The Life of Philip Melanchthon
by Karl Friedrich Ledderhose · English · Gutenberg #39734 · 648,832 chars · public domain (US)
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Life of Philip Melanchthon
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: The Life of Philip Melanchthon
Author: Karl Friedrich Ledderhose
Translator: Gottlob Frederick Krotel
Release date: May 19, 2012 [eBook #39734]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/39734
Credits: Produced by David E. Brown, Bryan Ness and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF PHILIP MELANCHTHON ***
Produced by David E. Brown, Bryan Ness and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
TRANSCRIBER's NOTES:
Text in italics is surrounded with underscores: _italics_.
Inconsistencies in spelling and hyphenation have been retained from
the original.
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected without note;
however, irregularities with quotation marks have been retained
from the original.
Pages 56-60 were printed out of order as described in the "Notice"
after page 2. These pages have been put into the correct order
in this eText.
[Illustration: MELANCHTHON.]
THE LIFE
OF
PHILIP MELANCHTHON.
BY
CHARLES FREDERICK LEDDERHOSE.
Translated from the German,
BY THE
REV. G. F. KROTEL,
PASTOR OF TRINITY LUTHERAN CHURCH, LANCASTER, PA.
PHILADELPHIA:
LINDSAY & BLAKISTON.
1855.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by
LINDSAY & BLAKISTON,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
NOTICE.
By an oversight on the part of the pressman whose duty it is to revise
the sheets on the press in my Printing Office, the following pages of
this work (The Life of Melanchthon), are transposed, 56, 57, 58, 59, and
60. This error makes the book appear at first sight to be incomplete,
the reader, however, will find all the pages, as above, but transposed.
The error was not discovered until the whole edition of the work was
bound, and largely distributed, consequently too late to be corrected in
any other way than by this notice.
C. SHERMAN, Printer,
for LINDSAY & BLAKISTON, Publishers.
PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 30, 1854.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
Luther occupies so great, unrivalled, and apostolical a position among
the Reformers, that we should not feel surprised to see his life and
labors presented to the evangelical community again and again. Although
we are far from encouraging an idolatrous worship of the man, we believe
we are acting in the spirit of the word of God, when we encourage men to
follow his faith. But we should act very ungratefully if, on account of
this Prince in Israel, we should lose sight of the other distinguished
men of God in the days of the Reformation. And among these, PHILIP
MELANCHTHON occupies the highest place. The age in which he lived called
him the Teacher of the German people, because he exerted a powerful
influence upon the scientific and Christian culture of Germany. And we
too may give him the same name, for his writings continue to exert a
great influence, and justly claim our consideration. To show that this
is indeed true, that he is still calculated to be the teacher of the
German people, especially of the evangelical community, is the object
of this Biography. As this volume was prepared for the general reader,
all learned discussions were necessarily avoided. It does not enter into
critical investigations, but faithfully appropriates known facts, in
order to present them to the reader in an intelligible manner. A candid
examination must decide how far the author has succeeded in
accomplishing this object. It is the first attempt of the kind, for the
Life of Melanchthon has not been written often; and when it was written,
it was not treated in a popular manner.
It was therefore the principal aim of the author of the present volume
to present a truthful picture of the faith and the life of the Reformer.
The man who wrote the Augsburg Confession, and its Apology, Confessions
which, after three hundred years, are still a stumbling-block to some,
but also an encouragement and consolation to many; a man who,
notwithstanding all his scientific attainments, in which he no doubt
excelled the great majority in our own day, yet held fast to the
fundamental principles of Christianity, to the manifestation of God in
the Flesh, to the Redemption, to Justification by Faith, in life and in
the hour of death,--undoubtedly deserves to be introduced from the past
into the present, in order to preach salvation in Christ to the present
generation.
If Melanchthon's godly walk and conversation should be instrumental in
leading him who is a stranger to salvation in Christ, to seek this; if
it should serve to comfort and strengthen others, then may that word of
the Scriptures be remembered: "_The memory of the just is blessed_;" and
may every one gratefully rejoice, with the Reformer, in that glorious
promise: "_And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the
firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness, as the stars for
ever and ever._"
Ardently desiring that this volume may be useful and profitable unto
salvation to very many, we suffer it to go forth upon its way.
St. G. On the first Sunday in Advent, 1846.
L.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
Melanchthon has been called the most amiable, the purest, and most
learned of the celebrated men of the sixteenth century. The
distinguished Erasmus confesses, that he was a _general favorite_, that
honest and candid men were fond of him, and _even his adversaries cannot
hate him_. And he has succeeded in securing the affections of posterity,
and, more than any other one of the valiant champions of the
Reformation, is the general favorite of all evangelical Christians, and
still seems to stand as the gentle mediator between the two great
divisions of the Protestant Church formed at that time, claimed and
loved by both.
Yet, notwithstanding all this, we venture to say, that a very large
proportion of Protestant readers know no more of the life of this lovely
man of God, than that which is interwoven with the life of Luther. His
life has not been written for the people even by his own countrymen, and
our author presents us with the first attempt of this kind. In our own
language we have but one Life of Melanchthon, the one written by Dr.
Cox, the first American edition of which, from the second London
edition, is now lying before us, bearing the date 1835. Admirable as
this work has been acknowledged to be, we believe the work of
Ledderhose to be still more calculated for general reading. Our author
assures us that it was "his principal aim to present a truthful picture
of the faith and the life of the Reformer;" and it is this constant
exhibition of his inner life, even in his own words, which is calculated
to edify as well as instruct. Besides this, many incidents in his own
life, and interesting events and questions after the death of Luther,
omitted or briefly mentioned in Dr. Cox's work, will be found here. A
number of facts, mentioned by Cox and others, have been added by the
translator, and will be found in the notes scattered through the volume.
The style is very simple and popular, and this simplicity and frequent
quaintness of expression, especially in the numerous extracts from
letters and declarations of faith, rendered the work of translation more
difficult, especially as it seemed necessary and desirable to retain the
homeliness of the German as much as possible.
Believing that this portraiture of the life of Melanchthon cannot offend
the feelings of any Protestant Christian, but that it is calculated to
afford instruction and edification to the old and young, the translator
humbly trusts, that it may not only make Lutherans, but many other
evangelical Christians, better acquainted with the "faith and life" of
the faithful friend of Luther, and distinguished author of the Augsburg
Confession.
G. F. K.
LANCASTER, November, 1854.
CONTENTS.
Page
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 3
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 7
CHAPTER I.
His Youth 13
CHAPTER II.
The University 21
CHAPTER III.
His Debut in Wittenberg, and at the Leipzig Disputation 29
CHAPTER IV.
Building and Fighting 35
CHAPTER V.
Melanchthon without Luther 41
CHAPTER VI.
Labors, Recreation, and Trouble 51
CHAPTER VII.
The War of the Peasants 59
CHAPTER VIII.
His Labors for the Church and Schools 67
CHAPTER IX.
The Diet of Spire 75
CHAPTER X.
The Conference at Marburg 81
CHAPTER XI.
The Diet of Augsburg 89
CHAPTER XII.
The Position of the Evangelical Party after the Diet
of Augsburg 117
CHAPTER XIII.
The Kings of France and England, and Melanchthon 123
CHAPTER XIV.
The Wittenberg Form of Concord 131
CHAPTER XV.
Recreation and Trouble 139
CHAPTER XVI.
The Convention at Smalkald 147
CHAPTER XVII.
Conflicts in the Evangelical Camp 153
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Assembly of the Princes at Frankfort, and the
Victories of the Reformation 159
CHAPTER XIX.
Help in a Dangerous Illness 167
CHAPTER XX.
Worms and Ratisbon 177
CHAPTER XXI.
Progress of the Reformation 194
CHAPTER XXII.
The School of Tribulation 200
CHAPTER XXIII.
Worms and Ratisbon again 205
CHAPTER XXIV.
Luther Dies, and Melanchthon Mourns 211
CHAPTER XXV.
War and the Misery of War 221
CHAPTER XXVI.
Restoration of the University of Wittenberg 229
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Diet of Augsburg and its Interim 236
CHAPTER XXVIII.
How the Interim fared in the Electorate of Saxony 244
CHAPTER XXIX.
Disputes about the Leipzig Interim 254
CHAPTER XXX.
The Conflict with Osiander 263
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Changed Attitude of the Elector Maurice 270
CHAPTER XXXII.
Doctrinal Controversies, and Attempts to bring about
a Union 278
CHAPTER XXXIII.
The Religious Conference at Worms 297
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Last Years of his Life, real Years of Sorrow 307
CHAPTER XXXV.
His Domestic Life 322
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Something more of Melanchthon's Merits 335
CHAPTER XXXVII.
He Dies 339
Life of Melanchthon.
CHAPTER I.
HIS YOUTH.
In a hilly part of the Kraichgau lies the city of BRETTEN. In former
times it belonged to the Electors of the Palatinate, and in the year
1504 defended itself bravely against Duke Ulrich of Wuertemberg, and also
manifested a brave loyalty to its hereditary sovereign in the war of the
peasants. It is now included in the Grand-Duchy of Baden. It has
acquired an imperishable name, because a great man, PHILIP MELANCHTHON,
was born in it. We will begin by hearing what an old account relates of
his ancestors and parents, his birth and youth.
"In the days of the Count Palatine PHILIP, Elector on the Rhine, there
lived in Heidelberg, before the mountain, a worthy, pious man, named
CLAUS SCHWARTZERD. With Elizabeth, his wife, he begat two sons, HANS and
GEORGE, and from their youth up trained them in the fear of God, and the
practice of every virtue. The Count Palatine Philip took so great a
liking to GEORGE, who was a very active and ingenious lad, and
discharged every duty most diligently, that he took him to Court, and
permitted him to examine a number of professions, in order by this
means to satisfy himself what his inclinations were, and what might be
made of him. When the boy, therefore, took delight in armor, the Elector
placed him in charge of a master in Amberg. He learned the trade so
rapidly that every one was astonished, and the journeymen became so
hostile to him, that one of them on a certain occasion burned him with
hot lead in so dangerous a manner that his life was despaired of, and he
was only saved by Divine mercy, and very faithful nursing." By order of
the Elector he was then sent to an armorer in Nuremberg. Here also he
made rapid advances. "For the boy was so ingenious, that, as we commonly
say, his hands could imitate whatever his eyes saw. He could forge as
neatly as if it had been done with a file." In a few years he was able
to make everything needful for the tournament. The Elector again took
him to Court, and appointed him an armorer or armor-bearer. He became so
celebrated, that even foreign potentates courted him. Even the German
Emperor MAXIMILIAN had his armor made by him. For a very skilful suit of
armor, the Emperor presented him with a family coat of arms,
representing a lion sitting upon a shield and helmet, holding tongs and
a hammer in his paws. George's son, our Philip, never made use of this
coat of arms, his own representing the serpent upon the cross, alluding
to the well-known typical event in the wilderness. When George was
thirty years old, the Elector thought of having him married. A
well-known citizen of Bretten, HANS REUTER, "a very fine, sensible man,
who had even studied," enjoying great respect, having served as Mayor of
the place for several years, had a daughter called BARBARA. "She was a
virtuous and well-bred maiden. By the providence of Almighty God, and
the negotiations of the Elector, she was promised to him in marriage,
and they were married in Spire, in the presence of many knights, who
appeared to do honor to his espousals." The ancient account goes on to
say: "The married couple continued to love and esteem each other, for
the said GEORGE SCHWARTZERD was a just, pious, God-fearing man, serving
God earnestly, praying diligently, and observing his hours of prayer as
strictly as any priest, permitting nothing to hinder him from the
discharge of this duty, so that he would arise in the night, fall upon
his knees, and pray with earnestness. No one ever heard him utter a
profane word, or saw him intoxicated, or even heard of anything of the
kind of him to the day of his death." He did not concern himself
especially with laying up this world's goods, and he was never seen in
the courts to carry on lawsuits. His wife, besides her piety, and
domestic, frugal spirit, exercised benevolence towards the poor and
afflicted. The familiar saying was often upon her lips: "Alms do not
impoverish," and the lines also--
Whoever wishes to consume more
Than his plough can support,
Will at last come to ruin,
And die upon the gallows.
After living childless for four years, a son was born to them on the
16th of February, 1497, on the Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent,
who, in baptism, received the name of PHILIP. "Thus does God bless this
pious and godly man with the gift of such a child, which afterwards
became a blessing to the whole land, yea, many lands, and the whole of
Christendom, and will remain so to the end of the world." Their marriage
was further blessed by the birth of another son and three daughters.
PHILIP, and his brother GEORGE, four years younger than himself,
attended the town-school of Bretten, to acquire the rudiments of human
learning. But because a malignant disease was raging at that time, and
their teacher himself was confined with it, their careful grandfather
Reuter removed the boys from school, fearing lest they too might be
attacked, and provided a private tutor for them in his own house. His
name was JOHN UNGER. A little grandson, John Reuter, enjoyed these
instructions together with the two boys. Unger was an excellent teacher,
who laboured to give his pupils a thorough education. He took especial
pains in his Latin instructions. Melanchthon, who was "a master in that
language," in after years could not sufficiently praise the teacher of
his youth. He says of him: "He loved me as a son, and I loved him as a
father." Unger was afterwards made court chaplain of the Margrave Philip
of Baden, and continued to preach the gospel faithfully in Pforzheim to
a very advanced age. "When their grandfather observed the diligence of
the boys, he bought them a Missal, in order that they might become
familiar with the hymns of the church, whilst pursuing their other
studies; and he required of them to take their places in the choir on
all holy days. About this time the great Bachanti (so called roving
scholars) roved through the country. When one of these came to Bretten,
his grandfather would set Philip to dispute with him. It was a rare
thing to find one who was a match for him. This pleased the old man, and
he took special delight in these contests. The boy too became bolder,
and more fond of study. And his grandfather took care to provide books
and other things, so that the boy might not be hindered."
The extraordinary gifts of little Philip manifested themselves at an
early period. He was possessed of a quick perception, a retentive
memory, and great acuteness. He was continually engaged in asking
questions during school hours, and afterwards, he would seek out his
friends, in order to converse more about what he had learned. It was
impossible not to love the boy, for he was peculiarly amiable and
modest. His talkativeness found a great obstacle in his stammering
tongue, which, however, he endeavoured to surmount. It is said of him,
that in early life he could be very easily irritated; but he would
sometimes apply to himself the saying: "He cuts and stabs, and yet hurts
nobody."
His grandfather was particularly attached to Philip, and it is to be
regretted that the worthy man was so soon to leave the land of his
pilgrimage, which happened in the year 1507. As Philip's father was
frequently taken away from home by his many engagements, he was obliged
to intrust the education of his children to his wife and her father. We
are told "he enjoined it upon his father-in-law, Hans Reuter, to look to
his children, so that they might be sent to school regularly, and might
learn something profitable." In his travels he came to Manheim, in
Neuburg, in 1504. His sovereign had summoned him thither, in order that
he might be nearer him in preparing and forwarding ordnance in the
Bavarian war. Here, however, he found an incurable disease. The wells
from which he drank were poisoned. As the life of this man was of great
value to the prince, he left no efforts untried to save him, but all
proved in vain. It is true he lived for four years after this, but in a
very helpless condition. About the very time when grandfather Reuter
died, Schwartzerd was also lying upon his death-bed. Three days before
his death, he expressed himself to the following effect: "These three
things I will also leave my little children when I die--that they are in
the bosom of the true Christian Church, that they are one in HIM, and
united among each other, and heirs of eternal life." When he felt the
approach of death, he called for Philip, then ten years old, commended
him to God, and exhorted him to fear God. Dying, he said, "I have
experienced many changes in the world, but greater ones are coming. My
prayer is, that God may rule you in them. I counsel thee, my son, to
fear God, and live honestly." These words were treasured in the boy's
memory as long as he lived. In order that he might not behold the death
of his father, he was sent to Spire. He was naturally very
tender-hearted, and the communication of his father's illness deeply
moved him. He says: "Like all children, I had never yet thought of
sickness and death, nor had I ever seen a sick person or a corpse. When
my mother, therefore, told me,--'Your father is ill,' I was obliged to
ask what that imported. But she had scarcely given me an idea of it,
when I was overwhelmed with grief." On the 27th of October, of the same
year in which his grandfather Reuter died, his father also finished his
course, in the forty-ninth year of his age. But a very important outward
change for the boy was brought about by these two deaths. The three
boys, who had hitherto enjoyed Unger's instructions, were removed, in
the autumn of this year, to the Latin school in the city of Pforzheim,
in Baden. Their mother had a relative, named ELIZABETH, a sister of the
well-known distinguished scholar REUCHLIN,[1] residing in Pforzheim. The
boys lodged in her house.
The able Rector, GEORGE SIMLER, and JOHN HILDENBRAND, were their
teachers. The Latin language was then the principal study, and the great
object to be reached was, that the pupils should be able to speak it.
The Greek language was still a very rare accomplishment. Simler, who had
some knowledge of it, only introduced it to the notice of his ablest
pupils. It was Philip Schwartzerd's good fortune to be one of this
number, and he used the opportunity with great profit to himself. Of
Simler, he somewhere says: "He first unlocked the meaning of the Greek
and Latin Poets to me, and introduced me to a purer philosophy." He met
with this teacher again in the University at Tuebingen. In Pforzheim he
was fortunate enough to become better acquainted with the celebrated
JOHN REUCHLIN, who then resided in Wuertemberg, as President of the
Swabian Court of the Confederates. Reuchlin took great delight in the
talented boy, gave him his paternal regard, called him his son, and
presented him with beautiful and useful books. On a certain occasion he
also gave him his chestnut-colored Doctor's hat, and placed it on the
boy's head. "All this greatly pleased Philip, and he so advanced in his
studies, that he was soon promoted to a place among the largest and
oldest pupils." Reuchlin also gave young Schwartzerd the name of
MELANCHTHON,[2] which is the Greek word for his own name, (black earth).
