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The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof, Volume 1 (of 2)

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Title: The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the Situation Thereof, Volume 1 (of 2)

Author: Juan González de Mendoza

Editor: Sir George Thomas Staunton

Translator: active 1588 Robert Parke


        
Release date: February 29, 2012 [eBook #39009]
                Most recently updated: January 8, 2021

Language: English

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Transcriber's Note:

  The hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been
  preserved.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

  The letter o with a macron is represented as [=o].




  WORKS ISSUED BY
  The Hakluyt Society.

  MENDOZA'S HISTORIE OF THE
  KINGDOME OF CHINA.

  VOL. I.
  NO. XIV

  ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

  REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

  Published by LENOX HILL Pub. & Dist. Co. (Burt Franklin)
  235 East 44th St., New York, N.Y. 10017
  Originally Published: 1854
  Reprinted: 1970
  Printed in the U.S.A.

  S.B.N.: 8337-23618
  Library of Congress Card Catalog No.: 73-141353
  Burt Franklin: The Hakluyt Society First Series 14




  THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

  SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst Fr.,
  Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St Petersburg, &c., &c., PRESIDENT.

  THE EARL OF ELLESMERE.                     }
  CAPT. C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
  REAR-ADMIRAL SIR FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B., F.R.S.
  CAPTAIN BECHER, R.N.
  CHARLES T. BEKE, ESQ., Phil. D., F.A.S.
  WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, ESQ.
  BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ., M.R.S.L.
  THE RIGHT REV. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S.
  RT. HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS.
  SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.
  JOHN FORSTER, ESQ.
  R. W. GREY, ESQ., M.P.
  JOHN HOLMES, ESQ.
  JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ.
  SIR CHARLES LEMON, BART., M.P., F.R.S.
  P. LEVESQUE, ESQ., F.A.S.
  SIR JOHN RICHARDSON, M.D.
  THE EARL SOMERS.
  SIR GEORGE T. STAUNTON, BART., F.R.S.

  R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.R.G.S., HONORARY SECRETARY.




INTRODUCTION.


In presenting to the members of the Hakluyt Society a reprint of the
cotemporary English translation by Parke of Mendoza's interesting and
now rare account of China, the editor thinks it due to his readers that
some explanation should be given of the circumstances under which the
original work was compiled, and that at the same time it should be shown
what previous accounts had reached Europe respecting that remarkable
country. The interest of the narrative itself, abounding as it does with
minute and curious details of the manners and customs of so peculiar a
race as the Chinese, requires no vindication: it will speak for itself.
It will nevertheless interest those who appreciate the objects of the
Society, to know, that the present translation was made at Hakluyt's own
suggestion, shortly after the appearance of Mendoza's original work in
Spanish.

It is the leading purpose of the Hakluyt Society to deal with the
Archaeology of Geography, and more especially so in connexion with the
progress made by our own English ancestors in the advancement of that
important science. In pursuance of that object, therefore, Mendoza's
account of China has been selected for re-publication, as being the
earliest _detailed_ account of that country ever published in the
English language. We say _detailed_ account, because we must not omit to
mention that it was preceded by a short but interesting document,
published by Richard Eden in his _History of Travayle in the West and
East Indies_, entitled "Reportes of the Province of China," of the
history and contents of which we shall hereafter speak in its proper
place. While, however, in the selection for re-publication, respect is
paid to the earliest narratives which appeared in our own tongue, the
reader's appreciation of the subject is best secured by an introductory
notice of all the antecedent descriptions which may at intervals have
appeared in other languages. This plan is more especially desirable with
respect to those earlier glimmerings of information which Europe
obtained respecting a country so removed from the civilized world, by
its geographical position and ethnological peculiarities, as China, yet
so marvellously in advance of it at the times of which we speak, both in
its intellectual and moral developments. In such notice, meanwhile, we
propose to pass by all discussion as to the much disputed question of
the position of the Thinae of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and the Periplus of
the Erythraean Sea, or of the application of Marinus's Serica, as
preserved to us by Ptolemy, to the kingdom of China. Upon these more
uncertain data we shall dwell no longer than to state, that our own
impression agrees with that of Vossius, that China is the country
referred to, and that the Seres of Ammianus Marcellinus, corresponding
as they so closely do in character with the modern Chinese, were
intended to represent that people. That the Romans possessed some
knowledge of China, would seem to be shown by a discovery made by the
learned De Guignes, of a statement in a Chinese historical work, that in
the year of our Lord 166, an embassy, said to have come by sea, arrived
from An-thon (Antoninus) to the Emperor Yan-hi; and the use of the
"serica vestis", alluded to by Horace and Propertius, would appear to
confirm the impression, provided only that silk, and not muslin, were
the commodity really alluded to.

On these less certain points, however, we are, as we have said,
unwilling to dwell. We pass on therefore to the mention of more explicit
and unquestionable record. First of these is the narrative given in an
Arabic manuscript, written about the year 1173, describing the
observations of two Arab merchants, who, from the style of the
documents, were evidently in China a couple of centuries earlier. Their
respective dates, indeed, are concluded to be 851 and 867. This curious
and valuable manuscript, discovered by the learned M. Eusebe Renaudot in
the Comte de Seignelay's library, was translated by him into French, and
published at Paris in 1718. A translation appeared in English in 1733.
Although thus concealed from the acquaintance of Europeans till this
comparatively recent date, it rightly takes its place here as comprising
the two earliest accounts of China, of which we have as yet received any
information. Though adulterated with some few exaggerations, and
statements manifestly fabulous, they contain so many curious
particulars, which even now, from the permanence of institutions and
manners in China, may be considered as accurate, that no doubt can be
entertained of their genuineness, or of the intelligence of the
narrators.

The two narratives were written consecutively, one of them forming a
sort of comment or supplement to the other.

The country is described as extensive, but, though more populous, less
extensive than the Indies, and divided into many principalities. It is
represented as fruitful, and containing no deserts, while India is said
to contain some of great extent.

Tea, under the name of _tcha_, is distinctly referred to, as being
universally drunk infused in hot water, and supposed to be a cure for
every disease.

Porcelain is spoken of as an excellent kind of earth, of which is made a
ware as fine and transparent as glass.

The Chinese are described as more handsome than the Indians, and are

     "dressed in silk both winter and summer; and this kind of dress is
     common to the prince, the soldier, and to every other person,
     though of the lowest degree. In winter they wear drawers, of a
     particular make, which fall down to their feet. Of these they put
     on two, three, four, five, or more, if they can, one over another;
     and are very careful to be covered quite down to their feet,
     because of the damps, which are very great and much dreaded by
     them. In summer they only wear a single garment of silk, or some
     such dress, but have no turbans.

     "Their common food is rice, which they often eat with a broth, like
     what the Arabs make of meat or fish, which they pour upon their
     rice. Their kings eat wheaten bread, and all sorts of animals, not
     excepting swine, and some others.

     "They have several sort of fruits, apples, lemons, quinces,
     sugar-canes, citruls, figs, grapes, cucumbers of two sorts, trees
     which bear meal, walnuts, filberts, pistachios, plums, apricocks,
     services [cherries], and coco-nuts; but they have no store of
     palms; they have only a few about some private houses.

     "Their drink is a kind of wine made of rice; they have no other
     wine in the country, nor is there any brought to them; they know
     not what it is, nor do they drink of it. They have vinegar also,
     and a kind of comfit like what the Arabs call Natef, and some
     others.

     "They are not very nice in point of cleanliness. They eat also of
     dead animals, and practice in many other things like the Magians;
     and, in truth, the religion of the one and the other is much the
     same. The Chinese women appear uncovered, and adorn their heads
     with small ivory and other combs, of which they shall wear
     sometimes a score together. The men are covered with caps of a
     particular make. They are very expert mechanics, but ignorant of
     the arts that depend on the mathematics."

The knowledge of reading and writing is described as being general
amongst them, all important transactions being put into writing.
Idolatry is mentioned as very prevalent, and a hideous and
incomprehensible statement is made, of human flesh being publicly
exposed for sale in the markets. At the same time the punishment of vice
is represented as most severe, and the surveillance over individuals
extremely rigid, "for everybody in China, whether a native, an Arab, or
any other foreigner, is obliged to declare all he knows of himself, nor
can he possibly be excused for so doing". And thieves are put to death
as soon as caught.

Canfu (Canton) is mentioned as the seaport of China, resorted to by
Arabian shipping; and Cumdan, described as a very splendid city,
supposed to be Nanking, was the residence of the monarch.

Renaudot, to whom the world is indebted for rescuing this narrative from
obscurity, believes that it supplied Edrisi, the celebrated Arab
geographer of the twelfth century, with the materials for the
observations on China which occur in his _Geographia Nubiensis_; but
this reproach would seem to be unfounded, inasmuch as his details are
too few and vague, to warrant the conclusion that they were digested
from the more lucid and ample account to which we have been referring.
The most observable point of information with which Edrisi supplies us,
is the fact, that the northern parts of _Sin_ had by that time been
conquered by a Tartar nation, whom he calls the Baghargar Turks.
Abulfeda also, who flourished nearly two centuries later, seems to have
been equally ignorant of the existence of the two Arab travellers; for
he gives, as an apology for the ignorance of the geographers of that day
respecting China, that no one had been there from whom they could
procure information.

The incidental reference to China by Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish
traveller in the east, of the twelfth century, should not be omitted. It
is but a reference, but curious enough to be quoted. It is as follows:--

    "From thence (the Island of Khandy) the passage to China is effected
    in forty days; this country lies eastward, and some say that the
    star Orion predominates in the sea which bounds it, and which is
    called Sea of Nikpha. Sometimes so violent a storm rages in this
    sea, that no mariner can reach his vessel; and whenever the storm
    throws a ship into this sea, it is impossible to govern it; the crew
    and the passengers consume their provisions, and then die miserably.
    Many vessels have been lost in this way, but people have learned how
    to save themselves from this fate by the following contrivance. They
    take bullocks' hides along with them, and whenever this storm arises
    and throws them into the Sea of Nikpha, they sew themselves up in
    the hides, taking care to have a knife in their hand, and being
    secured against the sea-water, they throw themselves into the ocean;
    here they are soon perceived by a large eagle, called griffin, which
    takes them for cattle, darts down, takes them in his gripe, and
    carries them upon dry land, where he deposits his burthen on a hill
    or in a dale, there to consume his prey. The man, however, now
    avails himself of his knife, therewith to kill the bird, creeps
    forth from the hide, and tries to reach an inhabited country. Many
    people have been saved by this stratagem."

The first European reference to China described by a traveller from
_hearsay_, is that given by the Minorite friar John de Plano Carpini,
who, with five other brothers of the order, in 1245 was sent by Pope
Innocent IV into the country of the Mongolians. The purpose of this
mission was, if possible, to divert these devastating conquerors from
Europe, and to instigate them rather to a war with the Turks and
Saracens. At the same time they were to inculcate, as much as might be,
the Christian faith, and at all events to collect every possible
information respecting a people so little known.

Carpini was absent sixteen months. A copy of his narrative, formerly
belonging to Lord Lumley, is in the British Museum, and is the same
which was used by Hakluyt for his _Principal Navigations_, from which
the following extract is taken. It is after describing a battle between
the Mongals and the Chinese, whom he calls Kythayans, that he describes
the latter as follows:

     "The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde of writing by
     themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the Olde and
     Newe Testament. They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of
     their forefathers: and they haue Eremites, and certaine houses made
     after the manner of our churches, which in those dayes they greatly
     resorted vnto. They say that they haue diuers saints also, and they
     worship one God. They adore and reuerence CHRIST JESVS our Lord,
     and beleeue the article of eternall life, but are not baptized.
     They doe also honorably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They
     loue Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous
     and gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly with
     the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In all
     occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers in
     the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich in corne, wine,
     golde, silke, and other commodities."

The first traveller, from whom accounts collected from personal
experience respecting China were received in _Europe_, was William Van
Ruysbroeck, commonly known by the name of De Rubruquis, a friar of the
Minorite order, and sometimes called William of Tripoli, from the
circumstance of the narrative of his travels having been transmitted
from Tripoli to St. Louis, king of France, at whose instance they were
undertaken. The cause of his mission was a rumour, which had spread
through Europe, that the Mongolian chief, Mangu Khan, had embraced the
Christian religion; and St. Louis being then engaged in the fourth
Crusade against the Saracens, was anxious to cement an alliance with the
Tartars, who were at that time in hostility with the same power on the
side of Persia. This political purpose was enhanced by sanguine hopes
that the Tartars were even then, or likely soon to be, converted to the
Christian faith. The passage of Rubruquis was by Constantinople over the
Black Sea, through the Crimea, to the district of the city of the
Caraci, in the Gobi Desert, where Mangu Khan was then residing.

His first reception was not of the most hospitable kind, but nine days
after his arrival he succeeded in obtaining an imperial audience; and
when Mangu Khan, a short time after, departed for Karakorum, a city on
the east side of the river Orchon, he and his companions followed in his
train. This city, of which no traces have been found in the desert for
some centuries, is mentioned by Marco Polo, who visited it about
eighteen years after Rubruquis, as having been the first in which these
Tartars ever fixed their residence, and was at that time the capital of
Mangu Khan, and the only considerable city in that part of Asia.
Rubruquis, in describing it, says: "There are two grand streets in it,
one of the Saracens, where the friars are kept and many merchants resort
thither, and one other street of the Catayans (Chinese), who are all
artificers." The explanation of this is, that the Tartars had already
conquered the greater part of northern China, then known under the name
of Cathay.

Rubruquis and his companions, who by this time had gained considerable
favour in the eyes of the Khan, entered Karakorum with great
distinction. He describes the city itself as not equal to the village of
St. Denis, near Paris, the monastery of which he asserts was "tenne
times more worth than the palace, and more too." The place was
surrounded by a mud wall, and had four gates. The description of the
palace conveys the idea of a hall, at one end of which was a raised seat
for the Khan, on which he "sitteth above like a god". In this city the
friar found to his surprise a French goldsmith, named Guillaume
Bouchier, who is not unfrequently mentioned by early writers under the
name of William of Paris, and who had constructed a piece of mechanism,
the ingenuity of which deserves the highest praise, when the early
period at which he worked is taken into consideration. Its description
is thus given by Purchas, in a translation of the greater part of the
travels of Rubruquis, inserted in the third volume of his _Pilgrimes_.

     "Master _William Parisiensis_ made him (the Khan) a great silver
     tree, at the root whereof were foure silver lions, having one pipe
     sending forth pure cowes milke, and the foure pipes were convayed
     within the tree, unto the top thereof: whose tops spread backe
     again downward: and upon every one of them was a golden serpent,
     whose tayles twine about the bodie of the tree. And one of those
     pipes runs with wine, another with caracosmos, that is, clarified
     whay; another with ball, that is, drinke made of honey; another
     with drinke made of rice, called _teracina_. And every drinke hath
     his vessell prepared of silver, at the foot of the tree, to receive
     it. Betweene those foure pipes in the top, he made an angell
     holding a trumpet; and under the tree, he made an hollow vault,
     wherein a man might be hid; and a pipe ascendeth through the heart
     of the tree unto the angell. He first made bellowes, but they gave
     not wind enough. Without the palace there is a chamber, wherein the
     drinkes are layd, and there are servants readie there to poure it
     out, when they heare the angell sounding the trumpet. And the
     boughes of the tree are of silver, and the leaves and peares. When
     therefore they want drinke, the master butler cryeth to the angell
     that he sound the trumpet. Then he hearing (who is hid in the
     vault) blowes the pipe strongly, which goeth to the angell. And the
     angell sets his trumpet to his mouth, and the trumpet soundeth very
     shrill. Then the servants hearing, which are in the chamber, every
     of them poure forth their drink into their proper pipe, and the
     pipes poure it forth from above, and they are received below in
     vessels prepared for that purpose. Then the butlers draw them, and
     carry them through the palace to men and women."[1]

Amongst the various points of information gathered by Rubruquis
respecting the Chinese or Catayans, as they were so long called, occur
the following important items. The characteristic principle of their
religious and political creed, embodied the great truth of the existence
of one supreme presiding deity, under whom the grand khan maintained the
presidency over his extensive dominions, and resistance to that dominion
consequently involved not only treason but heinous impiety. Another
curious fact, first communicated by Rubruquis, and afterwards confirmed
by Marco Polo, is that of paper currency, which was not adopted in
Europe for some centuries after, being then in general use in China. To
him also we are indebted for some notion of the peculiar characters and
mode of writing practised by the Chinese, who, as he says, do not write
with pens as we do, but with small brushes, such as are used by our
painters, and in one character or figure give a whole word.

He also speaks at length of a strong drink called Cosmos, which he
describes as follows:--

     "Their drinke, called Cosmos, which is mare's milk, is prepared
     after this manner. They fasten a long line unto two posts, standing
     firmly in the ground, and unto the same line they tye the young
     foales of those mares which they meane to milke. Then come the
     dammes to stand by their foales, gently suffering themselves to be
     milked. And if any of them be too unruly, then one takes her foale
     and puts it under her, letting it sucke a while, and presently
     carrying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said
     mare. And having gotten a good quantitie of this milke together
     (being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is new, they powre it into
     a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of
     wood made for the purpose, having a club at the lower end like a
     mans head, which is hollow within: and soone as they beat upon it,
     it begins to boyle like new wine, and to be sowre and sharpe of
     taste, and they beat it in that manner till butter come thereof.
     Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke
     it; for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is
     drunke. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaveth behind
     it a taste like the taste of almond-milke, and goeth downe very
     pleasantly, intoxicating weake braynes. Likewise Karacosmos, that
     is to say, blacke Kosmos, for great lords to drinke, they make on
     this manner. First, they beat the said milke so long till the
     thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the
     lees of white wine; and that which is thinne and pure remaineth
     above, being like unto whay or white must. The said lees and dregs
     being very white, are given to servants, and will cause them to
     sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleere their masters
     drinke, and in very deede it is maruellous sweet and wholesome
     liquor."[2]

This limited stock of information, however, valuable as it is from the
priority of its date, sinks into insignificance before the detailed and
almost cotemporaneous narrative of that once reviled but now much
honoured pioneer of geographical investigation, Marco Polo. In the
present advanced age, when enlarged facilities have opened up to the
knowledge of the world the characteristic peculiarities of remote
countries and their inhabitants, we can do justice to the courage and
fidelity of those who, six centuries ago, could dare to describe such
apparent anomalies, while at the same time we can find an excuse for the
disbelief of those who regarded them as extravagant and impudent
fictions. Nor can we, indeed, conceive of any country and people, the
description of which, unconfirmed by the repeated observation of many,
was more calculated to excite suspicion and disbelief, while those very
peculiarities, now that they are authenticated, become the staple proof
of the trustworthiness of the early narrator. The father and uncle of
Marco Polo, natives of Venice, had in 1254 made a trading journey to
Tartary; the exploration of the east, and the importation of its rich
and beautiful productions, offering a peculiar attraction to the
commercial enterprise of that great and flourishing city. Marco was not
born till some months after the departure of his father, but by the time
of the return of the two brothers was become a young man, fifteen years
having been devoted to their interesting and extraordinary
peregrinations. They had crossed the Euxine Sea to Armenia, whence they
travelled by land to the court of a great Tartarian chief named Barba.
By him they were favorably received, and were enabled to effect
advantageous sales of their merchandise. After a year, however, spent in
his capital, a war broke out between him and a neighbouring chieftain,
and the return of the travellers to Europe being thus intercepted, they
took a circuitous course round the head of the Caspian, and so through
the desert of Karak to Bokhara.

