The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
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Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
Editor: Jared Sparks
Release date: April 1, 2012 [eBook #39344]
Language: English
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THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
VOL. VI.
THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
BEING
THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;
TOGETHER WITH
THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
ALSO,
THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.
Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.
EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.
VOL. VI.
BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.
1830.
Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis, Printer.
No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.
CONTENTS
OF THE
SIXTH VOLUME.
JOHN ADAMS'S CORRESPONDENCE,
CONTINUED.
Page.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 3
Diplomatic arts of the English.--A war in Holland is
not to be expected, unless there should be an
acknowledgment of the independence of America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 21st,
1781, 5
Ordinance of Prussia relative to navigation and
commerce.
To B. Franklin, Amsterdam, May 23d, 1781, 13
Drafts made on him by Congress.--Encloses despatches
for Dr Franklin and Mr Jay.--Thinks it advisable to
obtain the acknowledgment of independence from other
powers, before opening the conferences for
peace.--His mission is a subject of
deliberation.--Taxation in America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 24th,
1781, 15
Proposition of Amsterdam in the States of Holland,
urging the speedy adoption of measures of defence and
protection.--The example of Amsterdam has great
influence on the rest of the country.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 25th,
1781, 21
Enclosing the convention concerning recaptures
between France and Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 27th,
1781, 24
Report of a Committee of the States-General on the
petition of the East India Company for convoy and for
the defence of the India possessions, recommending
aid.--Timidity and irresolution of the Dutch
government.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 29th,
1781, 29
The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, break up
a trade in British manufactures to North
America.--The property seized there principally
English.--Much of it taken by the French on its
passage to England.--Inactivity of the Dutch naval
force.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 31st,
1781, 30
Memorial of the Danish Minister, requesting their
High Mightinesses to evacuate certain forts in the
vicinity of the Danish settlements in Africa.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 31st,
1781, 32
Declaration of Dort, approving the proposition of
Amsterdam to adopt measures of defence.--Note of the
Deputies of Haerlem, complaining of the silence of
the States of Holland in regard to the proposition of
Amsterdam.
To the President of the Assembly of the States-General.
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781, 34
Informing him of the final ratification of the
confederation by the Thirteen United States, and
requesting him to communicate it to their High
Mightinesses.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 5th,
1781, 35
Declaration of the Deputies of Middleburg in the
States of Zealand, approving the proposed increase of
bounty to those engaged in the naval service, and
recommending measures to increase the activity of the
States-General in preparing means of defence.--The
States of Zealand recommend to the States-General the
erection of batteries on the coast, and also resolve
to raise a loan.
To M. Berenger, Secretary of the French Embassy at the
Hague. Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781, 37
Requests to be informed why his presence is required
at Paris by the Count de Vergennes.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 11th,
1781, 39
Petition of the inhabitants of Antwerp, urging the
opening of the Scheldt.--Remarks of M. Cerisier on
the petition; true causes of the decline of the
Austrian Low Countries, and of the prosperity of the
Dutch Provinces; absurdity of the pretensions of the
Austrian Provinces to the free navigation of the
Scheldt; the other powers would oppose the measure.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 12th,
1781, 49
Petition of the Deputies of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam,
and Rotterdam, to the States of Holland and West
Friesland, with a petition of the same to the
States-General, praying for protection of the
commerce to Surinam.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 15th,
1781, 59
Arrival at the Hague of a courier from St Petersburg,
supposed to bring despatches denying assistance from
the armed neutrality.--Probable
consequences.--Obstacles to an alliance between
Holland and France.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 23d,
1781, 60
Answer of Russia above referred to.--Remarks of Mr
Adams on the answer.--America must not look to
European negotiations for safety.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 23d,
1781, 63
Advice of the Deputies of Zieriksee to the States of
Zealand, complaining of the inactivity of the
government.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 26th,
1781, 67
The Emperor takes measures to revive commerce in the
Austrian Low Countries; grants privileges to
Nieuport; advantages of that city for foreign and
domestic trade.--Great quantities of British
manufactures are introduced into America in neutral
bottoms and by clandestine channels.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 26th,
1781, 69
The Regency of Amsterdam in an interview with the
Stadtholder, charge the Duke of Brunswick with
hostility to the welfare of the country, and devotion
to the interests of England, and demand his
dismission.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 27th,
1781, 75
Major Jackson's services in the purchasing and
shipping of goods for the United states.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June 29th,
1781, 76
The Duke of Brunswick's reply to the memorial of
Amsterdam.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 5th,
1781, 83
Speech of the Stadtholder to the States-General on
the subject of naval and military
preparations.--Letter from the same to the Provincial
States, on the same subject, recommending
augmentations of the land and sea forces for the
purpose of extending the protection of convoy to all
vessels whatsoever.--Answer of the States-General to
the proposition of the Stadtholder abovementioned.
To the Count de Vergennes. Versailles, July 7th, 1781, 92
Informing him of his arrival, and requesting an
interview.--The Count refers him to M. de
Rayneval.--Conversation with M. de Rayneval on the
proposition of the mediation of Russia and Austria.
M. de Rayneval to John Adams. Versailles, July 9th,
1781, 93
Appointing a time for an interview with Count de
Vergennes.
To M. de Rayneval. Paris, July 9th, 1781, 94
Interview with Count de Vergennes.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 7th,
1781, 94
Report of a Committee on the Duke of Brunswick's
reply to the Amsterdam memorial, declaring that there
appears no ground for the charges made against him.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 7th,
1781, 96
Representations of the French Minister at Petersburg,
complaining of the violation of the principles of the
convention of neutrality, by the English.--Mr Dana
leaves Amsterdam for Petersburg.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 10th,
1781, 97
The Duke of Brunswick requests a more formal
examination of the charges made against him.--The
request referred by the States-General to the
Provincial States.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 11th, 1781, 98
Proposition of the mediation of Austria and Russia
between the European belligerents, the Americans
being left to treat separately.--The two
preliminaries on condition of which England proposes
the mediation; a rupture of France with America, and
the return of the latter to obedience.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1781, 102
Enclosing his remarks on the proposed articles of a
basis for the negotiations.
To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1781, 107
Thinks there is no objection to sending a Minister of
the United States to the proposed Congress at Vienna,
without a previous acknowledgment of their
independence.--Little prospect of obtaining anything
by negotiation without successes in America, and the
expulsion of the English from the United States.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 16th, 1781, 109
Further remarks on the proposed basis of
negotiation.--The imperial Courts have omitted the
two preliminaries of the British Court, to which the
latter will probably adhere.--The English policy is
to amuse the powers with a pretended desire for
peace.--No objection to the presence of a Minister of
the United States at Vienna without a previous
acknowledgment of independence.--His instructions
forbid him to agree to the armistice or _statu quo_.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 17th,
1781, 112
Memorial of Amsterdam against the Duke of Brunswick.
Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July
18th, 1781, 124
The United States cannot appear in the proposed
negotiation until certain preliminaries are settled.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 18th, 1781, 125
Feels little disposed to engage in the proposed
negotiations.--An American Minister ought not to
appear at Vienna, unless the propositions of the
Imperial Courts are communicated to Congress.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 19th, 1781, 127
An American Minister at Vienna, must be received as
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, and
by his commission can only treat with Ministers
vested with equal powers, which would be a virtual
acknowledgment of independence.--Objects to the
expression "American Colonies" in the articles.--The
United States can never consent to appear as subjects
of Great Britain, nor allow their sovereignty to be
called in question by any Congress of Ministers.--No
such Congress has ever ventured to interfere in the
domestic concerns of any power, or to aid a sovereign
in reducing his rebellious subjects.
To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1781, 133
A proposition has been made, that each State of the
Union should send an agent to Vienna.--The States
have no authority to negotiate with foreign powers.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July 21st,
1781, 135
Sentiments of the Quarter of Westergo in regard to
the Amsterdam Memorial against the Duke of Brunswick.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 3d,
1781, 137
Extract from the King's speech at the prorogation of
Parliament; the English Court will probably insist on
their two preliminaries, as conditions of accepting
the Imperial mediation.--Indications of the Emperor's
favorable disposition towards America, while visiting
the Low Countries.--Expressed a desire to meet Mr
Adams incog.
B. Franklin to John Adams. Passy, Aug. 6th, 1781, 140
Relative to Mr Adams's accounts.--The Ministers will
no longer be paid from the supplies furnished by the
French Court.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 6th,
1781, 141
Courier from Petersburg to the English Court,
supposed to bear representations concerning the war
against Holland.--The answer of England to the
proposed preliminaries arrives in Russia; purport
unknown.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 6th,
1781, 142
Quotes a paragraph from a London paper, stating that
Messrs Curson and Gouverneur are to be tried for high
treason.--Mr Adams's connexion with them.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 8th,
1781, 144
The Dutch privateers are permitted to co-operate with
the American in any joint enterprise.--This amounts
to a virtual acknowledgment of the independence of
America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 16th,
1781, 145
Mr Temple, his character, services, and sufferings.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 16th,
1781, 147
Offer of the mediation of the two Imperial Courts,
made to the Dutch Ambassador at Petersburg.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 18th,
1781, 149
Admiral Parker's account of his action with Admiral
Zoutman.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 22d,
1781, 150
Favorable influence of Amsterdam in animating the
Dutch.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 22d,
1781, 152
Gradual progress of events in Holland.--The
declaration of the Stadtholder, that the vessels
which did not join the squadron of the Texel were
detained by the winds, and not by counter
orders.--The Prince's letter of thanks to the crews
of Admiral Zoutman's vessels.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Aug. 25th, 1781, 156
Acknowledges the receipt of his new
commission.--Proceedings under his former
commission.--Speculations on the policy of the Courts
at the proposed Congress.
James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, September
1st, 1781, 159
Enclosing instructions from Congress.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Oct. 4th, 1781, 160
His correspondence has been interrupted by
sickness.--Expresses his satisfaction with the new
commission.--Recommends the official communication of
it to Count de Vergennes, and some intimation of it
in the French journals.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 15th,
1781, 161
Loss of his despatches.--Difficulty of safe
transmission.--Recent interruption by sickness.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 15th,
1781, 163
The English will not treat with America at
present.--Has been unsuccessful in his attempts to
obtain a loan.--It is held out to the public as
full.--Uncertainty and delays of Dutch
politics.--Views of the English party in
Holland.--Obstacles to their success.--Thinks his
remaining longer in Europe unnecessary.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 15,
1781, 169
Excitement in Holland.--Placard of the States of
Utrecht, offering reward for the discovery of the
author of a seditious pamphlet "To the People of the
Low Countries."
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October 18th,
1781, 172
Various petitions from the commercial interest in
Holland to the States-General; from certain
fisheries; from the merchants of Amsterdam, praying
indemnification for the loss occasioned by the delay
of the convoy; from the merchants of Amsterdam and
Rotterdam, trading to the Levant; from the
proprietors of plantations in Surinam and Curacao;
from the East India Company, praying assistance.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
October 23d, 1781, 178
Informing Mr Adams of his appointment as Secretary of
Foreign Affairs.--Requests information.--Surrender of
Lord Cornwallis.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October. 25th,
1781, 182
Placard of Holland against the pamphlet "To the
People of the Low Countries."--Progress of
democratical principles in Europe, caused by the
American war.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November 1st,
1781, 187
Debates in the States of Guelderland relative to an
alliance with France and America.--The Baron Van der
Cappellen in favor of acknowledging the independence
of America.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 20th, 1781, 188
Requesting information of the parties in
Holland.--Has received indirect information that Mr
Adams has presented his credentials to the
States-General and printed his memorial.--Advises him
to conduct as a private individual.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the
Hague. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1781, 192
Requesting an interview with him for the purpose of
communicating despatches from Congress. Account of
the interview.
Resolves of Congress, comprising the Instructions to
John Adams. In Congress, Aug. 16th, 1781, 194
Instructions to Mr Adams, respecting a Treaty of
Alliance with the United Provinces.--Commission to
the same for the same object.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, November 25th,
1781, 197
Communicating the instructions and commission above
given.--Manner of proceeding in compliance
therewith.
To John Jay, American Minister at Madrid. Amsterdam,
November 26th, 1781, 199
Communicating his new instructions, and desiring to
open a correspondence with Mr Jay.--The Dutch are
well disposed, but cautious.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 26th, 1781, 200
His instructions have probably arrived in season to
prevent a separate peace between Holland and
England.--Capture of Cornwallis.--Co-operation of
Spain and Holland with France and America, would
quickly reduce England to submit.
To John Jay. Amsterdam, Nov. 28th, 1781, 201
The late successes in America have produced a great
impression in Europe. Prospect of a triple
alliance.--General Greene's successes in the South
have delivered Georgia and South Carolina.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 4th,
1781, 203
Effect of the late successes in America.--General
desire in Holland for the triple alliance.--Remits
money to Mr Laurens in the Tower.--Has received
intimations that the English are secretly supplied
with masts from the United States.--The Continental
goods, left in Holland by Commodore Gillon detained
for freight and damages.
The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The Hague,
December 7th, 1781, 205
Waits for orders in regard to the proposed
negotiations in Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 13th,
1781, 206
Answer of Lord Stormont to M. Simolin, accepting the
mediation of Russia, in negotiating a peace between
England and Holland.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 14th,
1781, 209
The proposition of the Quarter of Oostergo to the
States of Friesland, urging the acknowledgment of the
independence of the United States.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 18th,
1781, 212
Interview with the Duc de la Vauguyon, who recommends
a visit to the Hague, and afterward to the Regencies
of the several cities.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. The Hague, December 19th,
1781, 214
Requests to know if the Spanish Ambassador has
instructions to enter into a treaty with Holland.--Is
in favor of communicating the project of a triple or
quadruple alliance to some confidential members of
the States.--The mediation of Russia is only a
pretence of England, to prevent Holland from joining
the other belligerents.
The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The Hague,
December 20th, 1781, 216
Desires to see Mr Adams.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th,
1781, 216
Ulterior declaration of Prussia concerning the
navigation of Prussian subjects.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 25th,
1781, 220
Lord Stormont's answer to the Swedish Envoy,
declining the mediation of Sweden, and accepting that
of Russia.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
December 26th, 1781, 223
Military operations in the United States.--Encloses
resolutions of Congress, relating to captures and
recaptures, and prohibiting all commerce in British
manufactures.--Requests information from Mr Adams.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December 29th,
1781, 226
Containing the act of accession to the armed
neutrality on the part of Austria, with the note of
the Imperial Minister to their High
Mightinesses.--Strength of the armed neutrality, if
conducted wisely and honestly.
The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. Versailles,
December 30th, 1781, 230
Count de Vergennes approves of Mr Adams's proposed
visit to members of government, on the subject of his
memorial, but advises that nothing be done in
writing.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
January 9th, 1782, 231
Military affairs.--The Marquis de Bouille.--Contrast
of the conduct of the English and French in America.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 14th,
1782, 233
Interview with the President of their High
Mightinesses, in which Mr Adams demands a categorical
answer to his former request of an audience of the
States.--Visit to the Secretary of the States on the
same subject, who assures him that his request had
been taken _ad referendum_.--Similar visits to the
Deputies of all the cities.--Constitutions of the
municipal governments in Holland.--The nation favors
the triple alliance; the policy of the rulers is to
propose the mediation of Russia and the triple
alliance at the same time.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 15th,
1782, 239
Transmitting the note of the Russian Ambassador,
proposing to the States that the neutral powers
provide their Ministers at the belligerent Courts
with full powers, in regard to affairs arising under
the convention of neutrality.
To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January 16th,
1782, 240
Memorial from the Swedish Envoy at London to Lord
Stormont, offering the mediation of Sweden in
negotiating a peace between Holland and England.--The
English Court complains of the refusal of a Swedish
captain to allow vessels under his convoy to be
visited.--The Swedish Court approves the
measure.--The same principle approved by Russia.--The
Russian Ministers at the belligerent Courts are
instructed, in similar cases, to make immediate
demands of reparation from the offending party.
To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782, 244
Congratulates Mr Livingston on his
appointment.--State of affairs in Holland.--Difficult
for an American Minister to communicate with the
Ministers of other powers.--Mr Barclay purchases
goods for the United States in Holland.--British
manufactures bought without the knowledge of Mr
Adams.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February 19th,
1782, 248
The English will not be easily discouraged by the
successes of the Americans.--Complicated state of
parties in Holland.--Inclinations of the Stadtholder
in favor of England.--Parties on subjects of domestic
policy.--Justification of the presentation of his
credentials.--Motives for printing his
memorial.--Conducts himself as a private
individual.--The States have accepted the mediation
of Russia.--Policy of France in relation to Holland
and Spain.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February 21st,
1782, 255
Unable to understand the cypher.--Recapitulation of
events in Holland before the presentation of his
memorial.--Great change produced by that paper.--It
has obtained universal approbation in Europe.--Mr
Adams's proposition to the Duc de la Vauguyon,
produced the offer from France to Congress to assist
in effecting a treaty between Holland and the United
States.--Influence of the memorial on the policy and
late measures of the Emperor.--Other effects of the
memorial.--Conversation with the Duc de la Vauguyon
on the subject, previous to its presentation.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February 27th,
1782, 267
The Province of Friesland acknowledges the
independence of the United States.--Holland will not
probably enter into an alliance with the
belligerents.--Buys a house at the Hague on the
public account.
