Beaumarchais and the War of American Independence, Vol. 2
by Elizabeth Sarah Kite · English · Gutenberg #40340 · 546,427 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Beaumarchais and the War of American Independence, Vol. 2
Author: Elizabeth Sarah Kite
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Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BEAUMARCHAIS AND THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, VOL. 2 ***
Transcriber’s Note
This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the second.
The first volume was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #37960,
available at https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/37960.
Two incorrect index sub-entries for Beaumarchais have been corrected:
jealousies aroused against -- page changed from 6 to 304
judged by parliament Maupeou -- page changed from 24 to 100
BEAUMARCHAIS
_And the War of
American Independence_
BY
ELIZABETH S. KITE
_Diplôme d’instruction Primaire-Supérieure, Paris, 1905
Member of the Staff of the Vineland Research Laboratory_
WITH A FOREWORD BY
JAMES M. BECK
_Author of “The Evidence in the Case”_
TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME TWO
ILLUSTRATED
[Illustration]
BOSTON
RICHARD G. BADGER
THE GORHAM PRESS
COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY RICHARD G. BADGER
All Rights Reserved
Made in the United States of America
The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A.
“_The faith of a believer is a spring to which uncertain convictions
yield; this was the case of Beaumarchais with the King in the cause of
American Independence._”
_Gaillardet, in Le Chevalier d’Eon._
CONTENTS
CHAPTER XV
PAGE
Curious History of the Chevalier d’Eon—Secret Agent of Louis
XV—The Chevalier Feigns to Be a Woman—Curiosity of London
Aroused—Necessity for the French Government to Obtain
Possession of State Papers in d’Eon’s Hands—Beaumarchais
Accepts Mission—Obtains Possession of the Famous Chest 13
CHAPTER XVI
Beaumarchais’s Earliest Activities in the Cause of American
Independence—First Steps of the Government of
France-Bonvouloir—Discord Among Parties in
England—Beaumarchais’s Memoirs to the King—Meets Arthur
Lee—Lee’s Letter to Congress—King Still Undecided—Curious
Letter of Beaumarchais, with Replies Traced in the
Handwriting of the King 31
CHAPTER XVII
Beaumarchais’s English Connections—With Lord Rochford—With
Wilkes—Meets Arthur Lee—Sends Memoirs to the King—His
Commission to Buy Portuguese Coin—Called to Account by
Lord Rochford—Vergennes’s Acceptance of his Ideas—Article
in _The Morning Chronicle_ 56
CHAPTER XVIII
Memoirs Explaining to the King the Plan of His Commercial
House—Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.—The Doctor Dubourg—Silas
Deane’s Arrival—His Contract with Beaumarchais—Lee’s
Anger—His Misrepresentations to Congress—Beaumarchais Obtains
His Rehabilitation 77
CHAPTER XIX
Suspicions of England Aroused Through Indiscretions of Friends
of America—Treachery of du Coudray—Counter Order Issued
Against Shipments of Beaumarchais—Franklin’s Arrival—England’s
Attempt to Make Peace Stirs France—Counter Order
Recalled—Ten Ships Start Out—Beaumarchais Cleared by
Vergennes 104
CHAPTER XX
The Declaration of Independence and Its Effect in
Europe—Beaumarchais’s Activity in Getting Supplies to
America—Difficulties Arise About Sailing—Lafayette’s
Contract with Deane—His Escape to America—Beaumarchais’s
Losses—Baron von Steuben Sails for America in Beaumarchais’s
Vessel, Taking the Latter’s Nephew, des Epinières, and His
Agent, Theveneau de Francy—The Surrender of
Burgoyne—Beaumarchais Finds Himself Set Aside While Others
Take His Place—Faces Bankruptcy—Vergennes Comes to His
Assistance 126
CHAPTER XXI
De Francy Sails for America—His Disappointment in the New
World—Beaumarchais Recounts His Grievances against the
Deputies at Passy—Rejoices Over American Victories—Manœuvers
to Insure Safety to His Ships—The Depreciation
Of Paper Money in America—De Francy Comes to the Aid of
Lafayette—Contract between Congress and De Francy Acting
for Roderigue et Cie.—Letters of Lee to Congress—Bad Faith
of that Body—Deane’s Signature to Documents Drawn up by
Franklin and Lee—Beaumarchais’s Triumph at Aix—Gudin
Seeks Refuge at the Temple—Letters of Mlle. Ninon 154
CHAPTER XXII
Deane’s Recall—Beaumarchais’s Activity in Obtaining for Him
Honorable Escort—Letters to Congress—Reception of
Deane—Preoccupation of Congress at the Moment of His
Return—Arnold and Deane in Philadelphia the Summer of
1778—Deane’s Subsequent Conduct—Letters of Carmichaël
and Beaumarchais—_Le Fier Roderigue_—Silas Deane Returns
to Settle Accounts—Debate Over the “Lost Million”—Mr.
Tucker’s Speech—Final Settlement of the Claim of the
Heirs of Beaumarchais 184
CHAPTER XXIII
The _Mariage de Figaro_—Its Composition—Difficulties
Encountered in Getting it Produced—It is Played at
Grennevilliers—The First Representation—Its Success—
_Institut des pauvres mères nourrices_—Beaumarchais
at Saint Lazare 212
CHAPTER XXIV
The Marine of Beaumarchais—Success of His Business
Undertakings—His Wealth—Ringing Plea of Self-Justification
in the Cause of America, Addressed to the Commune of Paris,
1789—The Beautiful House Which He Built in Paris—His
Liberality—His Friends—His Home Life—Madame de
Beaumarchais—His Daughter, Eugénie 233
CHAPTER XXV
House of Beaumarchais Searched—The 10th of August—Letter
to his Family in Havre—Letter of Eugénie to her
Father—Commissioned to Buy Guns for the Government—Goes
to Holland as Agent of _Comité de Salut Public_—Declared
an Emigré—Confiscation of his Goods—Imprisonment of his
Family—The Ninth Thermidor Comes to Save Them—Life During
the Terror—Julie again in Evidence—Beaumarchais’s Name
Erased from List of Emigrés—Returns to France 253
CHAPTER XXVI
Beaumarchais After his Return from Exile—Takes Up All his
Business Activities—Marriage of Eugénie—Her Portrait Drawn
by Julie—Beaumarchais’s Varied Interests—Correspondence with
Bonaparte—Pleads for Lafayette Imprisoned—Death of
Beaumarchais—Conclusion 273
Bibliography 291
Index 295
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
P. A. Caron de Beaumarchais Frontispiece
Charles de Beaumont 26
Charles Gravier—Comte de Vergennes 54
Silas Deane 78
William Carmichaël 104
Lafayette 126
General John Schuyler 140
General Baron von Steuben 152
Robert Morris 166
The Temple 182
Cæsar Augustus Rodney—Attorney General of the U. S. 200
John Jay 220
D’Estaing 232
The Bastille 240
House of Beaumarchais 252
Madame de Beaumarchais 270
BEAUMARCHAIS
_And the War of American Independence_
CHAPTER XV
_Figaro—“Feindre d’ignorer ce qu’on sait, de savoir tout ce qu’on
ignore; d’entendre ce qu’on ne comprend pas, de ne point ouïr ce qu’on
entend; surtout de pouvoir au delà de ses forces; avoir souvent pour
grand secret de cacher qu’il n’y en a point; s’enfermer pour tailler des
plumes, et paraître profond, quand on n’est, comme on dit, que vide et
creux; jouer bien ou mal un personage; répandre des espions et
pensionner des traîtres; amollir des cachets, intercepter des lettres,
et tâcher d’ennoblir la pauvreté des moyens par l’importance des objets;
voilà toute la politique ou je meure.”_
_Le Comte—“Eh! c’est l’intrigue que tu définis!”_
_Figaro—“La politique, l’intrigue, volontiers; mais, comme je les crois
un peu germaines, en fasse qui voudra!”_
_Le Mariage de Figaro, Act III, Scene V._
Curious History of the Chevalier d’Eon—Secret Agent of Louis
XV—The Chevalier Feigns to Be a Woman—Curiosity of London
Aroused—Necessity for the French Government to Obtain Possession
of State Papers in d’Eon’s Hands—Beaumarchais Accepts
Mission—Obtains Possession of the Famous Chest.
It was the summer of 1775. The moment was approaching when the attention
of Europe would be directed towards the events transpiring on the other
side of the Atlantic, in that New World, of which the old was as yet
scarcely conscious. The stand for freedom, for individual rights, for
the liberty of expansion which was there made, was destined to rouse the
warmest sympathies amongst all classes, especially in France. The
enthusiasm which greeted the resistance of the colonies rapidly became a
national sentiment which the French government was unable to suppress or
even to keep within bounds. To direct this enthusiasm into a practical
channel that should lead to immediate and efficient support of the
insurged colonies whilst awaiting the active intervention of the
government, was to be primarily the work of one man, and that man was
Beaumarchais.
But in starting for London on the present occasion, he was unconscious
of the historic importance which this journey was destined to assume.
The mission with which he was charged was one of the most singular with
which any government ever seriously commissioned one of its agents.
There was living at this time in London the Chevalier d’Eon de Beaumont,
who was a former agent of the occult diplomacy of Louis XV, and who at
this time was an exile from his country, to which he had been forbidden
to return in consequence of the scandalous and disgraceful quarrel that
had occurred between him and the French Ambassador, the Comte de
Guerchy, years before. Although publicly disgraced, he retained the
secret confidence of the old King, who allowed him an annual income of
12,000 francs. The present government was willing to continue this
pension, but on condition that the chevalier give up the secret
correspondence of the late King, which remained in his possession, and
of which it was very important that the French government should obtain
control. It was to negotiate the remittance of this correspondence that
Beaumarchais was commissioned the summer of 1775. The oddity of the
character with which he had to deal, rather than the actual nature of
the mission, was what made the negotiation so difficult and the
proceedings so unusual.
Several years previous, about 1771, a rumor began to circulate in
England that the Chevalier in question was really a woman disguised.
Although one of the most belligerent of characters, who “smoked, drank
and swore like a German trooper,” it appears that “the rarity of his
blond beard and the smallness of his form (Gaillardet),” “a certain
feminine roundness of the face, joined to a voice equally feminine,
contributed to give credit to the fable (note of M. de Loménie, _sur le_
Chevalier d’Eon).” There were also certain facts in the life of the
chevalier which supported this theory; among others it was known that as
a very young man he had been sent by Louis XV in the guise of a woman to
the court of St. Petersburg, where he had succeeded in being admitted as
reader to the Empress Elizabeth.
As the Chevalier d’Eon was a widely known personage in English society,
the matter took on great proportions and became a subject of betting
according to the _manière anglaise_. D’Eon, who seems to have cared
primarily for one thing, namely, notoriety of whatever sort, secretly
encouraged the dispute, although he wrote at the same time to the Comte
de Broglie: “It is not my fault if the court of Russia during my sojourn
here, has assured the court of England that I am a woman.... It is not
my fault if the fury of betting upon all sorts of things is such a
national malady among the English that they often risk more than their
fortunes upon a single horse.... I have proved to them, and I will prove
it as often as they wish, that I am not only a man, but a captain of
dragoons, with his arms in his hands.” And yet he was able to keep the
world in a state of complete mystification as to his true sex, up to the
time of his death in 1810.
Voltaire says of him: “The whole adventure confounds me. I cannot
understand either d’Eon, or the ministers of his time, or the measures
of Louis XV, or those being made at present. I understand nothing of the
whole affair.” In his _Mémoires sur le Chevalier d’Eon de Beaumont_, M.
Gaillardet says: “The history of the Chevalier d’Eon was one of the most
singular and most controverted enigmas of the 18th century. That century
finished without its being known what was the veritable sex of that
mysterious being, who after being successively doctor of law, advocate
in the Parliament of Paris, censor of belles-lettres, secretary of
embassy at St. Petersburg, captain of dragoons, Chevalier de Saint
Louis, minister plenipotentiary to London, suddenly, at the age of 46
years announced himself to be a woman, assumed the costume of his new
rôle, and conserved it until the time of his death in 1810.”
As we shall presently see, and for reasons wholly justifiable, it is
Beaumarchais who works this transformation in the life of d’Eon. Nothing
in relation to his strange character is so passing strange as the fact
that the King and his minister, and above all that Beaumarchais himself,
the cleverest of men—should have been completely duped by the Chevalier
as to the matter of his sex. It even went so far as to be generally
believed that the _demoiselle_ d’Eon was seriously in love with
Beaumarchais, and the latter himself believed it. In the most skillful
way the chevalier endeavored to make use of this deceit to further his
own ends. Failing in this, and having made the fatal avowal and received
the King’s orders to assume the garb of a woman, the fury of d’Eon knew
no bounds. Powerless to wreak his vengeance in any other way, he
endeavored by calumny and abuse to thwart the career of the man upon
whom he had been able to impose only in the matter of his sex.
Beaumarchais readily excused all the insults cast at him, believing as
he did, that this is the manner of revenge of the strange creature, “his
amazon”—(as d’Eon is familiarly called in the correspondence between
himself and the minister Vergennes)—for finding that her love is not
requited.
But to return to the facts of the case: D’Eon, at the time of the death
of Louis XV was living in constant hope of being restored to favor and
allowed to return to France. His pension of 12,000 francs had proved all
too small for his support and he was heavily in debt. No sooner had the
young king, Louis XVI, mounted the throne than the Chevalier sent word
to Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, announcing that he had in his
possession important letters which were of such a nature that should
they fall into the hands of the English, it might precipitate a war
between the two nations. An agent was therefore dispatched to enter into
negotiations. “Understanding,” says Gaillardet, “that if he did not
profit by this occasion, he would have little to expect from the new
reign, d’Eon resolved to put a high price on the papers in his
possession. He demanded: first, that he be solemnly justified of the
imputations directed against him by his enemies—especially the family of
the Comte de Guerchy; second, that all the sums, indemnities, advances,
etc., due him for the past 26 years, be paid, amounting in all to
318,477 livres, 16 sous.”
Unable to come to any reasonable terms, the negotiations were broken
off and the agent returned to France. He was replaced by another who was
equally unsuccessful, and for a time the matter was dropped.
In the meantime noise of the affair reached the English government, and
d’Eon soon had the satisfaction of receiving large offers from that
quarter if he would consent to give up the papers. The Chevalier,
whatever his faults, or the violence of his character, was not a
traitor; he had no intention of giving the papers in his possession to
the English at any price, but he was well satisfied that their value
should be thus enhanced.
In the meantime, his pension was suspended and finding himself without
funds, “he borrowed 5,000 pounds from his devoted friend and protector,
the Lord Ferrers, giving him as security a sealed chest, which, Ferrers
supposed, contained the famous correspondence. He took care, however,”
says Gaillardet, “to withdraw from that deposit precisely the personal
documents of the late King, which were the most important for the court
of France and for himself. These papers contained a plan for the
restitution of the Stuarts, a descent upon England, and other dreams,
constituting what d’Eon called _le grand projet_ of Louis XV.”
At this juncture Beaumarchais appeared on the scene. “To interest the
latter in his cause, and give him a mark of confidence (Gaillardet)
d’Eon avows with tears that he is a woman, and this avowal was made with
so much art that Beaumarchais did not conceive the least doubt.”
D’Eon recounted the history of the papers in his possession, and the
offers which he had resisted. Charmed to oblige a woman so interesting
by her sorrows, her courage, her _esprit_, Beaumarchais addressed at
once touching letters to the King in favor of his new friend. “When one
thinks,” he writes, “that this creature, so much persecuted, belongs to
a sex to which one forgives everything, the heart is touched with a
sweet compassion.” “I do assure you, Sire,” he writes elsewhere, “that
in taking this astonishing creature with dexterity and gentleness,
although she is embittered by twelve years of misfortune, she can yet be
brought to enter under the yoke, and to give up all the papers of the
late King on reasonable conditions.”
As to the motives which could have induced le chevalier d’Eon to avow
himself a woman, his biographer, already quoted, gives the following
explanation:
“His military and diplomatic career was about finished; disgraced, he
would disappear from the scene of the world and fall into obscurity. But
precisely shadow and silence were a horror to him. If there was a
mystery in his existence, if they learned that he was a woman, he would
become the hero of the day and of the century; his services would then
appear extraordinary. This metamorphosis would attract to him the
attention of Europe, and enable him more easily to obtain satisfaction
from the French government, who would no longer refuse a woman the price
of blood shed and services rendered.”
Both Gaillardet and Loménie, after a careful examination of all the
correspondence in relation to the affair between the Chevalier d’Eon and
Beaumarchais, assure us that not a line exists which does not prove that
the latter was completely deceived as to the matter of the sex of the
Chevalier.
Lintilhac, however, thinks that he has found proofs to the contrary in a
letter which begins, “Ma pauvre Chevalière, or whatever it pleases you
to be with me....” London, Dec. 31, 1775. Gudin, in his life of
Beaumarchais, says, “It was at a dinner of the Lord Mayor Wilkes that I
encountered d’Eon for the first time. Struck to see the cross of St.
Louis shining on his breast, I asked Mlle. Wilkes who that chevalier
was; she named him to me. ‘He has,’ I said, ‘the voice of a woman.’ It
is probably from that fact that the talk has all come. At that time I
knew nothing more about him; I was still ignorant of his relations with
Beaumarchais. I soon learned them from herself. She avowed to me with
tears (it appears to have been the manner of d’Eon—note of Loménie) that
she was a woman, and showed me her scars, remains of wounds which she
had received, when, her horse killed under her, a squadron of cavalry
passed over her body and left her dying on the plain.”
“No one,” says Loménie, “could be more naïvely mystified than is Gudin.
In the first period of the negotiation, d’Eon is full of attentions for
Beaumarchais; he calls him his ‘guardian angel’ and sends him his
complete works in fourteen volumes; for this curious being, this
dragoon, woman and diplomat, was at the same time a most fruitful
scribbler of paper. He has characterised himself very well in the
following letter: ‘If you wish to know me, Monsieur the Duke, I will
tell you frankly that I am only good to think, imagine, question,
reflect, compare, read, write, to run from the rising to the setting
sun, from the south to the north, and to fight on the plain or in the
mountains ... or I will use up all the revenues of France in a year, and
after that give you an excellent treatise on economy. If you wish to
have the proof, see all I have written in my history of finance, upon
the distribution of public taxes.’”
This, then, was the strange being with whom Beaumarchais had to deal. On
the 21st of June, 1775, he received from Vergennes the following letter,
which shows in the best possible light the credit which the secret agent
of the government had already acquired. He wrote:
“I have under my eyes, Monsieur, the report which you have given
M. de Sartine of our conversation, touching M. d’Eon; it is of
the greatest exactitude; I have taken in consequence the orders
of the King. His Majesty authorizes you to assure to M. d’Eon the
regular payment of the pension of 12,000 francs.... The article
of the payment of his debts is more difficult; the pretensions of
d’Eon are very high in that respect; they must be considerably
reduced if we are to come to any arrangement.... M. d’Eon has a
violent character, but I do him the justice to believe that his
soul is honest, and that he is incapable of treason.... It is
impossible that M. d’Eon takes leave of the English King; the
revelation of his sex does not permit it; it would be ridiculous
for both courts.... You are wise and prudent, you know mankind,
and I have no doubt but that you will be able to arrange the
affair with d’Eon, if it can be done. Should the enterprise fail
in your hands, we shall be forced to consider that it cannot
succeed and resolve to accept whatever may come from it.... I am
very sensible, Monsieur, of the praises which you have been so
good as to give me in your letter to M. de Sartine. I aspire to
merit them, and accept them as a gage of your esteem, which will
always be flattering to me. Count, I beg you, upon my own, and
upon the sentiments with which I have the honor to be very
sincerely, Monsieur, etc.