After an abode there of three years, during which they obtained a
knowledge of the Tartar language, they attached themselves to the
company of an ambassador going to the court of Kublai, grand Khan of the
Tartars, where they arrived after a year's journey. This potent monarch
gave them a gracious reception, and was curious in his enquiries
concerning the affairs of Europe and the Christian religion. Learning
from them that the Pope was the person regarded with the greatest
veneration in Europe, he resolved on despatching them as his ambassadors
to His Holiness, with the request that he would send persons to instruct
his people in the true faith. Protected by his signet they set out, and
pursuing their journey across Asia, arrived in Venice in the year 1269.
At this time there was a vacancy in the popedom, and the brothers
remained in Venice two years before it was filled. At length, on the
accession of Gregory X, they obtained letters from him, accompanied with
presents to Kublai Khan, and taking with them young Marco, now seventeen
years of age, and accompanied by two friars of the order of Preachers,
they again departed for the east. They landed at a port in Armenia named
Giuzza (Ayas), but finding that the Sultan of Babylon was at war with
the province, the two friars became intimidated and returned home. The
three Venetians, however, pursued their way, and after travelling for
three years and a half across Asia, and encountering numerous perils and
disasters, at length reached the court of Kublai. He was greatly pleased
at their return, and Marco, becoming a great favourite with him, was
employed by the Khan in various important missions to distant provinces.
After a residence of seventeen years at the court of Kublai, the three
Venetians were extremely desirous of returning to their native land, and
at length obtained permission to accompany the ambassadors of a king of
India, who had come to demand a princess of the Khan's family in
marriage for their sovereign. It was a voyage of a year and a half
through the Indian seas before they arrived at the court of this king,
named Argon. Thence they travelled to Constantinople, and finally
reached Venice in 1295.

Such is the narrative of the travels and foreign residence of the three
Polos, as related by Marco. They returned rich in jewels and valuable
effects, after an absence of twenty-four years, which had so altered
them, that nothing less than a display of their wealth was necessary to
procure their recognition by their kindred. Hence, Marco gained the name
of Il Millione, the house in which he had lived in Venice being still
known in the time of Ramusio under the name of "_La Corte del
Millioni._" Not long afterwards, news came to Venice that the Genoese
were approaching with a powerful armament, and a number of galleys were
immediately fitted out to oppose them, and Marco Polo was made
_sopracomito_ of one of them. In an engagement that ensued he fell into
the hands of the Genoese Admiral Lampa Doria, and was carried prisoner
to Genoa, to which circumstance we owe the advantage of possessing a
permanent record of his travels. Then he spent four years in prison; but
the interest excited amongst the Genoese nobles by the stirring
narrative of his adventures, led them to urge him to allow an account of
his travels to be drawn up from his notes and dictation. His narrative
was thus taken from his mouth in his prison at Genoa, by the hand of his
friend and fellow-traveller Rustichello, a native of Pisa. He afterwards
regained his liberty, but of his subsequent history little or nothing is
known.

The most interesting portion of his narrative is unquestionably that
which refers to China, of which he speaks under the names of Kataia and
Manji; the former, as we have already stated, denoting the northern, and
the latter the southern part of the empire. The northern kingdom of
Kataia contained the residence of Kublai Khan, while the south, although
subjugated, had not been completely incorporated into the almost
boundless Tartar dominion, which had been established by Kublai's
victorious ancestor, the renowned Zenghis Khan.

The route by which Polo entered China was along the northern frontier,
and is thus referred to by Mr. Marsden:--"Having reached the borders of
Northern China, and spoken of two places (Succuir, the modern Sucheu,
and Kampion, the modern Kancheu) that are within what is named the Great
Wall, our author ceases to pursue a direct route, and proceeds to the
account of places lying to the north and south, some of them in the
vicinity and others in distant parts of Tartary, according to the
information he had acquired of them on various occasions. Nor does he in
the sequel furnish any distinct idea of the line he took upon entering
China, in company with his father and uncle, on their journey to the
emperor's court, although there is reason to believe that he went from
Kan-cheu to Sining, and there fell into the great road from Thibet to
Peking." Before reaching the latter city, however, they visited
Karakorum, already referred to as the capital of the Khan's dominions
visited by Rubruquis. This city, Mr. Marsden says, was built by Oktar
Khan, the son and successor of Jenghis Khan, about the year 1235, whose
nephew Mangu Khan, made it his principal residence. No traces of it have
been in existence for some centuries, but its position is noted in the
Jesuits' and Danville's maps. J. Reinhold Forster, however, on the
authority of Fischer's _History of Siberia_, observes, that it must be
looked for on the east side of the river Orchon, and not on the Onghin
or Onguimuren, where D'Anville has placed it.

From the length of time which had elapsed since Nicolo and Maffeo Polo
had left China as Kublai's ambassadors, they were forgotten, but as soon
as the Khan, who was then absent, heard of their arrival at Karakorum,
he issued orders that they should be received with all honour and
escorted to his presence. The appearance of young Marco produced a
highly favourable impression upon the Khan, who immediately took him
under his especial protection. The assiduity of Marco in studying the
language and manners of the Tartars, and the wisdom and prudence which
he exhibited in the exercise of the various important functions in which
he was employed by the Khan, caused him rapidly to rise in the
estimation and favour of that liberal-minded monarch. Upon the removal
of the Khan to Khambalu, a corruption of Khambalig (capital of the
Khan), and understood to be the modern Pekin, Marco followed in his
train. This city was found to surpass in splendour everything that he
had yet met with. The dimensions of the palace comprehended a square,
each side of which was six miles long, a statement not very widely
different from the truth. This enclosure, however, comprised all the
royal armouries, as well as fields and meadows, stored with various
descriptions of game. The roofs of the spacious halls were covered with
gorgeous gilding, and painting in brilliant colours, while
representations of dragons and battles were carved upon the sides. To
the north of the palace stood an eminence called the Green Mountain, of
about a mile in circuit, covered with the finest trees which could be
collected from all parts of the empire, and which had been brought by
elephants to this spot.

This account strikingly agrees with those of modern travellers, and the
description of the internal government of the country, its postal
arrangements, and the beneficent distribution of grain from the imperial
granaries in times of scarcity, agree with since recognized Chinese
history.

Marco subsequently made an excursion into the country of Manji, or
Southern China, his route lying by the course of the imperial canal. In
his southward progress, after passing by various cities, he at length
reached Tinqui (Taitcheou), distant about three days' journey from the
sea, where there is an extensive manufactory of salt, an article which
forms a leading article of commerce in China. He next came to Yanqui
(Yangtcheoufou), at the mouth of the river Yang-tsi-kiang, the seat of a
viceroy, in which Polo himself exercised for the space of three years
the supreme jurisdiction. His subsequent route lay along the banks of
the Yang-tsi-kiang, and he incidentally alludes to the noble city of
Nanghin (Nanking), where he speaks of the manufacture of cloths of gold
and silver, but does not seem to have visited the city itself. Taking
thence a southward course, he reached Quinsai (Hang-cheou), or the city
of heaven, the splendour of which still important place was at that time
such, that he speaks of it in the following terms: "In the world there
is not the like, nor a place in which there are found so many pleasures,
that a man would imagine himself in paradise." This city, then the
metropolis of Manji, was in the height of its glory, and may well be
supposed to have surpassed in grandeur any city which Polo had seen; and
if he is to be charged with exaggeration in describing it as one hundred
miles in circumference, and to have contained one million six hundred
thousand houses, and twelve thousand bridges, it must be remembered that
its really immense extent was calculated to mislead the judgment of an
observer, and to make him credulous of the accounts of the inhabitants.
It is still a splendid and very extensive city, and it is not to be
wondered at that Polo, who witnessed its unfaded glories, should have
dwelt with enthusiasm on its spacious and beautiful palaces, and its
waters covered with richly decorated barges. The character of the
inhabitants he describes as effeminate, luxurious, and unwarlike.

In his southward journey Polo mentions many great cities in Manji, which
it would be difficult to identify with their modern nomenclature. Among
these Unguen, a city of the province of Fokien, is referred to, as
remarkable for its extensive manufacture of sugar, sent from thence to
Khambalu; its natives being described as skilled in the art of refining
it with wood ashes, from persons belonging to Babylonia (Egypt). It is
also worthy of notice, that his embarcation took place at a famous port
called Zaitun, which was much frequented by ships with rich cargoes from
India for the supply of Manji and Kataia, and exceedingly productive in
revenue to the grand Khan, who received ten per cent. on all
merchandise. In spite of this impost, and the heavy freights, amounting
to nearly fifty per cent., the merchants are described as making
enormous profits.

The inhabitants of the place are represented as distinguished for their
skill in embroidery and tapestry. This has been supposed to mean
Fou-cheou-fu, Amoy, or some neighbouring port in Fokien; but it is
difficult to reconcile this with the statement that one arm of the river
on which this city stood reached to Quinsay, which, as we have already
stated, appears to be intended for the great city of Hang-cheou.

The next in rotation on our list of eastern travellers, is Giovanni di
Monte Corvino, a Franciscan monk of Calabria, who went as ambassador
from Pope Nicholas IV in 1288 to the grand Khan, and died in Khambalu,
that is, Pekin, holding the distinguished position of archbishop of the
missions in that city. His letters refer to little more than the
progress he made in the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion in
that capital.

The next traveller in China of whom we have to speak is Oderico
Mattheussi, a Minorite friar, more commonly known under the name of
Oderico de Pordenone, from Pordenone in Friuli, in which place he was
born about the year 1285. He undertook a journey in 1317, accompanied by
several other monks, through Tartary, by Trebizond, to China, and
returned by Thibet to Europe. In 1330, a year before his death, he
dictated in Padua, to Guglielmo di Solagno, a monk, an account of his
travels as they occurred to his memory, in the Italian language. An
English translation is given by Hakluyt in his second volume, from which
we quote the following extracts.

     "Travelling more eastward, I came vnto a city named Fuco, which
     conteineth 20 miles in circuit, wherein be exceeding great and
     faire cocks, and al their hens are as white as the very snow,
     having wol in stead of feathers, like vnto sheep. It is a most
     stately and beautiful city, and standeth vpon the sea. Then I went
     18 daies iourney on further, and passed by many prouinces and
     cities, and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine, vpon
     ye one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as
     a cole, and the men and women on that side differed somewhat in
     maner of liuing fro' others: howbeit, on the other side of the said
     hil euery liuing thing was snow-white, and the inhabitants in their
     maner of liuing were altogether vnlike vnto others. There, all
     maried women cary, in token that they haue husbands, a great trunke
     of horne vpon their heads. From thence I traueiled 18 dayes journey
     further, and came vnto a certaine great riuer, and entered also
     into a city, whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to passe the said
     river. And mine hoste with whom I soiourned, being desirous to shew
     me some sport, said vnto me: 'Sir, if you will see any fish taken,
     goe with me.' Then he led me vnto the foresaid bridge, carying in
     his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules, bound
     vnto a company of poles, and about every one of their necks he tied
     a thread, least they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke
     them: and he caried 3 great baskets with him also: then loosed he
     the diue-doppers from the poles, which presently went into the
     water, and within lesse then the space of one houre, caught as many
     fishes as filled 3 baskets: which being full, mine hoste vntyed the
     threads from about their neckes, and entering a second time into
     the river they fed themselues with fish, and being satisfied they
     returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles
     as they were before. And when I did eate of those fishes, methought
     they were exceeding good.

     "Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys, at length I arriued at
     another city called Canasia [Quinsay, or Hang-cheou], which
     signifieth in our language the city of heaven. Neuer in all my life
     did I see so great a citie; for it continueth in circuit an
     hundreth miles: neither saw I any plot thereof, which was not
     thoroughly inhabited: yea, I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue
     stories high, one above another. It hath mightie large suburbs,
     containing more people then the citie it selfe. Also it hath twelue
     principall gates: and about the distance of eight miles, in the
     high way vnto every one of the saide gates, standeth a city as big
     by estimation as Venice and Padua. The foresaid city of Canasia is
     situated in waters and marshes, which alwayes stand still, neither
     ebbing nor flowing: howbeit it hath a defence for the winde like
     vnto Venice. In this citie there are mo then 10,002 bridges, many
     whereof I remembered and passed over them: and vpon euery of those
     bridges stand certaine watchmen of the citie, keeping continuall
     watch and ward about the said city, for the great Can the emperour
     of Catay.

     "The number of his owne followers, of his wives attendants, and of
     the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparent, would
     seeme incredible vnto any man, vnlesse hee had seene it with his
     owne eyes. The foresayd great Can hath deuided his empire into
     twelue partes or prouinces, and one of the sayd prouinces hath two
     thousand great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon his
     empire is of that length and breadth, that vnto whatsoeuer part
     thereof he intendeth his iourney, he hath space enough for six
     moneths continual progresse, except his islands, which are at the
     least 5,000.

     "The foresayd emperor (to the end that trauailers may haue all
     things necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certaine
     innes to be prouided in sundry places upon the high wayes, where
     all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse.
     And when any alteration or newes happens in any part of his empire,
     if he chance to be farre absent from that part, his ambassadors
     vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him; and when themselues
     and their beasts are weary, they blow their horne; at the noise
     whereof, the next inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man, who
     takes the letter of him that is weary, and runneth vnto another
     inne: and so by diuers innes, and diuers postes, the report, which
     ordinarily could skarce come in 30 dayes, is in one naturall day
     brought vnto the emperor: and therefore no matter of any moment can
     be done in his empire, but straightway he hath intelligence
     thereof."

The next traveller of whom we have to make a short mention, is the
celebrated Arabian author Ibn Batuta, the date of whose journey is 1324.
His point of arrival in China was Zaitun, the port already mentioned of
Marco Polo's embarcation. Its identity is not easy of recognition. From
this port he would seem to have travelled to Hang-cheou and back again,
embarking again at Zaitun. Although his route is not distinctly
traceable, the account he gives of the country appears very accurate. He
particularizes the facility and safety of travelling, and the
convenient, but at the same time rigid surveillance of the hostelries,
in which a register was kept of all strangers who lodged in them.
Silkworms and silk are mentioned, but the latter as being inferior in
value to cotton. The paper money and the manufacture of porcelain are
also referred to.

In pursuance of our chronological arrangement of travels in China, we
shall here introduce the account of an embassy, though not European,
sent by Mirza Shah Rokh, one of the sons of Tamerlane, to Cathay, in the
year 1419. The ambassadors set out from Herat in Persia, about the month
of November in that year, and reached a spot in the desert within twelve
stages of Sekju (Sucheu), near the great wall in Shensi, on the 14th of
June 1420. At this place they were met, by order of the khan, by some
Cathayans, who erected tents or huts for their accommodation in the
desert, and plentifully supplied them with roasted geese, fowls, and
various kinds of meat, fruits, etc., which were served to them on china
dishes; they likewise regaled them with a variety of strong liquors,
together with a pot of Chinese tea. The chief person in the embassy was
the Emir Sadi Khoja; and, according to the list of the names of the
ambassadors and the number of their retinue, taken down by some Cathayan
secretaries, the entire embassy, including merchants, amounted to eight
hundred and sixty persons. In taking this list, the Cathayan officers
earnestly desired that the exact number should be stated, as a want of
truthfulness would involve them in discredit. Two days after their
arrival, they were invited to the encampment of the dankji or governor
of the borders of Cathay, by whom they were entertained with a
magnificent feast. On reaching the spot, they found a square space of
ground enclosed with tents, in the centre of which was a lofty awning of
cloth supported on wooden pillars, with an imperial canopy of state at
one end, where the throne was placed, as if for the emperor, with other
seats on each side: on the left of this throne were placed the
ambassadors, and on the right the Cathayan officers. Each ambassador had
placed before him two tables, the one covered with a variety of meats
and fruits, the other with cakes and bread, gracefully ornamented with
silk and paper. The other persons present had but one table apiece. At
the lower end of the tent stood a sideboard covered with silver and
china. After the banquet they were entertained with music and a comedy,
in which the actors wore masks representing the faces of animals: among
these a child, enclosed in the body of an artificial stork, amused them
by performing a variety of curious antics. On the next day they reached
a karawl, a strongly fortified outpost, built in a defile in the
mountains, through which all travellers that way must unavoidably go.
Here their retinue was again carefully numbered. They next arrived at
Sucheu, a large and strong square city, where they had lodgings
appointed to them in a public building over the city gates, and were
amply provided with every convenience and comfort for themselves and
their horses, even the servants having mattresses and counterpanes
allowed them for their beds.

They next came to a city called Khamchu, after which we find them
crossing the river Karamoran by a bridge of boats, and arriving at a
magnificent city containing many splendid temples. From the beauty of
the women, who, contrary to usual Chinese observances, were seen
standing at the doors of the taverns, they designated this town in the
Persian language, Rhosnabad, the city of Beauty. After passing several
rivers they reached Sedinfur, a large city, in which they saw a cast
image of gilt metal of immense proportions, having a great number of
hands with an eye in each. This image rested on a pedestal of polished
stone, and was surrounded by six tiers of balustrades.

In December 1420, after a journey of ninety-five days, they reached
Kambalu or Pekin, the whole road thither from Sucheu being through so
populous a country that they lodged every night in a large town. Workmen
were at that time still occupied in building the walls of Kambalu.
Immediately on their arrival they were conducted to the palace, and,
though before sunrise, they found a multitude assembled in the outer
court, amounting apparently to no less than one hundred thousand men. At
sunrise, at beat of drum, the prince took his seat on a lofty throne,
placed under a canopy at the outside of the palace, and amidst profound
silence a number of criminals were led in, who had been brought to the
capital from all parts of the empire. Each man had a board fastened to
his neck, specifying his crime and his legal punishment, and was led by
the hair to the emperor, who after inspecting the board pronounced
sentence. Upon the dismissal of the criminals, the Persian ambassadors
were introduced, and after prostrating themselves as demanded, were
graciously received by the emperor. An amusing occurrence, however, had
nearly destroyed all their prospects of success. The monarch having been
slightly injured by a fall from a horse which had been presented to him
by the ambassadors, was so exasperated, that he condemned them all to
imprisonment for life in a distant part of the empire. He afterwards,
however, thought better of his resolution, and merely upbraiding Sadi
Khoja, with the taunt that such a horse ought not to be presented by one
sovereign to another, overlooked the offence; and on hearing that the
animal was sent to him by Tamerlane as an especial favourite, his anger
was entirely appeased.

Previous to their departure, a circumstance occurred which threw a gloom
over the imperial court,--the most beloved of the emperor's wives died.
And here, _par parenthese_, we would mention a curious custom recorded
in this narrative, respecting the burial of ladies belonging to the
imperial family: they are interred on a certain mountain, on which all
the horses belonging to them are turned out to graze at liberty for the
rest of their lives; all the maidens of their retinue also are placed in
attendance on the grave, and have provisions allowed them for about five
years, and when these are exhausted they are left to die of famine. In
addition to this loss of his favourite wife, the new palace of the
emperor was struck by lightning on the night after the funeral, the
flames causing fearful devastation and loss of life. These afflictions
so affected the emperor, that he fell sick, and the prince his son
assuming the reins of government, gave the ambassadors their audience of
leave. On their return through Cathay they were furnished as before with
every necessary, and at Sucheu, some articles which had been detained
were honourably restored to them. They took their departure by a
circuitous route, in consequence of intestine commotions, and passing
through Khoten and Cashgar proceeded homewards to Herat, which they
reached in September 1422.

Hitherto we have had to treat of travellers who in the middle ages
reached China by an overland journey; we have now to allude to those who
have visited that country by sea, subsequent to that grand achievement
of the Portuguese, the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good
Hope.