The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The Hague, March
4th, 1782, 269
Objects to a proposition of Mr Adams as impolitic.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia, March
5th, 1782, 270
Holland can gain no advantage by a peace with
England.--Requests information on the naval force;
the public men and their sentiments in
Holland.--Recommends frequent visits to the
Hague.--Military operations in America.--Prosperous
state of the country.--Lord Cornwallis.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 10th, 1782, 275
Resolution of the House of Commons, that an offensive
war in America against the sense of the House would
be highly criminal.--Other indications of a
disposition for peace.--Causes of this state of
feeling.--Probable policy of the British Cabinet.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 11th, 1782, 277
Transmitting the Resolution of Friesland, instructing
the Deputies in the States-General to receive Mr
Adams in his official capacity.--Causes of the change
of sentiments on this point in the Regency of
Amsterdam.--Character and influence of Friesland.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 19th, 1782, 280
Proceedings of the county of Zutphen, on the subject
of the official reception of Mr Adams.--Petition of
the merchants and manufacturers of Leyden to the
grand council of the city, representing the
languishing condition of their manufactures, and
urging a treaty with America as a means of reviving
them.--Petition of the merchants and manufacturers of
Amsterdam to the States-General, urging the speedy
acknowledgment of American independence.--Petition of
the same to the Regency of the city, soliciting the
Regency to exert itself in obtaining an immediate
decision of the States of the Province in favor of
America.--Petition of the commercial interest of
Rotterdam to the Regency of the city, praying them to
insist on a speedy decision in favor of a treaty with
the United States, by the States of the
Province.--Petition of the merchants and
manufacturers of Holland and West Friesland to the
States of the Province, for the adoption of measures
in the States-General, and for securing the commerce
of America.--Resolution of the States of Holland and
West Friesland, to insist on the immediate reception
of Mr Adams by the States-General.--Petition of
Zwoll.--Addresses of thanks from the citizens of
Amsterdam; from the commercial interest of Leyden;
and from that of Utrecht, to the States of the
Province, for their abovementioned Resolution.
To Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland.
Amsterdam, March 31st, 1782, 328
Mr Adams acknowledges the Resolution of the States of
Holland and West Friesland, recommending his official
reception by the Generality.
To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, April 10th, 1782, 329
Lord Shelburne is not satisfied with the
communication of all subjects discussed, to the
allies of America.--Holland will not probably treat
separately with England.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, April 19th, 1782, 330
Resolutions of the respective Provinces in favor of
the reception of Mr Adams, in his official
capacity.--Resolutions of the States-General,
acknowledging Mr Adams as Minister of the United
States.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 22d, 1782, 339
Presentation to the Prince of Orange.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 23d, 1782, 341
In a conference with the President of the
States-General, he proposes a treaty of amity and
commerce on the principle of reciprocity. Presents a
plan of a treaty to the committee of the States,
appointed to treat.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 23d, 1782, 342
Is introduced to the foreign Ministers at a dinner
made in honor of the United States by the French
Ambassador.--Receives visits in a private character
from the Spanish Minister.
To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782, 344
Considers it doubtful whether he shall be present at
the negotiations in Paris.--Difficulties in regard to
the loan.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, May 16th, 1782, 346
Mr Adams removes to the Hague.--Great obstacles, that
have been surmounted in Holland.--Difficulties in the
way of a loan.--Recommends to the attention of
Congress Messrs Dumas, Thaxter, Jennings, and
Cerisier.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia, May
22d, 1782, 351
The change of Ministry and measures in England will
have no effect on the determination of
America.--Congress refuses General Carleton's request
of a passport for his Secretary.--The salaries of the
Ministers will be paid quarterly in America.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia, May
29th, 1782, 353
Complains of not receiving answers to his
communications.--The policy of England to separate
France and America.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia, May
30th, 1782, 354
Acknowledges the receipt of several
letters.--Transmits a new cypher.--Victory of Admiral
Rodney.
To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782, 356
Report of the Admiralty on the plan of a treaty of
commerce, taken _ad referendum_ by the
Provinces.--Has opened a loan, but with little
prospect of success.--Holland will not treat
separately with England.--Mr Laurens declines serving
in the commission for peace.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 14th, 1782, 358
Answer of France to the request of Russia, not to
oppose a separate peace between Holland and England.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 15th, 1782, 360
Conference with the Grand Pensionary on the plan of
a treaty of commerce.--Mr Adams proposes the sending
to the United States an Ambassador and Consuls on the
part of Holland.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia, July
4th, 1782, 361
Recommends great precision in the terms of the treaty
with Holland.--Importance of securing the West India
trade.--Securities of a loan to the United
States.--Value of American commerce.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 5th, 1782, 363
Desires the ratification by Congress of his contract
for a loan.--Terms of the loan.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 5th, 1782, 365
Address of the merchants of Schiedam to Congress.
To John Jay. The Hague, August 10th, 1782, 369
Impolitic for the three American Ministers to appear
together at Paris, unless to meet an English Minister
with full powers to treat with the United States as
an independent nation.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August 18th, 1782, 371
M. Brantzen appointed Minister of Holland to
negotiate a treaty of peace.--The States of Holland
and West Friesland approve the project of a treaty of
commerce.--Instructions of the States-General to
their Ministers for negotiating a peace at Paris.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August 22d, 1782, 376
The States-General have received their instructions
relative to the treaty of commerce from all the
Provinces.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
August 29th, 1782, 376
Complains of the infrequency and delay of despatches
from Mr Adams.--Importance of the trade to the West
Indies.--Evacuation of Charleston.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 4th,
1782, 380
Sketches of the prominent characters in Holland.--The
Duc de la Vauguyon.--Sketches of the foreign
Ministers at the Hague.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 6th,
1782, 394
State of the connexion between France and
Holland.--Policy of France toward the United States.
Influence of the memorial of Mr Adams to the
States-General.--The Count de Vergennes opposes the
proposition of the triple alliance.--The American
Ministers in Europe ought not to be subject to the
control of the French Court.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 7th,
1782, 401
Enclosing his accounts.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
September 15th, 1782, 404
Enclosing certain financial resolutions of
Congress.--Recommends the use of English language by
the American Ministers.--M. Dumas.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 17th,
1782, 407
Conference with the Secretary of the States-General
for correcting the treaty of commerce.--Conversation
with the French Ambassador on the Dutch naval forces.
Extracts from the Records of the Resolutions of their
High Mightinesses the States-General of the United
Netherlands, 410
Authorising the Deputies for Foreign Affairs to
conclude and sign the treaty of commerce, and the
convention on the subject of recaptures, with Mr
Adams.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 17th,
1782, 412
Probability of the continuance of the armed
neutrality.--The acknowledgment of American
Independence is not a violation of its
principles.--Jealousies of some powers against the
House of Bourbon.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September 23d,
1782, 416
Conversation with the Spanish Minister.--English,
Dutch, Spanish, and American Ministers at Paris,
without any appearance of a sincere desire to treat
on the part of England.--Visit to the Duc de la
Vauguyon.--The Duke instructed to propose the concert
of the Dutch naval forces with the French, in
intercepting the English West India fleet.
A Memorial concerning the Bank of Amsterdam, 419
Giving an account of its funds, mode of transacting
business, &c. Note on the above, correcting a
statement.
To M. de Lafayette. The Hague, Sept. 29th, 1782, 429
State of American affairs in Holland.--Conduct of the
different foreign Ministers towards Mr Adams.
To John Jay. The Hague, October 7th, 1782, 431
Causes which delay his going to Paris.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, October 8th, 1782, 432
The treaty of commerce, and the convention concerning
recaptures executed.--Remarks on some of the clauses,
and some rejected articles.
To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, October 12th, 1782, 435
Preparing to set out for Paris.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Oct. 31st, 1782, 436
Arrival in Paris.--Conference with Mr
Jay.--Difference of opinion as to the true sense of
the instructions to the Ministers, requiring them to
act only with the consent of the French
Ministry.--Contested points.--Visits the Dutch
Minister, who informs him that little progress has
been made in the negotiations between Holland and
England.--M. Rayneval's visit to England.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 6th, 1782, 439
Mr Jay and Mr Adams have declined treating without a
previous acknowledgment of independence.--Information
from Holland reaches America by the way of France,
before it can be transmitted directly.--The affairs
of the Foreign Department ought to be kept secret
from France.--Character of the English agents for
negotiating the peace.--Real disposition of Lord
Shelburne.--Have agreed on boundaries, and the
payment of British debts due before the
war.--Indemnification of tories and Eastern boundary,
points of dispute.--Secret influence of
France.--Negotiations at Versailles secret.--The
Dutch Ambassador suspects the sincerity of the
English.--Mr Oswald proposes that the British army
should be allowed to evacuate New York unmolested.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 6th, 1782, 445
Military operations have ceased.--Mr Fitzherbert's
commission.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 8th, 1782, 447
Importance of insisting upon points of
etiquette.--Thinks the instructions to communicate
everything to the French Minister is not to be
understood literally.--Good effects which have been
produced by disobeying them.--Submission of Dr
Franklin.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 11th, 1782, 451
Conversation with Count de Vergennes on the
controverted points, Eastern boundary, compensation
to tories.--Suspicions of the motives of
France.--All points should be definitively settled,
so as to leave America totally unconnected with any
European power.
Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 18th, 1782, 457
Mr Jefferson added to the commission.--The
resignation of Mr Laurens not accepted by
Congress.--Affair of Captain Asgill.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 18th, 1782, 459
Embarrassments occasioned by the instruction to
communicate on all matters with the French Ministers.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 24th, 1782, 462
Speculations on the probable disposition of the
British Cabinet, in case of change.--The
acknowledgment of independence still leaves room for
disputes on other points.
To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Dec. 4th, 1782, 464
Transmits the preliminary treaty.--Desires to resign
his commission in Holland.--Recommends Mr Laurens as
his successor.
Extracts from a Journal, 465
Propositions in regard to the Northern and Eastern
boundaries.--Mr Adams observes, that the questions of
compensation to the tories, and of allowing the
claims of British creditors are different in
principle.--Mr Jay refuses to treat with the Spanish
Minister without exchanging powers.--Mr Jay's refusal
to treat with the British, without a previous
acknowledgment of independence.--Mr Jay thinks the
French Court oppose the claims of the American
Ministers.--Visit to Count de
Vergennes.--Conversation with Mr Whiteford on the
policy of France.--Mr Adams called the Washington of
the negotiation.--Conversation with Mr Oswald
relative to the compensation of the
tories.--Conversation with Mr Vaughan on the same
subject.--Conversation with M. de Lafayette on the
subject of a loan.--Danger to America from European
politics.--Mr Strachey returns from London with the
adhesion of the Cabinet to the compensation of the
tories.--The fisheries.--Consultation of the American
Ministers.--Mr Fitzherbert's negotiations concerning
the fisheries.--Mr Adams proposes an article relative
to the right of fishing and curing fish.--Discussion
of the article.--The American Ministers propose
restoration of all goods carried off or destroyed in
America, if the compensation is insisted on.--The
English Ministers assent to the American ultimatum
respecting the fishery and the tories.--Final
meeting.--Mr Laurens proposes an article, that the
English should carry off no American
property.--Reflections on the negotiation.--State of
the Dutch negotiations.--"Letters of a distinguished
American," by Mr Adams.--Conversation with Mr Oswald
on the true policy of England toward America.--Dr
Franklin desires to enter upon the negotiation of the
definitive treaty.--Mr Adams and Mr Jay prepare the
joint letter to Congress.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS,
ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER
PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE
COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE
TREATY OF PEACE.
VOL. VI. 1
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781.
Sir,
There has been much said in the public papers concerning conferences
for peace, concerning the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the
Empress of Russia, &c. &c. &c.
I have never troubled Congress with these reports, because I have
never received any official information or intimation of any such
negotiation, either from England or France, or any other way. If any
such negotiation has been going on, it has been carefully concealed
from me. Perhaps something has been expected from the United States,
which was not expected from me. For my own part, I know from so long
experience, at the first glance of reflection, the real designs of the
English government, that it is no vanity to say they cannot deceive
me, if they can the Cabinets of Europe. I have fully known, that all
their pretensions about peace were insidious, and therefore have paid
no other attention to them, than to pity the nations of Europe, who,
having not yet experience enough of British manoeuvres, are still
imposed on to their own danger, disgrace, and damage. The British
Ministry are exhausting all the resources of their subtility, if not
of their treasures, to excite jealousies and diversions among the
neutral, as well as belligerent powers. The same arts precisely, that
they have practised so many years to seduce, deceive, and divide
America, they are now exerting among the powers of Europe; but the
voice of God and man is too decidedly against them to permit them much
success.
As to a loan of money in this Republic, after having tried every
expedient and made every proposition, that I could be justified or
excused for making, I am in absolute despair of obtaining any, until
the States-General shall have acknowledged our independence. The bills
already accepted by me are paying off as they become due, by the
orders of his Excellency Dr Franklin; but he desires me to represent
to Congress the danger and inconvenience of drawing before Congress
have information that their bills can be honored. I must entreat
Congress not to draw upon me, until they know I have money. At present
I have none, not even for my subsistence, but what I derive from
Paris.
The true cause of the obstruction of our credit here is fear, which
can never be removed but by the States-General acknowledging our
independence; which, perhaps, in the course of twelve months they may
do, but I do not expect it sooner. This country is indeed in a
melancholy situation, sunk in ease, devoted to the pursuits of gain,
overshadowed on all sides by more powerful neighbors, unanimated by a
love of military glory, or any aspiring spirit, feeling little
enthusiasm for the public, terrified at the loss of an old friend, and
equally terrified at the prospect of being obliged to form connexions
with a new one; incumbered with a complicated and perplexed
constitution, divided among themselves in interest and sentiment, they
seem afraid of everything. Success on the part of France, Spain, and
especially of America, raises their spirits, and advances the good
cause somewhat, but reverses seem to sink them much more.
The war has occasioned such a stagnation of business, and thrown such
numbers of people out of employment, that I think it is impossible
things should remain long in the present insipid state. One system or
another will be pursued; one party or another will prevail; much will
depend on the events of the war. We have one security, and I fear but
one, and that is the domineering character of the English, who will
make peace with the Republic upon no other terms, than her joining
them against all their enemies in the war, and this I think it is
impossible she ever should do.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 21st, 1781.
Sir,
On the 30th of April, the King of Prussia published the following
ordinance, relative to the navigation and commerce of his subjects,
during the whole course of the present war between the maritime
powers.
ORDINANCE OF PRUSSIA RELATIVE TO NAVIGATION.
"From the commencement of the maritime war, almost generally spread
through the southern part of Europe, the King has applied himself with
particular care to procure to those of his subjects who traffic by
sea, or who engage in navigation, all the security possible, and to
this end he has caused to be required of the belligerent powers to
give exact orders to their vessels of war and privateers, to respect
the Prussian flag, and to suffer peaceably to pass all the Prussian
vessels, which should be loaded with merchandises, which, according to
the law of nations, are reputed lawful and not contraband, and not
cause to them any damage or delay, and much less still to conduct them
without necessity or right into foreign ports; to which these powers
have answered by assurances friendly and proper to make things easy in
this regard. To attain still more certainly to this end, his Majesty
has ordered his Ministers, residing near the belligerent powers, to
interest themselves as much as possible, and by representations the
most energetic in favor of Prussian subjects, who trade at sea, and
whose vessels might be taken, conducted into foreign ports, or as has
often happened, pillaged even upon the high seas, and to insist on
their speedy release, and that the processes at law, occasioned by
their capture, should be decided without delay, and with the requisite
impartiality. To the end, therefore, that the Ministers of the King
may be in a condition to acquit themselves of these orders in this
respect, it is necessary that the subjects of his Majesty, who find
themselves in such a case, announce themselves, or by attorney, to the
Envoy of the King, at the Court where the complaints ought to be
carried, and that they may give him information in detail of their
subjects of complaint, that he may be able to support them there,
where they belong. They ought not, however, to repose themselves
entirely on a similar intercession, but carry also their complaints
themselves to the Admiralties, or Maritime Colleges of the country,
where their vessel has been conducted, or in which they have caused
him damage, support his complaints with requisite proofs, follow the
judiciary order, and the different trials established in each country,
and solicit and pursue with diligence their causes by advocates and
attornies; by means of which, it is to be hoped, that they will obtain
a prompt and impartial decision; in default of which, it shall be
permitted to them to address themselves to the Envoys of the King, to
carry to each Court the complaints, which the case may require, and
obtain the redress of it.