“De Vergennes.
“A Versailles, June 21st, 1775.”
July 14, 1775, Beaumarchais wrote to M. de Vergennes announcing that he
had obtained possession of the keys of the famous chest, which he had
sealed with his own seal and which was deposited in a safe place.
“Whatever happens, M. le Comte, I believe that I have at least cut off
one head of the English hydra ... the king and you may be quite certain
that everything will rest in _statu quo_ in England, and that no one
can abuse us from now to the end of the negotiation which I believe
about finished.” But in the meantime, while undertaking the settlement
of the affair with d’Eon, the active mind of Beaumarchais had become
enflamed with an ardent zeal for the cause of liberty, as it was being
then defended on the other side of the Atlantic. “One of the first,”
says Gaillardet, “he had embraced the cause of the Americans, had
espoused it with a sort of love that partook of idolatry.... He followed
every phase with an interest which nothing discouraged, not ceasing to
hope in the midst of reverses, triumphing and clapping his hands at
every victory.... He excused their faults, exalted their virtues, plead
for them with all the faculties of his _esprit_ and of his soul, before
those whom he wished to interest in their fate.”
Every voyage back to Paris, which the interests of his mission
necessitated, every letter which it occasioned, was made to subserve
itself to this one end which transcended all others; namely, to rouse
the young King from that state of indecision and indifference to which
he was born, and where he seemed likely to remain.
In the next chapter this subject will be taken up in all its detail; for
the present it is necessary only to remind the reader that the matter of
which we are now treating is all the while secondary in the mind of
Beaumarchais. It is, however, of vital importance in that, at the
beginning, it offers the avenue of approach to the King and his
ministers which might otherwise have been wanting. Through the masterly
way in which he settled the affair with d’Eon, the confidence of the
King and of his minister was secured. Before the affair was terminated,
an open channel had been established which permitted the whole current
of the genius of Beaumarchais to flow direct to its goal.
It will be remembered that the Chevalier d’Eon had borrowed five
thousand pounds of his friend the English Admiral, Lord Ferrers, and had
left him as security the chest containing the famous correspondence of
the late King. Before it could be delivered to Beaumarchais there were
many difficult questions to settle, the chief one being the Chevalier’s
return to France, owing to the resentment still felt by the family of
the Comte de Guerchy towards the Chevalier, and the latter’s well known
violence of temper. The King and M. de Vergennes demanded absolute
oblivion of the past and a guarantee that no further scandals should
arise. This was difficult to assure, owing to the fiery nature of the
Chevalier. Already, as we have seen, the latter had avowed “with tears”
that he was a woman.
August 7th, 1775, M. de Vergennes wrote to the King, “If your Majesty
deigns to approve the propositions of the Sieur de Beaumarchais to
withdraw from the hands of the Sieur d’Eon the papers which it would be
dangerous to leave there, I will authorize him to terminate the affair.
_If M. d’Eon wishes to take the costume of his sex_, there will be no
objection to allowing him to return to France, but under any other form
he should not even desire it.”
In a letter to Beaumarchais, the 26th of the same month, M. de Vergennes
wrote: “Whatever desire I may have to see, to know, and to hear M.
d’Eon, I cannot hide from you a serious uneasiness which haunts me. His
enemies watch, and will not pardon easily all that he has said of
them.... If M. d’Eon would change his costume everything would be
said.... You will make of this observation the use which you shall judge
suitable.”
The idea appeared not only good to Beaumarchais, but to offer, perhaps,
the only solution to the difficulty. He therefore made this the
condition of settlement of the debts of d’Eon, the continuation of his
pension, as well as of his being allowed to return to France. The same
motives which had actuated the Chevalier to declare himself a woman
worked now in favor of what Beaumarchais, endowed with full power in his
regard, demanded of him. Realizing, as M. de Vergennes had done, that if
the matter were not now adjusted, it would never be again taken up;
realizing too that his notoriety would be increased tenfold by this
metamorphosis, he decided to submit to what was imposed upon him.
Early in October, Beaumarchais wrote to M. de Vergennes: “Written
promises to be good are not sufficient to arrest a head which enflames
itself always at the simple name of Guerchy; the positive declaration of
his sex and the engagement to live hereafter in the costume of a woman
is the only barrier which can prevent scandal and misfortunes. I have
required this and have obtained it.”
As a matter of fact, on the 5th of October, the Chevalier signed the
famous contract, in which he promised to deliver the entire
correspondence of the late King, declared himself a woman and engaged to
“retake and wear the costume of that sex to the time of his death;” and
he added with his own hand, “which I have already worn on divers
occasions known to his Majesty.” The agent of the French Government on
his side agreed to deliver a contract or pension of 12,000 francs, as
well as “more considerable sums which shall be remitted for the
acquittal of the debts of the Chevalier in England.” “Each of the
contractants,” said Loménie, “reserved thus a back door; if the more
considerable sums did not seem considerable enough, the Chevalier
intended to keep a portion of the papers, so as to obtain still more
funds. Beaumarchais, on his side, had no intention of paying all the
debts which it should please the Chevalier to declare, and had demanded
of the King the faculty to _batailler_—to employ his own
expression—with the demoiselle d’Eon, from 100,000 to 150,000 francs,
reserving the right to give him the money in fractional parts, and to
extend or retract the sum according to the confidence which that cunning
personage should inspire.”
After the contract was signed, Beaumarchais still holding the money in
reserve, demanded the papers of which it was questioned. The chest was
produced. Suddenly realizing, however, that he had no authority to open
the chest and to examine the contents, and having but small confidence
in the veracity of the chevalier, he hastened back to Versailles,
obtained the desired permission, and reappeared in London with his new
commission. On opening the chest he found indeed that papers of but
small importance were contained therein. D’Eon, blushing, confessed that
the letters of which the French government desired to obtain possession
were hidden under the floor of his room in London.
“She conducted me to her room,” wrote Beaumarchais, “and drew from under
the floor five boxes, well sealed and marked, ‘Secret Papers to remit to
the King alone’, which she assured me contained all the secret
correspondence, and the entire mass of the papers which she had in her
possession. I began by making an inventory, and marking them all so that
none could be withdrawn; but, better to assure myself that the entire
sequence was there contained, I rapidly ran over them, while she made
the inventory.”
This want of honor in the Chevalier, whose security left with the Lord
Ferrers had been proved of comparatively little value, dispensed
Beaumarchais, so he considered, from the necessity of acquitting the
full debt contracted by d’Eon. This was afterwards most bitterly
reproached to him by the Chevalier. In a letter to Lord Ferrers,
Beaumarchais wrote: “I have lived too long and know mankind too well to
count upon the gratitude of anyone, or to feel the least annoyance when
I see those fail whom I have the most obliged.” (From a letter dated
Jan. 8, 1776, to Lord Ferrers,—Gaillardet.)
The note of 13,933 pounds sterling first addressed to M. de Vergennes
had since been increased by 8,223 pounds sterling, of which d’Eon
demanded the payment. Beaumarchais, however, true to the interest of the
King and his minister, to their great satisfaction, terminated the
transaction for a little less than 5,000 pounds sterling. From the
determined refusal of Beaumarchais to increase the sum arose the wild
fury of d’Eon, who saw his last hope escape him. His invectives against
Beaumarchais, his abuse, all had their origin here.
“I assured this demoiselle,” wrote Beaumarchais to Vergennes, “that if
she was prudent, modest and silent, and if she conducted herself well, I
would render so good an account of her to the minister of the King, and
even to His Majesty, that I hoped to obtain for her new advantages. I
did this the more willingly because I had still in my possession nearly
41,000 francs, from which I expected to recompense every act of
submission and of sobriety on her part, by acts of generosity approved
successively by the King and by you, Monsieur le Comte, but only as
favors, and not as acquittals. It was in this way that I hoped still to
dominate and bring into subjection this fiery and deceitful creature.”
Early in December, Beaumarchais appeared in Versailles with his famous
chest, containing at last the entire mass of papers, the negotiation of
which had occupied the minister of Louis XVI since the time of the
latter’s accession to the throne. Overjoyed at the successful
termination of the affair, the King and his minister testified their
satisfaction with warmth.
[Illustration: CHARLES DE BEAUMONT dit Mademoiselle le Chevalier D’Eon
1728-1810]
A very honorable discharge was given their agent with a certificate
which terminated thus:
“I declare that the King has been very well satisfied with the
zeal which he has shown on this occasion, as well as with the
intelligence and dexterity with which he has acquitted himself of
the commission which his Majesty has confided to him. The King
has therefore ordered me to deliver the present attestation to
serve him at all times and in all places where it may be
necessary.
“Made at Versailles, the 18th of December, 1775.
“Signed: Gravier de Vergennes.”
The matter of the papers was indeed settled; they were safe in the hands
of the government, and all uneasiness in regard to them was at an end;
not so Beaumarchais with his _amazone intéressante_. Furious to find
that his exorbitant demands upon the French government had miscarried,
d’Eon thought only of wreaking his vengeance upon Beaumarchais. After
exhausting himself with very “masculine abuse” upon his “austere friend”
(Loménie), he suddenly, with the same art with which he had avowed
himself a woman, set about convincing Beaumarchais that he was in love
with him, uttering bitter reproaches for the cruelty, hardness and
injustice with which he had treated an unhappy woman, who in a moment of
weakness had revealed herself to him. “Why,” cried this disguised
dragoon, “why did I not remember that men are good for nothing upon this
earth but to deceive the credulity of women, young and old?... I still
thought that I was only rendering justice to your merits, admiring your
talents, your generosity; I loved you already no doubt; but this
situation was still so new for me that I was very far from realizing
that love could be born in the midst of trouble and sorrow.”
In a note, M. de Loménie remarked that what there was specially
_piquant_ in this correspondence of d’Eon and Beaumarchais is that the
former, while posing as a woman, “often gives an enigmatic turn to his
phrases, as though he wished to establish for the day when the fraud
would be unveiled, that he had been able to dupe a man as clever as the
author of the _Barbier de Séville_, and that he duped him in mocking at
him to his very face, without being suspected. Beaumarchais, for his
part, amused himself at the expense of that _vieille Dragonne_ in love,
and confirmed himself more and more in the error as d’Eon more adroitly
simulated the anger of an offended old maid.”
Beaumarchais wrote to M. de Vergennes: “Everyone tells me that this
crazy woman is crazy over me. She thinks that I undervalue her, and
women never forgive similar offenses. I am very far from doing so; but
who could ever have imagined that to serve the King well in this affair,
I should have been forced to become gallant cavalier to a _capitaine de
dragons_? The adventure appears to me so ridiculous that I have all the
trouble in the world to regain my seriousness so as suitably to finish
this memoir.”
If d’Eon had the satisfaction of duping Beaumarchais in a certain sense,
he failed utterly in inducing him to loosen the strings of the royal
purse which he carried, and without which nothing was accomplished.
Finding that Beaumarchais was inexorable on this point, all the pent-up
fury of the chevalier blazed forth. He began at once addressing
interminable memoirs to the minister Vergennes, full of accusations
against his agent, couched in the coarsest and most violent language,
attributing to the latter all the epithets that fall so glibly from his
pen, “the insolence of a watchmaker’s boy, who by chance had discovered
perpetual motion.”
“Beaumarchais,” said Loménie, “received these broadsides of abuse with
the calm of a perfect gentleman: ‘She is a woman,’ he wrote to M. de
Vergennes, ‘and a woman so frightfully surrounded that I pardon her
with all my heart; she is a woman—that word says everything.’”
But exactly this was what the chevalier did not want; he did not want to
be pardoned by Beaumarchais; he wanted a quarrel with him, and to have
his accusations credited by the minister. He succeeded in neither of his
objects, although his resentment and his desire for revenge augmented
rather than diminished with time. Returned to France, he openly accused
Beaumarchais of having retained for himself money that was destined for
him. His abuse was so violent that in self-defense the accused man
appealed for justification to the minister, and received the following
letter, which bears date of January 10th, 1778:
“I have received, Monsieur, your letter of the 3rd of this month,
and I have not been able to see without surprise that the
demoiselle d’Eon imputes to you having appropriated to yourself
to her prejudice the funds which she supposes to have been
destined for her. I have difficulty in believing, Monsieur, that
this demoiselle has been guilty of an accusation so calumnious;
but if she has done so, you should not have the slightest
disquietude or be in the least affected; you have the gage and
the guarantee of your innocence in the account which you have
given of your management of the affair, in the most approved
form, founded upon the most authentic titles, and in the
discharge which I have given you of the approval of the King. Far
from the possibility of your disinterestedness being suspected, I
have not forgotten, Monsieur, that you made no account of your
personal expenses, and that you never allowed me to perceive any
other interest than to facilitate to the demoiselle d’Eon the
means of returning to her native land.
“I am very perfectly, Monsieur, your very humble and very
obedient servitor,
“De Vergennes.”
Beaumarchais was at this time far too deeply engaged in his gigantic
mercantile operations to be seriously disturbed by the accusations of
the Chevalier d’Eon. Far greater difficulties were to overwhelm him, and
still more signal ingratitude was to be his portion. He will accept that
too, in very much the same spirit in which he has accepted all the rest.
CHAPTER XVI
“_Vor der Ankunft Dean’s und Franklin’s, Beaumarchais war ohne Frage,
der bestunterrichtete Kenner Englands und der Vereinigten Staaten auf
dem continent._”
_Bettelheim_, “_Beaumarchais: Eine Biographie._”
Beaumarchais’s Earliest Activities in the Cause of American
Independence—First Steps of the Government of
France—Bonvouloir—Discord Among Parties in England—Beaumarchais’s
Memoirs to the King—Meets Arthur Lee—Lee’s Letter to
Congress—King Still Undecided—Curious Letter of Beaumarchais,
with Replies Traced in the Handwriting of the King.
No record of the actual awakening of Beaumarchais’s interest in the War
of American Independence has ever been brought to light, but certain it
is that for nearly a year before the date of any document contained in
the French Archives, Beaumarchais was the “real, though secret, agent of
the Minister Vergennes in London.”
The earliest written allusion to any definite commission from the
government in regard to this matter is found in the letter of
Beaumarchais to Vergennes, written July 14, 1775, a part of which,
relating to the Chevalier d’Eon, is given in the previous chapter. After
announcing exultantly the possession of the keys to the famous chest of
which it had just been questioned, he continued: “I would return at once
to give the details of what I have accomplished if I were only charged
with one object; but I am charged with four, and find myself obliged to
leave for Flanders with milord Ferrers and in his vessel. It would not
be just that the _King and M. de Sartine_ were less content than the
_King and M. de Vergennes_....
“In politics, it is not sufficient to work, one must succeed....
“I shall take no repose until I have informed you in regard to the
veritable state of things in England, a knowledge of which becomes more
important from day to day. As soon as I shall be as tranquil over the
objects of M. de Sartine as I am now over ‘_notre amazone_’ (the
Chevalier d’Eon) I shall return to Versailles....
“I profit by the first sure occasion of dropping a letter into the post
at Calais, to tell you, without its being known in London, that I have
just put into the hands of the King, the papers and the creature that
they have wished to use against him at any price.
“I say, ‘without its being discovered in London,’ because it is a great
question to find out what my object is, but what can be gotten from a
man who neither speaks nor writes?
“I am with the most respectful devotion, M. de Comte ... etc....
Beaumarchais” (letter given by Gaillardet in his _Mémoires sur le
Chevalier d’Eon_).
Beaumarchais’s mission to Flanders is alluded to in another place by
Gaillardet, without, however, giving any authority for the statement
which he made. He said, “The court of Louis XVI still hesitated to
follow Beaumarchais in the adventurous career whither he was drawing it,
so to speak, with a tow-line, ... although Holland and Spain were
already engaged by his efforts to embrace the cause of France and the
United States against England.”
Doniol in his _Histoire de la Participation de la France dans_
_l’Etablissement des Etats-Unis_, said: “Franklin before returning to
America had treated with armorers and merchants of England, Holland and
France for the furnishing and transmitting of munitions of war to the
colonies. These operations were centralized in London, and Beaumarchais
did not remain ignorant of them.... He knew, heard, and prepared many
things.”
Although “no special memoir, no private archive has up to the present
revealed the intimate details (Doniol, II, 31),” it seems certain that
the plans of Beaumarchais centered in the dispatching of funds, or if
possible, of ammunitions of war, to the insurged colonies, and that the
head of these operations was to be in the Low Countries. To further
these projects, the most profound secrecy was necessary, not only to
ensure their success, but to prevent the government from being
compromised. This fact accounts sufficiently for the almost total lack
of documents relative to these negotiations. What facilitated them was
the profound discord which existed at this time in England itself, and
especially the diversity of opinion in relation to the uprising among
the colonists. No one realized the deep significance of this fact for
the interest of France and of America better than Beaumarchais, and no
one knew so well how to turn it to the advantage of both these
countries. It goes without saying that had England been united in her
desire to crush America and united in her attempts to prevent foreign
interference, the history of the war would have been very different from
what it was.
As a matter of fact in England “a party, small indeed in numbers, but
powerful from its traditions, its connections, and its abilities, had
identified itself completely with the cause of the insurgents, opposed
and embarrassed the Government in every effort to augment its forces and
to subsidize allies, openly rejoiced in the victories of the Americans,
and exerted all its eloquence to justify and encourage them.” (Lecky,
III, 545.)
“This glorious spirit of Whiggism,” said Chatham in a speech delivered
in January, 1775, “animates three millions in America, who prefer
poverty with liberty, to gilded chains and sordid affluence, who will
die in defence of their rights as freemen.... All attempts to impose
servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty
continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced
ultimately to retreat. Let us retreat while we can, not when we must.”
From the beginning, the members of the Opposition had emphasized the
danger to Great Britain that would arise from a prolonged struggle with
the colonies, foreseeing that they later would be forced into an
alliance with France. (Walpole’s last Journal, 11-182.)
At this time the Americans had no sympathy for the French and no desire
to incur any debt of gratitude towards them. “France had hitherto been
regarded in America, even more than in England, as a natural enemy. Her
expulsion from America had been for generations one of the first objects
of American patriots, and if she again mixed in American affairs it was
naturally thought that she would seek to regain the province she had
lost.” (Lecky, 111, 453.) To ask aid of her was at first an intolerable
thought to the greater number among the Revolutionary party—necessity
alone finally drove them to the step. Even then, it was with no
intention of accepting the help with gratitude, as subsequent events
proved: It was a means to an end, and the less said about it, the sooner
it was obliterated or forgotten, the better for all concerned.
