Fifty-two Stories of the British Navy, from Damme to Trafalgar.
by Alfred H. Miles · English · Gutenberg #40871 · 895,427 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Fifty-two Stories of the British Navy, from Damme to Trafalgar.
Author: Alfred H. Miles
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FIFTY-TWO STORIES OF THE BRITISH NAVY, FROM DAMME TO TRAFALGAR. ***
[Illustration: NELSON RECEIVING THE SWORDS OF THE SPANISH OFFICERS ON
BOARD THE "SAN JOSEPH." (_See page 402_)]
FIFTY-TWO STORIES OF THE BRITISH NAVY,
_FROM DAMME TO TRAFALGAR_.
EDITED BY
ALFRED H. MILES.
_SEVENTH THOUSAND._
LONDON:
HUTCHINSON & CO.,
34, PATERNOSTER ROW.
PRINTED BY
HAZELL, WATSON, AND VINEY, LD.,
LONDON AND AYLESBURY.
PREFATORY.
This volume contains Fifty-two Stories of the British Navy from Damme to
Trafalgar. These stories are arranged chronologically, and, without
pretending to be a complete history of the British Navy, provide
fifty-two consecutive links of the chain which for a thousand years has
bound the sovereignty of the seas to the British throne.
In preparing this series many historical and biographical works have
been laid under contribution. Of these Dr. Campbell's "Lives of the
British Admirals and Naval History," Southey's "Life of Nelson,"
Giffard's "Deeds of Naval Daring," Creasy's "Fifteen Decisive Battles of
the World," Green's "History of the English People," Hakluyt's
"Voyages," and Sir Walter Raleigh's prose epic "The Truth of the Fight
about the Isles of Azores" are the most important.
When a story has been adequately told once there is little to be gained
by re-telling it in other words; hence the "Story of the _Revenge_" is
given from Sir Walter Raleigh's account with but slight abbreviation,
and the "Story of the Spanish Armada" from Sir Edward Creasy's book
with but similar abridgment. Many of the stories taken from Dr.
Campbell's work and that of Robert Southey have been subject to the same
treatment, and the Editor believes they have, for present purposes,
gained by condensation.
The Editor desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to his friend, Mr. A.
J. Pattle, who collaborated with him in the editorship of his "Fifty-two
Stories of the Indian Mutiny," published in 1895 with so much success,
and who has rendered valuable service in the production of this work.
He also desires to acknowledge the courtesy of Messrs. Cassell and Co.,
whereby he is enabled to use the engraving which forms the frontispiece
of this volume, from "The Story of the Sea" published by them.
Stories of the sea are always welcome to British boys and girls, and the
Editor has no fear for the reception of this collection.
A. H. M.
_September 1st, 1896._
CONTENTS.
PAGE
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE BRITISH NAVY 11
THE STORY OF THE CINQUE PORTS 19
THE STORY OF SIR EDWARD HOWARD 33
THE STORY OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD AND SIR ANDREW BARTON 39
THE STORY OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS 43
THE WORTHY ENTERPRISE OF JOHN FOX 55
THE STORY OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE 69
THE VOYAGE MADE TO TRIPOLIS IN BARBARY 79
A TRUE REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT 91
THE STORY OF THE SPANISH ARMADA 101
THE STORY OF THE "REVENGE" 117
THE STORY OF ADMIRAL BLAKE 127
THE STORY OF THE FIRST DUTCH WAR 141
STORIES OF THE SECOND DUTCH WAR 154
I. THE DEFEAT OF THE DUTCH OFF HARWICH.
II. THE CAPTURE OF DUTCH CONVOYS BY THE EARL OF
SANDWICH.
III. THE FOUR DAYS' FIGHT IN THE CHANNEL.
IV. THE DEFENCE OF THE THAMES.
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ALGERINE NAVY 170
THE STORY OF SIR JOHN BERRY 175
THE STORY OF THE THIRD DUTCH WAR 180
THE BATTLE OF BEACHY HEAD 195
THE VICTORY OF LA HOGUE 201
THE STORY OF SIR GEORGE ROOKE 207
OFF GIBRALTAR 221
THE STORY OF ADMIRAL BENBOW 225
DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF MESSINA 235
THE STORY OF CAPTAIN HORNBY AND THE FRENCH PRIVATEER 241
OFF CAPE FINISTERRE 245
THE LOSS OF H.M.S. "NAMUR" 249
THE LOSS OF H.M.S. "PEMBROKE" 252
THE STORY OF ADMIRAL THE HONOURABLE JOHN BYNG 259
IN INDIAN SEAS. 1758-9 273
THE STORY OF THE "GLORIOUS FIFTY-NINE" AND THE BATTLE
OF QUIBERON BAY 279
THE STORY OF LORD RODNEY 285
THE LOSS OF THE "RAMILIES" 295
THE LOSS OF H.M.S. "CENTAUR" 305
THE LOSS OF THE "ROYAL GEORGE" 319
THE MUTINY OF THE "BOUNTY" 323
THE STORY OF LORD EXMOUTH 336
THE GLORIOUS FIRST OF JUNE 341
TRIUMPH IN RETREAT 349
THE MUTINY OF 1797 353
THE BATTLE OF CAMPERDOWN 361
THE LOSS OF H.M.S. "REPULSE" 366
THE STORY OF NELSON'S BOYHOOD 375
FIRST STEPS UP THE LADDER. A CHAPTER FROM NELSON'S
CAREER 383
ON BOARD THE "AGAMEMNON" 389
THE EVACUATION OF CORSICA AND THE BATTLE OF CAPE ST.
VINCENT 395
THE STORY OF SANTA CRUZ 405
THE STORY OF THE BATTLE OF THE NILE 409
THE BOMBARDMENT OF COPENHAGEN 423
THE STORY OF THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR 439
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
NELSON RECEIVING THE SWORDS OF THE SPANISH OFFICERS ON
BOARD THE "SAN JOSEPH" _Frontispiece_
THE BATTLE OFF DOVER 68
THE DEFEAT OF SIR ANDREW BARTON 140
THE SPANISH ARMADA 220
ADMIRAL DUNCAN ADDRESSING HIS CREW AFTER THE MUTINY AT
THE NORE 294
THE "VICTORY" AT PORTSMOUTH 374
FIFTY-TWO STORIES OF THE BRITISH NAVY.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE BRITISH NAVY.
_A SAXON CHRONICLE._
The founders of the English nation were a maritime people. Before they
settled in the British Isles they had to dare the dangers of the deep,
and though for nearly four hundred years after their first arrival they
were too much occupied with internal strife to think of external
enterprise, no sooner had they apparently completed the subjugation of
the Britons and effected a settlement of their own differences by
uniting the country under one crown, than they were called upon to give
vigorous attention to maritime affairs.
Egbert, king of the West Saxons, who, by the conquest of Mercia and
Northumbria, became the first overlord of all England, A.D. 828, was
soon compelled to deal seriously with the Danes. According to old
chroniclers, threatened with invasion in the south, he engaged these
formidable foes at Charmouth in Dorsetshire, but sustained defeat. Two
years later, however, when they returned and landed on the coast of
Wales, uniting with the disaffected Britons in a powerful armament,
Egbert proved equal to the occasion, met them in a general engagement at
the Battle of Hengestesdun, routed their entire forces, and compelled
the Britons to seek safety in their mountains and the Danes to return to
their ships. Desultory warfare supervened for some time with
ever-varying success until, according to the Saxon Chronicle, the Danes
were defeated off Sandwich in a desperate battle in which nine of their
ships were taken by the English, and the rest compelled to seek safety
in flight. After this they again returned, this time with a fleet of
three hundred and fifty sail, devastated the south country and took
Canterbury and London by storm.
Hitherto the English had made the fatal mistake of allowing their
enemies to land before attempting to grapple with them, and even the
disasters which followed naturally upon such a policy did not arouse
them to a sense of the necessity of maintaining an efficient fleet. On
the contrary, dispirited by their failures, the English seem to have
abandoned all thoughts of naval armament, and to have contented
themselves with fortifying their cities and defending them against
enemies whom they passively allowed to land. This unhappy condition of
things continued through the reigns of Ethelbald, Ethelbert and
Ethelred; during which time the Danes conquered Northumbria and East
Anglia, and invaded Wessex. In A.D. 867 they took York, and in the
following year Nottingham. In 870 they defeated and put to death Edmund,
king of East Anglia, whose burial-place was named St. Edmundsbury--Bury
St. Edmunds--and during the same year fought no less than nine battles
in Wessex. Abbeys, churches and monasteries were burnt, and the whole
country was given up to fire and the sword.
In the year 871 Alfred came to the throne and found himself a monarch
without a people, a king without a country. The long-continued struggle
with the Danes, who, like locusts, "came without number and devoured the
fruits of the land," had reduced the people to a state of despairing
servitude. The wealth, strength, and spirits of the English, who had
sometimes been compelled to fight as many as ten or twelve battles in
the course of a year, had become exhausted, and instead of attempting to
defend themselves further, they began everywhere to submit to the Danes;
preferring a settled slavery to a precarious freedom. Although the
country had been brought to this low condition, the young king did not
despair of its restoration, but with equal vigour and prudence applied
himself to the prosecution of the war and the conduct of public affairs.
Encouraged by his example and inspired by his spirit, the English at
length took heart again, and ultimately--led by his skill and
wisdom--defeated the Danes at Exeter in 877, and at Edington in the
following year, securing the peace of Wedmore, which, while it gave them
little more than the kingdom of Wessex as a possession, ensured them
what they needed much more than land, a period of rest and repose,
which, but for one short interval, lasted for fifteen years. This period
Alfred employed in pursuing the arts of peace and preparing himself for
the eventualities of war. In the year A.D. 883 he sent envoys to Rome
and India; and in 886 he took and re-fortified the city of London. From
893 to 897 he was once more engaged with his old enemies the Danes. This
protracted campaign was by no means a light undertaking. Hasting, the
Danish leader, pitched his camp on the hills gently sloping above
Benfleet, in Essex, and sent two hundred and fifty Danish ships cruising
along the south-west coast of Kent; while he proceeded himself with
eighty ships along the Thames estuary. Having formed a camp at Milton,
near Sittingbourne, he ventured up the River Lea where he found himself
unexpectedly entrapped; for Alfred hit upon the expedient of draining
the river, and by this means left the Danish ships high and dry.
Retreating to Benfleet, Hasting discovered that in his absence his camp
had been attacked and captured by one of Alfred's aldermen. Alfred drove
Hasting out of Wessex in 894, and out of Essex in 896, after which the
Danish leader appears to have had enough of English hospitality; for he
returned to Denmark in the following year.
From 897 to the end of his reign, Alfred devoted much time to the
construction of ships and the equipment of a fleet; a purpose which he
effected with so much success that he earned for himself the title of
"The Father of the British Navy." Alfred seems to have been the first of
the English kings to realise that the true principle of insular defence
is to meet one's enemies upon the sea, and destroy them before they have
time to effect a landing. Once realised, however, he made every effort
to carry out this sagacious and far-sighted policy, a policy in which,
for a thousand years, he has been followed by the wisest and best of his
successors. To do this, the creation and maintenance of a national fleet
became an imperative necessity. According to Dr. Campbell, Alfred
reflected that, as the fleets of his enemies were frequently built in a
hurry, hastily drawn together, meanly provided with victuals and rigging
and overcrowded with men, a few ships of a larger size, built in a new
manner of well-seasoned materials, thoroughly supplied with food and
arms, and manned by expert seamen must, at first sight, surprise, and,
in the course of an engagement destroy many with but little danger to
themselves; and with this view he constructed a number of ships in most
points twice the size of the largest ships then in use, and furnished
with accommodation for double the number of rowers. These vessels were
longer, higher, and yet swifter than the vessels in common use among the
Danes; so that Alfred was able always to engage his enemies at
advantage, and, when necessary, to escape them by flight. As, moreover,
these vessels were built upon a new model, they were wholly strange to
the enemy, who were a long time learning the way to board them; hence
their courage and seamanship did not avail them much.
Alfred was not long in finding employment for his infant navy. Soon
after the earlier of these ships were built, six large pirate ships of
unusual size appeared off the Isle of Wight and the coast of Devonshire.
The king immediately despatched nine of his new vessels in quest of
them, with orders to get, if possible, between them and the shore, and
to give and take no quarter. On sighting the king's ships three of the
pirates ran aground, while the others stood out to sea and boldly
offered battle. Of these, two were taken and the whole of their crews
destroyed, while the third escaped with five men only. Turning their
attention to the ships that had grounded, the king's men destroyed the
greater part of their crews, and when the tide floated them, brought the
ships to the coast of the South Saxons, where the remainder of their
crews endeavoured to escape. They were, however, captured and carried to
Winchester, where they were hanged by order of the king. This may be
regarded as one of the first engagements of the British navy--that is,
of ships built on purpose for defensive warfare; though of course there
were many famous sea fights of earlier dates. "If," says Dr. Campbell,
"it should be asked how this superiority at sea was lost, we must
observe that it was very late in the king's life before his experience
furnished him with light sufficient for this noble design, which very
probably his successors wanted skill to prosecute; though, as history
shows, they were moved by his example to make great efforts for
preserving their territories on shore by maintaining the sovereignty of
the sea."
Alfred the Great died in the year 901, and was succeeded by Edward the
Elder. Opposed by his cousin Ethelwald, who laid claim to the crown and
who invited the Danes over to help him in securing it, Edward was unable
to prevent the Northmen from landing; but marching into Kent he engaged
the united forces of his enemies in a desperate battle in which his
cousin Ethelwald and Eric, the King of the Danes, were slain. Still
troubled by successive hordes of Northmen, who--like the heads of the
fabled giants--seemed to multiply as they were destroyed, Edward had
recourse to his fleet, and gathering a hundred ships upon the coast of
Kent, totally defeated the invaders; forcing most of their ships upon
the shore, and destroying their commanders on the spot. Athelstan, who
succeeded his brother in 925, was also a wise and powerful ruler. Called
upon to defend himself against a confederacy which included Constantine,
King of the Scots, Anlaff, a Danish prince, settled in Ireland, and a
host of disaffected Britons, he attacked them both by sea and land at
the same time with equal valour and success. In this battle, fought in
938, there fell five kings and seven Danish chiefs. It is said to have
been the bloodiest engagement which up to that time had ever taken place
in England; and, as a result, Athelstan became the most absolute monarch
that had ever reigned in Britain. Edmund, Edred, and Edwy followed in
lineal succession, but without adding anything of importance to our
naval annals.
In Edgar, who came to the throne in 958, Alfred had a successor who
proved himself worthy of carrying on his great traditions. He thoroughly
understood and successfully pursued the maxims of his great ancestor,
and applied himself from the beginning of his reign to the raising of an
efficient maritime force. It is said that his fleet was far superior to
those of any of his predecessors, as well as much more powerful than
those of all the other European princes put together. This
navy--variously estimated by the monkish chroniclers to number from
three thousand to four thousand ships--he is said to have divided into
three fleets each of twelve hundred sail, which he stationed
respectively on the north, the east, and the west coasts of England. Not
content with making these provisions, it is said that "every year after
Easter, he went on board the fleet stationed on the eastern coast, and,
sailing west, scoured all the channels, looked into every creek and bay,
from the Thames mouth to Land's End in Cornwall; there, quitting these
ships, he went on board the western fleet, with which, steering his
course northward, he did the like not only on the English and Scotch
coasts, but also on those of Ireland and the Hebrides--which lie between
them and Britain; then meeting the northern fleet, he sailed in it to
the mouth of the Thames. Thus surrounding the island every summer, he
rendered invasion impracticable, kept his sailors in continual exercise,
and effectually asserted his sovereignty over the sea."
In the winter, Edgar is said to have travelled by land through all parts
of his dominion to see that justice was duly administered, to prevent
his nobles from becoming oppressors, and to protect the meanest people
from suffering wrong. By these arts he secured tranquillity at home
while he engendered respect abroad. By being always ready for war he
avoided it, so that in his whole reign there happened but one
disturbance, and that through the Britons, who, while he was in the
north, committed disorder in the west. It is further said of this prince
that "he reigned sixteen years without a thief being found in his
dominions on land, or a pirate being heard of at sea."
Edgar died in 975, and was succeeded by Edward the Martyr, who reigned
three years, and then gave place to Ethelred the Unready. Then followed
the period of decadence which prepared the way for Danish supremacy.
Ethelred adopted the fatal plan of buying off his invaders, the effect
of which policy was to increase the numbers and the demands of his
enemies. Accordingly, in 994, Sweyn, son of the King of Denmark, and
Olaf, King of Norway, made a descent upon London and devastated Kent,
Sussex, and Hampshire. Olaf was bought off with a payment of £16,000,
but the Danes were insatiable. A truce, purchased by Ethelred in 1002,
was brought to an abrupt conclusion by his own weakness and cruelty; for
in that year he planned and effected the massacre of all the Danes in
his dominions, on St. Brice's day. Among the victims was a sister of
Sweyn of Denmark, and Sweyn's revenge was sharp and swift. In 1003 he
laid Exeter waste, and in 1004 destroyed Norwich; and when two years
later the "great fleet" of the Danes arrived off Sandwich, Ethelred was
obliged to purchase peace with a supply of provisions and a sum of
thirty thousand pounds.
Great efforts were made during this truce to reconstruct the navy. The
king commanded ships to be built throughout the country and levied taxes
to pay for them. Within a year it is said that eight hundred ships,
equipped with thirty thousand men, were ready for the national defence.
But no armament can be strong that is directed by weak hands, and the
want of a wise and vigorous leader led to internal quarrels, which
effectually destroyed Ethelred's chances of successfully resisting the
Danes. In 1013 Sweyn was practically king of England, and Ethelred fled
to Normandy. In 1016 the death of Ethelred left Edmund Ironside his son,
and Canute, the son of Sweyn of Denmark, rival candidates for the
throne. After fighting two battles, they agreed to divide the kingdom
between them; but the death of Edmund the same year left Canute the
master of the whole. Under Canute, peace prevailed and commerce began to
thrive. "Men from the Rhineland and from Normandy moored their vessels
along the Thames, on whose rude wharves were piled a strange medley of
goods: pepper and spices from the far East, crates of gloves and gay
cloths, it may be from the Lombard looms, sacks of wool; ironwork, from
Liège, butts of French wine and vinegar, and with them the rural
products of the country itself--cheese, butter, lard and eggs, with live
swine and fowls." Such was Canute's influence that it became unnecessary
to maintain more than forty ships for the protection of the coast, and
this number was afterwards reduced to sixteen. With the death of Canute
the Danish rule began to collapse, and with the accession of Edward the
Confessor the Danes resumed their aggressive expeditions, though with
but little success. William of Normandy found England without a fleet,
for Harold had been compelled to disband the navy from want of supplies;
and, as he destroyed his own ships after he had effected a landing, he
began his reign without means of maritime defence.
THE STORY OF THE CINQUE PORTS.
THE BATTLE OF DAMME.--THE BATTLE OF DOVER.--THE BATTLE OF
SLUYS.--THE BATTLE OF LESPAGNOLS-SUR-MER.--THE VICTORIES OF THE
EARL OF ARUNDEL, THE DUKE OF BEDFORD, THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON,
AND WARWICK, THE KING MAKER.
The history of the English navy from the Conquest to the fifteenth
century is, in effect, the history of the great and powerful corporation
known as "The five Cinque Ports and two Ancient Towns"--Hastings,
Sandwich, Dover, Romney, Hythe, Winchelsea, and Rye. In the Domesday
Book only three such ports are mentioned--Sandwich, Dover, and
Romney--but in the charters and royal writs mention is always made of,
and precedence assigned to, Hastings. Winchelsea and Rye were added to
the first five soon after the Conquest, but the title of "Cinque" Ports
was retained. In addition to the seven head ports there were eight
"corporate members"--Deal, Faversham, Folkestone, Fordwich, Lydd,
Pevensey, Seaford, and Tenterden--and twenty-four non-corporate members,
which included Birchington, Brightlingsea, Bulverhithe, Grange,
Kingsdown, Margate, Ramsgate, Reculver, Sarre, and Walmer, all of which
were called Cinque Ports.
