An Historical View of the Philippine Islands, Vol 1 (of 2)
by Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga · English · Gutenberg #39010 · 335,342 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: An Historical View of the Philippine Islands, Vol 1 (of 2)
Author: Joaquín Martínez de Zúñiga
Translator: John Maver
Release date: February 29, 2012 [eBook #39010]
Most recently updated: January 8, 2021
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, VOL 1 (OF 2) ***
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AN
HISTORICAL VIEW
OF THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
EXHIBITING
THEIR DISCOVERY, POPULATION, LANGUAGE,
GOVERNMENT, MANNERS, CUSTOMS,
PRODUCTIONS AND COMMERCE.
FROM THE SPANISH OF
Martinez de Zuniga.
PUBLISHED AT MANILA, 1803.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
WITH
A NEW AND ACCURATE MAP OF THE ISLANDS,
FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE.
TRANSLATED
BY JOHN MAVER, ESQ.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. ASPERNE, CORNHILL; AND NONAVILLE
AND FELL, NEW BOND-STREET:
By T. Davison, Whitefriars.
1814.
INTRODUCTION.
The original, of which the following translation is offered to the
English reader, is, probably, the only copy which has yet reached this
country. Whether the chance which threw it in the way of the translator
may be deemed fortunate or otherwise must be left to the decision
of the candid public; but it appeared to him that the information
it contains respecting a Spanish colony, the most interesting of any
other to a British subject, supplies that desideratum so much wanted
in our language;--a correct view down to a very late period of the
Spanish establishments in the Philippines.
The position of these islands, and, indeed, that of the eastern
Archipelago generally, whether considered in a political or commercial
point of view, is sufficiently important. They form the entrepot
of Europe, India, China, the immensely extended regions of Spanish
America, the north-western coasts of the new, and north-eastern coasts
of the old world; and in the storms which at present convulse the
political atmosphere of Europe, as well as that of both the Americas,
it is not easy even to conjecture what may be their fate.
The productions of these islands are various, and of a value and
importance unquestionably high. In the hands of an industrious
population, and under a fostering government, there is scarcely any
vegetable substance which, by slender exertion, they may not be made
to yield, whilst the choicest treasures of the mineral kingdom, lodged
beneath their irregular surface, minister largely to the cupidity,
and furnish materials for the more enterprising labours of man.
Gold is in abundance; iron, steel, copper, lead, pitch and tar, hemp,
cotton, indigo, sugar, cocoa, pepper, betel, cowries, tortoiseshell,
mother of pearl and pearls, hides, coyar, tobacco, corn and rice
excellent and abundant, with a variety of other productions, contribute
to the wants of commerce; while in this enumeration will be found all
the articles which, with the aid of the finest building timber in the
world, are requisite for the construction and complete equipment of
ships of every description.
The established intercourse of these islands with Japan and
China offers a ready transit for manufactures; and although it is
understood that the East India Company furnishes an adequate supply
of our woollen staple to the China market, we may yet fairly expect
that British enterprize will not overlook the advantages which the
opening of the India trade holds out in this quarter; nor will the
introduction of British manufactures into these islands, either with
an ultimate view to the above markets, or to those of Spanish America,
in any material degree interfere with the staple trade of the Company:
there is full scope for adventure in this new vineyard, and labourers
will not be wanting.
The political jealousy, and the national and religious prejudices
of the Spaniards, have till lately opposed a bar to an extended
intercourse with the Philippines; but the tide which hitherto
has flowed in that direction seems of late to have commenced its
ebb. The events of the last twenty years have been in their nature
so extraordinary, and in their effects so powerful a solvent of all
the prejudices, fostered by ignorance and superstition, that the dawn
of a new day seems to open upon mankind. Let us hope that while these
clouds vanish before the morning sun, the great bonds of society will
remain unbroken, and that the liberties of Europe, and consequently
those of the world, will be fixed on a permanent foundation.
The well-wisher to the temporal and eternal felicity of the human
race will hail, with becoming exultation, the opportunity which
it is hoped will now be offered of spreading the Christian faith,
and amicably and peaceably lending the reformed religion in aid of
the Catholic missions, to civilize the population of this extensive
portion of the eastern hemisphere.
As a literary production, the original has probably little claim to
merit, the author conveying his matter in a style more monastic than
flowing; at the same time that he seems to be generally under the
influence of that bias, which an early seclusion from life entails
upon the mind, and upon which even his official opportunities of
intercourse with the best society in Manila seem to have had a very
limited effect. The translator has found him too often occupying
his pages with contentions between the respective religious orders,
insignificant in their nature even to a Spaniard, and so much more so
to the English reader, that he has taken the liberty of altogether
omitting them in the translation, except where connected with the
political affairs of the settlement; and although by these means
several of the chapters are reduced to almost nominal importance;
yet considering the division of the subject in this form as adopted
on fair grounds by the author, he hopes he will be deemed justifiable
in retaining it even with the sacrifice of something of appearance.
Having said as much as he hopes can be urged against the original
production, the translator willingly advocates Zuniga's cause
in respect to its intrinsic value, as giving to the public the
only correct view of this interesting settlement, purporting to be
brought down to the peace of 1763; but in fact, as we may reasonably
conclude, extended to the period of publication at Manila in 1803. From
information which may be fully relied on, it appears that Zuniga may,
with more propriety, be deemed the editor than the author, as he was in
Manila, and superintended the publication in 1803; with the credit of
having only arranged for the press the papers of a deceased collector;
a conclusion justified by the circumstance of the work closing with
the peace of 1763, for there could not be any very solid reason for his
declining an account of the forty years intervening between that event
and the period of publication, had he himself been the author. If,
however, we are by these means without a detail of the actual events
which took place, it is probable we may have less cause for regret on
account of the very limited progress which we well know improvement,
or even amelioration, have been suffered to make under the Spanish
monarchy during the period in question. At any rate, we have grounds
for supposing that if any alteration, favourable or unfavourable, has
taken place, Zuniga has contrived to weave it into the work; for it is
asserted by those whose residence renders them competent judges, that
the view he gives of the settlement is correct to the latest period.
The origin and language of these islanders have engaged the attention
of our ablest orientalists. From certain similar characteristics in
the persons of the inhabitants of the interior, or aborigines of the
islands, they have hitherto had an African origin assigned to them;
and nearly from the same source (Madagascar), it has been supposed that
the Malay population has flowed, which has in a great measure inundated
the Archipelago, as well as some parts of the continental coasts.
Similarity, or even approximation of language and manners
unquestionably offer great facilities in enquiries of this nature,
and they have accordingly been resorted to by all our oriental
physiologists in their researches respecting the eastern Archipelago;
and so far as regards the Malays and Malayan language, these researches
have been attended with corresponding success; but in respect to the
aboriginal language, or Tagalic, very slight attempts have been made
to trace it beyond the quarter in which it was found to prevail. Our
author has not failed to enter into the discussion, and from the
premises he lays down, not unreasonably, draws the conclusion that the
Tagalic language and original population of all the islands westward
of the coast of South America derive from that continent.
It is certainly consonant to reason to presume that the aborigines,
or mountaineers of the interior of these islands, in their primitive
state, were more likely to change their residence (if intentionally) by
committing themselves to a favourable breeze blowing pretty constantly
in one direction from the eastward; or if in consequence of misfortune,
by finding their efforts unavailing to encounter an adverse wind, and
again reach their own coasts; than to suppose even with all the aid
the monsoons could afford them in an erratic navigation from Africa
through the Indian ocean to the Archipelago, that they should diffuse
themselves from that point in every direction over the South Sea, in
the face of an almost constant current of wind, blowing occasionally
with extreme violence.
The Malay population most probably had its origin as stated. The
superior acquirements of that nation doubtless might enable them to
encounter those difficulties which have been mentioned, and either
by their extensive conquests, or acknowledged commercial activity,
to induce their language to be received as the general medium of
intercourse. On the subject of this language, and its different
dialects in these islands, some variety of opinion may be fairly
allowed to prevail; and Sir W. Jones, Dr. Wilkins, Mr. Marsden,
Mr. Raffles, and other authorities, may not be decided as to its
source; but it is generally allowed that the language spoken by
the Papuans, Samangs, and Negritos of the Philippines, and adjacent
islands, is totally different from the Malayan; and as Mr. Marsden
expresses himself, "presents a subject of research as curious as it
is obscure."
This latter gentleman, in the ingenious introduction to his valuable
grammar of the Malayan language, says, that the large islands of this
archipelago have their own peculiar language spoken by the inhabitants
of the interior, while the Malayan is generally used in the districts
bordering on the coasts, at the mouths and on the banks of navigable
rivers, and has thence acquired the appellation of the Lingua Franca of
the east. The antiquity of this insular or original language, we are,
he says, without the means of ascertaining; but he well supports its
stability by the strong proof he adduces of Pigafetta's Vocabulary of
the Tidore language, in 1521, differing in no respect from that of the
present day. Mr. Marsden seems to conclude that the Malay population
of this archipelago has its root in Sumatra, the inhabitants of which
island claim immediate descent from some of the companions of Noah,
landed there from the ark; and both Mr. Marsden, and Mr. Raffles,
the present Governor of Java, assert, that the language spoken
in Sumatra differs in no material respect from that spoken in the
Malayan peninsula.
Upon any occasion where additional light could be thrown upon the
subject of these islands, the translator has not scrupled to avail
himself of the best authorities for that purpose. The Voyage de
Sonnerat aux Indes orientales et a la Chine, edited and enlarged by
Sonnini, has been of great service in this respect, as containing
the most authentic information which was possible to be procured
by a foreigner, aided by every facility which the influence of the
court of France over that of Madrid could furnish, and entering upon
the undertaking with the express intention of seconding the views of
France on the colonial establishments of her European neighbours.
The translator hopes that, on the whole, the notes and extracts will
not be found unimportant or useless.
On the subject of the map of the Philippines, accompanying this
work, the translator trusts he will be excused expressing the
gratification he feels in presenting it to the world as the only
correct delineation of these islands in existence. A collection of
the existing authorities he found answered no purpose, as being at
variance not only with each other, but still more with the unpublished
manuscript, and other authentic information he derived from the most
competent private sources. To John Barrow, Esq. second Secretary, and
Captain Hurd, Hydrographer to the Admiralty, he feels greatly indebted
for the communications they favoured him with, and for amenity and
politeness which accompanied them. To the first eastern scholar in
this country, probably in Europe, Dr. Wilkins, Librarian to the East
India Company, he owes more obligations than he can express. He takes
this opportunity of expressing his gratitude for the kind assistance
afforded by Captain Horsburgh, Hydrographer to the East India Company,
who has had full opportunity, for the exercise of his practical and
theoretical acquirements as a navigator in the eastern Archipelago,
and who surveyed the western coasts of these islands, and in particular
the northern extremity of the island of Luzon; to him he owes the
correction of many errors, in respect to latitude and longitude,
which disgrace the existing charts; and to him likewise the map is
indebted, for a more perfect delineation of the coasts, and for the
disappearance of certain dangerous rocks which he has ascertained
to have no existence. From these sources, aided by the suggestions
of commanders in the India service, in regard to the nautical part,
and from John Guise, Esq. of Baker-street, whose residence of nine
years in Manila afforded him ample means of information respecting
the interior of Luzon, the map, it is presumed, may be deemed the
most correct extant. To this latter gentleman he has to acknowledge
further obligations on the score of the general information he has
kindly furnished. To his friend, John Jackson, Esq. whose literary
attainments do him so much honour, the translator is under particular
obligations for the kind assistance afforded him in regard to the
map. To Peter Guichenet, Esq. he feels particularly indebted, as well
as to another friend, for the permission to extract from his excellent
manuscript translation of Sonnerat as much as answered his purpose.
The merit of a translator is very limited. He is answerable for
little beyond the actual transfusion of his author's meaning in
appropriate language: whatever the present translator has attempted
beyond this is contained in the notes, and is added with the hope of
rendering the publication as valuable as possible, and as replete with
information on the religious, moral, political, and commercial state
of these dependencies on the Spanish crown as the existing sources are
capable of furnishing. He lays it before the public with diffidence,
but with the hope that it will add to the stock of general knowledge;
equally useful to the moralist, the politician, and the merchant.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
CHAPTER I.
Their Description--Productions and Commerce.
The Philippine Islands were so named by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos,
in compliment to Philip the Second, when Prince of Asturias. They
originally were called the Western Isles, or the Archipelago of Saint
Lazarus, the name which Magellan gave them when first discovered by
him. These islands are numerous; their appearance on the map is that
of a large blanket full of holes and rents. The principal of them is
Luzon, so called, because at the doorway of each house stands a large
wooden mortar, which, in the language of the country, is called Losong,
and in which the Indians wash their rice. This island resembles the
arm a little bent, and in the part which corresponds to the elbow
is situated the city of Manila, on the shore of a fine bay, thirty
leagues in circumference, and which receives some considerable rivers,
among others the Pasig, which flowing from a large lake, situated
to the east of Manila, at the distance of three leagues, washes its
walls on the north side: its water is very soft and salubrious.
Before the Spaniards arrived this district was occupied by the nation
Tagala, inhabiting many towns and mud villages, governed by petty
chiefs. It is now divided into various provinces, under the government
of their respective Alcaldes Mayores, who collect the royal tribute,
and administer justice among the Indians. At three leagues distance
from Manila, to the south-west, lies the port of Cavite, so called
from the word cauit, a fish-hook, to which the tongue of land on
which it stands bears a strong resemblance. Cavite is defended by an
indifferent fort, the governor of which is nominated by the court
of Madrid. It is likewise provided with a complete arsenal for the
accommodation, as well of the Acapulco ships, and a few small vessels
for the defence of the islands from the Moors, as for general use.
To the north from the nation Tagala, we found the nations Pampanga,
Zambales, Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan. Each of these nations
formed a distinct community, with a distinct language, or dialect of
the same language, and was distributed in mud villages, having no
king or supreme head to govern them; but in lieu of that, a number
of petty chiefs, or rajahs, whose authority scarcely extended over
fifty or an hundred families respectively: after the conquest, each of
these nations was constituted into a province, governed by a Spanish
Alcalde Mayor. To the east from the nation Tagala are the Camarines,
whose district has been divided into two provinces, that of Camarines,
and that of Albay, each under an Alcalde Mayor. The greater part of
the island is mountainous; it is crossed from the north to the south
by an immense chain, from which diverge those ramifications that
spread through the whole island, in many cases even forming detached
mountains, like insulated cones in the midst of extensive plains. The
whole of this elevated part of the country occupying nearly all
the interior, is either a desert, or inhabited by a set of wretched
people who do not acknowledge the Spanish government. There are in
this island several volcanos, as that of Mayon, which is between the
provinces of Albay and Camarines. It has a sugar-loaf figure, and is
of such altitude that it may be discovered at an immense distance at
sea. The de Taal is of a similar form, and stands in the middle of a
large lake, called de Bombon; it exhibits sufficient proof that the
mountain in whose top the volcano was, while in its active state,
has sunk, remaining, however, still pretty much elevated above the
water. There are other volcanos, and many warm springs, indicating
the fermentation in the bowels of this island, from which, no doubt,
arise those earthquakes to which it is subject, and which, one day,
may produce new eruptions. We know that these volcanos at times throw
out ashes, stones, sand, water, and lava, inundating and destroying
the habitations, and rendering the fields a desert.
To the south of Luzon lie the principal islands of Mindoro, Panay,
Marinduque, Negros, Masbate, Zebu, Bohol, Leyte, Samar, besides some
very small ones, the whole of which we denominate Bisayas, or Islas de
Pintados, Painted Islands, their inhabitants having been accustomed
to paint their bodies before our arrival in this quarter. All these
islands acknowledge the Spanish government, and pay tribute to the
king, which the corregidores, or Alcaldes Mayores of the provinces
into which they are divided, collect. More to the south from these
islands are Mindanao and Jolo. In Mindanao the provinces of Misamis
and Caraga are subject to the Spaniards: the rest of the island has
not submitted, and is engaged with Jolo and other islands in constant
hostility against them; and although there have been occasional
intervals of peace, they have been of short duration.
For these two centuries past these islanders have been plundering
the coasts of our provinces, have taken an immense number of vessels,
pillaged many villages, burnt many towns, destroyed many inhabitants,
and made slaves of a very great number of the clergy, both Spaniards
and Indians [1].
We have in Mindanao the garrison of Zamboanga, with a Spanish governor,
to check these depredations; but as yet we have found little benefit
from this establishment.
To the east of these islands, at the distance of three hundred leagues,
are found las Marianas, las Carolinas, and the islands de Palaos,
or Pelew. Of these, the Marianas alone are under the dominion of the
Spaniards. Here there is a governor, with a detachment of troops,
to overawe the Indians, and three Franciscan friars to instruct them
in the Christian religion.
These islands have no other communication with the rest of the world
than what is afforded by the Acapulco ship, which, in returning to
Manila, touches there, with the portion of the revenue appropriated
to the support of this presidency. By this opportunity they likewise
receive wine for mass, grain, furniture, clothing, and a few other
necessaries; this obscure corner producing only horned cattle, hogs,
fowls, and a few vegetables, such as the bread-fruit and others,
which serve the inhabitants instead of bread. These supplies are
annually imported by the governor; and as there is no other store in
the island than his, the price he fixes is at his own option. From
this commerce he draws all his income; and under such oppression it is
not to be wondered at that this colony is as poor as the first day it
was discovered [2]. Rice, Indian corn, and wheat would grow abundantly
in these islands, but every attempt to raise them in any quantity,
has been rendered of no avail by the swarms of rats, which pour down
from the mountains, and sweep all before them. From the combination of
these political and natural causes, the situation of the inhabitants
of these islands is so miserable, that some of our historians would
persuade us, they entertain no wish to propagate the species, that
their children may avoid their unhappy lot. On this account, it is
added, the Indians diminish considerably in number; but this seems
to be a mistake, as the diminution of the Indians, if it may be so
called, may be rather attributed to the following cause.
The population of the Marianas, independent of the native Indians,
consists of many from New Spain, some Philippine Indians, and some
Chinese, who come in the suite of the governors. These men being
married to women of the country, the children born of these marriages,
are registered by the friars on a list of casts, distinguished from
the Indian casts, from which it clearly appears that, in proportion
as these mixed casts have increased, the Indian casts must have
diminished, and, in all probability, in a short time this latter
cast will be annihilated, as has already happened in some of the
Spanish settlements. This being the case, we ought not to say the
Indians diminish but change their cast. With all these casts united,
our historians would wish us to believe, that there are, at present,
fewer inhabitants in the Marianas than formerly; but that cannot be
the case, since the Jesuits, in quitting these islands, left a greater
population than they found in the year 1738; and the Franciscans
report that that has increased progressively since. It is certain
the population does increase, as is clearly shewn by the lists of
the casts. Indeed the inhabitants of the Philippines have doubled
every century; and I believe it is the case with all the population of
America, although foreigners charge us, with occasioning the diminution
of the Indian population, by our oppressive and bad management,
quoting our own historians in support of the charge. It ought to be
recollected, however, that by these, the number of inhabitants which
the Spaniards found on their arrival, is considerably exaggerated,
whenever they are desirous of giving additional splendor to the
actions of the heroes they celebrate; and, on the contrary, when it
is their object to detract, they draw a very opposite picture, and,
attempting to diminish their numbers, assert that their diminution
is the consequence of oppression. From the amount of the tributes,
however, referred to by these historians, and levied at different
times, the evident conclusion is, that the Spaniards did not find
the tenth part of the inhabitants, which are now in existence.