The attitude of France towards America was of a totally different
nature. There was never any feeling of animosity against Americans
engendered by those wars which finally terminated so disastrously for
the French in the peace of 1763. As these wars had all been of European
origin, the resentment of the French fell upon the English alone. The
very name America had a wild, sweet charm for every Frenchman’s ear. For
him the red man was no savage foe, but a friend and brother. Side by
side they penetrated together the dense fastnesses of the primeval
forests, ascended the rivers, climbed the mountains, shot the cataracts;
at night they lay down under the same tent, shared the same meals and
smoked together the pipe of peace. The dread which kept the English
settlers hovering near the coast was unknown to the French. Thus they
were able to explore and claim for the great Sun-King the vast central
region, part of which bears his name to the present day. Not only was
the thought of these great possessions alluring to adventurers and
traders; philosophers and thinkers as well looked into the future and
saw the part that they were to play in the development of the race. In
1750 Turgot had uttered the following words, “Vast regions of America!
Equality keeps them from both luxury and want, and preserves to them
purity and simplicity with freedom. Europe herself will find there the
perfection of her political societies, and the surest support of her
well-being.” But since 1763 the fruit of French explorations on the
continent of America had been in the hands of the English; a few sugar
islands among the West Indies alone remained to them. Their foot-hold in
America was gone, but not their love for America. More than this a
generosity of nature, joined to a tolerance of, and admiration for
qualities not of the same type as their own, has always been a marked
characteristic of the French. It was therefore in the very nature of
things that the nation should have been roused to enthusiasm by the
news of the heroic resistance of the colonies, especially when it is
taken into consideration that every blow dealt by the defenders of
liberty, was aimed directly at the “triumphant political rival of
France.”
But the people of the nation were not its government, and at the time of
the uprising in America, France was ruled by a king, weak indeed in
character yet absolute in power, in whose divine right to rule, his
ministers as well as himself, believed. It was not, therefore, to be
expected that the French government would look with favor upon the
rebellious subjects of any nation, whether friend or foe. It was in the
nature of things that they should hesitate before encouraging measures
that were intended to aid revolt. As late as March 5, 1775, M. de
Vergennes had written to the French ambassador in London bidding him
quiet the fears of the English government in regard to the probable
interference of France. “The maintenance of peace with England,” he
wrote, “is our unique object.”
The French government, however, could not wholly resist the tide of
public sentiment or remain altogether unmoved by considerations of
interest. It was thought well to send some prudent and sagacious agent
to the New World to try the public temper and to see if the interference
of France actually was desired. A man admirably fitted for the task
recently had arrived in London from the French West Indies, who in
returning, had passed through the colonies, and who knew them well,
leaving many acquaintances there. This man was Bonvouloir. The 7th of
August, 1775, M. de Vergennes wrote to the French Ambassador, “The King
very much approves the mission of Bonvouloir.” (Bancroft—IV—360) “His
instructions,” he wrote to the ambassador a little later, “should be
verbal and confined to the two most essential objects: the one to make
a faithful report to you of the events and of the prevailing disposition
of the public mind; the other to secure the Americans against jealousy
of us. Canada is for them _le point jaloux_: they must be made to
understand that we do not think of it in the least.” (Quoted from J.
Durand’s _New Materials for the History of the American Revolution_,
1889, p. 1-16, Bonvouloir.)
On the 8th of September he set sail. The result of his mission, although
it promised nothing to the colonies, was to them at least an
encouragement. Already in the Summer of 1775 a motion had been made in
Congress and strongly supported by John Adams, to send an ambassador to
France. “But Congress still shrank from so formidable a step, though it
agreed, after long debates and hesitation, to form a secret committee to
correspond with friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of
the world.” (Adams’s Life, I, 200-202.) It was with this secret
committee, of which the celebrated Dr. Franklin was a prominent member,
that Bonvouloir came in touch.
Although the French government had taken this one preliminary step, she
remained to all appearances as indifferent to the cause of the colonists
as she was to the condition of affairs in England. Beaumarchais began
deluging her with such volumes of information on both these subjects,
that almost in spite of herself, her own interest was aroused. “The
energy of a believer is a force to which undecided convictions yield—and
this was the case with the King in regard to the schemes of
Beaumarchais.” (Gaillardet.)
But before entering into a consideration of those schemes, it would be
well to glance at the actual condition of England herself. We already
have spoken of the division existing in her midst, but the greatest
difficulty which the English government had to encounter was the one
that she has had to face in 1914 when she found herself suddenly
plunged into war with another country, namely that of raising a
formidable army. Then as now, the hatred of conscription was so deep
rooted in the English people that even the government of Lord North did
not dare to resort to it. “To raise the required troops on short notice
was very difficult.... The land tax was raised to four shillings in the
pound. New duties were imposed; new bounties were offered. Recruiting
agents traversed the country.... Recruits, however, came very slowly.
There was no enthusiasm for a war with English settlers. No measure
short of conscription could raise at once the necessary army in England
and to propose conscription would be fatal to any government.” (Lecky,
III, 455.)
In her dilemma, England found herself reduced to the infamous measure of
hiring German soldiers to fight for her against her own subjects. The
shameful conduct of the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Brunswick and
the Prince of Waldeck, has been immortalized by Germany’s great poet,
Schiller, in his _Kabale und Liebe_; “In England they excited only
contempt and indignation.” (Lecky) Moreover, the disorders arising from
the press-gang service ran high, while “after three expulsions, the
famous demagogue Wilkes” still retained his seat in Parliament, and in
1774 had been made Lord-Mayor of London. At a public dinner he had been
heard to exclaim insolently, “For a long time the King of England has
done me the honor of hating me. On my side, I have always rendered him
the justice of despising him; the time has come to decide which has the
better judged the other, and to which side the wind will make the heads
fall.” This divided condition among the people themselves justified the
assertion of Beaumarchais, made in his memoir to the King: “Open war in
America is less pernicious to England than the intestine war which
seems likely to break out before long in London; the bitterness between
the parties has risen to the highest excesses since the proclamation of
the King, declaring the Americans rebels.” Beaumarchais in this was only
voicing the general opinion. But “The English People,” says Loménie,
“with that national sentiment and good sense which often has
characterized them in great crises, baffled these previsions. The defeat
of the English troops weakened the opposition more than the ministry.
Everything became subordinate to the necessity of combatting with
energy; and the irritation, instead of augmenting, cooled down
considerably.”
As the war progressed, party-feeling disappeared while the actual entry
of France into the struggle developed a unity of purpose among the
English which would have been very disastrous to the new nation, had it
existed in the beginning.
The summer of 1775 was passed by Beaumarchais, ostensibly in
negotiations with the chevalier d’Eon, in reality with plans and
arrangements made with other European powers to join France in the
secret support of the colonies. No word written or spoken of these
negotiations escaped him, so that we can judge of their nature only from
the results. “The middle of September,” says Doniol (p. 134, I) “having
arranged his combinations, he returned to Versailles to emphasize the
necessity of France’s conducting herself as the future ally of the
Americans, that is, to come to an understanding with them in regard to
the aid necessary for the development of their revolt.”
M. de Vergennes seems to have been his first confidant. It was decided
to act on the mind of the King. A memoir was to be drawn up and given to
M. de Sartine who should believe himself the unique confidant. This plan
was disclosed in the following letter which Beaumarchais wrote to
Vergennes:
“Sept. 22, 1775
“Pour vous seul;
“M. le comte: M. de Sartine gave me back the paper yesterday, but
said nothing to me of the affair. Now in relation to the secret
which I let him think I was guarding from you, relative to my
memoir to the King, I thought it better that I wrote to you an
ostensible letter which you could carry or send to His Majesty
and if you were not charged by him with a reply, at least I
should receive one from your bounty to console me for having
taken useless pains. Send, I beg you, a blank passport, if you
think I should await the orders of the King in London, in case he
has not the time now, to decide the matter well. Of all this,
please be kind enough to inform me. Everything being understood
thus between us, it will be to your advantage to write to me so
obscurely that no one but myself can divine the object of your
letter, if you should send it to me by way of the ambassador.”
...
The “ostensible” letter, which was written at the same time for
the purpose of making an impression upon the King, was sent to
the latter the next day by Vergennes with the following note:
“I see, Sire, by the letter of the Sieur de Beaumarchais which I
have the honor to join to this, that he himself already has had
that of reporting to Your Majesty the notions he collected in
London, and what profit he thinks can be drawn from them.” ...
After asking for the King’s orders, he continued, “I requested M.
de Beaumarchais, who was to leave to-night for London, to defer
starting until to-morrow at noon....
“De Vergennes.
“A Versailles, le 23 Septembre 1775.”
(Quoted from Doniol I, 133.)
The “ostensible” letter is addressed to Vergennes but is really a second
appeal to the King. In it Beaumarchais dared to state forcefully the
embarrassment into which the King’s silence plunged him. He says:
“Monsieur le Comte,
“When zeal is indiscreet, it should be reprimanded; when it is
agreeable, it should be encouraged; but all the sagacity in the
world, would not enable him to whom nothing is replied, to divine
what conduct it is expected he should maintain.
“I sent yesterday to the King through M. de Sartine, a short
memoir which is the resumé of the long conference which you
accorded me the day before; it is the exact state of men and
things in England; it is terminated by the offer which I made you
to suppress for the time necessary for our preparations for war,
everything which by its noise, or its silence could hasten or
retard the moment. There must have been question of all this in
the council yesterday, and this morning you have sent me no word.
The most mortal thing to affairs of any kind is uncertainty or
loss of time.
“Should I await your reply or must I leave without having
received any? Have I done well or ill to penetrate the sentiments
of those minds whose dispositions are becoming so important for
us? Shall I allow in the future these confidences to come to
nothing and repel them instead of welcoming them—these overtures
which should have a direct influence upon the actual resolution?
In a word, am I an agent useful to his country, or only a
traveller deaf and dumb? I ask no new commission. I have too
serious work for my own personal affairs to finish in France for
that, but I would have felt that I had failed in my duty to the
King, to you, to my country, if I allowed all the good I might
bring about and all the evil which I might prevent to remain
unknown.
“I wait your reply to this letter before starting. If you have no
answer to make me, I shall regard this voyage as blank and nul;
and without regretting my pains, I will return instantly to
terminate in four days what remains to do with d’Eon and come
back without seeing anyone; they will indeed be very much
astonished, but another can do better perhaps; I wish it with my
whole heart.”
The memoir which had been sent to the King by way of M. de Sartine, the
21st September, 1775, shows in its first sentence that another memoir
had preceded it. Beaumarchais wrote:
“Au Roi:
“Sire,
“In the firm confidence which I hold, that these extracts which I
address to Your Majesty are for you alone, I will continue, Sire,
to present to you the truth in all points known to me, which seem
to me to be of interest to your service, without having regard to
the interests of anyone else whomsoever. I left London under
pretext of going to the country and have come running from London
to Paris, to confer with MM. de Vergennes and de Sartine upon
objects too important and too delicate to be confided to the care
of any courier.
“Sire, England is in such a crisis, such a disorder within and
without, that she would touch almost upon her ruin if her rivals
were in a state seriously to occupy themselves with her
condition. Here is the faithful exposition of the situation of
the English in America; I hold these details from an inhabitant
of Philadelphia arrived from the colonies, after a conference
with the English ministers, whom his recital has thrown into the
greatest trouble and petrified with fear. The Americans, resolved
to suffer everything rather than yield, and full of that
enthusiasm of liberty which has often rendered the little nation
of Corsica so redoubtable to the Genoese, have thirty-eight
thousand men, effectively armed and determined, under the walls
of Boston; they have reduced the English army to the necessity of
dying of hunger in that city, or of going elsewhere to find
winter quarters, something which it will do immediately. Nearly
eight thousand men well armed and equally determined, defend the
rest of the country without a single cultivator having been taken
from the land, or a workman from the manufactories. Every one who
was employed in the fisheries, which the English have destroyed,
has become a soldier and wishes to revenge the ruin of his family
and the liberty of his country; all who followed maritime
commerce, which the English have stopped, have joined the
fishermen to make war upon their common persecutors; all those
working in the ports have served to augment this army of furious
men, whose every action is animated by vengeance and rage.
“I say, Sire, that such a nation must be invincible, especially
having behind her sufficient country for a retreat, even if the
English were to become masters of the coast, which is far from
being said. All sensible people are convinced in England that the
English colonies are lost for the metropolis, and that is also my
opinion.”
Then follows an account of the discord prevailing within the
country itself, as well as an account of the secret negotiations
being carried on by members with Spain and Portugal. He concluded
thus:
“Résumé. America escapes from the English in spite of their
efforts; the war is more vividly illuminated in London than in
Boston.... Our ministry, uninformed and stagnant, remains passive
while events are occurring which touch us most closely....
“A superior and vigilant man would be indispensable in London
to-day....
“Here, Sire, are the motives of my trip to France, whatever use
Your Majesty may make of this memoir I count upon the virtue, the
goodness of my Master, trusting that he will not allow these
proofs of my zeal to turn against me, in confiding them to
anyone, which would only augment the number of my enemies. They
will, however, never hinder me from serving you so long as I am
certain of the protection of Your Majesty.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
Of the secret deliberations of the council and the resolutions arrived
at we can judge only from the letter of Beaumarchais addressed to
Vergennes the night of the 23rd of September. The King had read the
“ostensible” letter, and as Beaumarchais hoped, had been more stirred by
it. He had conferred with his minister and had given his orders.
Vergennes hastened to communicate them to Beaumarchais who left the same
night for London. Later he wrote:
“Paris the 23rd of September, 1775.
“Monsieur le Comte:
“I start, well informed as to the intention of the King and of
yourself. Let your Excellency have no fears; it would be an
unpardonable blunder in me to compromise in such an affair the
dignity of my master, or of his minister: to do one’s best is
nothing in politics; the first man who offers himself can do as
much. Do the best that can possibly be done under the
circumstances is what should distinguish from the common
servitor, him whom His Majesty and yourself Monsieur le Comte,
honor with your confidence in so delicate a matter. I am, etc.
“Beaumarchais.”
But the French government was slow to move. They were willing to make
use of the indefatigable zeal of their secret agent in collecting
information, but they were in no haste to commit themselves by any act
that might bring them prematurely into conflict with England. Rightly
enough, they wished to wait until the colonists themselves had arrived
at a decision. “France,” says Lecky, “had no possible interest in the
constitutional liberties of Americans. She had a vital interest in their
independence.” No one realized this fact better than Beaumarchais, and
for exactly this reason he continued to urge, with unabated ardor that
France should consent to give the colonists the secret, yet absolutely
indispensable aid, which he had been preparing; the fear which tormented
him was that through lack of means of effective resistance they should
reconcile themselves with the mother country. Still apparently occupied
with the affair of d’Eon, late in November he appeared again at
Versailles. On the 24th in a letter to Vergennes relating to the change
of costume decided upon for the Chevalier, Beaumarchais wrote: “Instead
of awaiting the reply, which should bear a definite decision, do you
approve that I write the King again that I am here, that you have seen
me trembling lest in a thing as easy as it is necessary, and perhaps the
most important that he will ever have to decide, his Majesty should
choose the negative?
“Whatever else happens I implore the favor of being allowed an audience
for a quarter of an hour, before he comes to any decision, so that I may
respectfully demonstrate to him the necessity of undertaking, the
facility of doing, the certainty of succeeding, and the immense harvest
of glory and repose which this little sowing will yield to his reign....
In case you have orders for me, I am at the hotel of Jouy rue des
Recollets.”
The “seed” which Beaumarchais demanded, which should bring such a
harvest of prosperity and glory to France was a sum of money, 2,000,000
francs perhaps, which he proposed to send as specie, or converted into
munitions of war through such channels as he had prepared in other
countries. During the first period of Beaumarchais’s activity in our
cause, no idea of his personal intervention except as transmitter of the
funds of the government, appeared to have entered his mind. The icy
coldness with which his advances were met did not in the least chill his
ardor—he only looked about for some new avenue of approach. His plans
had been disapproved, not to say rejected.—The 7th of December he
addressed another memoir to the King, couched in such respectful
language, so warm and glowing from his inmost heart, that its daring
boldness was almost forgotten. (In his _New Materials for the History of
the American Revolution_, Durand gives the Memoir in full.—The
selections here given are taken from his translation of the original.)
“Au Roi
“Sire: Your Majesty’s disapproval of a plan is, in general, a law
for its rejection by all who are interested in it. There are
plans, however, of such supreme importance to the welfare of your
Kingdom, that a zealous servant may deem it right to present
them more than once, for fear that they may not have been
understood from the most favorable point of view.
“The project which I do not mention here, but of which Your
Majesty is aware through M. de Vergennes, is of this number; I
rely wholly upon the strength of my reasons to secure its
adoption. I entreat you, Sire, to weigh them with all the
attention which such an important affair demands.
“When this paper is read by you, my duty is done. We propose,
Sire, and you judge. Yours is the more important task, for we are
responsible to you, while you, Sire, are responsible to God, to
yourself, and to the great people to whom good or ill may ensue
according to your decision.
“M. de Vergennes informs me that Your Majesty does not deem it
just to adopt the proposed expedient. The objection, then, has no
bearing on the immense utility of the project, nor on the danger
of carrying it out, but solely on the delicate conscientiousness
of Your Majesty.
“A refusal due to such honorable motives would condemn one to
silence, did not the extreme importance of the proposed object
make one examine whether the _justice_ of the King of France is
not really interested in adopting such an expedient. In general
it is certain that any idea, any project opposed to justice
should be discarded by every honest man.
“But, Sire, the policy of governments is not the moral law of its
citizens.... A kingdom is a vast isolated body, farther removed
from its neighbors by a diversity of interests, than by the sea,
the citadels, and the barriers which bound it. There is no common
law between them which ensures its safety.... The welfare and the
prosperity of each impose upon each, relations which are
variously modified under the name of international law, the
principle of which, even according to Montesquieu, is to do the
best for one’s self as the first law, with the least possible
wrong to other governments as the second.’ ...
“The justice and protection which a king owes to his subjects is
a strict and rigorous duty; while that which he may offer to
other states is never other than conventional. Hence it follows
that the national policy which preserves states, differs in
almost every respect from the civil morality which governs
individuals....
“It is the English, Sire, which it concerns you to humiliate and
to weaken, if you do not wish to be humiliated and weakened
yourself on every occasion. Have the usurpations and outrages of
that people ever had any limit but that of its strength? Have
they not always waged war against you without declaring it? Did
they not begin the last one in a time of peace, by a sudden
capture of five hundred of your vessels? Did they not humble you
by forcing you to destroy your finest seaport?... humiliation
which would have made Louis XIV _plutôt manger ses bras_ than not
atone for? A humiliation that makes the heart of every true
Frenchman bleed.... Your Majesty is no longer ignorant that the
late king, forced by events to accept the shameful treaty of
1763, swore to avenge these indignities.... The very singularity
of his plan only the better discloses his indignation....
“Without the intestine commotions which worry the English they
already would have profited by the state of weakness and disorder
under which the late king transmitted the kingdom to you, to
deprive you of the pitiful remains of your possessions in
America, Africa, and India, nearly all of them in their hands,
and yet Your Majesty is so delicate and conscientious as to
hesitate!
“An indefatigable, zealous servant succeeds in putting the most
formidable weapon in your hand, one you can use without
committing yourself and without striking a blow, so as to abase
your natural enemies and render them incapable of injuring you
for a long while....
“Ah, Sire, if you believe you owe so much to that proud English
people, do you owe nothing to your own good people in France, in
America, in India? But if your scruples are so delicate that you
have no desire to favor what may injure your enemies, how, Sire,
can you allow your subjects to contend with other European
powers, in conquering countries belonging to the poor Indians,
the African Savages or the Caribs who have never wronged you? How
can you allow your vessels to take by force and bind suffering
black men whom nature made free and who are only miserable
because you are powerful? How can you suffer three rival powers
to seize iniquitously upon and divide Poland under your very
eyes?...
“Were men angels, political ways might undoubtedly be disdained.
But if men were angels there would be no need of religion to
enlighten them, of laws to govern them, of magistrates to
restrain them, of soldiers to subdue them; and the earth instead
of being a faithful image of hell, would be indeed a celestial
abode. All we can do is to take men as they are, and the wisest
king can go no farther than the legislator Solon, who said: ‘I do
not give the Athenians the best laws, but only those adapted for
the place, the time and the people for whom I make them.’ ...