"But to secure still more the navigation of his subjects, the King has
caused to be demanded by his Ministers, of her Majesty the Empress of
Russia, and the two other Maritime Powers of the North, who, as is
well known, have united to maintain the maritime neutrality, to be so
good, as powers with whom the King has the satisfaction to live in the
strictest union, as to order the commanders of their vessels of war,
to take the Prussian merchant vessels, which they may meet in their
courses, in their sight, and within reach of their cannon, under their
convoy and protection, in case they shall be attacked or molested by
the vessels of war, or privateers, of the belligerent powers. Her
Majesty, the Empress of Russia, has assured the King, by a declaration
written by her Ministry, that she had not only given precise orders to
the commanders of her vessels of war, to protect, against all attacks
and molestations, the vessels of Prussian merchants and navigators,
that they may encounter in their course, as belonging to a power
allied to Russia, and who observe exactly the rules of the maritime
neutrality founded upon the law of nations, but that she would enjoin
it also upon her Ministers at the Courts of the belligerent powers,
that as often as the Envoys of the King of Prussia should have claims
and complaints to carry to the Courts where they reside, relative to
the hinderances occasioned to the maritime commerce of the Prussian
subjects, they should support such complaints in the name of her
Majesty, the Empress of Russia, by their good offices, and that she
expected in return from his Majesty, the King, that he would equally
furnish his Ministers to the belligerent powers with instructions,
conformable to the maritime convention of the Powers of the North,
with orders to accede by energetic representations to the complaints
of the Ministers of the powers allied for the defence of the maritime
neutrality, in case they shall have certain satisfaction to demand for
the subjects of their sovereigns.
"The King has accepted this friendly declaration of her Majesty, the
Empress, with gratitude, and by a counter declaration, which is
conformable to it, he has caused his Ministers to be instructed at
foreign Courts. His Majesty has before, on occasion of another
negotiation with the Court of Denmark, required his Danish Majesty to
grant to Prussian merchant vessels the protection of his military
marine, and has received the friendly assurances of it, that the
Danish vessels of war should take under convoy and protection the
Prussian merchant vessels, which should conform themselves to the
treaties, which subsist between the Court of Denmark and the
belligerent powers, with relation to merchandises of contraband. The
King has addressed the same demand to the Court of Sweden, and
promised himself from the friendship of his Swedish Majesty an answer
as favorable as that of their Majesties, the Empress of Russia and the
King of Denmark.
"We give notice of those arrangements to all the subjects of the King,
who exercise navigation and maritime commerce, to the end that they
and their captains of vessels and skippers may conform themselves to
them, and in case they shall be attacked, molested, or taken by the
vessels of war and privateers of the belligerent nations, address
themselves to the Russian, Swedish, or Danish vessels of war, which
may be found within their reach, demand their protection and
assistance, and join themselves as much as possible to the fleets and
convoys of these maritime powers of the north.
"But as the intention of his Majesty is simply to assure, by the
beforementioned arrangements, the lawful maritime commerce of his
subjects, and not to do any prejudice to the rights of the belligerent
powers with whom he is in perfect harmony, or to favor an illicit
commerce, which might be dangerous to them, all the subjects of his
Majesty who exercise navigation and maritime commerce, ought to
conduct themselves in such a manner as to observe an exact neutrality,
such as is founded on the law of nature, and in the general laws of
nations almost universally acknowledged. But the different treaties
which several powers have concluded with each other relative to
maritime commerce, occasioning a difference of law in this regard, it
is principally to the known declaration which her Majesty, the Empress
of Russia, caused to be presented the last year to the belligerent
powers, and to the ordinance which she caused to be addressed in
consequence to her College of Commerce on the 8th of March, 1780, that
the subjects of the King will have to conform themselves with regard
to their maritime commerce, the principles which are there announced
being those which his Majesty finds the most conformable to the law of
nations, and to his in particular. It is in consequence ordained by
the present edict to all the subjects of the King, who exercise
navigation or maritime commerce,
"ARTICLE I. Not to take any part, under any pretence whatever, in the
present war, and not to carry to any of the belligerent powers, under
the Prussian flag, merchandises, generally acknowledged to be
prohibited and contraband, and which properly constitute warlike
stores, as cannons, mortars, bombs, grenades, fusils, pistols,
bullets, flints, matches, powder, saltpetre, sulphur, pikes, swords,
and saddles. The subjects of the King ought to have on board their
merchant vessels only so much of these articles as is necessary for
their own use.
"ART. II. The subjects of the King may, on the contrary, carry in
Prussian vessels as well to belligerent as to neutral nations, all the
merchandises which are not comprehended in the preceding article, and
which not properly belonging to warlike stores, are not prohibited,
and particularly the productions of all the Provinces of the States of
the King; his Majesty promising himself from the equity and the
friendship of the belligerent powers, that they will not permit their
armed vessels to molest or take the Prussian vessels loaded with
masts, timber, pitch, corn, and other materials, which, without being
warlike stores, may, nevertheless, in the sequel be converted into
such stores, and which make the principal and almost the only object
of Prussian commerce. These powers are too just to require that the
commerce of a neutral nation should cease, or be entirely suspended on
account of the war. After these principles, it is hoped that the
belligerent powers will suffer freely to pass without seizure or
confiscation, the lawful merchandises and cargoes of the Prussian
subjects, which may be found on board the vessels of belligerent
nations, as also the lawful cargoes and merchandises of belligerent
nations loaded in Prussian vessels, and in all these cases, his
Majesty will interest himself effectually in favor of his subjects
trading by sea. It is, however, the part of prudence for these last to
load as much as possible their merchandises and effects in Prussian
vessels, and to transport them under the Prussian flag; not to employ
themselves much in the coasting trade, but to apply themselves
principally to a Prussian commerce without mixture, the better to
avoid all accidents, misunderstandings, and difficulties.
ART. III. All the Prussian vessels which shall put to sea, ought to
furnish themselves with passports and attestations of the Admiralties,
Chambers of War, and the domains of each Province, or of the
magistrates of each city, as also with charter-parties, recognizances,
and other certificates of common usage, which ought to express the
quality and the quantity of the cargo, the name of the proprietor, and
of him to whom the merchandises are consigned, as well as the place of
the destination. These sea-papers ought to be clear, and to contain no
equivocation. They ought to be found on board every vessel, and they
ought not, under any pretence whatsoever, to throw them into the sea.
The captains of vessels and skippers will take care above all, not to
have in their vessels any sea-papers, double, equivocal, or false, by
which they would render themselves unworthy of all protection.
"ART. IV. Every Prussian vessel loaded in a foreign port, ought to
furnish herself in the said port with sea-papers necessary, and in the
form used in the place where she loads, to the end to be able to prove
everywhere of what nation she is, what is her cargo, from whence she
comes, and whither she goes.
"ART. V. There ought not to be found on board of Prussian vessels,
neither officers of marine, nor persons employed in it of the
belligerent nations, nor more than one third of the crew of those
nations.
"ART. VI. It is forbidden to Prussian navigators to transport cargoes
or merchandises of any sort whatever to places or ports besieged,
blocked, or shut up closely by any one of the belligerent powers.
ART. VII. It is forbidden to Prussian navigators, or merchants, to
lend their names to foreign nations, and they ought to exercise
commerce in general in a manner conformable to the rights and customs
of nations, so that they commit no infringement of the rights of any
of the belligerent powers, and that they may have no just subject of
complaint.
"The subjects of the King who shall conform exactly to the present
edict, may promise themselves on the part of his Majesty all possible
protection and assistance, instead of which, those who may contravene
it, ought not to expect it, but to attribute to themselves the dangers
and damages, which they may draw upon themselves, by a conduct
contrary to this ordinance. Given at Berlin, the 30th of April, 1781.
"By express order of the King.
HERTZBERG."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Amsterdam, May 23d, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor of your letter of the 19th with its enclosures, and I
thank your Excellency for the pains you have taken to communicate the
news from America, which I think can scarcely be called bad, though
General Greene lost the field. I had before received and published in
the Amsterdam Gazette the same accounts. The gazetteers are so earnest
after American news, that I find it the shortest method of
communicating the newspapers to all.
I have received from Congress their resolution of the 3d of January,
1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee & Jones, at six months
sight, for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made
with them for a quantity of clothing for the army. I have also a
letter from Mr Gibson, of the treasury office, of January 28th, which
informs me that the amount of Jones & Lee's account is sixteen
thousand two hundred and fortyfour pounds one shilling sterling.
I have just received from Gottenburg the enclosed letters, one to your
Excellency and one to Mr Jay. I received both unsealed, with a
direction to take copies. I have put my own seal upon that to your
Excellency, and request the favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr
Jay, and to convey it in the safest manner. It contains matter of
great importance, which ought to be carefully concealed from every eye
but yours and Mr Jay's; for which reason I should be cautious of
conveying it, even with the despatches of the Spanish Ambassador,
especially as there are intimations in Mr Lovell's letter of too much
curiosity with regard to Mr Jay's despatches, and as Mr Jay himself
complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction will
remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession to the treaty
would be of great service to the reputation of our cause in every part
of Europe.
It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an acknowledgment of
our independence from as many other Sovereigns as possible, before any
conferences for peace shall be opened; because, if that event should
take place first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their
armies, navies, and people weary of the war, and clamoring for peace,
there is no knowing what hard conditions may be insisted on from us,
nor into what embarrassments British arts and obstinacy may plunge us.
By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the contracting
parties agree to invite or admit other powers who may have received
injuries from Great Britain, to accede to that treaty. If Russia and
the northern powers, or any of them, should be involved in the war in
support of the Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the
execution of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now to
invite the Dutch?
I have the honor to enclose a memorial to their High Mightinesses. My
mission is now a subject of deliberation among the Regencies of the
several cities and the bodies of nobles who compose the sovereignty of
this country. It is not probable that any determination will be had
soon. They will probably confer with Russia, and the northern powers,
about it first. Perhaps, if these come into the war, nothing will be
done but in concert with them. But if these do not come into the war,
this Republic, I think, in that case will readily accede to the Treaty
of Alliance between France and America; for all ideas of peace with
England are false and delusive. England will make peace with the Dutch
upon no other condition than their joining her in the war against all
her enemies, which it is impossible for them to do, even if their
inclinations were that way, which they are not. The public voice here
is well decided against England.
I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion respecting
duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what duties America was able to
bear. Whatever sums a people are able to bear, in duties upon exports
or imports upon the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life,
they are undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and
estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more, because the
expense of collecting and guarding against frauds is saved.
Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue, and whenever
these shall become general, I think there can be no difficulty in
carrying on the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 24th, 1781.
Sir,
A proposition of very great consequence has been made in the Assembly
of the States of Holland, by the city of Amsterdam. It is conceived in
these words;
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have, by the
express orders of the gentlemen their principals, represented in the
Assembly, that the venerable magistrates had flattered themselves
that they should see the effects of the efforts attempted for some
time by the Admiralties, to put to sea a quantity of vessels of war
capable of protecting the commerce and the navigation of the
inhabitants of this State, or at least some branches of them; that the
gentlemen, their principals, had had reason to be confirmed in their
expectation, above all when they were informed that a number
sufficiently considerable of vessels of war, provided with things
necessary, were ready to put to sea, and that orders had been
positively given upon this subject; but, to their extreme astonishment
they had learned some time after, that the officers who commanded the
said vessels, upon the point of executing the said orders, had given
notice that the want of stores, provisions, and victuals put them out
of a condition to obey the said orders, that the gentlemen, their
constituents, having considered that not only this want of stores,
&c., ought not to have existed, but that it might have been seasonably
obviated; they had been so struck with this unexpected delay in an
affair, which they judged of the last importance for this country,
especially on account of certain particular circumstances, that they
could not refrain from declaring freely, that they had lawful reasons
to fear that such inactivity left little hope of seeing effected a
protection which is of the last necessity for the commerce and
navigation, the total interruption of which cannot fail to occasion a
great dearness, and to bring on very soon a most sensible scarcity,
without speaking of the impossibility of striking blows to an enemy
who has for five months attacked this State by an unjust war, and has
already rendered himself master by surprise of a great number of rich
vessels of war, and merchant ships, and of some of our distant
possessions.
"That the gentlemen, the principals, in virtue of these reasons, and
of others not less pressing, have judged that they could not longer
delay to lay before the eyes of the members of the Assembly of your
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, in a manner the most pressing and the
most lively, the terrible consequences, which this deplorable state of
things makes them apprehend for their dear country. That the powers of
the north, with whom the Republic is entered into alliance, and from
whom she has sufficient reasons to expect succors, have marked more
than once their astonishment at our inactivity, and at the affected
tranquillity with which the Republic suffers all the insults of her
enemy, without making the least preparation to repel them. That, from
time to time, advices have come from our Ambassadors Extraordinary to
the Court of Petersburg, that we had not to expect, neither from that
Court, nor from her allies, succors, but in proportion to the efforts
which the Republic should make on her part. That these things have
appeared to the gentlemen, the principals, of so great importance, and
of so extensive consequence, that it is more than time, that this
sovereign Assembly pass, as soon as possible, to a scrupulous
examination of the true causes of such inactivity; that she cause to
be given instructions, and an explanation of the state of defence of
the country, relative to the necessary orders which she has given;
that she obtain information concerning the reasons of the extreme
sloth and lukewarmness, with which they proceed to the protection of
the country against an enemy formidable, especially for his activity,
and concerning the means which we may and ought to employ, to shut up
the source of these evils, and make them disappear.
"That the gentlemen, the constituents, have desired to put themselves
out of the reach of all reproach from the inhabitants of this country,
whose total ruin advances with rapid strides, and who, to this day,
have not ceased to pour out with joy into the public treasury, the
imposts and taxes, which we have imposed on them, demanding in return,
with the greatest justice, to be protected by the fathers of the
country. To this end, and to ward off as much as it is in their power,
the ruin of this Republic, formerly so flourishing and so respected by
its neighbors, they have charged in the manner the most express their
Deputies to these States to insist in the strongest manner, that we
proceed to the beforementioned examination, and that on the part of
this Province things be directed in the generality in such a manner,
that we demand, as soon as possible, to enter into negotiation with
the Court of France, which has not ceased to give us such numerous and
shining marks of her good will, and of her inclination to succor us
against the common enemy, and has already shown us, by the effects,
that her offers of service do not consist in vain words; to deliberate
with this Court concerning the manner in which it will be convenient
and practicable to act, by communicating to each other the reciprocal
plans of operation, which we may attempt during this summer.
"That at the same time, it is not expedient to neglect to instruct our
Ministers at the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, of the state
of things in this country, and of the means of defence, which the
Republic puts in motion, with the express orders to make, without
relaxation, to the said Courts, pressing and redoubled instances to
send us a large number of vessels of war well equipped, to which at
least one of them has already shown herself disposed; representing to
them, at the same time, in a pressing manner, the present necessity of
sending us, conformably to the stipulations of the convention lately
concluded and ratified, as soon as possible, the succors promised in
the said convention.
"That, besides the propositions, which we have pointed out, and from
the success of which the gentlemen, the constituents, promise
themselves all sorts of advantages, the venerable magistrates are
still in the opinion, that this State, although abandoned to itself,
against all expectation and all hope, does not yet cease to have
numerous and sufficient resources, not to consider its defence as
absolutely desperate; for it is very true, that after a long peace,
the first alarm of a war, and of an unforeseen attack, may at first
throw men's minds into terror, disorder, and consternation; but it is
not less true, that the riches and the resources of the nation in
general, having received a considerable increase by the enjoyment of
the fruits of this peace, the supreme government finds itself, by
employing them in a useful and salutary manner, in a condition to make
head for a long time against an enemy already exhausted by a long and
expensive war, and to take so good measures, that we may force her to
renew an honorable and advantageous peace.
"In fine, the gentlemen, the said constituents, are of opinion, that,
to give a ready effect to the resolutions tending to the said objects,
and which may serve for the protection of the State, and of its
establishments in the other parts of the world, and to discuss the
resolutions with all the secrecy requisite, there be formed by the
Lords the States, a committee of some gentlemen of the respective
Provinces, giving them the power and instructions necessary to labor
conjointly with his Highness, the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, to
contrive, prescribe, and put in execution, all the measures, which
shall appear the most proper and the most convenient, to the end that
we may, under the benediction of God Almighty, repair the past, and
wash out the shame and the dishonor, with which this Republic is
stained in the eyes of foreigners, and by a vigorous defence of the
country, and of all which it holds most dear and precious, and to
maintain it in the advantages of a liberty purchased so dear, against
all further evils and calamities.
