into all
the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature_?" If one of the
states of the empire desired some day to follow their example and be
reformed, should they take away its power of doing so? Having
themselves entered the kingdom of heaven, should they shut the door
after them? No! rather endure everything, sacrifice everything, even
their states, their crowns, and their lives!

[Sidenote: DECISION OF THE PRINCES.]

"Let us reject this decree," said the princes. "In matters of
conscience the majority has no power."--"It is to the decree of 1526,"
added the cities, "that we are indebted for the peace that the empire
enjoys: to abolish it would be to fill Germany with troubles and
divisions. The diet is incompetent to do more than preserve religious
liberty until a council meets." Such in fact is the grand attribute of
the state, and if in our days the protestant powers should seek to
influence the Romish governments, they should strive solely to obtain
for the subjects of the latter that religious liberty which the Pope
confiscates to his own advantage wherever he reigns alone, and by
which he profits greatly in every evangelical state. Some of the
deputies proposed refusing all assistance against the Turks, hoping
thus to force the Emperor to interfere in this question of religion.
But Sturm called upon them not to mingle political matters with the
salvation of souls. They resolved therefore to reject the proposition,
but without holding out any threats. It was this noble resolution that
gained for modern times liberty of thought and independence of faith.

Ferdinand and the priests, who were no less resolute, determined
however on vanquishing what they called a daring obstinacy; and they
commenced with the weaker states. They began to frighten and divide
the cities, which had hitherto pursued a common course. On the 12th
April they were summoned before the diet: in vain did they allege the
absence of some of their number, and ask for delay. It was refused,
and the call was hurried on. Twenty-one free cities accepted the
proposition of the diet, and fourteen rejected it. It was a bold act
on the part of the latter, and was accomplished in the midst of the
most painful sufferings. "This is the first trial," said Pfarrer,
second deputy of Strasburg; "now will come the second: we must either
deny the Word of God or--be burnt."[158]

  [158] Das wort Gottes zu wiederrufen oder aber brennen.--(Jung
  Beyträge, p. 37.)

[Sidenote: VIOLENCE OF FERDINAND.]

A violent proceeding of Ferdinand immediately commenced the series of
humiliations that were reserved for the evangelical cities. A deputy
of Strasburg should, in conformity with the decree of Worms, have been
a member of the imperial government from the commencement of April. He
was declared excluded from his rights, until the Mass should be
re-established in Strasburg. All the cities united in protesting
against this arbitrary act.

At the same time, the Elector-palatine and King Ferdinand himself
begged the princes to accept the decree, assuring them that the
Emperor would be exceedingly pleased with them. "We will obey the
Emperor," replied they calmly, "in everything that may contribute to
maintain peace and the honour of God."

It was time to put an end to this struggle. On the 18th April it was
decreed that the evangelical states should not be heard again; and
Ferdinand prepared to inflict the decisive blow on the morrow.

When the day came, the king appeared in the diet, surrounded by the
other commissaries of the Empire, and by several bishops. He thanked
the Roman catholics for their fidelity, and declared that the
resolution having been definitively agreed to, it was about to be
drawn up in the form of an imperial decree. He then announced to the
Elector and his friends, that nothing more remained to them than to
submit to the majority.

[Sidenote: THE SCHISM COMPLETED.]

The evangelical princes, who had not expected so positive a
declaration, were excited at this summons, and passed, according to
custom, into an adjoining chamber to deliberate. But Ferdinand was not
in a humour to wait for their answer. He rose, and all the imperial
commissaries with him. Vain were all endeavours to stop him. "I have
received an order from his imperial majesty," replied he; "I have
executed it. All is over."

Thus Charles's brother notifies an order to the christian princes, and
then he retires without caring even if there was any reply to make. To
no purpose they sent a deputation entreating the King to return. "It
is a settled affair," repeated Ferdinand; "submission is all that
remains."[159] This refusal completed the schism: it separated Rome
from the Gospel. Perhaps more justice on the part of the Empire and of
the Papacy might have prevented the rupture that since then has
divided the Western Church.

  [159] Die artikel weren beschlossen.--(Jung Beytr. p. 90.)


VI. If the imperial party displayed such contempt, it was not without
a cause. They felt that weakness was on the side of the Reformation,
and strength on the side of Charles and of the Pope. But the weak have
also their strength; and this the evangelical princes were aware of.
As Ferdinand paid no attention to their reclamations, it remained for
them to pay none to his absence, to appeal from the report of the diet
to the Word of God, and from the Emperor Charles to Jesus Christ, the
King of kings and Lord of lords.

They resolved upon this step. A declaration was drawn up to that
effect, and this was the famous _Protest_ that henceforward gave the
name of _Protestant_ to the renovated Church. The Elector and his
allies having returned to the common hall of the diet, thus addressed
the assembled states:--[160]

  [160] There are two copies of this act; one of them is brief, and the
  other, which is longer, was transmitted in writing to the imperial
  commissaries. It is from the latter we extract the passages in the
  text. They will both be found in Jung Beyträge, p. 91-105. See also
  Müller's _Historie der Protestation_, p. 52.

[Sidenote: THE PROTEST.]

     "Dear Lords, Cousins, Uncles, and Friends! Having repaired
     to this diet on the convocation of his majesty, and for the
     common good of the Empire and of Christendom, we have heard
     and learnt that the decisions of the last diet concerning
     our holy Christian Faith are to be repealed, and that it is
     proposed to substitute for them restrictive and onerous
     resolutions.

     "King Ferdinand and the other imperial commissaries, by
     affixing their seals to the last _Recess_ of Spire, had
     promised, however, in the name of the Emperor, to carry out
     sincerely and inviolably all that it contained, and to
     permit nothing that was contrary to it. In like manner,
     also, you and we, electors, princes, prelates, lords, and
     deputies of the Empire, bound ourselves to maintain always
     and with all our might all the articles of this decree.

     "We cannot therefore consent to its repeal.

     "Firstly, because we believe that his imperial majesty, as
     well as you and we, are called to maintain firmly what has
     been unanimously and solemnly resolved.

     "Secondly, because it concerns the glory of God and the
     salvation of our souls, and that in such matters we ought to
     have regard, above all, to the commandment of God, who is
     King of kings and Lord of lords; each of us rendering him
     account for himself, without caring the least in the world
     about majority or minority.[161]

     "We form no judgment on that which concerns you, most dear
     lords; and we are content to pray God daily that he will
     bring us all to unity of faith, in truth, charity, and
     holiness through Jesus Christ, our Throne of Grace and our
     only Mediator.

     "But in what concerns us, adhesion to your resolution (and
     let every honest man be judge!) would be acting against our
     conscience, condemning a doctrine that we maintain to be
     christian, and pronouncing that it ought to be abolished in
     our states, if we could do so without trouble.

     "This would be to deny our Lord Jesus Christ, to reject his
     holy Word, and thus give him just reason to deny us in turn
     before his Father, as he has threatened.

     "What! we ratify this edict! We assert that when Almighty
     God calls a man to His knowledge, this man cannot however
     receive the knowledge of God! Oh! of what deadly backsliding
     should we not thus become the accomplices, not only among
     our own subjects, but also among yours!

     "For this reason we reject the yoke that is imposed on us.
     And although it is universally known that in our states the
     holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord is
     becomingly administered, we cannot adhere to what the edict
     proposes against the Sacramentarians, seeing that the
     imperial edict did not speak of them, that they have not
     been heard, and that we cannot resolve upon such important
     points before the next council.