It was then a very general custom to change German names into Greek.
After the year 1531, he did not write his name Melanchthon, but
MELANTHON, most likely because this is more easily pronounced.
But it is time to notice the internal development of the boy. As the
parents lived in the fear of God, this was also aimed at in the
education of their children. Philip soon exhibited a great love for the
public services of the house of God. He was especially delighted with
the histories of the holy men of the Christian Church. Of these he heard
much, both in the church and at home. Had the Gospel been opened to him
at that time, he would doubtless have received it joyfully. However, he
admits the use of the Legends of the saints in the words: "It was a part
of our domestic discipline rather to employ the boys with these matters,
than to permit them to run about the streets, or engage in wild noise."
As a matter of course, such food, as the Church then profferred, could
not satisfy an inquiring mind like that of Philip. The law, as it was
then exclusively employed by the Catholic Church, was barely able to
plow up the soil of the heart. But when it is yet considered, in
addition to this, that the laws of God occupied the background behind
the frequently ridiculous laws of the Church, it is matter for surprise
that so many spiritual wants were yet felt, as we find to be the case
with young Melanchthon. But his mind at this time was still principally
directed to the acquisition of learning, of which he had already
gathered an unusually large store in Pforzheim, by the instructions of
Simler, and the encouragement of the deeply-learned Reuchlin.
CHAPTER II.
THE UNIVERSITY.
When he had spent two years in the town-school of Pforzheim, he had
improved himself so much that he wrote down his own thoughts, both in
the Latin and Greek languages, with facility. He already composed neat
verses in these strange languages. Thus it came to pass, that, although
he was but thirteen years old, he could already enter the University of
HEIDELBERG. His acquirements were of a superior character. He was
received as a student on the 13th of October, 1509. In Heidelberg it was
his good fortune to become an inmate of the house of a distinguished
scholar, Dr. PALLAS SPENGEL. Although Pallas held fast to the
established order of things in religious matters, he was not opposed to
anything better. Melanchthon rejoiced in after life that he had enjoyed
the intercourse of this aged, and, in his own way, pious professor. He
was instructed in the elements of astronomy by Dr. Caesarius, and praised
him in the following words: "I acknowledge that I owe particular esteem
and gratitude to him as my teacher." But he principally devoted himself
to the ancient languages, and that with such zeal, that his knowledge of
them increased more and more, and the learned boy became generally known
in Heidelberg. On a certain occasion the teacher had proposed a very
difficult question, and asked, "Where will I find a Grecian?" The
students cried out with one voice: "Melanchthon! Melanchthon!" He was
generally called "the Grecian."[3] At another time a teacher was
suddenly seized with illness during the hour of instruction. He did not
stop the lecture, however, but without delay said: "Philip, let your
fellow-students proceed, and do you occupy my place." His quiet and
decorous conduct procured him the distinction of instructing the sons of
the Count Louis of Lowenstein. The Counts became so attached to him,
that they maintained a friendly correspondence with him in after years.
On the 10th of June, 1511, he was already honoured with the degree of
BACHELOR OF ARTS. Although he spent many happy hours in Heidelberg, in
the society of learned men and talented youths, yet did the place no
longer satisfy him.
This was partly owing to the fact, that the University did not number
such men among its instructors, under whom he could make any further
great progress, and partly also to the climate of Heidelberg, which did
not agree with him. He was annually troubled with fever in the Spring,
which enfeebled him very much, so that his anxious mother strongly
wished for a change of residence. To this was added, that he was seeking
the degree following the Baccalaureate, that of MASTER OF ARTS. His
instructors, however, considered themselves bound to deny this request,
"because he was too young, and of too childish an appearance." This
occasioned great pain to the young man, and made his departure still
more desirable. In after life, it is true, he formed a correct judgment
of the refusal of his youthful request: "It is often very good for
young persons if their wishes are not all gratified. This I experienced
at Heidelberg."
In the autumn of the year 1512 we find Melanchthon upon the road to the
University of Tuebingen. It had not long before been founded by Duke
EVERARD with the beard, a man who was ever anxious for the welfare of
his country.
Tuebingen had at that time already a good reputation. That which
Melanchthon considered the most important, employed his labors also in
this nursery of science. The Greeks and Romans were his favorites, yet
not in a one-sided manner; for he was also attracted by mathematics and
astronomy, to which he was encouraged by the distinguished Professor
STOeFFLER. When he was therefore engaged in reading the Greek writer
Hesiod, with his friend HAUSSCHEIN, who became so well known and useful
in the Reformation under the name of OECOLAMPADIUS, he could obtain an
explanation of those passages which referred to astronomy, from STOeFFLER
alone. He also made himself acquainted with jurisprudence and medicine.
He gathered a mass of information, which in a young man of his age can
really be called extraordinary. But divinity attracted him above all
other things. This did not flow from the unrefreshing spirit which then
pervaded this science. The old beaten track of the middle ages was still
pursued in all the universities. Altogether neglecting the Bible, the
only fountain of true Christianity, men were merely concerned with the
teachings of the Church. These were empty, fruitless subtleties, in
which a sincerely seeking soul could find no nourishment. He heard
LEMPUS, the most distinguished Professor in this field, who, when
explaining transubstantiation to his hearers, could write it down with
chalk upon the board, to make it more intelligible. Melanchthon read
the writings of WILLIAM OCCAM, an old scholastic, with great zeal. But
the curious structure erected by the Catholic church by its system of
doctrine could not attract him any longer, when he had become the owner
of a Bible. His beloved cousin REUCHLIN had presented him with one. He
loved the holy volume more than every thing else, as he became better
acquainted with its precious contents. As Reuchlin diligently read the
Holy Book, and took it with him upon his journeys, so now did
Melanchthon. He carried it with him in his bosom, and could not part
with it; "he read it carefully day and night." Here he found
explanations, which no professor in Tuebingen, and no priest in the
church were able to give him. How disgusted he must have been, to hear
priests upon the pulpits discourse upon a passage of the Greek
Philosopher Aristotle, or to listen to another who was laboring to
prove, that the wooden shoe of the Franciscans was made of the tree of
the knowledge of Good and Evil in Paradise! Whenever therefore he went
to church, he carried his Bible with him. During the progress of the
ceremonies, and while the people were reading in the prescribed
prayer-books, he was wrapt up in the reading of his Bible. Some
evil-disposed persons took offence at this, and endeavored to render him
suspected.
It is impossible to show in Melanchthon's case, as it can be done in
that of Luther, and other great men of Christ's church, how he arrived
at the knowledge of the Truth, and an experience of the Grace of God.
This saving change in him seems to have been brought about _gradually_.
Beyond doubt it was closely connected with the reading and deeper
searching of the Holy Scriptures. His acquaintance with Reuchlin was
also propitious. Melanchthon frequently journeyed to the not far distant
city of Stuttgart, where Reuchlin then resided. The latter also came to
Tuebingen, and did not think it beneath him to occupy the room and eat
the fare of his youthful friend. Here they conversed much of the corrupt
condition of the church. But the time was near when mere conversation
should be changed to open testimony.
At that time great darkness reigned in Cologne. The Theologians, as well
as the Dominican Monks of that place, had demanded that all Jewish
writings should be burned. When the Emperor called upon Reuchlin for his
opinion in this matter, he defended most of these writings. This enraged
the people of Cologne, who were led by the baptized Jew PFEFFERKORN and
the inquisitor HOCHSTRATEN. They appealed to the Pope. It gave Reuchlin
much trouble, and caused much correspondence to and fro. Melanchthon
also became involved in the matter, together with a large number of the
most distinguished men, who entered the lists in Reuchlin's defence, and
were obliged to bear the name of contempt, REUCHLINISTS. We here already
meet the well-known knight, ULRICH VON HUTTEN, who wielded a sharp pen,
as well as the brave and noble FRANCIS VON SICKINGEN with the knightly
sword.
Before this time, January 25, 1514, consequently in the 17th year of his
life, Melanchthon, as the first among eleven candidates, received the
degree of MASTER OF ARTS, and the privilege of delivering lectures. He
lectured principally on Virgil, Terence, Cicero and Livy, and at once
exhibited his great talents as a teacher. The students listened to him
with pleasure, and soon many distinguished young men gathered around
him. But he not only gained applause in his chair in the University; he
also began to appear as an author. As early as the year 1516, ERASMUS of
Rotterdam, one of the most learned men of that time, gave him the
warmest eulogium in the words: "My God, what promising hopes does Philip
Melanchthon give us, who, yet a youth, yes almost a boy, deserves equal
esteem for his knowledge of both languages! What sagacity in argument,
what purity of expression, what a rare and comprehensive knowledge, what
extensive reading, what a delicacy and elegance of mind does he not
display!"[4]
A man of such mind and acquirements, and who, besides all this, bore a
deeper knowledge within, could no longer remain in his confined position
in Tuebingen. The Lord of the Church had selected a different theatre for
his labors and struggles. When, by the advice of Reuchlin, he had
declined a call to the bigoted University of Ingolstadt, another
extensive and richly blessed field of labor was thrown open to him. The
Elector FREDERICK of Saxony, who has very properly been called the WISE,
in the spring of the year 1518, wrote to Reuchlin from Augsburg, where
he was attending the Diet, requesting him to propose to him a teacher of
the Greek, and one of the Hebrew language, for his University at
WITTENBERG. Wittenberg had already acquired a great reputation, not only
in Germany, but throughout Europe, on account of the mighty and bold
step which an Augustinian Monk, MARTIN LUTHER, had taken about half a
year before. Who has not heard of the 95 Theses, nailed by that monk on
the church door at Wittenberg, on the 31st of October, 1517, against the
doctrine of indulgences, and other matters connected with it, and which
circulated so rapidly, that it seemed almost, in the language of a
contemporary, as if the angels had served as footposts? All better
disposed minds, to which class Reuchlin also belonged, joyfully welcomed
the appearance of the intrepid monk of Wittenberg. When, therefore, the
request of the Elector, to seek out two professors, was made to
Reuchlin, he could not propose a more able and suitable man to Frederick
the Wise than his own relative Melanchthon. He had received the youthful
master's permission to do this. The Elector was highly pleased,
especially as Tuebingen had already supplied him with several able men.
Testimony concerning Melanchthon, such as that given by Reuchlin, could
not but produce the most favorable impression. He says: "Among the
Germans I know of no one who excels him, except Erasmus of Rotterdam,
and he is an Hollander."
As Duke ULRICH felt the loss he was about to sustain, he endeavored to
retain him. An old narrative gives us the following account: "In the
meantime, Duke Ulrich, of Wuertemberg, who wished to keep Philip in his
own land, sent CONRAD VON SICKINGEN, who was then his servant, to master
Philip's mother, to inform her, that if her son wished to enter the
priesthood, he could apply to his Grace. Then he would also provide him
with a good benefice, on account of his sainted father's faithful
services. However, Philip had no inclination to become a priest, but
intended to comply with the invitation of the Elector of Saxony, and to
serve his Grace the Elector and the University, which also eventually
came to pass."
Reuchlin dismissed his young friend in a parental manner with these
beautiful words: "'Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred,
and from thy father's house, unto a land that I will show thee: and I
will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy
name great; and thou shalt be a blessing.' Gen. xii. 1, 2. This the
Spirit tells me, and this hope do I entertain of thee, my Philip, my
work and my comfort! Go, then, with a cheerful and happy courage!" Thus
blessed and consecrated by his old friend, whom he was not to behold
again in this world, he bid adieu to him and all his friends. He also
paid a parting visit to the beloved ones in Bretten. His teacher,
SIMLER, who was professor of the Greek language in Tuebingen, remarked
on the day of Melanchthon's departure: "The entire city ought to mourn
the departure of this Melanchthon, and all those now residing in
Tuebingen have not even advanced far enough in their studies fully to
appreciate how much they had lost by the removal of this great man." In
August, Melanchthon is on his way. He made some valuable acquaintances.
In Augsburg he was admitted to an audience with the Elector, and became
acquainted with his chaplain and secretary, SPALATIN, "and they remained
together until the close of the Diet." The celebrated statesman,
PIRKHEIMER, in Nuremberg, a patron of Melanchthon, also received a visit
from the young professor. On the 20th of August he reached Leipzig. Here
the University honored him with an entertainment. He here declined a
call to Ingolstadt, as well as one from Leipzig. He remained true to his
promise. On the 25th of August, 1518, he arrived in his new field of
labor, Wittenberg, to the joy of all, and his reception was a festive
one.
CHAPTER III.
HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG, AND THE LEIPZIG DISPUTATION.
Four days after his arrival, the 22 years old professor delivered the
Introductory to his Lectures. The lecture-room was entirely filled. His
exterior did not promise much. A small, insignificant form, with a timid
gait, entered the desk, but the lofty brow, and his large blue eyes,
indicated the mighty mind which tabernacled in this unseemly and frail
vessel. But when he commenced his Latin address, which treated of the
improvement of studies, unfolding the deepest thoughts in the most
chaste language, and resting so entirely upon the word of God, all were
filled with joy.
Luther, who was also present, was full of enthusiasm; for he felt at
once how much the University and the good cause of the Reformation had
gained in the possession of a man so learned, and with so deep an
insight into truth. He therefore, full of joy, wrote to his beloved
friend Spalatin as early as August 31: "Philip delivered a very learned
and chaste address on the fourth day after his arrival, and that too
with such applause and admiration on every side, that you need not
trouble yourself further in commending him to us. We must look away from
his exterior appearance; we rejoice in his gifts, at the same time that
we are amazed at them; and we heartily thank our gracious prince, as
well as your own assistance. It is now especially important that you
recommend him most earnestly to our prince. I by no means desire a
different teacher of Greek, as long as he remains with us. There is but
one thing I fear, namely, that his delicate constitution will not be
able to endure the manner of life in this region. I also learn that he
has been called with too small a salary, so that the Leipzigers already
boast and hope that they shall soon be able to draw him away from us;
for they already courted him before he came to us. I, and many others
with me, suspect that Dr. Pfeffinger has, according to his usual custom,
been endeavoring to save the Elector's purse too much in this matter.
Therefore, my dear Spalatin, to speak freely, that is, with my best
friend: I pray you, look to it, that you do not despise his person and
age. This man is deserving of all honor; for I do not wish us and the
University to do so uncourteous a thing, and give envious persons
occasion to speak evil of us." Two days after this, he again commends
him to Spalatin most earnestly: "I would most heartily commend to you
Philip, the great Grecian, the thorough scholar, and most amiable man.
His lecture-room is crowded with hearers. It is owing to him,
principally, that all theologians, the first, middle, and lowest class,
are studying Greek." And thus Luther also expressed himself towards
other friends. But the more they learned to know each other, so much the
more also did their mutual esteem and affection increase. When
Melanchthon, at a certain time, wrote to his paternal friend Reuchlin,
and requested Luther to add a letter also, he complied with great
cheerfulness; for Reuchlin was not only one of the first champions
against Papal darkness, but it was also owing to him that Melanchthon
adorned Wittenberg. In his letter he called Melanchthon a wonderful man,
"in whom everything is almost supernatural; and yet he is the friend and
confidant of my heart." But Reuchlin could not comprehend the rapid
progress of the Reformation any more than Erasmus, and latterly had
become cooler towards Melanchthon, no doubt because he had taken a too
zealous and active part in the work of the reformation of the church.
As Luther's whole heart was soon devoted to Melanchthon, so also did the
young professor admire the chosen instrument of God. He soon discovered
that a turning point had been reached in the history of the Christian
church, and that Luther, partly because of his humility, and also his
powerful apostolical faith, was the man chosen by the Head of the Church
to bring about this blessed revolution. But an opportunity should soon
be afforded the ingenious youth to step upon the battle-field of the
Reformation himself, and to fight the good fight at Luther's side. The
cause of the Gospel, proclaimed trumpet-tongued in Wittenberg, had
awakened a mighty sympathy. They soon became convinced in Rome that this
was not an ordinary dispute among Monks, whether the cowls should be
peaked or round, and matters like these. Although the frivolous
Medicean, Pope Leo X., regarded the matter very lightly in the
beginning, its progress soon taught him to take a different view.
Writings, conceived in the true Roman spirit, and dipped in blood, were
sent forth. But all was unavailing. Despotic commands, such as had been
hurled against Luther in Augsburg by the proud CAJETAN, were powerless.
At first the lion in the Vatican roared, then he fawned. All knew the
Papal nuncio MILTIZ, who could speak sweetly, and if this would not
suffice, could even shed tears. An agreement was entered into between
him and Luther, who in the beginning still entertained a high esteem for
the Pope's supremacy, in Altenburg, in the year 1519, in which he
promised silence, provided his opponents would remain silent also. But
even in the midst of these negotiations, a zealous Romanist brought
about an unexpected outbreak of the fire that slumbered beneath the
ashes. This was the well-known Dr. JOHN ECK, Chancellor of the
University of Ingolstadt, a man ever inclined to noise and disputes. He
had already attacked Professor ANDREW CARLSTADT, in Wittenberg, in the
year 1516. At a later period he challenged him to a public discussion,
although he had his eye fixed upon Luther more than him. As the choice
of the place and the time of the discussion were left to Dr. Eck, he
fixed upon Leipzig. It was to be opened on the 27th of June, 1519.