Some writers have endeavoured to connect the Cinque Ports with the five
Roman fortresses which guarded the south-eastern shores of Britain, and
the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports with the _Comes Littoris
Saxonici_--the count of the Saxon Shore, but it seems sufficiently clear
that the confederation of the ports was of Teutonic origin. Originally,
trading communities banded together to protect and control the
herring-fishery, the principal industry and food-supply of the people;
the regular descents of the Danes supplied the motive for the military
character the union afterwards assumed.
The Danish invasion, which ended in Canute's supremacy, raged most
fiercely round Sandwich, which was the head-quarters of the Danish
fleet, and acquired the title of "the most famous of all the English
ports."
As far back as the year 460, Hengist the Saxon conferred the office of
Warden of the Cinque Ports upon his brother Horsa, and since the time of
Godwin, Earl of Kent, who died in the year 1053, nearly one hundred and
fifty persons have held that distinguished office. These include many
whose names are illustrious in English history, amongst them being Odo,
Bishop of Bayeux, Eustace, Earl of Boulogne, William Longchamps, Hubert
de Burgh, Sir Stephen de Pencester, Edmund Plantagenet, King Henry V.,
Simon de Montfort, Richard III., Prince Henry, afterwards Henry VIII.,
James II., and Prince George of Denmark. William Pitt was Lord Warden in
1792, and from that date until the year 1896 the holders of the office
have been the Earl of Liverpool, the Duke of Wellington, the Marquis of
Dalhousie, Lord Palmerston, Earl Granville, Mr. W. H. Smith, the Marquis
of Dufferin and the Marquis of Salisbury. The privileges and
distinctions of the inhabitants of the ports in those days were of a
very substantial character. Amongst other things "pains and penalties"
were imposed on any one entering or quitting the kingdom from or for the
Continent except by way of Dover. The Grand Court of Shepway, at which
the Lord Warden takes the oath of office, in the presence of the
"barons," was formerly held in the open air at Lympne, a Roman port, the
remains of which are now several miles inland, in the neighbourhood of
Hythe, but the site of the court was removed to Dover as a more
convenient place in 1693.
To Edward the Confessor may be attributed the incorporation of the
Cinque Ports in the form of a Royal Navy bound to stated service. To
attach them to the throne he granted them lands and franchises, in
return for which they undertook, on a stated notice, to provide ships
for fighting purposes for a specified time. The Domesday Book, for
instance, records that "Dover, in the time of King Edward, rendered
eighteen pounds, of which moneys King Edward had two parts, and Earl
Godwin the third. The burgesses gave the king twenty ships once a year
for fifteen days, and in each ship were twenty men. This they did in
return for his having endowed them with sac and soc"--the right of
independent jurisdiction and free courts.
Soon after the Norman conquest, the Danes once more threatened invasion
with a powerful fleet, and Dover, Sandwich, and Romney were called upon
to provide, at their own expense, twenty vessels equipped for sea, each
with a crew of twenty-one men and provisions for fifteen days. Rye and
Winchelsea rendered similar assistance, and in return received
privileges similar to those enjoyed by the older ports. The fleet thus
provided was so fully maintained by William Rufus that England's
maritime supremacy may be dated from that early period. But, for more
than a century after the Conquest, English ships seldom ventured beyond
the Bay of Biscay or the entrance to the Baltic.
The reign of Henry I. was marked by the tragic death of Prince William
in the year 1120 while crossing from Normandy to England in _The White
Ship_. The rowers, hilarious with wine, ran _The White Ship_--probably
an undecked or only partially decked vessel, of not more than fifty tons
burden steered by two paddles over the quarter--violently on to a ledge
of rocks, now called Ras de Catteville. The sea rushed in, and all on
board, except two men, were lost. As soon as his ship struck, the prince
and a few others got into a small boat and pushed off, but, returning to
the aid of his sister, many persons jumped in the boat and all were
drowned. The prince's body was carried away by the current and never
recovered. Fitzstephen, the captain, whose father had carried William
the Conqueror to England, and who held his office by virtue of providing
a passage for his sovereign, rose once to the surface and asked, "What
has become of the king's son?" Being answered, "We have not seen him,
nor his brother, nor his sister, nor any of their companions," he
exclaimed, "Woe is me!" and sank back into the sea. For three days no
one ventured to break the news to Henry who, the old chroniclers say,
was so stricken with the tidings that he fainted away and was never seen
to smile again.
Not until the time of the Crusades, however, did maritime commerce
undergo any marked development, and England take her place among
sea-faring peoples. Whatever the Crusades may have done for the Cross,
they gave the first impetus to English maritime enterprise, and European
industry progressed with the conquests of the Crusaders. On ascending
the throne Richard Coeur de Lion made vast levies to equip an expedition
to the Holy Land. The fleet numbered one hundred vessels, the most of
which had been collected from the south and west of England, and from
the continental ports of the House of Anjou, Richard's own ship being
named "_Trenche-le-mer_," presumably because it was a swift sailer. It
was from Messina, on March 27th, 1190, that Richard dated his charter to
the Cinque Ports.
The reign of Richard marked another epoch in the naval history of
Britain, for he issued the first articles for the government of an
English fleet. If any man slew another on board a ship, he was to be
fastened to the dead body and thrown with it into the sea; if the murder
was committed on shore, he was to be bound to the corpse, and buried
with it. If any one was convicted by legal testimony of drawing his
knife upon another, or of drawing blood in any manner, he was to lose
his hand. For giving a blow with the hand without producing blood, the
offender was to be plunged three times into the sea. If any one reviled
or insulted another, he was on every occasion to pay to the offended
party an ounce of silver. A thief was to have his head shaven, boiling
pitch poured upon it, and feathers shaken over him, as a mark by which
he might be known; and he was to be put ashore at the first land at
which the ship might touch.
In the reign of John a close approach was made to a regular naval
establishment, and a kind of dockyard appears to have existed at
Portsmouth, for the Sheriff of Southampton was commanded to cause the
docks at Portsmouth to be enclosed with a strong wall to preserve the
king's ships and galleys, and to cause pent-houses to be erected for
their stores and tackle. The king had galleys, long ships, and great
ships; all allusions to which, however, make it clear that the largest
vessels had only one mast and sail. But no admiral or commander of the
fleets appears to have been created, and the chief management of the
navy was for many years entrusted to William de Wrotham, Archdeacon of
Taunton, who was designated "Keeper of the King's Ships," and also
"Keeper of the Seaports."
The expulsion of John from his dominions in Normandy in 1203 opened a
new chapter in English history and brought the Cinque Ports prominently
into notice, as frequently repeated orders were issued to the barons of
the ports to "guard the seas." By their vigilant guard, it is alleged,
the excommunication which followed the Pope's Interdict in 1208 was so
long prevented from making its way across the Channel, and they were
certainly the moving spirits in the great maritime exploit which help to
redeem the gloom of John's reign.
Philip of France, obeying the exhortation of the Pope to assist in
dethroning John, had made extensive preparations for the invasion of
England, and when in 1213 John became the Pope's vassal Philip did not
like the idea of giving up the project. John, therefore, found it
necessary to adopt retaliatory measures. All men capable of bearing arms
were ordered to assemble at Dover "for the defence of the king's and
their own heads, and the land of England," and the bailiffs of all the
ports were forbidden to suffer any ship to sail without the king's
express authority. The French king entered Flanders to punish the count,
who had refused to join the expedition against John, and despatched all
the ships which he had collected to the port of Damme, the harbour of
which, though of "wonderful size," could not contain all the French
ships, which are said to have numbered one thousand seven hundred sail.
Thither the English fleet, of five hundred sail the greater portion
consisting of ships from the Cinque Ports, under William Longsword,
proceeded at the urgent summons of the count. On the arrival of the
English they found that the French had landed and were ravaging the
surrounding country, whereupon they attacked the fleet in the harbour,
and three hundred vessels laden with corn, wine, and arms, fell into
English hands. The cables of the captured vessels were cut, and the wind
being off the land, they were soon on the passage to England. About a
hundred others were burnt, and the first great naval victory recorded in
English annals was complete.
The attitude of the Cinque Ports during the period immediately preceding
the granting of the Great Charter of English Liberties is obscure. They
are mentioned as guaranteed in their franchises when the Charter took
its final shape under Henry III., and it is clear that, when the
baronage invited Louis of France to depose the faithless King of
England, the ports resolved to stand by the House of Plantagenet. John's
unexpected death in 1216, at a time when London and a great part of Kent
were in the power of Louis, found the Cinque Ports--though Sandwich had
been burnt by the French--staunch to the loyal Earl of Pembroke--marshal
of the kingdom, and supporters of the boy-king, Henry III.
The following year, however, was destined to become memorable in the
history of naval warfare, for in August, 1217, the French fleet of one
hundred vessels put to sea with a view to a descent upon the Thames.
Hubert de Burgh, with the seamen of the Cinque Port ships, assembled in
Dover Harbour, and as the hostile fleet was descried from Dover Cliffs,
on the 24th forty ships dashed out of the harbour to challenge French
supremacy in England by engaging in the first regular sea-fight of
modern history. "It appears," says Sir W. H. Nicholas, "that the wind
was southerly, blowing fresh; and the French were going large steering
round the North Foreland, little expecting any opposition. The English
squadron, instead of directly approaching the enemy, kept their wind as
if going to Calais, which made Eustace, the French commander, exclaim,
'I know that those wretches think to invade Calais like thieves; but
that is useless, for it is well defended!' As soon as the English had
gained the wind of the French fleet, they bore down in the most gallant
manner upon the enemy's rear; and the moment they came close to the
sterns of the French ships they threw grapnels into them, and, thus
fastening the vessels together, prevented the enemy from escaping--an
early instance of that love of close fighting for which English sailors
have ever since been distinguished. The action commenced by the English
cross-bowmen and archers pouring volleys of arrows into the enemy's
ships with deadly effect; and to increase their dismay, the English
threw unslaked lime, reduced to a powder, on board their opponents,
which being blown by the wind into their eyes, completely blinded them.
The English then rushed on board; and cutting away the rigging and
halyards with axes, the sails fell over the French 'like a net over
ensnared small birds.' ... Thus hampered, the enemy could make but a
feeble resistance; and after an immense slaughter were completely
defeated. Though the French fought with great bravery, very few among
them were accustomed to naval tactics; and they fell rapidly under the
lances, axes, and swords of their assailants. In the meantime, many of
their vessels had been sunk by the galleys, which, running their own
prows into them, stove their sides.
"Of the whole French fleet, fifteen vessels only escaped; and as soon as
the principal persons had been secured, the English taking the captured
ships in tow, proceeded in triumph to Dover, 'victoriously ploughing the
waves,' and returning thanks to God for their success.... The battle was
seen with exultation by the garrison of Dover Castle, and the conquerors
were received by the bishops and clergy in full sacerdotal habits,
bearing crosses and banners in procession." Though the ships, compared
with those of the present age were small, yet the mode of attack, the
bravery displayed, and the great superiority of the enemy render the
event worthy of an honourable place in the list of our naval victories.
It was actually a hand-to-hand fight against double the number of ships,
and probably four times the number of men. The political effect of the
battle was that Louis relinquished all hopes of the English crown.
England was saved. "The courage of the sailors who manned the rude boats
of the Cinque Ports first made the flag of England terrible on the
seas." For this celebrated action, which saved England from the
domination of France, the Cinque Ports obtained further privileges,
amongst which was liberty to "annoy the subjects of France"--in other
words, to plunder as they pleased the merchant vessels of that country.
Few naval events of any importance occurred for many years after the
signal victory off Dover. The Cinque Ports were at their highest tide of
prosperity during the reign of Edward I., who, in 1300, took thirty of
their ships with him in his expedition against Scotland. During the
reign of Edward II. the ports did not lack employment on the king's
service, though they acted merely as coast-guards. The sovereignty of
the Channel was gradually challenged in this reign by the French, who
were encouraged by the revolutions and disorders of the time, and Edward
III. had not been many years on the throne before it became evident that
the nation must bestir itself in view of the increasing power of the
French fleet. A formal proclamation declaring England's sovereignty of
the seas was issued. A new spirit at once declared itself, but not a
moment before it was necessary; for in 1339 the French fleet burnt
Portsmouth, inflicted severe disaster upon Southampton, threatened
Sandwich, and, diverging to Rye, landed and ravaged the immediate
neighbourhood. On the approach of the English fleet the French took to
flight and were chased into Boulogne. The English gallantly entered the
harbour, captured several French vessels, hanged twelve of their
captains, burnt part of the town, and returned with their prizes to
England.
Towards the end of 1339 a new invasion was planned. The French ships and
galleys assembled off the town of Sluys, in Flanders, and their crews
solemnly vowed not to return to their own ports till they had taken one
hundred English ships and five hundred English towns. In view of this
invasion parliament was summoned in January 1340 "to adopt various
measures relating to the navy." The sailors of the Cinque Ports
undertook to have their ships ready, and in due course a fleet of two
hundred vessels was formed, and more soldiers and archers assembled than
could be employed. On his arrival on the coast of Flanders, Edward found
that the various sections of his fleet had met, and discovered the
French fleet of one hundred and ninety ships, manned by thirty-five
thousand Normans and Genoese, lying at anchor off Sluys. The French
fleet was in four divisions, their ships being fastened to each other by
iron chains and cables. To the masts a small boat was suspended, filled
with stones, which were to be hurled by the soldiers stationed on the
tops. Trumpets and other martial instruments resounded from the French
ships. The fight was long and fierce, for "the enemy defended themselves
all that day and the night after." In one French ship alone four hundred
dead bodies were found, the survivors leaping headlong into the sea.
Only twenty-four of the French ships escaped, and no less than
twenty-five thousand French and Genoese perished. The English loss was,
perhaps, four thousand men, and all writers agree that it was one of the
most sanguinary and desperate sea-fights recorded in the pages of
history. Edward's modest letter regarding this victory is the earliest
naval despatch in existence. Though the annihilation of the French fleet
at Sluys did not surpass in importance the victory off Dover in the
preceding century, it established the maritime supremacy of England.
To supply a covering force for the army which was besieging Calais in
1347 and to guard the Channel, England made a general demand for ships
and seamen. The total number of ships mustered was seven hundred and
ten; these were equipped with a full complement of fighting men. The
"five Cinque Ports and two Ancient Towns," together with Seaford,
Faversham, and Margate, contributed one hundred and five ships; London
sent twenty-five ships, Fowey forty-seven, and Dunwich six. Three years
later on August 29th, 1350, the battle known as "Lespagnols-sur-mer" was
fought off Winchelsea, when Edward defeated a Spanish squadron of forty
sail which had plundered several English ships, capturing twenty-six
large vessels, the crews of which were put to death. This action firmly
established the reputation of Edward III. as the King of England, whose
name is more identified with the naval glory of England than that of any
other sovereign up to the sixteenth century.
But reverses of fortune clouded the end of what had promised to be a
glorious reign. In 1371 an engagement with the Flemings resulted in the
capture of twenty-five ships by the English, but in June, 1372, the
Spaniards completely defeated the English fleet of forty sail under the
Earl of Pembroke off La Rochelle; the Spaniards not only having the
advantage of size and numbers in their ships, but also in being provided
with cannon, said to have been first used at sea in this battle.
Immediately upon Edward's death an overwhelming fleet of French and
Spanish ships swept the Channel, and Winchelsea, Rye, Hastings,
Plymouth, Portsmouth and other ports suffered from the fury of the
invaders.
The reign of Richard II. was redeemed from absolute barrenness in naval
affairs by the victory of the Earl of Arundel in 1387. Taking advantage
of the absence from England of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who had
sailed the year before to enforce his claim upon the crown of Spain, the
French raised a powerful armament with a view to invading the British
Isles. These preparations were made upon a most extensive scale, and
were said to have included an army of a hundred thousand men and a fleet
of ships which, if laid side by side, would have reached from Calais to
Dover. The news of this terrible armament caused great excitement in
England, and various preparations were made to receive it. The Earl of
Arundel was made high admiral and was dispatched to sea with
instructions to destroy the ships of the enemy as they disembarked;
while the people on shore laid waste the country, and dealt with them as
opportunity served. The winds and the waves, however, fought on
England's side, and under stress of weather the army was disbanded and
the enterprise abandoned. The Earl of Arundel, taking advantage of the
situation, attacked the French fleet with great vigour, captured a
hundred and sixty vessels, and proceeding to the Port of Sluys,
destroyed the ships that had taken refuge there, and laid waste the
country for ten leagues round.
The reign of Henry IV. was likewise characterised by abortive invasions
on the part of the French. In 1403-4, La Marche, a young French prince,
made a descent upon Falmouth with a view to helping Owen Glendower, the
leader of the Welsh rebellion; but the attempt was an entire failure. In
the spring of 1405, however, a second French fleet, consisting of a
hundred and twenty sail and carrying large numbers of cavalry, bore down
upon our southern coast. Once more our old allies, the winds and the
waves, did us good service; for most of the horses fell victims to the
rigours of the journey, and no sooner were the ships moored off Milford
Haven than they were attacked by the squadron of the Cinque Ports, which
burnt fifteen ships, captured six transports laden with food and
ammunition, and cut off all supplies at sea. The French were rather more
successful on land, but before the end of the year they were glad of an
excuse for sailing back to France.
But the corporation of the Cinque Ports had practically fulfilled its
purpose, and was now to give way to other organisations better adapted
to the requirements of the times. Even at this early date some of the
ports had begun to suffer from "the sea change," which eventually caused
the majority of them to be deserted by the routes of commerce; and Henry
V., finding that their harbours were no longer capable of building or
sheltering the large ships which were required in his time, determined
to establish a King's Royal Navy. So successful was he, that in his
fleet which invaded France in 1415, and which consisted of one thousand
four hundred vessels, carrying about six thousand men-at-arms and
twenty-four thousand archers, were twenty-seven royal ships, some
perhaps of the size of five hundred tons. After the return of Henry V.
from the Battle of Agincourt, and during the negotiations which were to
settle the relationships of England and France for the future, the Count
of Armagnac, who had succeeded D'Albret, slain at Agincourt, as
Constable of France, determined to attempt the recapture of Harfleur,
held for the king by the Earl of Dorset, and with this view laid siege
to the town by land, and sent the French fleet with a number of Genoese
caracks and Spanish ships hired for the occasion to blockade the port
from the sea. Henry V. in a great rage dispatched his brother, the Duke
of Bedford, to deal with this formidable armament. The Duke assembled
his ships at Rye in August 1416, and on the 14th of the same month
reached the mouth of the Seine, at the head of a fleet said to number
four hundred sail and to carry twenty thousand men. He found the Genoese
galleys so tall that the largest of his ships could not reach to their
upper decks by a spar's length, while the Spanish ships far out-matched
his own for size and for the number of their crews. Notwithstanding the
disparity of the forces the duke determined to attack the enemy on the
following day; and on the morning of August 15th, 1416, taking advantage
of the wind, he engaged the combined fleets with such vigour that he
succeeded in capturing or destroying nearly five hundred ships, his men
clambering up the Genoese galleys like so many squirrels and boarding
them in gallant style. Having destroyed the fleet, the duke joined his
forces with those of the garrison in repelling the attacks on land and
sea, and compelled the Count of Armagnac to raise the siege and retire.