“I entreat you, Sire, in the name of your subjects, to whom you
owe your best efforts; in the name of that inward repose which
your Majesty so properly cherishes; in the name of the glory and
prosperity of a reign begun under such happy auspices; I entreat
you, Sire, not to be deceived by the brilliant sophism of a
false sensibility. _Summum jus, summa injuria._ This deplorable
excess of equity towards your enemies would be the most signal
injustice towards your subjects who soon suffer the penalty of
scruples out of place.
“I have treated the gravest questions summarily, for fear of
weakening my arguments by giving them greater extension, and
especially through fear of wearying the attention of Your
Majesty. If any doubts still remain, Sire, after reading what I
have presented to you, efface my signature, and have this attempt
copied by another hand, in order that the feebleness of the
reasoner may not diminish the force of the argument, and lay this
discussion before any man instructed by experience and knowledge
of worldly affairs; and if there is one, beginning with M. de
Vergennes, who does not agree with me, I close my mouth; ...
“Finally, Sire, I must confess to being so confounded by your
Majesty’s refusal, that, unable to find a better reason for it, I
conjecture that the negotiator is an obstacle to the success of
this important affair in the mind of Your Majesty. Sire, my own
interest is nothing, that of serving you is everything. Select
any man of probity, intelligence and discretion, who can be
relied upon; I will take him to England and make such efforts as
I hope will attain for him the same confidence that has been
awarded to myself. He shall conduct the affair to a successful
issue, while I will return and fall back into the quiet obscurity
from which I emerged, rejoicing in having at least begun an
affair of the greatest utility that any negotiator was ever
honored with.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
_Post Scriptum._
“It is absolutely impossible to give in writing all that relates
to this affair at bottom on account of the profound secrecy
which it requires, although it is extremely easy for me to
demonstrate the safety of the undertaking, the facility of doing,
the certainty of success, and the immense harvest of glory and
tranquillity which, Sire, this small grain of seed, sowed in
time, must give to your reign.
“May the guardian angel of this government incline the mind of
Your Majesty. Should he award us this first success, the rest
will take care of itself. I answer for it.”
Consider for a moment that the loyal subject who dared to write thus to
an absolute king, his master, was a civilly degraded man, incapable in
the eyes of the law of fulfilling any public function. It is the same
man to whom had been addressed several years previously, the famous
letter from some English admirer, which was inscribed “To Beaumarchais,
the only free man in France,” and it was delivered to him.
No special attention seems to have been paid to this memoir. At least no
outward sign was given; and Beaumarchais after waiting several days,
resorted to another measure. He addressed a letter to the King upon the
very inconsequent subject of the costume which the Chevalier D’Eon
should assume and the disposition that should be made of his man’s
attire. To such questions, at least, Louis XVI would not fear to give a
definite answer—perhaps he might be induced to take an additional step
and half unconsciously to decide weightier matters. The expedient was
worth a trial and Beaumarchais resorted to it. In writing the letter he
left a wide margin and humbly begged the King to write the answer
opposite each question.
“The autograph,” said Loménie, “is interesting. The body of the piece is
written in the hand of Beaumarchais and signed by him; the replies to
each question are traced in the margin, in a handwriting fine, but
uneven, weak, undecided, where the v’s and t’s are scarcely indicated.
It is the hand of the good, though weak and unhappy sovereign whom the
revolution was to devour seventeen years later.... Below is written and
signed in the hand of Vergennes, ‘All the additions are in the
handwriting of the King.’”
“Essential points which I implore M. de Vergennes to present for
the decision of the King to be replied to on the margin:
[Sidenote: In the provinces only.]
“Does the King accord the demoiselle d’Eon permission to wear her
cross of St. Louis on her woman’s attire?
[Sidenote: Yes.]
“Does His Majesty approve the gratification of 2000 pounds which I
allowed that demoiselle for her Trousseau?
[Sidenote: She must sell it.]
“Does His Majesty allow her the entire disposition of her man’s
attire?
* * * * *
* * * * *
[Sidenote: Good.]
“The King not being able to refuse a recognition in good form of
the papers which I have brought back from England, I have begged
M. de Vergennes, to implore His Majesty to add with his own hand,
several words showing his approval of the way in which I have
filled my mission. That recompense, the dearest to my heart, may
one day be of great utility to me....
[Sidenote: That you received none.]
“As the first person whom I will see in England is milord
Rochford, and as he is likely to ask me in secret the reply of
the King of France to the prayer which the King of England made
through me, what shall I reply?
[Sidenote: Perhaps.]
“If that lord wishes secretly to engage me to see the monarch
shall I accept or not?
[Sidenote: It is useless.]
“If that minister ... wishes to bring me into connection with other
ministers, or if the occasion in any way arises shall I accept or not?”
* * * * *
* * * * *
Finally Beaumarchais brought forward the demand for which the rest of
the letter is but a cloak, the one burning question for the answer of
which he had waited so long and in vain and to which Louis XVI still
made no reply:
“And now I ask before starting, the positive response to my last
memoir; but if ever question was important, it must be admitted
that it is this one. I answer on my head, after having well
reflected, for the most glorious success of this operation for
the entire reign of my master, without his person, or of that of
his ministers, or his interests being in the least compromised.
Can anyone of those who influence His Majesty against this
measure answer on his head to the King for the evil which will
infallibly come to France if it is rejected?
“In the case that we shall be so unhappy as that the King should
constantly refuse to adopt a plan so simple and so wise, I
implore His Majesty to permit me to take note for him of the date
when I arranged this superb resource, in order that one day he
may render me the justice due to my views, when it will only be
left to us bitterly to regret not having followed them.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
[Illustration: CHARLES GRAVIER—COMTE DE VERGENNES]
“The temerity of the secret agent,” says M. de Loménie, “in the end
prevailed over the prudence of the King; but for the moment ...
Beaumarchais was obliged to start for London knowing only that d’Eon
must sell his old clothes.”
For the moment the hopes of Beaumarchais seemed wholly shattered.
“Intrigues of the court,” said Doniol, “controlled the actions of M. de
Vergennes, and made him feel the danger. The minister was visibly the
butt of serious attacks, Beaumarchais was in consequence held at a
distance. Everything seemed to be compromised. He seized the occasion of
the new year to write to M. de Vergennes.
“January 1, 1776.
“Monsieur le comte:
“It is impossible to be so deeply touched as I am with your
favors without being very much so by your apparent coldness. I
have examined myself well, and I feel that I do not merit it. How
could you know that I had carried my zeal too far, if you do not
first enter with me into the details of what I have done or ought
to have done?
“Great experience with men, and the habit of misfortune, have
given me that watchful prudence, which makes me think of
everything and direct things according to the timid or courageous
character of those for whom I do them.”
Thus the year 1775 ended and the new year began with but little
encouragement for the agent of the King in the cause of America; but his
was a heart that did not easily lose courage. More than this, matters
were really advancing; the timid policy of the King and the objections
of the ministers began to give way to “the quiet and uniform influence
of M. de Vergennes, which imperceptibly overcame the scruples of the
inexperienced Prince, who never comprehended the far reaching influence
of the question.” (Bancroft—History of America, IV, p. 363.)
CHAPTER XVII
“_It was absolutely necessary to the existence and prosperity of France
that the great commercial power and assumed preponderance of Great
Britain and her attempted monopoly of the seas should be broken. The
revolt of the American Colonies was her opportunity._”
_George Clinton Genet in Magazine of American History, Nov., 1878._
Beaumarchais’s English connections—With Lord Rochford—With
Wilkes—Meets Arthur Lee—Sends Memoir to the King—His Commission
to Buy Portuguese Coin—Called to Account by Lord
Rochford—Vergennes’s Acceptance of his Ideas—Article in _The
Morning Chronicle_.
As has been stated already, Beaumarchais during his stay in London came
in touch with all classes. It was Lord Rochford whom he had known
intimately at Madrid who introduced him at the court of St. James. It
was d’Eon and Morande who brought him into touch with the brilliant,
daring Wilkes, then Lord Mayor of London.
Around the latter’s table the most pronounced members of the opposition,
as well as the leading Americans then in London, were wont to assemble.
It was here that Beaumarchais met the young and gifted representative of
America, Arthur Lee, who was destined to bring so much discord into all
continental relations with America. The bitterness which subsequent
developments brought out in his character had not then shown itself.
During the winter of 1776, Lee was replacing Franklin in London. Ardent
and intelligent, with decided personal charm he captivated Beaumarchais.
In fact it was primarily through Lee that Beaumarchais came in touch
with the pulse of American life and from him that he acquired that
ardent sympathy with the sons of the new world, which never left him.
Both Beaumarchais and the Count de Lauragais, another agent of France in
London, urged the French minister to permit Lee to appear before him, to
plead in person the cause of his country. But on this point Vergennes
was inexorable, and Arthur Lee was not permitted to come to Versailles.
Most of the correspondence which passed between Beaumarchais and the
French ministers during the early part of 1776 is lacking, but the
following memoir addressed to the king, February 29, 1776, shows that a
decided advance had been made:
“_La Paix ou la Guerre_
“To the King alone:
“The famous quarrel between America and England which is soon
going to divide the world and change the system of Europe,
imposes upon every power the necessity of examining well how the
event of this separation will influence it, either to serve its
ends or to thwart them.
“But the most interested of all is certainly France, whose sugar
islands have been, since the peace of 1763, the constant object
of regret and of hope to the king of England....
“In the first memoir placed before Your Majesty three months ago
by M. de Vergennes, I tried to prove that the sense of justice of
Your Majesty could not be offended in taking wise precautions
against this enemy who never has shown herself delicate in those
which she has taken against us.
“To-day when a violent crisis is advancing upon us with great
strides, I am obliged to warn Your Majesty that the conservation
of our American possessions and the peace which you so desire
depends solely upon this one proposition—_We must aid the
Americans!_
“This is what I will prove to you.... The King of England, the
ministers, the parliament, the opposition, the nation, the
English people, parties, in a word, which tear the state to
pieces, all agree that it is not to be hoped that they can bring
back the Americans, even if the great efforts which they now put
forth should be able to subdue them. From this, Sire, the violent
debates between the ministry and the opposition, the action and
reaction of opinions admitted or rejected, do not in the least
advance matters, they serve, however, to throw much light upon
the subject....
“The fear exists in England that the Americans, encouraged by
their successes and perhaps emboldened by some secret treaty with
France and Spain, will refuse the same conditions of peace to-day
which they demanded with clasped hands two years ago. On the
other hand the Sieur L. (Lee) secret deputy of the colonies at
London, absolutely discouraged at the uselessness of the efforts
which he has made through me to obtain from the French Ministry
aid of powder and munitions of war—said to me to-day,
“‘For the last time, is France absolutely decided to refuse us
all aid and has she become the victim of England and the laughing
stock of Europe, by this unbelievable torpor?’
“Obliged myself to reply positively, I await your last reply to
his offer before I give my own.
“‘We offer,’ he says, ‘to France as a price of her secret aid, a
secret treaty of commerce which will enable her to reap during a
certain number of years after the peace, all the benefits with
which we have for the last century enriched England, besides a
guarantee of her West Indian Possessions according to our power.
“‘If this is rejected, Congress immediately will make a public
proclamation and will offer to all nations of the world what I
secretly offer to you to-day.... The Americans, exasperated, will
join their forces to those of England and will fall upon your
sugar islands—of which you will be deprived forever.’ ...
“Here, Sire, is the striking picture of our position. Your
Majesty sincerely wishes to maintain peace. The means to conserve
peace, Sire, will make the _résumé_ of this memoir.
“Admit all the foregoing hypotheses and let us reason. _This
which follows is very important._
“Either England will have the most complete success in the
campaign over the Americans; or the Americans will repel the
English with loss; or England will adopt the plan of abandoning
the colonies to themselves and separating in a friendly manner;
or the opposition taking possession of the ministry, will bring
about the submission of the colonies on condition of their being
reinstated as in 1763.
“Here are all the possibilities brought together. Is there a
single one which does not instantly bring upon us the war which
you desire to avoid? Sire, in the name of Heaven, deign to
examine the matter with me.
“First, if England should triumph over America, it can only be at
an enormous expense of men and money, now the only indemnity
which England will propose to make on her return, will be the
capture of our sugar islands.... Thus Sire, it will only remain
for you, the choice of beginning too late an unfruitful war, or
to sacrifice to the most disgraceful inactivity your American
colonies and to lose two hundred and eighty millions of capital
and more than thirty millions of revenue.
“Second, if the Americans win, the moment they are free from the
English, the latter in despair at seeing their possessions
diminished by three fourths, will be still more anxious to
indemnify themselves by the easy capture of our islands, and one
may be sure that they will not fail in attempting it.
“Third, if the English imagine themselves forced to abandon the
colonies to themselves, which is the secret desire of the king,
their loss being the same and their commerce equally ruined the
result remains the same for us.
“Fourth, if the opposition comes into power and concludes a
treaty with the American colonies, the Americans, outraged
against the French whose refusal to aid alone forces them to
submit to England, menace us from to-day forth, to take away the
islands by joining forces with the English....
“What shall we do in this extremity to win peace and to save our
islands?
“_Sire the only means is to give help to the Americans_, so as to
make their forces equal to those of England.... Believe me Sire,
the saving of a few millions to-day soon may cause a great deal
of blood to flow, and money to be lost to France....
“If it is replied that we cannot aid the Americans without
drawing upon us a storm, I reply that this danger can be averted
if the plan be adopted which I have so often proposed, to aid the
Americans secretly....
“If your Majesty has no more skillful man to employ, I am ready
to take the matter in charge and will be responsible for the
treaty without compromising anyone, persuaded that my zeal will
better supplement my lack of dexterity, than the dexterity of
another could replace my zeal.... Your Majesty knows better than
anyone that secrecy is the soul of action and that in politics a
project made known, is a project lost.
“Since I have served you sire, I have never asked for any favor.
Permit, O my master, that no one be allowed to prevent my working
for you and my whole existence is consecrated to you.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
Under the outward show of indifference the French government had been
steadily moving toward the point aimed at by its secret agent. Early in
March Vergennes had placed a list of considerations before the king in
which the future actions of the government were outlined. Beaumarchais
had been recalled in order to deliberate with the ministers, and when
all was arranged, he returned to London to continue the work there.
But the enemies of the cause of America were not slumbering and in spite
of his precautions he found that he was being watched. “Beaumarchais,”
says Doniol, “already under the suspicion of the police of the foreign
office, of being employed with that with which he was really occupied,
had been furnished with a letter by M. de Sartine, which gave him a
mission in the name of the king to buy up ancient Portuguese coin, to be
used in the islands.”
Beaumarchais wrote to Vergennes, April 12, 1776, “I wrote yesterday to
M. de Sartine thanking him as well as the king for having furnished me
with the means of sleeping tranquilly in London. Certain that you will
deliver him my dispatch I lay down my pen, because for eight hours I
have been writing and making copies, and I am exhausted.
“Deign to remember sometimes, M. le Comte, a man who respects you
and who even dares in his heart to add a more tender sentiment.
Beaumarchais.”
The following letter bears the date, April 12th, 1776; but as
Beaumarchais later explains, it really was written on the 16th. It shows
the intimate relation which existed between him and Lord Rochford, as
well as the skill and address of Beaumarchais in extricating himself
from a very difficult situation.
“Monsieur le Comte:
“While England assembled at Westminster Hall is judging the
Duchess of Kingston, I will give you an account of a serious
conversation which took place between Lord Rochford and myself.”...
The lord, after informing Beaumarchais of a letter he had just
received from King George of England appointing him to the
vice-royalty in Ireland, continued: “But I must not omit to read
you the last phrase of the letter of the King, M. de
Beaumarchais, because it regards you particularly.
“‘A vessel from Boston, charged with letters and merchandise from
Congress for a merchant of Nantes, with orders to exchange for
munitions of war, has been brought to Bristol. This circumstance,
joined to that of two French gentlemen, secretly in communication
with Congress, and having, it is said, hidden relations with
persons in London, has singularly alarmed our council....
“‘Several evilly informed persons have endeavored to cause
suspicions of this connivance to fall upon you. What do you think
of all this? I know very well that you are here to finish with
d’Eon; on this point I wish to trust your word alone, as I have
already said to the king.’
“‘Before replying, Milord,’ I said, ‘to that which regards me,
permit me to speak first of the vessel from America. Not that I
have orders from our ministers, but following my own light. I
have learned already of the arrival of the American vessel at
Bristol, but I was no more astonished that it was charged for a
merchant of Nantes, than if it had been one for Amsterdam, or
Cadiz, or Hamburg. The insurgents have need of munitions, and
have no money to buy them, they are forced, then, to hazard their
raw materials in order to exchange them, and any port whatever
where they can find munitions is naturally as good as any other.’
“‘But, Monsieur, has not France given orders in her ports in
regard to this? Have we not the right to expect the merchants of
Nantes to be punished?’
“‘Milord, you have permitted me the right to speak frankly. I
will do it all the more freely since I have no commission and
what I say will compromise no one. Indeed, Milord, do you wish
our administration to deal harshly with the people of Nantes? Are
we at war with anyone? Before asking this question of me, let me
ask a preliminary one of you. Because England has a private
quarrel with someone, what right has she to restrict our
commerce? What treaty obliges us to open or close our ports
according to the wish of the British nation? Certainly, Milord, I
scarcely can believe that anyone would dare to raise so
unbelievable a question, the solution of which might have
consequences which England has great interest not to provoke....
“‘Nothing prevents you from chasing the Americans as much as you
like, seizing them whenever you can,—except under the cannon of
our forts, by the way! But require of us to disturb our merchants
because they have dealings with people with whom we are at peace,
whether we regard them as your subjects or a people become free,
... in truth that is asking too much! I do not know what the
administration would think of such a demand, but I know very well
that it seems to me decidedly more than out of place.’
“‘I see, Monsieur, that you are crimson with anger.’ (In truth M.
le Comte, the fire had mounted to my face, and if you disapprove,
that I have shown so much heat, I ask your pardon.)
“‘Milord,’ I replied, with gentleness and modesty, ‘you who are
English and patriotic, you should not think evil that _un bon
Français_ should have pride for his country.’
“‘Therefore, I am not in the least offended.’”
The conversation now turned on the delicate matter of
Beaumarchais’s mission. After showing his credentials for the
buying up of Portuguese coin and frankly affirming that the
affair with d’Eon was settled so far as he was concerned, he
continued, “‘If there should be any pretended French agents in
England, I am sure that if they could be captured, the government
would disavow them, and even punish them....
“‘And now, Milord, I offer you my sincere compliments for that
which the king destines for you. If you accept the Vice-Royalty,
I hope you will remember your ancient friendship for M. Duflos
whom I recommend to you afresh. I hope you will charge him with
the details of your house in Ireland as you have in France. He
promised me this.’ (This Duflos, M. le Comte, is a Frenchman whom
I long ago secured for Lord Rochford; he is absolutely devoted to
me, and through him you will always have certain news of the most
intimate interior of the vice-royalty. I am a little like Figaro,
M. le Comte, I do not lose my head for a little noise.)
“By the way, the Hessian troops have started. They took the oath
of allegiance to England the 22nd of March.
“The Americans have actually twelve vessels of from twenty-two to
forty-four pieces of cannon, and twelve or fifteen of twenty
pieces, and more than thirty of twelve pieces, which gives them a
navy almost as respectable as that of the English, and for the
last two and a half months the insurgents have lost only one
vessel brought into Bristol, which is indeed worthy of remark.