"Finally, the gentlemen, the said Deputies, find themselves, moreover,
expressly charged to cause to be laid in the records of Holland the
said proposition for the apology and the discharge of the gentlemen,
their constituents, and to insist in all the ways possible, that we
take in this regard prompt resolutions, whereof we may see the
effects; in the view of accomplishing their salutary designs, to pray
in the manner the most earnest and pressing the other members to labor
to obtain in favor of this proposition, the suffrage of the gentlemen,
their principals, to carry it into the approaching Assembly."
Thus ends this manly address, in which there is the appearance of the
old Batavian spirit. In my excursions through the various parts of
this country, I have found the eyes of all parties turned towards
Amsterdam, and all true patriots said, that the salvation of this
country depended upon the firmness of that city. There has indeed been
in this city the appearance of feebleness and irresolution, but it has
stood its ground. The presentation and publication of my Memorial to
the States-General, which was more universally and highly applauded
than was expected by me or any one else, furnished the regency of the
city an opportunity to discover the general sense of the public voice,
and they have not failed to take an early advantage of it. They have
not mentioned a treaty with America, the reason of which was, that
this subject was already taken _ad referendum_, and under the
consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty. They mention
only a negotiation with France, knowing very well, that this would
necessarily draw on the other; so that things seem at present in a
good train; but a long time will necessarily be taken up, according to
the constitution, and in the present disposition of this country,
before anything can be done to effect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 25th, 1781.
Sir,
The following convention, concerning recaptures made from the English,
is, it is hoped, the first step towards more intimate connexions
between this Republic, on one side, and France and the United States
of America on the other.
FRENCH AND DUTCH CONVENTION CONCERNING RECAPTURES.
"The Lords the States-General, having judged, that it would be of
reciprocal utility to establish between France and the United
Provinces of the Low Countries, uniform principles with relation to
captures and recaptures, which their respective subjects might make
upon those of Great Britain, their common enemy, they have proposed
to the Most Christian King to agree with them on a regulation
concerning this matter. His Most Christian Majesty, animated with the
same views, and desiring to consolidate more and more the good
correspondence, which subsists between him and the United Provinces,
has well received the overture of the Lords the States-General. In
consequence, his said Most Christian Majesty, and the said Lords the
States-General have given their full powers, to wit; His Most
Christian Majesty to the Sieur Gravier, Count de Vergennes, &c. his
Counsellor of State of the Sword, his Counsellor in all his Councils,
Commander of his Orders, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his
commands and finances; and the Lords the States-General to the Sieur
de Berkenrode, their Ambassador to the Most Christian King, who, after
having duly communicated their respective powers, have agreed on the
following articles.
"ARTICLE I. The vessels of one of the two nations, French and Dutch,
retaken by the privateers of the other, shall be restored to the first
owner, if they have not been in the power of the enemy during the
space of twentyfour hours, at the charge of the said owner, to pay one
third of the value of the vessel recaptured, as well as of her cargo,
cannon, and apparel, which shall be estimated by agreement between the
parties interested, and if they cannot agree among themselves, they
shall apply to the officers of the Admiralty of the place where the
recaptor shall have conducted the vessel retaken.
"ART. II. If the vessel retaken has been in the power of the enemy
more than twentyfour hours, it shall belong entirely to the recaptor.
"ART. III. In case a vessel shall have been retaken by a vessel of war
belonging to the Most Christian King, or to the United Provinces, it
shall be restored to the first proprietor, paying the thirtieth part
of the value of the vessel, of the cargo, cannon, and apparel, if it
has been retaken in twentyfour hours; and the tenth, if it has been
taken after the twentyfour hours; which sums shall be distributed as a
gratification to the crews of the vessels recaptured. The estimation
of the thirtieth and tenth, beforementioned shall be regulated
conformably to the tenor of the article first of the present
Convention.
"ART. IV. The vessels of war and privateers of the one and the other
of the two nations shall be admitted reciprocally both in Europe, and
in the other parts of the world, in the respective ports with their
prizes, which may be there unloaded, and sold according to the
formalities used in the State where the prize shall have been
conducted; provided, nevertheless, that the lawfulness of the prizes
made by the French vessels shall be decided conformably to the laws
and regulations established in France concerning this matter, in the
same manner as that of prizes made by Dutch vessels shall be judged
according to the laws and regulations established in the United
Provinces.
"ART. V. Moreover, it shall be free to His Most Christian Majesty, as
well as to the Lords the States-General, to make such regulations as
they shall judge good relative to the conduct, which their vessels and
privateers respectively shall hold in regard to the vessels, which
they shall have taken and carried into one of the ports of the two
dominions.
"In faith of which, the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries of His Most
Christian Majesty, and of the Lords the States-General, in virtue of
our powers respectively, have signed these presents, and have hereunto
affixed the seal of our arms. Done at Versailles, the first of the
month of May, 1781.
GRAVIER DE VERGENNES,
LESTEVENON VAN BERKENRODE."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 27th, 1781.
Sir,
In the Assembly of the States-General, the following Report has lately
been made.
"Messrs de Lynden de Hemmen, and other Deputies of their High
Mightinesses for Maritime Affairs, have, in consequence of the
commissorial Resolution of the 27th of the last month, examined a
letter of the Directors named in the commission by the respective
chambers of the granted general company of the Dutch East Indies, to
the Assembly of Seventeen, held the 23d of the same month at
Amsterdam, representing the great inconveniences to which it would be
exposed by the delay of the expedition of the vessels of the company,
if it were not soon provided with the customary provisions, at least
as much as in ordinary times, as well as the possibility that the
enemy may attempt an attack in that country, upon which the Directors
would be exposed to answer for it, having in the different chambers
seven vessels ready to put to sea, with the hope that ere long this
number will be still further augmented; soliciting to this end, a
convenient number of vessels of war, to give a safe escort to the
ships of the company, while the Directors on their parts will put all
in motion to watch over the safety of their vessels; wishing to this
end to arm some of these vessels in an extraordinary manner, to the
end that they may be able to oppose some resistance both for
themselves and for the others, scattered over the sea of the Indies.
That, nevertheless, if their High Mightinesses could not determine
themselves to this, they, the Directors, hoped that they should not be
responsible for the consequences which might result. That on the
contrary, all the sharers in general, and their High Mightinesses in
particular, would agree that in this the Directors have done all that
could be required of persons to whom had been confided the direction
of the goods of so many widows and orphans, of persons who, under the
immediate auspices of their High Mightinesses, had the honor to direct
a Colony whose prosperity is essentially connected with that of this
country.
"Upon which, having demanded and received the considerations and the
advice of the committees of the Colleges of the respective
Admiralties, which are at present here, we have reported to the
Assembly, that the gentlemen, the Deputies, should be of opinion, that
notwithstanding the most ardent wishes to employ a sufficient number
of vessels of war, not only for the defence of the ships but also that
of the possessions of the company of the East Indies of this country,
it would, however, be impracticable at this time, considering the
present situation of the navy of this State, universally known, which
could not appear strange to any one instructed in the natural
representations so often repeated from time to time by the Colleges of
the Admiralty in this respect; especially if he considers, that a
navy, fallen into so great a decay, could not be rebuilt so suddenly,
and placed so soon upon a respectable footing; that, moreover, this
navy already so enfeebled, was become still more so by the surprise
and capture of different vessels of war, by casual disasters happened
to others, and because the rest were dispersed into so many different
places, that for the equipment projected for this year, there was
wanting a great quantity of vessels and frigates well equipped and
provided, at least such as in the case in question could be used; that
besides the vessels ready to act, which are actually in the ports of
the Republic, ought in the first place, and before all things, to
serve for the defence of the coasts and harbors (or mouths of the
rivers) as well as for the protection of the navigation towards the
North Sea and the Baltic, and of the ships, which return from thence;
that principally by reason of the unheard of scarcity of seamen,
occasioned in a great measure by the capture of so enormous a quantity
of Dutch merchant ships, which had been manned by the best seamen of
the nation, it was almost impossible to determine the time when the
other vessels of war in commissions should be able to act.
"That, nevertheless, the Company of the East Indies was of too great
importance to this country, for us to be able to reject entirely her
demand; and by so much the less as the Directors do not request to be
protected to the detriment of the Republic, but they demonstrate also
that they are really willing on their part to make their last efforts
for their own defence, and contented themselves to require the
suitable support of the State, to sustain the forces which the company
was about to put in action; that from the refusal of a requisition of
this nature it might result, that in losing all hope in the protection
of the State, they may neglect also those efforts, which otherwise
might be employed with some appearance of success; that, besides, the
national establishments in this distant part of the globe would also
fall, and without the least resistance, into the hands of the enemy,
and that this Republic at the end of the present war would find itself
destitute of all its resources; that this presentiment, apparently,
ought to effect a close union of all the forces, to fulfil as far as
possible the desire of the said Directors, and that to the end to try
all practicable means, expecting at the same time the celestial
benediction, and the prompt and effectual succor of our high allies,
in default of ordinary remedies, it is necessary to have recourse
without the smallest loss of time to extraordinary remedies, and to
this effect his Most Serene Highness, in his quality of Stadtholder
and Admiral-General of the Republic, ought to be solicited and
authorised, if it was possible, either by borrowing vessels of war,
their equipages, or by purchasing or hiring here or elsewhere, other
suitable ships, which might be appropriated to this, or finally in
every other practicable manner to reinforce at the expense of the
country, the marine of the State, with the greatest celerity, and as
much as possible; in consequence of which, in concert with the said
Directors of the East India Company, we may regulate the time, the
manner, and the force of the protection to be procured for the company
in question; the whole, as his Most Serene Highness, saving the sense
of the resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 26th of March
last, shall judge the most convenient for the greatest utility of the
Republic, and of the said Company. Finally, that it would be
convenient also to intimate to the Colleges of the Admiralty
respectively of this country, to co-operate as much as possible with
his Most Serene Highness, not only to put and hold with the greatest
expedition in a convenient state the vessels of the Republic, but also
in particular for everything that may contribute to accelerate their
equipment and sailing, and to the greatest success of the enrolments;
with a promise, that the extraordinary expenses which shall result
from it and be advanced with the advice of his Most Serene Highness,
shall be restored and made good to them.
"Upon which, having deliberated, the Deputies of the Province of
Zealand have taken a copy of this report, to be able to communicate
more amply."
I do myself the honor to transmit such state papers entire, because
Congress will be able from them to collect the real state of things
better than from any remarks of mine. The state of the Republic is
deplorable enough. There is but one sure path for it to pursue, that
is, instantly to accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and
America. They see this, but have not firmness to venture upon the
measure. Indeed, the military character both at land and sea, seems to
be lost out of this nation. The love of fame, the desire of glory, the
love of country, the regard for posterity, in short, all the brilliant
and sublime passions are lost, and succeeded by nothing but the love
of ease and money; but the character of this people must change, or
they are finally undone.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 29th, 1781.
Sir,
The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, seem to have committed the
most complete blunder of all. There was found in that Island a greater
quantity of property belonging to the Britons themselves, than to the
French, Dutch, or Americans. They have broken up a trade, which was
more advantageous to them, than to any of their enemies, as it was a
channel through which British manufactures were conveyed to North
America, and much provisions and assistance to their fleets and armies
in the West Indies. As the British merchants were warranted by an act
of Parliament to trade to this Island, all those who are sufferers by
its capture are clamoring against government and especially against
Rodney and Vaughan, for illegally seizing their property and
threatening these commanders with as many law-suits as there are
losses. But what completes the jest is, that M. de la Motte Piquet has
carried safe into Brest two and twenty of the vessels loaded with the
spoils of St Eustatia, which Rodney had sent under convoy of Commodore
Hotham and four ships of the line; so that Rodney after having lost
his booty is likely to have law-suits to defend, and very probably the
whole to repay to the owners.
Thus the cards are once more turned against the gambler; and the
nation has gained nothing but an addition to their reputation for
iniquity. This is good justice. There is room to hope for more
instances of it; because their fleets are coming home from the West
Indies, and the Spanish fleet of thirty sail of the line under Cordova
is again at sea, and it is hoped the French fleet will soon go out
again.
The English fleets are so fully employed by the French and Spaniards,
that the Dutch might do a great deal if they would; but something in
this machine is fatally amiss. The patriots weep, but all in vain. The
fleets and ships that sail, are said to have orders to act only on the
defensive. The courtiers say, that Amsterdam is the cause of the war;
the friends of Amsterdam say, the courtiers are corrupted by the
English. Some say, the Prince declares he will never do anything
against the English; others say, that he has authorised the French
Ambassador to assure the King his master, that he was ready to make
arrangements with him; others report sayings of the Princess, that the
conduct of some of the courtiers will be the ruin of her family. All
these reports serve to no purpose, but to show the confusion and
distraction of the country. However, there must be a change soon for
the better or worse, for hunger will break down all ordinary fences.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.
Sir,
The following memorial lays open a dispute between two nations.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"It is well known to your High Mightinesses, with what constancy and
for how long a time, the subscriber has had the honor to lay before
you, by order of his Court, how much she desires to accomplish a
settlement of the differences, which exist upon the Rio Volta between
her subjects and yours, who have by little and little wrongfully
occupied and fortified the posts of Creve Coeur and of Good Hope,
which at present incommode and restrain the Danish establishments upon
that coast to a degree almost to destroy the existence of them, to put
them to expenses for their maintenance, which absorb their utility,
and to render more and more necessary measures, which his Majesty
would desire not to be obliged to think of. In consequence, although
the subscriber has rendered a faithful account of the assurances,
which have been repeatedly given him, of the desire, which your High
Mightinesses have to take away even from its source all subject of
misunderstanding reciprocally, a desire very conformable with that of
the King his master; nevertheless, as nothing has resulted from these
general assurances he finds himself at present obliged to execute the
orders, which he has received; to demand of your High Mightinesses to
cause to be evacuated the said forts of Creve Coeur and Good Hope,
the existence of which cannot consist with that of the establishment
of Denmark. He has express orders to make this requisition, and to
give to understand, that as his Majesty will be very sensible of this
friendly manner of terminating the present differences upon the coast
of Guinea, so will he see with sincere regret that you will oblige him
to give to this affair a more serious attention. The Hague, April
28th.
ST SAPHORIN."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.
Sir,
The cities of Haerlem and Dort have seconded Amsterdam, although the
other cities of Holland have hitherto been silent, as appears by the
following declarations.
"A declaration of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, concerning the
proposition of the city of Amsterdam, made at the assembly of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses on the 18th of May, 1781.
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, have declared to the assembly,
that they had been earnest to transmit to the Regency of their city
the propositions of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Counsellors of
Amsterdam, communicating to them at the same time, that with regard to
the matter, which makes the object of it, the gentlemen, the Deputies,
had beforehand declared, that since the substance of the said
proposition was entirely conformable to that, which for some time had
formed among the gentlemen, the Constituents, the object of
preliminary deliberations, the Deputies had believed themselves
tacitly authorised to adopt immediately the said proposition in all
its points, which determined them also to testify their very sincere
gratitude to the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their
persons to the gentlemen, the Burgomasters and Regents of the same
city, for the enlightened and vigilant zeal with which these gentlemen
in taking this step, so salutary and so necessary, had shown that they
have at heart the true interests of their dear country, which had
already experienced so many injuries. That at present, the gentlemen,
the Deputies, after the communications alleged, found themselves
expressly instructed to cause to be inserted in the minutes of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, for the justification of the Regency of
their city before posterity, that the venerable Magistracy of Dort,
approving what is before mentioned, had learned with a lively
satisfaction the proposition before mentioned; that it was ready and
disposed in the name of that city, to concur efficaciously in all the
means, which may be judged the most convenient, to save with alacrity
this country, now threatened and surrounded with the greatest and most
terrible dangers; that to this end the venerable Regents of Dort would
not fail to deliberate immediately upon the particular points, which
the proposition in question presents, and to cause in course their
resolution to be transmitted to the assembly of their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses."
Note of the Deputies of Haerlem, touching the provisional resolution
taken by their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, upon the proposition of
Amsterdam.