The duke remained long enough to see the town placed in a state of
defence and then returned to England.
In 1417 the Earl of Huntingdon being sent to sea with a strong
squadron, met with the united fleets of France and Genoa, which he
fought and defeated, though they were much superior to his--not only in
number, but in the strength and size of their ships--taking the French
admiral prisoner, and capturing four large Genoese ships, containing a
quarter's pay for the whole navy.
The reign of Henry VI. added but little to the naval glory of England.
In August 1457 a fleet fitted out in Normandy made a descent upon the
coast of Kent and landed nearly two thousand men about two leagues from
Sandwich, with instructions to attack the port by land while the fleet
engaged it from the sea. In this case the English were taken by
surprise, and the town pillaged and burnt, with great loss on both
sides. Other attempts of the kind were also made at other parts of the
coast. In the following year, Warwick, the King Maker, having been made
admiral, caused several squadrons to be put to sea, to the officers of
which he gave such instructions as he thought proper.
On Trinity Sunday, 1458, one of these squadrons fell in with the Spanish
fleet and quickly came to hostilities; with the result that the English
captured six ships laden with iron and other merchandise and destroyed
twenty-six others. A year later Warwick himself put to sea from Calais
with fourteen sail, when he encountered five large ships in the English
Channel, three of which were Genoese and two Spanish, all of them being
richly laden with merchandise. After an engagement which lasted two days
he succeeded in capturing three of these, which were hauled into Calais,
where their cargoes realised £10,000. It is said that in this engagement
Warwick lost fifty men and the enemy nearly a thousand.
Jealous of the successes of Warwick, the French queen of Henry VI. sent
Lord Rivers down to Sandwich to seek the assistance of the Cinque Ports
in depriving the earl of the government of Calais; but when the ships
were almost ready, Warwick sent a squadron under Sir John Dineham, which
captured the whole fleet, carrying away Lord Rivers and Anthony
Woodville, his son, who long remained prisoners in Calais. After this,
one Sir Baldwin Talford undertook to burn the earl's fleet in the haven
of Calais; this, however, proved but a vain vaunt. At last the Duke of
Exeter, who had been made admiral, received information that the Earl of
Warwick had set sail for Ireland, and stood out to sea to intercept him;
the sailors in the king's ships, however, showed so much coldness in the
cause, that it was not judged safe to risk an engagement, and Warwick,
not wishing to destroy the king's fleet, passed by without molesting it.
Later, Warwick, on an invitation from Kent, made a descent upon the
country and encountered Sir Simon de Montfort, then warden of the Cinque
Ports, with his squadron off Sandwich, which he attacked, defeated and
destroyed, Sir Simon being killed in the engagement.
Thenceforward the decline of the Cinque Ports fleet as a fighting force
was sure. It was called out occasionally for the transport of royal
personages and was employed by Henry VII. and Henry VIII. to transport
troops to France; it furnished some of the ships which harassed the
Armada in its passage up the Channel; but that was its final effort. The
King's Navy with difficulty survived the chaos of the reign of Henry
VI., but it never wholly disappeared. The revival of commerce in the
reigns of Edward IV. and Henry VII., both of whom were engaged largely
in mercantile speculations, created additional interest in maritime
affairs; but it was left to Henry VIII. to make the vital change which
firmly established the Royal Navy as an organisation independent of the
merchant service.
THE STORY OF SIR EDWARD HOWARD.
BY JOHN CAMPBELL.
Sir Edward Howard was the second son of Thomas, Earl of Surrey,
afterwards Duke of Norfolk, and treasurer to Henry VIII. He seems to
have begun early in life to testify his inclination for the sea service,
and we find him employed in the Flanders expedition in 1492, when King
Henry VII. thought fit to assist the Duke of Burgundy against his
rebellious subjects.
The Flemings, naturally a brave people and fond of freedom, grew uneasy
under the yoke of the House of Austria, and under the command of the
Baron de Ravenstein began to throw off allegiance. In doing this, they
seized the town and harbour of Sluys, whence they fitted out a number of
vessels of considerable force; and, under colour of pursuing their
enemies, took and plundered vessels of all nations without distinction.
As the English trade with Flanders was then very extensive, English
ships suffered at least as much as any others; and this was the reason
why King Henry, upon the first application of the Duke of Burgundy, sent
a squadron of twelve sail to his assistance under the command of Sir
Edward Poynings, with whom went out Sir Edward Howard, then a very young
man, to learn the art of war. The Duke of Saxony, in consequence of his
alliance with the Duke of Burgundy, marched with an army into Flanders,
and besieged Sluys by land; and Sir Edward Poynings thereupon blockaded
it by sea.
The port was defended by two strong castles, which the Flemings, who had
nothing to trust to but force, defended with unparalleled obstinacy;
insomuch, that though Poynings attacked them constantly every day for
twenty days successively, yet he made no great impression, till at last,
through accident, the bridge of boats, by which the communication
between the castles was preserved, took fire; whereupon the besieged
were glad to surrender their city to the Duke of Saxony, and their port
and castles to the English. After this expedition Sir Edward was made a
knight for extraordinary bravery, of which quality he gave many proofs
during the reign of Henry VII., so thoroughly establishing his
reputation that Henry VIII., on his accession, made choice of him for
his standard-bearer, which in those days was considered not only as a
mark of particular favour, but as a testimony also of the highest
confidence and esteem.
In the fourth year of the same reign he was created lord high-admiral of
England, and in that station convoyed the Marquis of Dorset into Spain.
The admiral, after the landing of the forces, put to sea again; and,
arriving on the coasts of Britanny, landed some of his men about Conquet
and Brest, who ravaged the country and burnt several of the small towns.
This roused the French, who began immediately to fit out a great fleet,
in order, if possible, to drive the English from their coasts; and, as
this armament was very extraordinary, King Henry sent a squadron of
five-and-twenty tall ships, which he caused to be fitted out under his
own eye at Portsmouth, to the assistance of the admiral. Among these
were two capital ships; one called the _Regent_, commanded by Sir Thomas
Knevet, master of the horse to the king; and the other, which was the
_Sovereign_, by Sir Charles Brandon, afterwards Duke of Suffolk. When
these vessels had joined the admiral, his fleet consisted of no less
than forty-five sail, with which he immediately resolved to attack the
enemy, who were by this time ready to come out of the harbour of Brest.
Authors differ much as to their number, though they agree pretty well as
to the name of the admiral, whom they call Primauget; yet it seems they
agree in a mistake, for the historians of Britanny assure us they have
no such name in that province, and that undoubtedly it ought to be
Porsmoguer.
Whatever his name was, or whatever the force of his fleet might have
been (our writers say it consisted of thirty-nine, and the French only
of twenty, sail), he was certainly a very brave man. The ship he
commanded was called the _Cordelier_, and was so large as to be able to
carry twelve hundred fighting men, exclusive of mariners. At this time
there were nine hundred on board; and, encouraged by their gallant
officer, they did their duty bravely. Sir Thomas Knevet, in the
_Regent_, which was a much smaller ship, attacked and boarded the
_Cordelier_, and the action lasted for some time with equal vigour on
both sides. At last, both flag ships took fire and burnt together,
wherein the two commanders and upwards of sixteen hundred valiant men
were lost. It seems this accident struck both fleets with amazement; so
that they separated without fighting, each claiming the victory, to
which probably neither had a very good title.
In the beginning of the next April the admiral put to sea again with a
fleet of forty-two men-of-war, besides small vessels, and forced the
French into the harbour of Brest, where they fortified themselves, in
order to wait the arrival of a squadron of six galleys from the
Mediterranean. Sir Edward Howard, having considered their position,
resolved, since it was impossible to attack them, to burn the country
round about; which he accordingly did, in spite of all the care they
could take to prevent it; and yet the French lay still under the cover
of their fortifications and of a line of twenty-four large hulks lashed
together, which they proposed to have set on fire in case the English
attempted to force them to a battle. While the admiral was thus
employed, he had intelligence that M. Pregent, with the six galleys from
the Mediterranean, had arrived on the coast, and had taken shelter in
the Bay of Conquet. This circumstance induced him to change his plans;
and he now resolved first to destroy the galleys, if possible, and then
to return to the fleet. Upon his advancing to reconnoitre Pregent's
squadron, he found them at anchor between two rocks, on each of which
stood a strong fort; and, what was likely to give him still more
trouble, they lay so far up in the bay that he could bring none of his
ships of force to engage them. The only way open to him now was to put
the bravest of his sailors on board two galleys which were in his fleet,
and with these to venture in and try what might be done against the six.
This being resolved on, he went himself, attended by Sir Thomas Cheyne
and Sir John Wallop, on board one of the galleys, and sent Lord Ferrers,
Sir Henry Sherburn, and Sir William Sidney on board the other; and,
having a brisk gale of wind, sailed directly into the bay, where, with
his own galley, he attacked the French admiral. As soon as they were
grappled, Sir Edward Howard, followed by seventeen of the bravest of his
sailors, boarded the enemy, and were very gallantly received; but it so
happened that, in the midst of the engagement, the galleys sheered
asunder, and the French, taking advantage of this circumstance, forced
the English overboard, except one seaman, from whom they quickly learned
that the English admiral was among the slain. Lord Ferrers, in the other
galley, did all that was possible for a very brave man to do; but,
having spent all his shot, and perceiving, as he thought, the admiral
retire, he likewise made the best of his way out of the harbour.
In Lord Herbert's "Life and Reign of Henry VIII., 1513," there are some
very singular circumstances given relating to this unlucky adventure. He
says that Sir Edward Howard having considered the position of the French
fleet in the haven of Brest, and the consequences which would attend
either defeating or burning it, gave notice thereof to the king,
inviting him to be present at so glorious an action; desiring rather
that the king should have the honour of destroying the French naval
force than himself; a loyal, generous proposition--supposing the honour,
not the danger, too great for a subject, and measuring (no doubt very
justly) his master's courage by his own; the only standard men of his
rank and temper of mind ever use.
But, his letter being laid before the council, they were altogether of
another opinion; conceiving it was much too great a hazard for His
Majesty to expose his person in such an enterprise; and therefore they
wrote sharply to the admiral, commanding him not to send excuses, but to
do his duty. This, as it well might, piqued him to the utmost; and as it
was his avowed maxim that a seaman never did good who was not resolute
to a degree of madness, he took a sudden resolution of acting in the
manner he did. When he found his galley slide away and saw the danger to
which he was exposed, he took his chain of gold nobles which hung about
his neck, and his great gold whistle, the ensign of his office, and
threw them into the sea, to prevent the enemy from possessing the spoils
of an English admiral. Thus fell the great Sir Edward Howard, on April
25th, 1513, a sacrifice to his too quick sense of honour in the service,
and yet to the manifest and acknowledged detriment of his country; for
his death so dejected the spirits of his sailors that the fleet was
obliged to return home.
Sir Edward Howard, we are assured, was very far from being either a mere
soldier or a mere seaman, though so eminent in both characters; but he
was what it became an English gentleman of so high a quality to be--an
able statesman, a faithful counsellor, and a free speaker. He was ready
at all times to hazard his life and fortune in his country's quarrels;
and yet he was against her quarrelling on insufficient occasion or
against her interests. He particularly dissuaded a breach with the
Flemings, for the wise and strong reasons that such a war was
prejudicial to commerce abroad; that it diminished the customs, while it
increased the public expenses; that it served the French, by
constraining the inhabitants of Flanders to deal with them against their
will; and that it tended to the prejudice of our manufactures, by
interrupting our intercourse with those by whom they were principally
improved.
Thus qualified, we need not wonder he attained such high honours, though
he died in the flower of his age. Henry conferred upon him many titles
and other rewards, making him Admiral of England, Wales, Ireland,
Normandy, Gascony, and Aquitaine, for life, and causing him to be
chosen Knight of the Garter; believing that he should thereby command,
as indeed he did, not only the utmost service of Sir Edward, but also
all the force and interest of his potent family; an interest in later
years which he but ill requited. As soon as the news of his unfortunate
death reached the ears of his royal master he was succeeded in his high
office by Sir Thomas Howard, his elder brother.
THE STORY OF SIR THOMAS HOWARD AND SIR ANDREW BARTON.
BY JOHN CAMPBELL.
In the third year of the reign of Henry VIII., Sir Andrew Barton, a
Scots seaman, with two stout vessels--the _Lion_ and the _Jenny
Perwin_--ranged the coasts of England and interrupted all trade and
navigation; his authority being letters of reprisals against the
Portuguese, granted him by James III., late King of Scotland, under
which he did not hesitate to attack and appropriate ships of all
nations, alleging that they had Portuguese goods on board. On complaint
of these grievances being made to the Privy Council of England, the Earl
of Surrey, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, treasurer to Henry VIII. and
father of Sir Edward Howard referred to in the previous story, and of
Sir Thomas Howard, who forms the subject of this sketch, said the narrow
seas should not be so infested while he had estate enough to furnish a
ship and a son capable of commanding it.
Upon this, two ships were immediately fitted out by the brothers,
probably at their own, or at their father's cost; for if they had gone
with the king's commission they would most likely have sailed at the
head of a squadron. Upon an expedition of this kind, however, they
needed no commission, for pirates being _hostes humani generis_, enemies
to mankind in general, every man was at liberty to act against them.
The brothers having been some days at sea, were separated by a storm,
which gave Sir Thomas Howard an opportunity of coming up with Sir Andrew
Barton in the _Lion_, whom he immediately engaged. The fight was long
and doubtful; for Barton, who was an experienced seaman, and who had
under him a determined crew, made a most desperate defence; cheering his
men with a boatswain's whistle to his last breath. On the loss of their
captain, however, they were induced to submit, and were received to
quarter and fair usage. In the meantime, Sir Edward fought and took the
consort of the _Lion_, which was likewise a strong vessel, and
exceedingly well-manned. Both these ships, with as many men as were left
alive, being in number one hundred and fifty, they brought on August
2nd, 1511, into the River Thames, as trophies of their victory.
King James IV., who then governed the Scots, exceedingly resented this
action, and instantly sent ambassadors to Henry to demand satisfaction;
on which the king gave the memorable answer: "That punishing pirates was
never held a breach of peace among princes." King James, however,
remained still dissatisfied; and, from that time to his death was never
thoroughly reconciled to the king or English nation.
Sir Thomas Howard accompanied the Marquis of Dorset in his expedition
against Guienne; which ended in King Ferdinand's conquering Navarre; and
the commander-in-chief falling sick, Sir Thomas succeeded him, and
brought home the remains of the English army. He had scarcely returned,
however, before the news arrived of the death of his brother, Sir Edward
the lord-admiral; whereupon the king instantly appointed him his
successor. The French ships were at that time hovering about the English
coasts; but Sir Thomas quickly scoured the seas, so that not a barque of
that nation durst appear; and, on July 1st, 1513, landing in Whitsand
Bay, he pillaged the country adjacent and burnt a considerable town.
Henry VIII. was at this time engaged in Picardy, and in the absence of
the king and his admiral, James IV. seized the opportunity to invade
England with a mighty army, supposing he should find it without defence.
Thomas, Earl of Surrey, father of the admiral, however, quickly
convinced him of his mistake, marching towards Scotland with a powerful
army, which strengthened as it moved; while Sir Thomas Howard,
returning, on the news of the invasion, landed five thousand veterans,
and made haste to join his father. The Earl of Surrey despatching a
herald to bid the Scots king battle, the lord-admiral sent him word, at
the same time, that he was come in person to answer for the death of Sir
Andrew Barton. This defiance produced the famous battle of Flodden
Field, which was fought on September the 8th, 1513, when Sir Thomas
Howard commanded the van-guard, and, by his courage and conduct,
contributed not a little to the glorious victory in which James IV. of
Scotland fell, with the flower of his army.
King Henry, for this and other services, restored Thomas, Earl of
Surrey, to the title of Norfolk, and created the lord-admiral Earl of
Surrey.
The war being ended with France, the admiral's martial talent lay some
time unemployed; but certain disturbances in Ireland calling for
redress, the active Earl of Surrey was sent thither, with a commission
as lord-deputy, where he suppressed Desmond's rebellion, humbled the
O'Neals and O'Carrols, and, without affecting severity or popularity,
brought all things into good order, leaving, when he quitted the island,
peace and a parliament behind him, and carrying with him the affections
of the people.
The pretence for recalling him was the breaking out again of a French
war. Before it was declared, the French ships of war interrupted
(according to custom) the English trade, so that we suffered as their
enemies, while their ambassadors were treated as our friends. The
lord-admiral, on his arrival, immediately fitted out a small squadron of
clean ships, under a vigilant commander, who soon drove the French
privateers from the sea. In the spring, Sir William Fitz-William, as
vice-admiral, put to sea, with a fleet of twenty-eight men-of-war, to
guard the narrow seas; and it being apprehended that the Scots might add
to the number of the king's enemies by sea as well as by land, a small
squadron of seven frigates sailed up the Firth of Forth, and burned all
such vessels as lay there and were in a condition of going to sea. In
the meantime, the admiral prepared a Royal Navy, with which that of the
Emperor Charles V. (of Spain) was to join; and as it was evident that
many inconveniences might arise from the fleets having several
commanders-in-chief, the Earl of Surrey, by special commission from
Henry VIII., received the emperor's commission to be admiral also of the
united navy, which consisted of one hundred and eighty tall ships.
With the united fleets, the admiral sailed over to the coast of
Normandy, and landed some forces near Cherbourg, wasted and destroyed
the country; after which they returned. This seems to have been a feint;
for, in a few days, the admiral landed again on the coast of Bretagne a
very large body of troops, with which he took and plundered the town of
Morlaix; and having gained an immense booty, and opened a passage for
the English forces into Champagne and Picardy, he first detached Sir
William Fitz-William with a strong squadron to scour the seas and to
protect the merchants, and then returned to Southampton, where the
emperor, Charles V., who had visited England to confer with Henry VIII.
and Cardinal Wolsey, embarked on board his ship, and was safely convoyed
to the port of St. Andero, in Biscay.
The Earl of Surrey succeeded to the office of Lord Treasurer on the
retirement of his father, and on the duke's death was appointed to
command an army against the Scots and employed on various other
commissions of importance.
Towards the close of his reign the king was led to believe that he (now
Duke of Norfolk) and his son, Henry, Earl of Surrey, the most
distinguished poet of his time, were in a plot to seize upon his person,
and to engross the government into their own hands. For these supposed
crimes, he and his son were imprisoned and attainted almost on
suspicion. Henry, Earl of Surrey, lost his head in his father's
presence; nor would the duke have survived him long, if the king had not
died at that critical juncture and thereby opened a door of hope and
liberty. After all these sufferings, he survived King Edward VI. and
died in the first year of Queen Mary, at the age of sixty-six, when his
attainder was repealed, and the act thereof taken from amongst the
records.
THE STORY OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS
AND THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE MADE WITH THE JESUS OF LUBECK, THE
MINION, AND FOUR OTHER SHIPS TO THE PARTS OF GUINEA AND THE WEST
INDIES, IN THE YEARS 1567 AND 1568 BY MASTER JOHN HAWKINS.
Sir John Hawkins was born at Plymouth about the year 1520. He was from
his youth devoted to the study of navigation, and began very early to
carry his knowledge into practice by making voyages to Spain, Portugal
and the Canaries, voyages which were in those days great undertakings.
In 1562 he made his first voyage to Guinea for slaves, and then to
Hispaniola, St. John de Porto Rico, and other Spanish islands, for
sugars, hides, silver, etc. His venture proving financially successful
he made another voyage in 1564 with a like purpose, with the same
success, arriving on his return at Padstow in Cornwall, on September
20th, 1565.
Towards the end of the year 1567, he started on the unfortunate voyage
made with the _Jesus_, the _Minion_ and four other ships to the ports of
Guinea and the West Indies, his own personal account of which is thus
recorded in Hakluyt's "Voyages."