“I count upon your goodness to hope that my recommendations for
Aix are not forgotten. [In allusion to his suit with the count de
La Blache, still pending.] It is not just that I be judged in the
South when I am nine hundred miles away in the North.
“Receive my respects, my homage, and the assurance of my perfect
devotion.
“Caron de Beaumarchais.”
(Doniol I, 407.)
On the 26th of the same month, M. de Vergennes wrote to his secret
agent, “almost as though he spoke to an ambassador.” (Doniol.)
“I have the satisfaction of announcing to you that His Majesty
very much approves the noble and frank manner with which you
repelled the attack made upon you by Lord Rochford in relation to
the American vessel destined for Nantes and conducted to Bristol.
You have said nothing which His Majesty would not have prescribed
you to say if he had foreseen that you would be obliged to answer
in regard to a matter so far removed from the business with which
you are charged. Receive my compliments, Monsieur. After having
assured you of the approbation of the king, mine cannot seem very
interesting to you; nevertheless, I cannot refuse myself the
satisfaction of applauding the wisdom and firmness of your
conduct and renewing the assurances of my entire esteem. I have
not neglected your commission for Aix. M. le Garde des Sceaux
assured me that it would remain in suspense till your return.
“I am very perfectly
“de Vergennes.
“Versailles, April 26th, 1776.”
Post Scriptum.
“The king approves, that you do not refuse the overtures the Lord
Rochford may make to you. You are prudent and discreet. I should
be without uneasiness even if you had a more important commission
than that which M. de Sartine has given you. It was well,
however, that you had it, since it served to disperse the
suspicions aroused by your frequent voyages to London. It must be
admitted that the English whom we believe to be men are really
far less than women, if they are so easily frightened.... Nothing
equals the sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be,
Monsieur, your very humble, etc.
“de Vergennes.”
The same day Beaumarchais addressed the count with a letter from London
which runs as follows:
“M. le Comte:
“I profit by this occasion to entertain you with freedom upon the
only really important matter at present, America and all that
pertains to it. I reasoned a long time, day before yesterday,
with the man you thought best to prevent coming to France.
(Arthur Lee.) He incessantly asks if we are going to do
absolutely nothing for them. And without wasting time in
repeating to me how very important their success is to France
because he does us the honor of believing that we agree with him
on that point, he tells me simply, ‘We need arms, powder, and
above all engineers; only you can help us, and it is to your
interest to do so.’
“The Americans are as well placed as possible; army, fleet
provisions, courage, everything is excellent, but without powder
and engineers how can they conquer or even defend themselves? Are
we going to let them perish rather than loan them one or two
millions? Are we afraid of losing the money?
“Weakness and fear is all that one sees here....
“It is clear that the ministry is silent because it has nothing
to reply. Fear and anger on one side, weakness and embarrassment
on the other, this is the real condition. You would be still more
convinced of this truth if you will recall the nature of their
treaties with Germany and if you examine the rate of the new
loan.... And when this is well proved, is it really true, M. le
Comte, that you will do nothing for the Americans?
“Will you not have the goodness to show once more to the King how
much he can gain, without striking a blow, in this one campaign?
And will you not attempt to convince His Majesty that this
miserable pittance which they demand, and over which we have been
disputing for more than a year, will bring to us all the fruits
of a great victory without undergoing the dangers of a combat?
That this help can give to us while we sleep, all that the
disgraceful treaty of 1763 made us lose? What greater view can
occupy the council of the king and what force your pleading will
take on if you show the reverse of the picture and count what the
defeat of the Americans will cost us. Three hundred millions—our
men—our vessels, our islands, etc.... because their forces once
united against us, their audacity augmented by their great
success, it is only certain that they will force these same
Frenchmen to support a fatal war which two millions now would
avert.
“In spite of the danger which I run in writing these daring
things from London, I feel myself twice as much French in London
as at Paris. The patriotism of this people stirs my own....”
As may be seen from this letter, Arthur Lee still inspired complete
confidence in the agent of the French government, so much indeed that
Beaumarchais gladly disclosed to him the plans which he had formed for
coming to the aid of the Americans.
So certain was he that France would ultimately yield to the necessity of
giving them secret support that he no doubt spoke with indiscreet
assurance on the subject. Exactly what passed between the two men will
never be known, but what is certain is, that during the spring of 1776,
Arthur Lee addressed to the secret committee of Congress a letter in
which he says:
“In consequence of active measures taken with the French Embassy
in London, _M. de Vergennes has sent me a secret agent to inform
me that the French court cannot think of making war on England
but that she is ready to send five million worth of arms and
ammunition to Cap Français to be thence sent to the colonies._”
A careful analysis of this important missive will at once make clear the
profound misunderstanding which arose in the mind of the secret
committee of Congress regarding the true state of affairs in France. So
completely was every statement perverted that though the whole bears a
semblance of truth yet in reality nothing could be further removed from
it.
For instead of sending an agent to confer with Arthur Lee, M. de
Vergennes had steadily refused to enter into any relation whatever with
him. Instead of promising munitions of war for which Beaumarchais had
been pleading so long and so ardently, the government continued to
refuse to compromise itself by making any statement regarding them.
And yet in judging Arthur Lee, whether he intentionally distorted the
truth or only indulged in what he considered a harmless exaggeration, we
must not forget that this letter with its assurances of help, arriving
at the moment which it did, had a profound influence in shaping men’s
minds for independence.
As regards Lee himself, the letter had the effect of greatly augmenting
his credit with Congress. Silas Deane was already on his way to France,
charged with an express commission to secure munitions of war on credit,
so it was determined to join Arthur Lee to the commission as soon as it
could be brought about.
But to return to the French court. The first intimation of anything like
an avowed approval of the plans of Beaumarchais is to be found in a
letter of M. de Vergennes under date of May 2, 1776. He wrote:
“I have received the first of this month, Monsieur, the letter with
which you honored me, written the 26th of last month.”
Then follows a lengthy preamble in which the count, speaking as an
observer of men and one used to dealing with them, continues:
“This preface is not destined to refute your foresight, which on the
contrary I praise and approve. But do not suppose that because your
plans are not immediately acted on, that they are rejected. Although the
method which I employ is sure, I am forced to curb the desire which I
feel to express to you all my thoughts, therefore, I rely upon your
sagacity to divine them. Think well and you will find that I am nearer
to you than you imagine.... A thousand thanks, Monsieur, for the news
items which you communicate to me, they have been seen and relished....
I have delivered the letter which you recommended to me; if an answer
comes I will forward it to you. I flatter you that you know my
friendship and attachment for you.
“de Vergennes.”
In fact the hindrances were gradually disappearing from the path of the
minister. In a résumé, in all probability drawn up by Vergennes himself,
entitled, “_Réflexions sur la nécessité de secourir les Américains et de
se préparer à la guerre avec l’Angleterre_,” without date, but placed by
Doniol the first of May, 1776, the following passages occur:
“There is no obstacle, and it is even necessary to aid the insurgents
indirectly by means of munitions or of money....
“We are to make no agreement with them until their independence is
established. The aid must be veiled and hidden, and appear to come from
commerce so that we can always deny it.
“It would be sufficient for an intelligent merchant, faithful and
discreet, to be stationed in each one of the ports, where the American
vessels would come to land their cargoes—he would treat directly with
their captains and would mask the shipments to prevent the reproach of
the court of England.”—Doniol.
This was not at all what Beaumarchais had been planning and preparing.
In the next chapter we shall see him with his usual flexibility abandon
his own ideas and adopt those of the ministry, since they tended to the
same end. In the meantime he was addressing the following letters to
Vergennes:
“Monsieur le Comte:
“There is nothing very important here but the news of the
evacuation of Boston, which arrived three days ago....
“The government assumes an air of approbation, of mystery, of
intelligence even. It wishes to have it considered as a ruse of
the ministry, but that does not take. It is too certain that the
impossibility to hold Boston from lack of provisions has driven
the English away....
“All this confirms what I announced in my last dispatch, that the
Americans are in good condition everywhere, engineers and powder
excepted. I thank you for your obliging goodness in regard to my
affair at Aix. I thank you also for the honorable encouragement
which the approbation of the king and your own gives to my
enterprise.... Say what you will, M. le Comte, a little
exaltation in the heart of an honest man, far from spoiling him
for action vivifies everything he touches, and enables him to do
more than he would have dared to promise from his natural
capacity. I feel this exaltation, it remains for my prudence to
direct it in a way that turns to the good of the affairs of the
king. Conserve for me his esteem, Monsieur le Comte.
“Ah, Monsieur le Comte, as a favor ... some powder and engineers!
It seems to me that I never wanted anything so much....”
(Given by Gaillardet.)
Five days later; London, May 8, 1776.
... “I say then, the time approaches when the Americans will be
masters at home.... If they have the upper hand, as everything
seems to point to that end, will we not have infinitely to
regret, Monsieur le Comte, not to have ceded to their prayers?
If, far from having acquired the right to their gratitude, as we
could easily do at small cost and without risk, we will have
alienated them forever? As they will have conquered without us,
they will revenge themselves for our hardness to them. What are
two or three millions advanced without compromising ourselves?
Because I can engage my sacred faith to make any sum you wish
reach them at second hand by way of Holland, without risk or
other authorization than that which exists between us. A small
effort will perhaps suffice, because I know that the Virginians
have now an abundant manufacture of saltpeter, and that the
Congress has decided that powder shall be made in every place
instead of at Philadelphia as formerly. Beside this, Virginia has
seven thousand regular troops, and seventy thousand militia, iron
in abundance, and she makes almost as many arms as all the rest
of America together.
“But engineers, engineers and powder! Or the money to buy them!”
(Gaillardet.)
Three days later, London, May 11, 1776.... “All the quarrels for the
last eight days are in relation to the _quomodo_ of the evacuation of
Boston. The opposition and the ministry are openly tearing out each
other’s eyes about it. The whole affair consists of the doctors deciding
how the sick man died. Let them dispute over that great coffin. The
couriers arrive at every moment.... To-morrow all the news of the
American papers will be printed in the English ones. The whole affair
begins to clear up. You were certainly very near me as you said, when I
imagined you very very far.” (Gaillardet.)
“London, May 17, 1776.
... Eight days ago a pack boat from Virginia sent by Lord Dunmore
brought news to the government, but it was so bad that it was
thought advisable to say that the chest containing the mail was
washed overboard in a storm. Admirable ruse! Effort of superior
genius! Yesterday another vessel arrived from Canada. A man
jumped into a boat and the vessel pushed out again. That man
hurried straight to London without stopping. No one can find out
his errand. From these incidents comes the refrain; the news must
be very black since it is kept such a mystery.”
(Gaillardet.)
Thus ended the first phase of the activity of Beaumarchais in the cause
of the Americans. In a few more days he was back in France ready to turn
the force of his mind, the power of his intellect and all the energy of
his being into the development of that vast mercantile establishment
which was for a time to supply the colonies with munitions of war and
other necessities.
As a proof that no one ever was able to pass from grave to gay with more
facility than Beaumarchais, we will close the present chapter with a
rather lengthy extract from an article which appeared in the London
_Morning Chronicle_ shortly before his return to France:
From the _Morning Chronicle_, London, May 6, 1776.
“Monsieur, the Editor:
“I am a stranger, full of honor. If it is not to inform you
absolutely who I am, it is at least to tell you in more than one
sense who I am not.
“Day before yesterday, at the Pantheon, after the concert and
during the dance, I found under my feet a lady’s mantle of black
taffeta, lined with the same and bordered with lace. I am
ignorant to whom this mantle belongs, never having seen, even at
the Pantheon, her who wore it and all my investigations since
have not enabled me to learn anything in relation to her.
“I therefore beg you, M. the Editor, to announce in your paper
this lost mantle so that it may be returned faithfully to
whomever shall reclaim it.
“But that there may be no error in relation to it, I have the
honor to announce to you that the person who lost it wore a pink
plume that day in her hair; I think she had diamond pendants in
her ears, but I am not so sure of that as of the rest. She is
tall and well formed, her hair is a silvery blonde; her
complexion dazzlingly white; her neck is fine and gracefully set;
her form slender, and the prettiest little foot in the world. I
have even remarked that she is very young. She is lively and
distracted; her step is light and she has a decided taste for the
dance.
“If you ask me, M. the Editor, why, having noted her so well, I
did not at once return her mantle, I shall have the honor to
repeat what I said to you before, that I have never seen this
person; that I do not know either her features, or her eyes, or
her costume, or her carriage, and do not know who she is, or what
she is like.
“But if you insist upon knowing how I am able to so well define
her, never having seen her, I in turn will be astonished that so
exact an observer as you do not know that the simple examination
of a lady’s mantle is sufficient to give of her all the notions
by which she could be recognized.
“Now suppose, Monsieur, that on examining this mantle, I found in
the hood some stray hair of a beautiful blonde attached to the
stuff, also some bits of down escaped from the feathers, you will
admit that a great effort of genius would not be needed to
conclude that the hair and the plume of that blonde must in every
way resemble the samples which have detached themselves. You feel
that perfectly. And since similar hair never grew from skin of
uncertain whiteness, analogy will have taught you as it has
taught me, that this beautiful silvery hair must have a dazzling
complexion, something which no observer can dispute with us
without dishonoring his judgment.
“It is thus that a slightly worn spot in the taffeta on the two
lateral parts of the interior of the hood which could not have
come from anything but a repeated rubbing of two small hard
bodies in movement, showed me that, not that she wore the
pendants on that particular day, but that she does so ordinarily;
and that it is hardly probable between you and me, that she would
have neglected this adornment on a day of conquest or of grand
assembly, both which are one. If I reason badly do not spare me,
I beg you. Rigor is not injustice.
“The rest goes without saying. It can easily be seen that it was
sufficient for me to examine the ribbon which was attached to the
mantle at the neck, and to knot it at the place rumpled by the
ordinary usage to see that the space enclosed being small, the
neck daily enclosed in that space must also be very fine and
graceful. No difficulty there.
“Suppose again, Monsieur, if on examining the body of the mantle
you should have found upon the taffeta the impression of a very
pretty little foot, marked in gray dust, would you not have
reflected as I did, that had any other woman stepped on the
mantle since its fall, she would certainly have deprived me of
the pleasure of picking it up? Therefore it would have been
impossible that the impression of the shoe came from any other
person than her who lost the mantle. It follows, you would have
said that if the shoe was small the foot must be smaller still.
There is no merit in my having recognized that; the most careless
observer, a child would have found that out.
“But this impression made in passing and even without being felt,
announces, besides an extreme vivacity of step, a strong
preoccupation of mind to which grave, cold, or aged persons are
little susceptible. I therefore very simply concluded that my
charming blond is in the flower of her age, very lively and
distracted. Would you not have thought the same, M. the Editor?
“The next day in recalling that I had been able to pick up the
mantle in a place where so many people passed (which proves that
it fell at the very instant) without having been able to see who
lost it (which proves that she was already far away), I said to
myself, ‘Assuredly this person is the most alert beauty of
England, Scotland and Ireland; and if I do not join America to
the rest, it is only because they have become of late _diablement
alerte_ in that country.’
“In giving you this mantle, M. the Editor, permit me to envelop
myself in my own and that I sign myself,
“_L’Amateur français._”
CHAPTER XVIII
_Look upon my house, gentlemen, from henceforward as the chief of all
useful operations to you in Europe, and my person as one of the most
zealous partisans of your cause, the soul of your success and a man most
deeply impressed with the respectful esteem with which I have the honor
to be...._
_“Roderigue Hortalès et Compagnie”
Beaumarchais to the Secret Committee of Congress, Aug. 15, 1776._
Memoir Explaining to the King the Plan of His Commercial
House—Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.—The Doctor Du Bourg—Silas
Deane’s Arrival—His Contract with Beaumarchais—Lee’s Anger—His
Misrepresentations to Congress—Beaumarchais Obtains His
Rehabilitation.
On the 24th of May, 1776, Beaumarchais returned to France. He wrote to
the Count de Vergennes the same night:
“Monsieur le Comte,
“I arrive very tired, completely exhausted. My first care is to
ask you for your orders and the hour when you will be so good as
to give me audience. It is three o’clock in the morning. My negro
will be at your levée, he will be back for mine. I hope he will
bring me the news which I desire with the greatest impatience,
which is to go in person, and assure you of the very respectful
devotion with which, I am,
M. le Comte, your very humble and very obedient servitor,
Beaumarchais.” (Doniol.)
[Illustration: SILAS DEANE]
No written statement was ever made of the exact arrangement arrived at
between the minister and his confidential agent. What is certain is that
as soon as the latter understood the new plan of procedure he brought at
once to the aid of the undertaking the whole force of his powerful mind
as well as the experience of those years passed under the tutelage of
old Du Verney, and in his attempted enterprise at the court of Spain.
A letter without date, published for the first time by George Clinton
Genet in the _Magazine of American History_, 1878, written by
Beaumarchais to the King, gives a clear statement of how he proposed to
proceed in founding this new mercantile house which should hide from all
the world and even from the Americans themselves the connivance of the
Government in the operations:
“To the King Alone:
“While state reasons engage you to extend a helping hand to the
Americans, policy requires that Your Majesty shall take abundant
precaution to prevent the secret succor sent to America from
becoming a firebrand between France and England in Europe.... On
the other hand, prudence wills that you acquire a certainty that
your funds may never fall into other hands than those for whom
you destined them. Finally, the present condition of your
finances does not permit you to make so great sacrifice at the
moment as passing events seem to require.
“It becomes my duty, Sire, to present to you, and it is for your
wisdom to examine the following plan, the chief object of which
is to avoid, by a turn which is absolutely commercial, the
suspicion that your majesty has any hand in the affair.
“The principal merit of this plan is to augment your aid so that
a single million ... will produce the same results for the
Americans as if your Majesty really had disbursed nine millions
in their favor.... Your Majesty will begin by placing a million
at the disposition of your agent, who will be named Roderigue
Hortalès et Cie.; this is their commercial name and signature,
under which I find it convenient that the whole operation shall
be carried out.... One half million exchanged into Portuguese
pieces, the only money current in America, will be promptly sent
there, for there is an immediate necessity for the Americans to
have a little gold at once to give life to their paper money,
which without means of making it circulate already has become
useless and stagnant in their hands. It is the little leaven that
is necessary to put into the paste to raise it and make it
ferment usefully.
“Upon that half million no benefit can be obtained except the
return of it in Virginian tobacco, which Congress must furnish to
the house of Hortalès, who will have made a sale in advance to
the Farmers-General of France, by which they will take the
tobacco from them at a good price; but that is of no great
consequence.
“Roderigue Hortalès counts on employing the second half million
in the purchase of cannon and powder, which he will forward at
once to the Americans.”
Here follows an exposition of the proceedings, with an explanation of
how, supposing the king permits him to buy powder at actual cost price
from the magazines, instead of buying it in the market of France,
Holland, or elsewhere, the money invested by the king will increase not
in double progression, 1-2-4-8, etc., but in triple progression,
1-3-9-27, etc.
“Your Majesty will not be frightened at the complicated air that
this operation assumes under my pen, when you remember that no
commercial speculation is carried on or succeeds by any more
simple or more natural means than this.
“I have treated this affair in so far, Sire, in the spirit of a
great trader, who wishes to make a successful speculation and I
have developed to you the unique secret by which commerce in bulk
augments the prosperity of all states that have the good sense to
protect it....