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Haerlem, resuming the
extension of the 18th of May, have declared, that in accepting the
proposition of the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam,
their advice had been, that since the said proposition ought to be
attributed to a laudable desire to watch over the common interests,
the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons, the
gentlemen their constituents, ought to be thanked for the zeal and
marked attention upon this occasion for the utility of their dear
country. But, as at that time almost all the members relished this
advice in such a manner, that the assembly had converted it into a
provisional resolution, the gentlemen, the Deputies, had a good right
to presume, that, in imitation of many antecedent facts, this advice
would have become an essential measure, to cause to be passed the
beforementioned provisional resolution. But the gentlemen, the
Deputies, seeing the contrary, and their remarks made in this regard,
answered by a frozen silence on the part of the other members, they
have, both on account of this circumstance, and to ascertain what
really passed in consequence of the proposition in question, and to
justify the report made to the gentlemen, their principals, upon this
object, judged necessary to cause this note to be inserted in the
minutes of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."
With hearty wishes that this dumb spirit may be soon cast out, I have
the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781.
Sir,
I have received from my Sovereign, the United States of America, in
Congress assembled, their express instructions to notify to their High
Mightinesses, the States-General, the complete and final ratification
of the confederation of the Thirteen United States, from New Hampshire
to Georgia, both included, on the 1st day of March last.
I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of this important
act, and to request the favor of you, Sir, to communicate it to their
High Mightinesses in such a manner as you shall judge most convenient;
as in the present circumstances of affairs I know of no more proper
mode of discharging this part of my duty.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 5th, 1781.
Sir,
The Deputies of Middleburg, in the assembly of the States of Zealand,
on the 14th of May, consented to the petition for granting larger
bounties to those who shall engage in the service of the Republic by
sea. Their advice has been given in this manner;
"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Middleburg, have said that they were
authorised by the gentlemen, their principals, to conform themselves
to the report in question, in all its parts. They are further
specially instructed and ordered, (renewing the advice of their city,
communicated with their consent to the two States of war of the 9th of
last month,) to represent upon this occasion, in the name of the
gentlemen, their principals, and to insist strongly, that without
delay it should be deliberated by a committee, concerning the measures
the most prompt and the most efficacious to be taken by this Province,
to direct things in course in the generality, in such a manner, that
in the critical and disastrous situation in which the Republic is, we
should apply our attention conjointly, with redoubled zeal, activity,
and wisdom, in defence of the territory, commerce, and possessions of
the Republic; that we finally awake out of that unexpected inaction,
in which as is too apparent the Republic is still found, the causes of
which cannot, and ought not in any degree, to be attributed to this
Province; or that at least, without delay and without reserve, the
true reasons of this dangerous and disgraceful situation should be
communicated to the Lords, the States of Zealand, from whom nothing,
which concerns the Union ought to be concealed; to the end, that in
course they may deliberate sincerely with the other confederates upon
the means of deliverance and of precaution, the most prompt, and the
most convenient for the common advantage, safety, and preservation.
"The Lords, the States of Zealand, have also represented to their High
Mightinesses, the propriety of establishing batteries upon the coast
of Flanders, upon the places the most exposed, and to provide them
with cannon and necessary stores, that they may be able to act, with
the armed vessels stationed upon the river, against any enterprises
which may be attempted by the enemy's vessels.
"On the 22d of last month, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses
deliberated upon the proposition of the Counsellor Pensionary, made on
the 18th of the same month, in the name of the gentlemen, the
counsellors' committees, viz. that it having been resolved, by a
resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses of the 16th of
January, to negotiate a sum of eight millions, at two and a half per
cent interest, this negotiation had had so happy a success, that it
was almost filled up, as the treasury general and the other treasuries
of the quarter of the south of this Province have received seven
millions fortysix thousand six hundred and fifty florins, and those of
the quarter of the north, five hundred and seventyeight thousand eight
hundred florins. That the Counsellor Pensionary, seeing that the
present situation of affairs requires in all respects, that the
treasury of the State should be provided of a larger quantity of
money, has proposed to the consideration of their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses, whether they did not judge it convenient to augment the
negotiation in question by four other millions, and, consequently, to
extend it to twelve millions, upon the same footing and with the same
interest, as determined by their resolution of the 16th of January
last.
"Upon which it was thought fit, and resolved, to consent to the
negotiation of these eight millions, and to increase it with four
others, so as to make twelve millions upon the same footing. The
Prince has made a tour to the Brille, Helvoetsluys, Goeree, and
Willemstadt, where he has reviewed the troops and vessels of war, and
returned to the Hague on the third of this month."
I send to Congress an account of these faint and feeble symptoms of
life, because there is no appearance of any more vigorous. I am told
that this _vis inertiae_ is profound policy. If it is policy at all, it
is so profound, as to be perfectly incomprehensible. However, their
property and dominion, their honor and dignity, their sovereignty and
independence are their own, and if they choose to throw them all away,
for aught I know, they have a right to do it. There is one comfort, if
other nations have nothing to hope, they have nothing to fear from
such policy.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO M. BERENGER, SECRETARY OF THE FRENCH EMBASSY AT THE HAGUE.
Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me, on
the 5th of this month, informing me, that you have received a letter
from the Count de Vergennes, by which his Excellency directs you to
tell me, that the interests of the United States require my presence
at Paris, and that he should desire that I should go there, as soon as
my affairs in Holland will permit me.
I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would confide to me
the nature of the business that requires me at Paris, that I might be
able to form some judgment, whether it is of so much importance, and
so pressing, as to make it necessary for me to go forthwith.
His Excellency Dr Franklin, and Colonel Laurens, have arranged affairs
in such a manner, that the accounts of the Indian are to be produced
to me, and I am to draw bills to discharge them, so that it would
retard the departure of that interesting vessel, if I were to go now;
and it is of some importance to the public that I should complete my
despatches to go to Congress by her. I am also unfortunately involved
in a good deal of business, in accepting and discharging bills of
exchange, a course of business which would be put into some confusion,
if I were to go immediately; and the general affairs of Congress in
this Republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But notwithstanding
all, if I were informed that it is anything respecting a general
pacification, or an invitation of this Republic to accede to the
alliance between France and the United States, or any other affair of
sufficient weight to justify my quitting this port immediately, I
would do it. Otherwise it would, as I humbly conceive, be more for the
public interest, that I should wait until some of the business that
lies upon me here is despatched, and the rest put into a better order.
Let me beg the favor of your sentiments, Sir. Whenever I go, I must
beg the favor of you to furnish me with a passport.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 11th, 1781.
Sir,
The following petition is too curious in itself, and too much attended
to by the public at this time, to be omitted.
"To the Gentlemen, the Burgomasters, Sheriffs and Counsellors of the
city of Antwerp.
"The inhabitants of the city of Antwerp in general, and those who are
there concerned in commerce, in particular, should think that they
injured their own interests, if they neglected, at a time when all
Europe talks of the advantages, which the opening of the Scheldt would
produce, to address themselves to you, Gentlemen, to make known their
desire, that you would please to take the necessary measures for this
purpose. While all nations fix at present their attention upon the
liberty of navigation, shall we be the only people, who, although
having a greater interest in it than others, should remain quiet, and
suffer to pass away, unimproved, the moment, which appears to be now
arrived to deliver ourselves from the yoke, which the Republic of
Holland imposed upon us in the days of their first celebration? No! It
is time that we awake! Since the treaty of Munster, this city and its
commerce are fallen into a great decay, but we have still the means in
our hands to revive them, because the inhabitants have ever continued
to have an indirect portion in commerce. It was they, who after the
suppression of the Company of Ostend, have assisted in the
establishment of the East India Companies of Sweden and Denmark; and
it would not be difficult to prove, that projects of all sorts have
taken place in their speculations. What could they not do, therefore,
when it shall be free to them to make a direct and unrestrained
commerce? The simple hope, which they have of it, causes among them a
revival of the spirit of commerce. When we compare the situation of
the cities of Amsterdam and Antwerp, we shall find that that of the
latter has many advantages over the former. The commerce of corn,
which makes of Holland the factory of Europe, and all the trade of the
North, offers itself to the city of Antwerp. We should soon find there
magazines provided with everything necessary to extend commerce, and
equal that of Amsterdam. This commerce alone would be sufficient to
make a revival of the bright days, which preceded the peace of
Munster.
"But what afflicts us, Gentlemen, is, that there are persons who would
divide the interests of provinces, and give birth to a rivalry between
the ports of Ostend and Antwerp, as if one port the more would be too
much for the States of his Majesty. If this could be a question, no
man could doubt that the city of Antwerp is much better situated to
make an extensive commerce, than the city of Ostend. Experience alone
is sufficient to demonstrate it. The commerce, which Antwerp has made
heretofore, came there naturally of itself, although it had been
formerly at Bruges, because the port of Antwerp was better, and in all
respects more advantageous. But these cities have nothing in common,
and if the Scheldt was open, and remained open, Ostend would not
suffer any damage from it. We have the advantage to have in our
Sovereign a Prince, whose whole application tends to render his
subjects happy; nothing can contribute more to their prosperity than
commerce. The fine arts, which have supported themselves at Antwerp,
in spite of the decay of commerce, for near one hundred and forty
years, would acquire here a new degree of perfection and lustre.
"We hope, Gentlemen, that your care and zeal for everything, which can
contribute to the prosperity of a city, which you have already lately
delivered from beggary, will make you discover, with particular
satisfaction, new means of procuring labor for the poor and needy,
diminish thereby the expense of their maintenance, without reckoning
all the other advantages, and especially the augmentation of our
population, which would be the result of our demand."
This petition discloses objects of so much weight in those scales, in
which the political and commercial interests of the nations of Europe
are now balancing, that it is worth while to transmit some
observations, which have been made upon it, which will lay open the
whole subject, with all its connexions. They were written in French by
M. Cerisier.
"It is to have a false idea of things, to think and to say, that
Holland and Zealand, taking an unjust advantage of their victories,
and of the weakness of their enemies, have dictated, with arms in
their hands, the outrageous and despotic conditions of holding their
ports shut up. We have only to cast our eyes upon the geographical
situation of Antwerp, we have only to recollect the first events of
the Belgic Revolution, to acknowledge this error. The city of Antwerp
for a long time made a part of the Belgic confederation; she entered
into the union of Utrecht, as she had entered into the pacification of
Ghent, she was even for several years the centre of the new Republic;
it was not until 1585, that she fell back under the yoke of the
Spaniards. But the Duke of Parma, in retaking Antwerp, could not
equally make himself master of all the forts situated below that city,
towards the mouth of the Scheldt. The confederates continued masters
of these, and even retook some places, which had been taken from them
in the course of the war. Thus they remained masters of the lower
navigation of this river, an advantage, which they caused to be
confirmed to them in the treaty of peace. In casting our eyes on the
other hand, on the memorable siege of Antwerp, it is to this city that
it is necessary to impute the misfortune of having an useless port,
since, by a more vigorous and wise defence, she would have remained in
the union, with all the advantages which resulted from it.
"Zealand and the city of Amsterdam, have always held the slavery of
the port of Antwerp of much importance. But it is very far from being
true, that this city, by recovering the liberty of her navigation,
would be able to draw away any considerable part of their commerce.
The maritime places of the United Provinces have had for several ages,
and many years before the revolution, a great navigation and a
flourishing commerce; this has been demonstrated by modern authors.
See the _Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies, et la Richesse de
la Hollande_. It is an error then to believe, that they were raised
upon the ruins of Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp; although we cannot deny,
that they have received some augmentation from them.
"But it is England, which has drawn the greatest advantages from them.
The cause is evident; it is, that the same troubles, which chased
commerce from these cities, agitated at the same time Holland,
Zealand, Friesland, and the neighboring Provinces. The factions of the
Houcks and the Cabeliaux, the Schieringers, and the Vetkopers, the
Litchembergs, and the Gunterlings, the Hekeren, and the Bronkhorst,
have nearly at the same time for many years, torn almost the whole
country, which forms at this day the Republic of the United Provinces,
in the times when Flanders was a prey to the most violent intestine
dissensions, when Ghent and Bruges held the Emperor Maximilian in
prison; and when the chastisements inflicted on these two cities,
drove out the industry, and commerce, which enriched them. The United
Provinces were the centre of the rebellion and the theatre of the most
afflicting calamities, when the cruelties of the Spaniards chased
commerce from the city of Antwerp. The most violent causes, in fact,
are necessary to drive commerce from a country where she has fixed her
residence. The powerful houses of commerce, the immense funds
necessary to carry it on, the credit, the industry, do not transplant
themselves easily from one country to another.
"We ought not to impute to slavery the fall of the commerce of the
Austrian Low Countries. We must ascend to that epocha, when the fiscal
and religious despotism of Spain carried into the Low Countries the
yoke of civil servitude and the flames of the Inquisition. Commerce
cannot harmonise with slavery, with the tyrannical exaction of
imposts, with persecutors, or with hangmen. It was principally to
London, that industry, and the merchants of Louvain, Ghent, Bruges,
and Antwerp, fled. Although Holland and Zealand were at the same time
a prey to similar misfortunes, and even still more terrible, they
found themselves in a condition to raise a powerful marine, to beat
their ancient masters, and to seize upon their spoils in the Indies.
It was upon their courage, upon their navigation, upon their
establishments in the Indies, and not upon the mouth of the Scheldt,
that they laid the foundations of a commerce, the richest and most
extensive that ever was.
"If all the Low Countries had remained attached to the confederation,
they would all have partaken of the riches, the industry, the power,
and the grandeur of the United Provinces. The Austrian Low Countries
were not able to recover their brilliant commerce, because they had
lost it. To repair this loss, it would have been necessary, that
Holland and England, filled with their manufactures, should have had
the complaisance to send them back all these manufactures with their
riches, their workmen, and their raw materials. It was only Louis the
Fourteenth who could in this respect take Philip the Second for a
model. If the Flemish and the Brabantians, should have again a source
of raw materials, and of workmen, would it be easy to recall industry
and naturalise it there, after so long an exile? The little progress
of commerce in those countries has many other causes, besides the
subjugation of one of its brooks. It is necessary to look for them in
the multitude and enormity of the duties imposed upon merchandises,
which enter, or go out of the Austrian dominions, duties, which are
repeated from one Province, and even from one city to another; it is
necessary to look for them in the tyrannical and insolent inquisition
of officers, with whom the frontiers are covered, in the fiscal and
iniquitous subjection, to which packages and travellers are exposed;
the former to a search, which exposes the goods to be spoiled, and the
other to an indecent and odious inspection. They have forced women to
strip themselves, even to their shifts, to discover, with a scandalous
avidity, effects subject to these odious taxes.
"A part of the commerce of Germany, and several Provinces of France
with Holland, would have no other market than the Low Countries, if
the imposts and the collection of them were not tyrannical. The
merchants of St Quentin, of Rheims, of Paris, will all tell you, that
the lawns, wines, and modes, which they send into the countries
situated upon the Baltic, would be embarked at Ostend, without those
armies of inquisitors like highwaymen, who drive away, by a perpetual
restraint, commerce, the friend of liberty. Add to this, the delays,
and the dearness of land-carriage, interrupted with barriers, in the
countries, where there are no canals; all these obstacles do not only
hurt the commerce of transportation, but also that of importation and
exportation. The foreigner, finding so many difficulties in spreading
his superfluities in those countries, is the less capable of taking
off theirs.
"Moreover, how many ameliorations may be made in the natural resources
of that country? Before they allow themselves in uncertain
speculations abroad, they should carry to the highest point, industry
at home. There are even reformations, which are very difficult, and
without which these countries will never hold the balance against
countries, in which the number, the celibacy, the riches, and the
laziness of the clergy, do not devour the industry of the people. Is
the slavery of the Scheldt then the cause, that Louvain is peopled
only with students and professors? Malines filled with attornies and
judges? That Mons, Tournay, Ypres, Ghent, and Bruges, are no longer
more than carcasses? If there were a means of reviving these cities,
would it not be by the enlargement and the safety of the port of
Ostend?
"Even if the ports of Ostend, of Nieuport, and Antwerp offered roads
free, safe, and commodious, would business fly to them for refuge,
and abandon the ports of Hamburg, Dantzick, Amsterdam, Rotterdam,
Middleburg, Dunkirk, Rouen, Nantes, Rochelle, Bordeaux, the Elbe, the
Somme, the Seine, the Loire, the Garonne, and the ports of the three
kingdoms of Great Britain, where it enjoys all the advantages and
facilities, which it can desire? The English themselves, who dazzle at
this day the Austrian Low Countries with the hope of a free and
flourishing commerce, would not they be the first to oppose this
revolution, if it had any appearance of success? It is their jealousy
of the prosperity of Amsterdam, which makes them clamor against the
subjection of the Scheldt. But they would clamor much louder, if the
liberty of the Scheldt should restore to the Low Countries the hope of
recovering their ancient commerce. All States seek with emulation to
augment the national industry. Russia, and even other northern States,
are making efforts and sacrifices to procure for themselves
manufactures. All countries, even Spain and Portugal, begin to
perceive that these things are more useful than _autos-da-fe_. The
Austrian Low Countries have them also. But could they augment them at
the expense of other countries; especially at a time, when so many
States pique themselves in having a warlike marine to maintain their
commerce and their national industry?