Eck arrived in Leipzig betimes, where he was delighted at being seen and
admired. On the 24th of June the Wittenbergers also arrived. Many other
learned men and students were present, besides the two champions,
Carlstadt and Luther. Philip Melanchthon rode at Luther's side in a
carriage. A crowd of persons, abbots, counts, knights, the learned and
unlearned, such as Leipzig had not seen for a long time, were gathered
together. It does not belong to our purpose to describe at length the
history of the discussion at Leipzig. It occupied three weeks. First of
all, Eck disputed with Carlstadt about Free-will, then with Luther about
the Pope's supremacy, purgatory, indulgences, penance, absolution, and
satisfaction. The contest often became very hot. Even if Carlstadt did
not defend his good cause with the greatest skill, Eck found his match
in Luther, who placed himself in the citadel of the word of God, and
went forth unconquered from the battle. However, Melanchthon did not
merely sit by as an idle hearer. It is said that he now and then mingled
in the contest, and supported his two friends with a few observations.
Upon this, Eck addressed him in a harsh tone: "Be silent, Philip; mind
your own business, and do not disturb me!"
Melanchthon, who had inwardly taken a lively interest in the discussion,
left Leipzig, together with his Wittenberg friends, richly blessed and
strengthened for his whole life.[5] But he was now to enter into a
dispute with Eck himself. For he had written a letter to his beloved
friend Oecolampadius, who regarded the bold stand of Luther and his
friends with approbation, in which he related the events of the
disputation, and exposed several weak points in Eck's arguments. But,
although he did this, he praised Eck's "excellent natural gifts." Of
course it can be easily seen where Melanchthon's heart was. He thus
spoke of Luther in this letter: "I must admire the clear head, learning,
and eloquence, and heartily love the sincere and truly Christian heart
of Luther, whom I have known intimately for a long time." This letter
was printed, and was seen by Eck, who felt himself so much aggrieved by
it, that he printed a very rude reply as early as the 25th of July, in
Leipzig. He treats the teacher of languages--Philippus--"who understands
Greek and Latin so well," in a most contemptuous manner, as if he had
assumed the right of pronouncing judgment in a matter which he did not
understand, and endeavors to refute Melanchthon's letter by sixteen
brief remarks. At one time he calls him "the bold little man," then
again "the Wittenbergian teacher of languages, who fared like the
shoemaker who wanted to know more than his last," and then again "the
literalist," and "little language man." Once he addresses him in the
words: "Thou dusty schoolmaster!" The whole letter is conceived in this
spirit: but he was mistaken in Melanchthon. In the month of August he
sent forth from "the celebrated Saxon city Wittenberg," a defence
against John Eck, in which he does not use similar language. He declares
in this "that he has been driven to this, more by a holy anxiety and
zeal for the Holy Scriptures than by any enmity." He declares, in the
most decided manner, "that it is ungodly to wrest the Scriptures
according to human will and inclinations." He now refutes Eck's
principal objections in the clearest manner, and advises him "to suffer
the cause to strive rather than abusive language." "We owe this," he
says, "to love, which, as truly as I hope to have a merciful God, I from
my heart do not wish to grieve or offend."
Luther was much displeased with Eck's conduct. He expresses this in a
letter to Spalatin, dated August 15th: "I again come to speak of Philip,
whom no Eck can bring me to hate, and whose testimony in my favour I
always esteem higher than anything else. The judgment and opinion of
this single man is of more value to me than that of many thousand
worthless Ecks, and I would not be ashamed, although I am a Master of
Arts, of Philosophy, and Theology, and am adorned almost with all the
titles of Eck, to leave my own opinion, if this Grammarian could not
agree with it. I have often done this, and do it still, because of the
divine gift which God has deposited in this frail vessel (although it
seems contemptible to Eck,) with a bountiful blessing. Philip I do not
praise, he is a creature of God, and nothing."
But Eck did not consider it advisable to contend further with the
champions of Wittenberg, who were also supported by other worthy men. He
was silent, and as he perhaps thought that other weapons were needful in
such a case, perhaps like those employed against Huss and Jerome a
hundred years before, he journeyed to Rome, and sought shelter beneath
the thunders of excommunication from the Papal Chair.
CHAPTER IV.
BUILDING AND FIGHTING.
It has happened sometimes in the Church of Christ, that the kingdom of
God has been built up, whilst the builders were obliged to carry the
sword against the enemies in one hand. This was the case at Wittenberg
at that time. By Luther's side we find Melanchthon engaged in this
double labor. We have already heard with what joy his introductory
lecture was listened to. He continued to gain more applause from day to
day. Students from all parts of Germany, yea of Europe, were found in
his lecture-room. In the year 1520, Spalatin saw about 600 students,
whereas the whole number of students had formerly not exceeded 200.
Luther's European reputation, of course, also contributed much towards
the prosperity of the University. HEERBRAND, in his oration to his
memory, relates that Melanchthon had as many as 2000 pupils and hearers,
among whom were princes, counts, barons, and other noblemen. Whilst
Reuchlin and Erasmus labored more by their writings, Melanchthon
attracted both by his lectures and his solid writings. To this was
added, that, whilst Reuchlin and Erasmus from day to day grew cooler
towards the great movement proceeding from Wittenberg, Melanchthon
attached himself to it in the most decided manner, and powerfully aided
it by his mind, acquirements, and great name. He, therefore, did not
only lecture on the Greek poet Homer, and other writers of antiquity,
but also treated the writings of the New Testament. His industry was
extraordinary. In addition to the regular labors of his station, he for
a time also acted as professor of the Hebrew. For this purpose, however,
it was necessary that he should first of all make himself thoroughly
acquainted with this language. Luther wrote to Spalatin, January, 1519:
"Our Philip is now busy with the Hebrew; the faithfulness and industry
of the man are too great, so that he hardly permits himself to enjoy any
leisure." He could generally be found busily engaged in his study at two
o'clock in the morning. The amount of labor accomplished by him in a
short time is almost incredible. But to his well-trained mind, his quick
perception, and his unwearied industry, was added the blessing of God,
which indeed was most needful, and which he sought with all his heart.
When the Elector heard of his extraordinary industry, he feared lest the
worthy professor might ruin his health, and himself wrote to him that he
should take care of himself. He says in this letter: "We must make
provision for the body, and if you look upon the other words of Paul as
true, regard this in the same way, and believe that we ought to obey
it." Melanchthon was particularly engaged with the epistles of Paul.
With unusual clearness he comprehended the deeply evangelical truths
which this Apostle of Justification by Faith had been permitted to see
and express so clearly.
Luther was not ashamed to appear among the hearers of the youthful
professor, when he explained the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians.
Yea, he even considered it worth while to communicate these lessons of
the lecture-room to the great public of Christendom. As Melanchthon's
modesty induced him to retain such productions in his desk, Luther
secretly published his explanations of the Epistles to the Romans and
Corinthians, and prefixed an introduction, addressed to Melanchthon, in
which he jocosely remarks: "It is I who publish your writings and
expositions. I send you to yourself. If you are not pleased with
yourself, well and good; let it suffice that we are pleased with you. If
I have transgressed in this matter, it is your own fault. Why did you
not publish yourself, for which I so often entreated, prayed, and
commanded you? Let this be my excuse, that I shall be called, and will
be, your thief, whether you are angry or whether you laugh." Further on
he says: "But to those whom you so fear that they will be displeased and
dissatisfied with it, I will say: 'Dear Sirs, do better yourselves.' I
proclaim it publicly before the world, that no one has approached nearer
to, and hit upon Paul's meaning, better than yourself."
Melanchthon now published a series of volumes upon books of Scripture.
He saw very well that the fountain of divine truth and wisdom, which had
been obstructed so long, must again begin to flow. And he contributed an
honest share towards the diffusion of Scripture truth. His books and
minor publications on the books of the Bible were greatly applauded, and
met with a rapid sale, so that repeated editions were called for. And
even yet they deserve not only to be read, but studied by all who
devote themselves to the discovery of truth. When Luther, at a later
period, prefaced and recommended Melanchthon's exposition of the Epistle
to the Colossians, to which he had given great attention, he speaks thus
of himself and Melanchthon: "I have been born to war and fight with
factions and devils, therefore my books are stormy and warlike. I must
root out the stumps and stocks, cut away the thorns and hedges, fill up
the ditches, and am the rough forester, to break a path, and make things
ready. But master Philip walks gently and silently, tills and plants,
sows and waters with pleasure, as God has gifted him richly." Thus did
Melanchthon write and teach, and mightily build up the kingdom of God.
About this time he published a work, which is doubtless not only one of
the best of his productions, but also inclined many hearts towards the
Reformation.
It is the work LOCI COMMUNES, _the principal articles of Christian
doctrine_, as they were afterwards called. We have already heard that
Melanchthon devoted himself especially to the writings of Paul. He
gathered together all the principal truths of this apostle, and
presented them to his hearers. These were so highly pleased with the
production, that they had it published. As Melanchthon, however,
discovered many imperfections in it, he published it himself in 1521,
corrected and enlarged. This volume, which may be called the first
system of religion in the evangelical church, was everywhere greeted in
the most friendly manner. Luther was quite delighted with it, and once
said of it, that it was not only worthy of immortality, but even to be
admitted into the canon of Scripture. In his table-talk he expressed the
following opinion of it: "Whoever wishes to become a theologian now,
enjoys great advantages; for first of all, he has the Bible, which is so
clear, that he can read it without difficulty. Then let him read in
addition the Loci Communes Philippi; let him read them diligently and
well, that he may impress them upon his mind. If he has these two
things, he is a theologian, from whom neither the devil nor heretics
shall be able to take away anything. To him the whole field of theology
lies open, so that he is able to read anything he pleases after that
with edification."
Melanchthon issued improved editions of the work from time to time.
Seldom has a book met with so extensive a demand. We can form an
estimate of its value from this fact alone. But it was also totally
different from the old trash which Melanchthon had become acquainted
with in Tuebingen. It followed the pure dictates of the Bible, and was
thoroughly practical. Here the doctrines of sin, of the law and the
Gospel, of Justification, of Faith and Good Works, were developed in a
convincing manner, as they had been brought to light after a long
midnight, by Luther himself. With this work he stood entirely upon the
Bible, and on this account it was so refreshing to friends and annoying
to enemies. In September, 1519, he was made a Bachelor of Divinity on
account of his great learning. He would never accept a higher degree,
and always remained a Magister (Master.) But Luther said of him: "It is
true he is but a poor Master, but also a Doctor above all Doctors."
Whilst this worthy man was laying the foundation for the building of the
renewed church, he also bore in his other hand the sword of the Spirit
to drive away the foe. We have already heard how he smote Dr. Eck with
it. As early as the year 1520, a publication filled with poison and gall
appeared against Luther in Rome. It bore the following title: "To the
Princes and People of Germany against Martin Luther, the Defamer of
German Glory." The author had chosen the fictitious name THOMAS
RHODINUS. The Leipzigers, especially the wicked JEROME EMSER, rejoiced
in this libel, and soon reprinted it, in order to injure the cause of
the Reformation. But now Melanchthon entered the lists in February of
the year 1521. He wrote a defence of the greatly slandered Luther, under
the fictitious name of DIDYMUS FAVENTINUS. He remarks in this: "Judge
for yourselves, whether those are seeking the welfare and glory of the
Fatherland indeed, who accuse that man, who has delivered our Fatherland
from Romish frauds; who has ventured all alone to root out the errors
which existed for centuries; who has again brought to light Christian
doctrines which were almost buried by the wicked laws of the Popes, and
the foolish subtleties of the schools. For this praise is given him by
all the learned, and not only by me." In this decided tone spoke
Melanchthon, and declared that everything which opposed the Gospel must
fall, no matter how ancient it may be. After explaining the manner in
which the Pope had gained supremacy in Germany, he called upon the
princes to defend the Church against the power of Antichrist. The battle
grew more exciting, and Melanchthon took a bolder position, although he
was a man who might truly, with reference to his inward disposition, be
called a child of peace. Towards the close of the year 1520, principally
by Luther's advice, he had married a daughter of Mayor CRAPP, of
Wittenberg. But of this we shall speak further hereafter.
CHAPTER V.
MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER.
As early as the summer of 1520, the Pope, upon Eck's instigation, issued
a severe bull against Luther, in which forty-one propositions from his
various writings were condemned, and he himself was threatened with
excommunication if he should not recant. But the hero was of good
courage, for he was suffering for the best cause. Eck triumphed, but the
Wittenberger was not to be intimidated, and wrote the well-known severe
work "Against the Bull of Antichrist," and even took the bold step, on
the 10th of December, 1520, to cast this bull, together with the canon
law and other papal writings, into the fire, before the Elster gate, in
the presence of many students and doctors. Thus did he powerfully
separate himself from the Roman Church and the Pope. All who preferred
the better way were thus driven to decision. Melanchthon was not wanting
among these better ones, as he proved by his vindication of Luther.
In the meantime, CHARLES V. had become Emperor of Germany. The papal
nuncios urged him to execute the bull. But this youthful monarch
proceeded leisurely. He summoned a Diet to Worms, where, among other
matters, the difficulties of the Church might also be decided. Although
the Papal legates endeavored to prevent Luther's summons to the Diet,
they could not succeed. When parting from Melanchthon, he said: "If I
should return no more, and my enemies should murder me at Worms, as may
very easily be the case, I conjure you, dear brother, not to neglect
teaching and abiding by the truth. In the meantime, labor also for me,
because I am not able to be here. You can do better than I can.
Therefore it will not be a great loss, provided you remain. The Lord
still finds a learned champion in you." It is well known to all with
what joyful faith Luther received the summons, and with what bold words
he expressed himself in regard to it. Luther's journey to Worms, and his
demeanor before the Emperor and the States of the Empire, are among the
most glorious events of his own history, and of the Reformation in
general.
Faith, like that exhibited by him at this time, is not often found in
Israel. "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me! Amen!" These
were Luther's words; he remained faithful, and God helped him. He was
removed until March, 1522, for it is known that the care of the Elector
had sheltered him from the malice of his enemies in the silent Wartburg.
During this time, Wittenberg truly seemed to be fatherless, for
Melanchthon was no Luther. And yet the burden of the Reformation rested
upon the shoulders of this young man. But, notwithstanding the papal
bulls, and in spite of the Edict of Worms, which appeared May 26, 1521,
and spoke in the papal spirit, he was not afraid to stand in the gap. He
published the acts of the Diet of Worms, and sided with the proscribed
Luther. Every where his assistance was required, so also to give his
advice in supplying the professorial chairs in the University. During
this time, AUROGALLUS, teacher of the Hebrew, and JUSTUS JONAS, in the
capacity of provost and professor of Theology, arrived in Wittenberg.
During the same year, Melanchthon published a severe work against the
Theologians of Paris. These had severely condemned Luther and his
writings. Against these he wrote his defence of Dr. M. Luther, "against
the raging judgment of the Paris Divines." It is one of his most cutting
productions. He begins thus: "Behold, Christian reader, what monstrous
beasts of Theologians this part of the earth, Europe, gives birth to!"
He expresses himself unwilling to believe that this production has
emanated from Paris, because so furious a spirit breathes in it. The
common people believe that Christian doctrine dwells in the high school
as in its own palace. But he will disregard the distinguished
personages, and the high rank of the University, and says: "In our
common Christianity, Christ's voice alone shall rule. Whoever does not
hear this, does not belong to Christ." The Universities of Cologne and
Loewen had also condemned Luther's writings, but they had not acted as
_crazily_ as the Parisians. He, therefore, found himself obliged to
believe that the saying of those in the olden time was not altogether
without foundation: "That the French have no brains." They called Luther
a heretic because he did not agree with the Universities, the holy
fathers, and the councils. But here Melanchthon plants himself upon the
basis of the Bible, and declares this alone can be infallible, and adds:
"What new articles of Faith do magistri nostri of Paris wish to add to
this? Perhaps their own gross ones!" In this biting manner he proceeds,
and in a clear, lively manner, thoroughly refutes the assertions of the
Parisians. He proves the Scriptures to be the only fountain of knowledge
in the most triumphant manner, and then proceeds to show that Luther is
standing upon the Bible, and yet does not contradict the Fathers.
Luther's defender proves that he is on Augustine's side in the
doctrines of Free-will and of Grace, and then goes on to show that the
Parisians themselves are opposed to the Fathers. He concludes thus: "I
wished to guard you in these things, Christian reader, in order that you
may not be prejudiced against Luther by the reputation of the
Sorbonne,[6] the wisdom of which you have been able to see in one or two
points. From those which I have exposed to you, you may easily guess the
rest--for the Sorbonne is the Sorbonne. It will be easier for you to
find Christ among the carpenters than among these people."
So bravely did Melanchthon speak, and yet the position he occupied
alone, during Luther's absence, depressed him so much that he felt the
need of consolation. When Luther had reached the Wartburg, Melanchthon
discovered it, and full of joy wrote to WENZESLAUS LINK: "Our dearest
father is alive!" He wishes to fold him in his arms very soon, and says:
"Everything is going on well in the University, except that we are
deprived of our father Doctor Martinus."
At another time he wrote: "Our Elijah is not yet with us, but we wait
and hope for him. What more shall I say? My longing for him tortures me
grievously!" Luther reprimanded him about this, and wrote thus: "Even
though I should be lost, the Gospel will lose nothing by that; for in
that you now excel me, and follow Elijah as an Elisha with a double
portion of the spirit, which may the Lord Jesus bestow upon you in his
mercy! Amen." Already on the 12th of May, 1521, a letter of comfort
arrived from PATMOS, as Luther called the Wartburg. He says in it: "And
what are you doing, my Philip? Do you pray for me, that this my
involuntary concealment may redound to the greater glory of God?" In
conclusion, he says: "Here I sit, and all day long place before me the
picture of the Church, and lament my insensibility that I am not
drenched in tears, and with my eyes, as with fountains of tears, weep
for the slain of my people. But there is no one who will arise and
cleave to the Lord, or oppose himself as a wall for the house of Israel,
in these latter days of his wrath. Yes, Kingdom of the Pope, thou art
worthy of this latter time! God be merciful unto us! Do you then, as a
servant of the word, stand in the midst, and guard the walls and gates
of Jerusalem, until they come upon you also. You understand your calling
and your gifts. I pray for you before all other things, if, (as I do not
doubt,) my prayer availeth anything. Do you likewise. Let us bear our
burden together. We stand alone in the battle. After me, they will fall
upon thee."