The Portuguese themselves were, as might be expected, the first to take
advantage of this expeditious route, and about the same time that they
had succeeded in establishing a communication with the King of Siam they
aimed at forming relations with China. On gaining information of the
boundless wealth of the east and its empires in the productions of
nature and art, King Manoel determined on despatching a squadron farther
eastward to Bengal and China. This squadron, consisting of eight sail,
the commander of which was Fernando Peres d'Andrade, selected on account
of the ability he had shown previously in India, especially at Malacca,
departed, after various unsuccessful cruises, from Malacca on the 17th
June 1517, and arrived on the 15th August at the Island of Tamang
(called by the Portuguese Beniaga), lying three miles from the mainland,
where all foreign ships that trade to Canton must lie at anchor and
transact their business.[3] In the harbour Andrade found Edward Coelho,
who, in a previous expedition, had been separated from him by a storm,
had wintered at Siam, and had already been there a month. Andrade caused
it to be notified to the commander of the Chinese fleet, which was
stationed off the coast there for the protection of merchant ships
against pirates, that he was come on a peaceful embassy from the King of
Portugal to the Emperor of China. The commander bade him welcome, but
referred him to the Pio (great admiral) at Nanto upon the subject of his
business. After various delays and difficulties, occasioned by the
numerous gradations of rank amongst the Chinese authorities, their
ceremoniousness, and the mistrust, imperfectly veiled by civility, of
the Chinese towards strangers, Andrade reached Canton at the close of
September, and ran into the harbour with all the usual nautical
ceremonies. When surprise was expressed at this, he justified himself by
referring to the practice of the Chinese in this particular when their
ships came to Portuguese Malacca. He then begged that he might forward
to the emperor the ambassador and the presents which he had brought with
him, and that the Portuguese fleet might be dismissed as soon as
possible. He was answered civilly, that they would receive the
ambassador, and as soon as permission was obtained from the emperor,
would escort him to court. Meanwhile the commander had permission to
carry on trade in the town, after the ambassador had landed. Andrade now
caused the ambassador, Thomas Pires, with seven Portuguese, richly
dressed, to be put on shore with sound of trumpets and discharge of
cannon. This Tomas Pires, erroneously called by Mendoza, Bartholomew,
though a man of no rank, had been selected for this mission on account
of his scientific qualifications, his tact, and experience. He was an
apothecary by profession, and a practised and competent judge of the
merchandize and productions of India. They not only granted him one of
the best houses in the town, wherein he and his companions received
visits from the most distinguished inhabitants, but also offered them
maintenance, according to the custom observed with ambassadors. This,
however, the commander declined, nor did he accept the invitation to
come on shore, but, excusing himself, sent the factor with some
assistants in his stead, and when a warehouse was granted them near the
fleet, allowed the merchandize to be landed by degrees, and an
interchange of traffic commenced.

Matters were in this prosperous condition, when circumstances rendered
it necessary for the commander to leave Canton. Many of his people had
become sick from malaria, and nine, including the factor, were dead.
These and other disasters compelled Andrade to take leave of the Chinese
commanders, and he went back to the island of Tamang, where he was
plentifully supplied with all that he required for the repair of his
ships. Before his departure Andrade caused proclamation to be made in
Canton, Nanto, and the harbour of Tamang, that those who had demands on
the Portuguese, should apply to him in order that they might be fully
satisfied. This proceeding gave the Chinese a high opinion of the
integrity of the Portuguese. At the end of September 1518, Fernando
Peres d'Andrade again set saile with his whole fleet, and entered the
harbour of Malacca loaded with renown and riches.[4]

At his departure from Canton, he left the affairs of the Portuguese so
arranged that their trade with the Chinese might be carried on securely
and peacefully, and with profit to both parties. His brother, Simon
d'Andrade, received from the king a commission to make another voyage to
China, and departed in April 1518 from Malacca. Upon his arrival in
August in the harbour of Tamu, he found that the Portuguese ambassador,
Thomas Pires, had not yet left Canton, as, in spite of three
applications, no order had yet been received from the court to escort
him thither. At length the order came, and Pires went in the beginning
of January 1520 by water as far as the mountain range Malenschwang,
thence to Nankin, where the emperor was, who ordered him to Pekin, where
he himself usually resided on account of the nearness of the Tartars,
with whom he was continually at war. In January 1521, the emperor came
there, and immediately dismissed the embassy. He had received
unfavourable accounts of the Portuguese from the authorities at Canton
and Nankin, whom the King of Bintang had influenced by an emissary; they
told the emperor that, under the pretext of trading, the Portuguese
explored the country with the view of taking it by force of arms, and
that in this way they had made themselves masters of India and Malacca.
Pires therefore was admitted no more into the palace. Meanwhile the
emperor fell ill and died, and the counsellors of his successor were of
opinion that Pires and all his companions should be put to death as
spies. The emperor however ordered the ambassador, real or pretended, to
be sent back to Canton with the presents, and to be kept in custody
there until answer should be received from the Portuguese authorities at
Malacca. Until then no Portuguese or Portuguese merchandise was to be
admitted into the empire. The emperor further commanded that the king of
Malacca, who was an ally of the emperor, and who had been driven out by
the Portuguese, should be restored.

The severe conditions imposed upon the Portuguese by the emperor are not
to be wondered at, for all the accounts which he had received from his
authorities respecting them were prejudicial, and Simon d'Andrade
himself gave frequent occasion for complaint by inconsiderate or unjust
regulations, contrary both to the laws and to the received opinions of
the country, and provoked the Chinese against the Portuguese; and even
his personal behaviour seems to have been calculated to provoke
animosity.[5] At last a hot encounter took place between the Portuguese
and Chinese ships, during which, fortunately for the Portuguese, a storm
arose, which scattered the Chinese fleet and favoured the flight of the
Portuguese, so that they happily reached Malacca at the end of October.

Thomas Pires meanwhile was, upon his arrival in Canton, thrown into
prison with all his companions, and died in chains; the presents which
he had brought with him were stolen. The letters, which two or three
years afterwards arrived from the prisoners, contained lamentable
descriptions of the oppressions they had to endure, and of the robberies
which were committed in foreign ships, upon the pretence that they had
Portuguese on board. The great stores of valuable merchandize, gold and
silver from India, were entirely lost. Mendoza does not complete the
tale of Pires's adventures, but some interesting details are given by
Remusat in his _Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques_, page 205, tom. ii.

The next Portuguese adventurer who comes within the range of our special
notice, is Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, who from the apparent extravagance of
his accounts became proverbial as an accomplished romancer. Congreve, in
his _Love for Love_, makes Foresight thus address Sir Sampson Legend:
"Ferdinand Mendez Pinto was but a type of thee, thou liar of the first
magnitude." Like most of his predecessors, however, in early travel, he
has by this time recovered much of his forfeited reputation, and, as in
their case, some of his most remarkable statements have been confirmed
by more recent explorations. Being compelled to leave his country from
some accident, which he describes as casting "him into manifest peril of
his life", he took to the sea. The chances of his life led him to
Abyssinia, and subsequently along the coast of Arabia to India. With his
adventures in these countries we have here nothing to do, but pass at
once to the circumstances under which he was thrown upon the coast of
China. At Goa, Pinto hired himself as a soldier to Pedro de Faria, who
was proceeding as governor to Malacca. In this employ he was selected as
Portuguese agent in the company of the ambassador of the Battas, on the
return of the latter to Sumatra from his complimentary visit to Faria,
at Malacca, the seat of government. Here he fell in with one Antonio de
Faria, with whom he joined in a great commercial expedition to be sent
up the Gulf of Siam.

We pass over various romantic adventures with pirates, described in his
narrative, especially those with one Coja Acem, a native of Guzerat, and
an implacable enemy of the Portuguese, whom Faria at length overcame in
a desperate encounter. The adventurers then sailed to Liampoo (Ning-po),
where Faria gained intelligence of an island called Calempluy, in which
were the tombs of seventeen kings of China, all of gold, and containing
great treasure of various descriptions. This place they sought and
reached, and having plundered, loaded their ships with the treasure.
About a month after they had put to sea, they were wrecked in a furious
gale in the Gulf of Nanking, and fourteen of the Portuguese alone
escaped with their lives. The Chinese gave the shipwrecked pirates but a
harsh reception; they were first thrust into a pond where they were
almost devoured by leeches, and were afterwards sent with other
criminals to Nanking, where they were punished with a severe whipping.
They were subsequently sent to Peking, also chained together in parties
of three, and on their arrival received thirty lashes apiece by way of
welcome. Pinto gives an animated account of the magnificence of these
two great capitals, but splendid as the objects he observed in them
were, they would scarcely bear comparison with those which presented
themselves along the great rivers and canals. The multitude of cities,
together with the abundance which here prevailed, was almost incredible.
The immense concourse of boats at the time of the great fairs, the mode
of rearing water-fowl, their plan of hatching eggs by artificial heat,
the industry and regularity of populace, and their fashion of eating
with chop-sticks, are detailed with great exactness. Upon the whole, his
remarks leave no doubt, we think, of the truth of his having been an
eye-witness of what he records. Upon the subsequent occurrences of his
eventful life, and his final return to Lisbon in 1558, we shall not here
dwell, but proceed to the consideration of the next in order on our list
of European travellers to China.

Among a series of letters in Spanish, received in 1555 from various
Jesuits in the East, and appended to the 1561 edition of Francisco
Alvarez's _Historia de Ethiopia_, occurs an account of some matters
regarding the customs and laws of the kingdom of China, which a man (who
was a captive there for six years) related at Malacca, in the college of
the Jesuits. This valuable account, we believe, has never before
appeared in English, and is here translated.

     "The Chinese build their towns in the strongest situations, near
     rapid rivers, and chiefly at the curves, in order that they may
     serve in part for enclosures; and if the towns are half a league in
     circuit, they build walls of a league in extent, so that in case of
     war they may hold a considerable number of defenders. The towns are
     walled with stone built in mortar, for the most part; some,
     especially the large towns, have very strong brick walls. They
     contain very large buildings, and bridges of half a league, all of
     stone excellently wrought, and there are blocks in them so large
     that it appears impossible for men to have raised and set them by
     any contrivance. One of the things that surprised us much, was to
     see eight columns, upon which the government palace is built, in a
     town where we were for three years. We measured these columns, and
     two men stretching their arms round them did not touch each other;
     they appeared to us to be sixty feet high, little more or less; and
     it is very strange that men should have been able to raise them and
     place them where they are. The houses which are upon them are very
     high, all of wood, painted and gilded. An officer resides there who
     collects the revenue of the province, and there are similar ones in
     the other provinces. Each of these houses is separately enclosed by
     walls, within which they are accustomed to plant trees and make
     very pleasant gardens, with all kinds of fruit, which the Chinese
     are exceedingly fond of, and also of having ponds at their houses
     in which they breed fish for their amusement.

     "What is generally considered by the nobility and principal men as
     the greatest distinction, is to erect edifices in front of their
     gates, in way of an arch going from one side of the street to the
     other, so that the people pass underneath; some build them of
     stone, others of wood, with all kinds of painting, colours of gold
     and blue, with pictures of various birds and other things that may
     gratify the sight of the passers by. And they are so curious and
     vain in this particular, that he who goes to the greatest expense
     therein, is thought most of amongst them. On the border of the
     arches are the name and arms of him who caused them to be erected,
     in letters of gold and blue.

     "The houses are covered with glazed tiles of many colours, and the
     woodwork is much wrought. The streets are very well made and paved
     with stone, and the highways are all raised. I say this because
     they took us from that town (where we had been prisoners for three
     years), and we went one hundred and twenty days' journey, without
     going out of the kingdom, and found all the roads raised and even;
     and several times when we passed rivers and inquired if most of the
     roads that ran forward were similar, we were told that they were,
     and that it was a four months' journey to reach the court of the
     king, and the roads were all alike. They treated us very well on
     the journey, giving us sumpter beasts and every thing necessary.

     "In all the towns there is a street of very noble houses built by
     order of the king, in which the officers who perform the service of
     visitation lodge. These officers are commissioned with the royal
     authority over the governing presidents (who are called in their
     language Taquoan). The governors of provinces and those who hold
     any command, are chosen for their learning and great prudence,
     without regard to anything else, and if the sons are as able as
     their fathers they succeed them in their offices, otherwise they
     are not admitted by the king into his service. The special
     governors of the towns are obliged to sit to hear and do justice to
     all, every morning until midday, and after having dined till
     sunset.

     "Officers of the court come twice every year, by command of the
     king, to make a stay in all the towns, principally to see if the
     governors do their duty well, and to remove them at once and put
     others in their place, if they are tyrannical, or oppress the
     people, or perform their functions ill. These officers examine all
     the walls, and if they are in bad condition, order them to be
     repaired. They afterwards inquire concerning the royal revenues and
     the expenses of the towns, moderating them if they are excessive.
     He who gives out money at usury loses it (if proved), and,
     moreover, incurs further punishment. In the towns where these
     officers come, they cause public notice to be given, in order that
     those who are aggrieved by any injustice may come before them.

     "In the town I was speaking of there are six governors, one of whom
     takes precedence; and there are also six others whose business it
     is to collect the revenues, and one of them is obliged to watch the
     town every night with his men, that thieves may not disturb the
     people. Others take care to close the gates, which are very strong
     and fortified with iron. The governors and magistrates of every
     town are charged to write every moon, to the court of the king, an
     account of what takes place; and each has to write separately, that
     it may be seen if they concert what they write, and whether they
     speak truth; for those who lie to the king incur the punishment of
     death; wherefore they dread much to state anything false in their
     accounts. No man governs in his native place, where he has
     relations, that he may do justice to all without respect of
     persons.

     "In the principal towns are many strong gaols; we being prisoners
     were distributed in six of them. There are prisoners for various
     crimes; the most serious with them is murder. The prisoners are
     numerous, because the towns are populous; in every gaol there are
     three, four, or five hundred of them. A native of the town, where
     we were, told us, that in it alone there might be at that time more
     than eight thousand prisoners; and that was because it was a
     principal town, where those of the neighbouring places were
     assembled together. In every gaol there is a book of the prisoners
     therein, whom the gaoler counts every night. In that where I was,
     sometimes there were three hundred prisoners, at others four
     hundred; and although I did not see the other gaols, it appears to
     me from this, that there might be as many prisoners as they told
     me.

     "The serious crimes go to the court; and for those who come from
     thence sentenced to death, the king gives power to the governors of
     the towns--if, upon a re-examination of the case, from being nearer
     where the offence was committed, they should find them less
     guilty--to spare their lives, and condemn them to banishment, or to
     the king's service, for so many years, or for their whole life.
     They take all possible pains to avoid condemning any to death. It
     can scarcely be expressed how much the king is feared by his
     subjects: they call him god and king for the strict government and
     justice that he maintains in his kingdom, which is necessary from
     the people being bad and malicious.

     "In their ancient books they find that at a certain time, white men
     with long beards are to take their kingdom of China; on this
     account they are so careful of the walls and of fortifying the
     towns; and the officers make a muster of the soldiers, they receive
     and examine them to see if they are good soldiers; they do the same
     with the cavalry; and to those who excel they give rewards
     according to their personal qualities, putting also in their heads
     a branch with gold and silver leaves, as a sign of honour; but
     those who do not satisfy them they dismiss, paying them their hire
     and giving them the money with reproachful words.

     "The people of China are, in general, neither brave nor skilful,
     nor have they any natural inclination for warlike affairs; if they
     maintain themselves it is by the multitude of the people, the
     strength of the walls and towns, and the provision of ammunition.
     At the boundary of the kingdom of China, where it borders on the
     Tartars, there is a wall of wondrous strength, of a month's journey
     in extent, where the king keeps a great military force in the
     bulwarks. Where this walls comes upon mountains, they cut them in
     such a manner that they remain and serve as a wall; for the Tartars
     are very brave and skilful in war. At the time we were prisoners,
     they broke through a part of the wall and entered into the
     territory within for a month and a half's journey; but as the king
     prepared great armies of men provided with artful contrivances (in
     which the Chinese are very crafty), he kept back the Tartars, who
     fight on horse-back. As their horses had become weak and were dying
     of hunger, one of the Chinese officers commanded a large quantity
     of peas to be placed in the fields, and thus it was that the horses
     (being so hungry as they were) set themselves to eat against the
     will of their masters; and in this manner the army of the king of
     China put them in disorder and turned to drive them out. And now a
     strict watch is kept on the wall.

     "They make great feasts in the provinces of the kingdom of China,
     every year on the king's birthday; and in the government palaces of
     every town, in a hall covered with an awning, and having the walls
     and the floor ornamented with very rich coloured cloths, they place
     a seat painted of the same colour. This hall has three doors, and
     it is the custom of the officers of the towns to enter by any one
     of them, on foot like any other man, without taking anything with
     him, and without a sunshade before him; in passing they make
     obeisance by seven or eight genuflexions, as if the king were
     sitting on the seat. Having finished, they go to their houses, and
     at this time enter on foot and by any door; for except on this day
     they only enter by the middle door and in very rich litters, in
     which their servants carry them. They hold it for greater dignity
     to go in these litters than on horseback, taking one or two persons
     on the right for state, and a sunshade on foot before them, like
     those which they use in India.

     "They make another very great feast on the first day of the year,
     which is the day upon which we celebrate the feast of the
     Circumcision. These feasts last three days; on every one of which
     they represent scenes by day and night, for they are much addicted
     to the performance of farces. On these three days the gates of the
     town are closed, because from much eating and drinking the people
     are at times beside themselves. They make other very great feasts
     when the king nominates his son for his heir; upon which day, they
     declared to me, they release all the prisoners, even those
     sentenced to death. At the time that we were prisoners, there came
     news that the king intended to make his son a king, upon which the
     prisoners in all the gaols rejoiced much.

     "These great kingdoms of China are divided by the same king into
     fifteen provinces, and in every one of them there is a chief town,
     where there is a governor, who is changed every three years; in
     these chief towns the treasure of the king, from the revenue of all
     the province, is collected. The privilege for those who shall
     betake themselves to the chief town is, that for crimes which they
     have committed elsewhere they cannot be taken; and the reason of
     this privilege is, that as they are continually carrying on war
     with the Tartars and with other kings, if they did not afford this
     security these persons would pass over to the enemy.

     "It has been, and still is, the custom to write everything
     remarkable and worthy of remembrance on large stones on the
     highways, and in the same places where they occurred, principally
     in the towns at the government palaces, where the officers reside.
     These antiquities are written in the open courts, many of them in
     letters of gold; and the noblemen and men of quality are very
     curious to read them, and fond of talking of remarkable actions,
     and of the dignity and achievements of the former kings.

     "I have heard much of the grandeur of these kingdoms, and seen
     somewhat (although little), which to those who have no knowledge of
     China would scarcely appear true; wherefore I only speak of those
     things that are most common among the people, leaving the rest to
     time, which will discover them. The noblest and most populous town
     is one where the king resides, which is called Paquin; the natives
     (for I did not see it) say that it takes seven days to traverse it
     by a direct road, and thirteen to go round it. It is surrounded by
     three enclosures and a very copious river, which entirely
     encompasses it, forming, as it were, the interior enclosure.
     Marvellous things are reported of the riches and structure of the
     royal residence; the designs are taken from many provinces of the
     same kingdom, none being allowed to go out of it. Before entering
     the palaces seven or eight very strong gates have to be passed,
     where there are very tall and stout men for guards. The king
     (according to what they say) never goes out of that town, and
     everything he eats is produced within the walls; he does not go to
     the outer enclosures; and they say he is never seen except by those
     who attend upon him, who are all eunuchs, sons of noblemen, and who
     when once they enter there into the residence, never more depart
     from it until death. The king has noblemen about him, very learned
     and of great prudence, with whom he transacts all the business of
     the kingdom. And these also never go without the enclosure on any
     account; they are called Vlaos. The manner of choosing them for
     that dignity is this: when there is a vacancy, the king inquires
     for some one distinguished in learning and for discretion, and
     inclined to justice; if there be one who is commonly held of this
     reputation, he orders him to be summoned from any province of the
     kingdom where he may be, and invests him with the office of Vlaos.

     "The Chinese observe much exactness in their courtesies and great
     neatness in their apparel, both men and women; they generally go
     very well dressed, from the quantity of silk there is in the
     kingdom.

     "The soil is very productive of necessaries, fruits, and very
     singular waters; there are very pleasant gardens, and all kinds of
     game and hunting. The Chinese touch no food with their hands, but
     all, both small and great, eat with two little sticks for
     cleanliness.

     "Their temples are very large edifices, richly wrought, which they
     call Valeras, and which cost a great deal, for the statues, which
     are of large size, are all covered with beaten gold. The roof of
     the temples is gilded, and the walls ornamented with boards well
     wrought and painted in pictures. They are skilful workmen in
     carpentry. In these temples there are priests (who are obliged to
     remain in them always), with an appointed income. They eat neither
     flesh nor fish, only herbs, principally beledas, and some fruits;
     on certain days they fast. If they do anything that they ought not,
     they are driven out and allowed to be priests no longer, and others
     are put in their place.