“If the return in tobacco and the sale of the product take place
as I have pointed out, Your Majesty soon will find yourself in a
position to send back by the hands of Hortalès et Cie. the three
millions provided for from the price and profits of these
returns, to recommence operations on a larger scale.”
Then follow considerations upon the advisability of employing Holland or
French vessels for the transport of the munitions to Cape Francis,
chosen by Hortalès et Cie. as the first depot of commerce.
“Holding to the choice of French vessel charged to the account of
Roderigue Hortalès et Cie., Congress, or rather Mr. Adams,
Secretary of Congress, will be alone forewarned by the agent in
England that a vessel is carrying to him at Cape Francis both
goods and munitions, which are to be returned in Virginian
tobacco, so that he may send to the Cape upon a vessel loaded
with tobacco an agent who will bear his power to receive both and
to send back by the captain of Hortalès et Cie. the entire return
in tobacco or at all events a recognition that he owes Hortalès
et Cie. the balance of the amount for which he may not have been
able to furnish return.”
So far in Beaumarchais’s mind, the mercantile undertaking was to be for
the king, only cloaked by the appearance of a mercantile house. But it
seems that the French government, anxious to evade all possible risk and
wishing to deny all connivance in the transactions, decided to remain
entirely foreign to the operation.
“We will give you secretly,” said the government, “a million. We will
try to obtain the same amount from the court of Spain.... with these two
millions and the co-operation of private individuals, whom you will
associate in your enterprise, you will found your house and at your own
risk and perils you will provision the Americans with arms and
munitions, and objects of equipment and whatever is necessary to support
the war. Our arsenals will deliver to you these things, but you will
replace them or pay for them. You shall not demand money of the
Americans, because they have none, but you shall ask returns in
commodities of their soil, the sale of which we will facilitate in our
country.... In a word, the operation secretly sanctioned by us at the
outset must grow and develop through its own support. But on the other
hand, we reserve the right of favoring or opposing it according to
political contingencies. You will render us an account of your profits
and losses, while we will decide whether we should grant you new
subsidies or discharge you of all obligations previously made.”
(Loménie, II, p. 109.)
In this transaction, the responsibility of the agent to the United
States had no consideration. “The advances of the government were simply
a guarantee to Beaumarchais against loss.” (Durand, p. 90.)
The difficulties and dangers of this undertaking have been admirably
summed up by M. de Loménie. “They were of a nature to cause any other
man than Beaumarchais to hesitate.... He threw himself into this,
however, with all his usual intrepidity, and the tenth of June, 1776, a
month before the United States had published their Declaration of
Independence, he signed the famous receipt which, kept secret under the
monarchy, delivered to the United States in 1794, under the republic,
occasioned a suit lasting fifty years, and to which we shall return. The
receipt read thus:
“‘I have received of M. Duvergier, conformably to the orders of
M. de Vergennes, on the date of the 5th of this month, the sum of
one million, for which I shall render count to my said Sieur
Comte de Vergennes.
“‘Caron de Beaumarchais.
“‘Good for a million of _livres tournois_.
“‘At Paris, this 10th of June, 1776.’
“Two months later, Spain advanced the like sum, besides which
Beaumarchais had associated with himself numerous private individuals in
France and elsewhere, so that his first sending to the Americans
surpassed in itself alone, three millions.” (Loménie, II, p. 110.)
Early in June the vast mercantile house of Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.
was established at Paris, while agents, clerks, and employees of every
sort were installed at the center of operations, as well as at the
various sources of supplies and in the seaports, Beaumarchais remaining
the head and center of action, in every place.
It so happened at this time, that a complete change was being made in
the equipment of the French army, so that the arsenals and forts were
charged with munitions of war, which the government was willing to
dispose of at a nominal price.
Before the arrival of Beaumarchais on the scene of action, the Comte de
Vergennes had countenanced and furthered the operations begun by
Franklin before he left London. Among the agents employed by the latter
were the Brothers Mantaudoin of Nantes, who had undertaken the
transportation of munitions of war to the Americans. (Doniol, I, p.
373.)
Another agent and intimate friend of Franklin was a certain Doctor
Dubourg, a man more or less widely known as a scientist, but possessing
as well a decided taste for mercantile operations. He had entered
heartily into the cause of the Americans, and was very zealous in
forwarding munitions of war to the insurgents. He seems at the beginning
to have possessed to a considerable degree the confidence of the French
minister, who deigned to correspond with him in person, and to consult
him on several occasions. But as it became necessary “to act on a
grander scale, the intervention of the friend of Franklin was no longer
sufficient.” (Doniol, p. 374.) The “faithful and discreet agent” spoken
of in the _Réflexions_ had long been fixed in the mind of the Minister
of War. The good doctor who knew nothing of the relationship between the
famous author of the _Barbier de Séville_ and the French Government or
of his interest and services in the cause of American Independence, all
along had been secretly aspiring to a complete control of the
transactions. What succeeded in convincing him that he was the man
destined for the place was that early in June, 1776, Silas Deane, the
agent of the Secret Committee of Congress, arrived in Paris charged with
a letter from Franklin to his “dear good friend Barbeu Dubourg,” with
express instructions to regard this latter as “the best guide to seek
after and to follow.” (Doniol, V. I, p. 485.)
Elated at this mark of esteem shown him by the colonies, the good doctor
undertook to fulfill then to the letter the instructions of Congress and
to prevent Silas Deane from coming in contact with anyone but himself.
Deane soon realized that though “inspired with the best intentions in
the world,” the doctor would be a “hindrance rather than the essential
personage pointed out by Franklin.” (Doniol.) He therefore insisted so
strongly upon meeting the French minister that Dubourg was forced to
yield. The meeting took place the 17th day of July, 1776.
“It must be said of Silas Deane at this important meeting that he
fulfilled the intention of his mandate not only with intelligence, but
with a fecundity of reasoning which could only come from a vigilant
patriotism. All the impression which he could desire to produce and
which was hoped from his mission flowed from his replies.” (Doniol, V.
I, p.491.)
The Comte de Vergennes appeared to refuse to give the aid asked, but he
led Silas Deane to understand that a confidential agent would take the
matter in charge. This confidential agent was no other than
Beaumarchais.
Four days before this interview, the Doctor Dubourg had learned to his
great disappointment where the confidence of the minister had been
placed. Knowing nothing of the real situation, he thought to dissuade
the latter from his choice by attacking the private character of the man
who had usurped his place. The effect of his letter upon the Comte de
Vergennes can be judged from the fact that the latter immediately
communicated it to Beaumarchais himself, who was charged with the reply.
The Doctor wrote:
“Monseigneur:
“I have seen M. de Beaumarchais this morning and conferred with
him without reserve. Everyone knows his wit, his talents, and no
one renders more justice to his honesty, discretion and zeal for
all that is good and grand; I believe him one of the most proper
men in the world for political negotiations, but perhaps at the
same time, the least proper for mercantile enterprises. He loves
display, they say that he keeps women; he passes in a word for a
spendthrift and there is not a merchant in France who has not
this idea of him and who would not hesitate to enter into the
smallest commercial dealings with him. Therefore, I was very much
astonished when he informed me that you had charged him not only
to aid you with his advice but had concentrated on him alone the
_ensemble_ and the details of all the commercial operations....
“I represented to him that in taking the immense traffic and
excluding those who already had run so many dangers and endured
so many fatigues ... it would be doing them a real wrong.... But
I return to my first and principal reflection and implore you,
Monseigneur, to weigh it well. Perhaps there are a hundred,
perhaps a thousand persons in France with talents very inferior
to those of M. de Beaumarchais, who would fill better your views,
inspire more confidence, etc., etc....”
The reply of Beaumarchais, first published by M. de Loménie, and since
become so famous, is in the former’s most characteristic style. It had
its part to play as we shall see, in the trouble which came to its
author, and was partly responsible for the non-recognition of his
services by the American people. The good doctor always retained a
grudge against his brilliant and preferred rival. From him Doctor
Franklin imbibed in the beginning such a prejudice against the
indefatigable friend of the American cause, that he always avoided him
as much as possible. From the reply, a copy of which Beaumarchais sent
at the same time for the amusement of the ministers, we quote the
following:
“Tuesday, June 16, 1776.
“Eh! What has that to do with our affairs, that I am a man widely
known, extravagant, and who keeps women? The women that I keep
for the last twenty years are your very humble servants. They
were five, four sisters and one niece. For three years two of
these women are dead, to my great regret. I keep now only three,
two sisters and a niece, which is still extravagant for a private
individual like myself. But what would you have thought if,
knowing me better, you should have learned that I push scandal so
far as to keep men as well; two nephews, very young and good
looking, even the very unhappy father who brought into the world
this scandalous voluptuary? As for my display, that is even
worse. For three years, finding lace and embroidered garments too
petty for my vanity, have I not affected the pride of having my
wrists always garnished with the most beautiful fine muslin? The
most superb black cloth is not too elegant for me, at times I
have been known to push dandyism so far as to wear silk when it
was very hot, but I beg you, Monsieur, do not write these things
to M. the Comte de Vergennes; you will end in losing for me his
good opinion.
“You have reasons for writing evil of me to him, without knowing
me. I have mine for not being offended, although I have the honor
of knowing you; you are, Monsieur, an honest man so inflamed with
the desire to do a great good that you have thought you could
permit yourself a little evil to arrive at it.
“This thought is not exactly the thought of the _évangile_ but I
have seen a good many persons accommodate themselves to it. But
let us cease to speak lightly; I am not angry because M. de
Vergennes is not a small man and I hold to his reply. That those
to whom I apply for advances may distrust me I admit, but let
those who are animated with true zeal for their common friends
look twice before they alienate themselves from an honorable man
who offers to render every service and to make every useful
advance to those same friends. Do you understand me now,
Monsieur?
“I will have the honor of meeting with you this afternoon. I have
also that of being with the highest consideration, Monsieur, your
very humble and very obedient servitor, well known under the name
of Roderigue Hortalès et Compagnie.”
It was on the 17th of July that Silas Deane and Beaumarchais met for the
first time. Both men recognized at once in the other the man for whom
each was looking. Both had warm, generous and unselfish natures; both
had their minds fixed upon one object alone, the procuring and sending
of aid as quickly as possible to the insurged colonies. In excusing
himself to Congress for discarding the services of the “dear, good
friend” of Franklin, Mr. Deane wrote: “I have been forced to discourage
my friend on seeing where the confidence of M. de Vergennes was placed.”
At the same time he does ample justice to the kindness and interest
manifested by Dubourg.
“M. Dubourg has continued,” wrote Deane, “to render me every assistance
in his power.... His abilities and connections are of the first class in
this kingdom and his zeal for the cause of the colonies is to be
described only by saying that at times they are in danger of urging him
beyond both.”
Beaumarchais, on his side, finding Silas Deane empowered by Congress to
act directly, ceased to communicate with Arthur Lee.
Already a change had come in their relationship. Returned to France and
finding the government bent upon another form of offering aid to the
Americans, it had become necessary to break his connections with Lee.
Unable to explain the true nature of the enterprise, being bound to
absolute secrecy, Beaumarchais wrote the 12th of June, 1776: “The
difficulties which I have found in my negotiations with the ministers
have forced me to form a company which will cause aid to reach your
friends immediately by the way of _Cap Français_.”
Naturally enough this meager information was very unsatisfactory to Lee;
more than this, he had hoped to play himself a principal rôle in the
enterprise (Spark’s _Life of Franklin_, p. 449).
From Beaumarchais he learned that Silas Deane had arrived from the
colonies empowered to treat with the ministers who had refused steadily
to permit his own appearance at Versailles; more than this, he learned
that Beaumarchais had entered at once into negotiations with the agent
of Congress and that he, Arthur Lee, was being consulted by no one.
“Enraged and disappointed,” continued Sparks, “Lee hurried to Paris,
where he endeavored to bring about a quarrel between Deane and
Beaumarchais. Failing in this, he returned to London, vexed in his
disappointment and furious against Deane.” To avenge himself he wrote to
the committee in congress that the two men were agreed together to
deceive at once the French Government and the Americans by changing what
the former meant to be a gratuitous offering into a commercial
speculation. (Silas Deane Papers.)
As can readily be seen, these letters arriving in Philadelphia before
any report from Deane, predisposed Congress—two of whose members were
brothers of Arthur Lee, against the measures Deane was taking with
Beaumarchais. But for the moment, no one interfered with their
operations and both men were too intent upon the all-important matter in
hand to speculate upon the possible results of the irritation of Doctor
Dubourg, or the anger and jealousy of Arthur Lee. Deane, however,
fearing lest the noise of Lee’s visit to Paris should offend the French
Minister, addressed to the latter the following letter:
“Sir: I was informed this morning of the arrival of Arthur Lee.
This was a surprise to me, as I know of no particular affair that
might call him here, and considering the extreme jealousy of the
British ministry at this time and that Mr. Lee was the agent of
the colonies in Great Britain, and known to be such, I could wish
unless he had received some particular orders from the United
Colonies that he had suspended his visit, as I know not otherwise
how he can serve me or my affairs—with profound gratitude I say
it—now in as favorable a course as the situation of the times
will admit. I have the honor to be,
“Silas Deane.”
(From Spark’s _Dip. Correspondence_, p. 40.)
Immediately after their first meeting, Beaumarchais had addressed a
letter to Deane of which the following is an extract:
“Paris, July 18, 1776.
“I have the honor to inform you that for a long while I have
formed the project of aiding the brave Americans to shake off the
yoke of England.... I have spoken already of my plans with a
gentleman in London (Arthur Lee), who says he is very much
attached to America; but our correspondence since I left England
has been followed with difficulty and in cipher; I have received
no reply to my last letter, in which I fixed certain points of
this great and important affair. Since you are clothed, Monsieur,
with a character which permits me to have confidence in you, I
shall be very well satisfied to recommence, in a more certain
and regular manner, a negotiation which till now has been barely
touched....”
Silas Deane replied:
“Paris, Hôtel Grand-Villars, July 20, 1776.
“Monsieur:
“Conformably with your demand in our interview yesterday, I
enclose a copy of my commission and an extract of my
instructions, which will give you the certitude that I am
authorized to make the acquisitions for which I addressed myself
to you....
“In regard to the credit which we demand and which I hope to
obtain from you, I hope that a long one will not be necessary. A
year is the most that my compatriots are in the habit of asking;
and Congress having engaged a great quantity of tobacco in
Virginia and Maryland which will be embarked as soon as ships can
be procured, I do not doubt but considerable returns in nature
will be made within six months, and the whole be paid for within
the year. I shall press Congress for this in my letters.
Nevertheless, events are uncertain, and our commerce is exposed
to suffer; but I hope that whatever comes you will soon receive
sufficient returns to be enabled to wait for the rest. In case
that any sum whatever remains due after the expiration of the
accepted credit, it is of course understood that the usual
interest will be paid you for the sum.
“I am with all the respect and attachment possible, your, etc.
“Silas Deane.”
In his reply to this letter Beaumarchais after accepting the conditions
offered by the agent of Congress ends thus:
“As I believe I have to do with a virtuous people, it will
suffice for me to keep an exact account of all my advances.
Congress will be master to decide whether I shall be paid in
merchandise at their usual value at the time of their arrival or
to receive them at the buying price, the delays and assurances
with a commission proportional to the pains and care, which is
impossible to fix to-day. I intend to serve your country as
though it were my own, and I hope to find in the friendship of a
generous people the true recompense for my work which I
consecrate to them with pleasure.”
In a lengthy letter written the 24th of July, 1776, the agent of
Congress set forth the difficulties of the enterprise in which they are
engaged.
He manifested also with warmth his grateful recognition of the services
of Beaumarchais. He wrote to him:
“Paris, July 24th, 1776.
“Monsieur:
“I have read with attention the letter which you have done me the
favor to write the 22nd, and I think that your propositions for
the regulation of the price of merchandise are just and
equitable. The generous confidence which you place in the virtue
and justice of my constituents inspires me with the greatest joy
and gives me the most flattering hopes for the success of this
enterprise, for their satisfaction as well as yours, and permit
me to assure you again that the United Colonies will take the
most effective measures to send you returns, and to justify in
all respects the sentiments which animate you toward them.
“Silas Deane.”
Nothing could be clearer and more explicit than the understanding
arrived at between Beaumarchais and Deane. The latter possessed full
power to act, and the former relied unreservedly upon the good faith of
the American Congress. In the meantime Deane wrote, introducing his new
friend to the Committee of Secret Correspondence.
“Paris, August 18, 1776.
“ ... I was directed to apply for arms, etc., for 25,000 men....
This I wished to get of the ministry direct, but they evaded it
and I am now in treaty for procuring them through the Agency of
M. Chaumont and M. Beaumarchais, on credit of eight months, from
the time of their delivery. If I effect this as I undoubtedly
shall, I must rely on the remittance being made this fall and
winter, without fail, or the credit of the colonies will
suffer....” (Spark’s _Diplomatic Correspondence_, V. I, p. 28.)
Three days earlier he had written, “I find M. de Beaumarchais possessed
of the entire confidence of the ministry; he is a man of wit and genius,
and a considerable writer on comic and political subjects. All my
supplies come through his hands, which at first greatly discouraged my
friends....”
At the same time Beaumarchais, inflamed with zeal for the cause of
liberty, and wholly unconscious of the effect which his sincere but
fantastic letters would have upon the unexpansive nature of the men to
whom they were addressed, wrote the following to Congress:
“Paris, August 18, 1776.
“Gentlemen:
“The respectful esteem which I bear towards that brave people who
so well defend their liberty under your conduct has induced me to
form a plan concurring in this great work by establishing an
extensive commercial house ... to supply you with necessaries of
every sort that can be useful for the honorable war in which you
are engaged. Your deputies, gentlemen, will find in me a sure
friend, an asylum in my home, money in my coffers, and every
means of facilitating their operations whether of an open, or of
a secret nature. I will, so far as possible, remove all obstacles
that may oppose your wishes, from the politics of Europe.... The
secrecy necessary in some parts of the operations which I have
undertaken for your service, requires also on your part a formal
resolution that all vessels and their demands should be directed
constantly to our house alone, in order that there may be no idle
chatting or loss of time, two things that are the ruin of
affairs....
“ ... I shall facilitate your unloading, selling, or disposing of
that which I do not wish.... For instance, five American vessels
have just arrived in the port of Bordeaux laden with salt fish;
though this merchandise coming from strangers is prohibited in
our ports, yet as soon as your deputy had told me that these
vessels were sent to him by you to raise money by the sale for
aiding him in his purchases in Europe, I took such care that I
secretly obtained from the government an order for the landing
without notice being taken....
“I shall have a correspondent in each seaport town, who on the
arrival of your vessels shall wait on the captain and offer every
service in his power.... Everything which you wish to arrive
safely in any country in Europe ... shall go with great
punctuality through me, and this will save much anxiety and many
delays. I request you, gentlemen, to send me next spring, if it
is possible, ten or twelve thousand hogsheads or more if you can
of tobacco of the best quality from Virginia.
“You will understand well that my commerce with you is carried on
in Europe; that it is in the great ports of Europe that I make
and take returns. However well founded my house may be and though
I have appropriated many millions to your trade alone, yet it
would be impossible for me to support it, if all the dangers of
the sea, of exports and imports were not entirely at your
risks....
“Your deputy shall receive as soon as possible full power and
authority to accept what I shall deliver to him, to receive my
accounts, examine them, make payments upon them or enter into
engagements which you shall be bound to ratify as the head of the
brave people to whom I am devoted. In short, you may always treat
of your interests directly with me.