Melanchthon needed such encouragement in his present position; for as it
has often been, so was it now in Wittenberg, that enemies are less
dangerous than friends. With all his storming, Luther yet proceeded
calmly. It was his primary object to lay on every side the deep
foundation of Justification by Grace through Faith; and he thought less
of the finishing of the building. He permitted all those things to
remain which did not flatly contradict the word of God. But his friends
in Wittenberg did not think so soberly and prudently. They wished to
overturn the structure of the Roman Church by rapid assault, and to
erect something entirely new. Every particle of the Romish leaven was
to be exterminated from the public worship of God.
First of all, Luther's fellow-conventuals, the Augustinian monks of
Wittenberg, led by the preacher GABRIEL ZWILLING, appeared with a
resolution to omit the daily private mass, and to distribute the
Sacrament in both kinds. When the Elector heard of this, he inquired at
once into the particulars of the matter, and appointed a commission, to
which Melanchthon belonged, to investigate the whole matter. The report
of this commission was decidedly in favor of those who encouraged these
innovations. After exhibiting the antiscriptural character of the mass,
and the denial of the cup to the laity, and saying: "It is certain that
the abuse of the mass is one of the greatest and most abominable abuses
in the world," they pray the Elector to take hold of the matter
earnestly, and speedily to abolish the abuse of the masses in his own
dominions, and not to care if he should be abused as a Bohemian or
heretic. It is impossible to avoid reviling. They appeal to the
Elector's conscience, and reminded him of the great day of reckoning.
But it also gave liberty to conscience, if any one wished to celebrate
mass alone. But the Elector was not satisfied with this opinion. As he
generally preferred to act prudently, he considered the step of the
Augustinians too hasty. He thought that the opinion of so few persons
could not be decisive, and he also clearly foresaw the consequences,
should the overthrow of private masses put an end to the legacies for
this purpose. He communicated these views to the Commission in writing,
through Dr. BAYER. They returned an excellent reply, full of a joyful
faith, which we regret not to be able to print entire. The reply said:
"Although we are the smallest party, the truth of the divine word, which
is above all angels and creatures, because it is clearly revealed in
the Gospel and in the apostle Paul, shall not therefore be despised. For
the smallest party ever received and preached the truth, and so it will
remain to the end of the world." It concludes thus: "Let no one be
offended because this matter will cause great offence. For Christ, as it
is written, came into the world, and was given to those who believe in
him and his word, that they might improve themselves in him, to obtain
eternal life. But to those who do not receive him and his word, he has
been given and set for a stumbling-block, that they may die for ever."
Luther also, in his work "Of the Abuse of the Mass," expressed himself
in favor of the omission of private masses. The Elector now permitted
the matter to take its own course. The movement, which had commenced in
the Augustinian cloister in Wittenberg, communicated itself likewise to
those in Meissen and Thuringia. In the month of December of this year a
provincial assembly of Augustinians from different quarters was
convened. Their resolutions contemplated the abolition of secret masses,
cloistral confinement, and other antiscriptural customs. At this time
appeared Luther's publication "Concerning Priestly and Monastic Vows,"
which gave the movement scriptural progress. When a minister, BERNHARDI,
called Feldkirch, relinquished his celibacy, and defended this step,
Melanchthon was not afraid to step forward to defend the severely
assaulted man, and to renounce a doctrine which the Bible terms a
doctrine of devils, and is yet held fast by the Papal Chair with the
utmost tenacity.
But other events occurred in Wittenberg, which might have done the
greatest injury to the good cause of the Reformation, had not the Lord
of the Church watched over it. A fanatical spirit had arisen in the city
of ZWICKAU. Among other things he rejected Infant Baptism, and boasted
of the possession of supernatural revelations. At Christmas, three of
these fanatics came to Wittenberg. These were two cloth-weavers named
NICHOLAS STORCH and THOMAS MARX, the third being MARCUS STUeBNER, who
claimed to belong to the learned. In Wittenberg, the private teacher,
MARTIN CELLARIUS, joined them. They also met with Melanchthon, who had
even received the chief spokesman, Stuebner, into his house. He did not
possess that deep insight into human nature which distinguished Luther.
He, therefore, did not at once declare himself opposed to this perverted
movement. December 27, 1521, he gave notice of this to the Elector, and
says: "I have conversed with them myself, and they declare most
wonderful things concerning themselves, viz., that God with a loud voice
sent them forth to teach, that they enjoy most intimate conversations
with God, behold future events, and that they are, in short, prophetic
and apostolical men. I cannot describe how all this moves me. That
spirits possess them, seems to be established by many reasons,
concerning which no one can easily form an opinion but Martinus,
(Luther.) If the Gospel and the honor and peace of the Church are in any
danger, it is absolutely necessary that these people should have an
interview with Martinus, especially as they appeal to him. I would not
write anything to your Electoral Grace about this matter, did not the
importance of the matter require that steps should be taken in time. For
it is needful for us to be on our guard, lest the devil entrap us."
Spalatin relates that the Elector expressed himself about this matter
very humbly in these words: "This is a very important matter, which I,
as a layman, do not understand. Now, God has bestowed considerable
possessions upon me and my brother. If I understood these matters, I
would rather take a staff in my hands and fly, than act knowingly
against God." However, the Elector summoned Melanchthon and Amsdorf to
PRETTIN.
There HAUBOLD VON EINSIEDEL and Spalatin questioned them further
concerning these matters. They expressed themselves to the same effect
as Melanchthon had done in his report. Again Luther's judgment was
solicited. In a letter of Luther's, called forth by Melanchthon, he
judged very correctly of the spirits of Zwickau. He requires letter and
seal for their public ministry. As to their spirit, it would only be
necessary to inquire, whether they had experienced spiritual conflicts
and divine birth, death and hell. He proceeds to express himself in a
very decided manner in reference to Infant Baptism, and concludes thus:
"I have all along expected that the devil would create this ulcer, but
it was not to be done by the Papists. He desires to bring about this
great schism among us and ours, but Christ will soon trample him beneath
our feet. But these fanatics had already gained adherents. Among them
was the well-known Dr. KARLSTADT,[7] a man of a legal, unsettled mind,
who, with all his boasting of liberty, knew nothing of true evangelical
liberty. He commenced a sad work in Wittenberg. Many students joined
him. They abolished private masses, burned the images, destroyed the
altars, abolished auricular confession, dropped the hymns and ceremonies
of the Church, went to communion without previous confession, and did
many other things of a similar character. Without applying to the
constituted authorities, without caring for those who were offended at
their course, they carried everything before them by storm, appealing to
their liberty, the first commandment, and the Holy Ghost, which they
possessed. Whoever did not side with them was denounced as an heretic.
This was too much for the youthful professor, the burden was too great,
and he longed for the faith and strength of that man, who, under these
circumstances could not endure to remain longer in his Patmos. Luther
addressed a capital letter to the Wittenbergians, in which he most
clearly points out to them the true point of view from which Karlstadt's
innovation was to be examined. But Melanchthon ardently desired Luther's
return to Wittenberg. His return was absolutely necessary too, yet the
Elector would not hear of it. At last, on the 7th of March, 1522, Luther
escaped from the Wartburg. Two letters, addressed to the Elector, and
which really display an apostolical strength of faith, paved and
prepared the way. He was received with acclamations in Wittenberg, and
when he now began, from the first Sunday in Lent until the Sunday
Reminiscere, to preach eight sermons against these innovations, in a
convincing, winning manner, all rejoiced, and the turbulent waves again
grew calm.
Gabriel was convinced, but Karlstadt remained hardened. But the fanatics
again gathered together secretly, and endeavored to spread themselves.
The desire was expressed that Luther might have an interview with them.
Although reluctantly, he at last resolved to hear MARCUS, one of their
leaders. Melanchthon was present at the interview. Marcus was
accompanied by the impetuous Cellarius, and several others. When Luther
pointed out to them, that their pretensions were not founded upon the
Holy Scriptures, but were really the inventions of over-curious minds,
or perhaps even foolish and hurtful inspirations of a deceitful spirit,
Cellarius behaved like a mad-man. They departed with curses, but Luther
calmly said: "That God, whom I worship and serve, will know right well
how to restrain your gods, so that none of these things will come to
pass."
We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must have felt, when the
proper man of the Reformation again stood in the breach.
CHAPTER VI.
LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE.
The Gospel gained greater and greater victories. The preaching of the
truth found open doors in Denmark and Sweden, in Transylvania and
Hungary, in Silesia and France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity
in Germany went forth from Wittenberg through the various provinces, so
also did ZWINGLI, and Melanchthon's friend and fellow-student,
OECOLAMPADIUS, labor in Switzerland with blessed results. A new time was
coming, and its spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means
contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation as the
translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's master hand. In the
Wartburg he completed the translation of the New Testament, with a
spirit which to this day has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed
to make use of the assistance and advice of his friends in this work.[8]
Among these friends, Melanchthon was the principal one, who, indeed,
excelled Luther in learning. Melanchthon took very great pains to
discover the true meaning of the passages, for which his assistance had
been solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could apply for an
explanation to the physician, STURTZ, in Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other
friends. We have before heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew
language. The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to him in
the translation of the Old Testament. The Book of Job particularly
called forth the efforts of the Wittenbergians. Luther somewhere speaks
of it in a letter: "M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so
carefully in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three lines
in four days. But Melanchthon labored with especial energy in his own
field of labor. He saw the importance of a classical education, and
labored very zealously for its extension. But, although he mightily
promoted the ancient languages, his heart was yet in the Holy
Scriptures. This is proved by his explanations of several books of the
Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 1523.
But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning to undermine his
health. He was particularly troubled with sleeplessness about this time.
Recreation was indispensable for him, and his friends also earnestly
advised him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not permitted to
refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now wished to pay this visit.
One of his friends and colleagues, NESEN, intended to make a trip to
Frankfort. It seemed best to join him, and from thence to visit his
beloved native city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing
there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, approved of them,
relieved him of all scruples and doubts, and dismissed him with these
pleasant words: "Go, dear brother Philip, in the name of God. Even our
Lord Jesus did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and
visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that you return
to us soon! I will include you in my prayers day and night. And now
depart!"
On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very pleasant caravan of
friends. NESEN, who taught History, Geography and the Languages, in
Wittenberg; Philip's fellow-boarder, FRANCIS BURKHARD, of Weimar, who
afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony; JOHN SILBERBORNER, of Worms; and
his dearest friend in all the world, with whom he became acquainted
during the Leipzig disputation, JOACHIM CAMERARIUS, were his
fellow-travellers. They rode upon horses, which were none of the best;
but most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of riders. Their
way led them through Leipzig. There a most worthy man, PETER SCHADE,
called MOSELLANUS, who had expressed himself much in favor of the
Reformation, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade him
farewell in this world. Thence they went to the city of Fulda. CROTUS
RUBIANUS and ADAM KRAFT rejoiced in the arrival of the beloved Saxons,
and entertained them most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the
death of the Knight ULRICH VON HUTTEN, who died upon an island in the
Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what ardor this champion joined
the Reformation. Neither Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve
of everything in the conduct of the clever freebooter; for he was not
inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit.
Nesen remained in Frankfort; but Melanchthon and his remaining
companions, after a short stay, hastened to the end of their journey. It
is said that when he first beheld his beloved native city in the
distance, overcome with joy, he dismounted, and falling upon his knees,
exclaimed: "Oh! my native soil! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been
permitted to see it again!" And now they went to Bretten, to his
mother's house. How she rejoiced to behold her son again! She had in the
meantime ceased to be a widow, and had married a widower named
Christopher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic; and
perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but that he had
taken too decided and zealous a part in the Reformation. Now there was
opportunity to speak of these things; and the son did not neglect to
instruct his mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. But
she seems to have remained steadfast in her old persuasion.
The mother knew very well that her son had gained a great name. She
could see this with her own eyes during his stay in Bretten. CAMPEGIUS,
at that time the Papal legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on
account of a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must have
felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther; and he must have thought it
worth while to make an attempt to bring about this desirable result. He
had a very shrewd secretary, named NAUSEA, who was sent upon this
difficult and important errand. When he arrived in Bretton, he
immediately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the matter.
He seconded his appeal with the best inducements, but he did not find a
reed that could be swayed to and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg
Professor declared, in a firm and decided manner: "If I discover
anything to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any regard
to the consequence of any mortal, without any regard to advantages,
honor, or gain. I shall never forsake those who were the first to bring
better things to light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to
prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the truth without
quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise every one who earnestly desires
peace and unity, to do all he can to heal those wounds which can no
longer be concealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are
constantly tearing them open again!" He added a small essay on the
principal points of the Lutheran doctrine, in which he particularly gave
prominence to the difference between divine and human righteousness, and
that they were only striving against work-holiness.
Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having effected his object; but
Melanchthon received another visit, from three professors of the
University. These did not come to alienate him from _that_ cause, which
was the cause of God. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly
ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his meritorious services, for
which he returned his cordial thanks in a letter.
Whilst Melanchthon was spending most agreeable days in Bretten, his
travelling-companions sojourned in Basle. ERASMUS of Rotterdam resided
in this city, and by his great reputation also attracted these
Wittenbergians. This will be the proper place to say something of the
relations existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. It was
Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized and admired
Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. Melanchthon had taken this
great man, who exerted such an influence upon the restoration of the
sciences, for his model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing on
neutral ground, and considered the Reformation commenced by Luther, and
supported by Melanchthon's learning, as by far too extravagant. He was
very fond of the honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men
from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, therefore, at
first expressed his approbation of the work in Wittenberg, he gradually
became more and more opposed to it. He manifested his hostility
particularly in his work "ON FREE WILL." He shows in this, like all
persons who do not consult the word of God, and a deep inward
experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, and the
indescribable riches of divine grace, were both mysteries to him. He
also expressed his views more fully in a letter to his friend at
Wittenberg, on the 6th of September, 1524; and did not forget to state
that he could not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci
Communes, in which he had, however, found much that was excellent.
Nothing else could have been expected, for Melanchthon had most
decidedly expressed the doctrine of the renewed Church. He could,
therefore, neither be satisfied with Erasmus' publication against
Luther, nor with his letter to himself.
It is well known to every one acquainted with these disputes, that
Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in Luther, by means of his work
"Of the Bond Will," which is one of the ablest and most powerful
productions of the Reformer. The gulf between these two men became wider
and wider. All mediation was impossible.
In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already referred to,
Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to Luther's doctrine, and
declared that if the Bible should teach differently, he would gladly
adopt it. He took Luther's side, and defended him against Erasmus'
attacks upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own opinions, and
especially censured Luther's violence. He was particularly displeased
with this violence in Luther's polemic treatise against himself. This
relation to the great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much trouble.
It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted him.
But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and we must first see
what happened to Melanchthon on his return. It was difficult to part
from Bretten, for his mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It
seemed to her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was then
beholding him for the last time. But at last, with his companions who
had returned from Basle, he tore himself away from his home. Not far
from Frankfort he met with a singular adventure. The young Landgrave
PHILIP of Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the progress
of the Reformation, was travelling with his retainers to Heidelberg. He
had, no doubt, heard that Melanchthon was on the road. He sees a company
of travellers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be among
them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. When Melanchthon
discovered himself, and was about to dismount in token of respect, the
Landgrave prevented him, and requested him to change his route, and to
remain with him over night, because he would like to have many matters
explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, but be of good courage.
Melanchthon assured the Landgrave that he was not afraid, and that he
was a very unimportant person besides. The prince replied: "But,
nevertheless, Cardinal Campegius would be not a little rejoiced if you
were to be delivered into his hands." On the condition that, after his
return to Wittenberg, he would prepare a written statement concerning
these innovations in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted
him to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a safe conduct
through the Hessian dominion. This writing was really prepared, and bore
the title: "An Epitome of the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to
his most serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey was safely
completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow in Wittenberg. His
beloved travelling companion, Nesen, wished to cross the Elbe in a
fisherman's boat, as he had often done before; but upon the present
occasion, it was July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree,
was capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his beloved
Camerarius, who was daily more endeared to him, removed from Wittenberg.
He felt very lonely and forsaken, and in this frame of mind wrote to
Camerarius: "I sit at home like a lame cobbler."
CHAPTER VII.
THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS
The hopes raised by the proposed plans for reform, by the new Pope
Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often have men been deceived in
their hopes, when they looked towards the city on the seven hills! The
Diet in Nuremberg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and the
Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the execution of the Edict of
Worms. But it came to pass here, as the Elector Frederick the Wise is
said to have remarked before the Diet: "In heaven it has been resolved
far otherwise than in Nuremberg!" Already in the year 1523, death
summoned Hadrian from the scene. True to the proverb, "The Pope does not
die," another one, Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest,
ascended the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict of
Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during the Diet at
Nuremberg, which had been opened again. The Emperor made the same demand
by his ambassador. But all these violent measures were defeated by the
action of the princes, who said "that they would do what they could."