     "Moreover"--and this is the essential part of the
     protest--"the new edict declaring the ministers shall preach
     the Gospel, explaining it according to the writings accepted
     by the holy Christian Church; we think that, for this
     regulation to have any value, we should first agree on what
     is meant by this true and holy Church. Now, seeing that
     there is great diversity of opinion in this respect; that
     there is no sure doctrine but such as is conformable to the
     Word of God; that the Lord forbids the teaching of any other
     doctrine; that each text of the Holy Scriptures ought to be
     explained by other and clearer texts; that this holy book
     is, in all things necessary for the Christian, easy of
     understanding, and calculated to scatter the darkness: we
     are resolved, with the grace of God, to maintain the pure
     and exclusive preaching of his only Word, such as it is
     contained in the biblical books of the Old and New
     Testament, without adding anything thereto that may be
     contrary to it.[162] This Word is the only truth; it is the
     sure rule of all doctrine and of all life, and can never
     fail or deceive us. He who builds on this foundation shall
     stand against all the powers of hell, whilst all the human
     vanities that are set up against it shall fall before the
     face of God.

[Sidenote: PRINCIPLES OF THE PROTEST.]

     "For these reasons, most dear Lords, Uncles, Cousins, and
     Friends, we earnestly entreat you to weigh carefully our
     grievances and our motives. If you do not yield to our
     request, we PROTEST by these presents, before God, our only
     Creator, Preserver, Redeemer, and Saviour, and who will one
     day be our Judge, as well as before all men and all
     creatures, that we, for us and for our people, neither
     consent nor adhere in any manner whatsoever to the proposed
     decree, in any thing that is contrary to God, to his holy
     Word, to our right conscience, to the salvation of our
     souls, and to the last decree of Spire.

     "At the same time we are in expectation that his imperial
     majesty will behave towards us like a christian prince who
     loves God above all things; and we declare ourselves ready
     to pay unto him, as well as unto you, gracious lords, all
     the affection and obedience that are our just and legitimate
     duty."

  [161] Ein jeglicher fur sich selbt vor Gott stehen.--(Jung Beyträge,
  p. 96.)

  [162] Allein Gottes wort, lauter und rein, und nichts das dawieder
  ist.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 101.)

Thus, in presence of the diet, spoke out those courageous men whom
Christendom will henceforward denominate THE PROTESTANTS.

They had barely finished when they announced their intention of
quitting Spire on the morrow.[163]

  [163] Also zu verritten urlaub genommen.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 52.)

This protest and declaration produced a deep impression. The diet was
rudely interrupted and broken into two hostile parties,--thus
preluding war. The majority became the prey of the liveliest fears. As
for the Protestants relying, _jure humano_, upon the Edict of Spire,
and _jure divino_, upon the Bible, they were full of courage and
firmness.

[Sidenote: THE SUPREMACY OF THE GOSPEL.]

The principles contained in this celebrated protest of the 19th April
1529, constitute the very essence of Protestantism. Now this protest
opposes two abuses of man in matters of faith: the first is the
intrusion of the civil magistrate, and the second is the arbitrary
authority of the Church. Instead of these two abuses, Protestantism
sets up above the magistrate the power of conscience; and above the
visible Church the authority of the Word of God. It declines, in the
first place, the civil power in divine things, and says with the
Prophets and Apostles: _We must obey God rather than man._ In presence
of the crown of Charles the Fifth, it uplifts the crown of Jesus
Christ. But it goes farther: it lays down the principle, that all
human teaching should be subordinate to the oracles of God. Even the
primitive Church, by recognising the writings of the Apostles, had
performed an act of submission to this supreme authority, and not an
act of authority, as Rome maintains; and the establishment of a
tribunal charged with the interpretation of the Bible, had terminated
only in slavishly subjecting man to man in that which should be the
most unfettered--conscience and faith. In this celebrated act of Spire
no doctor appears, and the Word of God reigns alone. Never has man
exalted himself like the Pope; never have men kept in the back-ground
like the Reformers.

A Romish historian maintains that the word _Protestant_ signifies
_enemy of the Emperor and of the Pope_.[164] If by this it is meant
that Protestantism, in matters of faith, rejects the intervention both
of the Empire and of the Papacy, it is well. Even this explanation,
however, does not exhaust the meaning of the word, for Protestantism
rejected the authority of man solely to place Jesus Christ on the
throne of the Church, and his Word in the pulpit. There has never been
anything more positive, and at the same time more aggressive, than the
position of the Protestants at Spire. By maintaining that their faith
is alone capable of saving the world, they defended with intrepid
courage the rights of Christian Proselytism. We cannot abandon this
Proselytism without deserting the Protestant principle.

  [164] Perduelles in Pontificem ac Cæsarem.--(Pallavicini, C. T. I. p.
  217.)

[Sidenote: FERDINAND REJECTS THE PROTEST.]

The Protestants of Spire were not content to exalt the truth; they
defended charity. Faber and the other Papal partizans had endeavoured
to separate the princes, who in general walked with Luther, from the
cities that ranged themselves rather on the side of Zwingle.
Œcolampadius had immediately written to Melancthon, and enlightened
him on the doctrines of the Zurich Reformer. He had indignantly
rejected the idea that Christ was banished into a corner of heaven,
and had energetically declared that, according to the Swiss
Christians, Christ was in every place upholding all things by the
Word of his power.[165] "With the visible symbols," he added, "we give
and we receive the invisible grace, like all the faithful."[166]

  [165] Ubique ut et portet omnia verbo vertutis suæ.--(Hospin. Hist.
  Sacr. ii. p. 112.)

  [166] Χἁριν γἁρ τἡν δὁρατον μετἁ των
  συμβὁλων ὁρἁτων.--(Ibid.)

These declarations were not useless. There were at Spire two men who
from different motives opposed the efforts of Faber, and seconded
those of Œcolampadius. The Landgrave, ever revolving projects of
alliance in his mind, felt clearly that if the Christians of Saxony
and of Hesse allowed the condemnation of the Churches of Switzerland
and of Upper Germany, they would by that very means deprive themselves
of powerful auxiliaries.[167] Melancthon, who was far from desiring,
as the Landgrave, a diplomatic alliance, for fear that it would hasten
on a war, defended the great principles of justice, and exclaimed: "To
what just reproaches should we not be exposed, were we to recognise in
our adversaries the right of condemning a doctrine without having
heard those who defend it!" The union of all evangelical Christians is
therefore a principle of primitive Protestantism.

  [167] Omni studio laborabat ut illos uniret--(Seck. ii. p. 127.)

As Ferdinand had not heard the protest of the 19th April, a deputation
of the evangelical states went the next day to present it to him. The
brother of Charles the Fifth received it at first, but immediately
after desired to return it. Then was witnessed a strange scene--the
king refusing to keep the protest, and the deputies to take it back.
At last the latter, from respect, received it from Ferdinand's hands;
but they laid it boldly upon a table, and directly quitted the hall.

[Sidenote: JOY OF THE PROTESTANTS.]

The king and the imperial commissaries remained in presence of this
formidable writing. It was there--before their eyes--a significant
monument of the courage and faith of the Protestants. Irritated
against this silent but mighty witness, which accused his tyranny, and
left him the responsibility of all the evils that were about to burst
upon the Empire, the brother of Charles the Fifth called some of his
councillors, and ordered them instantly to carry back this important
document to the Protestants.

All this was unavailing; the protest had been enregistered in the
annals of the world, and nothing could erase it. Liberty of thought
and of conscience had been conquered for ages to come. Thus all
evangelical Germany, foreseeing these things, was moved at this
courageous act, and adopted it as the expression of its will and of
its faith. Men in every quarter beheld in it not a political event,
but a christian action, and the youthful electoral prince, John
Frederick, in this respect the organ of his age, cried to the
Protestants of Spire: "May the Almighty, who has given you grace to
confess energetically, freely, and fearlessly, preserve you in that
christian firmness until the day of eternity!"[168]

  [168] In eo mansuros esse, nec passuros ut ulla hominum machinatione
  ab ea sententia divellerentur.--(Seckend. ii. p. 121.)