“Notwithstanding the open opposition which the King of France and
his ministers show, and ought to show, to the violation of
foreign treaties ... I dare promise you, gentlemen, that my
indefatigable zeal shall never be wanting to clear up all
difficulties, soften prohibitions, and, in short, facilitate all
operations of commerce....
“One thing can never diminish; it is the avowed and ardent zeal
which I have in serving you to the utmost of my power....
“Look upon my house, then, gentlemen, henceforth, as the chief of
all useful operations to you in Europe and my person as one of
the most zealous partisans of your cause, the soul of your
success, and a man most deeply impressed with the respectful
esteem with which I have the honor to be, etc.
“Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.”
“It must be admitted,” says Loménie, “that the letters of Beaumarchais
were curious enough by their medley of patriotism and commercialism,
both equally sincere with him, to inspire distrust in the minds already
prejudiced. Imagine serious Yankees, who nearly all before having made
war had been merchants, receiving masses of stuff, embarked often in
secret, during the night, and whose bills presented in consequence
certain irregularities, accompanied with letters in which Beaumarchais
associated protestations of enthusiasm, offers of limitless services,
political counsels and demands for tobacco, indigo, and salt fish.
“The calculating minds of the Yankees were naturally inclined to think
that a being so ardent and fantastic, if he really existed, was playing
a commercial comedy concurred in by the government and that one might
with all security of conscience utilize his remittances, read his
amplifications, and dispense with sending him tobacco,” which, as we
shall soon see, was exactly what happened.
Infinite difficulties and complications, however, were to arise before
even the first shipments could leave the ports of France, and in August
the cargoes were not yet collected.
The sixteenth of August Beaumarchais wrote to Vergennes:
“It is decided that all vessels coming from America shall be
addressed to the house of Hortalès.... So many things must be
carried on together without counting the manufacture of cloth and
linen, that I am forced to take on more workers. This affair
_politico-commerçante_ is becoming so immense that I shall drown
myself in details as well as the few aids which I have employed
up to the present time, if I do not add more. Some will travel,
some reside in the seaports, the manufactories, etc.
“I have promised tobacco to the Farmers-General, and I ask it of
the Americans. Their hemp will be a good commodity. At last I
begin to see the way clear for my business. The only thing which
I do not see are those fatal letters-patent of which I have
neither wind nor news.... M. de Maurepas tells me every time he
sees me, ‘It is attended to, it is finished.’ ... I should have
had them Tuesday. Here it is Friday, but the letters have not
come. At the end of the session of parliament this delay of three
days makes me lose three months, because of vacation. I am not
angry but distressed to see my condition so equivocal and my
future uncertain.” (Doniol, V. I, p. 513-14.)
As shown in the above letter, Beaumarchais while beginning his
extraordinary operations for the Americans was not forgetful of his own
interests. He was still a civilly degraded man with no solid basis upon
which to build. Gudin, in his history of Beaumarchais, says: “Arriving
from London, May, 1776, he presented a petition to the council in order
to obtain letters of relief; that is, letters of the king by which it
was permitted him to appeal from the judgment rendered against him,
although the delay accorded by law had long expired.
“The development of his projects called him to the west coast of France;
he did not wish to go until his request was admitted.
“‘Go all the same,’ M. de Maurepas said to him. ‘The council will
pronounce very well without you.’”
The projects alluded to by Gudin were, of course, his mercantile
operations for supplying the Americans with munitions of war. But so
well did Beaumarchais guard his secret, that his dearest friend knew as
little of the real nature of his enterprise as the rest of the world. In
his visit to the ports of France during the summer of 1776, Gudin
accompanied him. Their reception at Bordeaux is described by the latter.
Here as elsewhere, Beaumarchais hid his real occupation under the show
of seeking amusement.
“When it was known,” says Gudin, “of our arrival, invitations poured in
upon us from every side; the women received him as the most amiable of
men, the merchants as the most intelligent, the crowds as the most
extraordinary; we passed several days in the midst of festivities....
All the while Beaumarchais was preparing new commercial combinations.
“One evening, on entering, he found several letters from Paris; he read
them while I was preparing for bed, hurried by fatigue to repose myself.
I asked him if he was satisfied with his news.
“‘Very well,’ he said to me without the least emotion. I was soon
asleep. In the morning I felt myself pulled by the arm; I wakened,
recognized him and asked if he were ill.
“‘No,’ he replied, ‘but in half an hour we leave for Paris.’
“‘_Eh, pourquoi?_ What has happened? Have you been sent for?’
“‘The council has rejected my demands.’
“‘_Ah, ciel!_ and you said nothing to me last evening?’
“‘No, my friend, I did not wish to disturb your night. It was enough
that I did not sleep. I have been thinking all night of what there is
for me to do. I have decided, my plan is formed and I go to execute
it....’
“Sixty hours later we were in Paris.
“‘Eh, what,’ he said to M. de Maurepas, who was somewhat surprised to
see him so promptly, ‘while I was running to the extremities of France
to look after the affairs of the king, you lose mine at Versailles.’
“‘It is a blunder of Mormesnil (the minister of justice). Go find him,
tell him that I want him, and come back together.’
“They explained themselves all three. The matter was taken up under
another form, the council judged differently, the request was granted
and letters of relief obtained the 12th of August, 1776.”
This, however, was but the first step. The letters patent simply allowed
Beaumarchais the privilege of having his case brought up a second time
for judgment. At this juncture, a new difficulty presented itself. In
the words of Loménie: “It was the end of August; the parliament was
about to enter on its vacation and it did not wish to take up the matter
until afterwards. But Beaumarchais did not adjourn so easily anything
once begun. He went again to M. de Maurepas, and persuaded that one is
never better served than by himself he did with the first minister what
we have seen him do with the king. He drew a note for the first
president of Parliament and for the solicitor-general, had M. de
Maurepas to sign two copies of the note and send one to each of the
above officials.” The notes ran thus:
“Versailles, this 27th of August, 1776.
“That part of the affairs of the king with which M. de
Beaumarchais is charged, requires, Monsieur, that he make several
voyages very shortly. He fears to leave Paris before his case has
been tried. He assures me that it can be done before vacation. I
do not ask any favor as to the ground of the affair, but only
celerity for the judgment; you will oblige him who has the honor
to be, very truly yours, etc.
“Maurepas.”
In the same way, Beaumarchais served himself through Monsieur de
Vergennes, obtaining with the same facility the favor which he desired.
He wrote:
“August 29th, 1776.
“I had the honor of seeing M. le Comte de St.-Germain
yesterday.... I was very well received.... After two hours’
conversation, he wished to keep me to dinner. But can a miserable
unfortunate who is running after the solution of his lawsuit take
time to dine? I left him, but I have hope that he will be an
additional protector. If all is not well, at least all is not
bad. I have drawn up a letter intended to correct the fault
committed.
“It is your reply to his letter. Pardon, M. de Comte, if I have
taken the liberty of acting as your secretary. For so long I have
been attached to you by all possible titles, if you approve of
the letter there is only a signature and an envelope necessary.”
(Doniol, V. I, p. 574.)
M. de Loménie continued: “This was still not sufficient for
Beaumarchais. He wished the Attorney-General Seguier to speak and to be
eloquent in his favor; for this he wrote a letter to Maurepas,
accompanied by another note, rather more expressive, for M. Seguier, a
note which the minister copied with the same docility as the preceding
one.” It runs as follows:
“Versailles, this 30th of August, 1776.
“I learn, Monsieur, by M. de Beaumarchais, that if you have not
the goodness to speak on his affair it will be impossible for him
to obtain a judgment before the 7th of September. That part of
the affair of the king with which M. de Beaumarchais is entrusted
requires that he make a voyage very soon; he fears to leave Paris
before he is restored to his estate as citizen; it has been so
long now that he suffers, and his desire in this respect is truly
legitimate. I ask no favor as to the ground of the affair, but
you will oblige me infinitely if you will contribute towards
having him judged before vacation.
“I have the honor to be, etc. Maurepas.”
The trial took place. Beaumarchais chose for his defense a lawyer,
Target, who had remained firm during the entire existence of the
parliament Maupeou, refusing to plead before it. “Beaumarchais,” says
Loménie, “always faithful to his taste for _mise en scène_, wrote him a
letter which circulated everywhere and which commenced with the words,
‘The Martyr Beaumarchais to the Virgin Target.’”
An immense concourse of people thronged the judgment hall the day
appointed for the trial; and when, after the pleading of Target and the
recommendation of Seguier, the restored parliament annulled by a solemn
decree the decree of the parliament Maupeou, the wildest excitement
prevailed. Beaumarchais immediately addressed the following letter to
Vergennes:
“Paris, this Friday, September 6, 1776.
“M. le Comte,
“I have just been judged, _déblâmé_, amidst a universal concourse
of applause. Never did so unfortunate a citizen receive greater
honor. I hasten to announce to you the news, begging you to place
my gratitude at the feet of the king. I am so trembling with joy
that my hand can scarcely write all the respectful sentiments
with which I am, Monsieur le Comte, your very humble and very
obedient servitor, Beaumarchais.
“Do me the kindness, M. le Comte, to announce this very happy
news to M. de Maurepas and to M. de Sartine. I have four hundred
persons about me who applaud and embrace me and make an infernal
noise, which seems to me superb harmony.”
The happy man was carried in triumph amid the enthusiastic shouts of the
populace from the great chamber of justice to his carriage.
The next day he published a discourse which he had intended to deliver,
but from which he had been dissuaded.
It will be remembered that Beaumarchais had been consulted by the
ministers in regard to the principles on which the new parliament should
be recalled, and that they had not dared to carry out the justice and
the liberality of his ideas. Although as we have seen, Beaumarchais
utilized the ministers pretty much as he desired, he did so without in
the least compromising his own freedom.
In this daring address he combated the existing abuses of the present
parliament, as he before had done those of the Parliament Maupeou.
“He contributed,” says Loménie, “without being conscious of it, to
prepare the ruin of the parliament which applauded him. He combated
their abuses and caused to enter into the minds of the masses the
necessity for judicial reform.”
M. de Loménie says elsewhere: “Beaumarchais at this moment, reinstated
in his rights as a citizen, enjoying the brilliant success of his
_Barbier de Séville_, already invested with the intimate confidence of
the government in the American question; well received at court, popular
in the city; directing the dramatic authors in their struggle for
literary liberty, might be considered as a man who had at last conquered
evil fortune; nevertheless, he was not yet disengaged from the fetters
of his past. His first suit with the Comte de la Blache, which had been
the origin of his trials and of his celebrity, existed still in the
midst of his triumphs, and held in check his fortunes and his honor.”
This man, confident of the ministry in the affairs of the United States,
the popular author of the _Barbier de Séville_, was under the blow of
an iniquitous sentence which declared him indirectly a forger, and
placed his goods at the discretion of an enemy.
In 1775, the first judgment had been revoked and the affair sent before
the parliament which met at Aix in the south of France.
The zeal which we have seen Beaumarchais display in carrying rapidly to
a successful termination the matter of his rehabilitation was now turned
toward the _retarding_ of the judgment in the other case.
The Comte de la Blache, on the other hand, vexed at seeing the rapidly
rising fortunes of his adversary, endeavored by every means in his power
to hasten the decision. Overwhelmed with the multiplicity of his
undertakings, Beaumarchais appealed to M. de Vergennes, urging that the
case be allowed to stand in _statu quo_ for the present. In a letter
from the minister, dated June 2, 1776, the following passage occurs:
“I saw yesterday, in relation to your affair at Aix, M. le Guard
of the Seals, who immediately gave orders to write to M. de la
Tour, the first president of the tribunal, to the effect that all
ultimate procedure should be suspended.... You know, Monsieur,
the sincerity of my interest for all that concerns you.
“de Vergennes.”
Thus with a comparatively tranquil mind, the indefatigable agent of the
government was able to turn his attention to the gigantic commercial
enterprise which he already had well in hand.
We shall not, therefore, be surprised to see him rise above all adverse
circumstances, and notwithstanding the disloyalty of some of his
agents, the fury of the English Ambassador, the opposition of the
government itself, actually succeed in landing immense cargoes on the
American coast in time for the great decisive campaign of 1777.
[Illustration: Wm. Carmichaël]
CHAPTER XIX
_”I should never have completed what I have but for the generous, the
indefatigable and spirited exertions of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, to
whom the United States are in every account greatly indebted, more so
than to any other person on this side the water.”_
_Silas Deane to Congress, November 29, 1776._
Suspicions of English Aroused Through Indiscretions of Friends of
America—Treachery of du Coudray—Counter Order Issued Against
Shipments of Beaumarchais—Franklin’s Arrival—England’s Attempt to
Make Peace Stirs France—Counter Order Recalled—Ten Ships Start
Out—Beaumarchais Cleared by Vergennes.
While Beaumarchais, through the intervention of the Ministry, was
bringing his own personal interests to a successful termination, he was
at the same time carrying vigorously forward his operations in the cause
of America. These operations were the most difficult. In the words of
Loménie: “It was a question of an officially prohibited commerce, which
prohibition was under the vigilant supervision of the English
Ambassador,—and could receive the official support of the French
government only on condition that it was carefully hidden. The least
indiscretion, the slightest diplomatic embarrassment occasioned by the
affair would immediately transform this support into persecution. It was
under these conditions that the author of the _Barbier de Séville_
was obliged to extract without noise and in small quantities, from the
different arsenals of the state, 200 pieces of cannon, mortars, bombs,
bullets, 25,000 guns, 100 tons of powder; to manufacture the stuffs
necessary for the equipment of 25,000 men, collect all these objects in
the different ports and send them to the insurgents without arousing the
suspicion of the English Ambassador.”
It was, however, humanly impossible that suspicions should not be
aroused; too many people were interested in the cause of America; too
many were eager to aid in the struggle of the colonies for liberty.
Especially was the _cher bon ami_ of Dr. Franklin constantly bringing
things to the brink of exposure through his officious intermeddling.
Although he knew nothing of the real basis upon which the commercial
house, Roderigue Hortalès et Cie., was founded, yet he was very well
aware that Beaumarchais had supplanted him in the confidence of the
ministers. Forced to see himself set aside, Dubourg none the less
continued collecting supplies on his own account, which he forwarded to
the insurgents. His indiscreet zeal led him often into grave
difficulties.
“With the best intentions in the world,” says Doniol, “he was in danger
of interfering with, rather than aiding the cause he hoped to serve.”
The letters of Beaumarchais to Vergennes during this period constantly
revert to this theme, “Dubourg must be made to keep silence and not to
compromise the ministry.” “If,” he writes in another place, “while we
are closing the doors on one side, someone opens the windows on the
other, it is impossible that the secret does not escape.” At length
quite out of patience at some new and serious indiscretion which the
good doctor in his simplicity had told to Beaumarchais himself, the
latter wrote to Vergennes, “Is there then no way to stop the mouth of
that cruel gossiper?... As he told me I could scarcely refrain from
dealing him a blow, but I restrained myself, simply turning my back and
walking away.... I depend upon you, M. le Comte, to deliver us from this
fatal and mischief-making agent.”
But Dubourg was by no means the only person interested in the cause of
America who was sowing snares in the pathway of Beaumarchais and of
Deane. At the worst, the good doctor was only indiscreet, he was never
guilty of that personal ambition which in times of great crisis delights
to bring ruin upon the schemes of others, and which uses all its power
to thwart those enterprises which it cannot lead. Many enemies of this
latter type were destined soon to manifest themselves. On the 1st of
October, 1776, Silas Deane wrote to Congress of a certain Mr. Hopkins of
Maryland, then in Paris, who without official authority was interesting
himself in the same cause. “Offended at some supposed personal slight,
he formed the dark design,” says Deane, “of defeating at one stroke my
whole prospect as to supplies.... However thunderstruck I was, as well
as my friend Monsieur Beaumarchais at this treachery ... we exerted
ourselves and truth prevailed.... It would be too tedious to recount
what I have met with in this way.... I do not mention a single
difficulty with one complaining thought for myself.... I am happy in
being so far successful, and that the machinations of my enemies, or
rather the enemies of my country ... have been brought to nought.”
But perhaps the most dangerous enemy in the pathway of Deane and
Beaumarchais was a man in whom from the first they had reposed the most
entire confidence. This was Trouson du Coudray, a French officer of rank
and genius, a personal friend of the minister of war, the Comte St.
Germain, who had been the military preceptor of le Comte d’Artois. He
had afterwards been stationed at the garrison of Metz, where he was
associated with the drawing out of old arms and of replacing them by
ones of more recent date. As it was precisely these old arms which the
French Government was willing to part with to Hortalès et Cie.,—at a
reasonable price, du Coudray was admirably placed to further the
proceedings of its agent. Had he been truly disinterested in his
proffered services, his coöperation would have been invaluable. As a
matter of fact, “this officer,” says Doniol, “certainly capable, was one
of those who whatever employment is made of their services, look first
to the personal advantage they can draw from them. Having fascinated
Deane and Beaumarchais, he succeeded in having himself named one of the
staff officers of artillery and was to go out to the colonies in command
of the chief vessel of Hortalès et Cie., the _Amphitrite_. Deane at once
wrote to Congress, announcing the great acquisition which he had made.
He bestowed the highest praise upon du Coudray, but at the same time
evinced a fear lest Congress might consider that he had overstepped the
bounds of his commission in appointing him to so high a rank. He excused
himself for having been forced to confer upon the officer special marks
of favor in order to secure his services, which, he felt sure, would, in
the end, justify him for the step he had taken. He humbly expressed a
hope that Congress would not consider as too high the salary he had
promised, and begged it to confirm the wisdom of his choice.”
Du Coudray was not long in showing himself unworthy of the confidence
thus reposed in him. It was this unfortunate step of Deane, afterwards
imputed to him as a crime by Arthur Lee, which was the chief cause of
his subsequent recall and the semi-disgrace inflicted upon him.
Beaumarchais, being as deeply inculpated as Deane, fell equally in the
opinion of American patriots. But as yet, no foreshadowing of coming
events had dampened the zeal of the colonial commissioner, or of his
indefatigable friend. On October 15, 1776 (Spark’s _Dip. Corres._, I, p.
51), a contract was signed M. de Monthieu, Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.
and Silas Deane, for furnishing armed vessels and merchandise on
condition that risks and perils be on account of the U. S. and that “in
case the vessels be detained in American ports more than two months,
without returning them laden with the cargoes proposed, wages and
expenses shall be paid by the United States.”
While Deane was thus busily engaged in carrying out the commission with
which he was entrusted, he was being left, as far as Congress was
concerned, absolutely without support or approval. Communication between
the two continents was slow in those days, and it has been shown already
that before Deane was able to send any definite information to Congress
of his reception by the French Government, Lee had forestalled him by
giving that body his own private and unfounded interpretation of the
relation entered into between the commissioner and the agent of the
French Government. When Lee’s letter reached America, Congress was
deeply engrossed with the weightier matters which were forcing
themselves upon its attention, owing to the decisive step which it was
about to take in declaring itself free from British rule. The matter,
therefore, was allowed to rest in _statu quo_ for the present. Congress
preferred to await developments before setting on foot any
investigations, and so, though Deane continued to give frequent and full
accounts of all his transactions, no reply was ever made to any of his
letters. This rendered his situation cruel in the extreme. Wholly
unsuspicious by nature, it never occurred to him that an enemy was
busily at work, undermining his character and poisoning the minds of his
compatriots in regard to the disinterestedness of the motives which
actuated him. His irritation began at last to manifest itself. “For
heaven’s sake,” he wrote in a letter to Congress, dated October 1, 1776
(Spark’s _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Vol. II), “if you mean to have any
connection with this kingdom, be more assiduous in getting your letters
here. I know not where the blame lies, but it must lie heavy somewhere,
when vessels are suffered to sail from Philadelphia and elsewhere, right
down to the middle of August, without a single line. This circumstance
was near proving a mortal blow to my whole proceedings.”