The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every quarter, to find good
soil and to strike deep root, so much more the hostility of the
Catholics increased. Persecutions arose, and martyrs began to bleed for
the Lord's cause. Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the
terrible martyrdom of Henry von Zuetphen, who was burned at the stake
towards the end of the year 1524.[9]
The _war of the Peasants_, which commenced in Swabia as early as 1524,
but took a new and dangerous turn in the beginning of 1525, still more
increased the hate of the enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a
plausible excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties
and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been placed in the
different quarters of a city, and it breaks out on every side, so that
the inhabitants do not know where to begin to extinguish it, so was it
in the peasants' war. Almost everywhere the peasants arose and
threatened death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws.
Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, either to
proclaim this war a noble struggle for freedom, or, on the other hand,
to trample under foot the just sighs of the deeply injured peasants. It
is well known that no event in the days of the Reformation was more
welcome to its enemies than this desperate and bloody rebellion of the
peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legitimate fruit of
the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that this opinion has some
appearance of truth, but then only if we look at the mere surface of
things, and carry an evil-disposed heart within us. The peasants
themselves have partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the
well-known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled spiritual and
temporal demands together. It is, however, not our purpose to give a
history of the peasants' war, which still awaits a _true_
representation, even if it were carried out in the shortest outlines. We
are here but to consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon,
demeaned themselves in this critical event.
In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant spirit had also
seized the peasants. There too they rose up on every side, however
little reason for it they might have had, under the reign of the Elector
LOUIS of the palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he
esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidelberg to assist him
by his counsels in this dangerous affair. He says of Melanchthon: "You
who were born and raised in the palatinate are more learned and
experienced in the Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless
favorable to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him to come,
he should send his advice and opinion, "according to divine and truly
evangelical Scripture" to him in writing. On this account Melanchthon
wrote his "Pamphlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's
writings in regard to the war of the peasants have frequently given
offence, because he stood firmly by the word of God, which demands
obedience towards the authorities, so did it also fare with Melanchthon.
He too, like Luther, must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But
their theology was drawn from the word of God, and redounded to the
glory of God, let the enemies to the right and left say to the
contrary--whatever they please. The peasants declared they would submit
themselves to the word of God. This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes
to present to them "the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine; for no
doubt there are many among the masses who sin from ignorance; who, it is
to be hoped, if they are properly instructed, will forsake such wicked
practices, and consider the Judgment of God, their own souls, and their
poor wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded by the
devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide peace." After having
spoken of Faith and Love, he proceeds to obedience to government, and
says: "Whereas this article is even despised by those who call
themselves evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the Word
of God, in which they may see how desperately they are fighting against
God under the pretext of the Gospel."
The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the Romans will ever
be the principal direction in this matter. Melanchthon, too, refers to
it, and fully and convincingly explains this passage to every one whose
passions have not blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say:
"From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the Gospel demands
obedience to government, and forbids rebellion, although princes may do
evil; and also further requires that we endure wrong, they act against
the Gospel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and use force
and violence against them. And they prove themselves liars in this, that
they write they desire to live in accordance with the Gospel, and yet
thus openly act against God, so that it is easy to observe that the
devil is instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls.
For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will be punished at
last."
Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve articles
separately. In the _first_ article he proves, that the government is
bound to have the Gospel preached. But if a government, possessed by
Satan, will not permit it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for God has
forbidden it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the
government be hostile. "It is not possible to be a Christian, and lay
the cross upon the shoulders of others; you must bear it yourself." In
the _second_ article "Of Tithes," he takes the side of right, and
refutes the misapplied scriptural passages of the peasants. In the
article "On Vassalage," he also defends the established order of things,
and proves that the passages quoted by the peasants had no reference to
bodily, but to spiritual freedom. "Therefore," he says, "the expectation
of the peasants has no pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and
unruly a nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really
possess."--"Our authorities indulge the people in all wantonness, and
only require money of them, but keep them under no restraint, which
causes great disorders!"
He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, forests, services,
taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of heriot, a tax, he says that the
government ought to abolish it, and remember the poor orphans. He
concludes his pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and
peasants. To the former he says, they should humble themselves, because
they had transgressed in many ways. "For God has always, from the
beginning, overturned governments, when their wantonness became too
great." He advises them to abolish the abuse of the mass, the celibacy
of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions of convents for useful
purposes, especially for schools. Thus, should the princes lend a
friendly hand, there should be some hope that words might answer a good
purpose; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes should
strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as murderers. Melanchthon, who
completed this pamphlet before the conclusion of the war of the
peasants, added an appendix as soon as he heard that the peasants had
been put down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely a herald of
peace and clemency. In this appendix he says: "As God has now given the
victory, and the murderous rabble, which would not have peace, has been
punished according to the laws of God, the princes should further be
very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also show mercy to
the poor people, some of whom sinned through fear, others through
folly." He points them to the example of David, who punished at the
proper time, but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his
excellent production in the following words--worthy of being taken to
heart: "The Government should also look to it, that the word of God
might be preached in the proper way, and that those customs of the
church which oppose the word of God, be changed. Then God would grant
them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did to Hezekiah and
other pious monarchs, who put away the old abuses in the services of
religion. For he declares, 1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I
will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.'" Not
all the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, but
punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, whilst they laid the
blame of the rebellion upon the gospel thus recommended. But the Elector
Frederick the Wise did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in
rebellion in his dominions. THOMAS MUeNZER, one of the most crazed and
preposterous of beings, stood at their head. He endeavored to screen
himself behind divine revelations, for all his violence against the
government. When the rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined
by illness. These events moved him deeply; but in a letter to his
brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is God's sending and
work, and God grant a happy conclusion." Again, he says: "Perhaps
occasion has been given the poor people, particularly by prohibiting
the word of God. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us secular
and spiritual authorities. God avert his anger from us!" This was
Frederick's opinion, and his brother fully coincided in it. The Lord
also gave the victory to the princes in Saxony and Thuringia.
Melanchthon has described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He
thus begins his narrative: "After Dr. Martin Luther had preached several
years, and had taught the pure and true gospel, the devil sowed his seed
by its side, raised many false and hurtful preachers, in order that the
gospel might again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might also
be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this name, and has thus
painted him, that he was a murderer from the beginning, and will cause
murders to the end of the world."
Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep on the 5th of
May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so that his physician said: "He
was a child of peace, and died peacefully." As it was desirable to
prevent all superstitious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther
and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. They did so; and
the funeral ceremonies were conducted in this manner. Not only did
Luther preach his celebrated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also
delivered a Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was
able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He spoke of the
excellent qualities of the deceased, and his love for the word of God,
and concluded thus: "I pray that God in his mercy may receive into his
own keeping the soul of Frederick! May he also bless the administration
of the government by his brother, protect our country in these unhappy
times, and grant you all that affection for public peace, that you may
reverence your princes with all fidelity and conscientiousness,
according to the command of God."
Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this exalted patron;
but JOHN THE CONSTANT, who now held the reins of government, bore the
same affection in his heart towards the chosen instruments of the
Reformation.
He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as we shall see
hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the wheels of the machine would be
interfered with too much. The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector,
which he had extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his
fears in this respect another event was added during this year, which
incited their enemies to increased slanders. This was Luther's sudden
marriage in June, 1525, to CATHARINE VON BORA, who had been a nun.
Luther took this step, standing upon the word of God, and in defiance of
his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the noise; yet
Melanchthon, who had declared himself in favor of the marriage of the
clergy, could not but approve of the marriage. Yet he would have
prevented it during this period of ferment, had it been in his power to
do so. But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanchthon became
his comforter.[10]
CHAPTER VIII.
HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS.
Although Melanchthon's professional activity was principally directed to
the education of good teachers and pastors for the schools and churches,
yet the confidence enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which
bore his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon afforded him an
opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in the erection of new,
and improvement of established schools. Even before he had, together
with Luther, arranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg,
of which CRUCIGER was Rector, he was invited to Nuremberg, by JEROME
BAUMGARTNER, towards the close of the year 1524, in order to establish a
Gymnasium,[11] and to act as its Rector. But nothing could induce him to
leave Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an appointment in
Nuremberg, although he had the establishment of this institution of
learning much at heart. One year after the invitation to visit
Nuremberg, he undertook the journey with his friend Camerarius. This
celebrated imperial city, which was then called "the eye of Germany,"
attracted him on many accounts; for it had an eye open to the Gospel,
and numbered among its inhabitants many of the most distinguished minds,
with whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among these were
Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spengler, Ebner and Nuetzel. He entered
Nuremberg on the 12th of November, 1525. He communicated his views in
regard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able men as
teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was appointed Rector of the
school. Other men also accepted the call extended to them. In the
following year we find Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg
again. He formally opened this learned institution with a Latin address,
May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty words concerning the
necessity and utility of the sciences. He concluded with the appropriate
prayer: "I pray Christ that he may assist your important work by his
grace, and that he may accompany your intentions and the diligence of
those who shall study here, with his blessing." Among his friends in
Nuremberg, he also numbered the celebrated painter, ALBERT DUeRER, whose
heart was also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few very
pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, but returned to
Wittenberg in June. Important business awaited him there, but in the
middle of July he was seized with a severe illness, and his physician
considered his recovery doubtful; but the Lord could not spare him yet.
In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally appointed to deliver
lectures on Theology, although he remonstrated against it. His salary
was increased to 200 florins. But the most important duty in which he
was engaged at that time was in participating in the visitation of the
schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be imagined that these were
in a miserable condition. The Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed
in Wittenberg with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance
everywhere. In some of the schools and churches they still
pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quarters it was
patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. There was one case of a
minister who preached the gospel in his principal church, but read mass
in the under-parochial church where they required a different practice.
The confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasuries was
truly deplorable. Luther did not complain without reason: "Help, dear
Lord, what frequent distress have I seen, because the common people,
particularly in villages, know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and
it is but too true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach.
And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy the holy
sacraments, and do not even know the Lord's Prayer, or the Creed, or
the Ten Commandments, and live on like the brutes...."
Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and had earnestly
appealed to Court, to institute a Visitation of all the schools and
churches in the land. The Elector John, who was greatly concerned for
the spread of the truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in
1527, and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full of
blessings. Different commissions were appointed for different parts of
the country. Melanchthon was ordered to visit Thuringia, accompanied by
Jerome Schurff, Erasmus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed
was the spiritual distress discovered by them! Melanchthon often went
out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can be offered in
justification, that these poor people have hitherto been left in such
great ignorance and stupidity? My heart bleeds when I regard this
misery. Often when we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to
one side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would not mourn to
see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul, which
is able to learn and grasp so much, does not even know anything of its
Creator and Lord." However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors
enjoined it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They obeyed
strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this way than if they had
fallen upon everything in the stormy spirit of a Karlstadt.
Melanchthon was also commissioned to prepare an _Instruction_ for the
ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. This called forth a little volume
with the title, "Instruction of the Members of the Visitation to the
Pastors in the Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for
inspection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and therefore made but
few alterations. He added a Preface to the book, in which he explained
the necessity of the Visitation. This volume may be called the first
Confession of Faith of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already
deserves to be better known. As might be expected from Melanchthon, it
is conceived in a spirit of great moderation, and, whilst it gives
prominence to the principal doctrines of the true Church, treats the
opposite opinions with great forbearance. Let us select a few passages
from this book of Instruction. The _first_ chapter treats "_Of
Doctrine_." It says: "But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of
sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet there is no
forgiveness of sin without repentance; and forgiveness of sins cannot be
understood without repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins
without repentance, it will come to pass that the people will believe
that they have already obtained forgiveness of sins, and will thereby
become secure and careless. Therefore we have instructed and exhorted
Pastors that, according to their duty, they should preach the _whole_
Gospel, and not one part without the other." In the article "_Of the Ten
Commandments_," he requires that the people might be brought to a
knowledge of their sins, by an exhibition of the law and of their sins,
and proceeds thus: "Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of
faith, in this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin
should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because of any merit
of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the instruction always reverts
to this, that faith is nothing without repentance. "Where there is no
repentance there is a painted faith." After having thus given prominence
to the two first parts of the Christian life, he proceeds: "The third
part of the Christian life is to do good works, such as chastity, to
love our neighbor, to help him, not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not
to murder, not to be revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own
hands, &c. He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Commandments.
In treating the second commandment, he requires "_the true Christian
prayer_." This section fully treats of the manner in which we ought to
pray, and renounces all abuses. "Whatever it may be, we are to seek help
_from God alone_." The fourth commandment is treated at length, and
proceeds to show how children should treat parents, and parents their
children, and particularly how subjects should conduct themselves
towards the government. An entire section is devoted to the
consideration of _Tribulations_, as a part of good works. They are to be
careful to teach that all tribulations come from God, but also, that God
is to be called upon in the midst of them. In considering the _Sacrament
of Baptism_, the lawfulness of Infant Baptism is proved from its
antitype, circumcision. They should perform the ceremony in the German
language, in order that those present might understand its meaning.
Here, too, they are directed to repentance and faith. _Of the Sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ_, it teaches, "That in the bread is the
true body of Christ, and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and
mentions two of the principal passages of the Bible. The miracle is not
wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordered
it, that his body is present wherever men commune. They should teach in
the most decided manner that _both_ kinds, bread and wine, should be
distributed; yet no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his
conscience, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to receive
both. Under such circumstances the Pastor should offer but _one_. It
treats fully "_Of true Christian Repentance_." Added to this, is the
section, "_Of true Christian Confession_." It says: "Papal Confession,
namely, to rehearse all our sins, is not commanded, for it is impossible
to do it."
Yet, every one going to communion should be previously examined by the
pastor. The article "_Of true Christian Satisfaction for Sin_," shows
that Christ alone has made satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter "_Of
human Church Regulations_," the pastors are exhorted to insist upon the
principal matters in their sermons. Sundays and festival-days are to be
observed. Yea, they even suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain.
But on the latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their
intention hereby to establish or commend the invocations and
intercessions of the saints, for Christ _alone_ is the mediator who
intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are also briefly
considered. Of _free will_ it says, that we are able to perform worldly
piety and good works by our own strength, given us and preserved for
this purpose by God. This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they
also teach--"Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, and produce
divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, a true and unfeigned
fear of God, true faith, cordial love, chastity, an absence of revenge,
true patience, earnest prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c."
_Concerning Christian Liberty_, the errors of the vulgar are set aside,
and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from the ceremonies
of the Old Testament. The _Turks_ are not forgotten, and it also
mentions how the _daily exercise in church_ is to be conducted. Would
that it were so still in our churches! _Concerning true Christian
Excommunication_, they teach that it is to be employed against those
persons who live in open vices, after they have been admonished several
times. They are not to be permitted to come to the Lord's Supper; but
they are not prevented from hearing preaching. Overseers, called
Superintendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in particular
districts. Besides this, this instruction of the visitation devotes a
full chapter to schools.
The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, conciliatory, and
truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with blessed results. The
Catholics pretended to find a creeping back, as Luther calls it, in this
book of instruction, and began to rejoice aloud.[12] When the little
volume appeared publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years
when a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions were
expressed concerning it. But the most singular attack upon the book was
made by one of the evangelical party. A former friend of Melanchthon,
JOHN AGRICOLA, rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and
leading to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and not
from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, that the Elector
considered himself obliged to arrange a meeting in Torgau, between
Agricola, on the one side, and Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on
the other. It was held in November, 1527. Agricola could easily be
refuted from the Scriptures; however, he was a man obstinately wedded
to his own opinion, who, as it is well known, stirred up this very
matter ten years after, in the most violent manner, at which time he
made use of the most daring expressions, such as "Moses deserves the
gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was manifested by the
ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was refuted by Luther in the
most powerful and conclusive manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and
refutes it in a number of writings.
In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to Jena, because the
plague had broken out in Wittenberg. When Melanchthon had finished his
first visitation tour, he continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote
against the Anabaptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in
various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made his second
visitation tour into Thuringia, together with Myconius and Menius.
CHAPTER IX.
THE DIET OF SPIRE.
It is reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have been satisfied
with the great activity of the evangelical party, and the constantly
increasing and noble spread of the gospel. He had but too many adherents
in Germany, who were filled with the most violent rage against the
Evangelical party. DUKE GEORGE of Saxony, who had been frequently
attacked by Luther, especially breathed vengeance. He had in his service
a counsellor, named OTTO VON PACK. It is a mystery to the present day,
how this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in-law of the
Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, according to which the
Catholic princes had formed a league against the evangelical states. He
succeeded in presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that
Philip, who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to form
a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was otherwise more sober
and calm, was of the same opinion. The Landgrave was not satisfied with
mere words, but marched to the frontier with his troops; but the Elector
was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, among whom
Melanchthon was included.
Their advice was quite temperate. Although they were highly incensed at
this Catholic league, they would hear nothing of an attack. How much
Melanchthon was inclined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter
addressed by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528: "To have a
good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of God, is surely the best
consolation in all afflictions. But if we should begin by seizing the
sword, and commence a war with an evil conscience, we would have lost
this consolation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. God
knows that I do not value my own life so highly, but I am only thinking
how much dishonor might be brought upon the holy Gospel, should your
Electoral Grace begin to war, without previously making use of all means
and ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be done." The
Elector was of the same opinion, but the Landgrave stood prepared to
fight. But when he wrote to his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared
the whole matter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the
evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, and perhaps had
reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged to put an end to all
further preparations.
Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been held in Spire, which
had taken a turn favorable to the evangelical party. Although the
Catholics demanded that the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed,
they nevertheless did not succeed. The States were divided, and the
Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were about to leave the Diet,
when King Ferdinand and the Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and
declared that a Christian free council should be held in a year, in
order to settle these religious difficulties. During this time each one
should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes promised to act as they
wished to answer for it before God and the Emperor, or in their own
words: "During the meantime, until a council shall be held, each State
is so to treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as they
hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." After this, the whole
matter remained as it was before, and there was great reason for
gratitude to God that such a result had been reached.