"The ships departed from Plymouth October 2nd, 1567, and had reasonable
weather until the seventh day, at which time, forty leagues north from
Cape Finisterre, there arose an extreme storm which continued four days,
in such sort that the fleet was dispersed and all our great boats lost,
and the _Jesus_, our chief ship, in such case as not thought able to
serve the voyage. Whereupon in the same storm we set our course
homeward, determining to give over the voyage; but the eleventh day of
the same month the wind changed, with fair weather, whereby we were
animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing our course to
the islands of Grand Canaries, where, according to an order before
prescribed, all our ships, before dispersed, met in one of those
islands, called Gomera, where we took water, and departed from thence on
November 4th towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde,
November 18th, where we landed one hundred and fifty men, hoping to
obtain some negroes; where we got but few, and those with great hurt and
damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded from their envenomed arrows;
although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there
hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them but died in strange
sort, with their mouths shut, some ten days before they died, and after
their wounds were whole; where I myself had one of the greatest wounds,
yet, thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the time upon the
coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio Grande
unto Sierra Leone till January 12th, in which time we had not gotten
together a hundred and fifty negroes: yet, notwithstanding, the sickness
of our men and the late time of the year commanded us away: and thus
having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the West Indies, I was
with the rest of our company in consultation to go to the coast of the
Myne, hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby
to have defrayed our charge. But even in that present instant there came
to us a negro sent from a king oppressed by other kings, his neighbours,
desiring our aid, with promise that as many negroes as by these wars
might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our
pleasure. Whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent one hundred and
twenty of our men, which January 15th assaulted a town of the negroes of
our allies' adversaries which had in it eight thousand inhabitants, and
very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner; but it was so well
defended that our men prevailed not, but lost six men, and forty hurt,
so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help; whereupon,
considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly
further the commodity of our voyage, I went myself, and with the help of
the king of our side assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and very
hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves)
obtained the town, and put the inhabitants to flight, where we took two
hundred and fifty persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend
the king of our side there were taken six hundred prisoners, whereof we
hoped to have our choice, but the negro (in which nation is seldom or
never found truth) meant nothing less; for that night he removed his
camp and prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few
which we had gotten ourselves.
"Now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherewith we
thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the West Indies, and
there, for our negroes, and our other merchandise, we hoped to obtain
whereof to countervail our charges with some gains, whereunto we
proceeded with all diligence, finished our watering, took fuel, and
departed the coast of Guinea, on February 3rd, continuing at the sea
with a passage more hard than before hath been accustomed till March
27th, which day we had sight of an island called Dominique, upon the
coast of the West Indies, in fourteen degrees; from thence we coasted
from place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards as we might,
somewhat hardy, because the king had straightly commanded all his
governors in those parts by no means to suffer any trade to be made with
us; notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment
from the Isle of Marguerite and Cartagena, without anything greatly
worth the noting, saving at Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la
Hacha, from whence come all the pearls. The treasurer who had the charge
there would by no means agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water.
He had fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it
might be entered, and furnished himself with a hundred harquebusiers, so
that he thought by famine to have enforced us to have put on land our
negroes, of which purpose he had not greatly failed unless we had by
force entered the town; which (after we could by no means obtain his
favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men brake in
upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with the loss only of eleven
men of our parts, and no hurt done to the Spaniards, because after their
volley of shot discharged, they all fled.
"Thus having the town, with some circumstance, as partly by the
Spaniards' desire of negroes, and partly by friendship of the treasurer,
we obtained a secret trade; whereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by
night, and bought of us to the number of two hundred negroes; in all
other places where we traded the Spaniard inhabitants were glad of us,
and traded willingly.
"At Cartagena, the last town we thought to have seen on the coast, we
could by no means obtain to deal with any Spaniard, the governor was so
straight, and because our trade was so near finished, we thought not
good either to adventure any landing or to detract further time, but in
peace departed from thence on July 24th, hoping to have escaped the time
of their storms, which then soon after began to reign, the which they
call _Furicanos_; but passing by the west end of Cuba, towards the coast
of Florida, there happened to us, on August 12th, an extreme storm,
which continued by the space of four days, which so beat the _Jesus_,
that we cut down all her higher buildings; her rudder also was sore
shaken, and, withal, was in so extreme a leak, that we were rather upon
the point to leave her than to keep her any longer; yet, hoping to bring
all to good pass, sought the coast of Florida, where we found no place
nor haven for our ships because of the shallowness of the coast. Thus,
being in greater despair, and taken with a new storm, which continued
other three days, we were enforced to take for our succour the port
which serveth the city of Mexico, called St. John de Ullua, which
standeth in nineteen degrees, in seeking of which port we took in our
way three ships, which carried passengers to the number of one hundred,
which passengers we hoped should be a means to us the better to obtain
victuals for our money and a quiet place for the repairing of our fleet.
Shortly after this, on September 16th, we entered the port of St. John
de Ullua, and on our entry, the Spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of
Spain, the chief officers of the country came aboard us, which, being
deceived of their expectation, were greatly dismayed, but immediately,
when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted. I
found also in the same port, twelve ships, which had in them, by the
report, 200,000 livres in gold and silver, all which (being in my
possession with the King's Island, as also the passengers before in my
way thitherward stayed) I set at liberty, without the taking from them
the weight of a groat; only, because I would not be delayed of my
despatch, I stayed two men of estimation, and sent post immediately to
Mexico, which was two hundred miles from us, to the presidents and
council there, showing them of our arrival there by the force of
weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals,
which wants we required, as friends to King Philip, to be furnished of
for our money, and that the presidents in council there should, with all
convenient speed, take order that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet,
which was daily looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between
us and them, but, for the better maintenance of amity, their commandment
might be had in that behalf. This message being sent away on September
16th, at night, being the very day of our arrival, in the next morning,
which was the sixteenth day of the same month, we saw open of the haven
thirteen great ships, and understanding them to be the fleet of Spain, I
sent immediately to advertise the general of the fleet of my being
there, giving him to understand that, before I would suffer them to
enter the port, there should be some order of conditions pass between us
for our safe being there and maintenance of peace. Now, it is to be
understood that this port is a little island of stones, not three feet
above the water in the highest place, and but a bow-shot of length any
way. This island standeth from the mainland two bow-shots or more. Also
it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other
place for ships to arrive in safety, because the north wind hath there
such violence, that, unless the ships be very safely moored, with their
anchors fastened upon this island, there is no remedy for these north
winds but death; also, the place of the haven was so little, that of
necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, so that we could not
give place to them nor they to us; and here I began to bewail the which
after followed: 'For now,' said I, 'I am in two dangers, and forced to
receive the one of them.' That was, either I must have kept out the
fleet from entering the port (the which, with God's help, I was very
well able to do), or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed
treason, which they never fail to execute where they may have
opportunity, or circumvent it by any means. If I had kept them out, then
had there been present shipwreck of all the fleet, which, amounted in
value to six millions, which was in value of our money 1,800,000 livres,
which I considered I was not able to answer, fearing the Queen's
Majesty's indignation in so weighty a matter. Thus with myself revolving
the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty
than the certainty. The uncertain doubt was their treason, which by good
policy I hoped might be prevented; and therefore, as choosing the least
mischief, I proceeded to conditions. Now was our first messenger come
and returned from the fleet with report of the arrival of a viceroy, so
that he had authority, both in all this province of Mexico (otherwise
called Nova Hispania) and in the sea, who sent us word that we should
send our conditions, which of his part should (for the better
maintenance of amity between the princes) be both favourably granted and
faithfully performed, with many fair words how, passing the coast of the
Indies, he had understood of our honest behaviour towards the
inhabitants, where we had to do as well elsewhere as in the same port;
the which I let pass, thus following our demand. We required victual for
our money, and license to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants,
and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostage for
the maintenance of peace, and that the island, for our better safety,
might be in our own possession during our abode there, and such ordnance
as was planted in the same island, which was eleven pieces of brass, and
that no Spaniard might land in the island with any kind of weapon.
"These conditions at the first he somewhat misliked--chiefly the guard
of the island to be in our own keeping, which, if they had had, we had
soon known our fate; for with the first north wind they had cut our
cables, and our ships had gone ashore; but in the end he concluded to
our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, which with all speed
on either part were received, with a writing from the viceroy, signed
with his hand and sealed with his seal, of all the conditions concluded,
and forthwith a trumpet blown, with commandment that none of either part
should inviolate the peace upon pain of death; and, further, it was
concluded that the two generals of the fleet should meet, and give faith
each to other for the performance of the promises, which was so done.
"Thus, at the end of three days, all was concluded, and the fleet
entered the port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth
require. Thus, as I said before, Thursday we entered the port, Friday we
saw the fleet, and on Monday, at night, they entered the port; then we
laboured two days, placing the English ships by themselves and the
Spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part, and inferior men
of their parts, promising great amity of all sides; which, even as with
all fidelity was meant of our part, though the Spanish meant nothing
less of their parts, but from the mainland had furnished themselves with
a supply of men to the number of one thousand, and meant the next
Thursday, being September 23rd, at dinner-time, to set upon us of all
sides. The same Thursday, the treason being at hand, some appearance
showed, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, planting and bending
of ordnance from the ship to the island where our men were, passing to
and fro of companies of men more than required for their necessary
business, and many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a
vehement suspicion, and therewithal sent to the viceroy to inquire what
was meant by it, which sent immediately straight commandment to unplant
all things suspicious, and also sent word that he, in the faith of a
viceroy, would be our defence from all villainies. Yet we, not being
satisfied with this answer, because we suspected a great number of men
to be hid in a great ship of nine hundred tons, which was moored next
unto the _Minion_, sent again unto the viceroy the master of the
_Jesus_, which had the Spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied if
any such thing were or not; on which the viceroy, seeing that the
treason must be discovered, forthwith stayed our master, blew the
trumpet, and of all sides set upon us. Our men which were on guard
ashore, being stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to
recover succour of the ships; the Spaniards, being before provided for
the purpose, landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, which
they could easily do without boats, and slew all our men ashore without
mercy, a few of them escaping aboard the _Jesus_. The great ship which
had, by the estimation, three hundred men placed in her secretly,
immediately fell aboard the _Minion_, which, by God's appointment, in
the time of the suspicion we had, which was only one half-hour, the
_Minion_ was made ready to avoid, and so, loosing her headfasts, and
hailing away by the sternfasts, she was gotten out; thus, with God's
help, she defended the violence of the first brunt of these three
hundred men. The _Minion_ being passed out, they came aboard the
_Jesus_, which also, with very much ado and the loss of many of our men,
were defended and kept out. Then were there also two other ships that
assaulted the _Jesus_ at the same instant, so that she had hard work
getting loose; but yet, with some time, we had cut our headfasts, and
gotten out by the sternfasts. Now, when the _Jesus_ and the _Minion_
were gotten two ship-lengths from the Spanish fleet, the fight began hot
on all sides, so that within one hour the admiral of the Spaniards was
supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burned, and one other of their
principal ships supposed to be sunk, so that the ships were little to
annoy us.
"Then is it to be understood that all the ordnance upon the island was
in the Spaniards' hands, which did us so great annoyance that it cut all
the masts and yards of the _Jesus_ in such sort, that there was no hope
to carry her away; also it sank our small ships, whereupon we determined
to place the _Jesus_ on that side of the _Minion_, that she might abide
all the battery from the land, and so be a defence for the _Minion_ till
night, and then to take such relief of victual and other necessaries
from the _Jesus_ as the time would suffer us, and to leave her. As we
were thus determining, and had placed the _Minion_ from the shot of the
land, suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great ships which were coming
directly to us, and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our
men a marvellous fear, so that some said, 'Let us depart with the
_Minion_;' others said, 'Let us see whether the wind will carry the fire
from us.' But to be short, the _Minion's_ men, which had always their
sails in readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without either
consent of the captain or master, cut their sail, so that very hardly I
was received into the _Minion_.
"The most part of the men that were left alive in the _Jesus_ made shift
and followed the _Minion_ in a small boat, the rest, which the little
boat was not able to receive, were enforced to abide the mercy of the
Spaniards (which I doubt was very little); so with the _Minion_ only,
and the _Judith_ (a small barque of fifty tons) we escaped, which barque
the same night forsook us in our great misery. We were now removed with
the _Minion_ from the Spanish ships two bow-shots, and there rode all
that night. The next morning we recovered an island a mile from the
Spaniards, where there took us a north wind, and being left only with
two anchors and two cables (for in this conflict we lost three cables
and two anchors), we thought always upon death, which ever was present;
but God preserved us to a longer time.
"The weather waxed reasonable, and the Saturday we set sail, and having
a great number of men and little victual, our hope of life waxed less
and less. Some desired to yield to the Spaniards, some rather desired
to obtain a place where they might give themselves to the infidels; and
some had rather abide, with a little pittance, the mercy of God at sea.
So thus, with many sorrowful hearts, we wandered in an unknown sea by
the space of fourteen days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land;
for hides were thought very good meat; rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none
escaped that might be gotten; parrots and monkeys that were had in great
prize, were thought there very profitable if they served the turn of one
dinner. Thus in the end, on October 8th, we came to the land in the
bottom of the same bay of Mexico, in twenty-three degrees and a half,
where we hoped to have found habitations of the Spaniards, relief of
victuals, and place for the repair of our ship, which was so sore beaten
with shot from our enemies, and bruised with shooting of our own
ordnance, that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and
keep out the water. But all things happened to the contrary, for we
found neither people, victual, nor haven of relief, but a place where,
having fair weather, with some peril we might land a boat. Our people,
being forced with hunger, desired to be set aland, whereunto I
concluded.
"And such as were willing to land I put apart, and such as were desirous
to go homewards I put apart, so that they were indifferently parted, a
hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side. These hundred men
were set on land with all diligence, in this little place aforesaid,
which being landed, we determined there to refresh our water, and so
with our little remain of victuals to take the sea.
"The next day, having on land with me fifty of our hundred men that
remained, for the speedier preparing of our water aboard, there arose an
extreme storm, so that in three days we could by no means repair our
ships. The ship also was in such peril that every hour we looked for
shipwreck.
"But yet God again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather. We got aboard
our water, and departed October 16th, after which day we had fair and
prosperous weather till November 16th, which day, God be praised, we
were clear from the coast of the Indians and out of the channel and
gulf of Bahama, which is between the Cape of Florida and the Islands of
Cuba. After this, growing near to the cold country, our men, being
oppressed with famine, died continually, and they that were left grew
into such weakness that we were scarcely able to manoeuvre our ship; and
the wind being always ill for us to recover England, determined to go to
Galicia, in Spain, with intent there to relieve our company and other
extreme wants. And being arrived the last day of December, in a place
near unto Vigo, called Pontevedra, our men, with excess of fresh meat,
grew into miserable diseases, and died a great part of them. This matter
was borne out as long as it might be, but in the end, although there was
none of our men suffered to go on land, yet by access of the Spaniards
our feebleness was known to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seek by
all means to betray us; but with all speed possible we departed to Vigo,
where we had some help of certain English ships, and twelve fresh men,
wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing January 20th,
1568, arrived in Mounts Bay in Cornwall the 25th of the same month,
praised be God therefore."
If all the misery and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage
should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful
man with his pen, and as great time as he had that wrote the "Lives and
Deaths of the Martyrs."
Sir John Hawkins rendered great service under Lord Howard in 1588,
against the Spanish Armada, acting as rear admiral on board H.M.S.
_Victory_, where we are told he had as large a share of the danger and
honour of the day as any man in the fleet; for which he deservedly
received the honour of knighthood, and was particularly commended by
Queen Elizabeth. In 1590 he was sent, in conjunction with Sir Martin
Frobisher--each having a squadron of men-of-war--to infest the coast of
Spain, where they met with many adventures but not much success. Later,
a proposition was made to the queen by Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis
Drake, to fit out an expedition for the West Indies to harry the
Spaniards, a proposition which they backed with an offer to bear the
greater part of the expense themselves. The queen favoured the design,
and the two ablest seamen of the time sailed from Plymouth on August
28th, 1595, with a squadron of twenty-seven ships and barques, and a
force of two thousand five hundred men. Divided counsels seem to have
interfered with the success of this expedition, Sir John and Sir Francis
not agreeing as to the course to be pursued. A few days before their
departure they received notice from the queen that the Plate fleet had
safely arrived in Spain, with the exception of a single galleon, which,
having lost a mast, had been obliged to return to Porto Rico; the
capture of which she recommended to them as practical without
interfering with the general design of the expedition. Sir John was for
immediately executing the queen's commands, but Sir Francis inclined
first to go to the Canaries, in which he prevailed over his friend and
colleague, but not over his enemies. In the meantime the Spaniards had
sent five stout frigates to bring away the damaged galleon from Porto
Rico, which convoy, falling in with the _Francis_, the sternmost of Sir
John's ships, captured her before she could receive assistance from the
admiral. This is said to have so affected the veteran Sir John, that he
died on November 21st, 1595, soon after his vessel had sighted the
island of Porto Rico.
"Sir John Hawkins," says Dr. Campbell, "was the author of more useful
inventions, and introduced into the navy better regulations than any
officer who had borne command therein before his time. One instance of
this was the institution of that noble fund the _Chest of Chatham_,
which was the humane and wise contrivance of this gentleman and Sir
Francis Drake, and their scheme that seamen, safe and successful,
should, by a voluntary deduction from their pay, give relief to the
wants, and reward to those who are maimed in the service of their
country, was approved by the queen, and has been adopted by posterity."
THE WORTHY ENTERPRISE OF JOHN FOX,
AN ENGLISHMAN, IN DELIVERING TWO HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SIX CHRISTIANS
OUT OF THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TURKS AT ALEXANDRIA, THE 3RD OF
JANUARY, 1577. BY RICHARD HAKLUYT.
Richard Hakluyt was born at Eyton in Herefordshire in 1553, and was
educated at Westminster School and Christ Church, Oxford, where he
graduated B.A. in 1574, and M.A. in 1577, and lectured publicly upon
geography, showing "both the old imperfectly composed, and the new
lately reformed maps, globes, spheres, and other instruments of this
art."
In 1582 Hakluyt published his "Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of
America and the Lands adjacent unto the same, made first of all by our
Englishmen, and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Bretons; and certain
Notes of Advertisements for Observations, necessary for such as shall
hereafter make the like attempt." In 1583, having taken orders, he went
to Paris as chaplain to the English ambassador, Sir Edward Stafford,
returning to England for a short time in 1584, when he laid before the
queen a paper entitled "A particular Discourse concerning Western
Discoveries, written in the year 1584 by Richard Hakluyt, of Oxford, at
the request and direction of the right worshipful Mr. Walter Raleigh,
before the coming home of his two barks."
In 1587 he translated and published in London "A Notable History
containing Four Voyages made by certain French Captains into Florida."
In 1589 he published "The Principal Navigations, Voyages and
Discoveries of the English Nation"--a work developed into three volumes
folio, published in the years 1598, 1599, and 1600 as "The Principal
Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English Nation."
Hakluyt became Archdeacon of Westminster in 1603, and died in 1616. He
was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Four stories from Hakluyt's voyages appear in this book. "The
Troublesome Voyage of the _Jesus_," which is included with "The Story of
Sir John Hawkins," p. 43; "The Voyage made to Tripolis in Barbary," p.
79; "A True Report of a Worthy Fight," p. 91; and "The Worthy Enterprise
of John Fox" which here follows.