The geographical description of the Philippines is, that they are
in the torrid zone, between five and nineteen degrees of northern
latitude; the sun twice passes its zenith, and produces those vapours
which, descending in copious showers, and being again absorbed by the
earth, form fountains, hot springs, and large lakes. This rainy or wet
season lasts while we have the Sun to the north, that is, from about
May till September, and at times till the beginning of December, from
which latter period till May there is continual spring. The regular
winds are the north, the east, and the south-west, and they each
prevail between three and four months at a time, the change of one wind
for another, being attended with violent storms of thunder, lightning,
and, at times, whirlwinds. Indeed these storms are complete hurricanes,
which run all round the compass in less than twenty-four hours, tearing
up trees by the roots, and laying waste the whole country. These are
so frequent, that we may justly complain, considering our proximity
to the line, of the want of sufficient solar influence, to render
the climate of these islands more agreeable. It cannot be said that
we have oppressive heat in the Philippines [3]; there reigns throughout
the greater part of the year, a most beautiful spring, and if the
atmosphere were less moist, it would be the most delicious climate in
the world. To this moist atmosphere, and moderately warm temperature,
is joined of course a great fertility. The trees are always covered
with leaves, and the soil with vegetation. The harvests of rice are
most abundant; the plants shoot up with great beauty immediately,
but the luxuriance of the soil renders it necessary, continually to
clear away the weeds, which harbour many insects of a destructive
kind, and others so dangerous as to diminish greatly the comforts
and enjoyments of a country, which, in point of fertility, returns
one hundred fold of rice, the common food of the Indians.
Rice is the principal production of these islands, and it was
cultivated to much greater extent before the Spaniards arrived here [4].
They have likewise some pulse, as mongos, patani, kidney-beans,
and millet. The inhabitants breed up, under the same roof with
themselves, pigs, fowls, ducks, goats, and even buffaloes. In the
mountains there are many deer, and the woods and fields produce
all sorts of pigeons, small birds, quails, a species of partridge;
woodcocks, &c. Few are disposed to indulge themselves in this latter
kind of sporting; they apply themselves ardently to hunting the deer,
to which they are particularly partial. The sea abounds with very rich
fish, such as the pargo, the eel, the sole, the pampano, the mojarra,
the garropa, the shad, the tunny, the corvina, the tanguingui, and an
infinite number of others, caught either with hooks or common nets,
and likewise with a species of net very much used in these rivers,
and even out at sea, so constructed that the fish may enter, but are
unable to escape [5].
In this occupation the inhabitants of these islands take more
delight than in any thing else, as it is a pursuit which at once
indulges their indolent habits, and gratifies their partiality
to fish in preference to animal food. Throughout the country are
found many other productions, contributing to the support of life,
and which, though not so relishing as those enumerated above, are
probably better suited to their relaxed habits; and the pith of the
palm, shoots of the sugar-cane, green withs, and other succulent
productions, serve for food to those, who have no desire to labour
for their subsistence. They cultivate the bread-fruit, beans, the
cacauate, &c. and they pay particular attention to the palm tree,
from which they procure both a spirit and an oil, together with a
sweet-meat, which they call chancaca. There are few fruit-trees,
and those are bad, with the exception of the plantain, of which
there is a great variety, and all excellent and fine flavoured,
and the orange, of which there are two kinds. The mango, a very rich
fruit, it is imagined, the Spaniards imported from the coast of South
America. We finish our enumeration with the cultivation of a species
of the palm tree, which bears a very hard, little fruit of the form
of a green nut. This being cut, a highly scented kernel, or eye,
is found enclosed, which is called Itmo. This is laid in lime, to
make what they call Buyo, which being chewed, produces a red saliva,
together with a disorder in the mouth, to which they are so habituated,
that they are uneasy when without it. This custom prevails generally,
and even many Spaniards adopt it with great avidity. There are in
this country mines of iron and gold, but of little value, either from
the indolence of the natives, or the insignificance of these objects
to the Spaniards, affording too little profit in their commerce with
Acapulco to deserve attention. Gold is likewise, by washing, separated
from the sand, which the waters bring down from the mountains.
In Paracale they work the mines in the same manner as they do in New
Spain, but the natives are so addicted to sloth, it is not possible to
render them so productive as those of South America. In the mountains
there is excellent timber for building ships or houses, and the canes
are of an immense size, very long, and as thick as a man's thigh; of
these latter the Indians construct their houses, covering them with
the leaf of the palm. They raise cotton for clothing, which they dye
various colours with logwood, indigo, and the achiote, a large tree,
whose seed is used for that purpose. There is great abundance of wax
and wild honey, amber, pearls, mother of pearl, marble, tar, brimstone,
and many other objects of less value in a commercial point of view.
To these productions the Spaniards have added horses and horned
cattle, which have multiplied so much that they are to be found in the
mountains without an owner, and where those that want may supply their
wants at pleasure. They likewise introduced sheep, geese, grapes, figs,
wheat, pepper, coffee, cocoa, sugar, tobacco, and various species of
plants, which thrive so well, and produce so much, that the Indian,
with all his sloth, acknowledges the utility of cultivating them.
There are, in these islands, some natural curiosities deserving
particular notice, such as the paxarillo, a species of small swallow,
which forms its nest chiefly of the froth of the sea [6], and which is
held in such estimation by the Chinese, as a principal dish at their
table, that they purchase it at any price.
The Balate is a species of sea worm, which, likewise, is sold in
China at a high price. The Siguey, is a small shining shell [7], which
forms the current money of the Malays. The Tabon, is a bird, which
lays eggs similar to those of the turkey, burying them very deep in
the sand on the sea shore, and when hatched by the heat of the sun,
it tears away the sand that covers them, and the young come out. The
Caiman, is a species of crocodile; a large and uncouth animal,
the more curious in this respect, that it is produced from an egg,
of the same size as that of the duck. The Chacon, is a lizard, which
takes up its abode in the houses, and repeatedly articulates clearly
the word toco. The Calo, is a bird, which has a kind of hollow shell
in his head, and crows, at certain hours of the day, the same as the
cock. The Taclobo, is a large species of the oyster, the shell of which
will hold a pitcher of water; indeed they are used as vessels for holy
water in the churches. Our historians mention many curiosities even
more rare than these, but I do not enumerate them, as they seem to
have been ill informed on the subject, and I fear with good reason,
having been too much under the influence of the marvellous, they have
given credit to the Indians, who are always desirous of distinguishing
themselves by the relation of something very uncommon.
With all these productions, the Indians formed a species of
commerce, or barter, among each other, still considering gold as
the representative of general value, or medium of exchange; they
were likewise in the habit of trading with the Chinese, and with
the Moors of Borneo, for flag-stones, copper, articles of furniture,
&c. but in very small quantities, their wants being necessarily few,
going almost naked, baking their rice in green canes, and eating it
with the leaf of the plantain.
The Spaniards, soon after they came into possession of these islands,
commenced an extended commerce with India and China, which brought to
New Spain, a proportionable increase of profit; and in a little time,
Manila became so rich a colony, that it created a jealousy among
the merchants of Seville, and, in consequence of their petition,
its commerce was restricted. From this period it began to decline,
and to the great detriment of these islands, which cannot subsist
by the exchange of their own productions alone, these being very
limited in their nature, and incapable of much extension, surrounded
as they are by other nations, more industrious, and who can work at
a cheaper rate [8].
The luxuriant nature of the soil of these islands, has been much and
justly extolled, but, proper allowance has not been made, for the sloth
of the Indians, the hurricanes or tempests, which sweep every thing
before them, the destructive insects, the rats, and many other things,
which diminish greatly the fertility of these beautiful islands [9].
CHAPTER II.
Of the Inhabitants the Spaniards found in the Philippines--their
Language, Customs, and Religion.
Our historians, affecting always the marvellous, divide into different
classes, the inhabitants the Spaniards found, on their first arrival
in the Philippines. They denominate them satyrs, men with tails,
sea monsters, and whatever else of the fabulous, is calculated to
raise wonder in the human mind. In reality, however, they found
only two classes, that which we know by the appellation of Negroes,
and that of the Indians. The Negroes are very small in stature,
and more of a copper colour than those of Guinea, with soft hair and
flat noses. They lived in the mountains, almost in a state of nature,
merely covering the forepart of the body, with a piece of the bark of
a tree; and they subsisted upon roots, and such deer, as in hunting,
they could kill with the bow and arrow, at which they were very
dexterous. They slept where night overtook them, and they possessed
no idea of religion or civilized habits, rather, indeed, ranking with
beasts than as human beings. The Spaniards, have at length succeeded,
in domesticating many of them, and converting them to christianity,
to which they give no opposition, so long as they get subsistence,
but if they are obliged to labour, for the maintenance of their family,
they return again to the mountains.
The Negroes, without doubt, were the primitive inhabitants of
these islands, and they retired to the mountains, on the arrival
of the Indians. These latter, settling on the sea shore, continual
hostility prevailed between them, but the Indians were never able,
to establish themselves sufficiently, to be permitted, even to cut
wood in the mountains, without paying a tribute for it. At present,
the influence of the Negroes is very limited, but their antipathy to
their first invaders, continues unabated; for, if a Negro is killed,
or dies suddenly, it is customary for another, to bind himself to
his countrymen by an oath, that he will disappear from among them,
and that he will not return, until he has avenged the death of his
friend, by killing three or four Indians, to accomplish which, he
watches their villages, and the passes in the mountains, and if any
unfortunately stray from their companions, he murders them.
The origin of these Negroes, some believe to be, from Angola [10],
though they are not so black as their ancestors, which it is pretended,
proceeds from the temperature of these islands being milder, and less
scorching than that of Africa. This possibly may be so, for it is
well known, that by changing, from a sultry to a temperate climate,
the blackness of the Negro may be diminished, in the course of a long
series of generations; yet, the flat nose, and using a dialect of the
same language, which the Indians of these isles speak, appears to
prove satisfactorily enough, that the origin of one and the other,
is nearly the same. The reason assigned, for their not being more
numerous, is, the influence of the rain, wind, sun, and all those
inclemencies natural to the climate, to which they are exposed;
the errors of the government, having reduced them to the condition,
almost, of wild beasts, in which we now see them [11]. The Indians
whom the Spaniards found here, were of regular stature, and of an olive
complexion, with flat noses, large eyes, and long hair. They all
possessed some description of government better or worse, and each
nation was distinguished by a different name; but, the similarity
of their dress and manners, proves that the origin of all of them is
the same.
They had chiefs, who held their situations, either on account of
personal valour, or by succession to their fathers, where they
had abilities to retain it. Their dominion extended over one or two
villages, or more, according to the means they possessed, of extending
protection. They were continually at war with the neighbouring
villages, and continually making each other slaves. Out of these
wars, arose three classes of people; the chiefs or masters of the
villages, the slaves, and those whom the chiefs had enfranchised,
with their descendants, and who, to this day, are called Timavas,
properly signifying children of liberty. In some places, were found
Indians whiter than others, descended, without doubt, from Chinese
or Japanese, who had been shipwrecked on these coasts, and whom the
Indians, naturally hospitable, received, and allowed to intermarry with
them; and it is generally believed that the Ygorrotes of Ylocos, whose
eyes resemble the Chinese, must have originated from the companions of
Limahon, who fled to those mountains, when Juan de Salcedo compelled
him to his disgraceful retreat, from the province of Pangasinan.
It is not, however, after all, easy to ascertain the origin of
these people, but their idiom throws some degree of light on the
subject. Although the languages these Indians speak, are many and
different, they have so much intercourse one with another, that it
may clearly be discovered, they are dialects of the same language, as
the Spanish, French, and Italian, are derivatives from the Latin. The
prepositions and pronouns, are nearly the same in all of them; the
numeral characters, differ very little, and they have many words in
common, and of one and the same structure.
No doubt can be entertained, that the radical language, from which all
those dialects spring, prevails from Madagascar to the Philippines,
with local shades of difference. It is spoken too in New Guinea,
and in all the islands to the southward, in the Marianas, in the
islands of San Duisk, in those of Otaheite, and in almost all the
islands in the South Sea. In one collection of voyages, there are
given various vocabularies, with such corresponding terminations,
as the respective travellers, were able to distinguish among these
islands. It is remarkable, that in these almost all the pronouns, are
the same with those of the nation Tagala; the numerals, are common
to all the dialects, used in these islands, and most of the words
are the same, and with the same signification, as in the language
Tagala. But, I am the more inclined to believe the identity of
the dialects, from a conversation which I had with Don Juan Hovel,
an Englishman, who spoke that of San Duisk, and who had a slave,
a native of one of those islands. The structure, appeared to be the
same, as that of the languages spoken in the Philippines; and on the
whole, I feel confident in the opinion, that they are all dialects of
the same language, so widely diffused over so large a portion of the
earth. It is ascertained, that this language, is in common use for
many thousand leagues, extending from Madagascar to the isles of San
Duisk, Otaheite, and the isle of Pasquas, which latter, is not more
than six hundred leagues distant, from the coast of South America. Yet,
the Indians of the Philippines, do not understand the people of these
last mentioned islands, when they have occasional intercourse with
them; nor, even in these islands, do the inhabitants of one province,
understand those of another. So neither does the Spaniard understand
the Frenchman, nor the Frenchman the Italian.
In the same collection of voyages, already referred to, we find
a vocabulary of only five terminations, which the Spaniards have
distinguished on the coast of Patagonia, and which they have been
able to assimilate to the language of these islands, and one of
those is the word balay, which in that country signifies a house;
and by this same word they designate a house among the Pampangos, and
the inhabitants of the Bisayas in general. This may be more matter of
accident than of proof, that the languages of one and the other is the
same; but on observing, besides this, that the proper names of places
about the middle of the continent of South America are very similar
to those of the Philippines, I endeavoured to procure a vocabulary
of this country, and did not fail to examine, with great diligence
and attention, the few words of the language of Chili which Ercilla
mentions in his Araucana, and which I found perfectly conformable to
the language Tagala. The name Chili is a derivation from this language:
the Cormorant is called Cachile, and this is a name which the Malays
give to the sons of their kings. Chilian, which is a town of Chili,
is a compound from the language of Tagala, in which language the
termination an gives the signification town. Thus from Cachile we
draw Cachilian, meaning a town, where there are cormorants. Mapocho,
which is the situation where the city of Santiago stands, is another
word of Tagalic composition, signifying a town, and pocquiot being a
kind of herb, we form the name Mapocquiot, a town in which there is
abundance of this herb.
In Chili they frequently double the syllables in forming a word,
as ytayta, biobio, lemolemo, colocolo, &c. and this occurs in the
Tagala language; for instance, we say ataata, bilobilo, lebomlebom,
colocolo. A great many other words are either actually of Tagalic
derivation, or assimilate closely to that language. In examining the
structure of these two languages we are compelled to conclude that
they flow from one and the same source, and I dare affirm that the
Indians of the Philippines are descended from the aborigines of Chili
and Peru, and that the language of these islands derives immediately
from the parent source, those of the neighbouring islands being
dialects of this. Many will urge the absurdity of this supposition,
on the plea that the more immediate vicinity of the Philippines to
Malacca must have occasioned them to be colonized by the Malays, as
our historians generally assert. I do not deny that these islands
could easily have been peopled by the Malays, but how could they
colonize the Isles de Palaos and Marianas, which are distant more
than three hundred leagues? and it is still more improbable that
they colonized the islands of San Duisk and Otaheite, which are
distant two thousand leagues from the Philippines. All these people,
however, have the same language, the same manners and customs, and
consequently the same origin as our Indians. There is, in my opinion,
this other reason for supposing these latter islands could not be
peopled from the westward, viz. that in all the torrid zone the east
wind generally prevails, which being in direct opposition to the course
from Malacca and the adjacent islands, it is fair to conclude that the
inhabitants of all the islands of the South Sea came from the east,
sailing before the wind; for we have seen it often happen, that the
Indians from the Palaos have arrived at the Philippines, precisely
under those circumstances. On the contrary, we have no instance on
record, of any of the Philippine Indians having been, even by accident,
carried by the winds to the islands to the eastward. Indeed we know
the reverse of this to be true, since at times the most experienced
pilots, in attempting this navigation, have been compelled to return,
without falling in with the islands they went in search of, from the
necessity there is in the voyage of being provided with proper nautical
instruments. Here, therefore, we appear to have found the most probable
solution of our difficulties, that is, that the first settlers came
out of the east, we may presume from the coast of South America,
and proceeding gradually to the westward through the Pacific Ocean,
studded as we find it with islands, and clusters of islands, at no very
great distance from each other, and of course of easy access before
the wind, it follows that to whatever point, in an eastern direction,
we can trace the Tagalic language, we may conclude that at that point
emigration must have commenced. Some however dissent from this, on the
ground, that the mode of writing in use among the Malays, is similar
to that practised by the inhabitants of the Philippines. This consists
in forming the lines from the right to the left, like the Arabians,
Persians, &c. and not like the Chinese, Tartars, and Japanese, from
top to bottom. Their characters are totally different from ours; they
have only three vowels, a, e, u, and by placing a point, either above
or below the consonant, or leaving it without one, the corresponding
vowel is readily known, and equal facility given as if the vowels
were specifically inserted. Although they can write, they have no
written laws; decisions are made on traditionary law generally, but
too often by the right of the strongest. The Rajah, or chief, with
the assistance of some of the elders, decides in all civil cases;
but in criminal cases, the kinsmen are accustomed to compound with
the aggressor, for a sum in gold, unless in cases of murder, when the
only atonement admitted, is retaliation; and if the murderer is of a
different tribe or village, all the community of which the deceased was
a member, make a common cause, against the tribe or community of the
murderer, and numbers are generally made slaves on both sides. When
it is suspected that one man has robbed another, he is obliged to
draw a stone, from the bottom of a cauldron full of boiling water,
and if he does not accomplish this, which is the vulgar test, he is
fined in a certain quantity of gold, the greater part of which goes
to the Rajah or chief. Adultery is likewise punished with a pecuniary
fine [12], as is the crime of disrespect to the elders, but for fraud,
and cheating in their dealings, there is no punishment, and usury
is very general among them. Their matrimonial customs are peculiar;
they are allowed to marry only one woman, and although the principal
people have several concubines, yet they commonly are slaves. They
are accustomed to marry a relation (not a sister), with whom if they
find themselves unable to live, or if they become tired of her, they
return her to her parents, without their being required to assign a
cause for the divorce. The dowry given on the day of marriage is merely
restored: this dowry is of two kinds, and which the bridegroom always
pays. The one is called bigay suso, and is paid to the mother, as a
compensation for the milk, with which she nourished her daughter. The
other is called bigay caya, or green dowry, which is set apart for the
maintenance of the newly married couple, although very often, by the
expenses of the wedding and apparel, there remains little or nothing
for this desirable end. Besides these dowries paid by the bridegroom,
he is obliged, for some years, to serve the parents of the bride [13],
and assist them on certain days, particularly at the sowing of the
rice, and getting in the harvest. It is incumbent likewise, on all
the relations of the bridegroom, to behave with courtesy and respect
to the bride, and her parents and family, during these years of
service, and if they are guilty of any lapse in this respect, the
marriage is declared to be annulled, which is always very agreeable
to the parents of the woman, as a new suitor presents himself, and
they reap the benefit of a new service. The bridegroom, to console
himself for his sufferings, as soon as the term closes, and his
service is at an end, treats his wife as a slave; she is obliged
to work for the maintenance of the family, whilst the husband is
quite idle, and thinks herself happy, if, after having done this,
she is not beaten. The interest which the parents of the girl,
thus have in her disposal, is highly pernicious to morals; and we
have not succeeded to this hour, in the abolition of it, either by
the influence of royal edicts, or the regulations of the bishops,
by both of which, it is discouraged and prohibited. The ceremony of
marriage is performed, by sacrificing a hog, which a priestess slays
with a thousand grimaces; after which, she bestows many benedictions
on the parties, and an old woman presenting them with some food,
the ceremony is closed by many obscenities. Dancing, according to
their fashion, succeeds, and drinking the rest of the day ends the
feast, which is always proportionate to the circumstances of the
newly married pair. The principal contributions to this feast, arise
from presents made to the bride and bridegroom by their friends,
of which particular notice is taken, in order that similar presents
may be returned to the parties on a like occasion.
In their religious ceremonies, they use neither idols nor temples;
their sacrifices are offered in arbours, which they raise for that
purpose. They have priestesses, whom they call babailanas or catalonas,
to whose function it belongs, to perform the sacrifices. The priestess,
taking a lance in her hand, with extravagant and ridiculous gestures,
works herself up to apparent frenzy, accompanied by foaming at
the mouth, when uttering something, which is received as prophecy,
she pierces the hog with the lance, and immediately distributes the
carcase among those present: the ceremony, as usual, is closed by
dancing and drinking.