October 17th of the same year he says:
“Warlike preparations are daily making in this kingdom and in
Spain. I need not urge the importance of immediate remittances
towards paying for the large quantity of stores I have engaged
for, and I depend that this winter will not be suffered to slip
away unimproved. I have the honor to be, etc.
“Silas Deane.”
By the end of November, notwithstanding the delays and discouragements
encountered by the agents of the two governments, several vessels had
been loaded with supplies and were about to set sail. Silas Deane wrote
to Congress, Nov. 29th, 1776.
“I should never have completed what I have, but for the generous,
the indefatigable, and spirited exertions of M. Beaumarchais, to
whom the United States are on every account greatly indebted,
more so than to any other person on this side the water ...
therefore I am confident you will make the earliest and most
ample remittances.” After giving further details, he proceeds: “A
nephew of Beaumarchais, a young gentleman of family, education
and spirit, makes a voyage to America with M. Ducoudray (in the
various documents, the name of this officer appears, sometimes
written as above by Mr. Deane, but more often ‘du Coudray,’ which
is the correct form) and is ambitious of serving his first
campaign in your cause. I recommend him therefore to your
particular patronage and protection, as well on account of the
great merits of his uncle, as on that of his being a youth of
genius and spirit.... I have confidently assured his uncle that
he will receive protection and paternal advice from you, and am
happy in knowing that you will fulfill my engagements on that
score.
“I cannot in a letter do full justice to M. de Beaumarchais, for
his address and assiduity in our cause. His interest and
influence, which are great, have been exerted to the utmost, in
the cause of the United States.”
On the 3rd of December, 1776, in a letter to John Jay written when the
last measures were being taken for the despatching of the vessels
equipped by Hortalès et Cie., Deane thus expressed himself:
“If my letters arrive safely they will give you some idea of my
situation:—without intelligence, without orders, and without
remittances, yet boldly plunging into contracts, engagements,
negotiations, hourly hoping that something will arrive from
America.
“By M. du Coudray I send 30,000 guns, 200 pieces of brass cannon,
30 mortars, 4,000 tents, and clothing for 30,000 men, with 200
tons of gunpowder, lead balls, etc., etc., by which you may judge
we have some friends here. A war in Europe is inevitable. The
eyes of all are on you, and the fear of your giving up, or
accommodating is the greatest obstacle I have to contend with.
Monsieur Beaumarchais has been my minister in effect, as this
court is extremely cautious and I now advise you to attend
carefully to the articles sent you. I could not examine them
here. I was promised they should be good, and at the lowest
price, and that from persons in such station that had I hesitated
it might have ruined my affairs....
“Large remittances are necessary for your credit, and the
enormous price of tobacco, of rice, of flour and many other
articles, gives you an opportunity of making your remittances to
very good advantage. Twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco are
wanted immediately for this kingdom, and more for other parts of
Europe.” ... (_Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay_,
1890, p. 97.)
In spite of the remonstrances of Deane, Congress continued deaf and dumb
in regard to their Commissioner, neither condemning nor approving his
acts, but passing all by with like indifference. In the meantime,
Beaumarchais was pushing forward his gigantic operations, being taken
with “a sort of drunkenness of activity and of confidence in himself,
which,” says Doniol, “turned him at times from precautions. He was at
this juncture, really a political agent. He had indicated to M. de
Maurepas a plan of finance which would enable France to arm itself,
without increasing taxation, and the mission had been given him to study
the execution of the plan with M. Necker, who had been called to the
management of the Treasury. He had discussed with Deane, perhaps
somewhat with Vergennes, the creation of a bank, in view of making loans
on the lands of America.” (_Doniol_ II, p. 57.)
Extracts from a Memoir by Beaumarchais, addressed to Vergennes, in
regard to a loan to be made to the Congress: “Supposing always,” he
wrote, “that your intention is neither to let America perish nor to
force her to arrange with England through lack of the succor which is
indispensable for her defense, if you can procure it; supposing also
that my work and my ministry have not ceased to be agreeable to you; I
have found a means of supporting the Americans without disbursing
considerable sums, which you do not possess, but which the Americans
cannot dispense with.
“If you look upon me as the important advocate of that nation before the
Ministry of France,—an employment which I have assumed because it was as
noble as it was useful to my country; knowing that I have not done this
without your secret agreement, you must hear me to-day, even aid me, if
you do not wish to leave without results a plan which is without
danger.” After developing the details of his scheme for rendering more
effective aid to the Americans, Beaumarchais continues, “As you see, M.
le Comte, this is only an extension adroitly given, to that which I have
been doing for the last year. For the past two weeks I have been buried
in the meditations and the correspondence which this work requires.
To-day I am in condition to treat secretly with you and M. de Maurepas.
Any evening which you wish, I will attend upon your orders.”
Things were moving, however, far too slowly for the impatient spirit of
Beaumarchais. The 14th of October he had written to Vergennes.
“Every time that I think how we hold in our hands the destiny of
the world, and that we have the power to change the system of
things—and when I see so many advantages, so much glory ready to
escape, I regret infinitely not to have more influence over the
resolutions of the councils, and not to be able to multiply
myself, so as to prevent the evil on one hand, and aid the good
on the other. I know too well your patriotism to fear offending
you in speaking thus....
“I expect to be at Fontainebleau Thursday at the latest. Until
then I shall not sleep until I have finished the work on Finance,
promised to M. de Maurepas.”
Obstacles of every kind were being thrown in the path of Beaumarchais,
though he remained ignorant of their source. He continued to insist that
the government permit him to carry forward what it had encouraged him to
commence. His letters of this period testify to “a consciousness of
being hampered, a desire to act, fear of being too presumptive in his
demands, and intentions of rendering effective service.” (_Doniol_ II,
p. 58.) He thought the delays came from Maurepas, whose coldness had
distressed him, so he urged Vergennes to plead for him. “If I were not
certain,” he wrote, November 12, 1776, “that I do not displease you in
desiring you to raise as far as possible the obstacles which retard my
course, I would not have the indiscretion to make observations when it
seems I ought simply to submit. But I know that you are as much annoyed
as I by all that tends to spoil my plans. This idea consoles me and
enables me not to lose patience....” “Do not,” he pleads, “do not, M. le
Comte, look upon my impatience as insubordination, it is nothing but
zeal.” Then he proceeded to urge Vergennes to send him an order through
the minister of war, the Comte de St. Germain, that there be delivered
to him 2,000 hundredweight of powder, which would enable him to set
sail, and he ended by saying how he had “_le cœur bien serré_ to see how
things are going or in reality, not going.”
The fall of New York offered an opportunity for Beaumarchais to press
his solicitations, urging that the Americans had been beaten only from
lack of supplies. “If I were asking a personal favor,” he wrote to
Vergennes, “I would have patience, but I shall lose it if you do not
come to my assistance.” On the second of October he had written:
“Everything about me follows me with talk and does all that it can to
ruin me. Across all these bitter things I walk with assurance to my
ends; unless a pistol shot stops me, I will be found ready to treat with
all who present themselves. My zeal and my disinterestedness are the
basis of my defense. I have no important paper about me—everything is
secure.”
In the midst of so many hidden dangers Beaumarchais was soon made to
feel a still graver one. The French government suddenly began to thwart
all his operations, and this without a word of warning or explanation.
The fact was that the suspicions of the Court of St. James had been
thoroughly aroused, and, pressed by the English Ambassador, the minister
had been forced to take a stand. The fifteenth of November the English
Court notified the Spanish Ambassador that everything was known, and the
twenty-second of the same month, they expressed themselves still more
strongly through other avenues. Vergennes was informed that the aid
being rendered by France was no longer a secret. Something had to be
done immediately to allay the fears of the English, and from this had
arisen the apparent hostility of the ministers.
Even had there been no one directly to blame for these disclosures,
entire secrecy still could not have been maintained. The very
multiplicity of the operations, “the goings and comings of Deane and
Beaumarchais and their intermediaries, the confidence that was inspired
by the support of the government leading to indiscretions, all this
divulged the acts.” (_Doniol_ II, 35.) More than this, officers
enrolled, or those who wished to be, were spread about in the
cafés and public places, in Paris or the seaports, awaiting the moment
of embarkation. All these men, “infatuated and needy,” were under the
control of du Coudray, who was expecting to sail on the largest of
Beaumarchais’s ships, _l’Amphitrite_, a vessel of 480 tons, which
already had received its cargo, and was only awaiting the presence of
the officer in order to set sail. For some unaccountable reason, he had
returned to Versailles without giving any notice. He remained there for
more than a week, causing a delay which threatened to spoil everything.
Beaumarchais, supposing that the ministry was at fault, wrote to
Vergennes in the following impatient manner: “Everything has gone,
everything is waiting. Why cannot I have the whole management of the
affair? Then nothing would be delayed and my vessels would already be in
America.” The truth was that du Coudray, relying upon his powerful
support at court, had gone to Versailles in order to succeed in escaping
if possible from the hands of Beaumarchais, so as not to go over as his
envoy. He had all along been lengthening “by every means in his power
the delay in getting off, had sown discontent among the enrolled,
sending away such as he could not gain, had encouraged complaint,
confided the place of embarkation to indiscreet persons, and then threw
upon Beaumarchais the blame of the noise which he himself had made.”
(_Doniol_ II, 61.) In addition to all the rest, Beaumarchais was guilty
of a particular indiscretion of his own. Having gone the 6th of
December, 1776, to Havre, under the assumed name of Durand, in order to
superintend, without arousing suspicion, the despatching of three of his
vessels, the _Amphitrite_, _La Seine_, _La Romaine_, he could not resist
the temptation of busying himself at the same time with his literary
productions. Displeased with the way in which his famous comedy, _Le
Barbier de_ _Séville_, was being performed, he imprudently collected
the actors, making them rehearse the play under his direction. His
presence in the seaport thus became known; the English Ambassador was
notified and the latter at once addressed to the Government the most
vehement remonstrances.
“On the 16th of December a counter order was issued and sent to Havre
and Nantes, prohibiting the officers from embarking and the vessels from
setting out. But when the counter order reached Havre, _l’Amphitrite_,
which bore the greater part of the officers and munitions, already had
set sail. The _Seine_ and the _Romaine_ were alone sequestered,
Beaumarchais then returned with all haste to Paris, in order to obtain
the revocation of the counter order.” (Loménie II, p. 136.)
But in the meantime, an event had happened which, as soon as it became
known, roused the French people to the highest pitch of enthusiasm,
while it deepened the distrust and anger of the English Ambassador. This
event was the arrival of Dr. Franklin upon the shores of France.
Beaumarchais already had announced the fact in a letter to Vergennes.
“The noise,” he said, “caused by the arrival of Mr. Franklin is
inconceivable.... The courageous old man allowed the vessel to make two
captures, in spite of the personal danger he ran.”
Though the French people might welcome with heartfelt enthusiasm, the
venerable old democrat and philosopher, yet his presence at this moment
was a serious matter to the Court of France. The Government was moving,
it is true, directly towards open war with Great Britain, but she was as
yet very unwilling that the English should have cause of offense in her
attitude towards the country which had now declared itself free and
independent. All the supplies which she was allowing to be sent by
Hortalès et Cie. went out in vessels bound direct to her West Indian
possessions, and were ostensibly intended for her own colonists, so that
the English Government had no legal right to interfere. England
therefore redoubled her watchfulness at the court of her rival, and
knowing as she very well did that it was in every way to the interest of
France to aid the Americans in their fight for liberty, she was all the
more determined to harass and thwart every operation which tended in
that direction.
All this time the Americans were far too deeply engrossed with the
difficulties of their own situation to spend much thought upon those
that surrounded their friends in Europe. On the 26th of September,
Congress had appointed three commissioners to the Court of France. Silas
Deane already on the spot had been retained; to him were added Benjamin
Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. The latter declining to serve, was
replaced by Arthur Lee, who was still in London.
Immediately after setting foot in France, Franklin wrote to his _cher,
bon ami_, the Doctor Dubourg, a letter full of warm expressions of
friendship and of polite messages to Madame. He enclosed under the same
cover a letter to Silas Deane, begging his dear friend to see to its
speedy delivery. The letter to Deane informed him of his new
appointment, and gave orders that Lee be summoned immediately to join
them. He bore with him no letter from Congress, nor any message relating
to the past services of Deane, news of which, in fact, had hardly
reached the colonies at the time of the doctor’s embarkation.
Franklin had no personal interest in the work already accomplished,
since his _cher, bon ami_ had been set aside, as soon as Deane saw
“where the confidence of the Government was placed.” From the first he
had determined not to interfere in the quarrel that existed between Lee
and Deane, and he steadily refused to enter into the merits of the zeal
displayed by Beaumarchais under cover of Hortalès et Cie. Warned against
him by so many of his friends, and having particular reasons for not
showing marked favor to Deane (the suspicious jealousy of Lee’s
character threatened from the start to thwart the entire object of the
commission), he chose the course of ignoring all that already had been
accomplished. For the moment Deane, himself, seemed alienated from
Beaumarchais. Vexed at the delay in despatching the supplies (for he
knew nothing of the counter-order issued by the Government), irritated
by Lee, annoyed at the indifference of Franklin and dismayed by the
silence of Congress, Deane in turn assumed an attitude of cold
indifference which perplexed and disquieted his friend. The new duties
which were forced upon him, the change in the character of his mission,
occupied for the time all his thoughts.
As soon as the three commissioners were united in Paris, Franklin wrote
asking for an audience with the minister of foreign affairs, M. de
Vergennes. “Sir,” he wrote, “we beg leave to acquaint your Excellency
that we are appointed and fully empowered by the Congress of the United
States of America to propose and negotiate a treaty of amity and
commerce between France and the said states.... (Doniol II, 112.)” The
minister, however, really anxious to further the plans of Beaumarchais,
was slow to give additional umbrage to the English Ambassador by
receiving the three commissioners whose presence in Paris it was
impossible to hide.
Already Franklin had taken up his quarters in Passy, where he held a
little court of his own. Imbert de St. Amand, in his _Les Beaux Jours de
Marie Antoinette_, has given a vivid picture of the impression made upon
the inhabitants of Paris by the presence in their midst of the aged
philosopher. “The idol of the day,” he says, “in that Paris, so
capricious and so versatile, was Franklin—that peasant, that
septuagenarian philosopher, that learned democrat, that man of the
future—was acclaimed by the French aristocracy. The philanthropists, the
apologists of perpetual peace, demanded war with loud cries. Louis XVI,
notwithstanding his scruples of conscience, allowed himself to be won
over. The apartments of Versailles filled themselves with solicitors of
peril and of glory. All the young nobility wished to start at once. What
transport! what madness! what valor in those paladin philosophers, those
chivalrous democrats, having the double passion of glory and liberty,
full of superb illusions, of generous follies, and so eloquent, so
amiable, so brave! With what gaiety these quitted their pleasures, their
châteaux, their theatres, to live the life of a soldier, to go to seek
the other side of the Atlantic, perils and unknown dangers!”
All this excitement caused by the presence of Franklin did not tend to
lessen the vigilance of the English, although from the first they had
hope that if France could be prevented from aiding the Colonies,
Franklin might in the end be obliged to enter into negotiations with
England. It was precisely this fear which haunted the French Government
and induced the King to revoke the counter-order issued to prevent the
sailing of the ships of Hortalès et Cie. Happy at last in gaining
permission to leave port, Beaumarchais thought only of despatching his
retarded vessels, when he learned that the _Amphitrite_, the one ship
that had set out before the arrival of the counter-order, was at
Lorient, a seaport on the west coast of France, whither it had been
brought by du Coudray “under the pretext that bad weather encountered in
the channel had shown the defective condition of the vessel.” (_Doniol_
II, p. 314.)
Beaumarchais, still deceived, wrote to Vergennes: “_L’Amphitrite_, after
sixteen days of bad weather, has been obliged to return for a moment to
take on fresh provisions, those on board having been saturated by the
sea. This is what I have from M. du Coudray, who asks that it be kept
secret, and who expects to depart in a few days.”
The treachery of this officer could not, however, long remain secret.
“The English Ambassador, learning the details, complained loudly to
Vergennes, who, irritated to find himself again compromised, laid the
blame on Beaumarchais withdrawing the permission newly accorded to set
sail.” (Loménie II, p. 137.) Du Coudray then wrote a long letter full of
lame excuses. Beaumarchais, furious on learning the truth, replied as
follows:
“Paris, January 22, 1777.
“As your conduct, sir, in this affair is inexplicable, I will not
waste time in trying to comprehend it. All that concerns me is to
guarantee myself and my friends against occurrences of the same
kind in future. As the veritable owner, therefore, of the
_Amphitrite_, I send herewith an order to Captain Fautrelle, to
take absolute command. You are sagacious enough to see that I
have not taken so decisive a step without previously consulting
powerful and judicious friends. Have the kindness, sir, to
conform to it, or find another vessel to take you wherever you
please, with no pretension on my part to hinder you in any
respect, except in matters which relate to myself and which tend
to injure me.”
When Deane learned of the disgraceful conduct of the man in whom he had
reposed such entire confidence, he withdrew the commission which he had
granted him, and the 8th of February wrote to Beaumarchais. “The
strange, ungrateful and perfidious conduct of this man, mortifies and
embarrasses me strangely, and as I wish with all my heart that I had
never seen him, I wish equally that he may never see America.”
Beaumarchais at once forwarded this letter to Vergennes, begging him to
prevent du Coudray from setting out for the new world. An order from
Vergennes arrived commanding him to return to his garrison at Metz.
Instead of obeying, he hastened to Versailles, where, as has been shown,
he had powerful protection. He succeeded in being privately presented to
Franklin and through the intervention of the ministers of war and the
navy, du Coudray received from Franklin a recommendation to Congress,
which recommendation Deane himself finally consented to sign, although
with reluctance, for he informed Beaumarchais at once of the act,
assuring him that he had done no more than admit that du Coudray was a
good officer. Vergennes, not wishing a quarrel either with the Comte de
St. Germain or with M. de Sartine (minister of war and the navy), was
obliged to close his eyes to the action of the officer, who at once
hastened to set sail for America. (See _Doniol_ II, p. 317.)
The 11th of February, Beaumarchais wrote to Vergennes: “Everyone knows
the evil which that officer wishes to do me. Having made to myself a law
to explain to no one the wise and pressing motives which oppose
themselves to the departure of that officer, and owing to the necessity
of preventing his indiscretions, I am liable to be taxed with a design
to persecute him, whom on the contrary I have from the first endeavored
to advance and have aided in sincere good faith.... It is neither in my
character nor in my principles to revenge myself on anyone—I should be
obliged to pass my life at that odious business....”
“Neither the orders of Vergennes nor the interference of Beaumarchais or
Deane having prevented du Coudray from crossing the Atlantic, the evil
which followed was inevitable. Arrived in America, he hastened to accuse
Beaumarchais of the very acts which he himself had attempted to perform,
and he accused not him alone, but in consequence Silas Deane of
complicity, as well as the Comte de Vergennes.” (_Doniol_ II, p. 353.)
“Dreaming of great position in America, he built upon the order to
retain him on the continent, and gave it out as an intrigue of
Beaumarchais.” He at once issued a pamphlet to Congress, in which he
explained, “It is to my credit alone, and to my zeal in your service,
that you are inde
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