     "No man can go from one province to another without taking a
     licence of the governor, and he who is found without one is
     punished; and no traveller can be (by law of the kingdom) more than
     three or four days in a town where he has not business; there is a
     man whose office it is to go about looking to this, and if any such
     is found, he is taken up, for they presume him to be a thief and a
     man of bad life. And so every one is accustomed to have some
     occupation, and to hold some office, even the sons of the officers
     and nobles. All employ their sons, of whatever condition they may
     be, setting them to read and write, which they vnderstand
     generally. Others put them to trade, and they are also in the habit
     of placing their sons with officers and noblemen, that they may
     learn how to serve. The officers are waited on with much
     veneration; all who speak to them do so with genuflexions, and
     whatever they have to ask for must be done in writing.

     "The sentences which the officers pronounce are conformable to the
     laws of the kingdom; they judge according to the truth of the
     matter, which they inquire into themselves, without taking account
     of what the parties say; and so they are very correct in affairs of
     justice, for fear of the visitation, which, they say, is made every
     six months. Their years have twelve moons, and every three years
     they add to the year one moon, and thus it has thirteen.

     "The people of any consequence wear black silk for their dress,
     because coloured is held dishonourable for clothing; so much so,
     that no one dares to go before any officer or person of quality
     without a black dress; and if he has gone away from home with a
     coloured cloak, and he happens to have to speak to any officer, he
     takes a black cloak from some acquaintance whom he meets, and
     leaves him his own while he transacts his business. The common
     people always speak to the nobles cap in hand, and they may not
     wear black cloaks, but only very short coloured ones. The officers
     wear a kind of cap, different from other people, for a certain
     dignity is kept up amongst them as with us. In these caps they have
     tufts made of horsehair, stuck on every part. The king wears the
     same, except that they say he has two points cross-wise at the top.

     "They praise and extol the richness of the king's dress, which they
     say is always of the colour of heaven. The officers, on the
     principal feasts, on the first day of January and at the beginning
     of the moon, dress themselves richly in coloured damask, and on the
     breast and back of the vesture they bear a stag and an eagle, very
     naturally embroidered, for they are clever designers. These
     garments look very well; they reach within a hand's breadth of the
     ground, and have very long, large, and wide sleeves. They wear
     boots of a blackish colour, with soles of white cloth strong as
     boards.

     "The officers and nobles, at the death of father or mother or a
     very near relation, wear white dresses, very cross and rough; and
     they gird themselves with a girdle as thick as the leg, which
     reaches to the ground, as does the dress also. Attached to the cap,
     they wear another thinner cord. When the deceased are less nearly
     related, they also clothe themselves all in white, from the shoes
     to the cap, but not so coarse and rough.

     "These are the matters that are most commonly seen and known in
     China, where we were prisoners six years; other very remarkable
     things that we heard tell of I omit, because I did not see them,
     and because it appears to me that every day will discover more and
     more."

The next account of China is by Gaspar da Cruz, a native of Evora, and
one of the order of Friars Preachers; he is thus described by Barbosa
Machado, in his _Biblioteca Lusitana_.

    "Inflamed with an holy ardour of announcing the gospel to distant
    barbarians, who were given to idolatry, he set sail in the year 1548
    with twelve companions, of whom the Friar Diego Bernardo was
    vicar-general, to the East Indies; and after building a convent at
    Goa, and another at Malacca, he penetrated as far as the kingdom of
    Camboya; but as the fruits of his labours did not correspond with
    his desires, he resolved upon passing on to China in the year 1556,
    being the first missionary who illuminated its inhabitants with the
    light of the faith, and had the glory of being the precursor of all
    those gospel labourers, who with so much labour and expenditure of
    blood cultivated that wild but extensive vineyard. He spent many
    years in this laborous undertaking, and several times incurred the
    risk of his life, especially on one occasion when, in a sumptuous
    pagoda, he threw down a multitude of idols, but at the same time
    confounded and silenced by the vehement efficacy of his preaching
    the greatest masters of Paganism. He returned to his country in
    1569, and was nominated by King Sebastian, bishop of Malacca, but
    this dignity he did not accept. He died in 1570, through exposing
    himself in charitable exertions to assist the sufferers in a plague
    which then raged at Lisbon."

The narrative of his travels was published in black letter at Evora in
1569-70, 4to., under the title of "Tractado em que se contam muito por
estenso as cousas de China con suas particularidades y assi do Regno
dormuz." In the preface reference is made to a narrative of China by a
fellow-countryman, one Francisco Henriques, but he appears merely to
refer to him as having presented this relation to Sebastian I, King of
Portugal, which seems to have been an unpublished manuscript. An
abbreviated translation of the narrative of his travels is given by
Purchas, in which he mentions "the storie of certaine Portugals,
prisoners in China," one of which he nameth Galotti Perera, from whom he
received great part of his Chinese intelligence. He is also referred to
by Mendoza, in the first chapter of the second book, as one from whom he
"follows many things in the process of his historie." This person is
mentioned by Barbosa Machado under the name of Galeoti Pereyra, brother
of Ruy Pereira I, first Count of Feyra, and as being captive in Funchien
in China. His account appears to have been first printed in Italian at
Venice, from the original Portuguese MS., and an English translation by
R. Willes was given by Richard Eden in his _Historye of Travaile in the
West and East Indies._ As this, though comparatively short, preceded the
narrative of Mendoza now reprinted, and formed the main basis of the
account of Gaspar da Cruz, we think it right to supply the reader with
copious extracts from it, as being for these reasons a highly important
and interesting document. They are as follows:

     "This land of China is parted into 13 shyres, the which sometymes
     were eche one a kyngdome by it selfe, but these many years they
     haue been all subject unto one kyng. Fuquien is made by the
     Portugalles the first shyre, bycause there their troubles bygan,
     and had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shyre be viii
     cities, but one principally more famous than others, called
     Fuquico, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best known
     whereof unto the Portugalles is Cinceo, in respect of a certain
     hauen ioyning thereunto, whyther in tyme past they were wont for
     merchandyse to resort.

     "Cantan is the second shyre, not so great in quantitie, as well
     accoumpted of, both by the kyng thereof and also by the
     Portugalles, for that it lyeth nearer vnto Malacca than any other
     part of China, and was first discryed by the Portugalles before any
     other shyre in that prouince: this shyre hath in it seuen cities.

     "Chequeam is the third shyre, the chiefest citie therein is
     Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other thirtiene or
     fourtiene boroughes: countrey townes therein to many to be spoken
     of.

     "The fourth shyre is called Xutiamfu, the principall citie therof
     is great Pachin, where the kyng is alwayes resident. In it are
     fyftiene other very great cities: of other townes therein, and
     boroughes well walled and trenched about, I will say nothing.

     "The fyft shyre hath name Chelim: the great citie Nanquin, chiefe
     of other fyftiene cities, was herein of auncient tyme the royall
     seate of the Chinish kynges. From this shyre, and from the
     aforesayde Chequeam forwarde, bare rule the other kynges, untyll
     the whole region became one kyngdome.

     "The sixt shyre beareth name Quianci, as also the principall citie
     thereof, wherein the fyne claye to make vessels is wrought. The
     Portugalles beyng ignorant of this countrey, and fyndyng great
     abundaunce of that fyne claye to be solde at Liampo, and that very
     good cheape, thought at the first that it had been made there;
     howbeit, in fine, they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi, more
     neare unto Liampo than to Cinceo or Cantan, was the cause of so
     muche fine clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shyre be
     other 12 cities.

     "The seuenth shyre is Quicini, the eight Quansi, the nienth Confu,
     the tenth Vrnan, the eleuenth Sichiua. In the first hereof there be
     16 cities, in the next fyftiene: howe many townes the other three
     haue we are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12
     and 13 shyres and the townes therein.

     "This, finally, may be generally sayde heereof, that the greater
     shyres in China prouince may be compared with mightie kyngdomes.

     "In eche one of these shyres be set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini,
     before whom are handled the matters of other cities. There is also
     placed in eche one a Tutan, as you would say a gouernor, and a
     Chian, that is a visitor, as it were, whose office is to goe in
     circuit and to see iustice exactly done. By these meanes so
     upryghtly thinges are ordered there, that it may bee worthely
     accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.

     "The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great citie Pachin, as
     muche as to say in our language, as by the name thereof I am
     aduertised, the towne of the kyngdome. This kyngdome is so large,
     that vnder fyue monethes you are not able to traueyle from the
     townes by the sea syde to the court and backe agayne, no not vnder
     three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse. The posthorses in
     this countrey are litle of bodie, but swyfte of foote. Many doe
     traueyle the greater parte of this iourney by water in certayne
     lyght barkes, for the multitude of ryuers commodious for passage
     from one citie to another.

     "The kyng, notwithstandyng the hugenesse of his kyngdome, hath such
     a care thereof, that every moone (by the moones they reckon their
     monethes) he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth
     therein, by these meanes folowyng.

     "The whole prouince beyng diuided into shyres, and eche shyre
     hauyng in it one chiefe and principall citie, whereunto the matters
     of all the other cities, townes, and boroughes are brought, there
     are drawen in euery chiefe citie aforesayde, intelligences of suche
     thinges as doe monethely fall out, and be sent in writing to the
     court. If happely in one moneth euery post is not able to goe so
     long a way, yet doeth there notwithstandyng once euery moneth
     arryue one post out of the shyre. Who so commeth before the newe
     moone, stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntyll the moone be
     chaunged. Then lykewyse are dispatched other postes backe into all
     the 13 shyres agayne.

     "Before that we doe come to Cinceo we have to passe through many
     places, and some of great importance. For this countrey is so well
     inhabited neare the sea syde, that you cannot go one myle but you
     shall see some towne, borough, or hostry, the which are so
     abundantly provided of all thinges, that in the cities and townes
     they liue ciuily. Nevertheles such as dwel abrode are very poore,
     for the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a
     tree you shal see many tymes swarme a number of children where a
     man would not haue thought to haue founde any one at all.

     "From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two
     cities very populose, and beyng compared with Cinceo, not possibly
     to be discerned which is the greater of them. These cities are as
     well walled as any cities in all the worlde. As you come in to
     eyther of them, standeth so great and mightie a brydge, that the
     lyke thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugall nor els where. I heard
     one of my felowes say, that he told in one bridge 40 arches. The
     occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great, is for that the
     countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and ouerwhelmed
     euer as ye sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges,
     although it bee well proportioned vnto the length therof, yet are
     they equally buylt, no higher in the middle than at eyther end, in
     such wyse that you may directly see from ye one end to the other,
     the sydes are wonderfully well engraved after the maner of Rome
     workes. But that we did most marueyle at, was therewithall the
     hugenesse of ye stones, the lyke wherof as we came into the citie,
     we dyd see many set up in places dishabited by the way, to no small
     charges of theyrs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth
     them but such as doe come bye. The arches are not made after our
     fashion, vauted with sundry stones set togeather; but paved, as it
     were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in suche
     wyse that they lye both for the arches heades and galantly serue
     also for the hygh waye. I haue been astunned to beholde the
     hugenesse of these aforesayde stones, some of them are XII pases
     long and upwarde, the least a XII good pases long, and a halfe.

     "The wayes echewhere are galantly paued with foure square stone,
     except it be where for want of stone they vse to laye bricke: in
     this voyage wee traueyled ouer certayne hilles, where the wayes
     were pitched, and in many places no worse paued than in the playne
     grounde. This causeth us to thinke, that in all the worlde there be
     no better workemen for buildinges than the inhabitantes of China.

     "The countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is
     left untilled; small store of cattell haue we seene this way, we
     sawe onely certayne oxen wherewithall the countreymen doe plough
     theyr grounde. One oxe draweth the plough alone, not onely in this
     shyre, but in other places also wherein is greater store of
     cattell. These countrymen by arte doe that in tyllage which we are
     constrayned to doe by force. Here be solde the voydinges of close
     stooles, although there wanteth not the dunge of beastes; and the
     excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China. The
     dungfermers seeke in euery streete by exchange to buye this durtie
     ware for hearbes and wood. The custome is very good for keepyng the
     citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese, duckes,
     swyne, and goates; wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by
     weight, and so are all other thinges. Two pounde of hennes fleshe,
     goose, or ducke, is worth two Foi of their money, that is, _d. ob._
     sterling. Swines flesh is solde at a peny the pounde. Beefe beareth
     the same pryce, for the scarcitie thereof; howbeit northwarde from
     Fuquieo, and farther of from the sea coast, there is beefe more
     plentie and solde better cheape; beefe onely excepted, great
     aboundance of all these viandes we haue had in all the cities we
     passed through. And if this countrey were lyke vnto India, the
     inhabitants whereof eate neyther henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe
     that onely for the Portugalles and Moores, they would be solde here
     for nothing. But it so fallyng out that the Chineans are the
     greatest eaters in all the world, they doe feede uppon all thinges,
     specially on porke, the fatter that is, vnto them the lesse
     lothsome. The highest price of these thinges aforesayde I haue set
     downe, better cheape shall you sometymes buye them, for the great
     plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogges are solde at the same
     price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as
     also dogges, cattes, rattes, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.

     "The cities be very gallant, specially near vnto the gates, the
     which are marueylously great, and couered with iron. The gatehouses
     buylt on hygh with towers, the lower parte thereof is made of
     bricke and stone, proportionally with the walles; from the walles
     vpward, the buyldyng is of tymber, and many stones in it one aboue
     the other. The strength of theyr townes is in the mightie walles
     and ditches, artillarie haue they none.

     "The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the cities we haue
     seene are very fayre, so large and so streight that it is
     wonderfull to beholde. Theyr houses are buylt with tymber, the
     foundations onely excepted, the which are layd with stone; in eche
     syde of the streetes are paynteles or continuall porches for the
     marchantes to walke vnder: the breadth of the streete is
     neuerthelesse suche, that in them XV men may ryde commodiously syde
     by syde. As they ryde they must needes passe vnder many hygh arches
     of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of tymber, and carued
     diuersely, couered with tyle of fine claye: vnder these arches the
     mercers doe vtter theyr small wares, and such as lyst to stande
     there, are defended from rayne and the heate of the sunne. The
     greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores, although some
     of them be not so myghtyly buylt as the rest.

     "I shall haue occasion to speake of a certayne order of gentlemen
     that are called Loutea; I will first therefore expound what this
     worde signifieth. Loutea is as muche to say in our language as Syr,
     and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Syr: and as we
     doe say, that the kyng hath made some gentleman, so say they that
     there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are
     diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some
     principalles, beyng not able to aduertise you of all.

     "The maner howe gentlemen are created Louteas, and doe come to that
     honour and title, is by the gyuynge of a broad gyrdle not like to
     the rest, and a cap, at the commandement of the kyng. The name
     Loutea is more generall and common vnto moe, than equalitie of
     honour thereby signified, agreeth withall. Such Louteas that doe
     serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created
     after triall made of their learning; but the other, whiche serue in
     smaller affayres, as capitaynes, constables, sergeantes by lande
     and sea, receyuers, and such lyke, wherof there be in euery citie,
     as also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas
     are serued kneelyng.

     "The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises
     and pastymes, excepte it be eatyng and drynkyng. Somtymes they
     walke abrode in the fieldes to make the souldyers shoot at prickes
     with theyr bowes, but theyr eatyng passeth: they wyll stande eatyng
     euen when the other do drawe to shoote.

     "The inhabitants of China be very great idolaters, all generally do
     worshyppe the heauens: and as we are woont to saye, God knoweth it,
     so say they at euery worde, Tien Tautee, that is to saye, _the
     heauens do knowe it_. Some do worshyp the sonne, and some the
     moone, as they thynke good, for none are bounde more to one then to
     an other. In their temples, the which they do cal Meani, they haue
     a great altar in ye same place as we have; true it is that one may
     goe rounde about it. There set they up the image of a certayne
     Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for
     certaine notable thinges he dyd. At the ryght hande standeth the
     deuyl, muche more vglie paynted then we do vse to set hym out,
     whereunto great homage is done by suche as come into the temple to
     aske counsell, or to drawe lottes: this opinion they haue of hym,
     that he is malitious and able to do euyl. If you aske them what
     they do thynke of the soules departed, they will answeare, that
     they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of
     this life, he becometh a deuyle if he haue liued well in this
     worlde; if otherwyse, that the same deuyl changeth him into a
     bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherfore to this deuyl do they much honour,
     to hym do they sacrifice, praying hym that he wyll make them lyke
     vnto hym selfe, and not lyke other beastes. They haue moreouer an
     other sorte of temples, wherein both uppon the altars and also on
     the walles do stande many idoles well proportioned, but bare
     headed. These bare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirites, but
     suche as in heaven do neither good nor euyll; thought to be suche
     men and women as haue chastlye lyued in this worlde in abstinence
     from fyshe and fleshe, fedde only with ryse and salates. Of that
     deuyl they make some accompte, for these spirites they care litle
     or nothyng at all. Agayne, they holde opinion that if a man do well
     in this lyfe, the heauens wyll geue hym many temporall blessynges;
     but if he do euyll, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases,
     troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God.

     "In the principall cities of the shyres be foure cheefe Louteas,
     before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour townes
     throughout the whole realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the
     maneagyng of iustice and receyuyng of rentes, bounde to yeeld an
     accompte thereof vnto the greater officers. Other doo see that
     there be no euyll rule keept in the citie: eache one as it behoueth
     hym. Generally al these do impryson malefactours, cause them to be
     whypped and racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a
     corde, a thyng very vsuall there, and accompted no shame. These
     Louteas do vse great diligence in ye apprehending of theeues, so
     that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any towne,
     citie, or village. Upon the sea neere vnto the shore many are
     taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they fyrst whypped,
     and afterward layd in prison, where shortly after they all dye for
     hunger and colde. At that tyme when we were in pryson, there died
     of them aboue threescore and ten. Yf happely any one hauyng the
     meanes to geat foode do escape, he is set with the condemned
     persones, and prouided for as they be by the kyng, in such wyse as
     hereafter it shalbe sayde.

     "Theyr whyps be certayne peeces of canes, cleft in the middle, in
     such sort that they seeme rather playne then sharpe. He that is to
     be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground. Upon his thighes the
     hangman layeth on blowes myghtely with these canes, that the
     standers by tremble at theyr crueltie. Ten strypes drawe a great
     deale of blood, twentie or thyrtie spoyle the fleshe altogeather,
     fyftie or threescore wyll require long tyme to be healed, and yf
     they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable.

     "Wee are wont to call this countrey China, and the people Chineans;
     but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any
     tyme that name, I determined to learne howe they were called: and
     asked sometymes by them thereof, for that they vnderstoode vs not
     when wee called them Chineans, I answered them that all the
     inhabitantes of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them
     that they would tell mee for what occasion they are so called,
     whether peradventure any citie of theyrs bare that name. Heerevnto
     they alwayes answered mee, to haue no suche name, nor euer to haue
     had. Than dyd I aske them what name the whole countrey beareth, and
     what they would answere beyng asked of other nations what
     countrymen they were: It was tolde me that of auncient tyme in this
     countrey had been many kynges, and though presently it were all
     vnder one, eche kyngdome neuertheless enioyed that name it fyrst
     had: these kyngdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. In
     conclusion they sayde, that the whole countrey is called Tamen, and
     the inhabitantes Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans is
     not hearde of in that countrey. I doe thinke that the nearenesse of
     an other prouince thereabout called Cochin-China, and the
     inhabitantes thereof Cochinesses, fyrst discouered before that
     China was, lying not farre from Malacca, dyd gyue occasion both to
     the one nation and to the other of that name Chineans, as also the
     whole countrey to be named China. But their proper name is that
     aforesayde.

