The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 29 of 55, 1638–40
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 29 of 55, 1638–40
Editor: Emma Helen Blair
Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne
Editor: James Alexander Robertson
Release date: February 1, 2012 [eBook #38748]
Most recently updated: January 8, 2021
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898, VOLUME 29 OF 55, 1638–40 ***
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Gutenberg.
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XXIX, 1638-40
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMV
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXIX
Preface 9
Documents of 1638
Events in the Filipinas, 1637-38. [Unsigned; probably
written by Juan Lopez, S.J., at Cavite, in July, 1638.] 23
Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera;
Manila, August 21. 50
Letter to Felipe IV, from the treasurer at
Manila. Baltasar Ruiz de Escalona; Manila, August 31. 52
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Hieronimo
de Banuelos y Carrillo; Mexico, 1638. 66
Glorious victories against the Moros of Mindanao. Diego
de Bobadilla, S.J., and others; Mexico, 1638. 86
Royal orders and decrees, 1638. Felipe IV; Madrid, March
15, and September-December. 102
Fortunate successes in Filipinas and Terrenate,
1636-37. [Unsigned; published in Madrid, 1639.] 116
Value of Corcuera's seizures in Jolo. [Unsigned and
undated; probably 1638.] 135
Documents of 1639-1640
Events in the Philipinas from the year 1638 to that of
1639. [Unsigned; probably Juan Lopez, at Cavite, 1639.] 141
Letters to the Holy Misericordia. Sebastian Hurtado de
Corcuera; Manila, December 4, 1637, and October 26, 1639. 172
The university of Santo Tomas. Felipe IV; Madrid,
November 9, 1639. 175
Royal orders and decrees. Felipe IV; Madrid, 1639. 178
Events in the Filipinas Islands from August, 1639,
to August, 1640. [Juan Lopez?]; Cavite, August, 1640. 194
Relation of the insurrection of the Chinese. [Unsigned
and undated; probably in March, 1640.] 208
Ecclesiastical and Augustinian affairs, 1630-40. Casimiro
Diaz; Manila [1718?]. [From his Conquistas.] 259
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. [Diego de Bobadilla,
S.J.; 1640.] 277
Bibliographical Data. 313
ILLUSTRATIONS
View of city of Manila; photographic facsimile of engraving in
Mallet's Description de l'univers (Paris, 1683), ii, p. 127;
from copy in the Library of Congress. 67
View of one of Ladrones Islands; photographic facsimile of
engraving in Hulsius's Eigentliche und wahrhaftige Beschreibung
(Franckfurt am Mayne, M.DC.XX), p. 66; from copy in library of
Harvard University. 169
Portus Acapulco (view of harbor of Acapulco, Mexico);
photographic facsimile of engraving in Arnoldus Montanus's
Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld (Amsterdam, 1671), p. 246; from
copy in library of Harvard University. 188
Archipelagus orientalis, sive Asiaticus (Eastern or Asiatic
archipelago); photographic facsimile of map by Joannis Blaeu
(Amsterdam, 1659); from original map in Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris. 279
PREFACE
The present volume (1638-40) is largely occupied with the annals
of those years, and the hostilities of the Moro pirates. This
period is a troublous one; "wars and rumors of wars," conspiracies
(among both Chinese and natives), storms, shipwrecks, and disease,
disquiet the colony. The Chinese revolt of 1639 is described at
length. Corcuera administers the government with a high hand, and
arouses many enmities. Two interesting descriptions of the islands
are furnished, by a Spanish officer and by a Jesuit.
The Jesuit annalist at Manila contributes (1638) the news of the past
year--apparently the contents of his note-book or diary, as written
therein at each occurrence or arrival, and free from the "improvements"
of any official editor, in which fact lies its especial value. This
document strongly resembles in this respect, and in its scope, the
famous Journal des Jesuites of Quebec. To some extent, the same remarks
are true of all the annals written, actually or presumably, by Juan
Lopez; but the present document is unusually fresh and primitive in
style. He relates the depredations committed by the Dutch on Spanish
and Portuguese commerce, especially about the strait of Malaca. The
Dominican faction of "Barbones" has been suppressed. The Chinese
at Manila present a large sum of money to Corcuera, with which
a gift for the king is purchased. Information is given regarding
several priests and other persons. The settlement at Formosa is
being abandoned, and the missionaries there are going to China. The
Camucones have attempted to raid the Visayas, but are repulsed by
the Indians and Spaniards. The Jesuit Mastrilli has been martyred in
Japan, and funeral honors are paid to him in Manila. Corcuera has
gone to punish the Joloans. The Jesuit church at Cavite, and that
of the Dominicans at Manila, have been entered by thieves. There
are a few slight encounters with the Dutch. In China, persecutions
of the Christians have begun, due largely to the imprudence of the
friars. The missions in Siam and adjoining countries are endangered
by the machinations of the Dutch. The Joloan stronghold is captured
by Corcuera; two of his best officers are sent home to regain their
health, but are slain by their Chinese crew. Jesuits are conducting a
successful mission in the island of Hainan. The Japanese are growing
weary of their persecutions against the Christians; only three
Jesuits are left there of all the missionaries and nothing certain
is known of these. Corcuera arrives at Manila on May 23; he brings
back many captives, of whom a considerable number died en route, but
"it is a cause of great consolation that no Moro has died without
baptism." A triumphant entry is made into Manila by the victorious
army. In Mindanao Moncay is killed, and Corralat is no longer aided
by the Ternatans; the Moros generally are in wholesome fear of the
Spanish power. The missions in China are doing well, and are aided
by the emperor. Lopez notes many little items of news, of all sorts,
about matters civil, ecclesiastical, and foreign, with various gossip,
some of the cloister, some of his seaport.
A short letter from Corcuera to the king (August 21, 1638) states that
he has appointed Luis Arias de Mora "protector of the Sangleys;"
this man (a lawyer) also acts as counselor for the archbishop,
exercising a wholesome restraint upon that prelate.
A letter from the royal treasurer at Manila to the king (August 31,
1638) laments the injuries and losses caused to the royal estate
by Corcuera's reckless and extravagant management. He is blamed for
refusing to send the trading ships to Mexico, for establishing a force
for the nightly patrol of the city, for forming several companies of
Indian soldiers, for paying certain salaries which are claimed to be
needless, and for building a church for the soldiers. Escalona declares
that the trade of the islands with Mexico is neglected and unregulated,
and thus the colonists are being financially ruined. He asserts that
the expeditions against Mindanao and Jolo had cost much unnecessary
expenditure of both money and lives; and that Corcuera has attempted
to cover up these expenses under specious pretexts. The treasurer
complains that the governor has spent too much on the royal hospital,
and has interfered with the duties and rights of the royal officials;
and entreats the king to see that he is restrained within due bounds.
An interesting description of the Philippine Islands is furnished
(Mexico, 1638) by a Spanish admiral, Hieronimo de Banuelos y Carrillo;
it is addressed to the president of the Council of the Indias; the
original is, so far as known, no longer extant, and it is found only
in the French version by Thevenot. Banuelos finds life in Manila
"altogether delightful," as it has abundance of all supplies and
comforts. He describes the Parian, and praises the ability of the
Chinese; but he asserts that they are injuring the islands by their
illicit connection with the Mexican trade. The condition and character
of that trade are here presented, in a description very different
from that furnished by Grau y Monfalcon. This writer objects to the
silk trade between Filipinas and Nueva Espana, which only benefits
the Chinese, the Portuguese of Macao, and the Mexicans. Moreover,
"the encomiendas are ruined," while the natives are not instructed in
religion, and are hostile to the Spaniards. The Malays of Ternate and
other outlying islands are in league with the Dutch, and the trade
with them is going to ruin. Banuelos proposes a new plan for the
Filipinas commerce; he would (still limiting its amount) restrict
it mainly to raw silk and cotton, which could be manufactured in
Mexico; he enumerates the advantages that would result from this
course. The Japanese trade need not be considered in this question,
as it is closed to the Spaniards on account of religious persecution;
of this last and its effects Banuelos gives some account. He again
urges that the trade in Chinese stuffs be suppressed; and makes
recommendations as to the manner in which it should be conducted,
describing various abuses and scandals which he has discovered therein.