While the christians were filled with joy, their enemies were
frightened at their own work. The very day on which Ferdinand had
declined to receive the protest, Tuesday, 20th April, at one in the
afternoon, Henry of Brunswick and Philip of Baden presented themselves
as mediators, announcing, however, that they were acting solely of
their own authority. They proposed that there should be no more
mention of the decree of Worms, and that the first decree of Spire
should be maintained, but with a few modifications; that the two
parties, while remaining free until the next council, should oppose
every new sect, and tolerate no doctrine contrary to the sacrament of
the Lord's body.[169]

  [169] Vergleich artikel.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 55.)

[Sidenote: EXULTATION OF THE PAPISTS.]

On Wednesday, 21st April, the evangelical states did not appear
adverse to these propositions; and even those who had embraced the
doctrine of Zwingle declared boldly that such a proposal would not
compromise their existence. "Only let us call to mind," said they,
"that in such difficult matters we must act, not with the sword, but
with the sure Word of God.[170] For, as Saint Paul says: _What is not
of faith is_ _sin_. If therefore we constrain Christians to do what
they believe unjust, instead of leading them by God's Word to
acknowledge what is good, we force them to sin, and we incur a
terrible responsibility."

  [170] In diesen Schweren Sachen, nichts mit Gewalt noch Schwerdt,
  sondern mit Gottes gewissem wort.--(Ibid p. 59.) This document is from
  the pen of Sturm.

The fanatics of the Roman party trembled as they saw the victory
nearly escaping from them; for they rejected all compromise, and
desired purely and simply the re-establishment of the Papacy. Their
zeal overcame everything, and the negotiations were broken off.

On Thursday, 22d April, the diet assembled at seven in the morning,
and the _Recess_ was read precisely as it had been drawn up before,
without even mentioning the attempt at conciliation which had just
failed.

Faber triumphed. Proud of having the ear of kings, he tossed himself
furiously about, and one would have said, to see him, relates an
eye-witness, that he was a Cyclops forging in his cavern the monstrous
chains with which he was about to bind the Reform and the
Reformers.[171] The Papist princes, carried away by the tumult, gave
the spur, says Melancthon, and flung themselves headlong into a path
filled with dangers.[172] Nothing was left for the evangelical
Christians but to fall on their knees and cry to the Lord. "All that
remains for us to do," repeated Melancthon, "is to call upon the Son
of God."[173]

  [171] Cyclops ille nunc ferocem se fecit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

  [172] Ut ingrediantur lubricum isti iter, impingendo stimulis
  calces.--(Ibid.)

  [173] De quo reliquum est ut invocemus Filium Dei--(Ibid.)

The last sitting of the diet took place on the 24th April. The princes
renewed their protest, in which fourteen free and imperial cities
joined: and they next thought of giving their appeal a legal form.

[Sidenote: CHRISTIAN UNITY A REALITY.]

On Sunday, 25th April, two notaries, Leonard Stetner of Freysingen and
Pangrace Saltzmann of Bamberg, were seated before a small table in a
narrow chamber on the ground-floor of a house situated in St. John's
Lane, near the church of the same name in Spire, and around them were
the chancellors of the princes and of the evangelical cities, assisted
by several witnesses.[174]

  [174] Unten in einem Kleinen Stüblein.--(Jung Beyträge, p. 78.
  Instramentum Appellationis.)

This little house belonged to an humble pastor, Peter Muterstatt,
deacon of St. John's, who, taking the place of the Elector or of the
Landgrave, had offered a domicile for the important act that was
preparing. His name shall in consequence be transmitted to posterity.
The document having been definitively drawn up, one of the notaries
began reading it. "Since there is a natural communion between all
men," said the Protestants, "and since even persons condemned to death
are permitted to unite and appeal against their condemnation; how much
more are we, who are members of the same spiritual body, the Church of
the Son of God, children of the same heavenly Father, and consequently
brothers in the Spirit,[175] authorized to unite when our salvation
and eternal condemnation are concerned."

  [175] Membra unius corporis spiritualis Jesu Christi et filii unius
  patris cœlestis, ideoque fratres spirituales.--(Seckend. ii. p. 130.)

After reviewing all that had passed in the diet, and after
intercalating in their appeal the principal documents that had
reference to it, the Protestants ended by saying: "We therefore appeal
for ourselves, for our subjects, and for all who receive or who shall
hereafter receive the Word of God, from all past, present, or future
vexatious measures, to his Imperial Majesty, and to a free and
universal assembly of holy Christendom." This document filled twelve
sheets of parchment; the signatures and seals were affixed to the
thirteenth.

[Sidenote: ESCAPE OF GRYNÆUS.]

Thus in the obscure dwelling of the chaplain of St. John's was made
the first confession of the true Christian union. In presence of the
holy mechanical unity of the Pope, these confessors of Jesus raised
the banner of the living unity of Christ; and, as in the days of our
Saviour, if there were many synagogues in Israel, there was at least
but one single temple. The Christians of Electoral Saxony, of
Luneburg, of Anhalt, of Hesse and the Margravate, of Strasburg,
Nuremberg, Ulm, Constance, Lindau, Memmingen, Kempten, Nordlingen,
Heilbron, Reutlingen, Isny, Saint Gall, Weissenburg, and Windsheim,
clasped each other's hands on the 25th April, near the church of St.
John, in the face of threatening persecutions. Among them might be
found those who, like Zwingle, acknowledged in the Lord's Supper the
entirely spiritual presence of Jesus Christ, as well as those who,
like Luther, admitted his corporeal presence. There existed not at
that time in the evangelical body any sects, hatred, or schism;
christian unity was a reality. That upper chamber in which, during the
early days of Christianity, the apostles with the women and the
brethren "continued with one accord in prayer and supplication,"[176]
and that lower chamber where, in the first days of the Reformation,
the renewed disciples of Jesus Christ presented themselves to the Pope
and the Emperor, to the world and to the scaffold, as forming but one
body, are the two cradles of the Church; and it is in this its hour of
weakness and humiliation that it shines forth with the brightest
glory.

  [176] Acts i. 14.

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S DEJECTION.]

After this appeal each one returned silently to his dwelling. Several
tokens excited alarm for the safety of the Protestants. A short time
previously Melancthon hastily conducted through the streets of Spire
towards the Rhine his friend Simon Grynæus, pressing him to cross the
river. The latter was astonished at such precipitation.[177] "An old
man of grave and solemn appearance, but who is unknown to me," said
Melancthon, "appeared before me and said: In a minute officers of
justice will be sent by Ferdinand to arrest Grynæus." As he was
intimate with Faber, and had been scandalized at one of his sermons,
Grynæus had gone to him, and begged him no longer to make war against
the truth. Faber had dissembled his anger, but immediately after
repaired to the king, from whom he had obtained an order against the
importunate professor of Heidelberg.[178] Melancthon doubted not that
God had saved his friend by sending one of His holy angels to forewarn
him. Motionless on the banks of the Rhine he waited until the waters
of that stream had rescued Grynæus from his persecutors. "At last,"
cried Melancthon, as he saw him on the opposite side, "he is torn from
the cruel teeth of those who drink innocent blood."[179] When he
returned to his house, Melancthon was informed that the officers in
search of Grynæus had ransacked it from top to bottom.[180]

  [177] Miranti quæ esset tantæ festinationis causa.--(Camerarius Vita.
  Mel. p. 113.)

  [178] Faber qui valde offenderetur orationi tali, dissimulare tamen
  omnia.--(Ibid.)