     "I haue hearde moreouer that in the citie Nanquim remayneth a table
     of golde, and in it written a kyng his name, as a memory of that
     residence the kynges were wont to keepe there. This table standeth
     in a great pallace, couered alwayes except it bee in some of theyr
     festiuall dayes, at what tyme they are wont to let it be seene:
     couered neuerthelesse as it is, all the nobilitie of the citie
     goeth of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence. The lyke is done in
     the head cities of all the other shyres in the pallaces of the
     Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesayde tables doe stande, with the
     kyng his name written in them, although no reuerence be done
     therevnto but in solempne feastes.

     "I haue lykewyse vnderstoode that the citie Pachin, where the kyng
     maketh his abode, is so great, that to goe from one syde to the
     other, besydes the subarbes, the which are greater than the citie
     it selfe, it requyreth one whole day a horsebacke, going hackney
     pase. In the subarbes be many wealthy marchantes of all sortes.
     They tolde me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the motes
     great store of fyshe, wherof the kyng maketh great gaynes.

     "They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that whiche made vs
     all to marueyle at them, beyng Gentiles: namely, that there be
     hospitalles in all theyr cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer
     sawe any poore body begge. We therefore asked the cause of this:
     answered it was, that in euery citie there is a great circuit,
     wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old
     folke, not able to traueyle for age, nor hauyng any other meanes to
     lyue. These folke haue in the aforesayde houses, euer plentie of
     rice duryng theyr lyues, but nothyng els. Such as be receyued into
     these houses, come in after this maner. Whan one is sicke, blinde,
     or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi, and prouyng
     that to be true he wryteth, he remayneth in the aforesayde great
     lodgyng as long as he lyueth: besides this they keepe in these
     places swyne and hennes, whereby the poore be releeued without
     goyng a beggyng.

     "The kyng hath in many ryuers good store of barges full of sea
     crowes, that breede, are fedde, and do dye therein, in certayne
     cages, allowed monethly a certayne prouision of ryce. These barges
     the kyng bestoweth vpon his greatest magistrates, geuyng to some
     two, to some three of them, as he thynketh good, to fyshe
     therewithall after this maner. At the houre appoynted to fyshe, all
     the barges are brought togeather in a circle, where the riuer is
     shalowe, and the crowes, tyed togeather vnder the wynges, are let
     leape downe into the water, some vnder, some aboue, worth the
     lookyng vppon: eche one as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to his
     owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he retourneth to fyshe
     agayne. Thus hauyng taken good store of fyshe, they set the crowes
     at libertie, and do suffer them to fyshe for theyr owne pleasure.
     There were in that citie where I was, twentie barges at the least
     of these aforesayde crowes; I wente almost euery day to see them,
     yet coulde I neuer be thoroughly satisfied to see so straunge a
     kynde of fyshyng."

The Spaniards were long behind their neighbours the Portuguese in
prosecuting the important task of eastern investigation. The Papal
division of the world between the discoverers of the two nations by the
boundary of a certain meridian, made them follow the line of exploration
to the westward.

The Father Andres de Urdaneta, who, previous to entering himself as a
monk of the order of the Augustins, had been a skilful navigator,
persuaded Philip II to realize the conquest of the Philippines, where
the voyages and the life of the celebrated Magellan were brought to a
close. This prince consequently issued orders to the viceroy of Mexico,
to send out an expedition under the command of a native of Mexico, named
Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and desired that Andres de Urdaneta should
accompany him, together with four other Augustines, viz., Diego de
Herrera, Martin de Herrada, Pedro de Gamboa, and Andres de Aguirre. The
fleet arrived in 1565 at the island of Zebu. On the 1st of June the same
year, the Father Andres de Urdaneta returned to Mexico. In 1566 Legaspi
built the town of Zebu, and the Augustines established a monastery as a
station for their missions among the natives. The Spaniards, pursuing
their conquests, arrived in 1571 at the island of Luzon, the most
northerly and the largest of this archipelago: Legaspi here founded the
city of Manilla.

The work of conversion and civilization was scarcely begun, when the
island was engaged in a quarrel by the attacks of the Malays of Borneo
and Mindanao. These pirates, too cunning to venture on an open struggle,
landed suddenly on the coast, slaughtered or extorted money from the
missionaries, and carried away several of the natives, whom they
afterwards sold as slaves. In 1574 a more serious aggression diverted
attention from the attacks of these pirates: a Chinese corsair, who was
called King Limahon, appeared before Manilla. For a long time he had
resisted the squadrons of his emperor, but at last, vanquished by
numbers and forced to flee, he entertained the project of conquering
Luzon with seventy-two vessels, which carried two thousand soldiers,
bold adventurers, besides the sailors and one thousand five hundred
women. They effected a landing on the 29th of November 1574, just after
Lopez de Legaspi had been appointed governor-general of the Philippines.
The corsairs marched against the Spanish town, which they expected to
surprise; but a little corps of advanced guard, under the orders of
Captain Velasquez, having given the garrison time to rally, a general
battle took place, and ended in the defeat of the Chinese. Limahon in
vain essayed to renew the attack: repulsed afresh, he took refuge at the
mouth of the river Lingayen, in Pangasinan, the northern province of
Luzon. At the time of his attack, he had been closely followed by a
Chinese captain, charged to watch him, and who had a conference with the
Spanish governor. The latter thought this a favourable occasion for
introducing the Gospel into China. Having sent for Alfonso de Alvarado,
provincial of the Augustins, a venerable and holy old man, one of those
whom Charles V had sent to the discovery of New Guinea, he told him to
select missionaries for the Celestial Empire. The provincial in his joy
offered to go there himself, old as he was; but the governor would by no
means consent to this proposal. The choice fell upon Martin de Herrada,
or Rada, a native of Pampeluna, in Navarre, who had already filled the
office of provincial, and who burned with such desire to convert the
Chinese, that after having studied their language, he had made a
proposal to some merchants of that nation who had come to the
Philippines, that they should carry him as a slave to their country,
where by this means he hoped to introduce the knowledge of the Gospel.
They chose also Friar Geronimo Marin, a native of Mexico, a man equally
distinguished for his piety and learning, and in company with these two
missionaries, who they hoped would be able to remain a considerable time
in China and to spread the knowledge of the Gospel there, they sent two
soldiers, who were to bring back news respecting the progress of the
mission. Besides other presents, the governor gave the Chinese captain
all the slaves of his nation which the Spaniards had taken from Limahon,
who was at that time held under blockade, to take them back free to
their country. The 5th of July 1575, the friars landed at Tansuso
[Gan-hai], whence, on their way to visit the governor of Chincheo
[Tsiuen-cheu] they passed through the town of Tangoa [Tong-gan] in
China.[6] The mandarin of Chincheo, of whom the captain who conducted
them held his commission, gave them a good reception; but as the
ambassadors were sent by a simple lieutenant of the king of Spain, and
not direct from the monarch, he insisted that they should address him on
their knees. This mandarin, after having entertained them at a banquet,
sent them with a good escort to the Tutan or viceroy of the province.
They then made a journey of thirty leagues, carried in palanquins. At
Aucheo [Focheou, so pronounced in the Fokien dialect] they met with an
honourable reception. Each of the monks received a present of six pieces
of silk tissue, which they crossed upon their breast in the manner of a
stole, and two bouquets of silver: the other members of the embassy also
had presents. As to the alliance proposed between Spain and China, and
the permission requested by the missionaries for the exercise of their
apostolic ministry, the viceroy referred them to the emperor. While
waiting the reply from Pekin, the monks bought many books in the Chinese
language, and visited the pagodas. The principal contained one hundred
and eleven idols, all carved in relief and gilded. Three in particular
attracted their attention. The first was a body with three heads, which
looked at one another: they believed they saw in it a vague symbol of
the Trinity. The second was a woman who held a little infant in her
arms; they called her the Virgin Mother and the Divine Infant. The third
represented to them an apostle. The monks having been to examine the
gates of the city, this demand awakened the suspicions of the viceroy,
who would seldom permit them to go out after. Upon his desiring to see
some piece of writing by their hand, they copied for him the Lord's
Prayer and the Ten Commandments, putting the Chinese translation to the
Spanish text; and the viceroy took great pleasure in reading them. He
only retarded their departure till the arrival of the visitor of the
province, who desired to see them. The curiosity of this functionary
once satisfied, he gave them rich presents for the Spanish governor of
the Philippines, saying that they might return when they brought Limahon
dead or alive. They then left Aucheo to return to Chincheo, where they
made no lengthened stay, the mandarin of this town attending them to the
port of Tansuso. After fresh entertainments, the Chinese captain who had
brought them, was charged with the task of reconducting them to Manilla,
and they embarked on the 14th of September 1575. _En route_, they
learned that Limahon, who had been blocked up by the Spaniards, had
contrived to escape with part of his troops, and had gained the island
of Formosa.

The flight of Limahon disconcerted the Chinese captain who brought back
the missionaries, and who feared that he should be disgraced on this
account when he returned to China. This captain, to whom they explained
the principal points of the Christian faith, would have embraced it, had
he not feared the punishment inflicted in his country on those who
forsake the national religion. He said even that they would easily
succeed in converting the Chinese, if they could first gain over the
emperor, by means of an embassy sent to him by the King of Spain.

Herrada, thus prevented from preaching, had not been idle during his
stay in China; he composed a vocabulary of the Chinese language, now
apparently unknown, and drew up a succinct account of his voyage,
respecting which we translate some very curious remarks by the Friar
Geronimo de Ramon, in his _Republicas del Mundo_. He says that this
treatise fell into his hands, but was taken away by some one, he could
not tell by whom, and never returned to him; a circumstance which caused
him much annoyance, because he wished to write the _Republic of China_;
but it turned out, he says, the better for him, for he wrote in
consequence to the Licenciate Juan de Rada, Alcalde of the Upper Court
of Navarre and brother of Martin, who sent him a great number of
interesting papers of his brother's. He then proceeds to speak of the
high respectability and credibility of De Rada, on account of his rank
and distinguished piety. An original letter by De Rada, however, giving
a succinct account of his embassy is inserted by the Friar Gaspar de San
Augustin, in his _Conquistas de las Islas Philipinas_, to which we refer
the reader for full accounts of all the movements of those zealous
preachers of the gospel in the Philippines and in China at that early
period.

De Rada's treatise formed the basis of the narrative compiled by
Mendoza, which is now republished. On his return from China, his ship
being stranded on the island of Bolinao, he and his companions were
stript of everything and left naked; but were saved by the providential
arrival of a Spanish armament, which conducted them safe to Manilla,
where he died in 1577.

His narrative was transmitted to Philip II, in the year 1576, by the
hands of his companion, the Friar Geronimo Marin, and the king
consequently nominated three ambassadors; viz., Marin, the Father Juan
Gonzalez de Mendoza (the compiler of the work now reprinted, a native of
Toledo, and who had left the career of a soldier for the garb of a monk
of the order of St. Augustine), and Father Francisco de Ortega: all
these were Augustinians. They were dispatched to Mexico for the purpose
of making suitable additions to the costly presents provided by the
king; but the viceroy of Mexico, instead of favouring their immediate
departure, threw so many obstacles in the way, that it was not till 1584
that the embassy was carried out, and it ultimately proved a complete
failure.

Meanwhile the work of evangelization was not confined to the
Augustinians. Some Franciscans of the province of St. Joseph, in Spain,
were sent to their assistance, and among these Pedro de Alfaro, the
narrative of whose adventures is given by Mendoza in the second book of
the second part. The place and date of his birth are not recorded. We
know only that he arrived in Manilla from Spain on the 2nd July 1578,
with fourteen brothers of his order, of which he was the superior, to
assume the post of chief "costodio" of the province of St. Gregory in
Luzon, and that he built a church in that city. On his arrival, he soon
became acquainted with the mission of Martin de Rada in China, and
conceived an earnest desire to penetrate that almost inaccessible
empire. He therefore solicited permission for that purpose from
Francisco de Sande, Alcalde of the royal audience of Mexico, Governor of
the Philippines; but the failure of the former mission, and the fear of
compromising the newly opened relations between the countries, caused a
refusal. Upon this the zealous missionary resolved upon embarking
without permission. He took with him Juan Bautista de Pizaro, Augustin
de Tordesilla, and Sebastiano de Becotia, all three Franciscans, three
Spanish soldiers, four natives of the Philippines, and a young Chinese
taken from Limahon, to serve as an interpreter.

Without any nautical experience, they trusted themselves to a little
boat, and managed to pass, as if by miracle, through the fleet of
vessels which guarded the coast, and entered the port of Canton. On
being led before a judge and asked what they sought, and how they had
found their way, they freely stated the facts, and announced that their
wish was to teach the way to heaven to the inhabitants of China. A
native Christian, however, who acted as interpreter, considering his and
their safety rather than the truth, adroitly modified their statement,
and declared that they were holy men like the bonzes, that they had had
no idea of visiting China, but in sailing from the Philippines to the
Hilocos they had suffered shipwreck and lost most of their crew. Their
only resource had been this little bark, which had unexpectedly brought
them into this unknown port. The mandarin who examined them enquired
what they had in the vessel, and was told that they had no weapons or
merchandize, but only their books and articles used in their worship. He
was much interested with the sight of these when they were brought, but
expressed surprise that they had been saved in such a storm. The
ingenious interpreter replied, that they had been saved as the most
valuable objects they possessed. The result of this examination was a
formal permission to land. They were not, however, allowed to preach.
For some time they suffered much from want, but were at length liberally
supplied from the public funds with the necessaries of life.
Misrepresentations meanwhile were made respecting them, which subjected
them to a second lengthy examination, which resulted in their being sent
to Fucheou by order of the viceroy of that city, in order that
everything they possessed might be inspected. This journey enabled them
to make the observations on the country recorded by Mendoza in the
second volume. The viceroy asked them some questions and handed them
over to his deputy, who treated them with much courtesy. After a stay of
several days in Fucheou, the Timpintao or deputy sent them back to
Canton, upon arriving at which place they were ordered to prepare to
leave the kingdom. This command, in their then state of destitution,
overwhelmed them with dismay, and they made strenuous efforts, but
without success, to gain some assistance in these trying circumstances.
Some of them received a licence to go to Macao, and others to Luzon.
Those who resolved upon returning to the Philippines proceeded to
Tsiuencheu, where they embarked, and reached Luzon on the 2nd February
1580.

The various and repeated disasters, consequent upon the zealous efforts
of these adventurous friars, may well explain the failure of the mission
of which Mendoza was a member. As a compensation for his failure,
however, he adopted a course which was calculated to be far more
practically useful. He collected the accounts of the various Portuguese
and Spanish priests, which have been already alluded to; viz., Gaspar da
Cruz, Martin de Rada, Pedro de Alfaro, etc., and brought them together
into one volume for publication. In this task he must have received
valuable assistance from his colleague in the mission, Geronimo de
Marin, who, in company with De Rada, had been an eye-witness of the most
important facts detailed throughout the work. To these were added, as a
sort of appendix, an "Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo", in which is inserted
a comparatively short account of the adventures of another party of
Franciscans in China, in the year 1581, at the head of whom was Father
Martin Ignazio [de Loyola], a relation of the celebrated founder of the
Jesuits. It is but a repetition of similar disasters to those already
recounted, the whole party narrowly escaping with their lives.

The ill success of the Augustinians and Franciscans did not deter the
well-known perseverance of the Jesuits, who, of all the monkish orders,
have undoubtedly done the most for the diffusion of Christianity; and
although it is not our province here to relate the details of their
progress, it appears but an interesting sequel to the discouragements we
have related, to mention the final triumph of the eminent Matteo Ricci,
in the year 1600, in gaining access to the emperor at Pekin, and being
finally permitted to settle in that capital. Nor can we refrain in this
place, and at this particular juncture of Chinese affairs, from
presenting the reader with the following translated extract from a
letter written by that distinguished man in 1584, together with some
observations by its recipient, one Geronimo Roman, factor of the
Philippines at Macao. The document referred to was first printed by M.
Ternaux Compans, in his _Archives des Voyages, ou collection d'anciennes
relations inedites ou tres-rares_, and is, as he observes, especially
curious for the suggestions it contains with reference to the conquest
of China. It is as follows:--

     "The power of China rests rather upon the great number of towns and
     the multitude of inhabitants, than upon the valour of the people.
     There are more than sixty millions of rated persons inscribed on
     the royal registers, exclusive of the public functionaries and
     those people who are too poor to pay taxes. All the neighbouring
     kingdoms pay tribute to the King of China, excepting Japan, which
     has freed itself recently; it is on this account that the Chinese
     are accustomed to consider their country as the centre of the
     world, and to despise all other nations. They are very much dreaded
     by all the kings in the vicinity, because they can assemble, in a
     moment, so considerable a fleet, that it frightens them by the
     number of vessels; the Chinese, however, are but poor warriors, and
     the military is one of the four conditions which are considered
     mean among them. Nearly all the soldiers are malefactors, who have
     been condemned to perpetual slavery in the king's service; they are
     only fit to war with thieves. Thus, whenever two or three Japanese
     vessels happen to make a descent upon the coast, the crews
     penetrate into the interior, even seize upon the large towns,
     pillage and put everything to fire and sword, and no one dares to
     resist them. But, being badly led themselves, they always end by
     falling into some ambuscade, and very few of them return to Japan.
     It also happens sometimes that brigands intrench themselves upon a
     mountain, in the interior of the country, and all the force of the
     empire is insufficient to dislodge them. It is said, moreover, that
     the Tartars ravage the frontiers of the empire; in short, it
     appears to me the most difficult thing in the world to regard the
     Chinese as warriors. They have no more spirit than women, and are
     ready to kiss the feet of any one who shows his teeth at them. They
     spend two hours every morning in combing and plaiting their hair.
     Running away is no dishonour with them; they do not know what an
     insult is; if they quarrel they abuse one another like women, seize
     each other by the hair, and when they are weary of scuffling become
     friends again as before, without wounds or bloodshed. Moreover it
     is only the soldiers who are armed; others are not permitted to
     have even a knife in their houses; in short, they are only
     formidable from their numbers. The walls of the towns are, at most,
     but fit to protect them from robbers; they are built without any
     geometrical knowledge, and have neither _revers_ nor ditches....

     "The above is [an extract from] Father Resi [Ricci]'s letter
     forwarded to me by Father Ruggiero; I think it necessary to add the
     following observations:--

     "The King of China maintains a numerous fleet on this coast,
     although he is not at war with any one. In an island called Lintao,
     which is situated near this town [Macao], there is an arsenal, the
     director or haytao of which is continually occupied in
     superintending the building and equipment of vessels. The island
     furnishes timber, but every other necessary for them has to be
     imported from the continent. There are always more than two hundred
     and fifty armed vessels in this province of Canton, as far as
     Chincheo, where a separate jurisdiction begins, and the coasts of
     which are guarded by another fleet. The admiral has the title of
     Chunpin; it is a very high rank, although inferior to the tutan; he
     has a numerous guard and many drums and trumpets, which make a most
     agreeable music to the ears of the Chinese, but an insufferable din
     to ours.

     "These vessels go out a little when it is fine weather, but hasten
     back at the least wind. They have some small iron guns, but none of
     bronze; their powder is bad, and never made use of but in firing
     salutes; their arquebuses are so badly made that the ball would not
     pierce an ordinary cuirass, especially as they do not know how to
     aim. Their arms are bamboo pikes, some pointed with iron, others
     hardened by fire; short and heavy scimitars, and cuirasses of iron
     or tin. Sometimes a hundred vessels are seen to surround a single
     corsair, those which are to windward throw out powdered lime to
     blind the enemy, and, as they are very numerous, it produces some
     effect. This is one of their principal warlike stratagems. The
     corsairs are generally Japanese or revolted Chinese.

     "The soldiers of this country are a disgraceful set. The other day
     they had a quarrel with some other Chinese who were carrying
     provisions to market, and beat them; the latter went to complain to
     the governor of Macao, who caused forty soldiers to be arrested and
     beaten with bamboos. They came out afterwards crying like children.
     They are mean, spiritless, and badly armed knaves. There is nothing
     formidable in thousands of such soldiers. Besides what can the
     soldiers be in a country where their position is looked upon as
     dishonourable and occupied by slaves. Our Indians of the
     Philippines are ten times more courageous.