"Among our merchants here in England, it is a common voyage to traffic
to Spain; whereunto a ship called the _Three Half Moons_, manned with
eight and thirty men, well fenced with munitions, the better to
encounter their enemies withal, and having wind and tide, set from
Portsmouth 1563, and bended her journey towards Seville, a city in
Spain, intending there to traffic with them. And falling near the
Straits, they perceived themselves to be beset round about with eight
galleys of the Turks, in such wise that there was no way for them to fly
or escape away, but that either they must yield or else be sunk, which
the owner perceiving, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them
valiantly to show their manhood, showing them that God was their God,
and not their enemies', requesting them also not to faint in seeing such
a heap of their enemies ready to devour them; putting them in mind also,
that if it were God's pleasure to give them into their enemies' hands,
it was not they that ought to show one displeasant look or countenance
there against; but to take it patiently, and not to prescribe a day and
time for their deliverance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put
themselves under His mercy. And again, if it were His mind and good will
to show His mighty power by them, if their enemies were ten times so
many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them,
likewise, in mind of the old and ancient worthiness of their countrymen,
who in the hardest extremities have always most prevailed, and gone
away conquerors; yea, and where it hath been almost impossible. 'Such,'
quoth he, 'hath been the valiantness of our countrymen, and such hath
been the mighty power of our God.'
"With such other like encouragements, exhorting them to behave
themselves manfully, they fell all on their knees, making their prayers
briefly unto God; who, being all risen up again, perceived their
enemies, by their signs and defiances, bent to the spoil, whose mercy
was nothing else but cruelty; whereupon every man took him to his
weapon.
"Then stood up one Grove, the master, being a comely man, with his sword
and target, holding them up in defiance against his enemies. So likewise
stood up the owner, the master's mate, boatswain, purser, and every man
well appointed. Now likewise sounded up the drums, trumpets and flutes,
which would have encouraged any man, had he never so little heart or
courage in him.
"Then taketh him to his charge John Fox, the gunner, in the disposing of
his pieces, in order to the best effect, and, sending his bullets
towards the Turks, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrice as fast
towards the Christians. But shortly they drew near, so that the bowman
fell to their charge in sending forth their arrows so thick amongst the
galleys, and also in doubling their shot so sore upon the galleys, that
there were twice as many of the Turks slain as the number of the
Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged twice as fast against
the Christians, and so long, that the ship was very sore stricken and
bruised under water; which the Turks, perceiving, made the more haste to
come aboard the ship: which, ere they could do, many a Turk bought it
dearly with the loss of their lives. Yet was all in vain, boarded they
were, where they found so hot a skirmish, that it had been better they
had not meddled with the feast; for the Englishmen showed themselves men
indeed in working manfully with their brown bills and halberds, where
the owner, master, boatswain and their company stood to it so lustily,
that the Turks were half dismayed. But chiefly the boatswain showed
himself valiant above the rest, for he fared amongst the Turks like a
wood lion; for there was none of them that either could or durst stand
in his face, till at last there came a shot from the Turks which brake
his whistle asunder, and smote him on the breast, so that he fell down,
bidding them farewell, and to be of good comfort, encouraging them,
likewise, to win praise by death, rather than to live captives in misery
and shame, which they, hearing, indeed, intended to have done, as it
appeared by their skirmish; but the press and store of the Turks were so
great, that they were not long able to endure, but were so overpressed
that they could not wield their weapons, by reason whereof they must
needs be taken, which none of them intended to have been, but rather to
have died, except only the master's mate, who shrunk from the skirmish,
like a notable coward, esteeming neither the value of his name, nor
accounting of the present example of his fellows, nor having respect to
the miseries whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that
the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to rejoice or
triumph. Then would it have grieved any hard heart to see these infidels
so violently entreating the Christians, not having any respect of their
manhood, which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their own state,
how they might have met with such a booty as might have given them the
overthrow; but no remorse hereof, or anything else doth bridle their
fierce and tyrannous dealing, but the Christians must needs to the
galleys, to serve in new officer; and they were no sooner in them, but
their garments were pulled over their ears and torn from their backs,
and they set to the oars.
"I will make no mention of their miseries, being now under their
enemies' raging stripes. I think there is no man will judge their fare
good, or their bodies unloaden of stripes, and not pestered with too
much heat, and also with too much cold; but I will go to my purpose,
which is to show the end of those being in mere misery, which
continually do call on God with a steadfast hope that He will deliver
them, and with a sure faith that He can do it.
"Nigh to the city of Alexandria, being a haven town, and under the
dominion of the Turks, there is a road, being made very fencible with
strong walls, whereinto the Turks do customably bring their galleys on
shore every year, in the winter season, and there do trim them, and lay
them up against the spring-time; in which road there is a prison,
wherein the captives and such prisoners as serve in the galleys are put
for all that time, until the seas be calm and passable for the galleys;
every prisoner being most grievously laden with irons on their legs, to
their great pain and sore disabling of them to any labour; into which
prison were these Christians put and fast warded all the winter season.
But ere it was long, the master and the owner, by means of friends, were
redeemed, the rest abiding still in the misery, while that they were
all, through reason of their ill-usage and worse fare, miserably
starved, saving one John Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more
misery than other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and
work more duties to help their state and living, than other some can do)
being somewhat skilful in the craft of a barber, by reason thereof made
great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meal. Insomuch,
till at the last God sent him favour in the sight of the keeper of the
prison, so that he had leave to go in and out to the road at his
pleasure, paying a certain stipend unto the keeper, and wearing a lock
about his leg, which liberty likewise five more had upon like
sufferance, who, by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared
or suspected to start aside, or that they would work the Turks any
mischief, had liberty to go in and out at the said road, in such manner
as this John Fox did, with irons on their legs, and to return again at
night.
"In the year of our Lord 1577, in the winter season, the galleys happily
coming to their accustomed harbourage, and being discharged of all their
masts, sails, and other such furnitures as unto galleys do appertain,
and all the masters and mariners of them being then nested in their own
homes, there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred three
score and eight Christian prisoners who had been taken by the Turks'
force, and were of fifteen sundry nations. Among which there were three
Englishmen, whereof one was named John Fox, of Woodbridge, in Suffolk,
the other William Wickney, of Portsmouth, in the county of Southampton,
and the third Robert Moore, of Harwich, in the county of Essex; which
John Fox, having been thirteen or fourteen years under their gentle
entreatance, and being too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed
with himself by what means it might be brought to pass, and continually
pondering with himself thereof, took a good heart unto him, in the hope
that God would not be always scourging His children, and never ceasing
to pray Him to further His intended enterprise, if that it should
redound to His glory.
"Not far from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the
city, there was a certain victualling house, which one Peter Vuticaro
had hired, paying also a certain fee unto the keeper of the road. This
Peter Vuticaro was a Spaniard born, and a Christian, and had been
prisoner above thirty years, and never practised any means to escape,
but kept himself quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracy, until
that now this John Fox using much thither, they brake one to another
their minds, concerning the restraint of their liberty and imprisonment.
So that this John Fox, at length opening unto this Vuticaro the device
which he would fain put in practice, made privy one more to this their
intent; which three debated of this matter at such times as they could
compass to meet together; insomuch that, at seven weeks' end they had
sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to
further them thereto; who, making five more privy to this their device,
whom they thought that they might safely trust, determined in three
nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same
John Fox and Peter Vuticaro, and the other five appointed to meet all
together in the prison the next day, being the last day of December,
where this John Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their
intent and device was, and how and when they minded to bring that
purpose to pass, who thereunto persuaded them without much ado to
further their device; which, the same John Fox seeing, delivered unto
them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose by
the means of Peter Vuticaro, charging them that every man should be
ready, discharged of his irons, by eight of the clock on the next day at
night.
"On the next day at night, the said John Fox, and his five other
companions, being all come to the house of Peter Vuticaro, passing the
time away in mirth for fear of suspect till the night came on, so that
it was time for them to put in practice their device, sent Peter
Vuticaro to the master of the road, in the name of one of the masters of
the city, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose request he
also would come at the first; who desired him to take the pains to meet
him there, promising him that he would bring him back again. The keeper
agreed to go with him, asking the warders not to bar the gate, saying
that he would not stay long, but would come again with all speed.
"In the mean-season, the other seven had provided them of such weapons
as they could get in that house, and John Fox took him to an old rusty
sword-blade without either hilt or pommel, which he made to serve his
turn in bending the hand end of the sword instead of a pommel; and the
other had got such spits and glaves as they found in the house.
"The keeper being now come unto the house, and perceiving no light nor
hearing any noise, straightway suspected the matter; and returning
backward, John Fox, standing behind the corner of the house, stepped
forth unto him; who, perceiving it to be John Fox, said, 'O Fox, what
have I deserved of thee that thou shouldest seek my death?' 'Thou,
villain,' quoth Fox, 'hast been a bloodsucker of many a Christian's
blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserved at my hands,'
wherewith he lift up his bright shining sword of ten years' rust, and
stroke him so main a blow, as therewithal his head clave asunder so that
he fell stark dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter Vuticaro went in and
certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper, and they came
presently forth, and some with their spits ran him through, and the
other with their glaves hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and
mangled him so that no man should discern what he was.
"Then marched they toward the road, whereinto they entered softly, where
were five warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? Quoth
Fox and his company, 'All friends.' Which when they were all within
proved contrary; for, quoth Fox, 'My masters, here is not to every man a
man, wherefore look you, play your parts.' Who so behaved themselves
indeed, that they had despatched these five quickly. Then John Fox,
intending not to be barren of his enterprise, and minding to work surely
in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a
cannon against it.
"Then entered they into the gaoler's lodge, where they found the keys of
the fortress and prison by his bedside, and there got they all better
weapons. In this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure, and
all in ducats, which this Peter Vuticaro and two more opening, stuffed
themselves so full as they could between their shirts and their skin;
which John Fox would not once touch, and said, 'that it was his and
their liberty which he fought for, to the honour of his God, and not to
make a mart of the wicked treasure of the infidels.' Yet did these words
sink nothing unto their stomachs; they did it for a good intent. So did
Saul save the fattest oxen to offer unto the Lord, and they to serve
their own turn. But neither did Saul escape the wrath of God therefore,
neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst
after. Such is God's justice. He that they put their trust in to deliver
them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he, I say, could supply
their want of necessaries.
"Now these eight, being armed with such weapons as they thought well of,
thinking themselves sufficient champions to encounter a stronger enemy,
and coming unto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doors thereof, and
called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming up the
gate, some to the dressing up of a certain galley which was the best in
all the road, and was called _The Captain of Alexandria_, whereinto some
carried masts, sails, oars, and other such furniture as doth belong unto
a galley.
"At the prison were certain warders whom John Fox and his company slew,
in the killing of whom there were eight more of the Turks which
perceived them, and got them to the top of the prison, unto whom John
Fox and his company were fain to come by ladders, where they found a hot
skirmish, for some of them were there slain, some wounded, and some but
scarred and not hurt. As John Fox was thrice shot through his apparel,
and not hurt, Peter Vuticaro and the other two, that had armed them with
the ducats, were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so
pestered with the weight and uneasy carrying of the wicked and profane
treasure; and also divers Christians were as well hurt about that
skirmish as Turks slain.
"Amongst the Turks was one thrust through, who (let us not say that it
was ill-fortune) fell off from the top of the prison wall, and made such
a groaning that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there stood a
house or two) came and questioned him, so that they understood the case,
how that the prisoners were paying their ransoms; wherewith they raised
both Alexandria, which lay on the west side of the road, and a castle
which was at the city's end next to the road, and also another fortress
which lay on the north side of the road, so that now they had no way to
escape but one, which by man's reason (the two holds lying so upon the
mouth of the road) might seem impossible to be a way for them. So was
the Red Sea impossible for the Israelites to pass through, the hills and
rocks lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed them on the
other. So was it impossible that the walls of Jericho should fall down,
being neither undermined nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any
man's wisdom, policy, or help, set or put thereunto. Such
impossibilities can our God make possible. He that held the lion's jaws
from rending Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him to his
hurt, cannot He hold the roaring cannons of this hellish force? He that
kept the fire's rage in the hot burning oven from the three children
that praised His name, cannot He keep the fire's flaming blasts from
among His elect?
"Now is the road fraught with lusty soldiers, labourers, and mariners,
who are fain to stand to their tackling, in setting to every man his
hand, some to the carrying in of victuals, some munitions, some oars,
and some one thing some another, but most are keeping their enemy from
the wall of the road. But to be short, there was no time mis-spent, no
man idle, nor any man's labour ill-bestowed or in vain. So that in short
time this galley was ready trimmed up. Whereinto every man leaped in all
haste, hoisting up the sails lustily, yielding themselves to His mercy
and grace, in Whose hands is both wind and weather.
"Now is this galley afloat, and out of the shelter of the road; now have
the two castles full power upon the galley; now is there no remedy but
to sink. How can it be avoided? The cannons let fly from both sides, and
the galley is even in the middest and between them both. What man can
devise to save it? There is no man but would think it must needs be
sunk.
"There was not one of them that feared the shot which went thundering
round about their ears, nor yet were once scarred or touched with five
and forty shot which came from the castles. Here did God hold forth His
buckler, He shieldeth now this galley, and hath tried their faith to the
uttermost. Now cometh His special help; yea, even when man thinks them
past all help, then cometh He Himself down from Heaven with His mighty
power, then is His present remedy most ready. For they sail away, being
not once touched by the glance of a shot, and are quickly out of the
Turkish cannons' reach. Then might they see them coming down by heaps to
the water's side, in companies like unto swarms of bees, making show to
come after them with galleys, bustling themselves to dress up the
galleys, which would be a swift piece of work for them to do, for that
they had neither oars, masts, sails, nor anything else ready in any
galley. But yet they are carrying into them, some into one galley, and
some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without
any certain guide, it were a thing impossible to overtake the
Christians; beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a
galley, the weather was so rough, and there was such an amazedness
amongst them. And verily, I think their god was amazed thereat; it could
not be but that he must blush for shame, he can speak never a word for
dulness, much less can he help them in such an extremity. Well,
howsoever it is, he is very much to blame to suffer them to receive such
a gibe. But howsoever their god behaved himself, our God showed Himself
a God indeed, and that He was the only living God; for the seas were
swift under His faithful, which made the enemies aghast to behold them;
a skilfuller pilot leads them, and their mariners bestir them lustily;
but the Turks had neither mariners, pilot, nor any skilful master, that
was in readiness at this pinch.
"When the Christians were safe out of the enemy's coast, John Fox called
to them all, telling them to be thankful unto Almighty God for their
delivery, and most humbly to fall down upon their knees, beseeching Him
to aid them to their friends' land, and not to bring them into another
danger, since He had most mightily delivered them from so great a
thraldom and bondage.
"Thus when every man had made his petition, they fell straightway to
their labour with the oars, in helping one another when they were
wearied, and with great labour striving to come to some Christian land,
as near as they could guess by the stars. But the winds were so
contrary, one while driving them this way, another while that way, so
that they were now in a new maze, thinking that God had forsaken them
and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as there were no
victuals now left in the galley, it might have been a cause to them (if
they had been the Israelites) to have murmured against their God; but
they knew how that their God, who had delivered Egypt, was such a loving
and merciful God, as that He would not suffer them to be confounded in
whom He had wrought so great a wonder, but what calamity soever they
sustained, they knew it was but for their further trial, and also (in
putting them in mind of their further misery) to cause them not to
triumph and glory in themselves therefor. Having, I say, no victuals in
the galley, it might seem one misery continually to fall upon another's
neck; but to be brief the famine grew to be so great that in
twenty-eight days, wherein they were on the sea, there died eight
persons, to the astonishment of all the rest.
"So it fell out that upon the twenty-ninth day after they set from
Alexandria, they fell on the Isle of Candia, and landed at Gallipoli,
where they were made much of by the abbot and monks there, who caused
them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased. They kept
there the sword wherewith John Fox had killed the keeper, esteeming it
as a most precious relic, and hung it up for a monument.
"When they thought good, having leave to depart from thence, they sailed
along the coast till they arrived at Tarento, where they sold their
galley, and divided it, every man having a part thereof. And then they
came afoot to Naples, where they departed asunder, every man taking him
to his next way home. From whence John Fox took his journey unto Rome,
where he was well entertained by an Englishman who presented his worthy
deed unto the pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gave him letters
unto the King of Spain, where he was very well entertained of him there,
who for this his most worthy enterprise gave him in fee twenty pence a
day. From whence, being desirous to come into his own country, he came
thither at such time as he conveniently could, which was in the year of
our Lord God 1579; who being come into England went unto the court, and
showed all his travel unto the council, who considering of the state of
this man, in that he had spent and lost a great part of his youth in
thraldom and bondage, extended to him their liberality to help to
maintain him now in age, to their right honour and to the encouragement
of all true-hearted Christians."
[Illustration: THE BATTLE OFF DOVER. (_See page 25._)]
THE STORY OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.
BY JOHN CAMPBELL.
Francis Drake is said to have been born at Crowndale, near Tavistock,
about the year 1540. Both his birth and his parentage are involved in
obscurity; but it is probable that he was born of good family in reduced
circumstances, for he was declared by the King of Arms in 1551 to have
the right "by just descent and progeniture of birth" to bear the arms of
the Drakes of Ash; while it is clear that he began life in a humble
capacity. According to Camden, he was apprenticed at an early age to the
master of a small coasting vessel, who, dying without issue, left the
barque to him. We find also that at the age of eighteen he was purser on
board a ship trading to Biscay, and at twenty he made a voyage to
Guinea. At twenty-two he had the honour to be appointed captain of the
_Judith_, in the harbour of St. John de Ullua, in the Gulf of Mexico,
where he behaved most gallantly in the glorious action, fought there
under his kinsman, Sir John Hawkins, described in the story of Sir John
Hawkins, and afterwards returned with him into England with a great
reputation, but not worth a single groat.
Upon this he conceived a design of making reprisals on the King of
Spain, which, some say, was put into his head by the minister of his
ship; and, to be sure, in sea-divinity, the case was clear; the King of
Spain's subjects had undone Mr. Drake, and therefore Mr. Drake was at
liberty to take the best satisfaction he could on the subjects of the
King of Spain. This doctrine, how rudely soever preached, was very
taking in England; and therefore he no sooner published his design than
he had numbers of volunteers ready to accompany him, though they had no
such pretence even as he had to colour their proceedings. In 1570 he
made his first expedition with two ships, the _Dragon_ and the _Swan_,
and the next year in the _Swan_ alone, wherein he returned safe, with
competent advantages, if not rich; and, having now means sufficient to
perform greater matters, as well as skill to conduct them, he laid the
plan of a more important design with respect to himself and to his
enemies.
This he put in execution on May 24th, 1572, on which day he sailed from
Plymouth, himself in a ship called the _Pascha_, of the burden of
seventy tons, and his brother, John Drake, in the _Swan_, of twenty-five
tons burden, their whole strength consisting of no more than
twenty-three men and boys; and, with this inconsiderable force, on July
22nd he attacked the town of Nombre de Dios, which he took in a few
hours by storm, notwithstanding a dangerous wound he received early in
the action; yet upon the whole he was no great gainer, for after a very
brisk action he was obliged to betake himself to his ships with very
little booty. His next attempt was to plunder the mules laden with
silver which passed from Vera Cruz to Nombre de Dios; but in this scheme
too he was disappointed. However, he attacked the town of Vera Cruz,
carried it, and got some little booty. In returning, he met unexpectedly
with a string of fifty mules laden with plate, of which he carried off
as much as he could, and buried the rest. In these expeditions he was
greatly assisted by the Simerons, a nation of Indians who were engaged
in a perpetual war with the Spaniards. The prince, or captain of these
people, whose name was Pedro, was presented by Captain Drake with a fine
cutlass, which he at that time wore, and to which he saw the Indian had
a mind. Pedro, in return, gave him four large wedges of gold, which
Drake threw into the common stock, saying, that "he thought it but just
that such as bore the charge of so uncertain a voyage on his credit
should share the utmost advantages that voyage produced." Then
embarking his men with all the wealth he had obtained, which was very
considerable, he bore away for England, and was so fortunate as to sail
in twenty-three days from Cape Florida to the isles of Scilly, and
thence without any accident to Plymouth, where he arrived August 9th,
1573.