  [179] Ereptus quasi e faucibus eorum qui sitiunt sanguinem
  innocentium.--(Mel. ad Camer. 23d April, Corp. Ref. i. p. 1062.)

  [180] Affluit armata quædam manus ad comprehendum Grynæum
  missa.--(Camer. Vit. Mel. p. 113.)

Nothing could detain the Protestants longer in Spire. Accordingly, on
the morning after their appeal (Monday, 26th April), the Elector, the
Landgrave, and the Dukes of Luneburg, quitted the city, reached Worms,
and then returned by Hesse into their own states. The appeal of Spire
was published by the Landgrave on the 5th, and by the Elector on the
13th May.

Melancthon had returned to Wittemberg on the 6th May, persuaded that
the two parties were about to draw the sword. His friends were alarmed
at seeing him agitated, exhausted, and like one dead.[181] "It is a
great event that has just taken place at Spire," said he. "It is big
with dangers, not only to the Empire, but also to Religion
itself.[182] All the pains of hell oppress me."[183]

  [181] Ita fuit perturbatus ut primis diebus pene extinctus
  sit.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1067)

  [182] Non enim tantum imperium, sed religio etiam
  periclitantur.--(Ibid.)

  [183] Omnes dolores inferni oppresserant me.--(Ibid, and p. 1069.)

[Sidenote: THE PRINCES, THE TRUE REFORMERS.]

It was Melancthon's greatest affliction, that all these evils were
attributed to him, as indeed he ascribed them himself. "One single
thing has injured us," said he; "our not having approved, as was
required of us, the edict against the Zwinglians." Luther did not
take this gloomy view of affairs; but he was far from comprehending
the force of the protest. "The diet," said he, "has come to an end
almost without results, except that those who scourge Jesus Christ
have not been able to satisfy their fury."[184]

  [184] Christo mastiges et Psycho-tyranni suum furorem non potuerunt
  explere.--(L. Epp. Linco, 6th May 1529.)

Posterity has not ratified this decision, and, on the contrary, dating
from this epoch the definitive formation of Protestantism, it has
hailed in the Protest of Spire one of the greatest movements recorded
in history.

Let us see to whom the chief glory of this act belongs. The part taken
by the princes, and especially by the Elector of Saxony, in the German
Reformation, must strike every impartial observer. These are the true
Reformers--the true Martyrs. The Holy Ghost, that bloweth where it
listeth, had inspired them with the courage of the ancient confessors
of the Church; and the God of Election was glorified in them. A little
later perhaps this great part played by the princes might have
produced deplorable consequences: there is no grace of God that man
may not pervert. But nothing should prevent us from rendering honour
to whom honour is due, and from adoring the work of the eternal Spirit
in these eminent men who, under God, were in the sixteenth century the
saviours of Christendom.

The Reformation had taken a bodily form. It was Luther alone who had
said No at the Diet of Worms: but Churches and ministers, princes and
people, said No at the Diet of Spire.

In no country had superstition, scholasticism, hierarchy, and popery,
been so powerful as among the Germanic nations. These simple and
candid people had humbly bent their neck to the yoke that came from
the banks of the Tiber. But, there was in them a depth, a life, a need
of interior liberty, which, sanctified by the Word of God, might
render them the most energetic organs of christian truth. It was from
them that was destined to emanate the reaction against that material,
external, and legal system, which had taken the place of Christianity;
it was they who were called to shatter in pieces the skeleton which
had been substituted for the spirit and the life, and restore to the
heart of Christendom, ossified by the hierarchy, the generous beatings
of which it had been deprived for so many ages. The Universal Church
will never forget the debt it owes to the Princes of Spire and to
Luther.


[Sidenote: GERMANY AND REFORM.]

VII. The protest of Spire had still further increased the indignation
of the Papal adherents; and Charles the Fifth, according to the oath
he had made at Barcelona, set about preparing "a suitable antidote for
the pestilential disease with which the Germans were attacked, and to
avenge in a striking manner the insult offered to Jesus Christ."[185]
The Pope, on his part, endeavoured to combine all the other princes of
Christendom in this crusade; and the peace of Cambray, concluded on
the 5th August, tended to the accomplishment of his cruel designs. It
left the Emperor's hands free against the heretics. After having
entered their protest at Spire, it was necessary for the Evangelicals
to think of maintaining it.

  [185] Illatamque Christo injuriam pro viribus ulciscentur.--(Dumont,
  Corp. Univ. Diplomatique, iv. p. 1, 5.)

The Protestant states that had already laid the foundations of an
evangelical alliance at Spire, had agreed to send deputies to Rothach;
but the Elector, staggered by the representations of Luther, who was
continually saying to him, "It is by keeping yourselves tranquil and
in quietness that you will be saved,"[186] ordered his deputies to
listen to the propositions of his allies, but to decide upon nothing.
They adjourned to a new conference, which never took place. Luther
triumphed; for human alliances failed. "Christ the Lord will know how
to deliver us without the Landgrave, and even against the Landgrave,"
said he to his friends.[187]

  [186] Isaiah xxx. 15. L. Epp. iii. p. 454.

  [187] Unser Her. Christus, &c.--(Ibid.) This confidence of Luther
  shocks a Lutheran historian--Plank, ii. p. 454.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTY OF UNION.]

Philip of Hesse, who was vexed at Luther's obstinacy, was convinced
that it arose from a dispute about words. "They will hear no mention
of alliances because of the Zwinglians," said he; "well then, let us
put an end to the contradictions that separate them from Luther."

The union of all the disciples of the Word of God seemed in fact a
necessary condition to the success of the Reform. How could the
Protestants resist the power of Rome and of the Empire, if they were
divided? The Landgrave no doubt wished to unite their minds, that he
might afterwards be able to unite their arms; but the cause of Christ
was not to triumph by the sword. If they should succeed in uniting
their hearts and prayers, the Reform would then find such strength in
the faith of its children, that Philip's spearmen would no longer be
necessary.

Unfortunately this union of minds, that was now to be sought after
above all things, was a very difficult task. Luther in 1519 had at
first appeared not only to reform, but entirely renovate the doctrine
of the Lord's Supper, as the Swiss did somewhat later. "I go to the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper," he had said, "and I there receive a
sign from God that Christ's righteousness and passion justify me; such
is the use of the Sacrament."[188] This discourse, which had gone
through several impressions in the cities of Upper Germany, had
prepared men's minds for the doctrine of Zwingle. Accordingly Luther,
astonished at the reputation he had gained, published this solemn
declaration in 1527: "I protest before God and before the whole world
that I have never walked with the Sacramentarians."

  [188] In the writing entitled, _Dass diese Worte noch feste
  Stehen_.--(L. Opp. xix.)

[Sidenote: A LUTHERAN WARNING.]

Luther in fact was never Zwinglian as regards the Communion. Far from
that, in 1519, he still believed in Transubstantiation. Why then
should he speak of a sign? It was for this reason. While, according to
Zwingle, the bread and wine are signs of the body and blood of Christ,
according to Luther, the very body and blood of Jesus Christ are
signs of God's grace. These opinions are widely different from one
another.

Erelong this disagreement declared itself. In 1527 Zwingle in his
_Friendly Exposition_[189] repeated Luther's opinion with mildness and
respect. Unfortunately the pamphlet of the Saxon Reformer "against the
enthusiasts" was then issuing from the press, and in it Luther
expressed his indignation that his adversaries should dare to speak of
christian unity and peace. "Well!" exclaimed he, "since they thus
insult all reason, I will give them a Lutheran warning.[190] Cursed be
this concord! cursed be this charity! down, down with it, to the
bottomless pit of hell! If I should murder your father, your mother,
your wife, your child, and then, wishing to murder you, I should say
to you, Let us be at peace, my dear friend! what answer would you
make?--It is thus that the enthusiasts who murder Jesus Christ my
Lord, God the Father, and Christendom my mother, wish to murder me
also; and then they say, Let us be friends!"