     "With five thousand Spaniards, at the most, the conquest of this
     country might be made, or at least of the maritime provinces, which
     are the most important in all parts of the world. With half a dozen
     galleons, and as many galleys, one would be master of all the
     maritime provinces of China, as well as of all that sea and the
     archipelago which extends from China to the Moluccas."

Mendoza's work was first published at Rome in 1585, in a small octavo
form, under the following title: "Historia de las cosas mas notables,
ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China, sabidas assi por los
libros de los mesmos Chinas, como por relacion de religiosos y otras
personas que an estado en el dicho reyno. Hecha y ordenada por el mvy R.
P. Maestro Fr. Joan Gonzalez de Mendoca de la orden de S. Agustin, y
penitenciario appostolico a quien la Magestad Catholica embio con su
real carta y otras cosas para el Rey de aquel reyno el ano 1580. Al
illustrissimo S. Fernando de Vega y Fonseca del consejo de su Magestad y
su presidente en el Real de las Indias. Con vn Itinerario del nueuo
Mundo. _Con privilegio y licencia de su Sanctidad._ En Roma, a costa de
Bartholome Grassi, 1585, en la stampa de Vincentio Accolti."

This edition, of which there is a copy in the British Museum, having on
its title-page the autograph of Sir Hans Sloane--is described by Brunet
as "rare". The text comprises four hundred and forty pages: it is
preceded by the Latin Privilege of Pope Sixtus V, dated June 13th;
Mendoza's dedication to Fernando de Vega, dated Rome, June 17th; a note
or post-script "al lector", in which Mendoza alludes to the recent
receipt of letters from Father Andres de Aguirre, provincial of the
Philippines, conveying the startling intelligence that the King of China
and his subjects were ready and willing to embrace the Catholic faith;
this is followed by Mendoza's Preface to the reader, and two sonnets in
Spanish, the first entitled: "Soneto de ... en la reducion del Reyno de
la China a la Iglesia Catholica." This interesting and important little
volume is also remarkable as being the first European work in which
Chinese characters were printed.

We learn from Brunet that two editions of the original Spanish were
published the following year (1586), one at Madrid, the other at
Barcelona: it was again printed at Medina del Campo in 1595, and at
Antwerp in 1596.

An Italian translation by Francesco Avanzo was published at Venice in
1586, 8vo.; at Rome and Genoa in the same year, 4to.; and again at
Venice in 1587, in 12mo.; 1588 and 1590 in 8vo.

The English and French translations appeared in the same year, viz.,
1588; the rare black-letter English version now reprinted, being made by
Parke at the instance of Hakluyt himself, as we learn from the
translator's dedication to the celebrated navigator Thomas "Candish"
(Cavendish), which is dated on new-year's day, 1589.

The French translation, which was made by Luc de la Porte, was reprinted
at Paris in 1589 and 1600; and with a slightly varied title at Geneva in
1606, at Lyon in 1606, and at Rouen in 1604.

A Latin version by Marcus Henning was published at Frankfort in 1589,
8vo.; and that by Joachimus Brulius appeared at Antwerp in 1655, 4to.

Adelung (_Fortsetzung zu Joechers Lexikon_) states that a German version
was published at Frankfort in 1589, 4to.

On his return, as a recompense for his services, Mendoza was made bishop
of Lipari in 1593. In 1607 he went to America with the title of Vicar
Apostolic, and in the same year was made bishop of Chiapa; and in 1608
was translated to the bishopric of Popayan. He was the author of several
other works, historical and theological. The year of his death is not
exactly known, but it was about the year 1620. Ossinger, in his
_Bibliotheca Augustiniana_, describes him as a most eminent historian, a
very eloquent orator, and a highly accomplished preacher.




  THE HISTORIE OF THE
  GREAT AND MIGHTIE KINGDOME
  OF CHINA, AND THE SITUATION
  THEREOF:

  Togither with the great riches, huge
  citties, politike gouernement, and
  rare inuentions in the same.

  Translated out of Spanish by _R. Parke_.




TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND FAMOUS GENTLEMAN, M. THOMAS CANDISH,
ESQUIRE, INCREASE OF HONOR AND HAPPIE ATTEMPTES.


It is now aboue fiue and thirty yeares passed, right worshipfull, since
that young, sacred, and prudent Prince, king Edward the sixt of happie
memorie, went about the discouerie of Cathaia and China, partly of
desire that the good young king had to enlarge the Christian faith, and
partlie to find out some where in those regions ample vent of the cloth
of England, for the mischiefs that grew about that time neerer home
aswell by contempt of our commodities, as by the arrestes of his
merchantes in the Empire, Flanders, France, and Spaine: forsseeing
withall how beneficiall ample vent would rise to all degrees throughout
his kingdome, and specially to the infinite number of the poore sort
distressed by lacke of worke. And although by a voyage hereuppon taken
in hande for this purpose by Sir Hugh Willobie and Richard Chauncellour,
a discouerie of the bay of Saint Nicolas in Russia fell out, and a trade
with the Muscouites, and after another trade for a time with the
Persians by way of the Caspian sea ensued, yet the discouerie of the
principall intended place followed not in his time, nor yet since,
vntill you tooke your happie and renowmed voyage about the worlde in
hande, although sundrie attemptes, at the great charges of diuers
honorable and well disposed persons, and good worshipfull merchants and
others haue beene made since the death of that good king, in seeking a
passage thither both by the North-east, and by the Northwest. But since
it is so (as wee vnderstande) that your worshippe in your late voyage
hath first of our nation in this age discouered the famous rich ilandes
of the Lu Zones, or Philippinas, lying neare vnto the coast of China,
and haue spent some time in taking good view of the same, hauing brought
home three boyes borne in Manilla, the chiefe towne of the said Ilands,
besides two other young fellowes of good capacitie, borne in the mightie
Iland of Iapon, (which hereafter may serue as our interpretors in our
first traficke thither), and that also your selfe haue sailed along the
coast of China, not farre from the Continent, and haue taken some
knowledge of the present state of the same, and in your course haue
found out a notable ample vent of our clothes, especially our kersies,
and are in preparing againe for the former voyage, as hee that would
constantly perseuer in so good an enterprise: we are to thinke that the
knowledge and first discouerie of the same, in respect of our nation,
hath all this time beene by the Almightie to you onely reserued, to your
immortall glorie, and to the manifest shew of his especiall fauour borne
towards you, in that besides your high and rare attempt of sailing about
the whole globe of the earth, in so short a time of two yeares and about
two monethes, you have shewed your selfe to have that rare and especiall
care for your countrie, by seeking out vent for our clothes, that ought
vpon due consideration to moue many thousands of English subiects to
pray for you, and to loue and honor your name and familie for euer. For
as you haue opened by your attempt the gate to the spoile of the great
and late mightie, vniuersall, and infested enimie of this realme, & of
al countries that professe true religion: so haue you by your great care
wrought a way to imploie the merchants of Englande in trade, to increase
our Nauie, to benefite our Clothiers, and (your purpose falling out to
your hoped effect) to releeue more of the poorer sort, then all the
hospitals and almes houses can or may, that haue beene built in this
realme, since the first inhabiting thereof.

And sir, if to this your late noble attempt, it might please you, by
your incouragement, and by the help of your purse to adde your present
furtherance for the passage to be discouered by the northwest, (for
proofe whereof there bee many infallible reasons, and diuerse great
experiences to be yeelded) our course with our commodities to the rich
Iland of Iapon, to the mightie empire of China, and to the Ilandes of
the Philippinas, for the vent that you haue found out, should be by the
halfe way shortened, and you should double and manyfolde treble the
credite of your fourmer late enterprise, and make your fame to mount,
and yourself to liue for euer in a much higher degree of glorie, then
otherwise it might be, or that by any other mean you could possibly
deuise: In which action so highly importing the generall state of this
lande I haue perfect experience that many worshipfull and wealthie
marchants of this citie and other places would most willingly ioyne
their purses with yours: and to play the blabbe, I may tell you they
attende nothing with greater desire and expectation, then that a motion
hereof being made by some happie man, your selfe and they might friendly
and seriously ioyne together for the full accomplishing of this so long
intended discouerie: And to descende to some particulars, there is one
speciall reason that giueth an edge vnto their desires, proceeding from
the late worthie attemptes of that excellent and skilful pilot M. John
Dauis, made for the search of the aforesaid northwest passage these
three late yeares, hauing entred into the same foure hundred leagues
further than was euer hitherto thoroughly knowen, and returned with an
exact description thereof, to the reasonable contentment for the time,
of the aduenturers, and chiefly of the worshipfull M. William Sanderson,
whose contributions thereunto, although they haue beene verie great and
extraordinarie, yet for the certaine hope or rather assurance that he
conceiueth vpon the report of the Captaine himselfe and all the rest of
any skill employed in these voyages, remayneth still constant, and is
readie to disburse as yet to the freshe setting on foote of this
enterprise entermitted by occasion of our late troubles, euen this yeare
againe, for the finall perfection of so profitable and honorable a
discouerie, a farre greater portion then in reason would be required of
any other man of his abilitie. And albeit, sir, that you haue taken in
your late voyage, besides the knowledge of the way to China, the
intelligence of the gouernement of the countrie and of the commodities
of the territories and prouinces of the same, and that at the full,
according to the time of your short abode in those partes, yet
neuerthelesse for that of late more ample vnderstanding hath beene in
more length of time, by woonderfull great endeuour taken by certaine
learned Portingals and Spaniardes of great obseruation, and not long
agoe published in the Spanish tongue, I haue for the increase of the
knowledge of the subiectes of Englande, and specially for the
illuminating of the mindes of those that are to take the voyage next in
hande to Iapan, China, and the Philippinas, translated the same worke
into English, and committed it to print, passing ouer Paulus Venetus,
and sir John Mandeuill, because they wrote long agoe of those regions:
which labour, to say trueth, I haue vndertaken at the earnest request
and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard Hakluit late
of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other manifolde learning and
languages, of singular and deepe insight in all histories of discouerie
and partes of cosmographie: who also for the zeale he beareth to the
honour of his countrie and countrimen, brought the same first aboue two
yeares since ouer into this court, and at this present hath in hande a
most excellent and ample collection of the sundrie trauailes and
nauigations of our owne nation, a matter long intended by him, and
seruing to the like beneficiall and honorable purpose, which I hope will
shortly come to light to the great contentation of the wiser sort.

In the meane season, hauing nowe at length finished according to my
poore skill and leasure this my translation, I thought best to dedicate
and commende the same to your worshipfull patronage, as the man that I
holde most worthie of the same, and most able of our nation to iudge
aright of the contentes thereof, and to correct the errors of the author
whensoeuer you shall meete with them: beseeching you to accept in good
part the trauaile and good meaning of the translator: and so wishing
vnto you health, increase of knowledge, with fortunate and glorious
successe in your further couragious attempts, I leaue you to the
protection of the Almightie.

  From London the first of Ianuarie 1589.

  Your worships alwaies to command,

  ROBERT PARKE.




THE PRINTER,

TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.


Whereas (good courteous Reader) in this historie describing the kingdome
of China with the countries there adiacent, thou shalt finde many times
repeated, and that in some things too gloriously, the zeale of certaine
Spanish Friers that laboured in discouerie of the saide China, and the
declaration of certaine myracles (but falsely reported) by them to haue
beene wrought, togither with examples of diuerse their superstitious
practices: which happily may giue offence vnto some in reading: thou
must vnderstande that this is to be rather imputed vnto the first writer
of this historie in Spanish, than to any fault of mine: for the
Spaniardes (following their ambitious affections) doo vsually in all
their writinges extoll their owne actions, euen to the setting forth of
many vntruthes and incredible things: as in their descriptions of the
conquestes of the east and west Indies, etc., doth more at large
appeare. Notwithstanding all which, our translator (as it seemeth) hath
rather chosen to be esteemed _fidus interpres_, in truely translating
the historie as it was, though conteyning some errors, then to be
accounted a patcher or corrupter of other mens workes.

But howsoeuer either our first authour, or the translator, haue shewed
themselues affectioned, sure I am that the knowledge of this kingdome
will not onely be pleasant, but also verie profitable to our English
nation: and by playing the good Bee, in onely accepting herein that
which is good, I doubt not, but the reading of this historie will bring
thee great contentment, and delight.

VALE.




  THE HISTORIE OF THE MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,

  IN THE WHICH IS CONTAINED THE NOTABLE THINGS OF THAT KINGDOME, TOUCHING
  THAT WHICH IS NATURALL.




CHAP. I.

     _The description of the kingdome and the confines that it hath
     belonging._


This great and mightie kingdome of China, which we do meane to treat of
in this Historie, hath beene discouered by cleere and true notice,
within this tenne yeares, by Spanyards that were dwellers in the Ilands
Philippinas, that are three hundreth leagues distant from the said
kingdome: Notwithstanding, that long time before, there was relation
giuen, by way of the Portingall Indias, by such as dwelt in Macao, and
did trafike to Canton, a citie of the same kingdome of China. But this
was by relation so, that the one nor the other could satisfie, for that
there was founde varietie in that which was true, till the yeere of
1577. Frier Martin de Gorrada,[7] prouincial of the Augustine friers,
who were the first discouerers of the said Ilands Philippinas, and
ministred first the holy baptisme amongst them, with his companions,
frier Hieronimo Martin, Pedro Sarmiento, and Myghell de Loarcha, cheefe
officers of the citie of Marrila[8] in the said Ilands, by the order and
commandement of Guido de Labassares, gouernour thereof, did enter into
the saide kingdome of China, led and gouerned by a captaine belonging to
the king of the said kingdome, called Omoncon.

Of the comming of this Omoncon vnto the Ilands Philippinas, and of his
hardines to carrie the aforesaid vnto the firme land, he being commanded
to the contrarie vpon paine of death, and how he was receiued, and great
courtesie shewed, and of other things verie curious, you shall finde in
the second part of this historie, where as is the substance and whole
relation of all that was brought vnto the king of Spaine.

You shall vnderstande that this mightie kingdome is the Orientalest part
of all Asia, and his next neighbour towards the Ponent is the kingdome
of Quachinchina,[9] whereas they doo obserue in whole all the customes
and rites of China. The greatest part of this kingdome is watred with
the great Orientall Ocean sea, beginning at the Iland Aynan,[10] which
is hard by Quachinchina, which is 19 degrees towards the North, and
compassing towards the South, whereas their course is northeast. And
beyond Quachinchina towards the North, the Bragmanes[11] do confine,
which are much people, and verie rich, of golde, siluer, and pretious
stones, but in especiall, rubies: for there are infinit. They are proude
and hawtie men, of great corage, wel made, but of browne colour: they
haue had (but few times) warre with them of China, in respect for that
betwixt both the kingdomes, there are great and mightie mountaines and
rockes that doth disturbe them. And harde vnto this nation ioyneth the
Patanes[12] and Mongores,[13] which is a great kingdome, and warlike
people, whose head[14] is the Gran Samarzan:[15] They are the true
Scythas or Massagetas, of whom it is affirmed that they were neuer
ouercome by any other nation: they are a people well proportioned and
white: by reason they dwel in a cold countrie. Betwixt the West and the
South is the Trapobana, or Samatra, a kingdome very rich of gold,
pretious stones, & pearles: and more towards the South, are the two
Iauas, the great and the lesse, and the kingdome of the Lechios:[16] and
in equall distance, are the Iapones: yet notwithstanding those that are
more indifferent to this kingdome are the Tartarians, which are on the
selfe firme land or continent, and are alonely diuided by a wal, as shal
be declared in the 9 chapter of this booke. These Tartarians haue had
many times wars with them of China: but at one time (as you shall
perceive) they got the whole kingdome of China, and did possesse the
same for the space of 93 yeares, till such time as they of China did
rebell and forced them out again. At this day they say that they are
friends one with another, and that is, for that they bee all Gentiles,
and do vse all one manner of ceremonies and rites. They doo differ in
their clenes[17] and lawes, in the which the Chinas doth exceede them
very much. The Tartarians are very yellow and not so white: and they go
naked from the girdlested vpwards, and they eate raw flesh, and do
annoint themselues with the blood of raw flesh, for to make them more
harder and currish, by reason whereof they doo so stinke, that if the
aire doth come from that part where they be, you shall smel them afar
off by the strong sauor. They haue for certainty, the truth of the
immortalitie of the soule (although it be with error), for they say that
the soule doth enter into other bodies, and that soule that liued well
in the first bodie, doth better it from poore to rich, or from age to
youth: and if it liued evill, to the contrarie in worse. The sons of the
Tartarians do very much obserue and keepe the commandement in obeying
their parents, for that they doo wholly accomplish the same without
failing any iot of their will, vnder paine to be seuerly and publikelie
punished. They confess one God, whom they worship, and haue him in their
houses carved or painted, and every day they doe offer vnto it incense,
or some other sweet smelles: they do call him the high God, and do craue
of him vnderstanding and health. They haue also another god, which they
say is son vnto the other; they do call him Natigay: this is their god
of terestriall things. They haue him likewise in their houses, and every
time they go to eate they doo annoint his face with the fattest thing
they haue to eate: that being doone they fall to eating, hauing first
giuen their gods their pitance. They are a kinde of people that verie
seldome doo fable a lie, although their liues should lie thereon, and
are verie obedient vnto their king: but in speciall in their warres, in
the which euerie one doth that he is appointed to doo: they are led by
the sound of a drome or trumpet, with the which their captaines do
gouerne them with great ease, by reason that they are trained vp in the
same from their youth. And many other things are amongst them, in the
which they do resemble them of China, (who) if they did receiue the
faith of our Lord Jesu Christ, it is to be belieued that the Tartarians
would do the same, for that they are taken for men very ducible, and do
imitate verie much them of China.




CHAP. II.

     _Of the temperature of the kingdome of China._


The temperature of this mightie kingdome is diuersly, by reason that
almost the whole bignesse therof is from the south to the north, in so
great a length that the iland of Aynan being neere vnto this land, in 19
degrees of altitude, have notice of some prouinces that are in more than
50 degrees, and yet they do vnderstand that beyond that there bee more
vpon the confines of Tartaria. It is a strange thing to be seene, the
strange and great difference betwixt the colours of the dwellers of this
kingdome. In Canton, a mightie citie, whereas the Portingales had
ordinarie trafficke with them of China, for that it was nigh vnto Macao,
where as they had inhabited long since, and from whence they do bring
all such merchandise as is brought into Europe. There is seene great
diuersities in the colours of such people as doe come thither to
trafficke, as the said Portingales do testifie.

Those which are borne in the citie of Canton, and in al that cost, are
browne people, like vnto them in the citie of Fez or Barbarie, for that
all the whole countrie is in the said paralel that Barberie is in. And
they of the most prouinces inwards are white people, some more whiter
than others, as they draw into the cold countrie. Some are like vnto
Spanyards, and others more yealow, like vnto the Almans,[18] yelow and
red colour.

Finally, in all this mightie kingdome, to speake generally, they cannot
say that there is much cold or much heat, for that the geographers do
conclude and say it is temperate, and is vnder a temperate clime, as is
Italy or other temperate countries, wherby may be vnderstood the
fertilitie of the same, which is (without doubt) the fertilest in all
the world, and may compare with the Peru and Nuoua Espannia, which are
two kingdomes celebrated to be most fertill: and for the verification,
you shall perceiue in this chapter next folowing, wherin is declared
such things as it doth yeeld and bring forth, and in what quantitie. And
yet aboue all things (according unto the sayings of fryer Herrada,[19]
prouinciall, and his companions, whose relation I will follow in the
most part of this hystorie, as witnesses of sight), vnto whom we may
giue certaine credite, without any exception. They say that the countrie
is so full of youth that it seemeth the women are deliuered euery
moneth, and their children, when they are little, are extreame faire;
and the country is so fertill and fat, that it yeldeth fruit three or
four times in the yeere, which is the occasion that all things is so
good cheape, that almost it seemeth they sell them for nothing.




CHAP. III.