These sacrifices are offered to the infernal deities, as well as to the
souls of their ancestors, who they are taught to believe inhabit very
large trees, rocks of uncommon appearance, or any natural object which,
in point of magnitude or form, varies from the usual course. They are
so fully persuaded of this, that they never pass any object of this
description, without first asking the permission of its visionary
inhabitant, and to this hour the custom prevails. When any person was
dangerously ill, his friends offered up to their deities rice, wine,
and flesh, which was then given to the sick person, and which they were
of opinion would effect his cure, a custom even yet followed by some
people. They have many other superstitions, as that of the patianac,
a spirit or ideal being, whose employment or amusement consists in
preventing, by certain means peculiar to itself, the delivery of
a woman in labour. To counteract the malignity of this spirit, the
husband, fastening the door, reduces himself to a state of complete
nudity, lights a fire, and arming himself with his sword, continues to
flourish it furiously, until the woman is delivered. The tigbalang is
another object of which they stand in great awe. It is described as
a phantom, which assumes a variety of uncouth and monstrous shapes,
and interposes its authority, to prevent their performing the duties,
prescribed by our religion.
These and other superstitions, formerly had extensive influence,
and are still resorted to by impostors, who find their account in
persuading those, who are silly enough to listen to them, that they
are able to cure them of dangerous illness, or to recover any thing
they may have lost, by having recourse to such absurdities; and so
much do the love of life, and our own individual interests prevail,
that although they believe these customs sinful, and although they
do not entirely give credit to their efficacy, yet they put them in
practice, because, they say, chance may be in their favour: this is
a proof that as yet they are very superficial christians [14]. Indeed,
all their religious impressions, seem rather the result of a slavish
dread, than the effect of rational piety.
They practise no external adoration, and have no other form of address
to their gods, than what has been mentioned. They do not believe,
that the good will be rewarded, or the wicked punished, but they
acknowledge the immortality of the souls of the deceased, and that
they are capable of doing them mischief. They persuade themselves,
that these retain all the natural wants incident to the mortal state,
and accordingly, place on their tombs, clothes, arms, and food, and
on the fourth day, when the funeral ceremony is performed, a vacant
seat is left at the table for the deceased, whom they believe to be
actually present, though not obvious to sight. To prove this, sand is
strewed on the floor, on which the prints of the feet of the deceased
are often found. This may be presumed, to be the pious trick of some of
the friends, but it answers the purpose, of inducing a belief in the
actual presence of the party; and in order to deprecate the injury he
may do, offerings of eatables are made to him, and which ceremony,
is perfectly conformable, to the cowardly and timorous nature of
the Indians.
CHAPTER III.
ANNO DOM. 1519 to 1564.
Comprising the Discovery of the Philippines.
After the conquest of the Americas, and discovery of the South
Sea, Hernando de Magellan, a Portuguese, affirmed there must be a
communication with that sea by the antarctic pole, and proposed to his
sovereign, to make the discovery by the route of the Moluccas. The
king, Don Manuel of Portugal, either not believing there was such
a passage, or prejudiced against Magellan, received his proposal
with contempt. This disgusted him, and he came into Spain, where,
at Saragossa, he was presented to Charles V., to whom he promised
the complete discovery of the Moluccas, and the adjacent islands,
within the Spanish line of demarcation, by a distinct route from
that used by the Portuguese, pursuing his object by the expected
antarctic passage to the South Sea. By the brief of Pope Alexander
VI., expedited at Rome the 4th of May 1493, Magellan secured a
patent, attaching such discoveries to the crown of Castile. This
brief enjoined, that the globe should be equally divided, by a line
drawn from the north, by the isles of the Azores, towards the south,
embracing the conquests, which formed the western boundaries of the
Atlantic; the portion to the west, to belong to the crown of Spain,
and leaving to the crown of Portugal, the hemisphere to the eastward
of this line. Having discovered the Brazils, however, and the king of
Portugal being desirous of preserving it, he requested his Holiness,
that the line might be drawn, four hundred and sixty leagues more
to the westward of the Azores, in order, that no other power, might
interfere with that valuable acquisition. The line was so drawn on
the map, and the Moluccas, were accordingly, placed out of the line
of territory, thus appropriated to the Portuguese, and within that
of Spain[15]: they were not able, however, at that time, to adjust the
other point as to the route; but the Cape of Good Hope, interposing
in their voyages to India, it was not doubted, that America might
be like this hemisphere, and finish also in a cape, and passage to
the South Sea. The desire of the Spaniards to take possession of the
Spice Islands, or, as they were called, the Moluccas, instigated them
to ascertain the truth of this conjecture; and a squadron of five
ships, was fitted out for that purpose, viz. La Trinidad, in which
Magellan himself embarked; San Antonio, La Concepcion, Santiago, and
La Victoria; the whole manned with two hundred and thirty-four men,
and paid and victualled for two years.
Magellan sailed from Seville with this armament on the 10th of August
1519, and on the 13th of December he arrived at the Brazils, and
coasting the land in quest of the expected passage to the South Sea,
on Easter day, he entered the Bay of Saint Julian, in fifty degrees
of south latitude, where he intended remaining, finding the winter
had commenced in those regions. Here his people mutinied, upon an
idea that their provisions were exhausted, and that it was impossible
to discover the pass they were in search of. Magellan quelled this
mutiny; but immediately after understood, that another had broken out
in the ship San Antonio, and that the crew had murdered the commander,
and confined his cousin Alvaro de Mesquita, who was made captain
on the arrest of Juan de Cartagena. The leader on this occasion
was Gaspar de Quezada, whom he ordered to be hanged; and setting on
shore a Franciscan friar and Juan de Cartagena, on account of their
turbulent disposition, he sailed in prosecution of his voyage, by
the much desired pass to the South Sea. On the 1st of November 1520,
he discovered the straits which bear his name; and having occupied
twenty days in passing through them, he found himself in the South
Sea with three ships, the Santiago having been wrecked, and having
separated from the San Antonio, which his cousin commanded, and which,
by the route of the coast of Guinea, returned to Spain. Magellan, with
fair winds and pleasant weather, ploughed that sea, which never before
had been navigated. Uninterrupted in the pursuit of his object, he
discovered, on the Sunday of Saint Lazarus, a great number of islands,
which he named the Archipelago of Saint Lazarus; and on Easter Day,
he arrived at the island of Mindanao, where he ordered the first
mass which was said in the Philippines. This took place in the town
of Batuan, in the province of Caraga, where he set up the cross,
and took possession of these islands, in the name of the King of Spain.
From Batuan, Magellan proceeded to Zebu, and, in passing the island
of Dimasaua, he formed an alliance with its chief, who accompanied
him to Zebu. The inhabitants of Zebu, received him with such kindness,
that their king, Hamabar, his whole family, with the chief of Dimasaua,
and many of the people of the island, were baptized. The King of Mactan
alone, a very small island in front of the town of Zebu, resisted
the Spaniards, and was sufficiently confident in his strength, to
challenge Magellan, who was weak enough to accept the challenge. He
selected for the enterprize fifty Spaniards, who attacked the Indians
in morasses, the water up to their breasts, and approached so near
them, that Magellan was wounded with an arrow, and died on the field
with six other Spaniards, the rest saving themselves by flight.
The friar Calancha, an Augustine, remarks in his history of Peru,
that all those engaged in the discovery of the South Sea, came to no
very enviable end: for, that a seaman of the name of Lopez, who was
the first that beheld it from the mast-head, renounced his faith,
and turned Moor. Basco Nunez de Balbua, who took possession of those
regions, lost his head; and Magellan himself, finished his days in the
abovementioned manner. I can add, that almost all those, who have been
concerned in the discovery of the Philippines, have suffered so much,
that the history of these islands, forms a tissue of tragedies.
On the death of Magellan, the Spaniards chose Juan Serrano as
Commander of the expedition; and, alarmed at their defeat at Mactan,
they remained on board their ships, apprehensive of the treachery of
the other Indians. In fact, the people of Zebu, began to think lightly
of the strangers, whom they had hitherto considered as invincible,
and proceeded to plan their destruction. Abundantly deceitful by
nature, they concealed their designs, and succeeded in persuading
our General to be present, with twenty-four Spaniards, at a feast,
which the chief of Zebu had prepared for him. In the middle of the
feast, a great number of armed Indians, whom Hamabar had concealed,
rushed in, and murdered them all, Serrano alone excepted, who escaped
to the sea side, and implored the assistance of his companions; but
they, fearful of some new treason, were witnesses of his massacre,
which the Indians effected in view of the squadron, without their
attempting to relieve him, or revenge the injury. Juan Carvallo now
became General of the armament, and he resolved to go from thence,
in search of the Moluccas: he burned the ship Concepcion, as he had
not men sufficient to man her, and sailed from Zebu with the Trinidad
and the Victoria. On the 8th of November he arrived at Tidore, one
of the Moluccas, and was well received by its chief, who granted him
a factory for the purpose of collecting cloves, &c.; and on the 21st
of December, he loaded the two ships with spices, preparing for the
return to Spain. Gonzalo Gomez de Espimosa commanded the Trinidad, and
it was his intention to proceed to Panama, but he was captured by the
Portuguese. Sebastian del Cano, went in the Victoria, by the way of the
Cape of Good Hope, and, after losing many of his crew on the voyage,
arrived at San Lucar de Barrameda, with only eighteen people, on the
7th of September 1522, three years from the time of their departure
from Seville. He was thus the first, who had sailed round the world;
and on this account, among other honours, the Emperor gave him for
his arms, a terrestrial globe, with this motto, Hic primus geometros.
The account which Sebastian del Cano gave of the expedition, induced
the Emperor, to send other armaments to the Moluccas. The first was
that of Esteban Gomez, who proposed, by the way of Newfoundland, to
discover a shorter passage to the South Sea. A squadron was accordingly
despatched in the year 1524; but in a little time, news was received of
its dispersion by bad weather. In the year following, Don Fray Garcia
Jofre de Loaysa, was despatched from Corunna with seven ships, well
appointed with good officers, and four hundred and fifty picked men;
among these was Andres de Urdaneta, who afterwards became a friar of
the order of San Augustine, and directed the expedition of Legaspi
to these islands. They passed the Straits of Magellan, with the loss
of one ship, and entering the South Sea, they encountered so severe
a storm, that the whole squadron was separated. Loaysa pursued his
course; and in a short time afterwards died. By order of the Emperor,
Sebastian del Cano was to succeed to the command, but he surviving
only a few days, it devolved on Martin Yanez, a Biscayan. They arrived
at Tidore on the 31st of December 1526, as did, in a short time, the
remainder of the squadron, with few men, and those unserviceable. Here
they found, that the Portuguese had declared war against the chief
of Tidore, for having entertained the squadron of Magellan, and it
was deemed on our part proper, to undertake the defence of those
benefactors of the Spaniards. They had several encounters with the
Portuguese, but of no moment, and few were killed on these occasions;
but the number of sick increased considerably, from the length and
hardships of the voyage; and from the humid nature of the climate,
the whole were threatened with rapid dissolution; being therefore
already reduced to one hundred and twenty, they constructed a fort,
and surrounding it with a palisade, placed themselves under the
command of Hernando de la Torre, who was chosen General after the
death of Martin Yanez.
In this situation, were the remains of the armament under Loaysa
found, when the Viceroy of Mexico, by orders from court, despatched
to Molucca three ships, under the command of Alvaro de Saavedra,
who arrived at these islands, by the route of the Ladrones, now
called Marianas, of which he took possession, in the name of his
Majesty the King of Spain, in the year 1528. Saavedra pursued his
voyage to Tidore, where he found the hundred and twenty Spaniards,
shut up in their fortress. They considered him, as an angel sent
to their relief, in the extremity of misery: but this joy was of
short duration, new quarrels springing up with the Portuguese, who
had succeeded in destroying, nearly all the Spanish ships. They at
last, however, commenced their voyage to New Spain. Twice they made
the attempt, twice they were driven back; and they suffered so much,
that the General, with many of the crews, fell a sacrifice; the few
that remained, being compelled to submit to the Portuguese. This
was a most lamentable conclusion of the expedition; but all our
squadrons, having represented the Moluccas as extremely valuable,
on account of their spices, war was on the point of being declared,
between the two kingdoms, about the possession of them. The Spaniards
alleged, that it could not be denied, these islands were in the line
of demarcation of Spain; and the Portuguese, were unwilling to quit
the spice trade, of which they were in possession, and which so much
enriched the mother country. These differences were adjusted about
the year 1529, the Emperor, renouncing his right to the Moluccas,
for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, by way of loan, advanced
by the King of Portugal.
Thus abandoning the Moluccas, the Emperor turned all his thoughts
to the conquest of the Western Isles, or Philippines. He despatched
instructions to the Viceroy of Mexico, to send a squadron for that
purpose, with directions not to stop at the Moluccas, in order to
avoid creating jealousy among the Portuguese. In obedience to these
orders from court, the Viceroy immediately fitted out five ships in
the Puerto de Natividad, and nominated as Commander of the expedition,
Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, directing him, to take with him four Augustine
friars, for the conversion of the conquered inhabitants. The squadron
sailed on the day of All Saints, in the year 1542, and arrived safe
off the Philippines; but they were driven so much to leeward, by the
south-west monsoon, prevalent at that time, that they were compelled
to anchor at the island of Sarragan, which lies on the opposite coast
of Mindanao, and at forty leagues distance. In this miserable island,
they suffered so much from hunger, that Villalobos sent some of the
smaller vessels, in search of provisions, to the other islands: but,
their return being delayed beyond his expectation, he resolved to sail
for the Moluccas, though it was in direct opposition to his orders,
without having effected any other object, than administering baptism to
one child. The Portuguese received him very ungraciously, and compelled
him, immediately to make the best of his way to Spain. In passing
Amboyna, he died of a deep melancholy, arising out of the disasters
of the expedition, and the idea of having disobeyed the orders of
his sovereign, which were, on no account to visit the Moluccas. By
the death of the General, the whole armament was deranged; indeed it
was, eventually, almost all annihilated; and the few Spaniards who
remained, found means to embark in different Portuguese ships. The
Augustine friars went to Goa, from whence they found a passage to
Europe, and arrived at Lisbon in August 1549, seven years after they
had departed from the Puerto de Natividad.
As his Catholic Majesty, was fully determined on the conquest of the
Philippines, it is necessary to notice the title, by which he laid
claim to them. Our writers have brought forward a number of arguments,
to prove the right, which the Kings of Spain have to the Americas,
and the islands they have conquered; but I find them very superficial,
and only one incontestable document, by which our sovereigns hold
these dominions, that is, the concession of the Roman Pontifs. It
is now the received opinion of churchmen, that the Popes have not
the power to make such grants, but at the period in question, the
contrary opinion prevailed, and was generally acknowledged in the
schools. Supported by this idea, then so universal, the Papal See,
granted to the respective Kings, not only what they conquered, but,
as we have seen, assumed the right, of even partitioning the globe.
CHAPTER IV.
ANNO DOM. 1564 to 1565.
Of the Conquest of Zebu, and Discovery of the Route to New Spain.
The glory of conquering the Philippines, was reserved for his Catholic
Majesty Philip II., by means of, the valour of Miguel Lopez de
Legaspi, the prudence of the Augustine friars, and the skill of one
of those friars, Andres de Urdaneta, who had been a captain in the
armament of Loaysa, but subsequently took the habit of San Augustine
in Mexico, in the year 1552. His Majesty issued an edict, encouraging
and recommending an expedition, to be sent by the Viceroy of Mexico,
to the western isles. Friar Urdaneta acquiesced in the will of his
sovereign, and the Viceroy chose five other religious of the same
order, viz. Andres de Aguirre, Martin de Rada, Lorenzo Ximenes (who
died in the Puerto de Natividad), Diego Herrera, and Pedro Gamboa,
with the view to a spiritual, as well as temporal conquest. This
squadron was composed of two ships, one small galleon, and a patache
(a vessel so called). The command was given to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi,
a noble Biscayan, from whose valour and prudence, the Viceroy expected
greater results, than had been obtained from the other expeditions. The
fleet sailed from Puerto de Natividad on the 21st November, 1564,
with sealed orders; and when about a hundred leagues from the coast,
the seals being broken, they found directions to proceed to these
islands. Urdaneta had formed his plan, on the idea conceived by the
Viceroy of first making New Guinea, but, obliged to conform to the
royal instructions, he shaped his course nearly due west, in order to
arrive at the ninth degree of latitude, and from thence to run direct
west, to demand the submission of those islands, which lie between
the ninth and tenth degree, passing by the islands of Arrecifes and
Matalotes, together with those of La Nublada and Rocapartida, the two
latter being too far out of the track. On the 31st of December, the
patache separated, as if by accident, and never rejoined the squadron;
Don Alonzo de Arellano was her commander, and Lopez Martin, a Mulatto,
the pilot; and there was reason to believe that the separation was
intentional, as it afterwards proved, that they went to Mindanao,
where, taking in a cargo of gold and spices, they proceeded to New
Spain. The squadron pursued its course, and on the 9th of January,
1565, discovered an island, which Legaspi called Barbudos, because
the inhabitants wore longer beards than the other Indians. On the
22d they discovered the islands Ladrones, where they remained some
days, taking in water and purchasing fresh provisions, which they
procured from the Indians, in exchange for European commodities,
especially iron, an article in great esteem with them. These Indians
pilfered whatever they could lay their hands on, and assaulted our
people while procuring water; yet, many Spaniards were desirous of
remaining among them, and petitioned the General to found a colony
there, and despatch a ship to Acapulco for that purpose; but having no
orders to that effect, he prosecuted his route on the 3d of February,
and on the 13th discovered the Philippines. At Tandaya, and Abuyo,
he attempted to make an amicable arrangement with the inhabitants,
for provisions, making presents to them, and promising, that he would
pay liberally for every thing; but he could only procure one fowl
and one egg. The stock of provisions, was now, however, becoming so
short, that he deemed it necessary, to run in more among the islands,
in search of a supply. They arrived at Bohol, and found the Indians
had retired to the mountains. They had behaved so kindly, in selling
provisions to those, whom Ruy Lopez de Villalobos had sent for that
purpose, that Legaspi was astonished at their reserve, and could not
conceive the cause of this change, until the pilot of a Bornean vessel
discovered it. This vessel was taken by Colonel Matheo del Sauz,
in the following manner. The General, had sent him to reconnoitre
the vessel, and the Borneans, little acquainted with Europeans and
their customs, and believing they came to make prisoners of them,
received them in a hostile manner with their cannon [16], killing one
soldier, and wounding twenty. The Colonel returned their fire, and
killed their captain; when part of the crew escaped, in a small boat,
which they carry in the prow of their junk (the name they give their
vessels), and the pilot, with six men, delivered themselves up, without
further resistance. All this having taken place, without the knowledge
or participation of the General, he was extremely solicitous, to do
away the ill impression, which the transaction might make, and ordered
them to restore the junk, with all the effects which they had taken;
and which conduct so satisfied the Borneans, that they immediately
declared publicly, they should interest themselves particularly, in
favour of the squadron. They informed Legaspi, among other matters,
that about two years since, some Portuguese of the Moluccas, had
landed on their island, had been guilty of great extortion, and had
done considerable injury to the inhabitants; and as they could not
distinguish between the two nations, they had imagined that the people
of his squadron were Portuguese.