The Jesuit Bobadilla published (Mexico, 1638) a "Relation of the
glorious victories ... against the Mahometan Moros;" it contains
Mastrilli's letter of June 2, 1637 (published in VOL. XXVII of this
series), and other matter obtained from letters which the editor had
received from Manila; we present here such part as is new. Bobadilla
prefaced this compilation by a short address to Governor Corcuera's
brother Inigo (a military officer in Mexico), in which he takes
occasion to eulogize the virtues of both in glowing terms. The first
section of the book is occupied by a relation (here only briefly
outlined) of the miraculous cure wrought upon Father Mastrilli, and his
entrance into missionary work; then follows "an account of the great
island of Mindanao," partly descriptive and partly historical. The
piratical raids of the Mindanaos upon the Spanish settlements and the
Visayan coasts are briefly recounted, with mention of the establishment
of Spanish missions and forts in Mindanao; also the raids made by the
Camucones, Joloans, and Borneans. Then follow a description of the
naval battle at Punta de Flechas, Mastrilli's letter describing the
Mindanao campaign, and Lopez's account of Corcuera's triumph--all of
which we have previously published.
Various royal orders and decrees issued in 1638 are here
presented. Corcuera is warned (March 15) to proceed cautiously in
regard to the free negroes whom he has removed from the city, and to
obtain royal permission henceforth for any important measures that
he may contemplate. A decree of September 2 imposes restrictions
on the religious orders in the islands, and permits the governor to
use secular priests as missionaries. The king orders him (October 2)
to appoint to new missions native secular priests instead of friars;
also to treat the nuns of St. Clare with more consideration, and
to pay them for certain inconveniences that he has caused them. He
is authorized (November 8) to take such measures as are necessary to
maintain the seclusion of the inmates of Santa Potenciana. The viceroy
and Audiencia of Mexico are ordered (December 8) to report whether it
will be best to increase the amount of trade allowed to the citizens
of Filipinas with Nueva Espana; and other decrees of the same date
give the officers of the galleons authority to punish any infractions
of law committed by their men while in port, and require stricter
enforcement of the regulations in regard to lading those vessels.
A printed pamphlet, "Fortunate successes in Filipinas and Terrenate"
(Madrid, 1639), gives a brief outline of the Moro raids into the
Philippines during several years, and Corcuera's successful campaign
against those pirates; it is evidently written by a Jesuit, or largely
compiled from Mastrilli's letter. At the end is a description of the
encounter between Spanish and English ships at Malayo. We append a
short document enumerating the spoils seized in the Jolo campaign by
the Spanish forces, with the value assigned to each item; the expenses
of the expedition are covered thereby mainly by the proceeds from
the sale of Moro captives.
"Events in the Philipinas during the year 1638-39" are recorded, as
before, by a Jesuit, presumably Juan Lopez. The news from Mindanao
and Jolo is not encouraging; the Moros are revolting, and in Jolo a
plague and epidemic is feared; besides, the commandant there has proved
unfit. A letter from the Jesuit Gutierrez relates events in Mindanao;
these relate mainly to the measures taken by the Spanish commandant
to control and pacify the disaffected Moros. Spanish friars exiled
from China have arrived in Formosa, but hope to reenter China. The
Jesuits of Macao also indulge the hope of gaining foothold anew in
Japan. The writer gives various interesting news items about the
arrival and departure of the ships at the port of Cavite; and the
escape, on several occasions, of Moro captives held at Manila, and
the recapture of many of them. A letter from Father Alejandro Lopez
describes the attempt of the men of Jolo to recapture by treachery
their stronghold from the Spaniards, and the severe punishment
inflicted by Pedro de Almonte upon the rebels. Chinese pirates commit
depredations on the Luzon coasts; and plots of the resident Chinese
against the Spaniards are discovered and punished. A revolt by the
Indians of Nueva Segovia is also quelled. Recent news from Mindanao
and Jolo tells of increasing Spanish ascendency, but at a fearful
cost to the Moro natives--slaughtered people, devastated lands, and
consequent deaths by famine. One of the trading ships to Mexico has
been wrecked, which is a great blow to the colony. A fierce hurricane
causes great damage at Cavite and in its vicinity; and there have been
epidemics of disease in Luzon, in which many persons have died. It
is feared that both of the Acapulco galleons have been lost at sea;
and all these things fill the people with sadness. The small remnant
of the crew of a Spanish galleon wrecked the preceding year among
the Ladrones Islands arrive at Manila.
Letters from Corcuera to the confraternity of Santa Misericordia
ask (December 4, 1637) their prayers for the success of his Jolo
expedition; and (October 26, 1639) that they will take into their house
two Moro hostages, to train them in the Christian doctrine. Letters
from Felipe IV to Rome (November 9, 1639) ask that the college of
Santo Tomas at Manila be erected into a university.
A group of royal decrees issued during 1639 is presented. The
governor's action in stationing religious ministers in Mindanao
is approved. The municipal authorities of Manila are ordered to
retain Grau y Monfalcon as their agent at the royal court. The
newly-appointed governor of the islands, Diego Fajardo, is ordered to
correct (but with mildness and prudence) the Augustinians in trading
and in oppressing the Indians; and to restore to the secular priests
Quiapo and other districts assigned to the Jesuits by Corcuera. The
bishop of Camarines is ordered to return to his diocese, and the royal
officials to withhold his salary until he shall do so. Directions
are given to the viceroy of Nueva Espana regarding the inspection
of Philippine vessels at Acapulco, and the necessity of sending more
colonists to the islands. Answer is made to various points in a former
letter from the archbishop; and the Audiencia are commanded to treat
the Indians more justly.
Events in the Filipinas Islands from August to November, 1639, are
recorded by the Jesuit annalist of former years (presumably Juan
Lopez). The arrivals and departures of ships form the chief of these
events, and the writer furnishes much interesting news in connection
with them. A fierce storm delays the galleon to Nueva Espana, and
wrecks two Chinese junks, drowning many of their men. The two Acapulco
galleons arrive, about this time, at Nueva Segovia, and are wrecked in
that port, with much loss of life. The recent conquest of Jolo is being
completed. The king of Macasar is friendly, and has sent provisions
to the Portuguese colony at Malaca. A Dutch squadron sent against
the city of Goa has been almost destroyed by the Portuguese. The
people of Tidore and Ternate are leagued together, which causes the
Spaniards to fear a revolt against their control. The Moro chiefs
in Mindanao are plotting together against the Spaniards. Nearly
half of this document is occupied with an account of the Chinese
insurrection late in November, 1639; it is soon quelled, with the
slaughter of many Sangleys. A detailed account of this episode,
presumably the one mentioned in the last note on Lopez's record, is
here presented; it is a valuable if not altogether edifying document,
especially for its revelations of human nature. Lopez's statement that
the revolt was soon over was premature; it lasted nearly four months,
and caused great loss of property to the Spaniards, and of lives to the
insurgents. Most of the Chinese population in Luzon was exterminated,
thanks to their lack of cannon and firearms and "the special protection
of our Lord over our army," which lost not even fifty men. It is a
sickening record of slaughter--not only in so-called battle, but in
the cold-blooded, deliberate, and systematic butchery of unarmed men,
taken by surprise or lured by treacherous promises. The most striking
instance of this is the cruel slaughter, caused by a blind and panic
fear, of the house-servants and other Chinese in Manila; another is the
burning of the Parian, with all the rich merchandise stored therein;
while in Cavite several hundred Chinese are deliberately taken out
by tens and beheaded. In both cases, however, opportunity is kindly
provided for the wretched victims to receive baptisms, if they were
infidels, or to make their confessions, if Christians. Peace is finally
made with the small remnant of the insurgent force, who are taken to
Manila and carefully guarded within a stockade. The writer describes
their method of warfare; and enumerates the villages burned by them,
and other damages committed, during the revolt.