His success in this expedition, joined to his honourable behaviour
towards his owners, gained him a high reputation, and the use he made of
his riches still a greater; for, fitting out three stout frigates at his
own expense, he sailed with them to Ireland, where, under Walter, Earl
of Essex (the father of the unfortunate earl who was beheaded), he
served as a volunteer, and did many glorious actions. After the death of
his noble patron he returned to England, where Sir Christopher Hatton,
who was then vice-chamberlain to Queen Elizabeth, and a great favourite,
took him under his protection, introduced him to Her Majesty, and
procured him her countenance. By this means he acquired facilities for
undertaking that glorious expedition which will render his name
immortal. His first proposal was to voyage into the South Seas through
the Straits of Magellan, an enterprise which hitherto no Englishman had
ever attempted. This project was well received at court, and in a short
time Captain Drake saw himself at the height of his wishes; for in his
former voyage, having had a distant prospect of the South Seas from the
top of a tree which he ascended for the purpose, he framed an ardent
prayer to God that he might sail an English ship in them, which he found
now an opportunity of attempting; the queen's permission furnishing him
with the means, and his own fame quickly drawing to him a force
sufficient.
The squadron with which he sailed on this extraordinary undertaking
consisted of the following ships: the _Pelican_, commanded by himself,
of the burden of one hundred tons; the _Elizabeth_, vice-admiral, eighty
tons, under Captain John Winter; the _Marygold_, a barque of thirty
tons, commanded by Captain John Thomas; the _Swan_, a fly-boat of fifty
tons, under Captain John Chester; and the _Christopher_, a pinnace of
fifteen tons, under Captain Thomas Moon. In this fleet were embarked no
more than one hundred and sixty-four able men, and all the necessary
provisions for so long and dangerous a voyage; the intent of which,
however, was not openly declared. Thus equipped, on November 15th, 1577,
about three in the afternoon, he sailed from Plymouth; but a heavy storm
taking him as soon as he was out of port, forced him, in a very bad
condition, into Falmouth, to refit; which, being expeditiously
performed, he again put to sea on the 13th of December following. On the
25th of the same month he fell in with the coast of Barbary; and on the
29th with Cape Verd; the 13th of March he passed the equinoctial; the
5th of April he made the coast of Brazil in 30° N. Lat. and entered the
river De la Plata, where he lost the company of two of his ships; but
meeting them again, and having taken out of them all the provisions they
had on board, he turned them adrift.
On August 20th, with his squadron reduced to three ships, he entered the
Straits of Magellan; on September 25th he passed them; having then only
his own ship, which, in the South Seas, he re-named the _Golden Hind_.
It may not be amiss to take notice here of a fact very little known, as
appearing in no relation of this famous voyage. Sir Francis Drake
himself reported to Sir Richard, son to Sir John Hawkins, that meeting
with a violent tempest, in which his ship could bear no sail, he found,
when the storm sank, he was driven through or round the Straits into the
latitude of fifty degrees. Here, lying close under an island, he went on
shore, and, leaning his body over a promontory as far as he could
safely, told his people, when he came on board, he had been farther
south than any man living. This we find confirmed by one of our old
chronicle writers, who farther informs us that he bestowed on this
island the name of Elizabetha, in honour of his royal mistress. On
November 25th he came to Machao, in the latitude of thirty degrees,
where he had appointed a rendezvous in case his ships separated; but the
_Marygold_ had gone down with all hands, and Captain Winter, having
repassed the Straits, had returned to England. Thence he continued his
voyage along the coasts of Chili and Peru, taking all opportunities of
seizing Spanish ships, or of landing and attacking them on shore, till
his crew were sated with plunder. While off the island of Mocha Drake
landed with some of his men to seek water; but the inhabitants,
mistaking them for Spaniards, attacked them, killed two of their number
and wounded several others, including Drake himself, who was shot in the
face with an arrow. As the surgeon of the _Golden Hind_ was dead, Drake
had to be his own doctor as well as surgeon to his crew. Realising that
the attack had been made in mistake, and not wishing to risk more
casualties, Drake did not attempt to punish the natives, but put to sea
and made his way to Valparaiso, where he made free with the stores and
valuables he found, and then proceeded further in search of his missing
vessels, and finding others which added to his booty; from one of which
he took a number of charts of seas then utterly unknown to the English
mariners. While pursuing this course he gained intelligence of a rich
ship laden with gold and silver for Panama, which he fell in with off
Cape Francisco on March 1st, 1579, and captured. The booty in this case
amounted to twenty-six tons of silver, eighty pounds of gold, thirteen
chests of money and a quantity of jewels and precious stones; valued in
all at nearly £200,000. Coasting North America to the height of
forty-eight degrees, he endeavoured to find a passage back into our seas
on that side, but being disappointed of what he sought, he landed, and
called the country New Albion, taking possession of it in the name, and
for the use of Queen Elizabeth; and, having trimmed his ship, set sail
thence, on September 29th, 1579, for the Moluccas; choosing this passage
round, rather than returning by the Straits of Magellan, owing to the
danger of being attacked at a great disadvantage by the Spaniards, and
the lateness of the season, whence dangerous storms and hurricanes were
to be apprehended.
On November 4th he sighted the Moluccas, and on December 10th made
Celebes, where his ship unfortunately ran on a rock on the 9th of
January; whence, beyond all expectation, and in a manner miraculously,
they got off, and continued their course. On March 16th he arrived at
Java, where he determined on returning directly home. On March 25th,
1580, he put this design in execution, and on June 15th doubled the Cape
of Good Hope, having then on board his ship fifty-seven men and but
three casks of water. On July 12th he passed the line, reached the coast
of Guinea on the 16th, and there watered. On September 11th he made the
island of Terceira, and on the 26th of the same month entered the
harbour of Plymouth.
In this voyage he completely circumnavigated the globe, which no
commander-in-chief had ever done before. His success in this enterprise,
and the immense mass of wealth he brought home, naturally raised much
comment throughout the kingdom; some highly commending, and some as
loudly decrying him. The former alleged that his exploit was not only
honourable to himself, but to his country; that it would establish our
reputation for maritime skill amongst foreign nations, and raise a
useful spirit of emulation at home; and that as to the money, our
merchants having suffered deeply from the faithless practices of the
Spaniards, there was nothing more just than that the nation should
receive the benefit of Drake's reprisals. The other party alleged that,
in fact, he was no better than a pirate; that, of all others, it least
became a trading nation to encourage such practices; that it was not
only a direct breach of all our late treaties with Spain, but likewise
of our old leagues with the house of Burgundy; and that the consequences
of owning his proceeding would be much more fatal than the benefits
reaped from it could be advantageous. Things continued in this
uncertainty during the remainder of that, and the spring of the
succeeding year.
At length they took a better turn; for on April 4th, 1581, Her Majesty,
dining at Deptford in Kent, went on board Captain Drake's ship, where
she conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and declared her absolute
approbation of all that he had done, to the confusion of his enemies and
to the great joy of his friends. She likewise gave directions for the
preservation of his ship, that it might remain a monument of his own and
his country's glory. In process of time, the vessel decaying, it was
broken up; but a chair made of the planks was presented to the
University of Oxford, and is still preserved.
In the year 1582 he was Mayor of Plymouth, and in 1584-5 a member of the
House of Commons.
In 1585 he concerted a scheme of a West-Indian expedition with the
celebrated Sir Philip Sidney. It was to be partly maritime and partly an
invasion. The sea force was to be commanded absolutely by Sir Francis,
the land troops by Sir Philip Sidney. The queen having required Sir
Philip to desist from his scheme, Drake sailed, notwithstanding, to the
West Indies, having under his command Captain Christopher Carlisle,
Captain Martin Frobisher, Captain Francis Knollys, and many other
officers of great reputation. In this expedition he took the cities of
St. Iago, St. Domingo, Carthagena, and St. Augustine, exceeding even the
expectation of his friends and the hopes of the common people, though
both were sanguine to the last degree. Yet the profits of this
expedition were but moderate; the design of Sir Francis being rather to
weaken the enemy than to enrich himself. It was, to do him justice, a
maxim from which he never varied, to regard the service of his country
first, next the profit of his proprietors, and last, his own interest.
Hence, though rich in wealth, he was richer still in reputation.
In 1587 he proceeded to Lisbon with a fleet of thirty sail, and having
intelligence of a numerous fleet assembled in the Bay of Cadiz, which
was to have made part of the Armada, he, with great courage, entered the
port, and burnt upwards of ten thousand tons of shipping. Drake's policy
was to attack the enemy in his own harbours and so prevent the
possibility of his invading our coasts; and this policy he was
continually pressing upon the home Government, but without success.
There can be little doubt that if he had been allowed to follow up his
success in the Bay of Cadiz by carrying out this policy the Spanish
Armada might have never set sail. Not obtaining the support and
authority he wanted, he now resolved to do his utmost to content the
merchants of London, who had contributed, by a voluntary subscription,
to the fitting out of his fleet. With this view, having intelligence of
a large carack expected at Terceira from the East Indies, thither he
sailed; and though his men were severely pinched through want of
victuals, yet by fair words and large promises he prevailed upon them to
endure these hardships for a few days. Within this time the East India
ship arrived, and was found to contain wealth to the value of £100,000,
which he took and carried home in triumph.
It was in consequence of the journals, charts, and papers, taken on
board his East India prize, that it was judged practicable for us to
enter into the Indian trade: for promoting which, the queen, by letters
patent, in the forty-third year of her reign, founded our first India
company. To this, we may also add that it was Drake who first brought in
tobacco, the use of which was much promoted by the practice of Sir
Walter Raleigh. How much this nation has gained by these branches of
commerce, of which he was properly the author, I leave to the
intelligent reader's consideration.
In 1588 Sir Francis Drake was appointed vice-admiral, under Charles Lord
Howard of Effingham, High-admiral of England; here his fortune favoured
him as remarkably as ever, for he made prize of a large galleon,
commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, who yielded on the bare mention of his
name. In this vessel fifty thousand ducats were distributed among the
seamen and soldiers. It must not, however, be dissembled that, through
an oversight of his, the admiral ran the utmost hazard of being taken by
the enemy; for Drake being appointed, the first night of the engagement,
to carry lights for the direction of the English fleet, he being in full
pursuit of some hulks belonging to the Hanse Towns, neglected it; which
occasioned the admiral's following the Spanish lights, and remaining
almost in the centre of their fleet till morning. However, his
succeeding services sufficiently effaced the memory of this mistake; the
greatest execution done on the flying Spaniards being performed by the
squadron under his command.
The next year he was employed as admiral at sea over the fleet sent to
restore Don Antonio, King of Portugal; the command of the land forces
being given to Sir John Norris. They were hardly at sea, however, before
these commanders differed; though it is on all hands agreed that there
never was an admiral better disposed, with respect to soldiers, than Sir
Francis Drake. The ground of their difference was this: the general was
bent on landing at the Groyne, whereas Sir Francis and the sea-officers
were for sailing to Lisbon directly; in which, if their advice had been
taken, without question their enterprise would have succeeded, and Don
Antonio would have been restored. For it appeared, on their invading
Portugal, that the enemy had made use of the time they gave them to such
good purpose that it was not possible to make any impression. Sir John
Norris, indeed, marched by land to Lisbon, and Sir Francis Drake, very
imprudently, promised to sail up the river with his whole fleet; but
when he saw the consequences which would have attended the keeping of
his word, he chose rather to break his promise than to hazard the
queen's navy; for which he was grievously reproached by Norris, and the
miscarriage of the whole affair was imputed to his failure in performing
what he had undertaken. Yet Sir Francis fully justified himself on his
return; for he made it manifest to the queen and council that all the
service that was done was performed by him, and that his sailing up the
river of Lisbon would have signified nothing to the taking the castle,
which was two miles off; and without reducing that there was no taking
the town.
In 1590 he seems to have devoted himself to civil engineering, for we
find him contracting with the town of Plymouth to effect a water supply
from the River Meavy, which he did by conducting a stream a distance of
nearly twenty-five miles; after which he erected six mills for grinding
corn in 1591. In 1593 he represented Plymouth in parliament.
His next service was the fatal undertaking in conjunction with Sir John
Hawkins, in 1594, for the destroying of Nombre de Dios, referred to in
the story of Sir John Hawkins, who died the day before Sir Francis made
his desperate attack on the shipping in the harbour of Porto Rico. This
was performed, with all the courage imaginable, on November 13th, 1595,
and attended with great loss to the Spaniards, yet with very little
advantage to the English, who, meeting with a more resolute resistance
and much better fortifications than they expected, were obliged to sheer
off. The admiral then steered for the main, where he took the town of
Rio de la Hacha, which he burnt to the ground; a church and a single
house belonging to a lady only excepted. After this, he destroyed some
other villages, and then proceeded to Santa Marta, which he likewise
burnt. The like fate had the famous town of Nombre de Dios, the
Spaniards refusing to ransom any of these places, and the booty taken in
them being very inconsiderable. On December 29th Sir Thomas Baskerville
marched with seven hundred and fifty men towards Panama, but returned on
January 2nd, finding the design of reducing that place to be wholly
impracticable. This disappointment made such an impression on the
admiral's mind that it threw him into a lingering fever, of which he
died on the 28th of January, 1596, just two months after his
distinguished kinsman, Sir John Hawkins, with whom he had been so often
associated, and with so much glory.
THE VOYAGE MADE TO TRIPOLIS IN BARBARY,
IN THE YEAR 1583, WITH A SHIP CALLED THE "JESUS," WHEREIN THE
ADVENTURES AND DISTRESSES OF SOME ENGLISHMEN ARE TRULY REPORTED,
AND OTHER NECESSARY CIRCUMSTANCES OBSERVED. WRITTEN BY THOMAS
SANDERS.
This voyage was set forth by the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Osborne
Knight, chief merchant of all the Turkish Company, and one Master
Richard Stapers, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tons,
called the _Jesus_; she was builded at Farmne, a river by Portsmouth.
About November 29th, 1584, she made sail from Portsmouth, and December
1st, by means of a contrary wind, we were driven to Plymouth. The 18th
day then next following we made forthward again, and by force of weather
we were driven to Falmouth, where we remained until January 1st, at
which time the wind coming fair we departed thence, and about the 20th
day of the said month we arrived safely at St. Lucas. And about March
9th next following we made sail from thence, and about the 18th day of
the same month we came to Tripolis in Barbary, where we were very well
entertained by the king of that country and also of the commons. The
commodities of that place are sweet oils; the king there is a merchant,
and the rather (willing to prefer himself before his commons) requested
our said factors to traffic with him, and promised them that if they
would take his oils at his own price they should pay no manner of
custom; and they took of him certain tons of oil; and afterward
perceiving that they might have far better cheap, notwithstanding the
custom free, they desired the king to license them to take the oils at
the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceed theirs;
whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contented to abate
his price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oils of the king's
custom free, and so laded the same aboard.
In the meantime there came to that place one Miles Dickinson, in a ship
of Bristol, who together with our said factors took a house to
themselves there. Our French factor, Romaine Sonnings, desired to buy a
commodity in the market, and, wanting money, desired the said Miles
Dickinson to lend him a hundred chikinoes until he came to his lodging,
which he did; and afterwards the same Sonnings met with Miles Dickinson
in the street, and delivered him money bound up in a napkin, saying,
"Master Dickinson, there is the money that I borrowed of you," and so
thanked him for the same. The said Dickinson did not tell the money
presently, until he came to his lodging, and then, finding nine
chikinoes lacking of his hundred (which was about three pounds, for that
every chikinoe is worth seven shillings of English money), he came to
the said Romaine Sonnings and delivered him his handkerchief, and asked
him how many chikinoes he had delivered him. Sonnings answered, "A
hundred"; Dickinson said "No"; and so they protested and swore on both
parts. But in the end the said Romaine Sonnings did swear deeply with
detestable oaths and curses, and prayed God that He might show His works
on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be
hanged liked a dog, and never come into England again, if he did not
deliver unto the said Dickinson a hundred chikinoes.
There was a man in the said town a pledge, whose name was Patrone
Norado, who the year before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there.
The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted unto a Turk of that town in the
sum of four hundred and fifty crowns, for certain goods sent by him into
Christendom in a ship of his own, and by his own brother, and himself
remained in Tripolis as pledge until his said brother's return; and, as
the report went there, he came among lewd company, and lost his
brother's said ship and goods at dice, and never returned unto him
again.
The said Patrone Norado, being void of all hope and finding now
opportunity, consulted with the said Sonnings for to swim a-seaboard the
islands, and the ship, being then out of danger, should take him in (as
was afterwards confessed), and so go to Tallowne, in the province of
Marseilles, with this Patrone Norado, and there to take in the rest of
his lading.
The ship being ready May 1st, and having her sails all abroad, our said
factors did take their leave of the king, who very courteously bid them
farewell, and when they came aboard they commanded the master and the
company hastily to get out the ship. The master answered that it was
impossible, for that the wind was contrary and overblowed. And he
required us, upon forfeiture of our bands, that we should do our
endeavour to get her forth. Then went we to warp out the ship, and
presently the king sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her,
commanding the said Sonnings to come ashore, at whose coming the king
demanded of him custom for the oils. Sonnings answered him that his
highness had promised to deliver them customs free. But,
notwithstanding, the king weighed not his said promise, and as an
infidel that hath not the fear of God before his eyes, nor regard of his
word, albeit he was a king, he caused the said Sonnings to pay the
custom to the uttermost penny, and afterwards ordered him to make haste
away, saying that the janisaries would have the oil ashore again.
These janisaries are soldiers there under the Great Turk, and their
power is above the king's. And so the said factor departed from the
king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boat to come aboard,
and he brought with him the aforesaid Patrone Norado. The company,
inquisitive to know what man that was, Sonnings answered that he was his
countryman, a passenger. "I pray God," said the company, "that we come
not into trouble by this man." Then said Sonnings angrily, "What have
you to do with any matters of mine? If anything chance otherwise than
well, I must answer for all."
Now the Turk unto whom this Patrone Norado was indebted, missing him,
supposed him to be aboard of our ship, presently went unto the king and
told him that he thought that his pledge, Patrone Norado, was aboard on
the English ship. Whereupon the king presently sent a boat aboard of us,
with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come ashore; and,
not speaking anything as touching the man, he said that he would come
presently in his own boat; but as soon as they were gone he willed us to
warp forth the ship, and said that he would see the knaves hanged before
he would go ashore. And when the king saw that he came not ashore, but
still continued warping away the ship, he straight commanded the gunner
of the bulwark next unto us to shoot three shots without ball. Then we
came all to the said Sonnings, and asked him what the matter was that we
were shot at; he said that it was the janisaries who would have the oil
ashore again, and willed us to make haste away. And after that he had
discharged three shots without ball he commanded all the gunners in the
town to do their endeavour to sink us; but the Turkish gunners could not
once strike us, wherefore the king sent presently to the banio (this
banio is the prison where all the captives lay at night), and promised
that if there were any that could either sink us or else cause us to
come in again, he should have a hundred crowns and his liberty. With
that came forth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had been an old
servitor in Flanders, and he said that, upon the performance of that
promise, he would undertake either to sink us or to cause us to come in
again, and thereto he would gage his life; and at the first shot he
split our rudder's head in pieces, and the second shot he struck us
under water, and the third shot he shot us through our fore-mast with a
culverin shot, and thus, he having rent both our rudder and mast and
shot us under water, we were enforced to go in again.