  [189] _Amica exegesis_, id est, Expositio Eucharistæ negotii ad M.
  Lutherum.--(Zw. Opp.)

  [190] Eine Lutherische Warnung.--(L. Opp. xix. p. 391. Wider die
  Schwärmgeister.)

Zwingle wrote two replies "to the excellent Martin Luther," in a cold
tone and with a haughty calmness more difficult to pardon than the
invectives of the Saxon doctor. "We ought to esteem you a vessel of
honour, and we do so with joy," said he, "notwithstanding your
faults." Pamphlet followed pamphlet, Luther always writing with the
same impetuosity, and Zwingle with the same coolness and irony.

[Sidenote: PROPOSED CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.]

Such were the doctors whom the Landgrave undertook to reconcile.
Already, during the sitting of the Diet of Spire, Philip of Hesse, who
was afflicted at hearing the Papists continually repeating, "You boast
of your attachment to the pure Word of God, and yet you are
nevertheless disunited,"[191] had made overtures to Zwingle in
writing. He now went farther, and invited the theologians of the
different parties to meet at Marburg. These invitations met with
various receptions. Zwingle, whose heart was large and fraternal,
answered the Landgrave's call; but Luther, who discovered leagues and
battles behind this pretended concord, rejected it.

  [191] Inter nos ipsos de religionis doctrina non consentire.--(Zw.
  Epp. ii. p. 287.)

It seemed, however, that great difficulties would detain Zwingle. To
travel from Zurich to Marburg, it was necessary to pass through the
territories of the Emperor and of other enemies to the Reformation;
the Landgrave himself did not conceal the dangers of the journey;[192]
but in order to obviate these difficulties, he promised an escort from
Strasburg to Hesse, and for the rest "the protection of God."[193]
These precautions were not of a nature to reassure the Zurichers.

  [192] Viam Francofurdi capias, quam autem hac periculosiorem esse
  putamus.--(Ibid. p. 312.)

  [193] Juvante Deo tuti.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 329.)

Reasons of another kind detained Luther and Melancthon. "It is not
right," said they, "that the Landgrave has so much to do with the
Zwinglians. Their error is of such a nature that people of acute minds
are easily tainted by it. Reason loves what it understands,
particularly when learned men clothe their ideas in a scriptural
dress."

Melancthon did not stop here, but put forth the very extraordinary
notion of selecting Papists as judges of the discussion. "If there
were no impartial judges," said he, "the Zwinglians would have a good
chance of boasting of victory."[194] Thus, according to Melancthon,
Papists would be impartial judges when the real presence was the
subject of discussion! He went still farther. "Let the Elector," he
wrote on the 14th May to the Prince Electoral, "refuse to permit our
journey to Marburg, so that we may allege this excuse." The Elector
would not lend himself to so disgraceful a proceeding; and the
Reformers of Wittemberg found themselves compelled to accede to the
request of Philip of Hesse. But they did so with these words: "If the
Swiss do not yield to us, all your trouble will be lost;" and they
wrote to the theologians among their friends who were convoked by the
Prince: "Stay away if you can; your absence will be very useful to
us."[195]

  [194] Papistische als unparteische.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1066.)

  [195] Si potes, noli adesse.--(L. Epp. iii. p. 501.)

[Sidenote: ZWINGLE'S DEPARTURE.]

Zwingle, on the contrary, who would have gone to the end of the world,
made every exertion to obtain from the magistrates of Zurich
permission to visit Marburg. "I am convinced," said he to the secret
council, "that if we doctors meet face to face, the splendour of truth
will illuminate our eyes."[196] But the council that had only just
signed the first religious peace,[197] and who feared to see war burst
out afresh, positively refused to allow the departure of the Reformer.

  [196] Ut veritatis splendor oculos nostros feriat.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.
  321.)

  [197] See below, Book xvi. chap. ii. anno 1529.

Upon this Zwingle decided for himself. He felt that his presence was
necessary for the maintenance of peace in Zurich; but it was the
welfare of all Christendom that summoned him to Marburg. Accordingly,
raising his eyes towards heaven, he resolved to depart, exclaiming, "O
God! Thou hast never abandoned us; Thou wilt perform thy will for
thine own glory."[198] During the night of the 31st August, Zwingle,
who was unwilling to wait for the Landgrave's safe-conduct, prepared
for his journey. Rodolph Collin, the Greek professor, was alone to
accompany him. The Reformer wrote to the Smaller and to the Great
Council: "If I leave without informing you, it is not because I
despise your authority, most wise lords; but because, knowing the love
you bear towards me, I foresee that your anxiety will oppose my
going."

  [198] Dei nunquam fallentis, qui nos nunquam deseruit, gratiam
  reputavi.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 356.)

[Sidenote: RUMOURS IN ZURICH.]

As he was writing these words, a fourth message arrived from the
Landgrave, more pressing still than the preceding ones. The Reformer
sent the prince's letter to the burgomaster with his own; he then
quitted his house privily by night,[199] concealing his departure both
from his friends, whose importunity he feared, and from his enemies,
whose snares he had good cause to dread. He did not even tell his wife
where he was going, lest it should distress her. He and Collin then
mounted two horses that had been hired for the purpose,[200] and rode
off rapidly in the direction of Basle.

  [199] Sabbati die, mane ante lucem, 1 Septembris.--(Ibid.)

  [200] Equis conductoriis.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

During the day the rumour of Zwingle's absence spread through Zurich,
and his enemies were elated. "He has fled the country," said they; "he
has run away with a pack of scoundrels!" "As he was crossing the river
at Bruck," said others, "the boat upset and he was drowned." "The
devil," affirmed many with a malicious smile, "appeared to him bodily
and carried him off."[201]--"There was no end to their stories," says
Bullinger. But the council immediately resolved on acceding to the
wish of the Reformer. On the very day of his departure they appointed
one of the councillors, Ulric Funck, to accompany him to Marburg, who
forthwith set out with a domestic and one arquebusier. Strasburg and
Basle in like manner sent statesmen in company with their theologians,
under the idea that this conference would doubtless have also a
political object.

  [201] Der Tufel vere by imm gesin.--(Bulling. ii. p. 224.)

Zwingle arrived safe and sound at Basle,[202] and embarked on the
river on the 6th September with Œcolampadius and several
merchants.[203] In thirteen hours they reached Strasburg, where the
two Reformers lodged in the house of Matthew Zell, the cathedral
preacher. Catherine, the pastor's wife, prepared the dishes in the
kitchen, waited at table, according to the ancient German
manners,[204] and then sitting down near Zwingle, listened
attentively, and spoke with so much piety and knowledge, that the
latter soon ranked her above many doctors.

  [202] Integer et sanus Basiliam pervenit.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 361.)

  [203] Aliquos mercatorum fide dignos, comites.--(Ibid.)

  [204] Ich bin 14 Tag magd und Köchin gewesen.--(Fussl. Beytr. v. p.
  313.) See her remarkable correspondence with the superintendent
  Rabus.--(Ibid. p. 191-354.)

[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS AT MARBURG.]

Zwingle, after discussing with the Strasburg magistrates the means of
resisting the Romish league, and the organization to be given to the
christian confederacy,[205] quitted Strasburg; and he and his friends,
conducted along by-roads, through forests, over mountains and valleys,
by secret but sure paths, at last arrived at Marburg, escorted by
forty Hessian cavaliers.[206]

  [205] De jure præsidendi conciliis civitatum christianarum.--(Ibid. v.
  p. 364.) See book xvi. of this History.