There was nothing to be dreaded on the part of the Emperor at this time,
for he was engaged in open war with the Pope; he had not yet been
reconciled to the king of France, and the Turks were advancing
victoriously. It would have been highly imprudent to arouse the
hostility of a part of the German princes at this time. But that which
he had avoided by the prudence which always characterized his conduct
throughout life, was earnestly sought by the Catholic States, who had
denied the existence of a league against the Evangelical party. Their
hearts were full of anger. The Emperor had summoned another Diet to
Spire, to meet on February 1st, 1529. The Imperial proclamation did not
promise as favorable a result as had been brought about by the last Diet
of Spire. As the Elector well knew what hostility prevailed against
Luther, he did not take him along with him, but chose the more peaceful
Melanchthon. They arrived at Spire on the 13th of March, 1529. The
general hatred was now directed against him. The prospect was a gloomy
one. Melanchthon had not the strong faith of Luther, by which he could
have _believed_ the clouds away--he rather increased their number by his
anxiety. The Imperial proposition, in reference to religious matters,
did not speak favorably of the innovations. It regrets that "such
wicked, grievous, troublesome and destructive doctrines and errors have
arisen in our holy faith, and are daily spread abroad more and more."
His Imperial majesty, by his Imperial absolute power, annuls the
resolution of the previous Diet, which had indeed been a very flexible
one. This was not a good beginning. The Catholics triumphed, and
succeeded in passing a final decree of the States of the Empire
assembled in Diet, which was very unfavorable to the Evangelical party.
For this final decree insisted upon the execution of the Edict of the
Diet of Worms. The mass should be retained, and all innovations in the
Church be stopped.
The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give their opinion
concerning this decree. They express themselves decidedly opposed to
assenting to the decree, but drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians,
who were as unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This
opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evangelical States.
Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected during the progress of these
negotiations. He expressed his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of
March he wrote to Camerarius that it could easily be seen on every side
that the Evangelical party is hated, as well as what they intend to do.
"You know," he continues, "that I observe many defects among our
friends, but their object here is not to correct our faults, but to
suppress the best of causes. But I hope that Christ will prevent this,
and frustrate the counsels of those people who desire war." So he also
entreated his friend Myconius: "I exhort thee to pray Christ that he
would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For here we are objects of
scorn to the proud spirits, and of derision to the rich."
A very bad state of feeling prevailed in Spire. Faber preached: "The
Turks are better than the Lutherans, for they fast, and these do not."
He even went so far as to say, that if he had his choice, he would
rather throw away the Bible, than the ancient errors of the church.
Camerarius exhorted Melanchthon to cast his cares upon God. He replied,
"If I had no cares, I should not cry unto God. But whereas piety
conquers cares by prayers, it cannot be altogether rid of them. By
cares, therefore, am I driven to prayer, and prayer drives away my
cares."
Verbal and written objections to the final decree were unavailing.
Finally, the Evangelical party, and Melanchthon with them, saw
themselves compelled to take the step which has become so celebrated in
the history of the Reformation. On the 15th of April, 1529, they entered
a formal _Protest_ and _Appeal_ against the decree of the diet. Even
though the Catholics afterwards called them _Protestants_, by way of
derision, the despised ones could regard that name as an honorable
title.[13] And at this time, more than ever, should we abide by this
name, as an honorable distinction of the Evangelical Church, because the
old assumptions are again endeavoring to gain an influence; and even in
the bosom of the Evangelical Church, there is enough against which we
must protest.
The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious manner. A
threatening imperial reply arrived from Barcelona, dated July 12, 1529,
in which he expresses his disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes
thus: "If you should continue to appear disobedient after this our
gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would and should be
obliged to punish you, in order to maintain proper obedience in the Holy
Empire." We may well imagine how such language was calculated to trouble
Melanchthon.
During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to Bretten, to see
his mother. He saw her for the last time, for she completed her earthly
pilgrimage on the 6th of June, 1529.[14]
CHAPTER X.
THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.
While the Catholics were filled with the most violent enmity against the
evangelical party, and dark clouds were gathering over the heads of the
Protestants, because of the decided expression of the emperor's will, it
was a matter for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened in
the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider and wider in the
course of time. This was the rupture between the Lutherans and the
Reformed, to use the names familiar now. We have already become
acquainted with the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom
Melanchthon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials of the
three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among other errors, he also
denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and explained the
words of institution in so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful
whether he should consider him in earnest, or think that God had
hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the words of Christ,
however much, as he confesses himself, he was spurred by his reason to
deviate from the words. "But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot
escape; the text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be
changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that the body and
blood of Christ are truly and essentially present in the Lord's Supper.
Because Carlstadt would not return to Wittenberg, he was obliged to
leave the country. But soon after he solicited Luther's intercession,
who willingly complied. He returned to Saxony in the year 1525. Luther
baptized his son, and his wife and Melanchthon acted as sponsors. But in
the year 1527, Luther already expressed himself unfavorably of the man,
who still adhered to his ridiculous explanation of the words of the
Lord's Supper. Carlstadt now left Saxony, and in 1528 came to Basle,
where he was appointed preacher and professor. He soon disappeared in
the back-ground, when another, ULRICH ZWINGLI, the Swiss reformer,
appeared with his unsatisfactory exposition of the words of the supper,
according to which the words "This _is_ my body," were said to mean
"This _signifies_ my body." Although he labored with great success in
Switzerland, he yet bore some resemblance to Dr. Carlstadt, in his
stormy proceedings, for he destroyed the images, bells, organs, and the
like. Zwingli took Carlstadt's side against Luther. John Oecolampadius,
professor and pastor in Basle, and a friend of Melanchthon's youth,
united with him in the same unsatisfactory view of the Lord's Supper.
Luther was greatly grieved at these innovations, and attacked them with
terrible earnestness. He called the Swiss _Sacramentarians_. We shall
not introduce those matters, which more properly belong to the Life of
Luther. Adhering to his declaration: "Thus it is written," he laid
powerful blows upon the Sacramentarians, who replied in equally violent
and biting publications. Although Melanchthon had not mingled in the
strife up to the present time, he yet stood on Luther's side. He too
felt himself bound by the express words of the Bible. Even from Spire,
as early as the year 1529, he had written to his otherwise dearly
beloved friend Oecolampadius concerning this matter: "It is very painful
to me that discord should have arisen in this matter, ordained by Christ
himself to establish an indissoluble love. Never has anxiety for any
matter disturbed my heart more than my anxiety in this. And I have not
only myself considered what might be said for and against this matter,
but I have also examined the opinions of the ancients. For I should not
like to stand up as the author or defender of any new dogma in the
Church. After having thus weighed what seemed to be best established on
both sides, I will express my sentiments, with your permission, but I
cannot agree with your opinion." He then reviews the objections of
opponents. One of these objections was, that the _absent_ body of Christ
could not be present. In answer to this he says: "I know that there is a
promise of Christ; 'I am with you alway, even unto the end of the
world;' and other ones similar to this, in which it is not necessary to
separate his humanity from his divinity; and therefore I am of the
opinion that this sacrament is a testimony of the true presence.... That
opinion, that Christ has taken possession of a part of heaven in such a
manner that he is shut up in it as in a prison, is one altogether
unworthy of a Christian." Such an important question should not be
judged by the rules of geometry, but by the word of God. He also says,
that the most distinguished Fathers of the Church explain the sacrament
like those of the Evangelical party. In the conclusion of his letter he
yet presents a variety of considerations. "I observe," he says, "that
your cause relies upon the assistance of the understanding and
subtleties, and that you are not only employing public but secret arts
also, to attract attention; and I doubt whether these will further your
cause more than public ones. I am well aware of your own modesty;
therefore I consider it necessary to remind you to reflect, that even
shrewd and prudent persons may sometimes fall, and it is particularly
dangerous to rely upon our own reason in spiritual matters." Melanchthon
gave up all thoughts of a conference concerning this matter.
However, this plan, entertained by another individual also, was soon to
be realized. The Landgrave PHILIP of Hesse saw what incalculable
mischief would follow a division of the Germans and the Swiss. He
regarded the matter from a political point of view, because a party,
divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might do when
united. But he also appreciated the religious aspect of the question. It
was soon discovered to which side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as
it may, the Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference at
Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Although the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper was the principal point of difference, there were yet
besides this a number of other differences. Although Melanchthon had
suggested the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now
dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an one to take place.
With Luther he believed that the conference would not be productive of
good.
But finally both parties consented. The day after Michaelmas, the
Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after
Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew
Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen Agricola of Augsburg,
arrived after this. Jonas cannot sufficiently extol the gracious,
friendly, even princely reception, they met with. Although it had at
first been arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Landgrave
now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks: "This has been done in
these forests, not only in honor of learning, but of the true God and
Christ, whom we preach. Would to God that everything might be decided
to the honor of Christ!"
Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference to the Elector
John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke Henry of Saxony. We follow his
narrative, which gives us a clear view of this important meeting. At
first, Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanchthon with
Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused of teaching that
Original Sin was not sin, and that Baptism did not secure to children
forgiveness of Original Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's
Supper, that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the
sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost is not given
through the Word and Sacrament, but without the word and sacrament.
Further, it is asserted, that some do not teach correctly of the
Divinity of Christ, and also spoke awkwardly of Justification before
God. That they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. Zwingli
hereupon declared that he always believed, and did still believe, that
Christ is true God and man. That it is not his fault if others have
taught improperly. They disputed a long time concerning original sin,
and the means by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded
this point.
On the 2d of October, the following day, they began the principal battle
on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave and his chief
counsellors attended this discussion. They disputed two days on this
point of difference. Zwingli and Oecolampadius steadily maintained: 1.
That Christ taught a spiritual eating of his body in John vi., and
therefore we should only understand a spiritual eating in the Sacrament.
2. That a body cannot be present in many places at one and the same
time. Christ possesses a true body, and is in heaven; therefore, he
could not be in the Sacrament at the same time. Here they made a number
of awkward assertions; _e. g._, God does not present such unintelligible
matters to us, outward participation is useless. 3. Oecolampadius
introduced quotations from Augustine, that Sacraments are mere signs,
signifying something, even as the serpent in the wilderness signifies
something. He thought it sufficient to be satisfied with a spiritual
participation. Luther replied as the principal speaker. Concerning John
vi., he declared that, although Christ is there speaking of spiritual
eating, yet this is not opposed to bodily eating. He, too, taught a
spiritual eating, but in the words of the institution an outward eating
is ordained. The opposite party then referred to the words: "The flesh
profiteth nothing." It was replied to them, that, as Christ above speaks
of his flesh as giving life, the words quoted by them could not refer to
his own flesh, but to our own carnal being and thoughts. But if we wish
to explain it of Christ's flesh, we cannot draw any other conclusion
from it than this, that the flesh of Christ, when received without
faith, profiteth nothing. To the _second_ objection they replied, that
our reason should not judge God's power and glory, whether one body is
able to be present in many places or not. Melanchthon relates that their
opponents steadfastly adhered to this objection. They said that even
wicked priests could perform this great miracle. It was replied to them,
that we ought not to regard the worthiness of the priests, but the
commandment of God. Upon this they dropped their objection. To the
_third_ objection, in which Oecolampadius declared "the Sacraments are
signs, and therefore we ought to grant that they signify something;
therefore we ought to acknowledge in the Lord's Supper that the body of
the Lord is only _signified_, and not present," the other side replied,
that we ought not to explain them in a manner different from that in
which Christ had explained them. That the Sacraments are signs, should
be understood thus, that they signify promises connected with them.
Thus, the Lord's Supper signifies that the death of Christ has obtained
satisfaction for our sins, and gives us the assurance of the forgiveness
of sin. From this it does not follow as a matter of necessity that
Christ's body is not present. Zwingli and Oecolampadius quoted many
passages from the Fathers in corroboration of their views. Their
opponents also presented many clear declarations of the Church Fathers
to the Landgrave in writing, from which it appeared that the ancient
Church taught the true presence of the body and blood of Christ in the
Lord's Supper.
Such was the result of the conference at Marburg. Both parties adhered
to their own opinions. The Swiss asked to be regarded as brethren.
Luther refused, and declared this to be an evidence that they did not
value their own cause very highly. Although they were satisfied with
Luther's doctrines on all other points, they adhered to their own
opinion of the Lord's Supper. It is true Melanchthon expresses a hope
that they might change their opinion in this matter at some future day,
but this hope was never realized.
The Conference lasted three days. Melanchthon had feared that their
opponents would be far more violent, and expressed himself well
satisfied with them in this respect. The Landgrave was also deeply
interested in this discussion. It is said that he made the remark: "Now
he would rather believe the simple words of Christ than the subtle
thoughts of men." Although this conference effected some good in
correcting many misapprehensions and errors, as well as for a while
putting an end to the violent polemical writings, yet no union had been
brought about in the matter of the Lord's Supper. The schism remained,
and grew more incurable in future days. Meetings were again held in
Rotach, Schwabach, Smalkald, and in Nuremberg, in the beginning of the
year 1530, in order to bring about a union with the upper Germans. But
they would not forsake their opinion, and the Elector, who believed
Luther's doctrine, could not induce himself to enter into a league with
his opponents. Besides this, the latter were so far removed from the
Catholics in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that it was not to be
hoped that they would be received when united. However, the Landgrave,
whose purpose to unite the Reformed, especially the four upper German
cities, with the Lutherans, had so far been frustrated, did not
relinquish all hope of final success. He made repeated efforts. Thus a
meeting was held in Schwabach in October, 1529. Luther had prepared
seventeen articles, one of which expressed the true presence of the body
and blood of Christ in the Sacrament. But they could not unite here, nor
in the Conferences at Smalkald in November, and Nuremberg, in January,
1530.
Thus, while the Catholics were banded together to inflict deadly blows
upon the Protestants, these were separated into two parties; and if we
add the sects, into a number of parties. But now every eye was directed
to the Diet of Augsburg, at which the cause of the Protestants was to be
considered again. All were in anxious expectation to see what the
Emperor would do. And on this occasion it was reserved for Melanchthon
to produce a work which should not only excite attention in Augsburg,
but which decided and secured the lawful position of the Evangelical
Church. However, Melanchthon was not in the most joyous frame of mind
at this time. He thus expresses this in a letter to Camerarius: "Not a
day passes in which I do not wish that I might leave this world."
CHAPTER XI.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.
The Turks, who had advanced victoriously as far as Vienna, met with so
determined a resistance at the hands of the brave hero PHILIP of the
Palatinate, that they were obliged to retreat. Thus the danger which
threatened the Emperor from the East was lessened. He had resumed
peaceful relations with King FRANCIS of France, and was also reconciled
to the Pope, and had been crowned by him. He now had abundant
opportunity to attend to the religious difficulties, and, as he hoped,
to bring them to a happy conclusion. It is very true that Pope Clemens
would hear nothing of it, when he informed him that it would be
necessary to hold a general council, and that he intended to summon a
Diet on this account. Clemens, in his reply, declared, that religious
difficulties must be brought before the Bishop of Rome, and that he in
every case had a right to convene a General Council. He demanded power
of arms to suppress the dissatisfaction reigning in Germany, and said:
"There is no other way for you but to restore peace by your arms." Of
course Charles would not agree to this. He insisted upon a Diet, and
said: "We must hear both sides, and then pronounce sentence, not
according to our tyrannical pleasure, but according to the law and
doctrine given us by God."
On the 21st of January, 1530, the necessary imperial documents were
dispatched from Bologna to Germany, fixing the meeting of the Diet for
the 8th of April, in Augsburg. Besides deliberating concerning
assistance against the Turks, they would also consider "what might be
done and resolved in reference to the errors and schism in our holy
faith and the Christian religion." The imperial proclamation was couched
in very mild terms, yet the Evangelical party entertained unfounded
fears that the Emperor would now assume a more hostile attitude. The
Landgrave Philip of Hesse even considered it dangerous to attend the
Diet. We are already acquainted with this man, who was not at all
disinclined to divide the Gordian knot with the sword. But the Elector
John was of a different opinion, and besides this, consulted his
Theologians in this important matter. They expressed themselves most
decidedly against an armed resistance. Luther gave his opinion to the
Elector as early as the 6th of March. Melanchthon added a preface. On
the 14th of March an electoral decree was sent to Luther, Jonas,
Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon, which called upon them to prepare a list of
the principal points of difference in matters of Faith, and the customs
of the Church, so that it might be known how far they might go at the
approaching Diet. They selected the 17 so called articles of Torgau,
which were formerly called the articles of Schwabach, and had been
prepared by Luther. They constitute the basis of the Augsburg
Confession. On March 21, the Theologians were commanded to meet the
Elector in Torgau. Here in Torgau, these Theologians assembled in the
parsonage, and presented this matter to God, with prayers and sighs.
On one occasion, Melanchthon arose, sad and weary, having been called
out by a messenger. When he had dismissed the messenger, he retired to
his room. Here he found the wives and children of the Pastor, and his
two chaplains. Some of these children were being suckled, whilst others
were being examined in the Catechism and Prayer. When Master Philip saw
this, he stood still for a little while, looking on and listening with
great surprise as the little children are praying with stammering
tongues, and he thinks of the words of the Psalmist: "Out of the mouths
of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise." He is especially
moved by beholding the wife of one of the chaplains suckling one child,
and at the same time cutting turnips for her husband's dinner, whilst
another child is repeating its prayers to her. When Philip saw this, he
exclaimed: "Oh! what a holy and God-pleasing work!" He goes in again to
the Theologians, joyous and comforted. Dr. Luther asked him how he came
to enter so pleasantly, after having gone out in such sadness. Then
Melanchthon replied: "My clear Sirs, let us not be so faint-hearted, for
I have just now seen those who shall fight for us, who protect us, and
who are and shall remain invincible in all violence." Dr. Luther
inquired who these mighty heroes were? Philip replied: "The wives and
little children of our Pastor and his chaplains, whose prayer is now
heard, and which God will not leave unanswered, even as our faithful God
and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has not despised this their prayer
up to the present time." This filled the Theologians with great joy, so
that they remained firmly in the truth, and bore witness of the same.