     _Of the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of such fruits and
     other things as it doth yeld._


The inhabitants in this countrie are perswaded, of a truth, that those
which did first finde and inhabite in this lande, were the nevewes of
Noe (who, after they had traueiled from Armenia, wheras the arke stayed,
wherin God did preserue their grandfather from the waters of the flood),
went seeking a land to their contentment; and not finding a countrie of
so great fertilitie and temperature like vnto this, wherein was all
things necessarie for the life of man, without comparison: they were
compelled, with the aboundance thereof, to inhabite therein,
vnderstanding that if they should search throughout all the world, they
should not finde the like; and I thinke they were not deceiued,
according as now it is to be seene, and what may be considered in the
proces of this chapter, of such fruits as the earth doth yeeld. And
although there is declared here of such as shall suffice in this worke,
yet is there left behind a great number more; of whose properties, as
well of herbes and beasts, which of their particulars may be made a
great volume, and I doo beleeue that in time there will be one set
forth.

The great trauell and continual laboure of the inhabitants of this
countrie, is a great helpe vnto the goodnes and fertilitie therof, and
is so much that they do neither spare nor leaue mountains nor vallies,
neither riuers, but they do sow and plant all such things as they
perceiue that the place wil yeeld, according unto the goodnesse thereof:
as orchards with fruite, great fields of wheat, barlie, rice, flaxe and
hempe, with many other things: all which traueile vnto them is verie
easie, remembering with what great libertie they do inioy their goods,
and the great and infinit number of people that there is, as well for
handie craftes as for to till and cultiuate the grounde. In all this
mightie countrie they do not suffer vacabunds nor idle people, but all
such (ouer and aboue that they are greeuouslie punished), they are
holden for infamous: neither doo they consent nor permit any of them
that are naturally borne there to go out of their countries into other
strange countries; neither haue they any wars at this present, which was
the thing that in times past did consume much of their people. The king
dooth content himselfe onely with his owne kingdome (as one that is
helde the wisest in all the world). Beside all this, they are naturally
inclined to eate and drinke wel, and to make much of themselves in
apparel, and to haue their houses well furnished with household stuffe;
and to the augmenting hereof, they do put themselues in great labor and
trauaile, and are great dealers and trafickers: al which, with the
fertilitie of the countrie aboue said, is the occasion that iustlie it
might haue the name to be the most fertilest in all the whole world.

  [Sidenote: Excellent plummes.]

This country doth yeeld all kind of herbs, as doth Spaine, and of many
kindes mo: also all manner of fruites, like as in Spaine, with diuers
other sorts, the names whereof are not yet knowne, for that they do
differ very much from ours; but yet the one and the other are of a
marueilous excellent tast, as they doo say. They haue three sorts of
orenges, the one verie sweete, which doth exceede sugar in their
sweetnesse: the other sort not so sweet as the first: the third sort are
somewhat sower, but verie delightfull in the tast. Also they haue a
kinde of plummes, that they doo call _lechias_,[20] that are of an
exceeding gallant tast, and neuer hurteth any body, although they
shoulde eate a great number of them. It yeldeth great aboundance of
great melons, and of an excellent sauour and tast, and verie bigge. Also
a kinde of russet appels that be very great, of a good tast. I doo not
heere declare of other fruites, nor of their names, because I will not
seeme tedious vnto the reader, nor spende the time herein, but will
treat of other things of more importance.

  [Sidenote: Excellent white sugar good cheape.]

  [Sidenote: Honie and wax.]

  [Sidenote: Excellent good silke.]

In all parts of this kingdome there is great store of sugar, which is
the occasion that it is so good cheape: for you shall have a quintal of
verie excellent white and good sugar, when it is most deerest, for the
value of sixe ryals of plate. There is great abundance of honie, for
that their delight is in hiues, by reason whereof not only honie, but
waxe is very good cheape; and there is so great quantity therof, that
you may lade ships, yea fleetes thereof. They do make great store of
silke, and excellent good, and give it verie perfite colours, which
dooth exceed very much the silke of Granada, and is one of the greatest
trades that is in all that kingdome.

  [Sidenote: Great store of flaxe and hempe.]

  [Sidenote: Cotton, wool, wheat, and barlie, rie, oates.]

  [Sidenote: Great abundance of rice.]

The veluets, damaskes, sattens, and other sortes of webs, which is there
made, is of so small a price, that it is a wonder to speake it, in
especiall unto them that doo know how their prises be in Spaine and in
Italie. They do sell none of their silkes there by the yard, neither any
other kinde of websterie, though it be lynnen; but by the waight,
wherein there is least deceit. They haue great store of flaxe, wherwith
the common people doo apparell themselues: also hempe for the cawlking
of their ships, and to make ropes and hasers. And on their drie and
tough landes, although they be stonie, they gather great stoore of
cotton wooll. They doo sowe wheate, barlie, rye, and oates, and manie
other kindes of graine; and the one and the other doo yeelde great
increase. In the marrish groundes (of which there be many), by reason of
moyst and great aboundance of riuers that be in this countrie, they doo
sowe rice, which is a common victuall or maintiniment vnto all people of
the kingdome, and vnto them that dwell neere them; and they doo gather
so greate aboundance that when it is most dearest you shall haue a
haneg[21] for a ryall of plate: of the which, and of all other graines
aforesaid, the countrie was woont to yeeld them, and foure times in the
yeere there increase.

  [Sidenote: Chestnuts.]

On their high grounds, that are not good to be sowne, there is great
store of pine trees, which yeelde fruite very sauorie: chestnuts
greater, and of better tast, then commonly you shall finde in Spaine:
and yet betwixt these trees they do sow maiz, which is the ordinarie
foode of the Indians of Mexico and Peru, and great store of panizo,[22]
so that they doe not leaue one foote of grounde vnsowen. And of trueth,
almost in all the whole countrie, you shall not finde any ground that is
barren or without profite, what by the naturall vertue of the country,
and also by the manuring and helping of it.




CHAP. IV.

     _Here I do proceed in the fertilitie of this kingdome, and of
     such things as it doth yeeld._


  [Sidenote: All kind of beasts.]

  [Sidenote: Excellent furres, muske.]

  [Sidenote: Great store of beefes.]

  [Sidenote: Deere, hogs, and goates.]

  [Sidenote: Great store of wildfoule.]

  [Sidenote: Foule solde by waight.]

Besides the fertilitie of this countrie beforesaide, all the fields be
verie faire to behold, and yeelde maruelous odoriferous smelles, by
reason of the great quantitie of sweete flowers of diuers sorts. It is
also garnished with the greene trees that be planted by the riuers sides
and brookes, whereof there is great quantitie. And there is planted
there orchards and gardens, with banketing houses of great pleasure, the
which they doo vse verie much for their recreation and auoiding the
troubles of minde. The Loytias, or gentlemen, doo vse to plant great
forrests and thicke woods, whereas doo breed many wilde boores, bucks,
hares, and conyes, and diuers other beasts: of whose skins they make
very excellent furres, but in especiall of _martas ceuellias_,[23] of
which there is a great number. There is great aboundance of muske, the
which they do make of a little beast that doth feede of nothing else but
of a roote which is of a maruellous smell, that is called camarus, as
big as a man's finger. They do take them and beat them with blowes till
they be brused all to peeces; then they do put them in a place whereas
they may soonest putrifie; but first they do bind very fast such parts
whereas the blood may run out of their brused bones, all to peces,
remaining within them. Then after, when they thinke they be putrified,
then they do cut out smal peeces, with skinne and all, and tie them vp
like bals or cods, which the Portugals (who doth by them) do call
_papos_: and this is the finest that is brought out of all Indies (if
there be no deceit vsed in it), for many times they will put amongst it
small peeces of lead, and other things of weight. There is also great
store of kyne, that are so little worth that you may buy a very good one
for eight rials of plate; and beefes, that are bought for halfe the
mony: one whole venison is bought for two rials; great store of hogs,
whose flesh is as holsome and good as our mutton in Spaine. There is
great aboundance of goates, and of other beasts that are to be eaten,
which is the occasion that they are of little value. The flying foules
that doo breed about the lakes and riuers are of so great quantitie that
there is spent daily, in small villages in that countrie, many
thousands, and the greatest sort of them are teales. The fashion how
they do breed and bring them vp shal be declared in a chapter
particularly; for that which is said shal not seeme impossible. They be
sold by waight, and likewise capons and hens, and for so smal value that
two pounds of their flesh being plucked, is worth ordinarily two Foys,
which is a kinde of mony like vnto the quartes[24] of Spaine; hogs
flesh, two pounds for a Foy and a halfe, which is six marauadiz.
Likewise all other victuals after the same rate, as it doth plainly
appeare by the relation made by the friers.

  [Sidenote: Reubarbe and other medicinall hearbs.]

  [Sidenote: Foure hundred of nutmegs for six-pence. Cloues, sixe pound
for 3 pence; the like of pepper.]

  [Sidenote: Mines of gold and siluer and other mettals. Iron and Steele 4
shilling a quintal. Siluer is worth more than gold. Great store of
pearles.]

There are also many herbs for medicines, as very fine reubarbe, and of
great quantitie, and wood called Palo de China; great store of nutmegs,
with the which they may lade fleetes, and of so lowe a price that you
may buy foure hundreth for a ryall of plate; and cloues, sixe pound for
halfe a ryall of plate; and the like in pepper. Synamon, one rowe, which
is 25 pound, for four ryals of plate, and better cheape. I do leave to
speake of many other hearbs medicinable and profitable for the vse of
man: for that if I should write the particular vertue of euerie of them,
it would require a great volume. Of fish, both swimming and shell fish
of all sorts, that they haue with them is to be wondred at: not onely
vpon the sea coasts, but also in the remote places of that kingdome, by
reason of the great riuers, which be nauigable vnto such places. Besides
all this it is verie rich of mines of golde and siluer, and other
mettals, the which (gold and siluer excepted) they do sell it so good
cheape that a quintal of copper, yron, or steele is to be bought for
eight rials of plate. Gold is better cheape there then it is in Europe,
but siluer is more woorth. There is founde great store of pearles in all
this kingdome: but the most part of them are not rounde, by the which
you may gather and vnderstande the goodnesse and fertilitie of the same.
And that the first that did discouer and inhabite that kingdome were not
deceiued, for that they founde all things necessarie vnto the preseruing
of the life of man, and that in aboundance: for the which, with iust
reason, the inhabitants may thinke themselues to possesse the best and
fertilest kingdome in all the whole world.




CHAP. V.

     _Of the antiquitie of this kingdome._


  [Sidenote: 243 kings.]

As before is said, this kingdome is of so ancient antiquity, that there
is opinion that the first that did inhabite this countrie, were the
neuewes of Noe. But the light which is found in the histories of China,
is that from the time of Vitey, who was their first king, and did reduce
their kingdome vnto an empire, and hath and doth indure vnto the king
that now rayneth: as you shall vnderstand in the place where we shall
make mention of the kings of that countrie, whereas you shal vnderstand
by iust computations, that vnto this day, there hath rayned, naturall
and vsurped, to the number of 243 kings. The sonne doth succeede the
father in the kingdome, and for want of a sonne, the next kinsman doth
succeed: and for that they do take (after the vse of the emperors of
Turkie) so many wiues as pleaseth them: it seldome falleth out to lacke
heires, for that the first sonne that is borne of either of his wiues is
right heire vnto the kingdome: and the rest of his sonnes he doth
appoint them cities where as they do dwel priuately: and there they are
prouided of all things necessarie for them, conformable vnto their
degrees, with expresse commission vpon paine of death neuer to go out of
them, neither to returne vnto the court, except they be sent for by the
king. So after this conclusion, all those that are kinsfolke vnto the
king, are resident and kept in a mightie and populous citie, called
Causi,[25] whereas those whome the king and his counsel do thinke and
see to be men of great wisdome, or giuen to martiall affaires, they doo
commande that they neuer goe forth of their houses, to auoide occasions
of suspition whereby might grow alterations and treasons against the
king. The dwelling places of these prouinces, are mightie and of a huge
bignesse: for that within the compasse of them, they haue all manner of
contentment necessary for them: as gardens, orchards, fishing ponds of
diuers sorts, parkes and groues, in the which are all kinde flying
foules, fish and beasts, as are to be found in the mountaines and
riuers. And it is walled round about with a stone wall, so that euery
house of these seemeth to be a towne. They giue themselues much vnto
musike, wherewith they doo passe away the time. And for that they are
giuen to pleasure and ease, they are commonly corpulent and fatte, verie
faire conditioned and quiet, liberall vnto strangers. These princes, in
what place soeuer they are, the gouernours of the cities are bound to
visite them euery festiuall day. Likewise if they doo passe on
horsebacke by their doores, they must alight and walke on foote while
they haue passed it: and if they be borne in a litle chaire, likewise to
come out of the same, and to walk on foote with silence, till they be
past. And for that they shall not plead ignorance, the gates of these
princes houses are all painted red: so that they being brought vp from
their youth, in this straight, close, and idle life, it is not vnto them
tedious, but dooth rather reioyce in the same.




CHAP. VI.

     _The bignesse of this kingdome of China, and of such measures
     as they do vse in trauaile._


  [Sidenote: The China is in compass 8000 leagues and 1800 leagues long.]

This mightie kingdome, which we commonly call China, without knowing any
cause or foundation wherefore we should so cal it, those countries neere
ioyning vnto the same, do call it Sangley: and they in their naturall
toonge do cal it Taybiner,[26] the which is to be vnderstood, nothing
but a kingdome: and is the most biggest and populous that is mentioned
in all the world, as it shalbe apparant in the discourse of this
hystorie, and in the wonderfull things that shalbe treated of in the
next chapter following. All the which is taken out of the bookes and
hystories of the said Chinos, whereas they do make mention of the
mightinesse thereof, and of the 15 prouinces that are comprehended in
the same: the which bookes and hystories were brought vnto the citie of
Manilla, printed and set forth in China, and were translated into the
Spanish toong, by interpreters of the saide nations. And for that they
were baptised and became Christians, they remaine as dwellers amongst vs
in these ilandes, the better to obserue and keepe the lawes of baptisme,
and to flie the paine and punishment the which they should receiue for
dooing the same: for that they turned Christians and receiued the faith
without the license of the king and counsell, which is forbidden vppon
paine of death, and is executed with great violence, and without
remission. This mightie kingdome is in circuit or compasse about 69516
die,[27] which is a kind of measure that they do vse: which being
reduced into the Spanish account, is almost 3000 legues, and in length
1800 leagues, this is to be vnderstood the whole 15 prouinces: the which
are garnished with many cities and townes, besides a great number of
villages, as you may plainely see in the chapter following. By the said
booke, it is found that the Chinos haue amongst them but only three kind
of measures: the which in their language are called _lii_, _pu_, and
_icham_, which is as much as to say, or in effect, as a forlong, league,
or iorney: the measure which is called _lii_, hath so much space as a
mans voice in a plaine grounde may bee hearde in a quiet day, halowing
or whoping with all the force and strength he may: and ten of these
_liis_ maketh a _pu_, which is a great Spanish league: and ten _pus_
maketh a dayes iourney, which is called _icham_, which maketh 12 long
leagues. By the which account it is founde that this kingdome hath the
number of leagues as afore is saide: yet, by the account of other
bookes, they do finde it bigger and of more leagues. Yet frier Martin de
Herrada, prouinciall of the Austen friers in the Ilands Philippinas, who
is an excellent geometrician and cosmographer, did cast the account with
great diligence, by their owne descriptions, and doth finde it to amount
vnto the sum aforesaid, to be 1800 leagues long and 3000 leagues in
compasse, beginning at the prouince of Olam, which is that towards the
south, and nearest vnto Malacia,[28] and so alongst the countrie towards
the north east for the space of 600 leagues.




CHAP. VII.

     _Of the 15 prouinces that are in this kingdome._


This mightie kingdome is diuided into fifteene prouinces, that euery one
of them is bigger then the greatest kingdome that we doo vnderstand to
be in all Europe. Some doo esteeme those cities to be metropolitans,
where as is resident, the gouernors, presidents, or viz rees, which in
their natural toong are called Cochin: of the prouinces, two of them,
which are called Tolanchia and Paguia, are gouerned by the king in
person with his royall counsel. The occasion why the king is alwayes
resident or abiding in one of these two prouinces which are two of the
mightiest and most popularst of people, is not for that in them he is
most at his content, or receiue more pleasure in them then in any of the
other: but onely for that they doo confine vpon the kingdome of
Tartaria, with whom in times past they had ordinary and continuall wars:
and for that the king might with more ease put remedie in such harmes
receiued, and defend with better oportunitie the rage of his enimie, he
did ordaine and situate his pallace and court in them two. And for that
it hath beene of antiquitie many yeeres past, it hath remained hitherto,
and appeareth to continue still the habitation of the kings of that
kingdome, as by desert for the excellencie of the clime, and aboundance
of all things necessarie.

The names of the fifteene prouinces are as followeth:--Paguia,[29]
Foquiem,[30] Olam,[31] Sinsay,[32] Sisuam,[33] Tolanchia,[34]
Cansay,[35] Oquiam,[36] Aucheo,[37] Honan,[38] Xanton,[39] Quicheu,[40]
Chequeam,[41] Susuam,[42] and Saxij.[43] Almost all these prouinces, but
in particular tenne of them which are alongst the sea costs, are full of
deepe riuers of sweete water and navigable, vpon whose branches are
situated many cities and townes, whereof you may not onely haue the
number of them, but also their names: for that these Chinos are so
curious people, that in their books are named besides the cities and
townes, the banketing houses and houses of pleasure, which the gentlemen
haue for their recreation. And for that it will be more trouble than
profite to inlarge any further in this matter, I will refer it vnto the
next chapter, where I will intreate of the cities and townes that either
of these prouinces hath, and pass ouer all the rest, as not necessarie;
for our intent is to set forth the bignes of this kingdome.




CHAP. VIII.

     _Of the cities and townes that every one of these prouinces
     hath in himselfe._


These fifteene prouinces, which with better truth might be called
kingdomes, according vnto the greatnes of them, as you may perceiue by
the number of cities and townes that each of them hathe, besides
villages, the which if I should adde herevnto, would be an infinite
number.

The number of cities and townes that euery prouince hath. First, the
prouince of Paguia, where as ordinarily the king and his counsel is
resident, hath 47 cities and 150 townes.

Canton       hath 37 cities and 190 townes.
Foquien      hath 33 cities and  99 townes.
Olam         hath 90 cities and 130 townes.
Synsay       hath 38 cities and 124 townes.
Sisuan       hath 44 cities and 150 townes.
Tolanchia    hath 51 cities and 123 townes.
Cansay       hath 24 cities and 112 townes.
Ochian       hath 19 cities and  74 townes.
Ancheo       hath 25 cities and  29 townes.
Honan        hath 20 cities and 102 townes.
Xaton        hath 37 cities and  78 townes.
Quicheu      hath 45 cities and 113 townes.
Chequeam     hath 39 cities and  95 townes.
Susuan       hath 42 cities and 105 townes.