  [206] Per devia et sylvas, montes et valles, tutissimos et
  occultos.--(Ibid. p. 368.)

Luther, on his side, accompanied by Melancthon, Cruciger, and Jonas,
had stopped on the Hessian frontier, declaring that nothing should
induce him to cross it until he had a safe-conduct from the Landgrave.
This document being obtained, Luther arrived at Alsfeld, where the
scholars, kneeling under the Reformer's windows, chanted their pious
hymns. He entered Marburg on the 30th September, a day after the
arrival of the Swiss. Both parties went to inns; but they had scarcely
alighted, before the Landgrave invited them to come and lodge in the
castle, thinking by this means to bring the opposing parties closer
together. Philip entertained them in a manner truly royal.[207] "Ah!"
said the pious Jonas, as he wandered through the halls of the palace,
"it is not in honour of the Muses, but in honour of God and of his
Christ, that we are so munificently treated in these forests of
Hesse!" After dinner, on the first day, Œcolampadius, Hedio, and
Bucer, desirous of entering into the prince's views, went and saluted
Luther. The latter conversed affectionately with Œcolampadius in the
castle-court; but Bucer, with whom he had once been very intimate, and
who was now on Zwingle's side, having approached him, Luther said to
him, smiling, and making a sign with his hand: "As for you, you are a
good-for-nothing fellow and a knave!"[208]

  [207] Excepit in arce hospitio et mensa regali.--(Corp. Ref. i. p.
  1096.)

  [208] Subridens aliquantulum respondit: _tu es nequam et
  nebulo_.--(Sculteti Annal. ad 1529.)

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARY DISCUSSIONS.]

The unhappy Carlstadt, who had begun all this dispute, was at that
time in Friesland, preaching the spiritual presence of Christ, and
living in such destitution that he had been forced to sell his Hebrew
Bible to procure bread. The trial had crushed his pride, and he wrote
to the Landgrave: "We are but one body, one house, one people, one
sacerdotal race; we live and die by one and the same Saviour.[209] For
this reason, I, poor and in exile, humbly pray your highness, by the
blood of Jesus Christ, to allow me to be present at this disputation."

  [209] State Papers of Cassel.

But how bring Luther and Carlstadt face to face? and yet how repel the
unhappy man? The Landgrave, to extricate himself from this difficulty,
referred him to the Saxon Reformer. Carlstadt did not appear.

Philip of Hesse desired that, previously to the public conference, the
theologians should have a private interview. It was however considered
dangerous, says a contemporary, for Zwingle and Luther, who were both
naturally violent, to contend with one another at the very beginning;
and as Œcolampadius and Melancthon were the mildest, they were
apportioned to the roughest.[210] On Friday the 1st October, after
divine service, Luther and Œcolampadius were conducted into one
chamber, and Zwingle and Melancthon into another. The combatants were
then left to struggle two and two.

  [210] Abgetheilt zu den rühren.--(Bull. ii. p. 225.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON AND ZWINGLE.]

The principal contest took place in the room of Zwingle and
Melancthon. "It is affirmed," said Melancthon to Zwingle, "that some
among you speak of God after the manner of the Jews, as if Christ was
not essentially God." "I think on the Holy Trinity," replied Zwingle,
"with the Council of Nice and the Athanasian creed." "Councils!
creeds! What does that mean?" asked Melancthon. "Have you not
continually repeated that you recognise no other authority than that
of Scripture?" "We have never rejected the councils," replied the
Swiss Reformer, "when they are based on the authority of the Word of
God.[211] The four first councils are truly sacred as regards
doctrine, and none of the faithful have ever rejected them." This
important declaration, handed down to us by Œcolampadius,
characterizes the Reformed theology.[212]

  [211] Ubi unquam concilia rejicimus, verbi divini auctoritati
  suffulta?--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 191.)

  [212] The word _Reformed_ is used to distinguish the doctrine and the
  church of Zwingle and Calvin from those of Luther.

"But you teach," resumed Melancthon, "like Thomas Munster, that the
Holy Ghost acts quite alone, independently of the sacraments and of
the Word of God." "The Holy Ghost," replied Zwingle, "works in us
justification by the Word, but by the Word preached and understood, by
the soul and the marrow of the Word, by the mind and will of God
clothed in human language."[213]

  [213] Mens et medulla verbi, mens et voluntas Dei amicta tamen humanis
  verbis.--(Zw. Epp. iv. p. 173.)

"At least," continued Melancthon, "you deny original sin, and make sin
to consist only in actual and external works, like the Pelagians, the
philosophers, and the Papists."

This was the principal difficulty. "Since man naturally loves
himself," replied Zwingle, "instead of loving God; in that there is a
crime, a sin that condemns him."[214] He had more than once before
expressed the same opinion;[215] and yet Melancthon exulted on hearing
him: "Our adversaries," said he afterwards, "have given way on all
these points!"

  [214] Malum, peccatum.--(Ibid. p. 172.)

  [215] De peccato originali ad Urb. Rhegium.--(Ibid. iii. p. 632.)

Luther had pursued the same method with Œcolampadius as Melancthon
with Zwingle. The discussion had in particular turned on baptism.
Luther complained that they would not acknowledge that by this simple
sign a man became a member of the Church. "It is true," said
Œcolampadius, "that we require faith--either an actual or a future
faith. Why should we deny it? Who is a Christian, if it be not he who
believes in Christ? However, I should be unwilling to deny that the
water of baptism is in a certain sense a water of regeneration; for by
it he whom the Church knew not becomes its child."[216]

  [216] Atque adeo ipse non negarim, aquam baptismi esse aquam
  regenerantem: fit enim puer ecclesiæ, qui dudum ab ecclesia non
  agnoscebatur.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 193.)

These four theologians were in the very heat of their discussions,
when domestics came to inform them that the prince's dinner was on the
table. They immediately rose, and Zwingle and Melancthon meeting
Luther and Œcolampadius, who were also quitting their chamber, the
latter approached Zwingle, and whispered mournfully in his ear: "I
have fallen a second time into the hands of Dr. Eck."[217] In the
language of the Reformers nothing stronger could be said.

  [217] Lutherum Œcolampadem ita excepit, ut ad me veniens clam
  queratur, se denuo in Eccium incidisse.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 369.)

It does not appear that the conference between Luther and Œcolampadius
was resumed after dinner. Luther's manner held out little hope; but
Melancthon and Zwingle returned to the discussion, and the Zurich
doctor finding the Wittemberg professor escape him like an eel, as he
said, and take "like Proteus a thousand different forms," seized a pen
in order to fix his antagonist. Zwingle committed to writing whatever
Melancthon dictated, and then wrote his reply, giving it to the other
to read.[218] In this manner they spent six hours, three in the
morning and three in the afternoon.[219] They prepared for the general
conference.

  [218] At Melancthon, cum nimis lubricus esset et Protei in morem se in
  omnia transformaret, me compulit, ut sumpto calamo manu
  armarem.--(Ibid.)

  [219] Istud colloquium sex in horas traximus.--(Ibid. 370.)

Zwingle requested that it should be an open one; Luther opposed this.
It was resolved that the princes, nobles, deputies, and theologians
should be admitted; but a great crowd of citizens, and even many
scholars and gentlemen, who had come from Frankfort, from the Rhine
districts, from Strasburg, from Basle and other Swiss towns, were
excluded. Brenz speaks of fifty or sixty hearers; Zwingle of
twenty-four only.[220]

  [220] Quinquaginta aut sexaginta colloquio præsentes.--(Zw. Opp. iv.
  p. 201.) Pauci arbitrii ad summum quatuor et viginti.--(Epp. ii. p.
  370.)