And the result proved that faith and prayer will always gain the
victory. The Elector was pleased with these articles, and commissioned
Melanchthon to arrange them in a proper manner, and also to write an
introduction to them.
On the third of April, the Elector, accompanied by a numerous retinue,
and the Theologians, commenced his journey. They proceeded very slowly,
by way of Eisenberg, Weimar, and Coburg. Here they rested several days,
for Melanchthon was already preparing the articles which were to be
delivered at Augsburg. But Luther, who was particularly hated by their
opponents, was left behind in Coburg, where he took up his quarters in
the castle, having for his companion a very worthy man, VEIT DIETRICH,
of Nuremberg. April 21st or 22d, the Elector resumes his journey, and
Agricola has taken Luther's place. In Nuremberg they halted but a single
day. Melanchthon made use of these moments to report the latest news to
Luther, and thus concludes: "Christ preserve you, pray for us all!" On
the 2d of May, the Elector and his retinue arrived in Augsburg. None of
the princes had yet arrived. As they were obliged to wait some time for
the coming of the Emperor, Melanchthon, who was at all times fond of
correcting his productions, had ample time to improve the Confession. On
the 4th of May, he wrote to Luther concerning this matter, and says: "I
have given the introduction to our Confession a more elegant turn than
it had as I wrote it in Coburg. But I will shortly bring it to you, or,
if the Elector will not permit this, send it you." He was already able
to send the Confession to Luther on the 11th of May; but he now called
it an _Apology_, because at the same time it should also be a defence of
the Evangelical faith. It was his intention to prove in this that the
doctrine of the Evangelical party did not at all depart from the
Christian Church. He writes: "We send our Apology to you, although it is
rather a Confession. For the Emperor has no time to listen to long
disputations. But I have, nevertheless, mentioned whatever I considered
to be particularly useful and appropriate. On this account I have
included nearly every article of faith, because Eck has published quite
devilish blasphemies against us. I wished to present an antidote to
this. You will judge of the entire work according to your own mind."
Melanchthon and the Elector, who added a letter to the Confession,
inquired of Luther what ought to be done, in case the Emperor should
prohibit the Evangelical party from preaching. Luther returned
Melanchthon's manuscript to the Elector, with these words: "I have read
Mr. Philip's Apology. I like it well enough. I know of nothing to
improve or alter in it, besides that would not be suitable, for I cannot
walk so meekly and so silently. May Christ our Lord grant that this may
produce much and great fruit, even as we hope and pray. Amen." In reply
to the question concerning preaching, he declared his opinion, that
"they ought to yield to the Emperor, if previous humble remonstrance has
been made, because the city is his." As the Emperor still delayed,
Melanchthon again took the file in hand, in order to give greater
perfection to the Confession of Faith. He wrote to Luther on the 22d of
May: "I daily alter many things in the Apology. I have taken out the
article 'On vows,' because it was by far too short and meagre, and have
put a fuller one in its place. I am now arranging the article on the
'Power of the Keys.'" He prepared the Latin, as well as the German text.
When the document was completed, it was also communicated to the
ambassadors of the free cities. These were so well pleased with it, that
the resolution that it should be signed in the name of all the
Evangelical States was passed at once. However, the Theologians of the
various States met together to discuss the different articles of the
Confession. They particularly discussed the little word "_really_," in
Article 10, which treats of the Sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ. For this was opposed by some in the most determined manner.
While they were thus deliberating, the emperor was still delaying his
coming, and they were thus kept in the greatest suspense. It was
reported that the notorious Cajetan was accompanying the Emperor as the
legate of the Pope. Melanchthon says of him: "He is a foolish and
insolent man, with whom you cannot do anything." But this report, as so
many others circulated at this time, was not corroborated. The Elector
had sent JOHN VON DOLTZIG to the imperial court, who returned with the
order that all preaching in Augsburg should be stopped. We already know
what Luther thought of this. Melanchthon entertained the same opinion.
But the Elector, and his chancellor BRUeCK, were unwilling to obey this
prohibition, and protested against it. At last, the Emperor decided that
no preacher, no matter who he might be, should be permitted to preach in
Augsburg, without being appointed to do so by the Emperor himself. When
the Lutherans in Augsburg were likewise deliberating what they should
do, if they should be forbidden to eat meat on certain days, if
spiritual jurisdiction should be demanded again, and they should desire
to re-establish convents, and the like, Melanchthon delivered his
written opinion to the Elector. He was in favor of yielding, but opposed
the re-establishment of convents.
The conduct of the Landgrave Philip, of Hesse, grieved him exceedingly;
for he was very anxious to bring about a union between the Lutherans and
the Swiss. For this purpose, he had previously brought about the
Conference at Marburg, without, however, accomplishing his purpose in
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He still entertained thoughts of a
union. On this account, Melanchthon wrote to Luther, May 22: "I entreat
you most earnestly to write to the Landgrave, and to exhort him, that he
should not burden his conscience by defending any false doctrine." In
addition to this, Melanchthon and Brenz also addressed a letter to the
Landgrave, and justified themselves for not being able to unite with the
Zwinglians. The Landgrave replied in very temperate language, insisting
upon treating the Zwinglians as brethren, without, however, being able
to shake the opinions of the two theologians. The Catholics knew very
well that such divisions had arisen in the Evangelical camp. It will
always remain a subject of regret that no union could be brought about.
Melanchthon and Brenz declared: "We have such articles, of which, by the
grace of God, we are certain, and are able to suffer for them with a
good conscience, which is indeed a source of great comfort in every
danger; but we cannot be certain of the Zwinglian doctrine, as it is
called, for we have no clear word of God for it."
Relying upon the word of God, they could indeed calmly await coming
events. At last the Emperor, who had delayed so long, arrived in
Augsburg. He made his public entrance on the 15th of June. Not Cajetan,
but the smoother Campegius, accompanied the Emperor, as the Pope's
legate. We may well suppose that this public entrance was very
magnificent. The following day was the festival of Corpus Christi. As
the evangelical princes could not conscientiously take a part in this
festival, which celebrated a doctrine which they rejected most
decidedly, they took no part in the procession. They declared to the
Emperor, who insisted upon their attendance: "They could not
conscientiously before God, comply with this demand, because this
procession was made a species of worship." The princes at first
expressed themselves in the most decided manner, against the Emperor's
demand that the preaching should be stopped. The Margrave George even
said, before the Emperor: "Rather than deny my God and his Gospel, I
would kneel down here before your Imperial Majesty, and have my head cut
off." The Emperor replied, in his defective German, "Not head off, not
head off." However, as the Emperor had prohibited preaching to both
parties, and had reserved the right to appoint preachers for himself,
the Lutherans could not complain any longer, especially as their
theologians advised peaceful measures. The day preceding the opening of
the Diet, Melanchthon wrote to his friend Camerarius, that the
Confession would be more moderate than the ungodliness of their enemies
deserved. He had only insisted upon the principal matters, and restored
spiritual jurisdiction entirely to the bishops. That many, indeed, were
dissatisfied with this; but that he would be willing to accept even more
stringent conditions, if peace might be attained by these means. He
continues: "After Mercurinus is dead, there is no one of any consequence
at Court, who is inclined to peace. He had gained over a Spanish
secretary, who promised well, and had already spoken to the Emperor and
Campegius; but all lies in the hands of God. Pray to Christ that he may
grant peace. Not only are we forbidden to preach, but our adversaries
also. However, the Emperor, by his imperial power, will appoint a
preacher who shall only read the mere text of the gospel and Epistle. In
this you may observe the wonderful wisdom of the courtiers." Concerning
the prospects of the Diet, Luther thus strikingly expresses himself
towards Agricola: "Truly, you are not merely to contend with men in
Augsburg, but with the gates of Hell." And again: "The Lord Jesus, who
has sent you all thither to be his witnesses and servants, and for whose
sake you expose your necks, be with you, and testify unto you by his
Spirit, that you may know with certainty, and may not doubt, that you
are his witnesses. This faith will strengthen and comfort you, for you
are the ambassadors of a great King. These are true words. Amen." Such
courageous faith should have filled all the Lutherans, and Melanchthon
in particular.
At last, on the 20th of June, the Diet was opened by the celebration of
Mass, by the Archbishop of Mentz. The Papal orator, Pimpinelli, made the
address. Afterwards they proceeded to the town-hall, where the Imperial
demands were proclaimed, first against the Turks, then in matters of
religion. In reference to the last point, the Emperor expressed his
regret that the previous Imperial resolutions had not been carried out.
Nevertheless, the States should express their sentiments in matters of
religion in Latin and German declarations. Melanchthon, filled with
excessive alarm, believed this important matter might be brought to a
favorable conclusion by private efforts. It was not a good plan;
however, he adopted it. Among the retainers of the Emperor was a
secretary named ALPHONSUS WALDESIUS. This Spaniard seems to have been a
shrewd man. He entered into communication with Melanchthon, and revealed
his views of the Lutherans as they were regarded in Spain. It was
thought there that they did not believe in a God, or the Holy Trinity,
or Christ, or Mary; so that the people of Spain thought they could not
serve God better than by killing a Lutheran. Melanchthon replied
somewhat to the following effect: "The Lutheran cause is not so tedious
and awkward as it may have been represented to his Imperial Majesty; and
that the principal difficulty was concerning the articles, of the two
forms in the Sacrament, of priests and monks, marriage and the mass;
because the Lutherans considered solitary masses sinful. If these
articles should be conceded, he believed that ways and means might be
found to settle all the rest." Soon after he was informed by the
Imperial secretary that the Emperor was pleased to hear this, and had
commanded that he should make a very brief statement of the Lutheran
articles, and deliver it to him. The Emperor also believed that it would
be most advisable to settle the matter quietly; for public trials and
quarrelsome disputations were only productive of ill-will, and not of
unity.
Melanchthon expressed himself ready to reflect upon this subject; but
neither the Elector nor Chancellor Brueck would permit the matter to be
disposed of in this way. He was merely permitted to show the Confession,
which, as Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, the Secretary Waldesius found
"entirely too bitter for the opponents to endure it."
As they could not and would not take the by-way of silence, the Emperor
suddenly, on the 22d of June, appointed Friday, June 24th, for the
delivery of the Evangelical Confession. This short time greatly
perplexed the Lutherans, because Melanchthon still wished to make
further corrections, and the Introduction also was wanting. In order
that this might be in the proper form, Chancellor Brueck assisted him.
The Theologians, (there were twelve present,) assembled to deliberate.
Nine princes and cities signed the German copy of the Confession; and
because they had no further time to spare, they took Melanchthon's
manuscript as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, but it being too
late, the reading of the Confession could only take place on the
following day, Saturday, June 25, 1530.
This day, which has become one of the most important in the History of
the Evangelical Church, came at last. Spalatin says: "One of the
greatest deeds ever accomplished in the world has been done this day."
The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of the Empire,
and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there assembled, to listen to the
reading of the Confession of Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German
Confession so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in the
hall, but also in the court, where a great multitude was assembled. It
contained two parts, the first including all the doctrines of Faith, the
other the disputed articles. On account of our limited space, we shall
but briefly touch upon the different articles, as every one, especially
every Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the Confession
of his Church. We have more need of it at this time than formerly, for
the ancient errors arise with renewed vigor, and may easily shake one
who is uncertain in his belief.
_First_--1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, of God the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we become pious and righteous before
God. 3. How all men are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is.
5. How we attain God's Grace. 6. How preaching is necessary towards
Justification. 7. How Faith must produce good fruits and works. 8. What
the general Christian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efficacious,
even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Baptism, against the
Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holy Sacrament of the true body and blood of
Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the
Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are assured and may
be certain that God, for Christ's sake, will be gracious, kind and
merciful to us, and do us good in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers
of the Church. 15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the
sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they are not to be
observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of human laws and order. 17.
That Christ will come at the last day, to judge the quick and the dead,
to give everlasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil
and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that we have a free will to be pious
outwardly, but not before God. 19. That sin comes from the perverted
will of the devil and wicked men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this
is true Faith, that we are heartily assured of every good, Grace and
help from God, for Christ's sake, and that Faith without Works, such as
God has commanded, is dead. And 21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we
should expect all good from God, as the saints did, and that we should
imitate their faith and love, but call upon God alone.
Then, in the _second_ part, follow the disputed articles: first, 22. Of
the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distribute them to all. 23. Of mass,
how it is observed among us, and why we have rejected secret masses. 24.
Of priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of cloister vows.
26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of confession. 28. Of the power of the
Bishops, and the difference between the spiritual and temporal sword.
These twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple,
scriptural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could withhold its
approbation from them. It is impossible to say what impression they made
upon the Emperor. It is well known that he was not very well acquainted
with the German language. Besides this, he no doubt had previously also
decided upon the course he would take. When the two copies were being
handed to his secretary, he graciously took them into his own hands. He
gave the German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the Latin one
for himself, and caused it to be translated into Italian and French for
himself. He intimated to the Lutherans, that he would consider the
matter further, but expected that they would not print the Confession.
However, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so that the
Lutherans were forced to publish the correct Confession.
Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was
deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of God's hand, ruled the
Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the
battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his
castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what
influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he
possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he
looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this
he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his
sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened
the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even
to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious
letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we
can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate
your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so
greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but
is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble
yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why
do we make God a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of
good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and
not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim;
just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What
more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon
sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the
greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated
by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in
which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you
would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to
increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider
where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but
your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and
making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that
Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already,
June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says:
"At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and
encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head,
in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also
pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our
part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was
in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which
nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He
also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if
necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of
June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we
read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you
mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the
Papists? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them
in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could
yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I
have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being
called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command,
and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the
beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But
I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have
anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner.
God has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric
nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all
things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these
things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and
weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was
closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had
received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be
conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have
not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they
will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up
everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But
whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I
give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to
the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly
needed such a mode of address more and more.
After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different
opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be
pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to
influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of
Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men,
whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The
last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that
the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole
should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to
this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You
see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in
Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus
does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has
nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon."
Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously
engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to
write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He
did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was
nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to
instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil,
he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the
well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by
promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We
have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword.
If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy
inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the
books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to
strike a decisive blow in the beginning.
With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without knowing his true
character, entered into negotiations. After an humble letter, Campegius
sent for the writer. Let us hear Veit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and
eulogist, relate the particulars of the interview: "The day after, when
the whole company was assembled, Philip was summoned, who enters with a
firm mind. He saw himself surrounded by a circle of serpents and devils,
and like the prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale.
Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible lightnings of his
highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others vehemently threaten the
poor and small flock of the helpless sheep of Christ with the power and
force of so many kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and
courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether they would yield, he
replied: "We cannot yield nor forsake the truth. But we pray for God's
and Christ's sake that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and
will dispute with us, as they are able, _i. e._, will yield that to us
which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When Campegius heard
this, he shrieked: "I cannot, I cannot, because the key does not err."
To this thundering, although Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of
lions, wolves, and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without
punishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little body, he
now boldly replied: "We commend our cause to the Lord God. If God be for
us, who can be against us? And finally, come what will, we must abide
by our fortune or misfortune."
Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this,
especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might
accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that
Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this
cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations
were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon,
on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have
by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ
and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in
religion is to be thought of."
While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were busily engaged
with the task laid upon them by the Emperor, in refuting the Confession
of the Protestants. He had recommended moderation to them, when the
first draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic
theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, Faber, Wimpina,
Cochlaeus, and others. The last one composed it. What good thing could be
expected of these men? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to
Camerarius: "I hear that their refutation is finished, and will make its
appearance in two or three days. It is said that the Emperor will order
all things to remain as they were, until these disputes shall be
examined in a Council. This is to be the end of the deliberations. And
if this decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what troubles
will be the consequence." At last, after having awaited it for a long
time, the princes and electors were summoned, on the 3d of August, to
hear the _Confutation_ of the Augsburg Confession. This document follows
the same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines in 21
articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. Although it
acknowledged many things in doctrine, as agreeing with the Catholic
church, it did not depart in the slightest degree from Roman principles,
and strictly adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it
did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption; and in the article of
Good Works, it maintained that the good works which are performed by the
help of Divine grace, are meritorious. It also refuses to allow that
faith alone justifies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon
satisfaction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes all
human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds fault with the
Lutherans, because they deny that we can by our works earn forgiveness
of sins, and also because they reject the adoration of the saints. It is
not willing to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position
with the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the priests
and monks, and maintains the mass, with all its antiscriptural
characteristics. In short, it will not cast aside any abuses. The
Emperor really regarded this untenable production as a refutation of the
Confession of the Protestants; and gave these to understand that it was
his will that they should compromise matters with the other Christian
states, and should not separate themselves from the general Christian
church. If this should not take place, which the Emperor did not expect,
he should act as it became him, as the guardian and protector of the
Holy Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Melanchthon
speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 6th: "This was the sum and
substance of it, which, although it seemed very harsh, yet, as the
Confutation was executed in a very childish manner, our friends became
quite cheerful after it was read; for this Confutation is the paragon of
all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. In speaking of the two
kinds, he referred to the history of the sons of Eli, that they would
ask the priests for a piece of bread, and proved from this that laymen
should only receive the bread. The mass has been defended by
particularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a copy of the
Confutation after it had been read, but could not obtain it. Even if the
Emperor had now been inclined to act severely, a quarrel arose in the
midst of the Catholic camp, because they could not agree among
themselves in regard to the steps that should now be taken.