"But, it will be said, is it not manifest that the navigation of
Antwerp being opened, commerce, by reascending the river, would
diffuse her benign influence throughout all the extent of an
agreeable, and fertile territory, full of canals and great roads, &c.?
I answer again, why would not the ports of Bruges, Ghent, Ostend, and
Nieuport produce the same effect? It is even apparent, that these
ports would lose by the new outlet of Antwerp, the little commerce
which remained to them. In that case, Brabant would only raise itself
on the ruins or at the expense of Flanders. The liberty of this river
would enrich perhaps the interior of the country, but it would
certainly impoverish the coasts of the sea. They say it is unjust to
hold the Scheldt shut up; but would it not, on the contrary, be the
height of injustice to open again a navigation, assured to the
Hollanders by the natural consequence of a revolution universally
ratified, and by a long possession? What man, what State, would be
authorised to appropriate a thing to itself because it was for his
convenience? This rule, it is true, has in our days effected the
dismemberment of Poland, the invasion of Silesia, and the present war
of England against Holland. But in taking away the property of the
Dutch, with what right can one find fault with the violence of Russia?
"It will be said, that the restraint of a river dug by nature, for the
use of the inhabitants who live upon the banks, is contrary to natural
right, against which no prescription ever runs. But do not the
turnpikes, or fall-stops, with which these rivers are thickset,
contravene also the rights of nature? The house of my neighbor
intercepts the light, of which I have great occasion; have I the right
for this reason to pull it down?
"In one word, the mouth of the Scheldt is in the territory of the
United Provinces. The Republic, according to received principles, may
interdict the navigation of it to foreigners, as well as to its own
subjects. She excludes only the former; because she finds her
advantage in it, as the English find theirs in their famous act of
navigation, much more tyrannical than the subjection of the Scheldt.
The Belgians will say, the waters of this river wash and fertilize our
country in passing through it. But have not the French still a better
right to the same navigation, because this river takes its rise in
France? The Swiss would have a good grace to wish to arrogate to
themselves the free navigation of the whole course of the Rhone, the
Po, the Danube, and the Rhine, because these rivers flow from the
mountains of Helvetia. The subjection of the Scheldt was ratified in
1648, in the famous treaty of Munster, or Westphalia, whereof all the
powers of Europe are warranties, and which still passes for the basis
of the political system of Europe, and for a fundamental law of the
empire. We have seen in 1778, the Emperor himself obliged to renounce
a succession supported upon authentic titles, because the powers,
warranties of the peace of Westphalia, sustained, that this succession
was contrary to that treaty. And yet it is wished, that in full peace,
without title, without pretence, the Emperor should wrest from the
Dutch a property, the fruits of which will never indemnify them for
the sacrifices they have made for his house.
"They would have the Emperor an ambitious Prince, rolling the vastest
projects in his head. But with what eye will the other powers view an
usurpation, which they ought to seek to prevent by all the motives of
honor and of interest; even although it should be from the ambitious
idea of acting their part in the affairs of Europe? How? Shall he
expose himself in the present moment to spread the flames of a general
war in Europe, and to lose perhaps the Low Countries, which would be
from that moment surrounded by inimical powers. For what? To procure
to the inhabitants of Antwerp, the facility of conducting a few ships
into the German ocean.
"Holland is in the last degree of weakness, embarrassment, and
disunion; she has fear. Oh! yes; but the King of Prussia, but the
electors of Saxony and Palatine, but the King of France, would have
fear also; fear would unite them; and when one has a great deal, he
begins to have less fear.
"That which would make of Antwerp a new Sidon, or a new Carthage,
which would render this city the rival of Bordeaux, of Rouen, of
Amsterdam, and of London, would be infinitely prejudicial to the
French and the Russians. Either this business would be a part detached
from that of the ports of the channel, and of the Baltic sea, and, in
that case, France and Russia would not consent to build up a place of
commerce, which would flourish at their expense; they would oppose the
opening of a port, which would draw away the inhabitants from those,
which they are laboring to make flourish; or it would be composed of
branches torn from that which is done at the Texel, upon the Meuse,
and the Thames, and, in that case, they will refuse their consent to
this transplantation. If it is necessary, that the commerce of the
Dutch and the English should fall, Russia and France will choose to
take advantage of its decay, to transport it into their harbors."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 12th, 1781.
Sir,
The States of Holland and West Friesland are adjourned to the 27th. In
their last session, they consented to the augmentation of seventeen
thousand six hundred and eightysix land forces, according to the
plan, which the Council of State, in concert with the Stadtholder, had
formed, on the 18th of April, and which had been carried on the 19th
of the same month, to the Assembly of the States of the Province. They
have also taken the resolution to lend to the East India Company the
sum of one million two hundred thousand florins, at three per cent
interest, to be reimbursed in thirtythree years, in payments of
thirtysix thousand florins. The affairs of the Colony of Surinam are
about to engage the attention of government, according to a petition,
which the Deputies of the merchants of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam, and
Rotterdam, presented on the 6th, to the States of Holland and West
Friesland, and for which the merchants have demanded, in an audience,
which they have had of the Stadtholder, the support of His Most Serene
Highness. This petition was conceived in these terms.
PETITION FROM THE DEPUTIES OF DORT, HAERLEM, AMSTERDAM,
AND ROTTERDAM, TO HOLLAND AND WEST FRIESLAND.
"The merchants, deputies of the cities of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam,
and Rotterdam, represent in the most respectful manner, that the
mortal stagnation of navigation and of commerce, which cannot preserve
their well-being but by continual activity, has forced the petitioners
not to disguise any longer the fatal effects, and in circumstances,
when the naval force of the Republic is not yet in a state to procure
them a sufficient protection, to seek for themselves a succor, which,
in the extreme danger in which the colonies, which yet remain to the
State, and even the State itself, are found at this day, may serve
apparently to advance in more than one manner, the general interest
of this Republic; that the supplicants, both for themselves, and
speaking in favor and in the name of several thousands of their
fellow-citizens, have taken the part to present to their High
Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces, the petition,
a copy of which is here joined, and to which they respectfully refer,
as follows.
_Petition._
"That as your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, have always testified,
that the well-being of your fellow-citizens in general, and that of
merchants in particular, ought to be supported in every manner, the
petitioners assure themselves, that the more the danger becomes
imminent, the more the zeal of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses will
animate itself to prevent, under the divine blessing, the total ruin
of the essential sources of the existence of the country; so that this
danger being at present so great, and becoming from day to day more
pressing, the petitioners dare to promise themselves, on the part of
your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, all the succor and assistance
requisite, and to hope, that they shall not invoke in vain their
powerful support, relative to the prayer beforementioned. It is for
this, that the petitioners address themselves to this Sovereign
Assembly, in the manner the most respectful, and in a confidence the
most entire in the inclination of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses
for the protection of the citizens of the Republic, seriously praying,
that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to authorise
your Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General to concur in
directing, with all the earnestness possible, things in such a manner,
that there be given to the petition aforesaid a prompt and favorable
answer, and that measures be taken, to the end that the petitioners
and those who are otherwise interested with them, may enjoy without
delay the effect of a definitive determination, &c.
"To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United
Provinces give respectfully to understand, the undersigned
proprietors, and owners of vessels navigating to the Colony of
Surinam, owners of plantations, situated there, merchants and others
interested in the commerce of the said colony;
"That this Colony, independently of the interest, which the
undersigned, and a great number of others equally interested, take in
it, may be regarded as of the greatest importance for the Republic
itself, by reason of the very considerable revenues, which, for a long
course of years, it has procured, not only to the direction privileged
by grant, but also to the Republic itself, and which become every day
more lucrative, by the enormous expenses, which the proprietors of
plantations have made to cultivate new lands, and to improve the
culture of several territorial productions.
"To this effect, the petitioners refer to the estimate annexed,
containing the quantity of productions, which for some years have been
transported from the Colony into the ports of the country. That these
productions, after having been transported from this country, some
wrought up here, and others as they were received, procure continually
to the treasury of the Republic very important sums, proceeding from
different duties, which are directly or indirectly relative to them.
That the necessity to go in search of all these productions of the
Colony, and that of transporting thither provisions and other effects,
employs annually a large number of great ships, which are for the
most part fine frigates, solidly built, the number of which amounted
to more than fourscore, which all pay every voyage the duties of lest,
which are considerable, and serve, at the same time, for the
maintenance of a numerous body of navigators, which amount to about
three thousand well experienced seamen. That, moreover, the importance
of this Colony does not fall short in point of utility of any other,
both with relation to what has been alleged, and because, in exchange
for its productions, we receive here the precious metals, and the cash
of other nations, which remain in the bosom of the United Provinces;
while, on the contrary, it is necessary to export them to the East
Indies, there to pay for territorial productions, the manufactures of
the Indies; and the payments, which foreigners make to us, to procure
themselves merchandises, must equally return to the Indies for new
purchases. That thus the navigation and the commerce with this Colony
serve not only to the amelioration of the finances of the Republic,
and to the augmentation of the national cash; but they are still an
abundant source of general prosperity for the inhabitants, scattered
in the Seven Provinces.
"Many, by means of the free property of their plantations, draw from
thence important revenues, and encouraged by success make them largely
circulate; while a much larger number of our countrymen are the
bearers of obligations, carrying large interests negotiated upon
mortgages, the preservation of which is of the greatest weight,
considering that the sustenance of so many thousands of our
fellow-citizens depends upon them. That, moreover, all which serves
for housekeeping, all which is wanted for the culture of the land, the
building and repairing of edifices, and even eatables, must be
transported from hence into this Colony. This commerce, therefore,
cannot fail to procure to a great number of manufacturers, mercers,
and traders, a continual outlet, which even surpasses all belief, and
which is by so much the more useful, as this commerce consists for the
most part in objects furnished by our territory, either in raw
materials, or in things manufactured here. This article alone procures
the maintenance of an infinite number of artisans in the cities, and
of the cultivators of the field; without mentioning the construction
and repairs of a great number of vessels employed in this navigation;
of their provisions, both for the voyage and the return, which gives a
living to several thousands of men.
"That thus the public prosperity and that of individuals, so
intimately connected together, would both receive an irreparable blow,
if they were deprived of the advantages, which they draw from this
abundant source. That this misfortune has already denounced itself,
and in the most sensible manner from the commencement of this war, the
further consequences of which are so alarming, that they deserve to be
warded off or prevented by all means imaginable. That, nevertheless,
the petitioners on their part cannot otherwise obviate them, than by
putting the vessels they use in this navigation, in a necessary state
of defence, and in equipping them sufficiently for the war; which will
render them strong enough to repel all the enemy's privateers, of
whatever size, and that they may be able to defend themselves even
against the English men-of-war, and thereby assist and relieve the
military marine of the Republic.
"But that the excessively increased prices of everything, which
concerns the equipment of vessels, the bounties and the pay, risen to
near double, which must now be given to seamen, would render an
equipment of this nature so expensive, that the charges would never be
repaid by the freight. That, nevertheless, without an equipment of
such vessels, we should risk too much; this consideration has even
determined the owners, whose vessels were loaded before the hostile
attack of the English, to unload them and suspend the voyages, to the
great prejudice of the Colony, of themselves, and of their freighters.
That, moreover, they still find great difficulties to expedite their
ships; on the one hand, from the certainty that the passage to the
Colony and in the West Indies themselves, is infested with the enemy's
vessels of war and privateers, who by surprise have already made
themselves masters of a great number of our merchant vessels, and have
even invaded the defenceless possessions of the State, such as St
Eustatia, St Martins, Essequebo, and Demerara; on the other hand, in
the uncertainty whether this excellent Colony, in the neighborhood of
which, as they have learned, the enemy's squadrons cruise without
opposition, has not undergone the same fate; in which case their
valuable vessels with their rich cargoes, would fall into the power of
an enemy, who from the heights of fortresses, taken by surprise,
continue to display the Dutch flag, under shelter of which, and by
means of a certain number of vessels of war, he seizes upon merchant
ships destitute of defence, who, confiding in the public faith, go in
there without fear.
"That, nevertheless, if by these considerations and others of the same
nature, the navigation to this Colony is longer suspended, the
well-being of the Republic cannot avoid the most sensible prejudice,
and the Colony must be considered as abandoned; her inhabitants will
see themselves even reduced to deliver themselves into the hands of
their enemies, to the ruin and total loss not only of the classes the
most at their ease, but of all the inhabitants whatsoever of the
United Provinces; so that we ought not to delay a single moment, nor
neglect any means of encouragement or precaution to preserve them; so
much the rather, as it appears scarcely convenient under this
embarrassment, to invoke the assistance of foreign nations, to make
the transportation, and to go to the Colony and to return; because,
that in that case, we should lose this navigation, and we should lend
our own hand to the entire declension, not only of the aid furnished
to the treasury of the Republic, by the activity of this commerce and
this navigation, but also to the interruption of the sales of so many
manufacturers, mercers, and traders, and even to the entire privation
of the sustenance of an immense number of workmen and artisans, to
whom this construction of vessels and this navigation so extended,
procured their daily gain, which they cannot forego without being
reduced to the most deplorable situation. That this repugnance to
navigate on one's own account will be further followed by the
desertion of a great number of sailors, who for want of finding
employment here, and tempted by the advantageous promises of the
enemy, will go there in search of service, to the double detriment of
the public interest of the Republic. That the respectable fleet,
composed of valuable vessels destined to this navigation, would rot in
our ports, and the officers who command them, many of whom have not
been thought unworthy to be called to the service of their country,
would be obliged to abandon with their families this country, where
all the other means of gaining a livelihood fail more and more; and
as they have solely applied themselves to navigation, they would go in
search of their subsistence into places, where, by our interruption,
navigation makes new advances every day. That this method, indicated
by necessity, of recurring to foreign flags, by the more considerable
expenses which arise from it, would so absorb the revenues, that not
only no planter would be able, with the little which should remain to
him, to support his plantation, but, moreover, there would remain no
well-grounded hope for the great number of bearers of obligations to
flatter themselves with obtaining any payment, still less the entire
payment of the interests promised them; since without having yet
supported these additional expenses, and notwithstanding the excessive
prices at which the productions have been sold, they have seen
themselves forced to diminish considerably the interests, and in some
cases to suspend even the entire payment; without mentioning so many
other political considerations relative to this object, which cannot
escape the penetrating eye of the Sovereign, so that without hope of a
full protection, this single means of obtaining something, in ever so
small a degree, is even considered as very precarious, and as
augmenting more and more an inaction so fatal to a country, which
under the divine blessing, owes its prosperity so envied, to its
application, its valor, and the fortitude of its inhabitants. Time may
pass away, (and certainly the moments are too precious) before they
may dare to flatter themselves with a protection so efficacious, as
the danger of the crews, the valuable cargoes, and the pressing
necessity of the Colony require.
"That to this effect, the pensioners take the liberty to solicit your
High Mightinesses with profound respect, in case it is impossible to
grant immediately a sufficient escort to go to the Colony and return,
that in that case, as upon other occasions, it has been graciously
granted by your High Mightinesses, for the support of trade, the
equipment of vessels, societies, &c., to be so good also, as to grant
generously in favor of the equipments to make for this Colony,
Berbicia, and the interesting establishment of Curacao, an
encouragement equivalent to the design of the considerable
disbursements, which they will be obliged to make, to put their
vessels in a certain state of defence; and, moreover, for better order
and direction, to cause to be escorted, their ships sailing in
company, by as many vessels of war as it will be possible to spare for
this expedition. In fine, that under the good pleasure of your High
Mightinesses, and that these ships well armed may also serve to molest
as much as possible the enemy, there may be granted them letters of
marque and reprisals, under the customary condition, to the end that
they make use of them upon occasion, by the brave officers, which the
subscribers dare boast that they will employ in their ships."
This petition has been referred to the respective Deputies of the
Colleges of the Admiralty, to make report on it as soon as possible.
The Deputies of the merchants having beforehand solicited, in the most
pressing manner, the Prince Stadtholder, to support with his powerful
recommendation an affair of so great importance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 15th, 1781.
Sir,
The long expected courier has at last arrived at the Hague from St
Petersburg. The contents of his despatches are not public, but all
hopes of assistance from the armed neutrality seem to be dissipated.
The question now is, what is to be done next. Some are for alliances
with the house of Bourbon and America, but a thousand fears arise.
France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed
together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor
would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Holland, lest
they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between them. The
people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection.
They all speak the French language, are of the same religion, and the
policy of France in governing conquered Provinces, according to their
ancient usages, and with great moderation, has taken away all aversion
to a change of masters.