Legaspi was aware, that it was necessary, above all things, to
undeceive the Indians in this respect; he, therefore, earnestly
requested the pilot of the Bornean vessel, to go on shore, and effect a
reconciliation with the natives of Bohol, bringing on board the Rajah
of the island, if possible. The Moor, in gratitude to the Spaniards,
exerted himself, and returned on board with the Rajah, Sicatuna, who
was persuaded to enter into an amicable understanding with them, to be
consecrated and confirmed, in the manner usual with these islanders,
which is thus; the parties entering into a treaty of friendship being
bled at the arm, and the blood mixed with a little water, or spirit,
they reciprocally drink each other's blood, so diluted, in token of
amity. Legaspi, with this view, sent a soldier of the name of Santiago
on shore, to go through the ceremony with Sicatuna; but the latter,
thinking it below his dignity, to allow his blood to be drawn, with any
but that of the General, ordered his son to take his place, promising,
that the day following, he would proceed on board, and be bled with
the General. Sicatuna, jealous of the intentions of the Spaniards,
requested, that whilst he was on board, two Spaniards and two Moors of
Borneo, might be sent on shore, as hostages for his safety; on this
being likewise adjusted, he allowed them to cut wood in the mountains
of Bohol, for refitting their ships; and in ratification of the whole,
he was bled with the General the following day. Legaspi, in the belief
that Sicatuna was King of the island, on this account consented to the
ceremony; and although he afterwards understood, that the dominion of
the Rajahs of this country, extended over a few small villages only,
where they exercised the power, their valour gave them over their
countrymen, he had no reason to repent of what he had done; for,
in consequence of it, the Indians became free from apprehension,
and supplied the squadron with the refreshments, it stood so much in
need of.
Legaspi paid well for every thing they brought; and, at length,
procured sufficient provisions, to be in a situation to despatch one
ship to New Spain, but was unable to accompany it; and he did not wish
to have recourse to violence, to procure a larger supply, thinking
that unjustifiable and unwise, except in case of extremity. With the
people of Zebu, he was inclined to conclude, he should be obliged to
have recourse to arms, unless they supplied him, on friendly terms,
with provisions; and he intended to use, as a pretext for hostilities,
their treachery against the squadron of Magellan. He resolved,
therefore, to go to this island, in quitting that of Bohol, with the
inhabitants of which, a cordiality had subsisted from the first; and
as a proof of his sense of their conduct, he settled every account
with them, most honourably. To this justice and prudence of Legaspi,
may be attributed the easy conquest, the Spaniards made of this island,
against whose natives, they seldom have been obliged to use fire-arms.
On Easter day, the 22d of April, Legaspi accordingly sailed from
Bohol, and on Friday the 27th, he arrived at Zebu, when he immediately
despatched an interpreter named Pacheco, to propose amity with the
natives, and that the Rajah might be sent to conclude the terms. Tupas,
who was then King of Zebu, immediately sent some of the chief men,
requesting Legaspi would not fire his artillery, which would alarm
the town: and he promised to see the General, although he had no such
intention, merely wishing to gain sufficient time, for the inhabitants
to retire into the mountains, with all their moveables. It appearing
the following day, that Tupas did not comply with his promise, three
notifications were, in the space of two hours, sent to him by a notary,
accompanied by Friar Urdaneta, who had the title of Protector of the
Indians; but he paid no attention to this, and placed troops on the
shore, and in canoes, to resist the landing of the Spaniards. Legaspi
then determined on the assault, and ordered his men to fire on the
canoes and Indians, who were posted to oppose them; but they retreated
with such rapidity, that when the Spaniards leaped on shore, no enemy
was to be seen. They followed them to the town, and found it in flames,
the moveables having been taken away, and carried to the mountains, and
little of any value remaining. The soldiers plundered those houses,
which as yet, were not on fire, and among some things of little
importance, they found a jewel, consisting of the image of a child,
which they understood, was an object of adoration with the Indians,
and which is at this day, in the church of San Augustine de Santo
Nino of Zebu. The Indians, it appeared, had been in possession of
this image, from time immemorial; and they were accustomed, when they
wanted rain, to make a solemn feast, and public supplication to it,
and, carrying it to the sea side, they immersed it in the water until
it rained; honours or stripes, followed the concession or refusal,
of what they had petitioned for, and it was believed among them, that
this Santo Nino was the cause of the disgrace of Magellan. At first,
the Spaniards found very few eatables in Zebu, but continuing their
search, they stumbled upon thirty fanegas of rice, and some millet. In
returning from the town, they encountered three hundred armed Indians;
but upon our musquets being fired, they fled immediately. The General
established his camp on the sea shore, and took out the Royal treasure
which came in the Capitana, in order to be enabled to examine her
bottom, and put her in a proper state, for her return to New Spain. The
Spaniards found themselves perfectly secure in this encampment, in
the day-time, because the Indians dared not attempt to molest them,
through fear of their fire-arms; but at night, they occasioned them
continual alarms, and on several occasions, set fire to their camp,
doing however, little damage to the soldiers, who were defended by the
palisades. The General however, in consequence of this, ordered the
whole to be destroyed, and built a fort, which at once checked all
further attempts. As yet, Legaspi kept on the defensive, expecting
that Tupas would soon arrive, with whom he was desirous of being in
amity, with a view to the conquest of the island by fair means. After
repeated messages he at last appeared, accompanied by another chief,
called Tamayan. Legaspi received them with cordiality, treated them
handsomely, and, in the name of his sovereign, forgave the treachery,
they had been guilty of towards Magellan. They made many excuses for
their conduct, and promised that in three days they would return, with
all the principal people, and establish a friendly intercourse with
the Spaniards. These people will readily promise, whatever is demanded
of them, but without any intention of performing their promise. Tupas,
though King of the island, did not appear better entitled to respect,
than any of the rest, and thought nothing of breaking his word,
always, however, making some excuse on the succeeding visit.
Notwithstanding the peaceable demeanor of the Indians, the General
ordered, that no one should be permitted to quit the camp, as he
apprehended an ambuscade, which might have a fatal issue. This,
in fact, happened to Pedro de Arana, one of Legaspi's aides-de-camp,
who, disregarding this order, passed the lines alone with his gun, and
before he was able to save himself, he was run through with a lance,
and his head cut off, and carried on board a parao, which was lying at
a little distance. The General felt the loss of Pedro de Arana much,
and gave orders to the Colonel, to chastise the insolence of the
Indians, and reduce them. Whilst the Colonel was employed in this
expedition, the General, who had been accustomed to sleep on board
ship, determined to pass his nights on shore in future, through some
distrust he entertained, of the officers of the navy, and ordered,
that his aides-de-camp should keep guard over him. They did not
relish the thoughts of this, persuading themselves, they would be
degraded, by obeying the orders. The day following therefore, at a
general review of the force, Pedro Mena, in the name of the whole,
came forward, and, with very little ceremony, intimated that they
would not keep guard, as it was the duty of the privates. The Colonel
reprehended them sharply, suspended them, and struck them out of
the list of aids-de-camp of the General. This punishment for their
insolence, though fully merited, exasperated them to such a degree,
that they set fire to their tents, and had nearly burnt all the effects
belonging to his Majesty. The principal perpetrators of this crime,
were Pedro de Mena, and Terresan, who were executed the following day,
and by this act, the subordination of the rest was secured.
The ship Capitana, was by this time prepared, for her voyage to New
Spain. Her commander was Phelipe de Salcedo, grandson of the General;
and there went in her, the friars Andres de Urdaneta, to conduct her
to New Spain, and Martin de Aguirre, to solicit assistance for the
conversion of these islanders. They sailed from Zebu on the 1st of
June, 1565, and reaching the 36th degree of latitude, in search
of the north-west winds, they directed their course to Puerto
de la Natividad, where they arrived, after a four months voyage;
but considering the distance of this port from Mexico, they pushed
forwards to Acapulco, which was nearer, and they arrived there on the
30th of October. In Mexico, their arrival occasioned much exultation,
as they were considered to be lost, by the accounts which had been
given, by the Captain Arellano and the pilot Lope Martin, who, three
months before, had arrived at Puerto de la Natividad. The friars
Urdaneta and Aguirre went to Madrid, where they met with Arellano,
who was soliciting a reward, for the discovery of the track from the
Philippines to New Spain. He had persisted in his pretensions, till
the arrival of these friars, when he altered his tone; he was put in
confinement, and ordered to Mexico, to be from thence sent to Manila,
to be punished by Legaspi as his conduct deserved. The Mexicans,
however, were of opinion, that he should not be sent to Manila, until
the death of Legaspi was ascertained. The friars Urdaneta and Aguirre,
having favourably completed their mission, embarked for Mexico, where
Urdaneta died on the 3d of June, 1568, in the 70th year of his age.
CHAPTER V.
ANNO DOM. 1565.
Of the complete Conquest of the Island of Zebu, and of some Towns
in other Islands.
The day following that, on which the Capitana sailed, a Moor of Borneo,
called Cid Hamal, established in this island, arrived in our camp. He
recommended it to the General, to invite Tupas to a conference;
and upon this being done, he accordingly presented himself a second
time, with some of the chief men of the island, and the conference
terminated, in their resolution to preserve a good understanding with
the Spaniards. They paid homage to the king of Spain, promising, that
the squadron should be supplied with provisions, at the price usual
among themselves, and granting land, and every means of founding a
Spanish city, with fortifications for its defence. Amity thus restored,
the Indians began to re-build their town, and a very short time,
exhibited the pleasing sight, of the individuals of two different
nations, establishing themselves at a little distance from each other.
The Zebuans lost all apprehensions of the Spaniards, and came to
their town to sell fruit, goats, and provisions. Among the least
reserved was Tupas, who, under the pretext of accompanying other
chiefs, visited the General, making him presents; and so contrived
that his women should visit him likewise, dressing themselves in rich
clothes, with ear-rings and bracelets of gold on the feet and arms,
and accompanied by a great concourse of men and women; which visit was
not ill received, the General always treating them handsomely. Tupas
likewise, gave Legaspi his niece, who was a widow, and other women to
attend him. The General directed them to be instructed in the Christian
doctrine, and they embraced our religion, and were baptized. The
niece of Tupas, had the name of Isabel given her, in memory of the
deceased lady of the General, whose name this was, and in a little
time she was married to Maestre Andrea, an officer of the squadron.
The provisions which they had in the island of Zebu, were not
sufficient for the Indians and their numerous guests; in consequence
of which, Legaspi directed Tupas, to send two chiefs to the island
of Panay, to purchase rice. Whilst these men were on their mission,
the Spaniards sailed, in vessels which they had constructed at Zebu,
on an expedition against some towns, belonging to the enemies of the
Zebuans, and were enabled to send some rice to those in the camp. The
Moors likewise of the island of Lucon, who came for commercial purposes
to Zebu, sold them two hundred baskets of this grain; but as the
return of the two ships which had gone to Panay, was still delayed
beyond the expected time, Legaspi was compelled to put every man
on an allowance, which produced great discontent among the people,
and some even adopted the resolution of escaping with the patache
San Juan, with the intention of lying in wait behind the islands,
to rob the small barks that came there for commerce, and with their
spoils to retire to France. The authors of this conspiracy were Pablo
Hernandez and Juan Maria Venecianos; and they were joined in it by
the pilot Francis Pierres Plin, Jorge el Griego, Maestre Andrea, the
husband of Tupas's niece, Geronimo Foxa, and some foreigners. They
fixed on the 26th of November, 1565, for their undertaking, intending
previously to endeavour to disable all the ships, in order that they
might not be pursued. It pleased Heaven to retard their scheme one
day beyond the time fixed, and Juan Maria Venecianos repenting of his
treason, discovered the conspiracy to Colonel Matheo del Sauz. The
conspirators were immediately all apprehended, except Pablo Hernandez,
who escaped into the country among the Indians. The whole underwent
an examination, and Legaspi ordered that Francis Pierres Plin,
and Jorge el Griego, should be hanged by break of day. It was his
intention to have followed up the punishment of the conspirators,
and he was proceeding to hang Maestre Andrea. The clergy, however,
entreated him to pardon him, on account of his near relationship
to Tupas, to which he assented. Pablo Hernandez, pressed by hunger,
was compelled to deliver himself up, and as he was the ringleader,
he was executed in the middle of the day by proclamation, and his head
placed on a pole, as a warning to others. A pardon was granted to all
the rest in the name of the King, and by this due mixture of severity
and lenity, the minds of the General and the friars were tranquillized.
Famine, at this time, was likely to be the lot of the Spaniards,
as the chiefs who had been sent to Panay had not appeared; and as
six more paraos had been despatched for the same purpose, it was
apprehended that they had entered into a combination with the first,
to reduce the Spaniards by famine. In this situation, Captain Martin
de Goite set sail, with the intention of taking by force, from the
enemies of the Zebuans, as much provision as could be procured, and
executed his plan with so much success, that by Christmas he sent
to the camp a small vessel laden with borona (bread made of Indian
corn and millet). This proved the most acceptable new year's gift,
which could have been offered under their circumstances; by degrees
provisions became more plentiful, and the people began to revive,
and forget the famine they had endured. The chiefs now made their
appearance from Panay with the rice, but they assigned little of it
to the Spaniards, and the largest quantity to the Indians.
The General was well aware of the treachery of the Zebuans, of the
little faith to be placed in them, and their doubtful intentions;
but he dissembled his sentiments, as they were necessary to his
views, and our camp was tolerably well supplied. By the expeditions,
which Martin de Goite and others made round the adjacent islands,
it was discovered that some of the towns courted the friendship of
the Spaniards, while others planned their destruction by famine, for
which purpose all the provisions were conveyed to the mountains. The
Moors of Luzon, however, found it their interest to bring sufficient
rice to Zebu, and Legaspi, who did not wish to see a recurrence
of the same danger as had happened, sent the Colonel in search
of provisions to the neighbouring islands; but here he encountered
another inconvenience, in leaving too small a force for the defence of
Zebu; the consequence of which was, that a plot was formed to seize a
vessel belonging to the Moors of Luzon, at that time trading at Zebu,
to murder all on board, and escape with the vessel to the Moluccas,
where the Portuguese would willingly receive them. Juan Nunes de
Carrion, and Miguel Gomez Cavecillas, were executed for this piece
of treason, after due repentance of their villainy. Captain Martin de
Goite, with the provisions he forwarded, at length sent information,
that many nations were desirous of becoming vassals of the King of
Spain, and the Colonel soon after arrived with above one thousand
fanegas of rice, after having stopt at the islands of Mindanao,
Negros, and Panay, where he ransomed a Mexican Indian, who had been
in the squadron of Villalobos, and had been taken prisoner. Captain
Juan de la Jela, who had likewise gone out in search of provisions,
had the good fortune to discover the ship San Geronimo, which he
conducted to Zebu; a circumstance which filled every one with joy,
mingled with regret, at the thoughts of the tragic scenes which had
been acted on board that ship.
The Royal Audience of Mexico had despatched the ship San Geronimo from
Acapulco to relieve those at Zebu, and to advertise them of the arrival
of the Capitana at that port. They sent as captain of the ship Pedro
Sanchez Pericon; as second in command, Juan Ortez de Mosquera, and as
pilot the mulatto Lope Martin, who was sent for the express purpose
of being punished by Legaspi, for having separated, intentionally,
from the squadron in the patache San Lucas. Pericon and Mosquera had
been, before the commencement of the voyage, inimical to each other,
and in its progress their mutual antipathy was augmented. The pilot,
Martin, dreading the idea of being confronted with Legaspi, entered
into a plot with Mosquera, and they gained over to their party most
of the crew, among whom was Philip de Ocampo, a brave man, but of the
worst character. Thinking their strength sufficient, they commenced
their operations by being insolent to the commander, and one night
they killed a horse which he had brought in the galleon. The friends
of Pericon conjured him to be on his guard, as they concluded that
those who had begun by killing the horse, would end in murdering him,
if he was not sufficiently vigilant. But Pericon's confidence was too
great, and he slighted the advice of his friends. The conspirators by
this forbearance increasing every day in boldness, at last resolved to
put in practice their diabolical design of murdering the commander, and
getting possession of the vessel; accordingly one night, after having
placed guards on those of the crew whom they could not confide in,
Mosquera entered the captain's bedroom, accompanied by two seamen,
one of the name of Bartolome de Lara, and the other Morales, and
ordered them to stab Captain Pericon and his son, a young man about
twenty-five years of age, who had a sub-command in the ship. They
effected their purpose, and threw the bodies overboard; and placing
some chests on the deck for the accommodation of the people, Mosquera
thus harangued them: "Gentlemen, let us recommend to Heaven the souls
of Captain Pericon and his son; they came by their death for reasons
which, when we arrive at Zebu, shall be given to General Legaspi;
every thing shall remain unaltered, and I, as a good subject of his
Majesty, will conduct the ship to that island."
Many days had not elapsed before Mosquera and the pilot quarrelled;
it was a difficult task for the latter to reconcile himself to his
situation, and put on the mask of friendship to the former. He
whispered to Mosquera in confidence, that the people were much
irritated at the murders which had been committed, and among other
things, he proposed to tranquillize them, by putting in irons some
person who had been concerned in the affair, and afterwards to
discharge him, under the authority of a notarial process, drawn up
for that purpose, declaring his innocence. This appearing a plausible
measure enough, Mosquera, with this view, foolishly convened the ship's
company, and the pilot seized upon him, and put him in confinement. The
day following he ordered breakfast, of which Mosquera partook in
his irons, and when finished, he requested the pilot would set
him at liberty, as there had been time sufficient allowed for the
ceremony. The views of the mulatto, however, were very different;
he ordered him to be hung at the yard-arm, without giving him time
to confess, observing, that Divine Providence had ordered he should
die without partaking the sacrament, as had been the case with the
two whom he had murdered. The mulatto now remaining captain of the
ship, Philip de Ocampo, who was his favourite, made a speech to his
companions, telling them, "That Captain Lope Martin did not intend
going to Zebu; that those who were desirous of accompanying him,
should go to a part of the world where all might acquire great
riches, but that those who were of a different opinion, should be
set on shore on an island in the immediate neighbourhood of Zebu,
from whence they might easily reach Legaspi." All were silent, and
nothing was done till they arrived at the islands of Barbudos; when
Lope Martin landing on one which was desolate, gave out that it was
necessary to careen the ship there, but his real intention was to
leave most of his companions on this island, exposed to famine.
He was not, however, able sufficiently to conceal his intentions. The
Friar Capellan, a venerable priest, suspected him, and consulted
with Juan de Vivero on some means of averting this blow. Rodrigo de
Angle, the mate of the ship, a man of approved courage, determined
to appeal to his Majesty, if it cost him his life, broke the matter
to others, and eventually drew to his party Bartholome de Lara,
by promising to make him captain of the ship, although he had no
such intention. Rodrigo finding he had gained most of the crew on
board to his side, weighed anchor, and hallooed to those on shore,
that all the true and faithful vassals of his Majesty might embark
immediately, and that the ship belonged to the King. By this means
all were received on board but Lope Martin and Philip de Ocampo,
and about twenty-five others, among whom were some loyalists, who
were unable to reach the ship in time.
Bartholome de Lara, disappointed in his expectations of being made
captain of the ship, began to form a party, and was joined more from
necessity than otherwise by Hernando de Morales, his accomplice in
the murder of Pericon and his son; but the new captain contrived
means to try and hang them, after which the crew remained free from
further molestation, and they arrived at Zebu. The General Legaspi, to
deter others, hanged the notary Juan de Zaldivar, for being accessory
to the aforesaid murder. He rewarded Rodrigo del Angle, Garnica,
and Juan Enriquez, with all the loyalists, and granted a pardon,
in the name of the King, to all those who had acted any subordinate
part in this transaction.