  [Sidenote: The mightie citie called Suntien, or Quinsay.[44]]

By which account appeareth to be 591 cities and 1593 townes, beside
villages and houses of pleasure, which are an infinite number: by the
which you may consider that this kingdome doth deserve to be called
great, and compared with the best and principalst that is heard of in al
the whole world. The Chinos do vse in their pronunciation to terme their
cities with this sylable, Fu, that is as much as to say, citie, as
Taybin fu, Canton fu, and their townes with this sylable, Cheu. They
have some villages that are so great, that it lacketh but onely the name
of a towne. All their cities for the most part are situated by the
riuers sides: such as are nauigable, the cities are moted rounde about,
which make them to bee verie strong, not only the cities but townes are
walled round about with high and strong wals of stone, one faddome high,
and all the rest is of bricke, but of so hard a substance that it is not
to be broken almost with pickaxes. Some cities hath their wals so broad,
that 4 and 6 men may walke side by side on them: they are garnished with
many bulwarks and towers, a small distance the one from the other, with
their battlements and faire galleries, where as many times their
vizroyes doeth goe to recreate themselues with the gallant sight of the
mountains and riuers, with their fields so odoriferous. There is betwixt
the wals of their cities and the mote of the same a broade space, that
six horsemen may ride together; the like space is within, betwixt the
walles and the houses, whereas they may walke without impediment. Their
wals are kept in such good reparation, by reason of their great care and
diligence, that they seeme to be but new made, and yet in some cities
there is founde mention of two thousand yeeres since the first
foundation. In every city the king doth ordaine a justice, and giveth
him great rents onely to visit them, and make them to be renewed and
repaired where as is requisite, and is done vpon the kings cost: for out
of his rents in such cities and townes is given them all that is needful
to be asked. The high waies in all this kingdome are made and kept
plaine with great care and diligence, and the entering into the cities
and townes are very sumptuous and with great maiestie, they have three
or foure gates bound with yron very strong. Their streetes very well
paved, and so broad that 15 horsemen may ride together in them, and so
straight, that although they be very long, yet you may discouer the end.
On both the sides are portals, vnder which be their shops full of all
sorts of merchandises very curious, and of all occupations that you will
desire: In the streets, a good space the one from the other, are made
manie triumphall arkes of extreme bewtie: they are made of masons worke,
very curiously painted after the fashion of the old antiquitie of Rome.
All their houses ordinarily haue three doores, that in the middest is
great, the other be lesser, but of a maruellous gallant proportion. The
king is alwayes resident in the citie of Suntien,[45] which in their
language is as much to say, the citie of heauen. Of which citie the
Chinos do declare many things which seemeth to be true, for that if you
do talke with many of them, and at sundrie times and places, yet doo
they not varie the one from the other: and according to their report, it
should be the greatest in all the worlde, in these dayes. They who do
make it to be least, do affirme, that to goe from gate to gate, leauing
the suburbs, had need of a summers day and a good horse to do it: it is
also called Quinsay, as Marcus Paulus doth call it.




CHAP. IX.

     _Of the wonderfull buildings in this kingdome, and of mightie
     wall or circuit in the same of 500 leagues long._


In this kingdom in al places, there be men excellent in architecture:
and the necessaries that they haue to build with is the best that is in
the world. For as it is said in the chapter past, they haue a kinde of
white earth of the which they make brickes, of so great hardnesse and
strength, that for to breake them, you must haue pickaxes, and vse much
strength: and this is the cause that in all the kingdome there is
mightie buildings and verie curious. Putting apart the kings pallace
where hee is resident in Tabin[46] (for of that you shall haue a
particular chapter), in all such cities that bee the heads of the
prouinces, is resident a vizroy or gouernour, and dwelleth in the house
that (in euery such citie) the king hath ordained on his proper cost:
all the which, to conclude, are superbious and admirable, and wrought by
marueilous art, and are as bigge as a great village, by reason that they
haue within them great gardens, water ponds and woods compassed about:
in the which (as it is declared in the 4 chapter) is great quantitie of
hunt and flying foules. Their houses commonly be verie gallant and after
the manner of Rome, and generallie at the doores and gates of them are
planted trees in gallant order: the which maketh a gallant shadow and
seemeth well in the streets. All these houses are within as white as
milke, in such sort that it seemeth to be burnished paper. The floares
are paued with square stones, verie broad and smooth; their seelings are
of an excellent kind of timber, verie well wrought and painted, that it
seemeth like damaske and of the colour of gold, that sheweth verie well:
euerie one of them hath three courts and gardens full of flowers and
herbes for their recreation. And there is none of them but hath his fish
poole furnished, although it bee but small. The one side of their courts
is wrought verie gallant, like as it is in counting houses, vpon the
which they haue many idols carued, and wrought of diuers kinds of
mettals: the other three parts or angles of their courts are painted
with diuers things of verie great curiositie. But aboue all things they
are marueilous cleane, not only in their houses, but also in their
streets: in the which commonly they haue three or foure necessarie or
common places of ease, verie curiously ordained and placed; for that the
people, being troubled with their common necessitie, shall not foule the
streetes, and therefore they haue this prouision: the like is vsed in
all wayes throughout the kingdom. Some cities there be, whose streets be
nauigable, as in Bruxels in Flanders, Mexico in the Indians, and as in
Venice in Italie; which is the occasion that they are better serued and
prouided, for that their barkes and boates doo enter laden with all
kinde of victuals harde to their doores.

The highways throughout all this kingdome, are the best and gallantest
paued that euer hath beene discouered: they are verie plaine, yea vnto
the mountaines, and they are cut by force of labour and pickaxes, and
maintained with brick and stone, the which by report of them which hath
seen it, is one of the worthiest things that is in all the realme. There
are many mightie bridges, and of a wonderfull making, and some wrought
vpon boats, as it is in Syvill: but in especiall vpon such riuers as are
broad and deepe. In the citie of Fucheo,[47] there is a towre right
against the house of the kings chiefe receiuer, and it is affirmed by
those that haue seene it, to surmount any building that hath beene
amoungst the Romans: the which is raised and founded vppon fortie
pillars, and everie pillar is of one stone, so bigge and so high that it
is strange to tell them, and doubtfull to the hearers to beleeue it: for
which cause I thinke it best not to declare it in particular, as I do in
all things where as I doo finde it difficult to be beleeued, and where I
haue no certaine author to verifie the truth.

  [Sidenote: A wal of 500 leagues long.]

There is in this kingdome a defence or wall that is fiue hundred leagues
long, and beginneth at the citie Ochyoy,[48] which is vppon the high
mountaines, and runneth from the west vnto east. The king of that
countrie which made it was called Tzintzon, and it was for his defence
against the Tartaries, with whom he had warres; so that the wall doth
shut vp all the frontier of Tartaria. But you must vnderstande that
foure hundred leagues of the saide wall is naturall of it selfe, for
that they be high and mightie rockes, verie nigh together: but in the
other hundred leagues is comprehended the spaces or distance that is
betwixt the rockes, the which he caused to be made by mens handes of
verie strong worke of stone, and is of seuen fathom brode at the foote
of it, and seuen fathom high. It beginneth at the partes of the sea, in
the prouince of Canton,[49] and stretcheth foorth by that of Paguia and
Cansay, and doth finish in the prouince of Susuan.[50] This king, for to
finish this wonderful worke, did take of euerie three men one thorough
his kingdome, and of fiue, two; who for that they trauailed in their
labour so long a iourney, and into different clymes (although that out
of those provinces that were nearest there came great store of people),
yet did they almost all perish that followed that worke.

The making of this superbious and mightie worke, was the occasion that
his whole kingdome did rise vp against the king, and did kill him, after
that he had raigned fortie yeares, and also a sonne of his that was
called Agnitzi. The report of this wall is helde to be of a verie truth,
for that it is affirmed by all the Chinos that doo traficke to the
Islands Philippinas and to Canton, and Machao, and be all confirmable in
their declaration as witnesses, because they haue seene it: and it is
the farthest parts of all the kingdome, whereas none of vs vnto this day
hath beene.




CHAP. X.

     _Of the dispositions, countenance, with apparell and other
     exercises of the people of this countrie._


Both men and women of this countrie are of a good disposition of their
bodies, well proportioned and gallant men, somewhat tall: they are all
for the most part brode faced, little eyes and flat noses, and without
bearde saue only upon the ball of the chinne: but yet there be some that
haue great eyes and goodly beardes, and their faces well proportioned,
yet of these sorts (in respect of the others) are verie few: and it is
to bee beleeued that these kinde of people doo proceede of some strange
nation, who in times past when it was lawfull to deale out of that
countrie, did ioyne one with another.

Those of the prouince of Canton (which is a whot[51] country) be browne
of colour like to the Moores: but those that be farther within the
countrie be like unto Almaines,[52] Italians and Spanyardes, white and
redde, and somewhat swart. All of them do suffer their nailes of their
left hande to grow very long, but the right hand they do cut: they haue
long haire, and esteeme it very much and maintaine it with curiositie:
of both they make a superstition, for that they say thereby they shall
be carried into heauen. They do binde their haire up to the crowne of
their heade, in calles of golde verie curious, and with pinnes of the
same.

  [Sidenote: Great abundance of wool and good cheape.]

  [Sidenote: Shooes and buskines of veluet.]

  [Sidenote: Great abundance of Marters furres.]

The garments which the nobles and principals do vse, bee of silke of
different colours, of the which they haue excellent good and verie
perfite: the common and poore people doo apparell themselues with
another kinde of silke more courser, and with linnen, serge, and cotton:
of all the which there is great abundance. And for that the countrie for
the most part is temperate, they may suffer this kinde of apparell,
which is the heauiest that they doo vse: for in all the whole kingdome
they have no cloth, neither doo they suffer it to be made, although they
have great aboundance of woolle, and very good cheape: they do vse their
coates according vnto our old vse of antiquitie, with long skirts and
full of plaites, and a flappe ouer the brest to be made fast under the
left side, the sleeues verie bigge and wide: upon their coates they doo
vse cassockes or long garments according vnto the possibilitie of either
of them, made according as wee doo vse, but only their sleeues are more
wider. They of royall bloode and such as are constituted vnto dignitie,
do differ in their apparell from the other ordinarie gentlemen: for that
the first haue their garments laide on with gold and siluer downe to the
waste, and the others alonely garnished on the edges, or hem: they do
vse hose verie well made and stitched, shoes and buskins of veluet,
verie curious. In the winter (although it be not very colde,) they haue
their garments furred with beasts skins, but in especiall with Martas
Ceuellinas, of the which they haue great aboundance (as aforesaid) and
generally they do vse them at all times about their necks. They that be
not married doo differ from them that be married, in that they do kirrle
their haire on their foreheade, and wear higher hattes. Their women do
apparell themselues verie curiouslie, much after the fashion of Spaine:
they vse many iewels of gold and precious stones: their gownes haue wide
sleeues; that wherewith they do apparel themselues is of cloath of gold
and siluer and diuers sortes of silkes, whereof they haue great plentie,
as aforesaid, and excellent good, and good cheape: and the poore folkes
doo apparell themselues with veluet, vnshorne veluet and serge. They
haue verie faire haire, and doo combe it with great care and diligence,
as do the women of Genouay, and do binde it about their heade with a
broad silke lace, set full of pearles and precious stones, and they say
it doth become them verie well: they doo vse to paint themselues, and in
some place in excesse.

  [Sidenote: An il vse and custome.]

  [Sidenote: Ingenious people.]

  [Sidenote: Wagons with sailes.]

Amongst them they account it for gentilitie and a gallant thing to haue
little feete, and therefore from their youth they so swadell and binde
them verie straight, and do suffer it with patience: for that she who
hath the least feete is accounted the gallantest dame. They say that the
men hath induced them vnto this custome, for to binde their feete so
harde, that almost they doo loose the forme of them, and remaine halfe
lame, so that their going is verie ill, and with great trauell: which is
the occasion that they goe but little abroad, and fewe times doo rise vp
from their worke that they do; and was inuented onely for the same
intent. This custome hath indured manie yeares, and will indure many
more, for that it is stablished for a law: and that woman which doth
breake it, and not vse it with her children, shalbe counted as euill,
yea shalbe punished for the same. They are very secreat and honest, in
such sort that you shall not see at any time a woman at her window nor
at her doores: and if her husband doo inuite any person to dinner, she
is neuer seene nor eateth not at the table, except the gest be a kinsman
or a very friende: when they go abroade to visite their father, mother,
or any other kinsfolkes, they are carried in a little chaire by foure
men, the which is made close, and with lattises rounde about made of
golde wyre and with siluer, and curteines of silke; that although they
doo see them that be in the streete, yet they cannot be seene. They haue
many servants waiting on them. So that it is a great maruell when that
you shall meete a principall woman in the streete, yea you will thinke
that there are none in the citie, their keeping in is such: the lameness
of their feet is a great helpe therevnto. The women as well as the men
be ingenious; they doo vse drawne workes and carued works, excellent
painters of flowers, birds and beasts, as it is to be seene vpon beddes
and bords that is brought from thence. I did see my selfe, one that was
brought vnto Lysborne in the yeare 1582, by Captaine Ribera, chiefe
sergant of Manilla, that it was to be wondred at the excellencie
thereof: it caused the kings maiestie to haue admyration, and he is a
person that little wondreth at things. All the people did wonder at it:
yea the famous imbroiderers did maruaile at the curiousnesse thereof.
They are great inuenters of things, that although they haue amongst them
many coches and wagons that goe with sailes, and made with such
industrie and policie that they do gouerne them with great ease: this is
crediblie informed by many that haue seen it: besides that, there be
many in the Indies, and in Portugall, that haue seene them painted vpon
clothes, and on their earthen vessell that is brought from thence to be
solde: so that it is a signe that their painting hath some foundation.
In their buying and selling they are verie subtill, in such sort that
they will depart a haire. Such merchants as do keepe shoppes (of whom in
euery citie there is a great number) they haue a table or signe hanging
at their doore, whereon is written all such merchandise as is within to
be sold.

  [Sidenote: Cloth of gold tissue and silke.]

  [Sidenote: Porsilan.]

  [Sidenote: All occupations be in streets by themselves.]

  [Sidenote: The son inherits his fathers occupation.]

That which is commonly sold in their shops is cloth of golde and siluer,
cloth of tissue, silkes of diuers sorts and excellent colours: others
there be of poorer sort that selleth serges, peeces of cotton, linnen
and fustian of all colours; yet both the one and the other is verie
goode cheape, for that there is great aboundance, and many workemen that
do make it. The apothecarie that selleth simples, hath the like table:
there be also shops full of earthen vessels of diuers making, redde,
greene, yellow, and gilt; it is so good cheape that for foure rials of
plate they giue fiftie peeces: very strong earth, the which they doo
breake all to peeces and grinde it, and put it into sesternes with
water, made of lime and stone; and after that they haue well tumbled and
tossed it in the water, of the creame that is vpon it they make the
finest sort of them, and the lower they go, spending that substance that
is the courser: they make them after the forme and fashion as they do
here, and afterward they do gild them, and make them of what colour they
please, the which will never be lost: then they put them into their
killes and burne them. This hath beene seene and is of a truth, as
appeareth in a booke set foorth in the Italian toonge, by Duardo
Banbosa,[53] that they do make them of periwinkle shelles of the sea:
the which they do grinde and put them under the ground to refine them,
whereas they lie 100 years: and many other things he doth treat of to
this effect. But if that were true, they should not make so great a
number of them as is made in that kingdome, and is brought into
Portugall, and carried into the Peru, and Noua Espania,[54] and into
other parts of the world: which is a sufficient proofe for that which is
said. And the Chinos do agree for this to be true. The finest sort of
this is neuer carried out of the countrie, for that it is spent in the
seruice of the king, and his gouernours, and is so fine and deere, that
it seemeth to be of fine and perfite cristal: that which is made in the
prouince of Saxii[55] is the best and finest. Artificers and mechanicall
officers doo dwell in streets appointed, whereas none do dwell amongst
them, but such as be of the same occupation or arte: in such sort that
if you doo come at the beginning of the street, looke what craft or art
they are there, it is to be vnderstood that all that streete are of that
occupation. It is ordayned by a law and statute, that the sonne shall
inherite his fathers occupation, and shall not vse any other without
licence of the justice: if one of them bee verie rich and will not
worke, yet he cannot let but haue in his shop men that must worke of his
occupation. Therefore they that do vse it, by reason that they are
brought vp in it from their youth, they are famous and verie curious in
that which they do worke, as it is plainelie seene in that which is
brought from thence to Manilla, and into the Indies, and vnto Portugall.
Their currant monie of that kingdome is made of golde and siluer,
without any signe or print, but goeth by waight: so that all men
carrieth a ballances with them, and little peeces of siluer and golde,
for to buy such things as they haue neede of. And for things of a
greater quantitie they haue bigger ballances in their houses, and
waights, that are sealed, for to giue to euery man that which is theirs:
for therein the iustices haue great care. In the gouernement of
Chincheo[56] they haue copper monie coyned, but it is nothing woorth out
of that prouince.




  THE HISTORIE OF THE MIGHTIE KINGDOME OF CHINA,

  WHEREIN SHALBE DECLARED, OF THE RELIGION THAT IS AMONGST THE PEOPLE, AND
  OF THEIR IDOLS THAT THEY DO WORSHIP, AND OF OTHER THINGS TOUCHING THAT
  THEY DO VSE ABOUE NATURE.

  THE SECOND BOOKE.




CHAP. I.

     _Of the number of gods that they doo worship, and of some
     tokens and paintings that is found amongst them that do
     represent a mysterie of our Christian religion._


In the two prouinces, Paguina an[d] Tolanchia, wheras we haue said, the
king of the countrie is ordinarily resident, for that they do bound vpon
Tartary, with whom they haue continuall warres: and againe the most
principall and politike people be in those places, ouer and aboue all
the other.

  [Sidenote: A strange image.]

  [Sidenote: A mysterie of the Trinitie.]

  [Sidenote: S. Thomas preached in this kingdome.]

  [Sidenote: The martyrdom of Saint Thomas.]

Amongst the figures of all their idols that they do haue, the Chinos doo
say that there is one of a strange and maruellous making, vnto whom they
do great reuerence: they doo paint him a bodie with three heads, that
doth continually looke the one on the other: and they say that it dooth
signifie, that all three be of one good will and essence, and that which
pleaseth the one pleaseth the other: and to the contrarie, that which is
grieuous and displeaseth the one, is grieuous and displeaseth the other
two: the which being interpreted Christianly, may be vnderstoode to be
the mysterie of the holy Trinitie, that wee that are Christians doo
worship, and is part of our faith: the which, with other things, seemeth
somwhat to be respondent to our holy, sacred, and Christian religion: so
that of verie truth we may presume that Saint Thomas the Apostle[57] did
preach in this kingdome, who as it is declared in the lesson on his day,
after he had receiued the Holy Ghost and preached the holy Gospel vnto
the Parthes, Medes, Persas, Brachmanes, and other nations, he went into
the Indias, whereas he was martyred in the city of Calamina, for his
faith and holy Gospel that he preached.

It is verified that when this glorious apostle did passe into the
Indies, hee trauelled through this kingdome of China, where as it
appeareth he did preach the holy Gospel and mysterie of the Holy
Trinitie: whose picture in the manner aforesaid doth indure vnto this
day, although those people, by the great and long blindnesse which they
are in with their errors and idolatrie, doo not perfectly knowe what
that figure with three heads doth represent or signifie. The better for
to beleeue that which is said, or at least to vnderstande that it is so,
is that it is found in the writings of the Armenians, that amongst them
are in reputation and of great authoritie: and there it saith, that this
glorious apostle did passe through this kingdome of China, when he went
into the Indies, where he was martyred, and that he did preach there the
holy Gospell, although it did profite verie little, for that the people
were out of order, and occupied in their warres: and therefore this
apostle did passe into the Indies, and left some of the countrie
(although but a few) baptised and instructed, that when it should please
God, they might haue occasion to perseuer in that which was taught them.

They haue also amongst them (as it is said) certaine pictures, after the
fashion and with the ensignes of the twelue apostles, which is a helpe
to the verifying of that aforesaide: although if you doo aske of the
people who they are, they doo answere that they were men, and great
philosophers that did liue vertuouslie, and therfore they are made
angels in heauen. They doo also vse amongst them the picture of a woman
verie faire with a man childe in her armes, whereof they say shee was
deliuered and yet remained a virgine, and was daughter vnto a mightie
king: they do reuerence her verie much, and do make prayer vnto her:
more then this, they cannot say of this mysterie, but that she liued a
holy life and never sinned.

Frier Gaspar de la Cruz, a Portugall of the order of Saint Dominicke,
was in the citie of Canton, where he did write many things of this
kingdome,[58] and with great attention, whom I do follow in many things
in the proces of this hystorie, and he saith, that he being vpon a small
island that was in the middest of a mightie riuer, there was a house in
manner of a monasterie of religious people of that country, and being in
it, he saw certaine curious things of great antiquitie: amongst them he
saw a chappel, like vnto an oratorie or place of prayer, verie well
made, and curiou

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