At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation
should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On
the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops assembled to
agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector
JOACHIM, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop
their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the
Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away
with by the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies
in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding
propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might
be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds--marriage of
the priests, and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states declared
that they did not intend to retreat from the word of God, although they
were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of
Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was
opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his
counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the Papists wish to
remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure
preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the
Sacraments according to Christ's institution, why then you shall not
yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the
jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be
preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the
yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle
philosopher, Philip!"
Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and therefore he could no
longer contain himself in Augsburg, but suddenly and unexpectedly to
all, left the city August 6. This excited great attention; however, the
proposed plan to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee of
fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians Melanchthon,
Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, Wimpina, and Cochlaeus, was
not prevented by it. They met together from the 16th of August until the
21st. On motion of Chancellor VEHUS of Baden, the Augsburg Confession
was examined, article after article. They agreed in many articles, but
in Justification Eck would not admit that we are justified by faith
alone, for that would make rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies
more than Faith. Because he did not like the word _sola_, which means
"alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism: "Let us for the present
send the soles to the cobbler." However, he found Melanchthon a man who
stood immovable in the main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew
somewhat passionate, the princes present entreated them to maintain
peace.
Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such
as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and
when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two
kinds, the marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 points
on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to
Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before
the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to
Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds
in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end;
for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me
that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this
matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have
given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that
we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall
accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."
Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and among other things
replied thus: "Summa Summarum, I do not like it at all that you are
endeavoring to treat of Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely
impossible, unless the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It
would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons of our
faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can we hope to convert them
to the truth?" And concluded thus: "Why do we not perceive that all they
are attempting is mere deception and fraud? For you are not able to say
that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost; for they have neither
Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of God. But may the Lord, who began this
matter, finish his work in you; to him I heartily commend you."
On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which only Melanchthon
and Eck were to meet each other. But upon this occasion Melanchthon took
a bolder and more decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following
day: "Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stubborn. I
cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were attending to these matters
on my account, and not in the name of the prince, I would by no means
endure this insolence. But now I must endure all, because of the common
danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our friends are at times
depressed, and again unseasonably brave. However, I trust we shall do
nothing against the Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he
spoke of the mass, which the Papists demanded. Luther replied that they
could not consent, and says in his letter of August 28, "Would to God
that I might soon see you again, whether you had departed secretly or
publicly. You have even done more than enough. And now it is time for
the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. Be of good cheer, and
trust in him." And further on: "You have confessed Christ; you have
offered peace; you have been obedient to the Emperor; you have patiently
borne much contempt; have been overwhelmed with shame and abuse; and
have not returned evil for evil. Summa, you have managed this holy work
in a proper manner, as it became saints. Rejoice in the Lord, and be
joyous, ye righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough in
this world; look up, and lift up your heads; I promise heaven to you, as
faithful members of Christ. What greater honor do you desire? Is it so
small a matter to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved
yourselves faithful members of Christ? Far be it from us, that the Grace
of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by you. I await your return with
great anxiety, so that I may wipe away your sweat after this."
All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not effect peace,
so that the committee adjourned August 30, and Melanchthon wrote to
Luther September 1: "Three days ago we brought our Conference to a
conclusion. We would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the
subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon of Private
Masses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priesthood. Now the matter has
again been laid before the Emperor, and I do not know what will be done.
Let us only pray God that he may influence the heart of the Emperor to
maintain peace, which we need so much, and not we alone, but all
Germany. You cannot believe how the Nurembergers and others hate me on
account of the restoration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this
manner do our friends merely contend for power, and not for the Gospel.
A certain friend wrote: If the Pope had bribed me with never so much
money, I could not have invented a better plan to restore the papal
supremacy than the one we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have
not, up to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doctrine."
Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single doctrinal point, he
was yet justly to be blamed for wishing to restore jurisdiction to the
Bishops. How soon would they have suppressed the true doctrine! Jerome
Baumgaertner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses himself very
strongly in regard to him: "Philippus has become more childish than a
child;" and calls upon Spengler: "You will do your part, and write to
Dr. Martin Luther, that he, as the one by whom God first again revealed
his word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, and should
warn the pious princes, and especially his own sovereign, against him,
and exhort them to be steadfast. For no man has done more harm to the
Gospel during this Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This
judgment is indeed too severe; and Baumgaertner, at a later period,
himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. It is true,
also, that Melanchthon did not only defend Episcopal jurisdiction during
the Diet of Augsburg, but has also expressed his approbation of it in a
number of places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church.
September 7.--The Emperor summoned the Evangelical States to appear
before him. His answer, given by the Elector of the Palatinate,
Frederick, was an ungracious one. He had heard with displeasure that
they disagreed with others in the principal articles. He would speak
with the Pope in regard to a General Council, yet on the condition that
they would, in the mean time, adhere to the Catholic Church. But the
Protestants now behaved like true Protestants, by declaring that they
would abide by the word of God. The more moderate Catholics, at the head
of whom were the Baron of Truchsess, and Vehus, the Chancellor of Baden,
once more made efforts to bring about an accommodation, but without
success. There were thirteen articles on which they could not unite.
These were delivered to the mediators just mentioned. The _first_ treats
of justification through grace by faith in Christ; the _second_, that
works indeed are necessary, but do not earn grace. The _third_ declares
that the enumeration of particular sins is not needful in confession;
the _fourth_, that repentance is necessary, but that our sins are not
forgiven on this account, but on account of our faith, by which we
believe the Gospel; the _fifth_, declares the ecclesiastical exercises
of penance unnecessary for the remission of punishment; and the _sixth_
declares that uniform human ordinances are not, but unity in doctrine
and sacrament are needful to constitute a true unity. The _seventh_
rejects the self-elected service of God, by which men wish to earn his
grace, and which has been established without God's command. The
_eighth_ declares monastic vows, which men consider meritorious, opposed
to the Gospel. The _ninth_ permits the observance of such rules of the
Church as may be kept without sin, but not as if they were needful to
salvation. The _tenth_ declares the invocation of saints to be a very
dangerous practice, and one greatly diminishing the glory of Christ. The
_eleventh_ declares that the denial of the cup is opposed to Scripture;
and the _twelfth_, that the prohibition of marriage to priests is also
unscriptural. The _thirteenth_ and last article maintains that the mass
is not a work with which to earn grace, but that grace is offered in the
Lord's Supper, and faith obtains it.
After all attempts to bring about an agreement had been made, the
Emperor summoned the States on the 22d of September, in order to present
to them the final decree of the Diet. He declared their positions
thoroughly refuted by the holy Gospels and other writings, but would
give time for further deliberation on the contested points until the
15th of April of the following year. During this time they should not
print or sell anything new in matters of faith, should not draw over any
one to join their sect, should not oppress those yet holding to the old
Christian faith and practice, and unite with him in opposing the
Sacramentarians and Anabaptists. He would endeavor to bring about that a
General Council would be summoned in six months. The Protestants
replied, by Chancellor Brueck, that they considered their Confession to
be founded on the word of God, and that it was divine truth, so that
they trusted to abide by it in the day of judgment. At the same time,
Brueck also presented a written defence, which the Emperor, however,
would not accept. This was the well-known _Apology_ of the Augsburg
Confession, in its rough draft. Melanchthon had been preparing it for
some time, with the assistance of several theologians. But as he only
received a copy of the Catholic Confutation towards the close of the
Diet, he laid this sketch aside, and prepared one of his ablest works,
the _Apology of the Augsburg Confession_, which has justly been enrolled
among the number of the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. He did not,
however, complete it until the following year. The Protestants prayed
for a more gracious discharge, but the Emperor adhered firmly to the
decree. On this account, the Elector of Saxony, together with
Melanchthon and the other theologians, departed from Augsburg September
23d, leaving a few counsellors to hear the general final decree of the
Diet.
When Luther heard of the departure of the Elector, he was much rejoiced,
and congratulated the prince: "I am heartily rejoiced that your
Electoral Grace has, by God's grace, escaped from the hell at Augsburg.
And although human displeasure, and its god the devil, may look sour, we
still entertain the hope that God's grace, which hath begun with us,
will remain more strongly with us in time to come." The Elector passed
through Nuremberg to Coburg, where Luther was expecting him with the
greatest anxiety. On the road to Wittenberg, the theologians stopped in
ALTENBURG, to visit Spalatin. Melanchthon, who was constantly revolving
his Apology of the Augsburg Confession in his mind, wrote even while
partaking of his meals. But Luther snatched the pen from his hand, and
said: "We can serve God, not only by labor, but also by rest; therefore,
too, has he given us the third commandment, and ordained the Sabbath."
At last they arrived in Wittenberg. How Melanchthon rejoiced! To his
friend Silberborner, who had asked him for an account of the Diet of
Augsburg, he now wrote a detailed letter, in which he expressed himself
favorably of the Emperor, _e. g._: "Without referring to other matters,
he has with great condescension heard our side in this matter of
religion, in which he had been excited against us by the many wonderful
arts of our enemies." "The remaining history of the Diet constitutes a
lengthy tragedy." He now briefly describes the course of events, and
says: "The remotest posterity will bear testimony, that our intentions
were pious and conscientious, and that we exerted ourselves honestly to
clear up the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to promote the glory
of Christ. This truly is the reasonable service of God, with which he is
pleased above all things: To teach and practise the word of God in its
purity. Even should we be overwhelmed by unfair means, our writings will
undoubtedly transmit to posterity a picture of our opponents, who, while
they excite princes against us, under the pretext of serving the honor
of Christ, neither care for the temple of the Church, nor for the
doctrine of the Gospel, nor for the Glorification of the name of Christ.
However, the whole matter is in the hand of God. Therefore will we pray
to God that, for Christ's sake, he would put mild means in the hands of
our rulers, and that he may not suffer the pure doctrines of the Gospel
to perish."
On the 19th of November, the final general decree of the Diet was
published. It was very severe, for it condemned everything taught by the
Lutherans in opposition to the Roman Church; it confounds them with the
Anabaptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine and practice
shall be abolished, and the former state of things re-established. The
Protestants did not sign it. Thus a division between the Catholic and
Evangelical states was fully accomplished.
CHAPTER XII.
THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.
The severe decree of the Diet, which even threatened violence, was at
least productive of this good result, that it united the Evangelical
party more closely. Whereas the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had
formerly dissuaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took a
very different turn. In view of the threatening attitude of the
Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that it was necessary to
be prepared for defence; and Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, January
1st, 1531, that they were seldom asked the question now, whether it was
right to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from preparation. "For
there may be many needful and just causes for defence." One of these
causes was the threatening language of the decree of the Diet of
Augsburg. The election of the Emperor's brother FERDINAND, as King of
Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the Emperor, was
another threatening event,[15] although Melanchthon defended it in a
special opinion, delivered December 12, 1530. He referred to similar
cases in former times. During the month of December of this year, the
Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a league, March 29,
1531. Both Conferences were held in SMALKALD. The confederates declared
that they had united "for the honor of Almighty God, and the better
growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain and maintain
a Christian and harmonious peace," yet "only for mutual defence and
preservation." This league, therefore, neither contemplated an attack,
nor war. The Emperor, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more
than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose Sultan,
SOLYMAN, had already declared that he would soon be master of Hungary,
and the whole of Germany, considered it most advisable to conciliate,
under existing circumstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of
Mentz, acted as mediators.
While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with the most anxious
apprehensions, so that he feared the worst, he now said in a letter to
Camerarius, when he heard of this mediation: "May God regard the sighs
and tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace!" This wish
seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor in Nuremberg made
preparations for a Religious Peace. Melanchthon, Luther, and other
Theologians, expressed their approbation in a written opinion.
On July 23, 1532, the so-called _Religious Peace of Nuremberg_ was
actually agreed to, according to which no State was to give offence to
any other, on account of Religion or other matters, until the meeting of
a Council, soon to be held; and "that each was to treat the other with
true friendship and Christian love." At last a period of rest seemed to
have been granted to Melanchthon, that child of peace; but it was not to
continue very long. For it was no slight pang to his heart to be called
with Luther to Schweinitz, to the death-bed of the Elector JOHN. The
Elector had gone thither to hunt. On the 15th of August he was suddenly
attacked by such a severe pain in his head, that he soon lost the power
of speech, and remained motionless, and deprived of all sense and
feeling, for 28 hours. On Friday, these two men of God, accompanied by
Dr. Augustin Schurff, appeared by his bedside; the Elector raised both
hands and dropped them again, and breathed his last. On the following
Sunday the body of the pious Elector was deposited by the side of that
of his brother Frederick. Melanchthon had, in a very touching manner,
invited the University to attend the funeral. He said in this letter:
"that the departed manifested a truly paternal affection towards his
subjects." After Luther's consoling funeral sermon, Melanchthon spoke of
the excellent traits of the sainted one in Latin. In his letters,
written at this time, he expresses the most cordial wishes in regard to
the successor of the departed one, the Elector JOHN FREDERICK. We have
heard of this son, that he trod in the footsteps of his father. He was a
man full of zeal for the cause of the Kingdom of God, and, as we shall
learn hereafter, honored by the Lord to endure contempt, the robbing of
his Electorate, and fetters, for the sake of the Gospel. But he at this
time already found opportunity to show the strength of his faith. The
Religious Peace of Nuremberg seemed lenient, and even favorable to the
Protestants, compared with the final decree of the Diet of Augsburg. It
was but too soon apparent that the Catholic States, who had very
unwillingly yielded to these concessions, were not pleased with it. For
at the Diet of Ratisbon, which was held soon after the Nuremberg
Religious Peace, they already wished to grant less to the Evangelical
party. Notwithstanding all the assurances of peace, the Emperor
entertained no good intentions towards them. He only postponed matters
on account of the perplexing circumstances by which he was surrounded.
They were again referred to a general, free, Christian Council, which,
according to the announcement, should be held in half a year.
It appears, that in the following year, 1533, Pope Clemens VII. actually
took steps towards assembling a Council. For in June he sent a legate,
accompanied by an Imperial orator, to the Elector, who then resided in
Weimar. Although the Papal Nuncio spoke of a free, general Council, he
at the same time took away all liberty with the other hand, by demanding
in advance that all should submit to the resolutions of the Council. On
the following day the Elector returned a truly Christian and princely
answer. He expressed his joy at this offer, but remarked that he could
only give a reply after the next meeting in Smalkald. In conclusion, he
confessed that his contemporaries and successors should learn: "That his
Electoral Grace had not hitherto regarded, and with the help of God
would not in all the future days of his life regard anything as being
more valuable and worthy of his love, than the pure, saving and blessed
word of God, and the true and proper worship of God." The Elector now
gathered the opinions of his Theologians, who indeed advised the
acceptance of the offer of a Council, but under this condition that no
pledge of obedience should be required in advance. In the middle of
June, Melanchthon declared himself to the following purpose: "The Pope
says, that he would hold a Council, such as have been held in the Church
before. Now Councils at the present time are not conducted as the
ancient Councils were. For in the ancient Councils they judged according
to the word of God." This advice was not forgotten by the Elector, who,
together with Duke Ernest and the Landgrave Philip, delivered an answer
to the Nuncio of the Pope and Emperor on the 30th of June, 1533. Of
course the Pope, who was merely dissembling, suffered the matter to
remain as it was.
While the Evangelical party was held in an attitude of suspense, they
could still cultivate and spread the cause of the Lord. It increased in
popularity, and spread more and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon
particularly, did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by
their writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, already
mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces; and as one of the
Confessions of our Church, deserves to be studied and taken to heart. He
concludes its Preface in the following words: "We have, thanks be unto
God! the testimony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious
persons, who heartily thank God for his unspeakable gifts and mercies,
that they have received far more correct, certain and clearer
instruction in the most needful portions of the entire Scriptures, as
well as consolation for their consciences, than is to be found in all
the books of our adversaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear
truth be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause to Christ
and God in heaven, who is the Father of widows and orphans, and the
Judge of all the forsaken; he, we know with certainty, will consider
this matter, and judge righteously; and thou, Lord Jesus, it is thy holy
Gospel, it is thy cause: wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts and
consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer terror and
distress from the devil, and also preserve and establish thy truth?
Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, and thus give peace and unity,
that thy honor may advance, and thy kingdom may flourish and increase
without ceasing against the gates of hell."
In September, 1532, he published a new edition of his explanation of the
Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter of great surprise that he
dedicated this volume to Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained
much honor in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to have
trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said: "The man is
possessed by St. Valentine." But it is well known that he sent a very
costly present to the scholar at Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who
regarded it as sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th,
1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that even the
Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered a patron of the arts
and sciences, saw himself compelled to do honor to Melanchthon. His
distinguished reputation elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It
was, no doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to
Poland, in the year 1534; but it must have been difficult when Duke
Ulrich of Wuertemberg, who had been banished from his dukedom for a long
time, but had now regained it by the help of the landgrave Philip of
Hesse, invited Melanchthon to reform the University of Tuebingen
according to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment to
Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that he declined
this call from Wuertemberg. The Elector was so highly pleased with this,
that he himself wrote a letter to his Professor, praising him for his
fidelity, and assuring him of his favor.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.
The reigning King of France, FRANCIS I., as well as King HENRY VIII., of
England, were little pleased with the victorious advances of the
Emperor. Francis had waged war against him some years before this, but
was completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle of Pavia,
1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain conditions, after one year
of captivity; but inveterate enmity remained, for Francis had suffered
great losses. It was to be expected that such a man would unite with the
enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He recognized an
ally in the League of Smalkald, which was daily assuming a more decided
form. But the principles of this L
Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/39734