The history of the Augustinian order in the Philippines, presented in
VOLS. XXIII and XXIV of this series from Medina's Historia, is here
continued for the decade 1630-40 by an extract from Diaz's Conquistas
(written about 1718), partly in synopsis and partly in translation. He
relates the contest over the vacant see of Manila, finally settled
(1630) in favor of Fray Pedro de Arce; the election of Geronimo de
Medrano as provincial in 1632; the persecutions in Japan, the lives
of martyrs there, the controversy between Corcuera and the bishop,
biographies of noted Augustinians, and various secular matters (all
of which we omit). There is an interesting relation of the life and
labors of a useful missionary, Alonso de Mentrida, among the Indians
in Panay Island; he wages unceasing war against the devil and his
agents, the native priests of idols--the former often appearing in
visible and hideous form. A similar account is given of the life
of Juan de Medina (above cited). In 1638 Fray Martin Errasti is
elected provincial. The Visayas Islands have been, of late years,
harassed by the Moro pirates; but a notable expedition is undertaken
(1639) against those of the Lake Lanao region, in which the Recollect
missionary known as "Padre Capitan" is a prominent figure. For the
time, those Moros are awed and warned. Diaz recounts the main events
of that time--Corcuera's expedition to Jolo and the insurrection of
the Chinese. Errasti dies in 1639, and his vacant office is assumed
by Fray Juan Ramirez, the past provincial.
In 1640 the Jesuit Bobadilla writes a description of the Philippines
and their people. The former is but a brief outline; most of the
document is devoted to the Indian natives, and the natural products of
the islands. The father writes of the custom of slavery among them;
their religious beliefs, customs, and superstitions; the practices
of their priests; their physical appearance, and dress; their customs
of tattooing, filing the teeth, and bathing; their language, writing,
and music. He describes their marriages, houses, occupations, boats,
and weapons; and their medical practice and mortuary customs. Then he
considers the climate of the islands, the culture and uses of rice,
and the natural products--animals, minerals, and fruits, especially
the palm and bamboo. He describes the buyo, so commonly used there;
also various peculiar animals. Bobadilla then mentions the manner in
which the Spanish colony is governed; their garrisons in the islands;
and the bishoprics therein. He describes briefly the city of Manila,
the trade of Filipinas, the relations of the Spaniards with the
Chinese and other peoples, and the voyage between Manila and Acapulco.
The Editors
July, 1905.
DOCUMENTS OF 1638
Events in the Filipinas, 1637-38. [Unsigned; probably written by
Juan Lopez, S.J., in July, 1638.]
Letter to Felipe IV. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera; August 21.
Letter to Felipe IV, from the treasurer at Manila. Baltasar Ruiz
de Escalona; August 31.
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Hieronimo de Banuelos y
Carrillo; 1638.
Glorious victories against the Moros of Mindanao. Diego de
Bobadilla, S.J., and others; 1638.
Royal orders and decrees, 1638. Felipe IV; March 15, and
September-December.
Fortunate successes in Filipinas and Terrenate, 1636-37.
[Unsigned; published in 1639.]
Value of Corcuera's seizures in Jolo. [Unsigned and undated;
probably 1638.]
Sources: The first and seventh of these documents are obtained from
MSS. in the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; the second and third,
and two of the decrees in the sixth, from MSS. in the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla; the rest of the sixth, from the Archivo Historico
Nacional, Madrid; the fourth, from Thevenot's Voyages curieux, t. i,
part ii--from a copy belonging to the library of Harvard University;
the fifth, from a book in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid;
the eighth, from Pastells' edition of Colin's Labor evangelica, iii,
pp. 528-533.
Translations: These are made by James A. Robertson--except the second
and part of the sixth, by Emma Helen Blair; and the fifth, by Arthur
B. Myrick.
EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS, 1637-38
The patache for Espana left here August 24. It had a propitious season
[for departure], and therefore it has apparently enjoyed favoring
vendaval blasts. [1] A short time before that, the patache had left
for the island of Hermosa; its commander was Don Alonso de Alcocer,
and the governor of that island, Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino,
sailed in it. On the fifth of September, a xalea arrived from Yndia
on its way to Macan, which had been obliged to put in here on account
of the weather. It left Malaca August 16, in order to advise the
inhabitants of Macan to be on the lookout, for there were many Dutch
in the strait. Now they are going in the galleon "San Juan Baptista"
under command of Juan Lopez de Ariduin, to buy materials of importance
for his Majesty's fleets. The xalea remains here to be used for the
expedition to Xolo, for which it seems well fitted. They report as
news that Goa was almost surrounded by Dutch vessels. Six galleons
went out to attack them and sank three of the Dutch vessels. The
latter retired after three days of fighting, with the intention of
returning to Jacatra and getting a larger force. On the way they met
eleven Portuguese fustas, which took shelter in a river. The Dutch
employed strategy in fighting them, and captured seven of the fustas,
while four escaped. One of the latter was an excuse for a galley. In
consequence [of that victory], the enemy are now committing great
depredations in the strait.
It is also reported that the Malabars with seventeen paroos [i.e.,
praus] attacked last year a ship from Macan with a crew of thirty
Portuguese, and carrying great wealth, a thing never before seen. It
is reported that the Dutch there have shown great anger at what
the relief galleons did this year with their ships and the fort of
Malayo; and that, for the coming year, they are intending to send
out a squadron to punish the jest that was played on them.
It is reported that a Portuguese, named Antonio Carnero, has taken
up arms together with others, and that they have adopted the calling
of pirates, and are committing depredations on Moros and Christians.
When the king of Achen was about to go to attack Malaca with a fleet,
he died. The kingdom was inherited by the king of Paon, an old-time
friend of the Portuguese. He has renewed friendship with them--a
great piece of news.
Fray Antonio del Rosario, the ancient of Macan, of [the Order of]
St. Dominic, bishop-elect of Malaca, died on the way [to that city]
before being consecrated.
The fathers who accompanied Father Marcelo, who were captured last
year by the Dutch, together with that famous Polish father, are now
at liberty. Father Antonio Magallanes, procurator of the province of
Goa, whom I saw at Roma and Madrid, was to conduct Father Marcelo and
his companions; but he remained in Espana to finish some business,
has been elected bishop of Japon, and they are awaiting him in Yndia.
Among the Portuguese of that xalea is one who is a lay-brother of
St. Francis. He came last year from Lisboa as companion of a bishop,
the friar Francisco Froan de Benavides, who was once in the mission
of Nuevo Mexico. He died on his arrival at Goa, and this religious is
trying to pass to Espana by way of these islands, with papers left him
by the bishop. This is the principal news brought by the Portuguese.
On the morning of the seventh of this month, Fray Juan de Subelco [2]
came here from the province of the Rosario, to ask assistance by virtue
of an order that he brought from the governor. This was given to him
[by the authorities], and he entered the convent, took possession of it
for his province, and sent to Manila the father rector, Fray Francisco
Pinelo, who surrendered the house peaceably and quietly. The day
before, with the same aid, they had taken possession at the same time
of Minondo, the hospital, and the Parian, and conveyed Father Collado
and the other fathers to their convent. The community received them
at the door of their church, amid the chiming of bells, the playing
of organs, and with candles lighted on their altars; thence they took
the fathers to their cells. As a thank-offering they began a novena,
on November 7, of masses and Salves, accompanied by fine music, the
chiming of the bells, and a goodly crowd. All the people rejoiced
because they were at peace. Your Reverence will be pleased to know
how this happened. Collado wrote bits of satire against the governor,
calling him filius diaboli flagellum dei et alia hujus modi. [3]
His original letters were returned to hands that placed them in
those of Don Sebastian. Finally the governor allowed the claims of
the province of the Rosario to stand. That province had made Fray
Andres del Santisimo judge-conservator, who summoned Collado to show
his despatches that had been passed by the Council [of the Indias],
but he did not answer. The judge-conservator cited him for the second
time, but there was no answer. The judge-conservator proclaimed the
cause at an end, and sentenced his province to be suppressed. Aid
was asked for the execution of the order and was given, etc.