The Colonel, at this time, had gone to ratify a treaty of peace
with some of the towns, and falling in with a small Portuguese
galleon of superior force, which bore down upon his patache, he
was compelled to escape as well as he could. About the same time,
two Portuguese vessels having appeared off Zebu, Legaspi ordered
them to be acknowledged as friends, and invited into the harbour,
but they excused themselves, and prosecuted their route. These proved
afterwards to be ships belonging to the squadron of Pereyra, which
was coming against the Spaniards, but being dispersed by storms,
they could not pursue their first intentions. The General fortified
his camp, and entertaining no fears of the Portuguese, he despatched
Martin de Goite on an amicable treaty with some adjacent towns,
and to receive the tribute of those who had already submitted. He
likewise sent the Colonel to Mindanao, for the purchase of cinnamon,
to be shipped to New Spain. This expedition was unfortunate in the
death of this great man, who was a severe loss to the Spaniards. He
caught a fever, and being in great danger, he told Morones, his second
in command, and to whom he entrusted the ship before he died, that he
suspected an intention of mutiny among the crew; the object of which
was, to go off with the patache, because they had not been allowed to
purchase cinnamon for themselves, and which being the only valuable
object for which the voyage was undertaken, belonged to the King, as
being the first purchase made of that article. Legaspi paid him the
usual funeral honours in Zebu, and punished those who were found to
be concerned in this mutiny. He likewise named as his successor Martin
de Goite. The General sent Morones to Caraga, and Pedro de Herrera to
Leyte, for tar, for careening the ships. The Indians of this island are
excellent porters and labourers, and our soldiers had such confidence
in them, that leaving their arms, and relying on their friendship, they
received the tar in an unguarded manner. This, however, in the end,
cost them dear, as on a sudden they found themselves surrounded in an
ambuscade, by eight or ten Indians to one Spaniard; and Matheo Sanchez
Gaditano not being able to extricate them, the Indians murdered all but
one Spaniard, who escaped to relate the news of this tragedy. Whilst
this was passing up the country, others came down to plunder the ship,
who finding our people in unsuspecting security, possessed themselves
of their arms, and destroyed every thing they could not take away.
On the 10th of June, 1567, there arrived at Zebu two Portuguese
caracoas, with letters from Captain Pereyra to Miguel Lopez de Legaspi,
in which he observed, that he supposed they were the Spaniards who had
taken refuge in Zebu, in consequence of bad weather, and were unable
to return to New Spain, as had happened to those of the other Spanish
squadrons which had navigated those seas; and on this supposition he
invited them to the Moluccas, where he promised to receive them with
every degree of friendship, and furnish them with proper necessaries
to prosecute their voyage.
Such were the contents of his letter on the occasion, but some invalid
Spaniards who came with the messenger, affirmed that Pereyra had
been despatched by the Viceroy of India to drive the Spaniards out
of Zebu, and not being able last year to effect it, in consequence
of the storms they had encountered, they had remained in Tidore with
the intention of completing it this year. Our General, aware of the
snare which Pereyra was laying for him, answered this specious letter
with corresponding dissimulation, and that he had given notice to his
court of the capture of these islands, and was in daily expectation
of hearing from his sovereign. Surrounded by these interruptions and
difficulties, the General sent to Acapulco the patache San Lucas,
Captain Juan de la Isla, requesting such assistance as might prevent
the threatened suspension of their intercourse with New Spain, and
which appeared highly probable. The Augustine friars sent, on this
occasion, Friar Pedro de Gamboa to solicit some additional aid for the
conversion of these infidels, who had already begun to be baptized,
and which, they urged, would securely establish the authority of the
Spaniards in the Philippines, but the friar never arrived, having
died on the voyage.
On the 20th of August, this year, Philip de Salcedo arrived with two
ships, and accompanied by his brother Juan de Salcedo, who had been
of great use in the first conquest of these islands. The General was
rejoiced at the arrival of such considerable relief, at a period when
he had reason to think Pereyra intended to attack Zebu. When Legaspi
saw, however, that the Portuguese did not make their appearance as he
expected, he despatched his grandson, Philip de Salcedo, to Acapulco,
with directions to go by the route of the Ladrone Islands, where he
was shipwrecked; but, all the people being saved, he built another
vessel, and returned to Zebu in such happy time, that he made up
for his disappointment, by the importance of his appearance, at the
period of Pereyra's arrival, on the 30th of September 1568, with a
squadron of three galleons, two galeots, three fustas, and twenty
smaller vessels. Every thing, however, on this occasion, indicated
perfect amity; the Generals visited reciprocally, and held meetings,
to ascertain whether these islands were in the line of demarcation of
Spain, or not, with the view of avoiding hostilities. Pereyra, by an
artful line of conduct, protracted these discussions, in order to gain
time, if possible, by stratagem, to get possession of the port and of
our camp, as he found it could not be effected by force. Disappointed,
however, in his views, he returned on Christmas-eve to the Moluccas,
having been dismissed with great civility by Legaspi.
CHAPTER VI.
ANNO DOM. 1569 to 1571.
Of the Conquest of Manila.
The supply of provisions having been very short, in consequence of
the Portuguese, in some measure, blockading the port, the General,
to guard against being exposed to the same danger a second time,
determined to change his position, and establish himself in a more
fertile country than that he then occupied. He ordered the camp to
be immediately removed to the island of Panay: with this commission
he charged his grandson, Philip de Salcedo, who was very cordially
received by the natives, because he had formerly assisted them against
their enemies, and enabled them to make many prisoners. Captain Luis de
la Haya was ordered to go with his detachment, to the river Araut in
the same island; Captain Andres de Ybarra to the island of Masbate;
and the Colonel was ordered to remain in Zebu. In the interim the
camp was established in Panay, and the patache San Lucas remained at
Zebu, preparing to depart for New Spain. Juan de Salcedo ordered his
brother Philip to Panay with another vessel, which conveyed the books
and effects of his grandfather, all of which were lost in a storm;
which loss, although he felt it severely, Legaspi bore with exemplary
patience and fortitude.
Philip de Salcedo having loaded the patache San Lucas, sailed from
Zebu, and, in a few days after her departure, fell in with the San
Juan, which had sailed from Acapulco, and was commanded by Captain
Juan Lopez de Aguirre; Salcedo returned with her to Zebu, and, on
the 10th of July, sailed a second time on his voyage. By the San
Juan the Augustine fathers had sent Friar Herrera, having appointed
him a provincial, or clerical head of a province, which was the
first they had established in the Philippines. Their intention was
by this appointment, to increase the importance of the religious
orders, and induce higher respect from the new converts; the effect,
accordingly, was the addition of many to the number, stimulated too,
by the example of Tupas and his son: Legaspi stood godfather to Tupas,
who was christened Philip, in compliment to the King of Spain;
and his son was christened Charles, and had, as his godfather,
Juan de Salcedo. The feasts which were held on the day these two
new Christians were baptized, contributed, at the same time, to the
conversion of many others. This was a measure of great expediency,
although the duty of the fathers became necessarily so much more
enlarged. It was determined that a friar, whose name was Juan Alba,
should be sent to attempt the conversion of the isle of Masbate;
and another, by the name of Alonzo Ximenes, to the river Araut, in
the island of Panay, where he made many converts. Friar Martin de
Rada remained in Zebu, and the rest of the clergy accompanied the
General in the conquest of Manila.
The General Legaspi arrived at Panay, accompanied by the Colonel,
who, however, immediately returned to his command at Zebu, together
with his wife, who had just arrived from New Spain with Captain Juan
Lopez de Aguirre, in the ship San Juan. Legaspi was received by the
natives of Panay with every demonstration of joy, and they appeared
more sincere in their professions than those of Zebu. He constructed,
with all expedition, some works, to enable him to resist the attempts
of the squadron of Pereyra, and check the proceedings of a swarm of
pirates, which had issued from Jolo and Borneo in twenty vessels,
called vireyes, and had captured a Spanish vessel, with the crew. The
Colonel attacked these pirates with nine proas: he took four vireyes,
and would have taken the whole, had not seven of his vessels been too
much astern. Having forwarded the account of this engagement to the
General, he was now at liberty to assist the inhabitants of Aclan,
who had sustained considerable injury from the pirates of Mindoro. In
the month of January, 1570, Juan de Salcedo sailed on this expedition
with thirty Spaniards and many friendly Indians. He entered the town
of Mamburao, and, having made himself master of it, compelled the
inhabitants to ransom themselves with gold; after which he proceeded
to the isle of Lucban, where the pirates of Mindoro had taken refuge,
and had protected themselves by some indifferent works; he, with
ease, forced their intrenchments, attacked them with fire-arms,
and, as they were unable to resist this mode of warfare, they agreed
to ransom themselves with gold, as the inhabitants of Mamburao had
done. Salcedo divided the spoil among his soldiers and the Indians,
and returned to Panay, to give an account of this expedition.
The General, who was determined above all things on the conquest
of Manila, named the Colonel as commandant, and sent with him his
grandson, Juan de Salcedo, with an hundred and twenty Spaniards,
and many friendly Indians, to accomplish it. They sailed from Panay
the beginning of May 1570. The Colonel went directly against Manila,
but Juan de Salcedo turned aside to the country about the lake of
Bombon, which is now called the Province of Batangas, to treat with
the natives. He sent the usual peace-offerings, but they answered
him with their arms. He engaged them, and would have succeeded,
but received so severe a wound in his leg from an arrow, that he
was compelled to abandon his enterprise, and follow the Colonel to
Manila. The Colonel made terms with the Rajah, who was a good old
man, and whom history calls Raxa Matanda, that is, the old Rajah; he
had a nephew of the name of Raxa Soliman, who, likewise, made terms
with the Colonel; but little dependence could be placed on him, as he
evidently was no friend to the Spaniards, and had, as it was supposed,
secreted provisions. He was accused, likewise, of exciting the Indians
to murder the Spaniards, while on shore, which obliged our people to
behave with great circumspection toward them. One day Raxa Soliman
even ordered his men to fire upon our shipping, and, after having done
us considerable damage, he embarked on board a large junk, and left
the river, firing at us as he passed [17]. The Colonel instantly landed,
leaving Juan de Salcedo in charge of the ships, and, with eighty men,
stormed the fort which the Indians had at the mouth of the river, and
where at present stands the fort of Santiago. He ordered his soldiers
to attack the guns, and they were so fortunate in their attack,
as in their first onset to kill the principal artillery officer,
who appeared to be an European, as he was seen to cross himself
before he died [18]; the remainder, were by the vigour of the assault,
compelled to fly towards the town, which they burnt in their retreat,
that the Spaniards might not profit by their success. Among other
things, a foundery for cannon was destroyed, and it was supposed
they had thrown many pieces of artillery into the sea, as only
twelve, and a few falconets (a piece so called), were found in the
place. The old Rajah was not a party in this disturbance, as neither
he nor any of his people were engaged; and his fidelity was proved,
by his having displayed from his house a white flag, during the time
the action lasted. The Colonel, fearing that if he remained longer,
he should encounter the south-west monsoon, and be unable to return,
retired immediately to Cavite, to do the needful repairs to his ships,
and in two days sailed for Panay.
On the 23d of June of this year, Captain Juan de la Isla arrived
with three vessels, in which came the Friar Perrera with two other
religious, viz. Friar Diego Ordunez, and Friar Diego de Espinar, who
came to labour in this new vineyard. Despatches were brought by them
from his Majesty, by which Miguel Lopez de Legaspi was constituted
President of the islands of the Ladrones, and he was recommended to
settle the Philippines; at the same time his Majesty bestowed portions
of lands, with their inhabitants, on all who might be engaged in the
conquest. With a view to put these orders in execution, Legaspi first
despatched from Panay, the same Captain Juan de la Isla, with two ships
to Acapulco, and sailed for Zebu, where he ordered it to be proclaimed,
that he intended to erect the town which had been built into a
city, and to give every encouragement to increase the population,
directing those who wished to settle in it to go before the notary,
to be enrolled by five hundreds. On New Year's day, 1571, he named
two ordinary alcaldes, six regidores, a notary, and two alguazils,
who immediately took the customary oath on entering their office, and
he strictly enjoined them the discharge of their respective duties. He
likewise directed that the town, which had till then been called San
Miguel, should be named the City del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus, in
memory of the discovery of the sacred child, as before related. He
settled the manner, in which rewards should be distributed among
the tributary Indians, who were in the neighbourhood of the city,
and left them under the care of the treasurer, Guido de Labezares,
in order that he might have the opportunity of finishing a stone fort,
which he had ordered to be constructed. All these and many subordinate
objects, being attained by the end of January, he returned to Panay,
to attempt from thence the conquest of Manila.
Immediately after the President arrived at Panay, the Colonel,
attended by all the officers and soldiers, joined him, leaving in
Masbate the Padre Alba with six men, and in Dumangas Padre Ximenes, in
charge of the new conquests. The Padre Herrera, with other religious,
accompanied the General in his expedition against Manila, on which he
sailed the 15th of April; and in the island of Lutaga he reviewed his
force, and found they amounted to two hundred and eighty soldiers,
consisting partly of his own people, of those of the Colonel, of
Captains Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Haya, and Juan de Salcedo. He
passed by the island of Mindoro, and settled the tribute which the
natives were to pay to the King of Spain. Here he had the opportunity
of saving a Chinese vessel called a Sampan, from foundering; and
he received the crew, with that kindness and warmth of feeling,
so natural to the Spaniards.
The Chinese acknowledged the kindness of the Spaniards, and formed
a friendly connection with them. The President continued his voyage,
and entered Cavite, where he waited the arrival of those who had fallen
astern; meantime he treated with the natives of the place, and received
them as vassals of the King of Spain. Two days after he arrived, he
entered with all his squadron into the river of Manila. The Indians,
thinking the Spaniards had returned, to punish them for the resistance
they had made to the Colonel, set fire to the town, and with their
effects fled to Tondo. The President sent the Colonel to bring them
to terms, who, arriving at their camp, gave them to understand, by
means of an interpreter, that the Spaniards had not come with the
intention of doing them any injury. On learning this, some began
to quench the flames, and others went in search of the old Rajah;
and Lacandola, the chief of Tondo, immediately went with others to
wait on Legaspi. He received them with a smiling countenance, and
told them that he came as a friend, provided they acknowledged the
King of Spain, as their king and natural lord and master, who would
receive them under his protection, and relieve their distresses. The
principal motive, he said, which induced his Majesty to send him there,
was to propagate the true worship of one all powerful God; that he
had brought several sacred characters with him for that purpose, and
shewing them Padre Herrera, said that he was the principal of those,
who were to be their teachers. They promised to become vassals of the
King of Spain, and hear the law which they were to be taught; he hinted
to them that he did not see Rajah Soliman with them: they replied,
that he dared not appear after what had happened with the Colonel on
the first expedition; but if he would pardon him, he would immediately
appear, and promise obedience, as the rest had done. The General not
only promised to pardon him, but sent him a message to that effect,
without, however, being able to remove his apprehensions at that time.
But on the 18th of May, Rajah Soliman arrived, accompanied by his
uncle Rajah Matanda and Lacandola, making many apologies for what
had passed. The General pardoned and received him as a vassal of
his Majesty, and as such he was registered by the notary, Hernando
Riguel. Legaspi immediately commenced his arrangements for founding a
new city, and directed the Indians to finish the fort they had begun
in the mouth of the river. Behind this he erected a large building,
which served as a palace, with a church and convent for the religious,
and an hundred and twenty smaller houses for the remainder of the
Spaniards, intending this city to be the seat of government, both
spiritual and temporal, of the islands. The whole of this, the Indians
engaged to accomplish with great despatch, but it was found necessary,
to employ the Spaniards to assist them in it. A good understanding
being thus established, between the natives of Manila and Tondo and
the Spaniards, Manila was taken possession of on the day following,
the 19th of May, 1571, when, in a temporary church, the feast of
the blessed Virgin Mary was celebrated, who, from that circumstance,
was named the patroness of the new city.
The peace which Rajah Soliman and Lacandola had made, was, on their
part, by no means sincere, for the Indians of Macabebe and Hagonoy,
appearing at the mouth of the harbour of Bancusay, with forty caracoas
(an Indian vessel), proceeded to the house of Lacandola. These
men jeered at and reproached the Indians, for submitting with such
readiness, to such an insignificant number of Spaniards, promising,
if they were disposed to shake off the yoke, that they should be
assisted from Tondo and the neighbouring country, and not leave one
Spaniard alive. The President, supposing those Indians who had arrived,
had come to solicit peace, sent two Spaniards to assure them that they
might present themselves to him without fear. The chief of the Indians,
after listening to these ambassadors, leaped on his feet, and drawing
and flourishing his cimeter, he said, "The sun gave me life, and I
must not be disgraced in the eyes of my women, who would detest me,
if they thought I was capable, of being on friendly terms with the
Spaniards." With this speech he quitted the house, without waiting
to go down by the ladder, for, with great boldness, he leaped out of
the window into his caracoa, calling out to the Spaniards, "I expect
you in the bay of Bancusay." Legaspi determined upon punishing such
conduct, and sent against him the Colonel Martin de Goite with eighty
Spaniards, in some newly constructed small vessels. The Indian chief
was true to his word, and waited for them where he had said, with his
squadron. The battle began, and he fought with great valour; but,
in a short time, being killed by a musket shot, the rest dismayed,
fled with great precipitation; our people pursued, and made many
prisoners, among whom were the son of Lacandola, and his nephew,
by which his deceit and dissimulation were sufficiently manifest;
the President, however, sent them home, without the punishment they
merited for their treason. After this engagement, the natives became so
much afraid of the Spaniards, that many chiefs came to Manila begging
peace, and offering to become vassals of the king of Spain. By this
time, the works which had been ordered in Manila were considerably
advanced, and, on the day of St. John the Baptist, the President,
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, founded the city as the metropolis of the
Philippine Islands, appointing two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores,
an alguazil mayor, and a notary, who all took the customary oaths, to
discharge the duties of their respective offices with justice. This
ceremony took place while Philip II. was King of Spain, and Pius
V. was in the fifth year of his pontificate, the first governor
being the President, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. The public square was
now marked out, with the situation of the convent of San Augustine,
and the subordinate arrangements were left to the magistracy. Legaspi
ordered the city to be called Manila, of which his Majesty approved,
giving it a coat of arms. This city is placed in fourteen degrees
and a half of north latitude, and is thought to be the antipodes of
the river Saint Ann, in Brazil, which is in the same latitude in the
opposite tropic of Capricorn.
CHAPTER VII.
ANNO DOMINI, 1571.
Of the Government of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.
Manila being founded, and most of the towns of the surrounding
district, in amity with the Spaniards, the Governor sent the Colonel
to Pampanga, to reduce that province to the Spanish yoke, but he
had no sooner arrived at the river Betis, on his way thither, than
he was compelled to return, without being able to reduce either the
town of Betis or that of Lubao; for it appeared that Rajah Soliman and
Lacandola, who had gone with him to serve as interpreters between the
Indians and him, had conducted themselves treacherously. This fully
appeared by Lacandola leaving the Colonel, and returning to Manila
without leave, for which the Governor ordered him to be put in irons,
and, to increase his punishment, told his relations that he would
not let him at liberty but at the Colonel's request; even then he did
not accede to it without confiscating all his artillery, consisting
of fifteen pieces of cannon, large and small. About this time Rajah
Matanda fell sick, and requesting to be baptized, a clergyman of
the name of Juan de Vivero administered this sacrament to him by
the name of Philip: he died of his disorder, and was buried with
great solemnity. On the 17th of July, Don Diego Legaspi, a nephew
of the Governor, arrived; he was sent by Captain Juan de Aguirre to
the aid of his uncle, having a short time before come to Panay with
two ships, which the Viceroy of Mexico had sent to these islands as a
reinforcement. The Governor ordered the Colonel to proceed to Panay,
and despatch these ships to Manila, and afterwards go to Zebu, and
bring his family to the capital. Whilst the Colonel was executing this
commission, Juan de Salcedo was sent to reduce the people of Cainta and
Taytay, two small towns high up the river Pasig, which had refused to
acknowledge the Spanish authority, and had strengthened their position
by some fortifications covering their towns. He carried Cainta by
assault, with the loss of only two killed and five wounded, but with
great slaughter on the part of the Indians, upon hearing which, the
inhabitants of Taytay immediately surrendered. He afterwards marched
to a town on the borders of the lake Bay, and of the same name, and
summoned the inhabitants, but they answered him with their arms in
their hands. He had with him Padre Friar Alonso de Albarado, who had
accompanied Ruy Lopez de Villalobos in his expedition; had returned
a second time to Mexico; and again had accompanied the other five
religious, of the order of San Augustine, to Manila. This venerable
person the Colonel sent, to assure the Indians, that he did not wish to
employ his arms against them, and that he had commissioned the Padre
Friar Alonso, to accommodate matters, requesting them immediately to
deliver up their town of Bay. This in the end was acceded to, and was
followed, by the submission of many small towns, on the borders of
the lake. Juan de Salcedo went further up the country behind them,
and found the people of Mahayhay, fortified by nature so securely
on a hill, that they could defend themselves against a great force,
with no difficulty, by rolling down immense stones. Having, however,
reconnoitred it, he perceived a path less rugged than the rest,
and where they seemed more negligent. By this path he surmounted
the difficulty, and appeared above them, when they were seized
with such a panic, that they fled precipitately, without making
any resistance. For two days more, Juan de Salcedo was detained
in this part of the country, passing through the villages, which,
however, he found deserted, the inhabitants having taken refuge in the
mountains. He in consequence returned to Bay, where he had left most of
his people. It was understood, that in the country of the Camarines,
there was a town called Paracale, where there were mines of gold. He
sent back to Manila Padre Albarado, and some of the Spaniards; and
having a few soldiers only, he encountered a great many difficulties,
in undertaking the conquest of this town. Many days having elapsed,
without hearing from them at Manila, the Governor despatched Major
Antonio Hurtado in search of them, and he found Juan de Salcedo in
Paracale, with all his people, very much weakened, in consequence of
the hardships they had been exposed to, and the sickness with which
they had been attacked. Salcedo returned with Hurtado to Manila, on
which occasion there were great rejoicings, as he had been supposed
dead, and the loss of a man so much loved and respected would have
been severely felt.