[Sidenote: OPENING OF THE CONFERENCE.]

On a gentle elevation, watered by the Lahn, is situated an old castle,
overlooking the city of Marburg; in the distance is seen the beautiful
valley of the Lahn, and beyond, the mountain-tops rising one above
another, until they are lost in the horizon. It was beneath the vaults
and Gothic arches of an ancient hall in this castle, called the
Knights' Hall, that the conference was to take place.

On Saturday morning (2d October) the Landgrave took his seat in the
hall, surrounded by his court, but so plainly dressed that no one
would have taken him for a prince. He wished to avoid the appearance
of playing the part of a Constantine in the affairs of the Church.
Before him was a table which Luther, Zwingle, Melancthon, and
Œcolampadius approached. Luther, taking a piece of chalk, bent over
the velvet cloth which covered it, and steadily wrote four words in
large characters. All eyes followed the movement of his hand, and soon
they read HOC EST CORPUS MEUM.[221] Luther wished to have this
declaration continually before him, that it might strengthen his
faith, and be a sign to his adversaries.

  [221] This is my body.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

Behind these four theologians were seated their friends,--Hedio,
Sturm, Funck, Frey, Eberard, Than, Jonas, Cruigerc, and others
besides. Jonas cast an inquiring glance upon the Swiss: "Zwingle,"
said he, "has a certain rusticity and arrogance;[222] if he is well
versed in letters, it is in spite of Minerva and of the Muses. In
Œcolampadius there is a natural goodness and admirable meekness. Hedio
seems to have as much liberality as kindness; but I find in Bucer the
cunning of a fox, that knows how to give himself an air of sense and
prudence." Men of moderate sentiments often meet with worse treatment
than those of the extreme parties.

  [222] In Zwinglio agreste quiddam est et arrogantulum.--(Corp. Ref. i.
  p. 1097.)

[Sidenote: ADDRESS OF CORDUE.]

Other sentiments animated those who contemplated this assembly from a
distance. The great men who had led the people in their footsteps on
the plains of Saxony, on the banks of the Rhine, and in the lofty
valleys of Switzerland, were there met face to face: the Chiefs of
Christendom, separated from Rome, were come together to see if they
could remain one. Accordingly, from all parts of Germany, prayers and
anxious looks were directed towards Marburg. "Illustrious princes of
the Word,"[223] cried the evangelical Church through the mouth of the
poet Cordus, "penetrating Luther, mild Œcolampadius, magnanimous
Zwingle, pious Snepf, eloquent Melancthon, courageous Bucer, candid
Hedio, excellent Osiander, valiant Brenz, amiable Jonas, fiery Craton,
Mænus, whose soul is stronger than his body, great Dionysius, and you
Myconius--all you whom Prince Philip, that illustrious hero, has
summoned, ministers and bishops, whom the christian cities have sent
to terminate the schism, and to show us the way of truth; the
suppliant Church falls weeping at your feet, and begs you by the
bowels of Jesus Christ to bring this matter to a happy issue, so that
the world may acknowledge in your resolution the work of the Holy
Ghost himself."[224]

  [223] Insignes verbi proceres.--(Bull. ii. p. 236.)

  [224] Et cupido supplex vobis Ecclesia voto Vestros cadit flens ad
  pedes.--(Bull. ii p. 236.)

The Landgrave's chancellor, John Feige, having reminded them in the
prince's name that the object of this colloquy was the re-establishment
of union, "I protest," said Luther, "that I differ from my adversaries
with regard to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and that I shall
always differ from them. Christ has said, _This is my body_. Let them
show me that a body is not a body. I reject reason, common sense,
carnal arguments, and mathematical proofs. God is above
mathematics.[225] We have the Word of God; we must adore it and
perform it!"

  [225] Deum esse supra mathematicam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 175.)

[Sidenote: THE DISCUSSION--FIGURES.]

"It cannot be denied," said Œcolampadius, "that there are figures of
speech in the Word of God; as _John is Elias, the rock was Christ, I
am the vine_. The expression _This is my body_, is a figure of the
same kind." Luther granted that there were figures in the Bible, but
he denied that this last expression was figurative.

All the various parties, however, of which the Christian Church is
composed see a figure in these words. In fact, the Romanists declare
that _This is my body_ signifies not only "my body," but also "my
blood," "my soul," and even "my Divinity," and "Christ wholly.[226]"
These words, therefore, according to Rome, are a synecdoche, a figure
by which a part is taken for the whole. And, as regards the Lutherans,
the figure is still more evident.[227] Whether it be synecdoche,
metaphor, or metonymy, there is still a figure. In order to prove it,
Œcolampadius employed this syllogism:--

  [226] If any one denies that the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus
  Christ, with his soul and his divinity, and consequently the whole
  Jesus Christ (totum Christum), is contained in the sacrament of the
  Eucharist, let him be anathema.--(Council of Trent, Sess. 13.)

  [227] Tota Christi persona.--(Form. concord. viii.)

"What Christ rejected in the sixth chapter of St. John, he could not
admit in the words of the Eucharist.

"Now Christ, who said to the people of Capernaum, _The flesh profiteth
nothing_, rejected by those very words the oral manducation of his
body.

"Therefore he did not establish it at the institution of his Supper."

LUTHER.--"I deny the minor (the second of these propositions); Christ
has not rejected all oral manducation, but only a material
manducation, like that of the flesh of oxen or of swine."[228]

  [228] Qualis est carnis bovillæ aut suillæ.--(Scult. p. 217.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"There is danger in attributing too much to mere
matter."

[Sidenote: SCRIPTURE EXPLAINED BY SCRIPTURE.]

LUTHER.--"Every thing that God commands becomes spirit and life. If it
is by the Lord's order that we lift up a straw, in that very action we
perform a spiritual work. We must pay attention to him who speaks, and
not to what he says. God speaks: Men, worms, listen!--God commands:
let the world obey! and let us all together fall down and humbly kiss
the Word."[229]

  [229] Quum præcipit quid, pareat mundus; et omnes osculemur
  verbum.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 176.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"But since we have the spiritual eating, what need of
the bodily one?"

LUTHER.--"I do not ask what need we have of it; but I see it written,
_Eat, this is my body_. We must therefore believe and do. We must
do--we must do![230]--If God should order me to eat dung, I would do
it, with the assurance that it would be salutary."[231]

  [230] _Man mus es thun_ sæpe inculcabat.--(Ibid.)

  [231] Si juberet fimum comedere, facerem.--(Ibid.)

At this point Zwingle interfered in the discussion. "We must explain
Scripture by Scripture," said he. "We cannot admit two kinds of
corporeal manducation, as if Jesus had spoken of eating, and the
Capernaites of tearing in pieces, for the same word is employed in
both cases. Jesus says that to eat his flesh corporeally profiteth
nothing (John vi. 63); whence it would result that he had given us in
the Supper a thing that would be useless to us.--Besides there are
certain words that seem to me rather childish,--the dung, for
instance. The oracles of the demons were obscure, not so are those of
Jesus Christ."

LUTHER.--"When Christ says the flesh profiteth nothing, he speaks not
of his own flesh, but of ours."

       *       *       *       *       *

ZWINGLE.--"The soul is fed with the Spirit and not with the flesh."

LUTHER.--"It is with the mouth that we eat the body; the soul does not
eat it."[232]

  [232] Anima non edit ipsum (corpus) corporaliter.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p.
  370.)

ZWINGLE.--"Christ's body is therefore a corporeal nourishment, and not
a spiritual."

LUTHER.--"You are captious."

ZWINGLE.--"Not so; but you utter contradictory things."