On Saturday, the twelfth of this month, excommunications were read
here in four churches against those who had or knew of moneys,
clothing, books, or other things of the bearded fathers, [4] unless
they gave them up to those of the Rosario. Almost two thousand pesos
were declared here belonging to Pinelo, who had deposited them with
a friend. He came to Manila instantly, and begged protection from Don
Sebastian, saying that they were his--five hundred pesos received from
a berth on ship, given him by his Lordship for Mexico, and which, with
his Lordship's permission, he sold when he remained; one hundred and
seventy pesos from a pay-warrant which his Lordship had ordered to be
paid to him; and he had been given one thousand or more pesos, which
his nephew the reader Ochoa (whom he brought with him as a witness) had
given him. All this did he state, for even as he left here, he tried
to go to Espana in this galleon by way of Macan, which was conceded to
him. The governor wrote to Fray Juan de Subelco to let him have that
money, which was proved to belong to Pinelo. He gave him another and
very stringent letter for his provincial in Manila that declared the
same thing. Father Fray Juan, who narrated the matter to me, went to
talk with him, and told him that the books showed that the expense was
more than eight hundred pesos ahead of the receipts; and that, besides
this, he had just received two hundred pesos belonging to a deceased
man, and one hundred and seventy pesos belonging to another, and that
he will have to give account of this--besides which, in any event,
it all belonged to the order, and nothing was his. He answered that
they should have it there, and that he would write to his provincial;
and that, notwithstanding his letter, Fray Juan should do his duty,
in conformity to the rules of his order. I have now learned that they
gave up all the money to Pinelo, which he carried away. The galleon
sailed September 19.
Of their own accord the Sangleys offered the governor [5] a gift of
six thousand pesos, giving the following reasons for so doing: first,
because he had redeemed thirty-one of their people from the captivity
of Corralat; second, because he had made the seas free and secure
for their ordinary trade; and third, because he maintained them in
peace and justice. Consequently, the expense of the war of Mindanao,
taking into account the artillery, and the pillage which pertained
to his Majesty, and the above-mentioned six thousand pesos, was not
only covered, but there were also one thousand five hundred pesos
left over, as I was told by his Majesty's accountant. The latter
also adds that the golden water-jug and plate that had belonged to
Auditor Alcaraz were bought for the king our lord with those one
thousand five hundred pesos; and the governor Don Sebastian added to
that sum more than two hundred pesos as a gift from his own purse,
in order to make up the cost of the said water-jug and plate. Dated
at Cavite, September 15, 1637.
September 27, sentence was declared in favor of the Augustinian
fathers of Castilla, and that sentence makes a complete end to the
alternative. A sentence was also given in which the will of Espinosa
el Tuerto [i.e., "the one-eyed"] was declared null and void. The
property has been delivered to the fund belonging to deceased persons,
and those who have any right to it are to demand their justice.
I had a letter from Father Melchor de Vera, [6] in which he says that
the people who escaped alive from the six large Javanese ships which
were at Lamitan were accommodated in one caracoa, and passing before
Basilan, full of fear of the Spaniards in the fort of Sanboangan,
talked with the chief men [of Basilan], and told them that they were
those who had been driven from the hill, and that many more than they
had thought had been killed; and that there was no one in Mindanao
who did not mourn a person of very near kin--the father for his son,
the son for his father, etc.
I shall add here what occurred last year in the month of September,
and which I did not learn until the same month of this year 1637. The
captain and commandant of Caragan was then Juan Nicolas Godino. He
went with a fleet to commit depredations on the tributaries of
Cachil Corralat. He met six caracoas at sea, which he attacked and
conquered--although most of the enemy escaped to land, as they were
near the shore. However he killed some of them and captured others. He
also did much damage in a village that he attacked. He returned
to his fort laden with plunder and with one hundred and twenty
captives. Among the dead was one Dumplac, who had formerly killed
Alferez Blas Gonzalez, and had done great damage to the Christians
of our missions and those of Caragan. Among the captives was a very
famous chief, who was regarded as a brave man, and who killed Captain
Pedro Baptista in the insurrection of Caragan.
October 24, the patache from the island of Hermosa entered the port,
and it brought back most of the people in those forts. They say
that the Franciscan friars are all going to China, as are all the
Dominicans, except one who remained there. It is reported that they
are suffering famine, and that no ships from China go there.
The day before, the twenty-third, Sargento-mayor Don Pedro de Corquera,
the governor's nephew, died at Manila. The governor had reared him from
childhood in Flandes. He was well liked and respected in these islands,
for his affable manners had obtained for him much popularity. Three
or four days before, a galley-captain, named N. Ramos, and some
other discontented Spaniards had deserted in a boat with a topmast,
for their provision robbing two Sangley champans.
The master-of-camp, Pedro de Heredia, died at Manila November 5. He
left all his property to charity. But the Audiencia sequestered it
all immediately, until the end of his residencia. Captain Don Diego
de Miranda also died from an accident, which carried him off in
thirty hours.
News was received on November 15 that the enemy were passing the
Mindoro coast. That same day, Don Sebastian despatched some vessels
to attack them. Alferez Arexica went from this place to attack
them with fifty firearms in the xalea and two brigantines. He also
despatched his company from Manila in champans, to pursue and punish
them. Shortly after, Father Hernando de Estrada [7] arrived here
from Marinduque. He states that he met some champans which had been
pursued by the enemy, whom they thought to have been Camucones. The
two brigantines returned on the night of November 24. On account of
the wind and rain they had lost the xalea, which was the flagship,
the night that they had left. They went to Balayan, where they learned
that the Camucones had attacked Lobo, but that they had done no damage,
for the Indians resisted them; whereupon the pirates had taken their
course toward their own country by way of the sea side of Mindoro. The
xalea returned November 29, without having met the enemy. Then came
news that one night the flagship and one other of the champans that
had sailed from Manila had collided. The shock was more severe on
the flagship, which sprang a leak and went down. Only one Spaniard
and one Sangley were drowned.
The champan that carried Father Marcelo Mastril did not go to China,
but to the Lequios, which are subject to the king of Saxuma. Some
Japanese accompanied the father. Accordingly they made use of the
following stratagem. Those of the champan talked with the Lequians,
whom they told that those Japanese had been wrecked on an island,
and that they had rescued them; and that, if the Lequians would give
them some provisions, they would leave the Japanese there; but, if
not, that the latter would return [to Manila]. The Lequians gave them
some food, and immediately despatched the father and the Japanese,
as they wished, in a funea, while the champan returned here. They
learned there that the Dominican fathers who had tried to go to Japon
last year by way of the Lequios had been seized, and sent to the king
of Saxuma by the tono of that land.
Yesterday, December 9, Don Sebastian set out from Manila for Xolo. He
sailed in the galley flagship. With him went the xalea, brigantines,
champans, and the two galleons for Terrenate, under the command of
Geronimo Enriquez; and as admiral Don Pedro de Almonte, the same as
last year. The second galley was launched yesterday, and the commander
of the galleys, Nicolas Gonzalez, will leave here in it in a week,
in order to follow Don Sebastian. Admiral Andres Lopez de [word partly
illegible; Nozadigui?] will govern this port in his absence.