About this time the Colonel returned from Zebu, having first subdued
the province of Pampanga. The Governor now apportioned the conquered
districts and towns, among the respective officers, who had so well
earned that reward, reserving to his Majesty the usual tribute
only. He directed, that the Indians should pay a moderate rent,
to those new proprietors of land, and the Spaniards were enjoined,
not to exact any thing above the rent so settled. In a little time
it was discovered, that the Indians would not pay the tribute; and
that the Spanish proprietors, had been guilty of many vexatious acts
against them, which had produced revolts in various places. In Bohol,
Panay, and in Marinduque, the Indians had killed several Spanish
factors and soldiers. To prevent these disturbances from spreading,
the Governor sent Captain Luis de la Haya, to examine into the matter,
and to punish the aggressors. He executed his commission with such
prudence, that, without exasperating the Indians, he chastised the
murderers, and left the towns in complete subordination.
At the beginning of the year 1572, there arrived, with a great deal
of rich merchandize, those Chinese whom the Spaniards had saved from
shipwreck, in the island of Mindoro, together with many others of that
nation, who brought damasks, satins, taffeties, silks, porcelain,
and other things, with which the foundation of a lucrative commerce
with Acapulco was laid. These Chinese, whom we call Sangleyes,
from two Chinese words, hiang, lay, which signifies travelling
merchants, continue to this day the commerce with Manila, and many
have settled in these islands, where, however, they have frequently
been troublesome, as will be seen in the sequel. About the time these
merchants arrived, the Augustine friars intended to hold their second
provincial chapter, and the first which had been celebrated at Manila;
and at this it was determined, to send some of their order to China,
to establish a religious intercourse between the two nations. The
Governor agreed to this, and was desirous, at the same time, to send
an embassy to the Emperor; but the Chinese would not agree to take it
to China. The Friar Alvarado, however, who was the most desirous of
the undertaking, began to study the language, that he might be able
to convert and baptize the Chinese merchants, who seemed disposed
to settle in Manila; this plan he had adopted in Tondo, where he had
administered the sacrament to numbers. In this provincial chapter it
was agreed, that Padre Herrera should be sent a second time to Mexico,
in order to bring more clerical aid to this province; they likewise
chose as provincial, the Padre Friar Martin de Rada, and elected a
capitular of the convent of Manila; they established clergy in Zebu,
Masbate, Otong, Mindoro, Tondo, Calumpit, and Lubao. Soon after this,
convents were founded in the districts of Taal, Bay, and Pasig, and
many visitations were made, by which it was ascertained, that the
number of the clergy increased so much, that it became necessary,
to separate the parish priests from the friars.
The greater part of this quarter of the island, being reduced to
complete obedience, to the King of Spain, and nothing being known of
the northern part of it, Juan de Salcedo offered to make the discovery,
at his own risk. He collected men and ships, the Governor allowing
him forty-five soldiers, with necessary ammunition. He sailed from
Manila on the 20th of May, 1572; on the third day, he arrived at
Cape Bolinao, in the province of Zambales, where he found a Chinese
junk or sampan, and a party of Chinese, who had got possession of a
chief and some Indians, with an intent to carry them to China. Juan
de Salcedo re-took them from the Chinese, and gave them their liberty,
which action so gratified the feelings of the natives, that they became
immediately vassals of the King of Spain, and solicited to be placed
on the same footing, as the people of the other districts. Passing
from thence to Pangasinan, he coasted the whole of that province,
and that of Ylocos, until he arrived at Cape Boxeador, examining all
the ports, bays, and landing places, near which his squadron was able
to approach, and it consisted of many, but very small vessels. He
was desirous, of preserving a good understanding with the Indians,
and most of the towns on the coast, received him in a very friendly
manner, and supplied him with provisions, which he stood in need of;
but on his entering the rivers and creeks, he found great resistance
from the inhabitants of the districts bordering on them. He attacked
them on several occasions, putting them to flight with great ease,
and sent to them, desiring them to leave the mountains, with a promise
of his friendship. Some, however, not relying on the promises of the
Spaniards, could not divest themselves of their apprehensions, while
others readily came down, submitted, and agreed to pay the tribute. In
this manner he was proceeding, and had almost subdued these two large
provinces [19], intending to pass on to Cagayan; but he was opposed by
his own people, who became weary of the expedition. His second in
command, Antonio Hurtado, proposed that he should go on, and prosecute
his original plan, but Juan de Salcedo, although he desired it much,
thought it better to accede to the representations of his soldiers,
and they returned by the same route, confirming in their obedience
the towns which had submitted. On his arrival at Bigan, the natives
received him with so much cordiality, that he prudently determined
on the step of founding there a Spanish city, for the purpose of
controlling the neighbouring country.
Having, with this view, ordered the natives to cut sufficient timber
to build a fort, and accommodations for those who chose to remain,
he became desirous of executing the original project, which he had
abandoned, of passing on to Cagayan. He left in Bigan his second
in command, with twenty-five soldiers, and, with the seventeen that
remained, he commenced this arduous undertaking, departing in three
vessels on the 24th of July. Having passed Cape Boxeador, he entered
a river where he found a mud village of salt-makers; he desired them
to call their chiefs, as he wished to be on good terms with them,
and after many messages they appeared with their Rajah, who was a
very handsome man, and whiter than the rest of the Indians. Juan de
Salcedo came up to him with open arms, intending to embrace him; but
the barbarian, unaccustomed to such a mode of salutation, believing
that he wanted to catch him, took to his heels and fled, and on
no entreaty would he be prevailed on, to leave the mountains. Our
people, therefore, hoisted their sails, and arrived at the river of
Cagayan. They sailed up this river a considerable way, and found a
populous district; but they dared not attempt any hostility against
the inhabitants, as they were so few in number in comparison to
the natives, and they resolved to return to Manila by that side of
the island, in order completely to ascertain the whole extent of
Luzon. They proceeded about one hundred leagues, without discovering
any population, or any thing but a rocky shore. They coasted it
until they arrived at a bay, which Juan de Salcedo thought had been
named Amanto, having been there when he went to Paracale. In this,
however, he was mistaken, but as that bay was very near, he arrived
in a few days at it. Here he went on shore; and travelled on till
he came to the towns on the lake, where he embarked on board a small
boat with only four rowers. The boat was on the point of foundering
during the passage, and the Indians deserting her by swimming away,
he would inevitably have been lost, had not a proa, with some friendly
Indians, passing by, immediately relieved him. Arriving at Manila, he
received the melancholy intelligence of the death of his grandfather,
on the 20th of August, 1572, accelerated much by the vexatious and
multifarious duties of his office. He was interred in the church of
the Augustines, with the magnificence due to his character and station.
By the death of Legaspi, the treasurer, Guido de Labezares became
governor ad interim, by a decree of the Royal Audience of Mexico,
and which decree was found among the papers of the deceased. A few
days after Labezares had succeeded to the government, Manila suffered
severely from a hurricane, which destroyed almost all the houses,
these being built of canes, and drove back the two ships which
had been sent to Acapulco, but which, after the storm subsided,
sailed again for New Spain, carrying accounts of the death of
Legaspi. The new Governor sent Colonel Martin de Goite, to reduce
the revolted natives of Ylocos, which was done with little trouble,
and he brought away the tribute of the king in gold, compelling them
to ransom themselves, for a sum far exceeding that amount. This he
was enabled so easily to do, by the exertions of Juan de Salcedo,
who, at his own cost, had subdued nearly all this province, and who,
as the Colonel represented, ought to be allowed to reap the fruits
of his labours; but Guido de Labezares was prejudiced against him,
and would not employ him until he was undeceived as to his merits. He
then sent him to the conquest of the Camarines, which he effected with
ease, and founded near the river of Vicol a Spanish city, calling it
Santiago de Libon. He appointed as chief judge Captain Pedro de Chaves,
with eighty soldiers. While Juan de Salcedo was making these conquests,
the governor ad interim was exploring the whole of the Bisayas: he
attempted to restrain within proper bounds the avarice of the factors,
but it was without effect, as the moment he was gone they returned to
their old practices. Meanwhile a ship from Acapulco arrived with three
Augustine friars, men who were much required, not only for the purpose,
of converting to the Christian religion, the natives of the conquered
countries, but likewise to preserve the tranquillity of the different
towns, and which could not be effected solely by force of arms.
When the Governor ad interim returned to Manila, he sent an embassy
to the Rajah of Borneo, but without effect, as he had no wish to
be on terms with the Spaniards. He likewise divided the province
of Ylocos between the Colonel and Juan de Salcedo, who had been
employed in that expedition. In the beginning of the year 1574, Juan
de Salcedo sailed to take possession of his portion; he founded in
the district of Bigan the city Fernandina, where he built a house for
himself. While he was accomplishing this object, a large squadron of
vessels passed by, which had taken a galeot and twenty men he had sent
in search of provisions; and presuming that their intention was to
attack him, he began to fortify the town, but seeing they prosecuted
their route, he took it for granted they were going against Manila;
and having collected together all the Spaniards he had in Ylocos,
he embarked for the capital to the assistance of the Governor. This
was the famous expedition of Limahon, by which Manila was nearly lost,
but a short time after its foundation.
Limahon was a pirate of such renown, that the Emperor of China had
sent against him three different squadrons, and he was in fact so
pressed on all sides by this force, that having captured a Chinese
junk coming from Manila, who informed him of the new conquests
by the Spaniards, he determined to sail for this country, and be
crowned King of these islands, in order to be secure, by this means,
from the Emperor's attacks. He arrived at the island of Corregidor,
which is in the mouth of the bay, the 29th of November 1574, with
sixty-two junks, in which he brought one thousand five hundred women,
two thousand soldiers, and a great many seamen, sufficient artillery,
muskets, and swords. The Spaniards had no intimation of his arrival
at Corregidor, and the same night his second in command, who was a
Japanese of the name of Sioco, landed with six hundred men, with which
he entered, and attempted to take possession of Manila. In the attempt
to land his men he lost three boats, which were swamped by the surf;
but he effected his object, without being at all discovered by our
people. He first landed at Paranaque, supposing it to be Manila, but
soon finding out his mistake, he began his march to it by the beach,
his vessels following him, and at day-break he arrived at Manila, where
he was discovered by the Indians. They made all haste to the Colonel,
who lived close to the royal gate, where the college of St. Joseph
now stands, and informed him, that there was an immense body of Moors
of Borneo coming by the sea side. The Colonel, however, as he had no
reason to conclude, that the Borneans considered themselves, in direct
hostility with the Spaniards, gave no credit to it, till he saw the
Chinese enter by the gate, close to his house. Three soldiers, who
were placed as guards there, attempted to resist them, but they were
soon overpowered by multitudes, and one only escaped, severely wounded.
The wife of the Colonel looking out of the window, thought they were
Indians come against them, and called out, "Here the dogs come, we
are all dead." The Portuguese interpreter, who accompanied Sioco,
enraged at this reproachful epithet of the lady, ordered the house
to be set on fire. The Colonel, who was ill, immediately on this got
up, put on his armour, and unsheathing his sword, leapt out of the
window in the midst of his enemies, who received him on their swords,
and cut him to pieces. They killed the wife of a common soldier, whom
they found in the house, and left for dead Dona Lucia Corral, the wife
of the Colonel, but she afterwards recovered from her wounds. Sioco
pursuing his march, encountered some Spaniards who were on their way
to assist the Governor, and seeing that there were few opposed to
him, he formed his men into a half moon, and charged the centre of
the Spaniards. The engagement was long doubtful, when eight soldiers
being killed, the rest must have shared their fate, had they not been
joined by twenty more, under the command of Captain Alonso Velasquez,
the aid-de-camp of General Amador de Arriaran, and Gaspar Ramirez,
aid-de-camp of the Colonel, who charged the Chinese so furiously,
that Sioco was obliged to retire to his boats and join Limahon, who had
anchored in Cavite. Sioco justified his ill success in this action, by
saying, that the people were tired by their long march along the beach,
which excuse Limahon admitted, and determined on another assault on
the third day. This affair having happened on St. Andrew's day, the
Spaniards attributed it to the intercession of that Saint, that they
had not all fallen into the hands of the Chinese, and expressed their
gratitude, by choosing him patron of Manila, instituting an annual
solemn feast on the occasion. Limahon's delay of the second attack,
was the means of saving all, as it gave time to Juan de Salcedo, to
join with his force from Ylocos. He arrived in the bay, in the night
of the same day of St. Andrew, and understanding that Limahon was in
Cavite, he did not attempt to enter there, but landed on the Pampanga
side of the bay. The day following, in the evening, he met with two
Indians, who had escaped from the engagement, and informed him of all
that had happened; he immediately made sail, and entered Manila that
night. When he was at the mouth of the river, he ordered the trumpets
to be sounded, and placed a great number of lights about his ship,
to induce the enemy to believe, the approach of considerable relief
to the Spaniards, who saluted him in form, all of which caused great
alarm to the Chinese. The Governor ad interim, was so pleased with
the diligence of Juan de Salcedo, that he appointed him Colonel,
in the room of Martin de Goite.
The same night, Limahon weighed anchor from Cavite, and pressed on to
Manila, and Sioco disembarked the following morning, after having sworn
by an oath to his General, that he would either die in the attempt,
or that day be in possession of the house of the Governor. He directed
his march to the fort, which our people had constructed of timber,
faggots, and barrels of earth, and he divided his troops into three
bodies. He ordered one to march down, through the principal street of
the city, to the square, where he expected the Spaniards would sally
out of the fort, and engage them; and in this expectation, he sent
another body, by the side of the river round the fort, and the third,
which he commanded himself, he led along the beach. The division which
had been ordered down the principal street, arrived in the square,
and in order to induce the Spaniards to sally from the fort, they
set fire to the houses. Fortunately the Spaniards did not quit the
fort, though they saw their houses burning, but contented themselves
with playing their artillery upon the Chinese, doing a great deal
of mischief. Sioco, finding that it was not possible, to draw the
Spaniards from their fortifications, and having lost many of his men,
ordered the division that had arrived at the square, to assault the
fort, at the same time leading on his own. Such was the multitude of
the Chinese, against so few on our part, that the palisade was forced,
and they entered through a part, which Ensign Sancho Ortez defended,
and in which he was killed, performing prodigies of valour. Immediately
the Governor heard of this, he repaired to the fort, attended by the
Colonel; they cut their way through the Chinese, and having entered it,
repulsed the invaders with great loss. The Chinese, panic struck at
this, retiring by degrees towards the shore, the Spaniards followed
them close, making great slaughter among them; but, to our great
misfortune, our people suddenly abandoned their advantage, at the
sight of Limahon's squadron, which had just entered the river, but
had not been able hitherto, to take part in the action.
Limahon observing this, ordered his ships off, in order that his
men might become desperate, on finding themselves deprived of all
protection from him: the contrary effect, however, was produced by
it, as they were seized with such a panic, that they could not face
their enemies, but formed themselves on the shore, and received the
fire of our artillery, which was discharged repeatedly upon them,
determined rather to wait death with firmness, than return into the
engagement. In this they would have persisted, had not Limahon arrived
with four hundred fresh men. As all was not lost, he ordered some of
his people to burn a ship and galley, which, with a few other small
vessels, were drawn up on the beach, and which, when they had destroyed
the houses, they had forgot to burn with the rest, and he made a false
attack on the fort, in order to compel the Spaniards to sally out, to
hinder the operation. The Colonel guessed his intention: he, however,
sallied out with fifty men, against those only who were proceeding
to pillage the city, and put them to flight precipitately. Limahon
seeing that his plan had not succeeded, having lost many men,
and finding that his principal captain, Sioco, had been killed,
he embarked his troops, and, under favour of the night, returned
to the river Paranaque, where he killed all the Indians, he found
assembled in any hostile way, and, before day-break, he set sail,
and did not bring to, until he came to the province of Pangasinan;
where he entered into an amicable arrangement with the chief, forming
an encampment, and fortifying it with a strong palisado on an inlet of
the river Lingayen. The Governor was determined to follow him into the
province, but he found it necessary first to restore the fortifications
of the city, and likewise to quell a sedition of the Indians, who,
on this occasion, shewed how little they could be depended upon.
The natives of Manila, whilst the Spaniards were engaging the Chinese,
robbed their houses and maltreated their slaves; those of Tondo killed
some Sachristans belonging to a convent, and they would have done the
same with the clergy, but that they could not have concealed it. Those
of the island of Mindoro, however, imprisoned the friars, and took them
to the mountains, where they were not bold enough to murder them, till
they saw how the action with Limahon would terminate, and how things
would be adjusted. Rajah Soliman and Lacandola, the chief of Manila
and Tondo, apprehensive that the Governor would punish them for this
ill conduct, retired to Navotas, where they fomented a rebellion. In
order to quell this the Colonel, accompanied by Friar Marin, set out
immediately, and when Lacandola understood they had arrived, he sent
to them to request the friar would repair to a station about three
leagues distant, where all the chiefs were assembled, and where they
were desirous of treating of a reconciliation with the Spaniards. The
friar Marin determined to proceed to the station which they mentioned,
and there he met all the chiefs, who received him with much joy,
but they could not be persuaded to see the Colonel. Lacandola alone
abandoned his fears, in consequence of the promise the friar had made
him, and left Navotas with an intention to present himself, but he
found that Juan de Salcedo had returned, and directed his way to his
house. Salcedo encountered two ranks of armed men on the banks of the
river, near the house of Lacandola; he boldly went up to them, and
took away their lances and arrows; when, Lacandola arriving, he said,
"What is the meaning of this? why are these men armed?" The Indian made
many excuses, and promised to wait on the Governor the day following,
in company with the friar Marin. The Governor admitted the excuses,
and presented Lacandola with a silk mantle and a gold chain. Won over
by this treatment, Rajah Soliman, in four days, presented himself to
the Governor, and the sedition was thus terminated. Captain Rivera
subdued the people of Mindoro with the same facility.