This Sebastian for all his diligence herein had neither his liberty nor
a hundred crowns, so promised by the said king; but, after his service
done, was committed again to prison, whereby may appear the regard that
a Turk or infidel hath of his work, although he be able to perform
it--yea, more, though he be a king.
Then our merchants, seeing no remedy, they, together with five of our
company, went ashore; and they then ceased shooting. They shot unto us
in the whole nine-and-thirty shots without the hurt of any man.
And when our merchants came ashore the king commanded presently that
they, with the rest of our company that were with them, should be
chained four and four to a hundred-weight of iron, and when we came in
with the ship there came presently above a hundred Turks aboard of us,
and they searched us and stripped our very clothes from our backs, and
broke open our chests, and made a spoil of all that we had; and the
Christian caitiffs likewise that came aboard of us made spoil of our
goods, and used us as ill as the Turks did.
Then came the guardian Basha, who is the keeper of the king's captives,
to fetch us all ashore; and then I, remembering the miserable estate of
poor distressed captives in the time of their bondage to those infidels,
went to mine own chest, and took out thereof a jar of oil, and filled a
basket full of white ruske, to carry ashore with me. But before I came
to the banio the Turkish boys had taken away almost all my bread, and
the keeper said, "Deliver me the jar of oil, and when thou comest to the
banio thou shalt have it again;" but I never had it of him any more.
But when I came to the banio and saw our merchants and all the rest of
our company in chains, and we all ready to receive the same reward, what
heart is there so hard but would have pitied our cause, hearing or
seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt us? All this happened
May 1st, 1584.
And the second day of the same month the king with all his council sat
in judgment upon us. The first that were had forth to be arraigned were
the factors and the masters, and the king asked them wherefore they
came not ashore when he sent for them. And Romaine Sonnings answered
that, though he were a king on shore, and might command there, so was he
as touching those that were under him; and therefore said, if any
offence be, the fault is wholly in myself and in no other. Then
forthwith the king gave judgment that the said Romaine Sonnings should
be hanged over the north-east bulwark, from whence he conveyed the
forenamed Patrone Norado. And then he called for our master, Andrew
Dier, and used few words to him, and so condemned him to be hanged over
the walls of the westernmost bulwarks.
Then fell our other factor, named Richard Skegs, upon his knees before
the king, and said, "I beseech your highness either to pardon our master
or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause." And
then the people of that country, favouring the said Rickard Skegs,
besought the king to pardon them both. So then the king spake these
words: "Behold, for thy sake I pardon the master." Then presently the
Turks shouted and cried, saying, "Away with the master from the presence
of the king." And then he came into the banio where we were, and told us
what had happened, and we all rejoiced at the good hap of Master Skegs,
that he was saved, and our master for his sake.
But afterwards our joy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meantime
the king's mind was altered: for that one of his council had advised him
that, unless the master died also, by the law they could not confiscate
the ship nor goods, neither make captive any of the men. Whereupon the
king sent for our master again, and gave him another judgment after his
pardon for one cause, which was that he should be hanged.
And when that Romaine Sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die, he
protested to turn Turk, hoping thereby to have saved his life. Then said
the Turk, "If thou wilt turn Turk, speak the words that thereunto
belong;" and he did so. Then said they unto him, "Now thou shalt die in
the faith of a Turk;" and so he did, as the Turks reported that were at
his execution; and the forenamed Patrone Narado, whereas before he had
liberty and did nothing, he then was condemned slave perpetual, except
there were payment made of the foresaid sum of money.
Then the king condemed all of us, who were in number five-and-twenty, of
which two were hanged (as you have heard) and one died the first day we
came on shore by the visitation of Almighty God, and the other
three-and-twenty he condemned slaves perpetually unto the Great Turk,
and the ship and goods were confiscated to the use of the Great Turk;
then we all fell down upon our knees, giving God thanks for this
sorrowful visitation and giving ourselves wholly to the almighty power
of God, unto whom all secrets are known, that He of His goodness would
vouchsafe to look upon us.
Every five men had allowance but five aspers of bread in a day, which is
but twopence English, and our lodging was to lie on the bare boards,
with a very simple cape to cover us. We were also forcibly and most
violently shaven, head and beard, and within three days after, I and
five more of my fellows, together with fourscore Italians and Spaniards,
were sent forth in a galiot to take a Greek carmosel, which came into
Arabia to steal negroes, and went out of Tripolis unto that place which
was two hundred and forty leagues thence; but we were chained three and
three to an oar, and we rowed naked above the girdle, and the boatswain
of the galley walked abaft the mast, and his mate afore the mast, and
each of them a whip in their hands, and when their devilish choler rose
they would strike the Christians for no cause: and they allowed us but
half a pound of bread a man in a day, without any other kind of
sustenance, water excepted. And when we came to the place where we saw
the carmosel, we were not suffered to have neither needle, bodkin,
knife, or any other instrument about us, nor at any other time in the
night, upon pain of one hundred bastinadoes: we were then also cruelly
manacled, in such sort that we could not put our hands the length of one
foot asunder the one from the other, and every night they searched our
chains three times, to see if they were fast riveted. We continued the
fight with the carmosel there hours, and then we took it, and lost but
two of our men in that fight; but there were slain of the Greeks five,
and fourteen were cruelly hurt; and they that were found were presently
made slaves and chained to the oars, and within fifteen days after we
returned again into Tripolis, and then we were put to all manner of
slavery. I was put to hew stones, and others to carry stones, and some
to draw the cart with earth, and some to make mortar, and some to draw
stones (for at that time the Turks builded a church); and thus we were
put to all kinds of slavery that was to be done.
Now, the king had eighteen captives, which three times a week went to
fetch wood thirty miles from the town, and on a time he appointed me for
one of the eighteen, and we departed at eight of the clock in the night;
and upon the way, at midnight, or thereabouts, as I was riding upon my
camel, I fell asleep, and the guide and all the rest rode away from me,
not thinking but I had been among them. When I awoke, and finding myself
alone, I durst not call nor holloa, for fear lest the wild Moors should
hear me--because they hold this opinion, that in killing a Christian
they do God good service--and musing with myself what were best for me
to do: if I should return back to Tripolis without any wood or company I
should be most miserably used; therefore, of the two evils, rather I had
to go forth to the losing of my life than to turn back and trust to
their mercy, fearing to be used as before I had seen others. For,
understanding by some of my company before how Tripolis and the said
wood did lie one off another, by the North Star I went forth at
adventure, and, as God would have it, I came right to the place where
they were, even about an hour before day. There altogether we rested,
and gave our camels provender, and as soon as the day appeared we rode
all into the wood; and I, seeing no wood there but a stick here and a
stick there, about the bigness of a man's arm, growing in the sand, it
caused me to marvel how so many camels should be loaded in that place.
The wood was juniper; we needed no axe nor edged tool to cut it, but
plucked it up by strength of hands, roots and all, which a man might
easily do, and so gathered together a little at one place, and so at
another, and laded our camels, and came home about seven of the clock
that night following; because I fell lame and my camel was tired, I left
my wood in the way.
This king had a son which was a ruler in an island called Gerbi,
whereunto arrived an English ship called the _Green Dragon_, of the
which was master one M. Blonket, who, having a very unhappy boy on that
ship, and understanding that whosoever would turn Turk should be well
entertained of the king's son, this boy did run ashore and voluntarily
turned Turk. Shortly after the king's son came to Tripolis to visit his
father, and seeing our company, he greatly fancied Richard Burges, our
purser, and James Smith. They were both young men, therefore he was very
desirious to have them to turn Turks; but they would not yield to his
desire, saying, "We are your father's slaves and as slaves we will serve
him." Then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they
would turn Turks; and they said: "If it please your Highness, Christians
we were born and so we will remain, and beseech the king that they might
not be enforced thereunto." The king had there before in his house a son
of a yeoman of our queen's guard, whom the king's son had enforced to
turn Turk; his name was John Nelson. Him the king caused to be brought
to these young men, and then said unto them, "Will you not bear this,
your countryman, company, and be Turk as he is?" and they said that they
would not yield thereunto during life. But it fell out that, within a
month after, the king's son went home to Gerbi again, being five score
miles from Tripolis, and carried our two foresaid young men with him,
which were Richard Burges and James Smith. And after their departure
from us they sent us a letter, signifying that there was no violence
showed unto them as yet; yet within three days after they were violently
used, for that the king's son demanded of them again if that they would
turn Turk. Then answered Richard Burges: "A Christian I am, and so I
will remain." Then the king's son very angrily said unto him, "By
Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turk!" Then called he for his men
and commanded them to make him Turk; and they did so, and circumcised
him, and would have had him speak the words that thereunto belonged; but
he answered them stoutly that he would not, and although they had put on
him the habit of a Turk, yet said he, "A Christian I was born, and so I
will remain, though you force me to do otherwise."
And then he called for the other, and commanded him to be made Turk
perforce also; but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of
the king's son's men could do to hold him. So in the end they
circumcised him and made him Turk. Now, to pass over a little, and so to
show the manner of our deliverance out of that miserable captivity.
In May aforesaid, shortly after our apprehension, I wrote a letter into
England unto my father, dwelling in Evistoke in Devonshire, signifying
unto him the whole estate of our calamities, and I wrote also to
Constantinople to the English ambassador, both which letters were
faithfully delivered. But when my father had received my letter, and
understood the truth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what
had happened to the offenders, he certified the Right Honourable the
Earl of Bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted Her Highness with
the whole cause thereof; and Her Majesty, like a most merciful princess
tendering her subjects, presently took order for our deliverance.
Whereupon the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Osborne, knight, directed his
letters with all speed to the English ambassador in Constantinople to
procure our delivery, and he obtained the Great Turk's commission, and
sent it forthwith to Tripolis by one Master Edward Barton, together with
a justice of the Great Turk's and one soldier, and another Turk and a
Greek, which was his interpreter, which could speak beside Greek,
Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English. And when they came to Tripolis
they were well entertained, and the first night they did lie in a
captain's house in the town. All our company that were in Tripolis came
that night for joy to Master Barton and the other commissioners to see
them. Then Master Barton said unto us, "Welcome, my good countrymen,"
and lovingly entertained us: and at our departure from him he gave us
two shillings, and said, "Serve God, for to-morrow I hope you shall be
as free as ever you were." We all gave him thanks and so departed.
The next day, in the morning very early, the king having intelligence of
their coming, sent word to the keeper that none of the Englishmen
(meaning our company) should go to work. Then he sent for Master Barton
and the other commissioners, and demanded of the said Master Barton his
message. The justice answered that the Great Turk, his sovereign, had
sent them unto him, signifying that he was informed that a certain
English ship, called the _Jesus_, was by him the said king confiscated
about twelve months since, and now my said sovereign hath here sent his
especial commission by us unto you for the deliverance of the said ship
and goods, and also the free liberty and deliverance of the Englishmen
of the said ship whom you have taken and kept in captivity. And further,
the same justice said, I am authorised by my said sovereign the Great
Turk to see it done; and therefore I command you, by the virtue of this
commission, presently to make restitution of the premises or the value
thereof. And so did the justice deliver unto the king the Great Turk's
commission to the effect aforesaid, which commission the king with all
obedience received; and after the perusing of the same, he forthwith
commanded all the English captives to be brought before him, and then
willed the keeper to strike off all our irons. Which done, the king
said, "You Englishmen, for that you did offend the laws of this place,
by the same laws therefore some of your company were condemned to die,
as you know, and you to be perpetual captives during your lives;
notwithstanding, seeing it hath pleased my sovereign lord the Great Turk
to pardon your said offences, and to give you your freedom and liberty,
behold, here I make delivery of you unto this English gentleman." So he
delivered us all that were there, being thirteen in number, to Master
Barton, who required also those two young men which the king's son had
taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against their law to
deliver them, for that they were turned Turks; and, touching the ship
and goods, the king said that he had sold her, but would make
restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came unto his
hands. And so the king arose and went to dinner, and commanded a Jew to
go with Master Barton and the other commissioners to show them their
lodgings, which was a house provided and appointed them by the said
king. And because I had the Italian and Spanish tongues, by which there
most traffic in that country is, Master Barton made me his caterer, to
buy his victuals for him and his company, and he delivered me money
needful for the same. Thus were we set at liberty April 28th, 1585.
A TRUE REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT,
PERFORMED IN THE VOYAGE FROM TURKEY BY FIVE SHIPS OF LONDON,
AGAINST ELEVEN GALLEYS AND TWO FRIGATES OF THE KING OF SPAIN'S,
AT PANTALAREA, WITHIN THE STRAITS, ANNO 1586. WRITTEN BY PHILIP
JONES.
The merchants of London, being of the incorporation for the Turkey
trade, having received intelligences and advertisements from time to
time that the King of Spain, grudging at the prosperity of this kingdom,
had not only of late arrested all English ships, bodies, and goods in
Spain, but also, maligning the quiet traffic which they used, to and in
the dominions and provinces under the obedience of the Great Turk, had
given orders to the captains of his galleys in the Levant to hinder the
passage of all English ships, and to endeavour by their best means to
intercept, take, and spoil them, their persons and goods; they hereupon
thought it their best course to set out their fleet for Turkey in such
strength and ability for their defence that the purpose of their Spanish
enemy might the better be prevented, and the voyage accomplished with
greater security to the men and ships. For which cause, five tall and
stout ships appertaining to London, and intending only a merchant's
voyage, were provided and furnished with all things belonging to the
seas, the names whereof were these:--1. The _Royal Merchant_, a very
brave and good ship, and of great report. 2. The _Toby_. 3. The _Edward
Bonaventure_. 4. The _William and John_. 5. The _Susan_.
These five departing from the coast of England in the month of November,
1585, kept together as one fleet till they came as high as the Isle of
Sicily, within the Levant. And there, according to the order and
direction of the voyage, each ship began to take leave of the rest, and
to separate himself, setting his course for the particular port
whereunto he was bound--one for Tripolis in Syria, another for
Constantinople, the chief city of the Turk's empire, situated upon the
coast of Roumelia called of old Thracia, and the rest to those places
whereunto they were privately appointed. But before they divided
themselves, they altogether consulted of and about a certain and special
place for their meeting again after the landing of their goods at their
several ports. And in conclusion, the general agreement was to meet at
Zante, an island near to the main continent of the west part of Morea,
well known to all the pilots, and thought to be the fittest place for
their rendezvous; concerning which meeting it was also covenanted on
each side and promised that whatsoever ship of these five should first
arrive at Zante, should there stay and expect the coming of the rest of
the fleet for the space of twenty days. This being done, each man made
his best haste, according as wind and weather would serve him, to fulfil
his course and to despatch his business; and no need was there to
admonish or encourage any man, seeing no time was ill-spent nor
opportunity omitted on any side in the performance of each man's duty,
according to his place.
It fell out that the _Toby_, which was bound for Constantinople, had
made such good speed, and gotten such good weather, that she first of
all the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante, and not
forgetting the former conclusion, did there cast anchor, attending the
arrival of the rest of the fleet, which accordingly (their business
first performed) failed not to keep promise. The first next after the
_Toby_ was the _Royal Merchant_, which, together with the _William and
John_, came from Tripolis in Syria, and arrived in Zante within the
compass of the aforesaid time limited. These ships, in token of the joy
on all parts conceived for their happy meeting, spared not the
discharging of their ordnance, the sounding of drums and trumpets, the
spreading of ensigns, with other warlike and joyful behaviours,
expressing by these outward signs the inward gladness of their minds,
being all as ready to join together in mutual consent to resist the
cruel enemy, as now in sporting manner they made mirth and pastime among
themselves. These three had not been long in the haven but the _Edward
Bonaventure_, together with the _Susan_ her consort, were come from
Venice with their lading, the sight of whom increased the joy of the
rest, and they, no less glad of the presence of the others, saluted them
in most friendly and kind sort, according to the manner of the seas.
In this port of Zante the news was fresh and current of two several
armies and fleets, provided by the King of Spain, and lying in wait to
intercept them: the one consisting of thirty strong galleys, so well
appointed in all respects for the war that no necessary thing wanted;
and this fleet hovered about the Straits of Gibraltar. The other army
had in it twenty galleys, whereof some were of Sicily and some of the
Island of Malta, under the charge and government of John Andreas Dorea,
a captain of name serving the King of Spain. These two divers and strong
fleets waited and attended in the seas for none but the English ships,
and no doubt made their account and sure reckoning that not a ship
should escape their fury. And the opinion also of the inhabitants of the
Isle of Zante was, that in respect of the number of galleys in both
these armies having received such straight commandment from the king,
our ships and men being but few and little in comparison of them, it was
a thing in human reason impossible that we should pass either without
spoiling, if we resisted, or without composition at the least, and
acknowledgment of duty to the Spanish king.
But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies, nor the
opinions of the people, nor anything else, that could daunt or dismay
the courage of our men, who, grounding themselves upon the goodness of
their cause, and the promise of God to be delivered from such as without
reason sought their destruction, carried resolute minds notwithstanding
all impediments to adventure through the seas, and to finish their
navigation maugre the beards of the Spanish soldiers. But lest they
should seem too careless and too secure of their estate, and by laying
the whole and entire, burden of their safety upon God's Providence,
should foolishly presume altogether of His help, and neglect the means
which was put into their hands, they failed not to enter into counsel
among themselves, and to deliberate advisedly for their best defence.
And in the end, with general consent, the _Royal Merchant_ was appointed
admiral of the fleet, and the _Toby_ vice-admiral, by whose orders the
rest promised to be directed; and each ship vowed not to break from
another whatsoever extremity should fall out, but to stand to it to the
death, for the honour of their country and the frustrating of the hope
of the ambitious and proud enemy.
Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Grecia, and
committed themselves again to the seas, and proceeded in their course
and voyage in quietness, without sight of any enemy till they came near
to Pantalarea, an island so called betwixt Sicily and the coast of
Africa; into sight whereof they came on July 13th, 1586. And the same
day, in the morning about seven o'clock, they descried thirteen sails in
number, which were of the galleys lying in wait of purpose for them in
and about that place. As soon as the English ships had spied them, they
by-and-by, according to a common order, made themselves ready for a
fight, laid out their ordnance, scoured, charged, and primed them,
displayed their ensigns, and left nothing undone to arm themselves
thoroughly. In the meantime, the galleys more and more approached the
ships, and in their banners there appeared the arms of the Isles of
Sicily and Malta, being all as then in the service and pay of the
Spaniard. Immediately both the admirals of the galleys sent from each of
them a frigate to the admiral of our English ships, which being come
near them, the Sicilian frigate first hailed them, and demanded of them
whence they were; they answered that they were of England, the arms
whereof appeared in their colours. Whereupon the said frigate
expostulated with them, and asked why they delayed to send or come with
their captains and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiva, their general, to
acknowledge their duty and obedience to him, in the name of the Spanish
king, lord of those seas. Our men replied and said that they owed no
such duty nor obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge none;
but commanded the frigate to depart with that answer, and not to stay
longer upon her peril. With that away she went, and up came towards them
the other frigate of Malta; and she in like sort hailed the admiral, and
would needs know whence they were and where they had been. Our
Englishmen in the admiral, not disdaining an answer, told them that they
were of England, merchants of London, had been in Turkey, and were now
returning home; and to be requited in this case, they also demanded of
the frigate whence she and the rest of the galleys were. The messenger
answered, "We are of Malta, and for mine own part, my name is Cavalero.