LUTHER.--"If God should present me wild apples, I should eat them
spiritually. In the Eucharist, the mouth receives the body of Christ,
and the soul believes in his words."

[Sidenote: THE SPIRITUAL EATING.]

Zwingle then quoted a great number of passages from the Holy
Scripture, in which the sign is described by the very thing signified;
and thence concluded that, considering our Lord's declaration in St.
John, _The flesh profiteth nothing_, we must explain the words of the
Eucharist in a similar manner.

Many hearers were struck by these arguments. Among the Marburg
professors sat the Frenchman Lambert; his tall and spare frame was
violently agitated. He had been at first of Luther's opinion,[233] and
was then hesitating between the two Reformers. As he went to the
conference, he said: "I desire to be a sheet of blank paper, on which
the finger of God may write his truth." Ere long he exclaimed, after
hearing Zwingle and Œcolampadius: "Yes! the Spirit, that is what
vivifies!"[234] When this conversion was known, the Wittembergers,
shrugging their shoulders, said, "Gallic fickleness!" "What!" replied
Lambert, "was St. Paul fickle because he was converted from
Pharisaism? And have we ourselves been fickle in abandoning the lost
sects of Popery?"

  [233] See his Commentary on St. Luke (xxii. 19, 20.)

  [234] He added, that the body of Christ was in the Eucharist neither
  mathematically or commensurably, nor really (neque mathematice seu
  commensurative, neque re ipsa).--(Epist. Lamb. de Marb. col.)

Luther was, however, by no means shaken. "_This is my body_," repeated
he, pointing with his finger to the words written before him. "_This
is my body._ The devil himself shall not drive me from that. To seek
to understand it, is to fall away from the faith."[235]

  [235] Si interrogo, excido a fide.--(Zw. Epp. ii. p. 177.)

"But, doctor," said Zwingle, "St. John explains how Christ's body is
eaten, and you will be obliged at last to leave off singing always the
same song."

[Sidenote: AGITATION IN THE CONFERENCE.]

"You make use of unmannerly expressions," replied Luther[236]. The
Wittembergers themselves called Zwingle's argument "his old
song."[237] Zwingle continued without being disconcerted: "I ask you,
doctor, whether Christ in the sixth chapter of St. John did not wish
to reply to the question that had been put to him?"

  [236] Invidiose loqueris.--(Bull. ii. p. 228.)

  [237] Veterem suam cantilenam.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 221.)

LUTHER.--"Mr. Zwingle, you wish to stop my mouth by the arrogancy of
your language. That passage has nothing to do here."

ZWINGLE, hastily.--"Pardon me, doctor, that passage breaks your neck."

LUTHER.--"Do not boast so much! You are in Hesse, and not in
Switzerland. In this country we do not break people's necks."

Then turning towards his friends, Luther complained bitterly of
Zwingle; as if the latter had really wished to break his neck. "He
makes use of soldier-like and blood-stained words," said he.[238]
Luther forgot that he had employed a similar expression in speaking of
Carlstadt.[239]

  [238] Verbum istud, tanquam castrense et cruentum.--(Hospin. p. 131.)

  [239] Vol. III. Book ix.

ZWINGLE resumed: "In Switzerland also there is strict justice, and we
break no man's neck without trial. That expression signifies merely
that your cause is lost and hopeless."

Great agitation prevailed in the Knights' Hall. The roughness of the
Swiss and the obstinacy of the Saxon had come into collision. The
Landgrave, fearing to behold the failure of his project of
conciliation, nodded assent to Zwingle's explanation. "Doctor," said
he to Luther, "you should not be offended at such common expressions."
It was in vain: the agitated sea could not again be calmed. The prince
therefore arose, and they all repaired to the banqueting hall. After
dinner they resumed their tasks.

"I believe," said Luther, "that Christ's body is in heaven, but I also
believe that it is in the sacrament. It concerns me little whether
that be against nature, provided that it is not against faith.[240]
Christ is substantially in the sacrament, such as he was born of the
Virgin."

  [240] Non curo quod sit contra naturam, modo non contra fidem.--(Zw.
  Opp. iv. p. 178.)

[Sidenote: METAPHOR.]

ŒCOLAMPADIUS, quoting a passage from St. Paul: "We know not Jesus
Christ after the flesh."[241]

  [241] 2 Cor. v. 16.

LUTHER.--"After the flesh means, in this passage, after our carnal
affections."[242]

  [242] Pro carnalibus affectibus.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p. 202.)

ŒCOLAMPADIUS.--"You will not allow that there is a metaphor in these
words, _This is my body_, and yet you admit a synecdoche."

LUTHER.--"Metaphor permits the existence of a sign only; but it is not
so with synecdoche. If a man says he wishes to drink a bottle, we
understand that he means the beer in the bottle. Christ's body is in
the bread, as a sword in the scabbard,[243] or as the Holy Ghost in
the dove."

  [243] Corpus est in pane sicut gladius in vagina.--(Ibid.)

The discussion was proceeding in this manner, when Osiander, pastor of
Nuremberg, Stephen Agricola, pastor of Augsburg, and Brenz, pastor of
Halle in Swabia, author of the famous Syngramma, entered the hall.
These also had been invited by the Landgrave. But Brenz, to whom
Luther had written that he should take care not to appear, had no
doubt by his indecision retarded his own departure as well as that of
his friends. Places were assigned them near Luther and Melancthon.
"Listen, and speak if necessary," they were told. They took but little
advantage of this permission. "All of us, except Luther," said
Melancthon, "were silent personages."[244]

  [244] Fuimus κὡφα πρὁσωπα.--(Corp. Ref. i. p. 1098.)

The struggle continued.

When Zwingle saw that exegesis was not sufficient for Luther, he added
dogmatical theology to it, and, subsidiarily, natural philosophy.

[Sidenote: CHRIST'S HUMANITY FINITE.]

"I oppose you," said he, "with this article of our faith: _Ascendit in
cælum_--he ascended into heaven. If Christ is in heaven as regards his
body, how can he be in the bread? The Word of God teaches us that he
was like his brethren in all things (Heb. ii. 17). He therefore
cannot be in several places at once."

LUTHER.--"Were I desirous of reasoning thus, I would undertake to
prove that Jesus Christ had a wife; that he had black eyes,[245] and
lived in our good country of Germany.[246] I care little about
mathematics."

  [245] Quod uxorem et nigros oculos habuisset.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

  [246] In Germania diuturnum contubernium egisse.--(Zw. Opp. iv. p.
  202.)

"There is no question of mathematics here," said Zwingle, "but of St.
Paul, who writes to the Philippians, μορφἡν δοὑλου λαβὡν."
[247]

  [247] Having taken the form of a servant.--(Phil. ii. 7.)

LUTHER, interrupting him.--"Read it to us in Latin or in German, not
in Greek."

ZWINGLE (in Latin).--"Pardon me: for twelve years past I have made use
of the Greek Testament only." Then continuing to read the passage, he
concluded from it that Christ's humanity is of a finite nature like
our own.

LUTHER, pointing to the words written before him.--"Most dear sirs,
since my Lord Jesus Christ says, _Hoc est corpus meum_, I believe that
his body is really there."

Here the scene grew animated. Zwingle started from his chair, sprung
towards Luther, and striking the table before him, said to him:[248]

  [248] Ibi Zwinglius illico prosiliens.--(Scultet. p. 225.)

"You maintain then, doctor, that Christ's body is locally in the Eucharist;
for you say Christ's body is really _there_--_there_--_there_," repeated
Zwingle. "_There_ is an adverb of place.[249] Christ's body is then of
such a nature as to exist in a place. If it is in a place, it is in
heaven, whence it follows t

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