A patache arrived at Manila on December 27 from Macan, laden with
five thousand arrobas of iron for Captain Juan Lopez de Ariduin. It
was bought from some English, who were near Macan with three galleons
and this patache. It brought news of the remarkable martyrdom of Father
Francisco Marcelo Mastril, who reached Japon September 19. Having left
Manila on July 10, he landed at the kingdom of Saxuma with only one
companion. He immediately went inland to go to the emperor's court. But
he was seized October 4, and, having suffered most cruel tortures,
he was beheaded October 17 with his aforesaid companion. Since I
translated the relation from Portuguese into Castilian, and enclose
it herewith, I shall only add that the bells in our church and others
were rung as soon as the news arrived. In the afternoon a notable Te
Deum laudamus was sung. The dean again put on his clerical robes. The
archbishop came, as did the royal Audiencia, and a great crowd of
people, and the orders, as well as the master-of-camp, Don Lorenco
de Olaso, and the flower of the soldiery. From our house they went
to [the church of] St. Dominic to sing another Te Deum for three
martyrs of that order. At night there was also a chiming of bells
and an illumination. The entire city celebrated the glory and virtues
of the holy father Marcelo, with tender tears; for he was generally
loved and regarded as a saint.
Among the Dominican fathers died a mestizo of Binondo, son of a Chinese
and a Tagal woman. He was prosecuted by justice, in order to hang him
for his crimes; and he embarked with the fathers, in order to escape
with his life. Arriving at the Lequios, and his other companions
remaining in the boat, he refused to return, but wished to continue
with the fathers. They tell and do not finish telling of the valor,
fervor, and courage of that holy mestizo, who suffered cruel tortures
with a rare constancy, ever preaching the Divine law of God.
It was learned, at the coming of that patache, that those fathers
who had accompanied the holy father Marcelo who went with the
captain-general of Macan had arrived safely; and that the champan
which had fled hence with eighteen sailors had made port at that
city. It was also reported that the Portuguese have not been well
received in Japon either this year or last, and all that is because
of the preachers who go. It is learned also that Father Alberto de
Polonia was brought to Cochinchina, and that he is now in Macan,
where for some time he suffered from a most severe illness.
A champan, which had sailed from the island of Hermosa some years
ago with a load of people, and had been given up as lost, made port
at Sian because of the violence of the wind. That king treated them
well, and gave them the means with which to return. Afterward they
were driven upon the coast of the kingdom of Patani by other fierce
tempests--where, having been supplied and sailing near the strait of
Sincapura, the Dutch followed them. They landed, and at length made
port at Macan, whence some of the men have come, while the others will
come in the galleon "San Juan Baptista." It is said by those who come
in this patache, who had gone in the galleon "San Juan Baptista," that,
on discovering the English ships, lanchas came from them to reconnoiter
them; and the English, having heard that it was a galleon belonging
to the king of Espana, threw up their caps into the air joyfully,
and eagerly cried out, "Hurrah for the king of Espana!" Then they took
the news to their own ships, which fired many salutes, and by way of
toasting the health of the king our sovereign, fired a hundred pieces
of artillery. They told our men that the daughter of their king [8]
was in Espana for all her lifetime.
Father Fray Francisco de Pinelo and other religious who went from
here to pass to Espana embarked in these English ships, on condition
that there should be no disputes on matters of religion.
News came through the fathers of St. Augustine at Panhay on January
15, 1638, that one of the champans which left Manila to attack
the Camucones became separated from the others. It fell in with
the Camucones, and did them great damage, sinking their flagship
and almiranta. Twelve Borneans were captured, and six Christians
were freed. The enemy's loss was a hundred counting drowned and
killed. Sargento-mayor Pedro de Fuercios was commander of that champan.
Almost all the month of January and that of February was taken
up with prayers in various churches, for the fortunate success of
Don Sebastian. Now we are not the only ones to offer them, as we
were last year; but all make them, both the secular clergy and the
friars. The Sangleys have said very solemn prayers in their Parian
church, of their own accord, as an expression of thanks for the peace
and justice in which the governor maintains them.
Don Sebastian had sent those Borneans and Camucones from Otong to
Manila, ordering them to serve the various orders and hospitals,
so that they might be carefully catechized and made Christians. When
they reached Maribeles, an old Morabite [9] persuaded the others, and
they rose against the Spaniards who were bringing them. There were two
Spaniards in the champan who were wounded, but they killed the Morabite
and wounded some of the others. Some of them were thrown into the sea,
where they were drowned, and with this fortune they reached Manila.
On the night of February 10, robbers entered the church of this
residence at Cavite, and stole two silver lamps. They set a trap in
the stairway, so that the first one who should descend, if the robbers
were perceived, would undoubtedly be killed. It has been impossible to
find any trace of the robbers. A week later, about two thousand pesos'
worth of jewels were stolen in Manila in [the church of] St. Dominic,
Nuestra Senora del Rosario. But the thief (who was a Spaniard) was
discovered, and most of it has been recovered.
Letters were received March 19, announcing the governor's arrival at
Sanboangan and Jolo. The news therein contained is in a separate paper.
A despatch was received from the governor in the middle of April from
Jolo, from which it was learned that he was pressing as closely as
possible the siege of the stronghold, which the Macasars and Joloans
were defending with great obstinacy. There are things worthy of
history, which will go [in a letter] by themselves.
It was learned from the same despatch that the Terrenate galleons
had already returned to Sanboangan, and that they had arrived safely
with their reenforcements, without the Dutch enemy having shown them
any resistance, although the latter had vessels of great burden. Six
Dutchmen deserted to our men; the three who were aboard the flagship,
where Father Pedro Hernando de Estrada was, were converted to our
holy Catholic faith by his efforts. One of them is a fine student,
and very talented. He knows Latin and Greek, and had studied the
whole course of arts, and some years in law, in Flandes.
A patache which left Macan some days after our galleon "San Juan
Baptista," arrived from that city on May 4, and they expected to find
the galleon here; however, experienced persons say that it is not
late. There are six brothers in the galleon--students who are to be
ordained--and Father Bartolome is coming with them as superior. That
patache brings two Franciscan friars, Castilians, who have been driven
from China. They say that the Chinese have driven them away through
love of us, saying that Ours preach Christ risen, and those fathers
Christ crucified--a reason that I do not understand. The statement of
the pilot of the patache is that they have been driven out because they
proceeded in the preaching with but little caution, and I regard that
as true. Some nine months ago, I heard a prudent and experienced man
say that a great persecution was feared in China, because of the little
caution of the preachers. One week after the arrival of the patache,
I received a letter from Father Antonio Cardin, [10] commissary of
the Holy Office for Macan and China, who gives me the following news:
"Section of a letter from Father Antonio Cardin, dated Macan,
April 15, 1638
"I shall relate here the news of the missions that your Reverence
desires to know. Japon is a thing of the past if God do not, in
His mercy, aid it. China was increasing greatly in Christianity
during these years, but with the entrance of the friars, it is
being thrown into confusion; for all the religious have been exiled
in Chincheo, and the churches destroyed, where they and we were
[laboring] in a flourishing Christian church. For as the friars
treat of conquests, saying openly that China can be conquered
with four thousand Spaniards, such talk can have no good effect
on the natives, who immediately tell it to their mandarins,
and we are all lost.
"The fathers have been restored to their former liberty in
Cochinchina. The old king died, but his son has given the Dutch a
factory, and they are doing as much harm as possible. In Tumquin
that Christian church is increasing greatly; but the Dutch are now
there, and, although the king has not conceded them a factory,
they say that they will do us as much harm as possible in order
that we may be exiled. Father Raymundo de Govea is arranging
matters in Tumquin, in order that he may go to the Laos. There
is no news from Siam. They killed Father Julio Cesar there, and
until now they have been at war with Malaca. They now send to
ask for peace, and they also tell me that they will ask it from
Manila. It is said that they are doing this through fear of the
Dutch, who they fear are going to seize their kingdom. Father Lope
de Andrada was ordered to retire from Camboja, on account of ill
health, and Father Antonio Capechi was sent there. The sending
of a large ship directly to Lisboa is being discussed here, but
this is so great a blessing that I doubt whether it will be done."