These galleys are in service and pay to the King of Spain, under the
conduct of Don Pedro de Leiva, a nobleman of Spain, who hath been
commanded hither by the king with this present force and army of purpose
to intercept you. You shall therefore," quoth he, "do well to repair to
him to know his pleasure; he is a nobleman of good behaviour and
courtesy, and means you no ill." The captain of the English admiral,
whose name was Master Edward Wilkinson, now one of the six masters of
Her Majesty's Royal Navy, replied and said, "We purpose not at this time
to make trial of Don Pedro his courtesy, whereof we are suspicious and
doubtful, and not without good cause;" using withal good words to the
messenger, and willing him to come aboard him, promising security and
good usage, that thereby he might the better know the Spaniard's mind.
Whereupon he indeed left his frigate and came aboard him, whom he
entertained in friendly sort, and caused a cup of wine to be drawn for
him, which he took, and began, with his cap in his hand and with
reverent terms, to drink to the health of the Queen of England, speaking
very honourably of her majesty, and giving good speeches of the
courteous usage and entertainment that he himself had received in
London at the time that the Duke of Alençon, brother to the late French
king, was last in England. And after he had well drunk, he took his
leave, speaking well of the sufficiency and goodness of our ships, and
especially of the _Royal Merchant_ which he confessed to have seen
before riding in the Thames near London. He was no sooner come to Don
Pedro de Leiva, the Spanish general, but he was sent off again, and
returned to the English admiral, saying that the pleasure of the general
was this, that either their captains, masters, and pursers should come
to him with speed, or else he would set upon them, and either take them
or sink them. The reply was made by Master Wilkinson aforesaid, that not
a man should come to him; and for the brag and threat of Don Pedro, it
was not that Spanish bravado that should make them yield a jot to their
hindrance, but they were as ready to make resistance as he to offer an
injury. Whereupon Cavalero, the messenger, left bragging, and began to
persuade them in quiet sort and with many words; but all his labour was
to no purpose, and as his threat did nothing terrify them, so his
persuasion did nothing move them to do that which he required. At the
last he entreated to have the merchant of the admiral carried by him as
a messenger to the general, that so he might be satisfied and assured of
their minds by one of their own company. But Master Wilkinson would
agree to no such thing; although Richard Rowit, the merchant himself,
seemed willing to be employed in that message, and laboured by
reasonable persuasions to induce Master Wilkinson to grant it--as hoping
to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answers to satisfy the
general, and thereby to save the effusion of Christian blood, if it
should grow to a battle. And he seemed so much the more willing to be
sent, by how much deeper the oaths and protestations of this Cavalero
were, that he would (as he was a true knight and a soldier) deliver him
back again in safety to his company. Albeit, Master Wilkinson who, by
his long experience, had received sufficient trial of Spanish
inconstancy and perjury, wished him in no case to put his life and
liberty in hazard upon a Spaniard's oath; but at last, upon much
entreaty, he yielded to let him go to the general, thinking indeed that
good speeches and answers of reason would have contented him, whereas,
otherwise, refusal to do so might peradventure have provoked the more
discontentment.
Master Rowit, therefore, passing to the Spanish general, the rest of the
galleys having espied him, thought, indeed, that the English were rather
determined to yield than to fight, and therefore came flocking about the
frigate, every man crying out, "_Que nuevas? que nuevas?_ Have these
Englishmen yielded?" The frigate answered, "Not so; they neither have
nor purpose to yield. Only they have sent a man of their company to
speak with our general." And being come to the galley wherein he was, he
showed himself to Master Rowit in his armour, his guard of soldiers
attending upon him, in armour also, and began to speak very proudly in
this sort: "Thou Englishman, from whence is your fleet? Why stand ye
aloof off? know ye not your duty to the Catholic king, whose person I
here represent? Where are your bills of lading, your letters, passports,
and the chief of your men? Think ye my attendance in these seas to be in
vain, or my person to no purpose? Let all these things be done out of
hand, as I command, upon pain of my further displeasure, and the spoil
of you all." These words of the Spanish general were not so outrageously
pronounced as they were mildly answered by Master Rowit, who told him
that they were all merchantmen, using traffic in honest sort, and
seeking to pass quietly, if they were not urged further than reason. As
for the King of Spain, he thought (for his part) that there was amity
betwixt him and his Sovereign, the Queen of England, so that neither he
nor his officers should go about to offer any such injury to English
merchants, who, as they were far from giving offence to any man, so they
would be loth to take an abuse at the hands of any, or sit down to their
loss, where their ability was able to make defence. And as touching his
commandment aforesaid for the acknowledging of duty in such particular
sort, he told him that where there was no duty owing there none should
be performed, assuring him that their whole company and ships in general
stood resolutely upon the negative, and would not yield to any such
unreasonable demand, joined with such imperious and absolute manner of
commanding. "Why, then," said he, "if they will neither come to yield,
nor show obedience to me in the name of my king, I will either sink them
or bring them to harbour; and so tell them from me." With that the
frigate came away with Master Rowit, and brought him aboard to the
English admiral again, according to promise, who was no sooner entered
in but by-and-by defiance was sounded on both sides. The Spaniards hewed
off the noses of the galleys, that nothing might hinder the level of the
shot; and the English, on the other side, courageously prepared
themselves to the combat, every man, according to his room, bent to
perform his office with alacrity and diligence. In the meantime a cannon
was discharged from out the admiral of the galleys, which, being the
onset of the fight, was presently answered by the English admiral with a
culverin; so the skirmish began, and grew hot and terrible. There was no
powder nor shot spared, each English ship matched itself in good order
against two Spanish galleys, besides the inequality of the frigates on
the Spanish side. And although our men performed their parts with
singular valour, according to their strength, insomuch that the enemy,
as amazed therewith, would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what
was best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of their business
to make prayer to Almighty God, the revenger of all evils and the giver
of victories, that it would please Him to assist them in this good
quarrel of theirs, in defending themselves against so proud a tyrant, to
teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight, that the glory of
the victory might redound to His name, and to the honour of true
religion, which the insolent enemy sought so much to overthrow.
Contrarily, the foolish Spaniards, they cried out, according to their
manner, not to God, but to our Lady (as they term the Virgin Mary),
saying, "Oh, Lady, help! Oh, blessed Lady, give us the victory, and the
honour thereof shall be thine." Thus with blows and prayers on both
sides, the fight continued furious and sharp, and doubtful a long time
to which part the victory would incline, till at last the admiral of the
galleys of Sicily began to warp from the fight, and to hold up her side
for fear of sinking; and after her went also two others in like case,
whom all the sort of them enclosed, labouring by all their means to keep
them above water, being ready by the force of English shot which they
had received to perish in the seas. And what slaughter was done among
the Spaniards the English were uncertain, but by a probable conjecture
apparent afar off they supposed their loss was so great that they wanted
men to continue the charging of their pieces; whereupon with shame and
dishonour, after five hours spent in the battle, they withdrew
themselves. And the English, contented in respect of their deep lading
rather to continue their voyage than to follow in the chase, ceased from
further blows, with the loss of only two men slain amongst them all, and
another hurt in his arm, whom Master Wilkinson, with his good words and
friendly promises, did so comfort that he nothing esteemed the smart of
his wound, in respect of the honour of the victory and the shameful
repulse of the enemy.
Thus, with dutiful thanks to the mercy of God for His gracious
assistance in that danger, the English ships proceeded in their
navigation. And coming as high as Algiers, a port town upon the coast of
Barbary, they made for it, of purpose to refresh themselves after their
weariness, and to take in such supply of fresh water and victuals as
they needed. They were no sooner entered into the port but immediately
the king thereof sent a messenger to the ships to know what they were.
With which messenger the chief master of every ship repaired to the
king, and acquainted him not only with the state of their ships in
respect of merchandise, but with the late fight which they had passed
with the Spanish galleys, reporting every particular circumstance in
word as it fell out in action; whereof the said king showed himself
marvellous glad, entertaining them in the best sort, and promising
abundant relief of all their wants; making general proclamation in the
city, upon pain of death, that no man, of what degree or state soever he
were, should presume either to hinder them in their affairs or to offer
them any manner of injury in body or goods; by virtue whereof they
despatched all things in excellent good sort with all favour and
peaceableness.
The English, having received this good justice at the king's hands, and
all other things that they wanted or could crave for the furnishing of
their ships, took their leave of him and of the rest of their friends
that were resident in Algiers, and put out to sea, looking to meet with
the second army of the Spanish king, which waited for them about the
mouth of the Strait of Gibraltar, which they were of necessity to pass.
But coming near to the said strait, it pleased God to raise, at that
instant, a very dark and misty fog, so that one ship could not discern
another if it were forty paces off, by means whereof, together with the
notable fair eastern winds that then blew most fit for their course,
they passed with great speed through the strait, and might have passed,
with that good gale, had there been five hundred galleys to withstand
them and the air never so clear for every ship to be seen. But yet the
Spanish galleys had a sight of them when they were come within three
English miles of the town, and made after them with all possible haste;
and although they saw that they were far out of their reach, yet in a
vain fury and foolish pride they shot off their ordnance and made a stir
in the sea as if they had been in the midst of them, which vanity of
theirs ministered to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth,
seeing men to fight with shadows and to take so great pains to so small
purpose.
But thus it pleased God to deride and delude all the forces of that
proud Spanish king, which he had provided of purpose to distress the
English; who, notwithstanding, passed through both his armies--in the
one, little hurt, and in the other, nothing touched, to the glory of His
immortal name, the honour of our prince and country, and the just
commendation of each man's service performed in that voyage.
THE STORY OF THE SPANISH ARMADA.
BY SIR EDWARD CREASY.
On the afternoon of July 19th, A.D. 1588, a group of English captains
was collected at the bowling green on the Hoe at Plymouth, whose equals
have never before or since been brought together, even at that favourite
mustering-place of the heroes of the British Navy. There was Sir Francis
Drake, the first English circumnavigator of the globe, the terror of
every Spanish coast in the Old World and the New; there was Sir John
Hawkins, the rough veteran of many a daring voyage on the African and
American seas, and of many a desperate battle; there was Sir Martin
Frobisher, one of the earliest explorers of the Arctic seas in search of
that North-West Passage which is still the darling object of England's
boldest mariners; there was the High-admiral of England, Lord Howard of
Effingham, prodigal of all things in his country's cause, and who had
recently had the noble daring to refuse to dismantle part of the fleet,
though the queen had sent him orders to do so; resolved to risk his
sovereign's anger, and to keep the ships afloat at his own charge,
rather than that England should run the peril of losing their
protection.
A match at bowls was being played, in which Drake and other high
officers of the fleet were engaged, when a small armed vessel was seen
running before the wind into Plymouth Harbour, with all sails set. Her
commander landed in haste, and eagerly sought the place where the
English lord-admiral and his captains were standing. His name was
Fleming; he was the master of a Scotch privateer; and he told the
English officers that he had that morning seen the Spanish Armada off
the Cornish coast. At this exciting information the captains began to
hurry down to the water, and there was a shouting for the ship's boats:
but Drake coolly checked his comrades, and insisted that the match
should be played out. He said that there was plenty of time both to win
the game and beat the Spaniards. The best and bravest match that ever
was scored was resumed accordingly. Drake and his friends aimed their
last bowls with the same steady calculating coolness with which they
were about to point their guns. The winning cast was made; and then they
went on board and prepared for action, with their hearts as light and
their nerves as firm as they had been on the Hoe bowling green.
Meanwhile, the messengers and signals had been despatched fast and far
through England, to warn each town and village that the enemy had come
at last. In every seaport there was instant making ready by land and by
sea; in every shire and every city there was instant mustering of horse
and man. But England's best defence then, as ever, was her fleet; and
after warping laboriously out of Plymouth Harbour against the wind, the
lord-admiral stood westward under easy sail, keeping an anxious look-out
for the Armada, the approach of which was soon announced by Cornish
fishing-boats, and signals from the Cornish cliffs.
The England of our own days is so strong, and the Spain of our own days
is so feeble, that it is not possible, without some reflection and care,
to comprehend the full extent of the peril which England then ran from
the power and the ambition of Spain, or to appreciate the importance of
that crisis in the history of the world. We had then no Indian or
Colonial Empire save the feeble germs of our North American settlements,
which Raleigh and Gilbert had recently planted. Scotland was a separate
kingdom; and Ireland was then even a greater source of weakness, and a
worse nest of rebellion than she has been in after times. Queen
Elizabeth had found at her accession an encumbered revenue, a divided
people, and an unsuccessful foreign war, in which the last remnant of
our possessions in France had been lost; she had also a formidable
pretender to her crown, whose interests were favoured by all the Roman
Catholic powers; and even some of her subjects were warped by religious
bigotry to deny her title, and to look on her as an heretical usurper.
On the other hand, Philip II. was absolute master of an empire so
superior to the other states of the world in extent, in resources, and
especially in military and naval forces, as to make the project of
enlarging that empire into a universal monarchy seem a perfectly
feasible scheme; and Philip had both the ambition to form that project
and the resolution to devote all his energies, and all his means, to its
realisation. Since the downfall of the Roman empire no such
preponderating power had existed in the world.
Philip had also the advantage of finding himself at the head of a large
standing army in a perfect state of discipline and equipment, in an age
when, except some few insignificant corps, standing armies were unknown
in Christendom. The renown of the Spanish troops was justly high, and
the infantry in particular was considered the best in the world. His
fleet, also, was far more numerous, and better appointed, than that of
any other European power; and both his soldiers and his sailors had the
confidence in themselves and their commanders which a long career of
successful warfare alone can create.
One nation only had been his active, his persevering, and his successful
foe. England had encouraged his revolted subjects in Flanders against
him, and given them the aid in men and money without which they must
soon have been humbled in the dust. English ships had plundered his
colonies; had defied his supremacy in the New World as well as the Old;
they had inflicted ignominious defeats on his squadrons; they had
captured his cities, and burned his arsenals on the very coasts of
Spain. The English had made Philip himself the object of personal
insult. He was held up to ridicule in their stage-plays and masks, and
these scoffs at the man had (as is not unusual in such cases) excited
the anger of the absolute king even more vehemently than the injuries
inflicted on his power. Personal as well as political revenge urged him
to attack England. Were she once subdued, the Dutch must submit; France
could not cope with him, the empire would not oppose him; and universal
dominion seemed sure to be the result of the conquest of that malignant
island.
There was yet another and a stronger feeling which armed King Philip
against England. He was one of the sincerest and sternest bigots of his
age. He looked on himself, and was looked on by others, as the appointed
champion to extirpate heresy and re-establish the Papal power throughout
Europe. A powerful reaction against Protestantism had taken place since
the commencement of the second half of the sixteenth century, and Philip
believed that he was destined to complete it. The Reform doctrines had
been thoroughly rooted out from Italy and Spain. Belgium, which had
previously been half Protestant, had been reconquered both in allegiance
and creed by Philip, and had become one of the most Catholic countries
in the world. Half Germany had been won back to the old faith. In Savoy,
in Switzerland, and many other countries, the progress of the
counter-Reformation had been rapid and decisive. The Catholic league
seemed victorious in France. The Papal court itself had shaken off the
supineness of recent centuries; and, at the head of the Jesuits and the
other new ecclesiastical orders, was displaying a vigour and a boldness
worthy of the days of Hildebrand or Innocent III.
Throughout continental Europe, the Protestants, discomfited and
dismayed, looked to England as their protector and refuge. England was
the acknowledged central point of Protestant power and policy; and to
conquer England was to stab Protestantism to the very heart. Sixtus V.,
the then reigning pope, earnestly exhorted Philip to this enterprise.
And when the tidings reached Italy and Spain that the Protestant Queen
of England had put to death her Catholic prisoner, Mary, Queen of Scots,
the fury of the Vatican and Escurial knew no bounds.
The Prince of Parma, who was appointed military chief of the expedition,
collected on the coast of Flanders a veteran force that was to play a
principal part in the conquest of England. Besides the troops who were
in his garrisons, or under his colours, five thousand infantry were sent
to him from northern and central Italy, four thousand from the kingdom
of Naples, six thousand from Castile, three thousand from Arragon, three
thousand from Austria and Germany, together with four squadrons of
heavy-armed horse; besides which he received forces from the
Franche-Comté and the Walloon country. By his command, the forest of
Waes was felled for the purpose of building flat-bottomed boats, which,
floating down the rivers and canals to Meinport and Dunkerque, were to
carry this large army of chosen troops to the mouth of the Thames, under
the escort of the great Spanish fleet. Gun-carriages, fascines, machines
used in sieges, together with every material requisite for building
bridges, forming camps, and raising fortresses, were to be placed on
board the flotillas of the Prince of Parma, who followed up the conquest
of the Netherlands whilst he was making preparations for the invasion of
this island. His intention was to leave to the Count de Mansfeldt
sufficient forces to follow up the war with the Dutch, which had now
become a secondary object, whilst he himself went at the head of fifty
thousand men of the Armada and the flotilla, to accomplish the principal
enterprise--that enterprise, which, in the highest degree, affected the
interests of the pontifical authority. In a bull, intended to be kept
secret until the day of landing, Sixtus V., renewing the anathema
fulminated against Elizabeth by Pius V. and Gregory XIII., affected to
depose her from our throne.
Elizabeth was denounced as a murderous heretic whose destruction was an
instant duty. A formal treaty was concluded (in June, 1587), by which
the pope bound himself to contribute a million of scudi to the expenses
of the war; the money to be paid as soon as the king had actual
possession of an English port. Philip, on his part, strained the
resources of his vast empire to the utmost. The French Catholic chiefs
eagerly co-operated with him. In the sea-ports of the Mediterranean,
and along almost the whole coast from Gibraltar to Jutland, the
preparations for the great armament were urged forward with all the
earnestness of religious zeal, as well as of angry ambition.
For some time the destination of the enormous armament of Philip was not
publicly announced. Only Philip himself, the Pope Sixtus, the Duke of
Guise, and Philip's favourite minister, Mendoza, at first knew its real
object. Rumours were sedulously spread that it was designed to proceed
to the Indies to realise vast projects of distant conquest. Sometimes
hints were dropped by Philip's ambassadors in foreign courts that his
master had resolved on a decisive effort to crush his rebels in the Low
Countries. But Elizabeth and her statesmen could not view the gathering
of such a storm without feeling the probability of its bursting on their
own shores. As early as the spring of 1587 Elizabeth sent Sir Francis
Drake to cruise off the Tagus. Drake sailed into the Bay of Cadiz and
the Lisbon roads, and burnt much shipping and military stores, causing
thereby an important delay in the progress of the Spanish preparations.
Drake called this "Singeing the King of Spain's beard." Elizabeth also
increased her succours of troops to the Netherlanders, to prevent the
Prince of Parma from overwhelming them, and from thence being at full
leisure to employ his army against her dominions.
Meanwhile in England, from the sovereign on the throne to the peasant in
the cottage, all hearts and hands made ready to meet the imminent deadly
peril. Circular letters from the queen were sent round to the
lord-lieutenants of the several counties requiring them "to call
together the best sort of gentlemen under their lieutenancy, and to
declare unto them these great preparations and arrogant threatenings,
now burst forth in action upon the seas, wherein every man's particular
state, in the highest degree, could be touched in respect of country,
liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, and (which was specially to be
regarded) the profession of the true and sincere religion of Christ; and
to lay before them the infinite and unspeakable miseries that would fall
out upon any such change, which miseries were evidently seen by the
fruits of that hard and cruel government holden in countries not far
distant."
The ships of the Royal Navy at this time amounted to no more than
thirty-six; but the most serviceable merchant vessels were collected
from all the ports of the country; and the citizens of London, Bristol,
and the other great seats of commerce, showed as liberal a zeal in
equipping and manning vessels as the nobility and gentry displayed in
mustering forces by land. The seafaring population of the coast, of
every rank and station, was animated by the same ready spirit; and the
whole number of seamen who came forward to man the English fleet was
17,472. The number of the ships that were collected was a hundred and
ninety-one; and the total am
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