Some people think, that an alliance between France and Holland would
occasion a general war. This I think would be an advantage to America,
although philanthropy would wish to prevent the further effusion of
human blood.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.
Sir,
The answer from St Petersburg, as it is given to the public, is this;
"Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, That as much
as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their High
Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and more has her
compassionate heart been affected with the difficulties formed by the
Court of London, in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to
a subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all the
belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of Her Imperial
Majesty, and His Majesty, the Roman Emperor. As soon as this
negotiation shall take place, her Majesty promises beforehand to the
Republic, all the assistance, which depends upon her, to the end, that
the Republic may without delay, return into the rank of neutral
powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the
rights and advantages, which her accession to the engagements between
Her Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to assure
to her.
"In this expectation, the intention of Her Imperial Majesty is,
conjointly with their Majesties, to persuade that Court to that
moderation, and those pacific sentiments, which their High
Mightinesses, on their part have manifested. The Empress flatters
herself, that the times and the events, which may unexpectedly happen,
will bring forth circumstances of such a nature, as will put her in a
situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious, her good
will and her affection, of which she sincerely desires to be able to
give proof to their High Mightinesses."
This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture, but I
shall trouble Congress with a very few remarks upon it.
1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning
the justice or injustice of the war, between Great Britain and the
United Provinces, she imputes the ill success of her mediation between
them, to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.
2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High
Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London, for
opposite dispositions.
Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge
of her Imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.
3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for
peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the
Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London
does not admit the United States of America to be one of the
belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as
yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British
Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies
with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them, or some of them,
into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our
question.
4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this
mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left
to conjecture. The Dutch Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last
winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this
mediation with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions, viz.
that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of
America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty,
concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added,
that Holland should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral
power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we can only
conjecture.
5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or
are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to
persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive
this effort is to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should
still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.
6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances, which her
Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her
occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing
promised, yet it leaves room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high
allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which
accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige
Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join Holland in the war. But all this
is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can
be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a
general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an
insidious manoeuvre of the British Ministry, as I am that many
powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I
confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time,
because I should expect propositions for short truces, _uti
possidetis_, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more
embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater
hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the war, at the same time
it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense.
Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and
negotiations to that end, should be proposed to me, which they have
not as yet from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with
as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed them sincere.
Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance
from Europe. If all the negotiations of Congress can keep up the
reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from
joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties
in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation
for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by
persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them, and the
tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost
discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the
enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do
more for the public good.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.
Sir,
The Deputies of the city of Zieriksee have presented to their Noble
Mightinesses, the Lords, the States of Zealand, on the 12th of this
month, their advice concerning the report of the State, of the 19th
of April last, relative to the building of vessels of war, to be done
by the College of the Admiralty of this Province, in these words, viz.
"That the venerable Regency having seen, by the Memorial of the
gentlemen, the committees of the Admiralty of this Province, annexed
to the said report, the serious difficulties which appear to oppose
themselves to the resolution of building a larger number of vessels of
war and frigates, has thought itself obliged to declare, that it is
greatly afflicted at the dangerous situation in which the Republic and
this Province are at present, being involved in a ruinous war, and
almost entirely destitute of all convenient means, which could be
employed for the safety and defence of the country; that this great
distress might furnish to the venerable Regency, one of the best
occasions to enlarge in reflections, how, by prompt directions and
active foresight, in case that the re-establishment of our marine had
really been taken to heart, the greatest obstacles alleged in the
Memorial in question might have been prevented in time; but, that a
repetition of what ought to have been executed in time, would in no
degree ameliorate the present situation of affairs; and so much the
more, as it is indispensably necessary that the deliberations
concerning the further building of ships, should be at length
terminated; the venerable Regency, then, for the present, would
abstain from making even well founded observations, which,
nevertheless, they might allege, both with regard to the contents of
the Memorial in question, and to the means of advancing with greater
vigor the construction, or to put the marine upon a more respectable
footing by another way; they content themselves then, with declaring
simply, that they are ready to concur in the completion of the
aforesaid point of construction, either by conforming to the
disposition of this report, or in any other manner whatsoever, that a
general deliberation of all the members of the State may find the most
convenient.
"That, nevertheless, the venerable Regency cannot abstain from
remarking further here, that at the beginning of this war, they had
always been persuaded that the other confederates, whose sentiments
concerning the first causes of this war have continually influenced
those of Zealand, had taken the precautions necessary to be able to
oppose the enemy conveniently, either by the national forces, or by
the efficacious assistance of their allies, but that the issue of
affairs already shows visibly with how much lukewarmness and levity,
notwithstanding the serious exhortations and informations repeatedly
made by this Province, we have conducted ourselves both with regard to
the one and the other. The venerable Regency now sees the Republic at
this moment deprived of all foreign succor, and abandoned to herself
against a formidable enemy.
"That, as such a dangerous situation ought naturally to excite in all
those who participate in the public government, and really take to
heart the true interests of their country, a redoubled zeal to set
immediately at work, and in proportion to the danger, all the means of
defence imaginable, and to employ them to protect, in the most
effectual manner, their country, her commerce and possessions, and to
annoy the enemy; the venerable Regency, seeing on the contrary, that
the indolence, the inactivity, and even the continual indifference,
are only increasing more and more, and that public affairs are
administered in a manner, which cannot be reconciled with the danger
to which the Republic is exposed, judge, in consequence, that the
Lords, the States of this Province, will not be able longer to see,
without speaking out, a situation so perilous; but that they ought to
examine seriously the true causes and reasons of all this, to the end,
that when we have obtained the explanations which we have a right to
require, we may take, with the most serious zeal, the resolutions
proper to maintain the excellent prerogatives, which we yet possess,
and to guard against such misfortunes.
"That the venerable Regency, having learnt with a great deal of
satisfaction that similar observations have been made by other members
of the body politic, hope that the deliberations concerning an object
of this importance will be no longer delayed; but they trust that the
affair, for which the advice of the gentlemen of Middleburg carried on
the 15th of May to the Assembly of the States has been sent back, will
be discussed as soon as possible, and without delay. The venerable
Regency declaring, that they shall be always disposed to co-operate in
taking every measure proper to obtain an end so salutary."
Thus we see, that two cities of Zealand, Middleburg and Zieriksee, are
co-operating with Amsterdam, Haerlem, Dort, Delft, &c. in order to
arouse the Republic to action; how many months or years may roll away
before they succeed, it is impossible for me to say, because it will
depend upon events of war, reports of peace, and the councils of other
sovereigns in Europe, as yet inscrutable, but it will depend upon
nothing more than the fate of Clinton and Cornwallis in America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.
Sir,
The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair
advantage of the present circumstances, to introduce a flourishing
commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making treaties with
England, or waging war in its favor. His Imperial, Royal, and
Apostolical Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the
shackles, which restrained the commerce and the communication of the
port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country, and to discharge by
his gracious decree, the commerce from the charges and impositions
which were raised on the lands bordering upon the said port, under the
denomination of Vate, Geld, Hast-Geld, Myle-Geld, &c. The
frequentation of the port of Nieuport presents all the facilities
which the merchants can require. Thus the city of Nieuport enjoys the
most extensive privileges, both for storage and transportation to
foreigners.
We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and commissioners,
who will all serve punctually. The communications, both to the
interior parts of the country and to foreigners, are free and easy,
both by land, by means of the new causeway of Nieuport, which
communicates with all the roads, and by water by means of the direct
canals of Nieuport, to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to
Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence further on. One passes by the
canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly in the same space of time, that
we pass by the canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these canals have
daily barks ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandises,
and effects. The fishery of the sea, both of fresh fish, and of all
sorts of herring and cod, is at Nieuport, in the most flourishing
state, and enjoys there every privilege and exemption. The distillery
of gin in the Dutch way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent gin,
the transportation and expedition of which enjoys the greatest
facilities. And the government of his Imperial Majesty, in the Low
Countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges and facilities,
which can tend to the well-being of the inhabitants, and of the
commerce of the city and port of Nieuport. I should rejoice at these
measures, for the benefit which American commerce would receive from
them, provided the Emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods
from Germany and not from England; but immense quantities of British
manufactures will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges.
This is a subject, which deserves the serious consideration of every
American. British manufactures are going in vast quantities to
America, from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France, and Sweden, as
well as by the way of New York and Charleston, &c. Whether it is
possible to check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not; and
whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that were
practicable, is made a question by many. If the Germans, the Dutch,
the French, and Spaniards, or any other nations, would learn a little
commercial policy, and give a credit to Americans, as the British
merchants do, and encourage in their own countries manufactures,
adapted to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain that
in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to put an end to the
trade in British goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the
enemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring
the war to a conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England,
and the duties paid at the custom houses have been increasing these
two or three years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of
the American trade by neutral bottoms, and by other clandestine
channels.
Any American merchant by going over to London, obtains a credit. The
language of the London merchants to the American merchants is, "Let us
understand one another, and let the governments squabble." But
Americans ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our
allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it very
difficult to do it.
I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost us more blood,
than the difference between them and others is worth.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.
Sir,
The rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken by the Regency of
Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republic. The city of
Amsterdam, finding that their proposition of the 18th of last month
was not sufficient to change the conduct of administration, have
ventured on another manoeuvre. On the 8th of this month, as soon as
the States of Holland were separated, two Burgomasters of Amsterdam,
M. Tenminck and M. Rendorp, accompanied with M. Vesser, the Pensionary
of the city, demanded an audience of the Prince Stadtholder, who
granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience, they made to
the Prince, by word of mouth, a representation, which they repeated in
a memorial sent on the 14th, to the Counsellor Pensionary of the
Province, the substance of which is as follows. The gentlemen of
Amsterdam, said,
"That their proposition of the 18th of May last, founded perhaps upon
former examples, did not result from any suspicions with regard to the
good dispositions and intentions of his Most Serene Highness, which
they had no reason to distrust, although the Regency of the city of
Amsterdam had learned with the most profound grief, that evil minded
persons had endeavored to insinuate the contrary to his Most Serene
Highness; but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose
influence over the mind of his Most Serene Highness was held for the
most immediate cause, of the sloth and weakness in the administration
of affairs, which as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to
the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected, but in
vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the Republic found
itself involved, would have, in the end, given rise to serious
deliberations upon the means, which we ought to employ in their order
and with more vigor; but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless,
and, that as the question now in agitation was concerning the safety
of their dear country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of his Most
Serene Highness and his house, in one word, of everything which is
dear to the inhabitants of the Republic, the Regency of Amsterdam had
judged, that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by
their silence, of a neglect of their duty.
"That, although with regret, they see themselves obliged to take this
step, and to represent to his Highness with all due respect, but at
the same time with all that frankness and freedom, which the
importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that,
according to the general opinion, the Field Marechal, the Duke Louis
of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, is held for the primary cause of the
miserable and defective state in which this country finds itself, in
regard to its defence, of all the negligence of duty, which has taken
place with respect to this subject, and of all the perverse measures,
which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal consequences
which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his
Highness, that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person
and administration of the Duke, were risen to such a height, that
there was reason to apprehend from them, events the most melancholy,
and the most disagreeable for the public prosperity and the general
tranquillity.
"That there was no doubt that the same assertion had been made to his
Highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it
ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the
resentment of the Duke, while, at the same time, they dared to appeal
in this respect, with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all
the members of government, gentlemen of honor and frankness, that his
Serene Highness would interrogate upon this subject, after having
assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and
after having exhorted them to tell him the truth, according to their
duty and their conscience.
"That the Regents of Amsterdam, had learned more than once with grief,
that the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province had complained, in
presence of divers members of the Regency of Holland, of the
misunderstanding which took place between him, the Counsellor
Pensionary, and the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has
upon the spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for the good
of the country had often been rendered fruitless.
"That this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments between
the principal Counsellor of his Serene Highness and the first Minister
of this Province, might not only have consequences the most
prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make
the strongest instances, to the end, to remove the source of this
distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment
of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of
saving the Republic.
"That nothing was more necessary for the well-being of the illustrious
House of his Highness, to maintain his authority, to preserve to him
the esteem and the attachment of the nation, and for his own
reputation with the neighboring powers, since they could assure, and
they ought to advertise his Highness, that it is possible he may
become one day the object of the indifference and distrust of the
public, instead of being and continuing always the worthy object of
the love and esteem of the people; and the Regencies, as they made the
sincerest wishes, that his Highness and his illustrious posterity
might constantly enjoy them, considering, that thereon depended in a
great measure, the conservation of the well-being of their country,
and of the House of Orange.
"That although they know very well, that the members of the
sovereignty have always a right, and that their duty requires them
even to expose their sentiments to his Highness and their co-regents,
concerning the state and administration of public affairs, they
should, however, have now voluntarily spared the present measure, if
there had been only the smallest hope of amendment or alteration, but
that from the aforesaid reasons, they dared not longer flatter
themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the highest point,
it appeared that there was no other part to take, but to lay open in
this manner to his Highness the real situation of affairs, praying him
most earnestly to take it into serious consideration, and no longer
listen to the counsels and insinuations of a man, upon whom the hatred
of the great and the little was accumulated, and whom they regard as a
stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our form of government,
and not having a sincere affection for the Republic.
"That the Regents of Amsterdam were very far from desiring to accuse
this nobleman of that of which, however, he was too publicly charged;
or to consider as well founded, the suspicions of an excessive
attachment to the Court of London, of bad faith and of corruption,
that they assure themselves, that a person of so illustrious a birth
and so high rank, is incapable of such baseness; but that they judge,
that the unfortunate ideas, which have been unhappily conceived with
regard to him, and which have caused a general distrust, have rendered
him absolutely useless and hurtful to the service of the country, and
of his Highness.
"That thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the direction of
affairs, from the person and Court of his Highness, as being a
perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment of that good harmony, so
highly necessary between his Highness and the principal members of the
State, while his continuance would but too much occasion the distrust
conceived of his counsels, to fall, whether with or without reason,
upon the person, and the administration of his Highness himself.
"That these representations did not proceed from a principle of
personal hatred or private rancor against the Duke, who, in former
times, has had reason to value himself on the benevolence and real
proofs of the affection of the Regency of Amsterdam; but that they
ought to protest before God and the world, that the conservation of
their country, and of the illustrious House of his Highness, and the
desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been the only motives of
these representations.
"That they had seen themselves obliged to them, both in quality of
citizens of the country, and as an integral member of its sovereign
Assembly, to the end to make by this step one last effort, and to
furnish yet, perhaps in time, a means of saving, under the blessing of
the Almighty, the vessel of the State from the most imminent dangers,
and conduct it to a good port, or at least, in every case, to acquit
themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their consciences, and to
place themselves in safety from all reproach from the present age, and
from posterity."
To this representation, the Duke has made an answer to their High
Mightinesses, in which he demands an inquiry and a vindication of his
honor, as dearer to him than his life. This answer will be transmitted
as soon as possible. The transaction will form a crisis, but what will
be the result of this, or any other measure taken in this country, I
cannot pretend to foretel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 27th, 1781.
Sir,
Major Jackson has been some time here, in pursuance of instructions
from Colonel Laurens, in order to despatch the purchase of the goods,
and the shipping of the goods and cash, for the United States, which
are to go by the South Carolina.
But when all things appeared to be ready, I received a letter from his
Excellency Dr Franklin, informing me that he feared his funds would
not admit of his accepting bills for more than fifteen thousand pounds
sterling, the accounts of the Indian and the goods amounted to more
than fifty thousand pounds, which showed that there had not been an
understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between the Doctor,
and the Colonel. There was, however, no remedy but a journey to Passy,
which Major Jackson undertook, despatched the whole business, and
returned to Amsterdam in seven days, so that I hope now there will be
no more delays.
Major Jackson has conducted, through the whole of his residence here,
as far as I have been able to observe, with great activity and
accuracy in business, and an exemplary zeal for the public service.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 29th, 1781.
Sir,
On the 21st of this month, the Field Marechal, Duke Louis, of
Brunswick, presented to the States-General the following paper.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"It is not without the greatest reluctance, that I see myself forced
to interrupt the important deliberations of your High Mightinesses,
and to have recourse to you in an affair, which indeed regards me
personally, but the simple explanation of which, I assure myself, will
prove, that if I should neglect this step, I should be essentially
wanting to the dignity of character, with which your High Mightinesses
have clothed me.
"After having passed in 1750 into the service of the State, it pleased
your High Mightinesses, by your resolution of the 13th of November of
the same year, to create me Field Marechal of your troops. When,
afterwards, the arrangements for the tuition of the Stadtholder in his
minority were resolved on, by express resolutions of all the High
Confederates, and it was resolved, that his Highness should be
represented in the administration of his military employments, your
High Mightinesses then condescended, by honoring me with their
distinguished confidence, to confer upon me, by your resolution of the
13th of January, 1759, the title of the representative of the Prince
Stadtholder, as Captain-General during the time of his minority.