At the closing of the hour of prayer on May 13, the day of the
glorious ascension of our Lord, news arrived of the capture of the
[fortified] hill of Jolo. It is a matter of the greatest consolation
for all nations; at least, all joined in the festival with great
appearances of rejoicing. The bells of all the churches were rung,
and the Te Deum laudamus, so due to God, was sung in some of them as
a thank-offering. There was a great illumination at night, and more
ringing of bells. I refer to the history for particular.
The above news was received on the occasion of the arrival of five
or six ships from Great China, laden with merchandise, which was
needed in the islands. They give as news that eleven other and more
powerful ships have been given chapas. That has been of the greatest
consolation, for in the last two years those ships have had so little
custom, because of the small amount of silver that had been sent
from Mexico, that it was feared that the Chinese would not come this
year. [11]
The commander of the galleys, Nicolas Goncalez, and Captain Carranca,
who was general of the artillery, having fallen very sick at Jolo
almost at the beginning of the siege, were sent away by Don Sebastian
so that they might recuperate. They arrived at Octong safely more
than two months ago, and this their delay was already causing
anxiety. Today, May 17, I have been told that the Chinese of the
champan in which they were coming [to Manila] killed them through
greed, in order to rob them, and five other Spaniards with them. One
they cast into the sea badly wounded, where some Indian fishermen
rescued him, to whom he related what had happened. Scarcely had they
reached land before he died.
Some influential men were killed in the assaults on Xolo, among whom
were Sargento-mayor Melon, Captain Juan Nicolas, Alferez Aregita, etc.
Yesterday, May 16, while talking with the commandant of Macan,
a very honorable Portuguese, of the Order of Santiago, I asked him
some questions, the replies to which I shall state here, as they have
some interest. He says that the kingdom of Tumquin is a part of Great
China, but has a different king; and it differs in language from China,
as does Galicia from Castilla. He asserts the same of Cochinchina,
although there is a greater difference in language. Tumquin is ninety
leguas from Macan, and is reached by traveling between the island
of Ainao [i.e., Hainan] and the mainland of China. Cochinchina is
one hundred and twenty leguas [from Macan], and is reached by going
outside that island. One of four ships that sailed recently from Macan
to various kingdoms, which was en route to Macasar with two hundred and
fifty persons, was wrecked on this island of Ainao, but only fourteen
persons were drowned. The commandant added that the Society of Jesus
is now preaching in that island, and that the people are rapidly
embracing Christianity. The fathers had brought six boys, sons of
the most influential men, to Macau to be educated better, and they
show signs of great ability. When I asked him about the exile of the
preachers from Chincheo, he only replied that the Castilians, as they
are prepared to hold subject all the Indians of their conquests--as
Mexico, Peru, and these islands--enter into other kingdoms with great
bragging and boasts, which is the occasion of their ruin.
I have learned from some fathers of St. Dominic and the cura of Nueva
Segobia (which is, one hundred and thirty leguas away from here) that
Fray Diego Collado wrote a paper to Don Sebastian, after the reunion
of the fathers of St. Dominic, which was entitled "Deceits, tricks,
and plots of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera," in which he made
disgraceful remarks to him. His Lordship sent it to his provincial,
and the latter retired the father to the house of Nueva Segobia. He
remained some months in prison, where he could neither hear nor say
mass; and he is now locked up where he can hear it through a church
gallery.
Today, May 20, at two o'clock, quite without our expecting it,
and without the fires in Maribelez having announced it, the galleon
"San Juan Baptista"--which had taken fifty days to come from Macan,
a voyage which the patache made in nine--arrived. God delivered them
from a great danger on some shoals, to which the currents were taking
them swiftly during a calm. The fathers assert that they invoked the
holy father Marcelo, the martyr of Jesus Christ, with great faith
in the greatest danger. Thanks to the Lord, who has allowed them
all to arrive safe and happy! Father Bartolome Roboredo has told
us glorious things of the Christendom of Tumquin--where, this year
alone, nine thousand have been baptized. He says that there are some
fathers and a bishop even in Etiopa; and that the rulers do not molest
the Catholics. The fathers of Jentafee, Tibet, and the kingdoms of
Potente and Siranagar, have suffered various fortunes. In the court
of the Megor [i.e., Mogul], the church was destroyed, and the fathers
seized by those Moros, because they were confirming in the faith those
Christians who had been taken captive from Bengala. But now affairs
have begun to brighten; they have been granted liberty, and are aiding
the Christians. By that means it is to be hoped that there will be at
some other time a gateway into Tibet and Siranagar, the way to which
must necessarily lie through [the country of] the Megor. It has been
learned from Japon, from the very ones who are in power, that they
are now tired and weary of killing Christians; and that they are not
well satisfied with the Dutch and their trade. He adds that, because of
what the holy father Marcelo declared to them in his martyrdom--namely,
that they were rendering their nation infamous and obscuring their fame
by the tortures that they were inflicting upon the private parts of
Christians--the Japanese are generally angry, and do not wish that to
be done. All the priests in Japon at present are three of the Society
of Jesus, all Japanese. It is not known where they are wandering,
and no letters have been received from them, because of the severity
of the persecution. There is one other father, a European, named Juan
Baptista Porro. They do not say that he is alive, for, although his
death is not known, it is presumed that he is dead; for he was very
old and worn out with labors, and it is several years since letters
have been received from him. It is also said that there are hopes that
that persecution will soon cease. Would to God that it might be so!
Yesterday, May 23, the day of the Holy Ghost, Don Sebastian arrived
at this port, having left Tanaguan that morning--a distance of ten
mortal leguas. He came in the Terrenate galleons, which, as the
weather was bad, he left at the landing at Mindoro. He, as well as
Father Juan de Barrios, was fatigued, which we could see was from the
hardships that they have suffered; but, thanks to God, these have
been well recompensed in service to God and to the general welfare
of these islands. The chaplain Don Pedro de Francia died of fever in
the ship, and, six days later, Captain Don Lope de Barahona, of the
same sickness. Upon the arrival of Don Sebastian, the bells in our
house were rung for a long time, as a mark of rejoicing. Later the
bells were rung in the cathedral church, and that night there were
illuminations in all the houses and convents.
Yesterday, May 27, the galleons of the Terrenate relief expedition
anchored at this port. Father Hernando de Estrada says that twenty
persons of various nations (for the galleons carried Joloans, Basilans,
and the Bisayans who were freed from the captivity of Xolo) have
died in the flagship since their departure from Sanboangan, and that
sickness was caused by their close quarters; and that a goodly number
have died in the almiranta and the patache; but it is a cause for great
consolation that no Moro, male or female, has died without baptism.
Yesterday, May 31, Don Sebastian made his triumphant entrance into
Manila, in the same manner as he had done, the year preceding, upon
his arrival from Mindanao. I wrote concerning it, by the patache;
and will only state here the number of pieces--namely, eleven of cast
iron and one bronze culverin, these being large pieces. Among the
medium-sized pieces and falcons there were fifteen. The best falcon
had the arms and name of King Don Sebastian [of Portugal]. There were
eleven smaller versos. The crowd of people in the windows and streets,
the illuminations of the night, and the masquerades of the city,
were the same as I wrote last year.
June 3, Corpus Christi day, the procession of thanks for the victory
was united with that of the most holy sacrament, as I wrote last
year. That same day the xalea which had been left in Xolo arrived. It
brings news that the king and queen, who had fled from the stronghold
with the other Joloans, have sent to say that they desire to settle
in whatever place may be assigned to them, and to pay tribute to
his Majesty. They promise to obey the conditions imposed on them by
Don Sebastian.
Monday, June 7, the honors for those killed in war were performed in
the soldiers' church with the same solemnity as those of the past
year. The father rector, Francisco Colin, preached to a generally
appreciative audience.