The Governor being relieved from the anxiety, which the restlessness
of the Indians had occasioned, determined to follow Limahon to
Pangasinan. He found, on mustering, that the soldiers in Manila
amounted to two hundred, and about two hundred more were scattered
through the provinces of Bisayas and Camarines; from among these
he manned the squadron, with two hundred and fifty Spaniards, and
he added one thousand five hundred friendly Indians. On the 22d of
March 1575, the Colonel sailed with this armament to Pangasinan,
and, on the 29th of the same month, in the night, arrived in the
river Lingayen. The day following he sent Captain Pedro de Chaves to
take possession of the ships belonging to the corsair, and Captain
Gabriel de Rivera to reconnoitre his fortifications. Chaves executed
his commission with ease, as the Chinese fled from their ships, the
moment he boarded them. Rivera attacked the works, firing upon them,
and making a dreadful carnage. Limahon, observing what passed, ordered
his men under cover of a grove of date trees, where they might defend
themselves more easily. Captain Chaves sent assistance to Rivera,
and a most sanguinary engagement commenced. Rivera at last routed
the Chinese, compelling them to retire to their fort, which he would
have scaled, but, finding the palisade too lofty, he had recourse
to the expedient of ordering his men to rush in a body against it,
formed as it was of date trees driven into the earth. This they did
with such force, that they broke through, opened the gate, and entered
the fort. The Chinese then retired within the second palisade, which
was the quarter of Limahon. The Spaniards ought to have attacked the
inner fort, before the Chinese had recovered from their panic; but
their avarice prevailed, and they dispersed themselves through the
different houses, which had been built within the first palisade,
plundering them, without attempting any thing else. Limahon was
not slow in taking advantage of this error of the Spaniards, and,
attacking them with four hundred men, he drove them out of the works
with great loss, thus paying dearly for the indulgence of their habits
of plunder. Ashamed of this defeat, our people returned a second time
to the assault, when they retook the first line of works, but being
unable to force the inner one, they burnt the houses of the Chinese,
and going on board their boats, they retired to where Pedro de Chaves
was posted. Here, finding one of the junks unserviceable, she was
set fire to, and a retreat of the whole body was made good, to the
post where the Colonel was stationed, with the rest of the armament.
Juan de Salcedo, convinced of the difficulty of taking the fort by
storm, and desirous of being as sparing as possible, of the lives of
his Spaniards, considering the difficulties they had to encounter,
determined on attempting to reduce Limahon by fair means. Having in
his army a Chinese who had been established in Manila, he ordered
him to write to Limahon; but this letter having no effect, he wrote a
second to the same purpose. Limahon replied, that he was considered a
savage tiger, whom all were desirous of catching; but he assured them,
that he should either kill them, or they him. The Chinese, therefore,
thus declining every amicable proposal, the Colonel resolved to
throw up works near to their works, but at such a distance as to
be without the range of the enemy's artillery. Upon his beginning
accordingly to pitch his camp, however, a shot was fired which passed
close to him, and wounded his aid-de-camp in the leg, affording him a
convincing proof that their artillery could reach all over the small
island. It was, therefore, deemed necessary to remove the camp to
another position, and to blockade the mouth of the river to prevent
Limahon from escaping, until the Governor of Manila should determine,
whether he would have the works taken by assault, or that, by means of
a blockade, the Chinese should be starved into submission. Upon this
retreat of the Spaniards, Limahon collected the remaining fragments of
the junks, which had been burnt, and with these built some boats within
the fort. Four months passed in this manner, when, finding he had no
other resource, Limahon opened a canal to the river, and, in the night,
escaped with all his people in the small vessels he had constructed. To
deceive the Spaniards, and conquer the difficulties opposed to him in
the mouth of the river, he set fire to a few small vessels filled with
combustibles, and, ordering a false attack to be made on the guard,
he, in the meantime, escaped; and, without any obstruction, on the
3d of August 1575, prosecuted his voyage. During these transactions
between Juan de Salcedo and Limahon, the Augustine friars held a
chapter, and appointed priests in the towns of Candaba and Macabebe,
in the province of Pampanga, in Bizan, in the province of Ylocos, and
in the island of Negros. They were not satisfied with the innumerable
converts, they made in these islands, but they became desirous of
attempting the spiritual conquest of the empire of China. There was
at that time in Manila, a Chinese of the name of Aumon, who had been
sent by the viceroy of Fouquien, in search of Limahon, to promise him
pardon, on the part of the Emperor of China, if he would cease his
depredations. This Chinese had been to Pangasinan, and told Juan de
Salcedo, that he wished to see the pirate; but as Salcedo distrusted
the nature of his mission, Aumon deemed it prudent to return to Manila,
where he paid his court so well to the Governor, that he delivered
him up fifty captives which had been taken from Limahon. Aumon was now
desirous of returning to China, and the Augustine friars conceived this
would be a good opportunity, to attempt an establishment there. With
this view they endeavoured to persuade him, to take two friars under
his protection, which request the Governor seconded; and, as the news
of Salcedo's success against Limahon had, by this time, reached them,
Aumon determined to comply with the request. The friars Martin de
Rada, and Geronimo Marin, were nominated for this undertaking, and,
at the same time, as ambassadors from the Governor, were the bearers
of a letter to the Viceroy of Fouquien, and another to the Emperor,
which they were ordered to deliver to the Viceroy, as their directions
were not to proceed beyond that point. But as it was intended,
that these religious should remain in the province of Fouquien, to
propagate the Christian faith, two Spaniards were sent to bring back
the answer to the embassy. They left Manila on the 2d of July 1575,
and before they returned, the new Governor of these islands arrived.
CHAPTER VIII.
ANNO DOM. 1575.
Of the Administration of Don Francisco La Sande, second Governor
of Manila.
Doctor Don Francisco La Sande, born at Caceres in Estremadura,
and Oidor of Mexico, took possession of this government on the
24th of August 1575. He instituted an inquiry into the conduct of
his predecessor, and acquitted him of any misapplication of his
authority. At the commencement of La Sande's government, the embassy
returned from China, and proved to have had a favourable issue,
as the Viceroy of Fouquien received them with great respect; and
although he could not permit the friars to remain in the province,
as he had no orders to that effect, he forwarded the letter, which the
Governor of Manila had written to the Emperor of China, contributing
all in his power to second his views: and this fully appeared by the
answer, which the Chinese brought in the month of February, the year
following, by which the Emperor appointed one port in his dominions,
for commercial intercourse with the Spaniards. The Chinese brought
considerable presents, which they would not deliver to the actual
Governor, but to Guido de Labexares, who, as Governor ad interim,
had despatched the embassy. This affront Don Francisco La Sande felt
so severely, that he behaved to them with great coolness, and made
them no presents when they returned. The unhandsome conduct of the
Governor, frustrated those expectations, which had been raised by
the defeat of Limahon, and the subsequent mission; by making a most
unfavourable impression on the minds of the Chinese, who discharged
their whole vengeance, on the heads of the two Augustine friars. They
landed them in the province of Zambales, scourged them most cruelly,
murdered, before their eyes, their interpreter and slaves, and left
them bound fast to trees; in which situation they must have perished,
had not, providentially, Morones been passing that way, who released
them, and cured their wounds.
This year, 1576, was unpropitious to the Spaniards in the Philippines;
for, independent of this disgrace, they had the misfortune to lose
Juan de Salcedo, who died on the 11th of March, and who had been a
second Pizarro, or Cortes, in this conquest. He was seized with a
fever while in Ylocos, and when in that state, visiting a mine in his
domains, he drank some cold water, which operated so powerfully on the
intestines, that he died in three hours. On the island of Catanduanes,
likewise, a party of Augustine missionaries was shipwrecked: this
was a public loss, and most severely felt, as, without the labours
of the religious, the military exploits of the Spaniards, would have
been of little avail, in securing the subjection of these islands.
This loss was repaired the following year, by the arrival of some more
friars, and seventeen Franciscans, whom the Augustines received in
their convents, and assigning to them the ecclesiastical authority
over a number of towns, the Franciscans began their labours with
indefatigable zeal.
About this time, Queen Elizabeth of England, sent the famous Drake with
a considerable squadron, for the purpose of subduing the Moluccas. In
passing the Straits of Magellan, he lost several of his ships;
but he pursued his course in his own ship, committing many acts of
hostility on the voyage, and giving a name to several islands which
he discovered, such as St. Bartholomew, St. James, and New Albion,
a large island, where he was detained six weeks. Arriving at Tidore,
he began to gather cloves, without permission from the King of the
island, at which the latter took great offence; but Drake having
made him presents, he stipulated for the assistance of their arms,
in case he should require it, permitting the English to establish
factories for collecting cloves and nutmegs, and, in token of his
amity, sent a most superb ring to the Queen of England. Richly laden
with spices and Chinese merchandize, which he had captured in several
of our vessels, on their voyage to New Spain, Drake proceeded on his
return to England, where, after a variety of disasters, he arrived,
filling all Europe with admiration of the valuable nature of his
cargo. That strangers might not, by such means, acquire a footing in
the Moluccas and neighbouring islands, the Governor sent an expedition
against the island of Borneo, which, by the following circumstances,
became a matter of easy conquest. Sirela, King of Borneo, had come to
Manila, to solicit the assistance of the Spaniards, in the recovery of
his kingdom, of which he had been unjustly deprived by his brother;
and he promised, in the event of his success, that the whole of this
large island, should become tributary to Spain. Don Francisco La Sande,
conceiving this a most desirable object, and that it would necessarily
lead to the conquest of all the Archipelago of Maluco, determined to go
in person, that he might not lose the favourable opportunity, which now
presented itself, by replacing Sirela in the possession of his kingdom.
He sailed from Manila in thirty vessels, with a large body of Spaniards
and friendly Indians, and arrived safely at Borneo. Having entered
the river, he proceeded along it, until he arrived at the residence
of the usurper, upon which he immediately directed his artillery. The
King, however, with his troops, gallantly attacked the Spaniards,
but in a short time, fled in great disorder, and took refuge in the
mountains. The Governor placed his deposed brother on the throne, and
returned to Manila, where he planned several other expeditions. He sent
a squadron to Jolo and Mindanao, which reduced these two islands,
and compelled them to pay the customary tribute to the King of
Spain; but from the great distance they were at from Manila, and
the very limited number of clergy then in the seat of government,
a sufficiency could not be spared, for the purpose of converting the
natives to Christianity, during the short time these islands were
held. He completed the conquest of the province of Camarines by means
of Captain Chaves, who founded the city of Nueva Caceres, close to the
town of Naga. The Augustine friars began their spiritual conquest,
but finding their number unequal to the task, of duly attending the
undertaking, they called in to their assistance the Franciscans,
to whom eventually they ceded this district.
Towards the close of La Lande's government, an unpleasant disagreement
arose between the clergy and laity. The factors had introduced into
their respective districts, several abuses, which the clergy would
not countenance. Certain services were required of the Indians, beyond
the stipulated rents, which were extremely vexatious, and which little
accorded with the Christian character. The friars began by preaching
against these abuses, but this had little effect, and in the end,
so many complaints were made, that it reached the ears of the King
(Philip the Second), who issued an order, in which he reproved the
conduct of the factors, and enjoined them, to pay strict obedience to
the instructions they had received, to confine their imposts to the
stipulated rents alone. The Governor gave every aid to the order of
his Majesty, making regulations, by which the Indians might be secured
against such encroachments in future. This, in some respect, abated
the gathering storm, but tranquillity was never completely restored, as
the avarice of the factors set at defiance all laws, human and divine.
CHAPTER IX.
ANNO DOM. 1580.
The Administration of Don Ronquillo de Penalosa, third Governor
of Manila.
In April 1580, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa arrived at the
port of Cavite, as Governor of Manila. He was a nephew of the famous
Judge Ronquillo, who hanged the Bishop of Zamora. He brought to his
predecessor, the appointment of Oidor of Mexico, with orders for
him to sail by the first ship, destined for Acapulco. On his taking
possession of his government, his first step was, to mark out the
Chinese quarter of the town, under the guns of the fort of Santiago,
on the other side of the river. He sent Captain Rivera to Borneo,
again to re-establish on his throne the legitimate King Sirela,
who had a second time been deprived of it by his brother, with the
assistance of a Portuguese Captain, of the name of Brito. Rivera
executed his commission without delay, and returned to Manila, after
having placed Sirela in peaceable possession of his kingdom. This was
judged to be the fittest opportunity, for bringing the Moluccas under
the Spanish dominion, and the Governor began to make preparations for
the enterprize, for, in addition to the customary enmity between the
courts of Portugal and Castile, he had received positive instructions
from Philip the Second, to effect this object. Circumstances, however,
compelled him to postpone it till the year following, as several
matters of consequence, in these islands, required his presence,
particularly in the province of Cagayan, where a Japanese pirate had
established himself, with a great many followers and vessels. Pablo
Carrion dislodged the Japanese, but not without great loss on the
side of the Spaniards, as the former, rather than be taken prisoners,
preferred dying bravely, with arms in their hands. The pirate thus
dislodged, the Governor founded the city of Nueva Segovia, close to
the Indian town of Lalo, and the city of Arivalo, in the island of
Panay, in memory of his native province.
The year following, 1582, an expedition sailed to the Moluccas,
commanded by Don Sebastian Ronquillo, a nephew of the Governor, who
took with him Pablo de Lima, married to a niece of the King of Tidore,
and who, in her right, laid claim to several towns, of which she had
been unjustly deprived by the King of Ternate. De Lima was likewise
appointed Governor of Ternate, when it should be subdued by the
Spaniards, and all these considerations contributed, to induce him to
give every aid to this expedition. The squadron arrived at the island
of Motiel, and making an easy conquest of it, the natives recognized
Pablo de Lima as their chief. From this island, the Spaniards proceeded
on their voyage to Ternate, where the Indians seemed determined,
to throw every impediment in the way of their disembarkation; but
the resistance was of short duration, as the Spaniards contrived to
draw them into the interior, and to plant their artillery against
the town, without which expedient nothing could have been done. They
laid regular siege to the town, and were on the point of taking it,
when a disorder in the intestines began to rage among them, which
occasioned such mortality, that they were compelled to break up their
enterprize, and return to the Philippines. During these transactions
in Ternate, the Christians in Manila, found out new objects for mutual
hostility. Besides the provinces which I have mentioned, which the
Augustine friars had been the means of reducing to obedience, they
had distributed priests in Pangasinan, in Cagayan, and in the two
provinces of Misames and Caraga, in the island of Mindanao, which are
the only two in this large island, acknowledging subjection to the
Spaniards. The factor of Mindanao, whose name was Blas de la Serna,
treated the Indians with great severity, and lived a scandalous life,
highly prejudicial to the cause of Christianity.
The friar whom the Augustines had placed there, admonished him
repeatedly to alter his course of life; but as his conduct became
more reprehensible every day, the friar, unable to bear it longer,
was under the necessity of excommunicating him. The factor, in revenge
for (as he termed it) his impudence, publicly beat him. At this time
the Bishop of Manila was Don Fr. Domingo de Salazar, who had arrived
at Manila in March, 1581, with two Jesuits, who were the first of
the order in these islands. On the 21st of December, he erected the
church into a cathedral, appointing proper prebends and dignitaries,
and forming municipal authorities for its due government. This
nobleman was highly attentive to the rights of the clergy. He took
up the affair with the factor very warmly, and did not relax in his
exertions, until he saw him at Manila undergo the punishment, imposed
on him by the sentence of the church, and which he had so well merited.
The whole body of factors being alarmed, and fearing this would be
much to their prejudice, persuaded the Governor, to withdraw from the
clergy, the Indians who had been given to them for their own service,
and that of the church. The Spaniards well inclined to the factors,
seconded this advice, and they, in conjunction, commenced a cruel
persecution against the Augustine and Franciscan friars. But Pedro de
Chaves, Amador de Arriaran, Juan de Morenos, Antonio Savedra, Miguel
de Lorca, Francisco de la Cueba, Esteban Rodrigueze de Figueroa,
and other factors, who had seen, of how much importance the friars
were, in the conquest and retention of these islands, came over to
their party, and defended them against the attack thus made on them,
proving satisfactorily, that without the assistance of the clergy,
the factors would never have received even their rents.
The Governor, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, was deeply afflicted at those
disputes, so much at variance with his character, and with the anxiety
of his views, for the happiness and prosperity of these islands. His
whole mind, indeed, was occupied in the consideration, of what might
contribute to these ends, and to the aggrandizement of the Spanish
name; but unhappily persuading himself, that his honour was committed
by these dissensions, he became affected by a deep melancholy,
to which he was a prey during six months, and to which he fell a
sacrifice in the month of March, 1583, before he completed his third
year as Governor. He was interred in the church of St. Augustine,
and to do him honour, more tapers than usual being burnt, the roof
of the church was set on fire, which in a few hours communicated
so generally, that the greater part of the city was destroyed, with
immense loss of lives and property.
By the death of Don Gonzalo, his kinsman, Don Diego Ronquillo,
succeeded as Governor ad interim, being nominated as such in the
royal order. The new Governor directed all his attention, to the
rebuilding of the city, assisting personally in the public works,
and paying particular attention, to the restoration of the houses,
belonging to the inhabitants. Such diligence was used, that in a short
time, the city was completely re-established. Many of the inhabitants,
lost almost all their property in this fire; and the disaster, though
of sufficient magnitude, was swelled into a most dreadful picture,
by the ship going to Acapulco, but which had been forced by stress
of weather into China. It is inconceivable, in what consternation,
the inhabitants of the islands in the neighbourhood of Manila,
arrived to their assistance. Don Diego Ronquillo immediately sent
to China the factor of the royal works, Juan Bautista Roman, with
orders to chastise those, who had been the cause of spreading this
report, and to despatch, at any expense, a ship to New Spain, with a
true statement of the extent of the mischief. The factor performed
his commission with such efficacy, that the ship he despatched,
returned the year following from Acapulco, in company with another;
and in these ships came the new Governor and the Royal Audience. The
government of Don Diego had lasted only one year, but, though short,
it was of great importance to the settlement.
He reduced to obedience in the island of Layte, and the province of
Pangasinan, some towns which refused to pay the usual tribute, and he
effectually suppressed symptoms of sedition in the other provinces,
and which took their rise in the ill treatment of the factors. The
factors entertained the idea, that the Indians whom they had found on
their lands, ought to be considered in the light of slaves in every
respect, and compelled them to work, appropriating all the wages of
their labour to their own use, by which means they enjoyed all the
luxuries of life, and even accumulated fortunes. To such a height had
these abuses been raised, that a reform was absolutely necessary. The
Governor bestowed particular attention on this subject, punishing
those who were culpable, and watching over the general good. The result
of this was, that many Indians who before had fled to the mountains,
returned to the towns, and paid the tribute settled by the government,
either in silver, or in the produce of the land they cultivated. By
these desirable arrangements, the royal revenue was improved, and
the interest of the factors so much injured by their own avarice,
that from hence arose the proverb, "Avarice bursts the sack."
CHAPTER X.
ANNO DOM. 1584.
The Administration of Don Santiago de Vera, fourth Governor of
Manila.
The Governor, Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, had sent to Madrid Captain
Gabriel Rivera, to solicit several objects, necessary to the general
welfare of these islands, and in particular, that a Royal Audience
should be established there, as it was extremely disadvantageous and
embarrassing, to be obliged to have recourse to that of Mexico.
The King granted this request, and sent Don Santiago de Vera, of
Alcala de Henares, as Governor and President of the Royal Audience; and
Don Melchor de Avalos, and Don Pedro de Rosas, as oidores of it. The
third oidor, Don Antonio Rivera, arrived two years afterwards. Don
Gaspar de Ayala was nominated fiscal. Don Santiago took possession of
his government May, 1584, and immediately formed the Royal Audience,
bearing the royal signet with much ostentation, under a canopy, from
the convent of St. Augustine, to the palace. The Chancellor was Gabriel
de Rivera, who arrived this year, with the title of Mariscal of the
lake of Bombon. Immediately that Don Santiago took possession of his
government, he put in force the orders which he had received from
the King, to chastise those factors, who had abused the authority,
they derived from the possession of the lands granted them. He
began, by dispossessing Bartoleme de Ledesma, factor of Abuyo, and
others the most culpable, punishing the rest in proportion to their
irregularities, after full conviction of their delinquency.
In the following year, 1585, he sent Juan de Morones and Pablo de
Lima, with a powerful squadron, to reduce the Moluccas under the
Spanish dominion, but it returned to Manila with similar disgrace
to the preceding one, without being able to take possession of the
fortifications of Ternate. The Governor was much chagrined at the
ill success of this expedition, and was desirous of repeating the
attempt, conformable to the positive instructions received from
the King to that effect; but he was not able to execute it, as the
troops from New Spain had not arrived, and, independent of this,
the insurrections of the Indians were of too formidable a nature,
for they lost no opportunity which presented itself of breaking the
yoke of the Spaniards. Those of Pampangos and Manila entered into a
conspiracy with the Moors of Borneo, who had ostensibly come there
for the purpose of traffic. They formed the plan of traitorously
entering the town in the night, setting fire to it, and killing in
the confusion all the Spaniards. This conspiracy was discovered by
a female Indian, married to a Spanish soldier. The Governor checked
it in its commencement, imprisoning many, and severely punishing
others by way of example. The islands of Samar, Ybabao, and Leyte,
were likewise far from being in a state of tranquillity, and the
factor of Dagami, a town of Leyte, had nearly lost his life by the
Indians, in the collection of the tribute paid in wax, and which
he had attempted to levy by a measure, containing double the usual
quantity. This compelled him to fly for safety to the mountains, and
he passed from thence in a boat to the island of Zebu. The Governor
sent Captain Lorenzo de la Mota to quell these disturbances, which
he soon did by promising to punish the delinquent.