"I shall say nothing of the resolutions, which your High Mightinesses
and the respective Provinces took on the 8th of March, 1766, the day
of the majority of the Prince, and in the sequel, under different
dates, relative to the manner in which I had answered to the
confidence, which you had condescended to put in me. These resolutions
are too flattering to be recited here; they are, however, sure
pledges, that at that time, at least, I had the good fortune to see my
conduct and my services rendered to the State, approved by the high
government. In fine, your High Mightinesses continued to honor me with
your confidence, even after the time of the minority of the
Stadtholder. You took on the same 8th of March, 1766, the resolution
to cause to be solicited by your Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of
Vienna, the consent of her Imperial and Royal Majesty, in whose
service I was also engaged as Field Marechal, to continue me still in
the same quality in the service of your High Mightinesses. The
pleasure of her Majesty being obtained, I did not refuse this honor,
but continued vested with the character of Field Marechal of the
troops of the State, in the service of your High Mightinesses.
"Having thus filled for more than thirty years, under the eyes of
their High Mightinesses, and in a manner which is sufficiently known
to you, the employments which you had confided to me, could I have
expected that they would one day render my person the object of the
public hatred to such a degree, that I could be exposed to the step
which they have taken upon my subject; a step the most dishonorable to
the character, with which your High Mightinesses have condescended to
invest me, and which puts me in the absolute necessity of addressing
myself this day to you.
"In effect, High and Mighty Lords, after having seen myself in
public, the object of accusations and calumnies the most atrocious,
(but which I have always despised as such, and of which I shall never
take notice, while no one presents himself to support them) after that
they had excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be no
longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to suffer, that
the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, and namely the
two reigning Burgomasters, Messieurs Temminck and Rendorp, accompanied
with the Pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to my
Lord, the Prince of Orange, and in presence of the Counsellor
Pensionary of Holland, should have read to him a certain memorial, in
the name and by the order of their constituents, who are therein
throughout introduced as speaking in the name of the Regency of
Amsterdam, and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an
upright heart. It is true, that the Deputies whom I have just named,
took back with them this memorial; but, since, changing their plan,
they have thought fit to transmit it, on the 14th of the month, by the
Burgomaster Rendorp, not indeed in the name of the Regency of
Amsterdam, but in that of the gentlemen the Burgomasters to the
Counsellor Pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the Prince, to
whom they left the liberty to make such use of it as should seem to
him convenient.
"Informed in this way, and by the communication which his Highness
made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial, I there found so
long a concatenation of expressions and reasonings, each more
insulting than the other, against my person, which I should be afraid
to abuse the attention of your High Mightinesses by inserting them
here; lest, however, I should represent them out of their order, and
the chain which connects them together, your High Mightinesses will
pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe from the memorial, the periods
which relate to me, and by which I am attacked.
"After having made several reflections, which in nowise concern me,
and which I ought, consequently, to leave to be answered by those who
are attacked by them, but which tend to justify the proposition, which
the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, made the 18th of
May last, in the Assembly of the States of Holland in particular, to
join to his Highness a privy council or committee, the gentlemen, the
Burgomasters, continue to address themselves to the Prince literally
in these terms."
[Here follows the substance of the representations of the
Burgomasters, contained in my letter to Congress, of the 26th of June,
1781.]
"In those pieces, which I have just now literally related, your High
Mightinesses will perceive, and probably not without indignation, that
after a train of reflections, each more injurious than the other, in
which there is no accusation against me as Field Marechal, and which,
moreover, are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments and
reports artfully circulated, that nevertheless the gentlemen, the
Burgomasters, have judged it necessary to insist that his Highness
would remove me from his person and Court, in a manner the most
disgraceful, and condemn me without further examination, as a criminal
attainted and convicted to dishonorable exile.
"I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied with so many
odious and humiliating expressions, which is not made by simple
individuals, but a deputation of two reigning Burgomasters, with the
Pensionary of one of the most considerable cities of Holland, in the
name and by the order of the Regency of that city, (according to the
terms of the memorial, although according to the letter whereof I have
spoken of the Burgomaster Rendorp, it was only in the name of the
gentlemen, the Burgomasters of that city) and that in a formal manner,
after mature deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in
the most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial, and causing it
to be sent to his Highness, I cannot, I say, but consider this
proceeding as wounding, in the most violent manner, my character and
my person; and in this same writing, where they dare not specify any
crime to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge the
falsity of the reports which have circulated against me, and of the
suspicions of an excessive and illicit attachment to the English
Court, of bad faith and of corruption, they appear, notwithstanding,
to give credit to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me
the blame of the evils of the times, to the end, to exculpate those
who are the true causes of it. I should think myself unworthy of
bearing any longer the character that your High Mightinesses have
confided to me, if I testified upon this article an indifference or an
insensibility.
"I dare also assure myself, that your High Mightinesses will consider
my proceeding in the same point of light, and that they will agree
with me, that it is of the highest importance to know, if he, whom
your High Mightinesses have clothed with the dignity of Field
Marechal, whom they have engaged and continued in their service in the
manner abovementioned, is in fact the true cause of the deplorable
state of the weakness of the Republic, of all the negligence they
suppose to have taken place, of all the false steps, that they say
have been taken, and of all the unhappy consequences, that have
resulted from them. Your High Mightinesses are to examine in the most
exact manner, things so interesting, and to see if this person is the
source of the distrust and disunion; for what reasons he would be
totally unuseful and prejudicial to the service of the State and of
his Highness; what are the proofs of his want of affection to the
country; in one word, for what reason he should be hereafter unworthy
of the confidence of the Prince, who is placed at the head of this
Republic, to whose testimony I here take the liberty of appealing;
finally, for what reason he hath merited to be removed from the person
of his Highness, and of his Court, as a perpetual obstacle to the good
intelligence between his Highness and the Court.
"And as my honor is more dear to me than life, and as I am attacked in
a part so sensible, it is also for this reason, and in consideration
of that, which I owe to myself even, and to the relations, which I
have as well with this State and to your High Mightinesses, as to
those which I still have with his Imperial and Royal Majesty, to which
otherwise I should be too much wanting, that I see myself obliged to
address myself to your High Mightinesses, and by them to all the
confederates, to supplicate them respectfully, and to insist in the
most express manner, that your High Mightinesses would deign, after
the most severe and scrupulous examination, to take such measures in
protecting efficaciously the character, which your High Mightinesses
have confided to me, that I may be justified in a proper manner from
the blame, that the abovementioned proceeding hath cast upon me, and
that so sensible an affront as hath been offered me by it, may be
suitably repaired; that to this end it may please your High
Mightinesses to direct things in such a manner, that the four reigning
Burgomasters of Amsterdam, who have caused to be delivered in their
name the said Memorial, according to the letter of Burgomaster
Rendorp, be obliged, as well as the Pensionary Vischer, to allege the
reasons they have had of injuring me so grievously as they have done
by the said proceeding, and by the accusation, therein contained, and
to verify the whole in a suitable manner, which I cannot but consider
all that, which is there said as calumnies, and that they may be
obliged, moreover, to specify more precisely the other heads of
accusation, that they pretend to allege to my charge, and to bring the
requisite judiciary proofs of them; and in case that they can specify
nothing, or that they cannot prove sufficiently their allegations,
that the authors of the infamous reports circulated against me may be
sought out, to the end, that they may be punished as calumniators,
according to their deserts; finally, that your High Mightinesses will
then, conjointly with all the confederates, take such justificatory
resolutions, as will save my honor and my reputation in the nation,
and in the eyes of all Europe; that thus I may be placed in a
situation to support with proper dignity the character, which your
High Mightinesses have given me, and that I may obtain the
satisfaction, that your High Mightinesses, according to their profound
wisdom and known equity, shall judge equivalent to the affront offered
to my character and my relations.
"I have the honor to be, with the most sincere and respectful
attachment, High and Mighty Lords, your High Mightinesses' most
humble, most obedient, and faithful servant, L. DUC DE BRUNSVIC."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, July 5th, 1781.[1]
Sir,
The following is an extract from the registry of the resolutions of
their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of
the Low Countries.
_Thursday, June the 20th, 1781._ His Serene Highness, the Prince of
Orange and Nassau, having appeared in the Assembly, made to their High
Mightinesses the following proposition.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"I have judged necessary to propose to your High Mightinesses to
examine, with the greatest care, if, since the present troubles have
arisen, proper attention has been paid to the placing the marine of
the State in that situation, that it had been able to act
efficaciously against an enemy, particularly one so strongly armed by
sea as the kingdom of Great Britain is, or if any negligence or
supineness hath had place in that respect, and in that case, to what
it ought to be attributed; and to the end to receive the necessary
information on that head, to write to the respective Colleges of
Admiralty, that they may make report, and declare how many vessels
they had in 1776, and how many were then equipped, and with how many
men, what they have done since the English have begun to molest the
ships of the inhabitants of this country, employed in the West India
trade under pretext of the disputes arisen with their colonies in
North America, and by consequence from the end of 1776 and the
beginning of 1777, to place themselves as much as was possible and in
their power, in a state to protect the commerce of this country, and
what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that
it was to be feared, that the Republic would have a share in them, for
to put it as much as depended on them, in a state of not only
protecting her commerce, but also to be able to assist in defending
the country, and in attacking the enemy; if they have been active to
effect that, which hath been resolved by your High Mightinesses for
this object, or if there has been a negligence in this respect; and in
that case, for what reason they have not executed these resolutions;
if it has been possible for them to furnish the ships put in
commission and equip them, to the end, that it may appear from whence
it arises, that the Republic finds itself in so deplorable a state of
defence by sea, which is certainly the point the most interesting in
this war, and upon which all the inhabitants of this country have an
eye. Although on this occasion I make only mention of the defence by
sea, I esteem it necessary to represent to your High Mightinesses,
that I am very far from avowing by that, that the land forces of this
State are sufficient to assure us, that the country is in a
respectable state of defence by land.
"I do not think myself under the necessity of justifying my conduct,
and that your High Mightinesses are ignorant of the efforts I have
made since my majority to place everything, which regards this
Republic, in a respectable posture of defence; nevertheless, I have
thought it in my power to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I
have on more than one occasion, given it as my opinion, that this
Republic ought to be placed not only by land but also by sea, in a
proper state of defence, to the end to be able to maintain its liberty
and independence, and not to be obliged to take measures contrary to
the true interests of the country; but conformable to those of a power
from whose menaces it has at length more to fear, because it is not in
a state to resist it.
"It is for that reason that even in the beginning of 1771, I have
given to understand, that the Deputies of the Province of Holland and
West Friesland had proposed in the assembly of your High Mightinesses,
by the express orders of the gentlemen, the States their constituents,
to cause to be formed a petition for the construction of twentyfour
vessels of war; that I have not neglected to insist upon all
occasions, as well upon the re-establishment of the marine as upon the
augmentation of the land forces, and to press particularly more than
once the conclusion of the petition for the construction of vessels.
"It is for the same reason, that in the beginning of the year 1775,
upon occasion of the exertions made by the gentlemen, the Commissaries
of your High Mightinesses for the affairs of war, with some members of
the Council of State, to conciliate the different sentiments of the
respective confederates, in regard to the plan of augmentation of the
land forces, proposed by the Council of State, the 19th of July, 1773,
I have made a conciliatory proposition to this purport, viz. 'that
the sum for the department of war should be fixed at six hundred
thousand florins for the marine, and to make amends for that, that the
sum of one million five hundred thousand florins demanded in 1773, for
an augmentation to be made of the land forces, should be reduced to
nine hundred thousand florins;' which proposition was embraced at that
time by the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland, Friesland,
Overyssel, and Gronigen, but hath had no further operation.
"I shall not allege here the entreaties that I have annually made with
the Council of State by the general petition; but shall communicate
only to your High Mightinesses the proposition that I have made to the
assembly of the gentlemen, the States of Holland and West Friesland,
the 10th of March, 1779, which is of the same tenor with the letter I
wrote the same day to the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland,
Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, a copy of which
I have the honor to remit to your High Mightinesses. I cannot disguise
that in my opinion it was to have been wished, that what I then
proposed had been more attended to, since I dare assure myself that if
the republic had found it good at that time to have caused to be armed
fifty or sixty vessels well equipped, and provided with every
necessary, whereof not less than twenty or thirty should have been of
the line, and to have augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty
thousand men of foot, it would not have found itself in its present
unhappy circumstances, but it would have been respected as an
independent State by all the powers, it would have been able to
maintain the system of neutrality, which it had embraced; and it would
have seen itself in a state to promise itself with reason, under the
divine benediction, that in giving great weight to the party to which
it should be joined, it would not have been to be feared that any
power whatsoever would have attacked it, but that it would have been
managed by each, and that her friendship being sought by all, and not
giving to any one of them just causes of complaint, it would have
obtained the esteem and confidence of all the powers, which would have
produced the best effects for the true interests of this State,
certainly and in every case, if it had been attacked by an unjust war,
to which a State is always exposed, it would have seen itself in a
state to make an opposition with hopes of success, and of obliging the
enemy to seek the friendship of this State, upon honorable terms for
the Republic."
The following is the letter from his Serene Highness to the Lords, the
States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and
Groningen, dated March 10th, 1779.
"Noble and Mighty Lords, intimate and good Friends;--We think
ourselves obliged to communicate to your Noble Mightinesses our
sentiments respecting one of the most important objects of your
deliberations, viz. we are very far from judging that it would be
expedient that this Republic should renounce the lawful rights, which
appertain to its inhabitants in virtue of solemn treaties; we think,
on the contrary, that they ought to be maintained by all the means
that Providence hath placed in the hands of this Republic, but that it
belongs only to your Noble Mightinesses, and to the Noble Mighty
Lords, the States of the other Provinces to decide, when it is time
that their High Mightinesses ought to take the resolution of granting
an unlimited protection to their commercial inhabitants, and that
their High Mightinesses not having engaged themselves by any treaty
whatsoever with any foreign power, to protect all branches of commerce
without distinction, no one hath a right to exact from them, that, in
granting protection, they ought to grant it to all vessels without
distinction, without leaving to their prudence to decide if they are
in a condition to protect all the branches of commerce; and if they
can do it in the present moment without hazarding important interests,
and exposing themselves to the greatest danger.
"We think, then, that in this case it will be proper to pay no regard
to anything else than the true interests of the Republic, and it is
for this reason that before a final resolution is taken to convoy
vessels loaded with wood, it would be necessary to examine the state
of the Republic, both by land and sea. In our opinion, nothing will be
more expedient for this Republic than an exact and punctual
neutrality, without prejudicing the treaties which it has with foreign
powers, but we think that to maintain and support it efficaciously,
and not only for so long a time as it may please one of the
belligerent powers to require of the Republic, in a violent and
threatening manner, that it takes a part, that it will be proper that
the Republic be put in an armed state, that to this end it will be
necessary to equip at least fifty or sixty vessels, not less than
twenty or thirty of them of the line, and to augment the land forces
to fifty or sixty thousand men, and that the frontier places should be
put in a proper state of defence, and the magazines provided with the
requisite munitions of war. In which case we are of opinion, that the
Republic would be respected by all the powers, and could do, without
obstacle, what is permitted it by the treaties, or would not be
prevented from doing and acting what it should judge proper to its
true interests.
"For these reasons we judge, that the fidelity we owe to our country
requires us to offer this consideration to the enlightened minds of
your Noble Mightinesses, and to give your Noble Mightinesses the
deliberation of it, to take a resolution, to the end that by the
construction of a considerable number of vessels, and particularly of
the line, the marine may be reinforced, and that by the augmentation
of the monthly pay or premiums, or by such other arrangements as your
Noble Mightinesses, and the Lords, the States of the other Provinces,
shall judge proper, it may be effected that the sailors necessary to
equip them be procured, and that at the same time your Noble
Mightinesses grant the sums for the necessary augmentation, to the end
to carry the land forces to the number of fifty or sixty thousand men,
and for the petitions respecting the fortifications and magazines.
"When your Noble Mightinesses and the Lords the States of the other
Provinces shall have done that, and this reinforcement, both by sea
and land, shall have been carried into execution, we think that this
is the epoch when the Republic may with advantage, and as an
independent State, take the resolution of maintaining the rights which
appertain to their inhabitants according to the treaties, and
particularly that of Marine, in 1674. But before the Republic is put
in a respectable state of defence, we should fear, that a resolution
to take under convoy all vessels indiscriminately, according to the
letter of the said treaty, and particularly vessels loaded with ship
timber, might have very bad consequences for the true interests of
this State, and expose the honor of its flag to
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