Among the calamities which happened during this government, the
loss of the ship Santa Anna was not the least; she was on her way,
richly laden, to Acapulco, and was taken by the English. Cavendish,
an English pirate, emulous of the fame of Drake, having equipped five
ships, with the assistance of Queen Elizabeth, took his departure
for this quarter of the world; and having committed many acts of
hostility on the coasts of Brazil and Peru, he arrived at Molucca,
where he procured every information respecting the produce of the
Philippines, and the rich cargoes which every year were sent from
these islands to Acapulco. Well instructed, likewise, in the tract
observed by our galleons, he sailed for the coast of California, to
lie in wait for the annual ship destined for New Spain. In due time
the Santa Anna, as is customary, made her appearance on that coast,
in prosecution of her voyage to Acapulco, and fell into the hands of
the English without any resistance, being quite unprepared.
The English having made themselves masters of this valuable prize,
directed their course to the Philippines, and arriving at the island
of Panay, where we had a ship in the dock of Yloylo, an attempt was
made to burn her, but it was rendered ineffectual by Captain Lorenzo de
Limas, who made a vigorous resistance, with such soldiers and Indians,
as he was able to collect in the province. Abandoning this object,
the English commander sent a letter to the Governor, to apprize him
of the capture he had made of the Santa Anna, and to inform him he
should return frequently to those seas. He departed from Panay for
the Cape of Good Hope, from whence he sailed for England, and arrived
laden with such riches, that his name became more renowned than ever
was that of Francis Drake.
In the year 1589 no ship was despatched to New Spain; for two which
had been equipped for this voyage, were lost in the port of Cavite
in a dreadful storm, which happened on St. Peter's Day. About the
same time many insurrections of the Indians took place, and in
particular, those of Cagayan, who were always very troublesome,
murdered many Spaniards. Those likewise, in the valley of Dingras,
in the province of Ylocos, resisted the collections of tribute, and
murdered six people from the city of Fernandina, who were travelling
through their towns. Don Santiago quelled these tumults, and restored
tranquillity, by duly mingling punishment with clemency. He likewise
constructed a strong fort of stone, where the royal gate now stands;
he removed to Manila the foundery which was hitherto in Santa Anna; and
cast some artillery, with the assistance of an Indian of Pampango. He
founded an hospital for the Spaniards: but the principal mover of
this pious act was Don Luis de Vivanco, who, jointly with his wife,
endowed it, and appropriated it to the reception and cure of the
sick. The Governor divided several portions of land among those
soldiers and sailors who deserved it most, and conducted himself in
the exercise of his authority, so much to the general satisfaction,
that his character as an excellent Governor was established by the
declaration of the licentiate Herber del Corral, who was chief judge
on the occasion of passing his trial of approbation.
CHAPTER XI.
ANNO DOM. 1590.
The Administration of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, the fifth Governor
of Manila.
The clergy of Manila about this period, sent to the court of Madrid
and Rome the Friar Sanches, a Jesuit, under the pretence of soliciting
some objects, for the spiritual as well as temporal welfare of these
islands. Arriving at Madrid, he petitioned that the Royal Audience
should be removed, and that Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, a noble Galician
knight of the order of Santiago, Corregidor of Logrono, should
be sent as Governor. This nobleman arrived at Manila in May 1590,
in one of the two ships which the Viceroy of Mexico had despatched,
and in which he had sent four hundred troops, a supply, by this time
highly requisite in the islands. The other ship which accompanied
her struck on a shoal, close in with the land of Maranduque, and was
lost, but all the people were saved. The King gave the new Governor,
as a salary, ten thousand Castile ducats out of the royal revenue of
New Spain, and which was remitted annually to the Philippines.
He brought an order that the proceedings of the Royal Audience
should be suspended; and in performance of this, the year following,
the Oidores composing it embarked for Mexico; the Oidor Roxas alone
remaining, as the ad interim successor of the Governor. The Bishop, who
had some disagreement with the Governor, feeling the importance of the
Royal Audience, as the only tribunal capable of curbing the power of
the Governor, and persuading himself it was not safe, to trust in the
hands of one man, the uncontrolled exercise of authority, in a country
so remote from the seat of government, it was his intention to proceed
to New Spain, with a view to procure the re-establishment of the Royal
Audience in Manila, and on various, affairs of his bishopric. The
Governor, that he might not effect his purpose, would not allow him
to embark with the Oidores; and the Bishop in the mean time contented
himself, with giving full powers and instructions to the Augustine
Friar Ortiga, who was going to Madrid, to appear to any allegations
which might be preferred against him. In the short time this government
lasted, great undertakings were performed; such as building a wall
of stone round Manila, erecting the fort of Santiago, and furnishing
it with good artillery. The royal magazines in Manila and Cavite
were built; and the asylum of Santa Potenciana was erected for the
maintenance, at the cost of the state, of a certain number of young
persons, daughters of deceased military officers, until they should be
married. The Governor established among the different religious orders,
a salutary ecclesiastical control over the Indians, assigning to each
order their different towns and provinces, and converting the colony
into a complete republic; supplying every defect in the government;
and putting the whole in a respectable state of defence, by means of
his four hundred regular soldiers, divided into detachments.
Among the natives of many adjacent islands which traded with Manila,
those of Japan, in particular, brought the richest merchandize for the
consumption of the colony, and for the commerce with Acapulco. A keen
and able man of this nation, named Faranda Kicmon, who had renegaded
from the faith, persuaded Taycosama, Emperor of Japan, to send an
embassy to Manila; and promised him, that if he would give him the
commission, he would procure him to be acknowledged King of Manila,
and that a regular and lucrative commerce, might be established between
the two nations. The Emperor gave credit to his representations, and
despatched him with letters to the Governor, claiming the vassalage of
the Philippines. The Governor received this embassy, and replied to it
immediately, without bringing into question the point of vassalage,
by proposing to establish a commercial intercourse; sending for this
purpose, the Franciscan Friars Pedro Bautista, Francisco de San Miguel,
Bartholome, and Gerardo de San Miguel, who likewise had determined to
avail themselves of this opportunity, to establish themselves in that
kingdom to preach the gospel: he likewise sent with them a Portuguese
of the name of Carvallo, and they bore a handsome present to the
Emperor. Notwithstanding many malicious falsehoods which Faranda
had circulated, Taycosama received the friars with much courtesy,
and granted them permission to remain in his kingdom, treating them
with much respect in the first instance, although, at a subsequent
period, he murdered them. About this time ambassadors from the King
of Camboa arrived, with two elephants, as a present to the Governor;
and endeavoured to engage him, to grant them assistance against
the King of Siam, who had commenced hostilities against them. The
Governor answered the King of Camboa with another present, giving
them great hopes, but evading immediate assistance, on the plea that
his projected expedition to the Moluccas, required all his resources,
however desirous he was of giving the aid they demanded.
That this expedition might not turn out as the former had done, Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas determined to accompany it in person. He sailed
from Cavite on the 19th of October 1593, and arriving off Santiago,
encountered a strong gale from the eastward, and the whole of the
fleet was separated, his own ship alone remaining: this compelled
him to anchor at Brimstone Cape, to effect which he was obliged
to have recourse to his boats, on account of the great variety
of currents. The Chinese, to the number of one hundred and fifty,
though able to pull at the oar, assisted but very little; and the
Governor abused them for the little exertion they made. These people
resented this ill-treatment; and considering themselves as superior
in force to the few Spaniards in the ship, conceived the design of
murdering them the same evening. Whilst the Spaniards took their
siesta (or afternoon nap), little dreaming of the designs of the
Chinese, the latter commenced their carnage by killing the Governor,
and all those who were not able to effect their escape in the launch,
or by swimming, sparing only Friar Montilla, a Franciscan, and Juan de
Cuellar, secretary to the Governor, whom they took with them. After
this massacre they sailed for China, and passing by Ylocos, they
entered the port of Sinay to water, where the Indians fell on them,
and killed twenty of their number. The following day they disembarked
in another port; and actuated by superstitious motives, sacrificed
one of the native converts, in revenge for the slaughter the Indians
had made the day before, and by which sacrifice, they expected to
propitiate their gods in favour of their voyage. They tied him to a
cross, and opening his chest, took out his heart, which they offered
to their idols. They then made sail, and coasted for several days:
they resolved to set on shore Friar Montilla, Secretary Cuellar,
and those Philippine Indians who had been their shipmates. They
then proceeded to Cochin China, where, in the end, they received the
punishment due to their crimes.
On the death of the Governor, the Licentiate Rosas succeeded to the
Command, and immediately despatched two ships in search of the Chinese,
under the command of Don Juan Ronquillo. They made enquiry in several
ports; but not being able to gain information respecting their route,
they returned without effecting their object. That they might not,
however, remain without punishment for such atrocious crimes, and
supposing that the Chinese might have taken shelter in the province of
Chancheo in China, of which they were natives, he sent Don Fernando de
Castro, to solicit of the Viceroy of that province, due satisfaction
against the aggressors. Unable, however, to reach that destination,
he was, by the interposition of divine Providence, compelled to bear
away for Cochin China, where, on his arrival, he found the murderers
had retired. He communicated his business to the King, and the whole
of them were imprisoned and executed. Some of those, likewise, whom
the Portuguese Governor of Molucca, had sent on the expedition with
the Chinese, were hanged in Manila. The whole, however, affording
small consolation for the melancholy catastrophe which had taken place.
Forty days after the death of the Governor, Friar Montilla and
Secretary Cuellar arrived at Manila, after having suffered many severe
hardships, and being brought out for death repeatedly, whilst they were
with the Chinese. The deceased Governor had given in charge to these
gentlemen a trunk, to be delivered to his son Luis Perez Dasmarinas;
and on opening it, papers of great importance were found: among
the rest, a royal order, by which he had the power to nominate his
successor, in virtue of which he named his own son Luis. At first Luis
found some difficulty in being acknowledged as such, the Licentiate
Roxas being firmly seated; and unwilling to deliver up his authority,
for which he had begun to entertain a great attachment; he, however,
on the 3d of December, in the same year, left Luis in quiet possession.
The new Governor was desirous of sending another expedition to Molucca,
but desisted from it at that time from prudential motives. It
was fortunate that he formed this resolution, as in this case,
Manila would have been left with only a few troops, and exposed to
another attack from the Chinese, on whom little reliance could be
placed. Indeed, there was reason to suspect they had something of
that nature in contemplation, as many junks about this time arrived
with Mandarins in them, and the cause of their appearance was never
ascertained. They landed very frequently, and visited the Governor,
but did not attempt any thing, nor could he comprehend their object;
most fortunately, however, at this moment, arrived the two ships which
sailed this year from Acapulco, bringing a sufficient force with them,
to resist enemies more powerful than the Chinese.
Our historians have, with great minuteness, stated the losses and
arrivals of the ships which are sent to New Spain, on account of their
being so interesting to these islands, which depend upon them for
their subsistence, and, of course, their loss or arrival occasions
a very general sensation. There is no reason to think, that these
misfortunes are to be attributed to the difficulty of the passage,
nor to stormy weather, so much as to the ignorance of the pilots,
who are chosen without examination as to their nautical skill, the
bad construction of the ships, their sailing out of season, and too
heavily laden. These are, unquestionably, the principal causes of
their failure; and it is a pity it is not remedied, for it is with
justice affirmed, that the avarice and knavery of some rich people,
have buried in the ocean many millions of dollars.
In the year following, the same two vessels again made this voyage,
and Senor Morga came in one, as successor to the late Governor,
but this nobleman was afterwards promoted to be Oidor of Mexico,
where he wrote the history of the Philippines. There came likewise
in these ships, a sufficient number of troops, sent by the Viceroy
of Mexico. Don Luis Dasmarinas was now, therefore, enabled to give
the King of Camboxa that relief which his father had promised. He
likewise despatched an expedition to the island of Mindanao; and
he quelled an insurrection in some of the provincial towns which
had revolted, and refused to pay the tribute, particularly those in
Cagayan and Zambales. He did many praiseworthy actions, and governed
with more approbation than his father, possessing greater abilities,
at the same time that he was more affable to all.
In the month of February 1596, the flag ship of the squadron of Alvaro
Mendana de Neyra arrived at Cavite. He had sailed from Callao, the
port of Lima, with four ships, to colonize the islands of Salmon;
and having begun his new settlement in the island of Negros, near
New Guinea, he died there, and his wife, Dona Isabela Barreto, at the
instigation of the people, left the colony, and came in his ship to
Manila. The Governor received her with great attention, and gave her
every assistance, to enable her to return to New Spain.
An important establishment was now founded here, called the Pious
Work of Mercy, which originated with a clergyman of the name of Losa,
and who, together with Captain Esquerra, an inhabitant of Manila,
employed themselves in collecting donations for this purpose; and
their exertions were so successful, that they were soon enabled to
build the college of Santa Isabel, where many female orphans are
maintained, and on whom marriage portions are bestowed. In emulation
of this pious work, many others were endowed in the convents, and
in the cathedral. The projectors traded with their funds to China,
Batavia, the coast of Coromandel, and Acapulco, the produce of which
was destined to be employed in like manner as above, in hospitals,
dowers to orphan females, in ransoming children in China [20], and
for masses for souls in purgatory, reserving part of it for the
annual increase of the funds of these pious establishments, and to
alleviate the distresses occasioned by the losses of the annual ships,
of which they thus became the assurers to a certain extent. Such
establishments may be useful to new settlers, since the parties
desirous of commercial pursuits, may, if they possess any credit,
be certain of meeting in these resources a capital with which they
may trade. I am not of opinion, however, that they are very useful
to these islands, generally speaking, because the rich merchants, who
have sufficient capital, employ it in objects attended with no risk,
and in their store-houses, and trade with that which they draw from
this charity, by which they escape the chance of loss. If there had
not, unfortunately we may say, been this resource, no doubt some mode
would have been resorted to, of insuring the Acapulco adventures, at
less than the pious foundations have been in the habit of contributing,
and which often exceeds fifty per cent., and never falls below twenty
per cent. Like all other adventures managed by a public body, there is
never such strict oeconomy as when under the control of individuals,
whose interests are involved in the result.
CHAPTER XII.
ANNO DOM. 1596.
The Administration of Don Francisco Tello de Gusman, the fourth
Governor of Manila.
The news of the death of Dasmarinas, reached Madrid through the
medium of India, and immediately the King sent as his successor Don
Francisco Tello de Gusman, Knight of the order of Santiago, born at
Seville, who had been treasurer of the Indies. He arrived at Manila
the 1st of June 1596, and the following month despatched the ship San
Philip to Acapulco; but she encountered in her voyage heavy gales,
was dismasted, and lost her rudder, and having no other resource, bore
away for Japan, where the relief she sought was denied, except on the
condition of her entering the port of Urando; in effecting which she
touched on a sand bank, and made so much water, that she was under the
necessity of being unloaded. The Governor, allured by the prospect of
such rich booty, immediately conceived the design of making himself
master of the vessel and cargo, and accordingly secured it in the
royal store-houses, sending information to the Emperor Taycosama,
that the Captain having given a false representation of the matter,
he had proceeded against him according to law, and had secured the
whole of the property. By this means he so warped the whole affair,
that the cargo was condemned, and a prosecution was commenced, in the
progress of which those Franciscan friars fell martyrs, who had come
to this kingdom in quality of ambassadors.
Taycosama named one of the four principal Governors of his kingdom,
called Uximonoxo, to take charge of the ship, in order that the
cargo might be delivered up; for our Captain, Don Mathias Landecho,
had petitioned the Emperor, sending two Spaniards and two friars, of
those he had in the ship, with a present worth twenty thousand dollars,
to soften him, and, if possible, to obtain justice. Upon their arrival
at Meaco, the court of the Emperor, they applied to the Franciscan
friars, who, by their experience in this city, they conceived, could
procure a favourable reception to their application. The Franciscans
judged it better to apply to Ximonoxo, another of the four Governors;
but this crafty Japanese, possessing more abilities than the friars,
deceived the whole of them, found means to make them deliver up
the present of the Emperor to him, offering to give them a letter
to Uximonoxo, which they agreed to, and acceded to his wish. The
Spaniards returned quite content with this letter; but it was the
letter of Uriah, the Hittite, for immediately they delivered it,
Uximonoxo imprisoned them. When they found out the deceit, they
sent the Friar Guivara to Meaco, to procure their liberty from the
other Governors, and, with the assistance of the Franciscan friars,
attempted to get an audience of the Emperor, to explain to him the
conduct of his Governors; but Uximonoxo was too crafty for them,
prejudicing the Emperor against the friars, through the medium of
the Bonzos, who are priests of their idols, to whom he suggested the
propriety of complaining against them, because they propagated a new
doctrine against the gods, which must be prejudicial to the state.
Taycosama, who began to be desirous of keeping possession of the
merchandize of the wrecked vessel, imprisoned the Franciscan friars,
on pretence of their having preached the gospel of Christ against
his command; and likewise pretended that they were employed as spies
by the Spaniards, and that, with these views, they had quitted their
own country. He now openly seized the property saved, and condemned
the friars to death. With them the following were comprehended in
this sentence; the Friars Pedro Bautista, Francisco Blanco, Gonsalo
Garcia, Francisco de San Miguel, Martin de la Asumpcion, together
with Phelipe de Jesus, who was going in that ship to New Spain to
be ordained, and had resided with his brethren since his arrival in
Japan. These six Franciscan friars, with three Japanese Jesuits, and
seventeen Japanese laymen, who professed Christianity, all shared the
same fate. They were paraded through the streets of Meaco, with their
left ears cut off, and then marched above two hundred leagues into
Nangasaqui, where they suffered martyrdom, by being placed on crosses,
and put to death with lances. This transaction took place on the 5th
of February 1597, in the presence of Senor Martinez, a Jesuit Bishop,
many other Jesuits and Franciscan friars, and the Spaniards lately
arrived in that ship, and who returned to Manila, after suffering
many hardships, and certified what they had witnessed on this occasion.
Immediately on the death of these martyrs being made known in Manila,
the Governor sent two Spaniards and an Augustine friar, to solicit
their bodies, and complain to the Emperor of the ill treatment which
the Spaniards had experienced in regard to their ship, contrary to
the treaty which had been made with the government of Manila. They
likewise had instructions, to procure the establishment of commercial
regulations for the future; and to pave the way for these views, they
took with them a present of an elephant, an animal seldom seen in
Japan. Taycosama was delighted with this present, and he esteemed it
the more, as it knelt three times in his presence, on a certain signal
being made to it. He received the ambassadors with great cordiality,
and pleaded the laws of the empire, in justification of the conduct
which had been observed, with regard to the ship and cargo; but made
a promise, for the second time, of protection to the commerce of the
Spaniards, assuring them that these vexations should never be repeated,
and despatched them with a present to the Governor, together with the
relicts of the martyred saints. The Spaniards had little confidence
in the duration of this good understanding, for Faranda incessantly
instigated the Emperor to commence hostilities on Manila, promising to
reduce the whole of the islands to his obedience. The four Governors
of the kingdom seconded the representations of Faranda, and measures
were adopted with the view of carrying them into effect by collecting
an armament; but the chief men of the country, who considered Faranda
as a despicable character, much retarded this scheme. It was at
first understood in Manila, that this armament was directed against
the island of Formosa, as the first step towards the conquest of the
Philippines. Our Governor took every precaution, and among others,
sent an embassy to Canton, as the Chinese were the ancient enemies
of the Japanese; and it was their interest to prevent the latter
from making this conquest: nothing of thi
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