Friday, June eleven, the flagship galley entered this port with a
round sail, but no bastard; for a flash of lightning, which struck it,
had torn it from top to bottom and killed two men. It brought some
bronze artillery of the pieces captured at Jolo, in addition to what
I mentioned in the triumph--as was told me by a man who comes from
there, and who is well versed regarding artillery. The pieces with
ladles mounted in the stronghold numbered in all eleven of cast iron,
and eleven of bronze; also eleven other large falcons, besides the
ordinary versos.
He says of Dato Ache, who is the greatest pirate, and the one who
has done most damage to the Christians of all those of Jolo--and
who is the one who persuaded the king and the others to fortify
themselves, and to refuse to surrender to the Spaniards--that a
mine which exploded and killed fifty Joloans, also caught him, so
that he was completely buried. With only power to move one hand, he
beckoned imploringly for help; his men hurried to his assistance,
and got him out, much hurt. He recovered afterward, and when the
others descended from the stronghold, he, with some other Malays,
who were steadfastly of the opinion that they should not surrender,
escaped, and left the island in great dudgeon at the king.
Sunday, June 20, when we celebrated the feast of the most holy
sacrament, Father Francisco Rangel chanted his first mass in this
college. He was one of the six who came from Macan to be ordained,
and since his residence here has told us some remarkable things that
happened four or five years ago, and, as I believe that very few
there have any knowledge regarding them, I shall relate them here.
First, he says that the island of Ainao is as large as the island of
Cicilia; and that it has its own natives, who are white-complexioned,
and have a different aspect from that of the Chinese. The latter
conquered the seacoast many years ago, and the natives retired to
the mountains, whence it is their custom to descend to harry the
Chinese--who are scattered, and have never subjected the natives to the
payment of tribute. While Father Bento de Matos was in that island,
two remarkable things occurred to him. In a city of the Chinese,
where no means have yet been found whereby to make an entrance to
instruct the natives--both because the language is special, and
because they are always at war--it happened that the father, having
no lodging, learned that there was a good unoccupied house, for,
because of fear at I know not what noises that had been heard in it,
no one would live in it. The father determined to enter and to live
in that house, although his friends dissuaded him and told him their
fears. He lived there quite a number of days, at the end of which,
in the darkness of the night, a dead man appeared to him in the habit
of a mandarin. The dead man told the father to look well at him,
and note well his marks, and to go to the mandarin So-and-so, who
was his brother, and tell him to disinter his body, which was buried
in such and such a place near the altar; for it was the will of God
that there should not be the body of a condemned heathen in a place
where the holy body of His son Jesus Christ was offered to Him in
acceptable sacrifice. The father gave the marks to the mandarin, who
recognized that it was his brother. They dug in the place noted, and
found the body entire in a casket and preserved with precious spices,
with which it had been embalmed, and carried it to a separate place.
The other circumstance is, that every day when the said father said
mass there, it was heard by a devout Christian, who, after rising
suddenly, appeared so joyful and happy that the other Christians
came to consider and even to believe him as mad. They resolved to
censure him, and to advise him to have more moderation and modesty in
the presence of so great a Lord. He answered them that he could not
do otherwise than he had; for, on rising from the eucharist, he saw
two most beautiful youths kneeling before the most holy sacrament,
amid such lights and splendors that they bathed his soul in joy so
great that it overflowed in its abundance to his body, and he could
not restrain himself from manifesting it.
It happened to that same father that, while on a mission to Chincheo,
some literati suddenly entered a chapel in which he was, to make a jest
of him and of the God whom he was adoring. He kneeled down before a
crucifix and said "Lord, do not abandon me among thine enemies." The
holy crucifix answered "No, son, I shall not abandon thee; but I am
always with thee to aid thee." Thereupon the literati, thunderstruck
and full of fear, left the father, and went out of the chapel.
In one of these recent years, during a great baquio or typhoon,
eighteen Dutch ships were wrecked on the coast of Chincheo. The Chinese
beheaded some of those who escaped alive, and, having seasoned those
heads with salt, took them with the other men whom they left alive to
the court of Paquin, where they were all beheaded. For the aversion
of the Chinese to people with blue eyes is great; and the reason is
that it is said that there is an ancient prophecy that men with eyes
of that color will conquer their kingdom.
About two years ago, six out of seven ships that left Olanda with
reenforcements for India were sunk in the open sea, and only one
arrived.
The king of China is commonly regarded by his vassals as a Christian:
1st, because he has only one wife; 2d, because he only adores the God
of heaven; 3d, because he has tried to exterminate the bonzes. Among
other plans [for the accomplishment of that], he employed that
of having six thousand bonzes enlisted for the war against the
Tartars. He sent them under the command of a great war mandarin,
and all the six thousand died in the war. The captain alone escaped,
and he was shortly after baptized; he is a very devout Christian, and
is known as Doctor Miguel. The manner in which the king [12] became
a Christian is said to have been that the famous Doctor Pablo (who
is now dead), having free entrance into the palace, often conversed
with the king, whom he converted and baptized. The king has shown
Ours favor by giving them a large convent of the bonzes in Paquin,
and has given them lands for their support.
July 6, Father Melchor de Vera passed by way of this college, en
route from Sanboanga. He gives us some particulars which it is well
to know. Cachil Moncay attacked the new village which Cachil Corralat
had built. He killed or captured about one hundred of his men, but
Corralat escaped. Afterward when Dato Siqui brought his customary
tribute to Corralat from the island of Little Sanguil, he attacked
Moncay and killed him and others, so that the number of killed and
captives reached eighty.
Father Vera met on his way here a champan from Terrenate, which
tells him that Corralat, seeing himself expelled [from his towns]
by Don Sebastian, sent messengers to the Moros of Terrenate, to beg
for aid; but that the latter had refused it to him, as they had enough
of their own affairs to attend to. The men of that champan also told
him that the petty king of Great Sanguil talked with them, and said
that he wished peace with the Spaniards, and would pay tribute to his
Majesty. For greater security he gave them the young prince his son, so
that they might give the boy to the governor as a token of peace. All
these are the results of the two victories of Mindanao and Jolo.
Today, July 11, a large champan, which had sailed from the port of
Macasar at the beginning of Lent, arrived at this port. They relate
many acts of affection and favor which the king has shown to the
Spaniards. Those aboard the champan assert that the king will be
very glad of whatever ill-treatment Don Sebastian accords to the
Macasars of Jolo, because they have taken arms against the vassals
of his brother the king of Castilla.
Today, July 18, the patache sails with the reenforcements for the
island of Hermosa, under the command of Don Pedro Fernandez del Rio.
Yesterday, July 23, at dawn, a Macan patache anchored in this
roadstead. It comes from Camboja laden with rice, camanguian or
benzoin, and other drugs.
LETTER FROM CORCUERA TO FELIPE IV
Sire:
Last year I informed your Majesty that I had appointed Don Luis
Arias de Mora as protector of the Sangleys in the Parian; he is a
lawyer well known in this royal Audiencia, a man of virtue and of
excellent abilities. On this account, with the salary of that office
of protector (which he draws from the communal treasury of the said
Sangleys), he is obliged to act as counsel for the archbishop in
affairs of justice, in order to prevent the troubles that the friars
brought upon him last year--inducing him to issue acts against the
Order of the Society, and excommunicating the royal Audiencia and
the governor of Filipinas. Since he promised that he would issue
no mandates without the signed approval of this counselor, we have
lived in peace, without there having been the least annoyance, or
any interruption of our harmony; for the said counselor will not sign
any act or document which the said archbishop causes to be drawn up
if it contravenes the patronage and jurisdiction of your Majesty,
or encroaches in any way upon your rights. For these reasons, and on
account of the said Luis Arias de Mora's long service as advocate
in this royal Audiencia, and his excellent reputation for learning
and talent, I entreat that your Majesty will be pleased to grant him
the favor of confirming him in the said office of protector of the
Sangleys, until some greater favor be bestowed upon him; any office
will be well served, if conferred upon him. May our Lord protect the
Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila,
August 21, 1638. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet.
Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera
[Endorsed: "February 26, 1639; provision is made for this."]
LETTER TO FELIPE IV FROM THE TREASURER AT MANILA
Sire:
If my so great obligations to your Majesty--not only since you
are my king and natural sovereign, but since you have honored me
so generously in these islands by employing my person in the post
of official judge-treasurer of your royal estate--necessarily and
strictly did not oblige me to inform your Majesty of the manner in
which the said royal estate is administered here, its condition,
and the so great ruin that it has suffered and is suffering since it
was your Majesty's pleasure to have Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera
come to govern these islands in the year thirty-five, I should have
to arouse myself and take courage to place before the pious eyes of
your Majesty this memoir of disasters; for no other title or name can
be given to the calamities that have rushed pellmell both on the said
royal estate, and on us afflicted ministers who have it in charge,
to the so great peril and discredit of our persons. The matter, Sire,
is a very long drawn out one, and hence it is impossible to compass
it in a few lines; and I in my rashness will weary your Majesty's
ears. But the love and zeal which move me will perhaps avail to remove
from me censure for my boldness.
Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera entered this city in the latter part
of June, 635, to assume this government. He showed apparent signs of
an endeavor to excel, in his honest and careful attitude toward your
royal estate; but we were soon undeceived by his so unexpected and
inconsiderate resolution not to despatch the ships which your Majesty
has ordered, by so many decrees and ordinances, to be sent annually
to Nueva Espana with the property of the inhabitants of this city--so
that the usual situado might be sent back in them to these islands
from the proceeds of your royal duties, and serve as a help to the
great and numerous expenses which your Majesty is incurring annually
in the increase and preservation of so many of the faithful as have in
these regions deserved to receive the holy water of baptism. Yet it
was a fact that Don Juan Cereco de Salamanca (who was concluding his
governorship, to which he had been appointed by the viceroy of Nueva
Espana), had prepared two ships, and their cargoes were aboard--the
lading-space having been allotted, in accordance with the orders
given by your Majesty, among the inhabitants of this city. The losses
and damage that have resulted, both to your royal estate and to the
property of the merchants of these islands, are so considerable and
momentous that I would not dare to name them. Your Majesty's ministers
in Mexico, in whose charge is the management of your royal estate,
will have already reported them to you, for they will be able to do
it with more accurate knowledge and certainty; and, consequently,
I think that they will already have come to your Majesty's ears.
A few days ago the governor introduced in this royal camp of Manila a
cavalry company of twenty-nine men or soldiers, with their captain,
one lieutenant, one alferez, one standard-bearer, and one corporal;
each soldier was to receive 168 pesos' pay per annum, the captain
1,200, the lieutenant, 480, the alferez, 380, the corporal, 216, and
one trumpler, 120--the total amounting to 7,248 pesos. It was for the
sole purpose of being employed nightly in squads to close the gates of
the city and to patrol it; and it was all to spare the infantry from
fatigue, although the latter had until then been employed in that
duty with much more security to the city, and with the correction
of many lawless acts which we have been experiencing here since,
and which have been committed by the very men who are deputed to
obviate them. When the said governor ordered us to inscribe that
new order in the royal books, and to furnish the papers to the said
soldiers with pay so increased, we, seeing of how little importance
and effectiveness the said company was, and that there was no order
from your Majesty for its creation, warned him of that--besides giving
him other reasons which will already have been seen by your Council,
for we enclosed a copy of both of them in the letters that we wrote
in the year 1636. Still, notwithstanding that, the governor ordered
the command to be obeyed. Accordingly we did so, and the command has
been, and is being, observed; and the governor refuses to recede
in so pernicious a decision as is the increase of [expenses with]
pay so large as this, and so unnecessary, and, moreover, when your
royal treasury in these islands has so many and so great necessities.
Although there was, upon the arrival of the said governor, as much
infantry in this city and these presidios, as in the times of previous
governors, and even more, inasmuch as he had brought in those ships
a very large and fine consignment of men (for they numbered more than
five hundred men)--a considerable reenforcement, and sufficient to have
garrisoned and manned your Majesty's forts--he raised two companies
of ninety-six Pampango Indians apiece, on his own counsel alone,
and unnecessarily, so that they might take part with the Spaniards in
the guard and watch of this city. The following pay [was assigned]:
the captain, 240 pesos per annum; two drummers, each 24 pesos; the
alferez, 120 pesos; his standard-bearer, 24 pesos; the sergeant, 84
pesos; the four corporals, 60 pesos apiece. Hence, both companies have
an annual expense of 10,728 pesos, for those two companies are paid
monthly the amount of their pay. Not only are those companies still
kept up, but they have also been augmented since the past year, 637,
by two other companies--one for this camp, which is here at present;
and the other in the new presidios of Jolo and Camboja--besides 72
other Pampango Indians, who are stationed in the fort at the port of
Cavite. All together mean an expense of 25,092 pesos per year to the
royal treasury. I assure your Majesty that this matter ought to be
looked at with the greatest attention, in order that things might
not be so managed; for it is a useless and needless expense when,
as I have said, your royal treasury suffers so great losses as it
does, by the so terrible and irreparable damage which the province
from which those Indians are drafted has suffered, as they are all
tillers of the soil, and tributaries of your Majesty. Many losses to
your royal estate follow, because they and their wives are exempted
from paying the tribute during the time while they serve in their
posts as soldiers. Besides, as this province [of Pampanga] abounds
so plentifully in rice, and your Majesty needs so much of it for the
rations of so great a number of persons as are employed in the building
and repairing of the vessels in the port of Cavite, and for the sailors
and soldiers, it is obvious that the said province will be diminished;
for it is necessary to allot the vendalas and repartimientos upon the
few who remain, instead of on the many, so that with a few exactions
of this sort the poor Indians will be driven to the wall, and will
find it necessary to desert their huts and take to the woods. That
would mean the total ruin and destruction of that district, which is
the support of this colony.
As the governor immediately undertook to despatch the usual
reenforcement and situado to the forts of Terrenate, he appointed a
chief commander with 3,000 pesos, and an admiral with 2,000--although
until then there had been no such officers as commander-in-chief and
admiral; but only one commandant, who received 60 ducados of eleven
reals per month, while those who were placed in command of the other
pataches received very moderate pay. We remonstrated, as we were bound
to do, warning the governor that there was no order from your Majesty
for the creation of such salaries. He referred the decision of this
matter to the treasury meeting, where we found two auditors and Doctor
Juan Fernandez de Ledo (who was exercising the duties of fiscal), and
the factor and treasurer. All except the said Doctor Juan Fernandez
de Ledo, who was of the governor's opinion, opposed the said pay,
giving very powerful and cogent reasons therefor. Notwithstanding that,
the governor ordered the said salaries to be made good, and said that
he would report the matter to your Majesty. Hence, Sire, he will by
no means listen to any proposition which is made for the benefit and
use of the royal treasury, if it is contrary to his opinion.
The same thing happened in the said meeting when they were assigning
the salaries to the chaplains whom he appointed in the said galleons
of Terrenate, and in all the others that sailed from these islands
for any place. It was an expense as avoidable as the others which he
has introduced, for it is a fact that religious are always ready to
serve those posts because of the accommodations that they receive in
the galleons, especially in those that sail to Nueva Espana. For when
the religious sail in them as passengers they must obtain permission,
and the accommodation of a berth, and, as this costs money and trouble,
it is found to be no little convenience to give them the posts as
chaplains; and they have not claimed or demanded any pay, and they
have been employed in this ministry in all the past. Therefore one
can understand how superfluous is that expense.
There are five convents of religious within the walls of this city of
Manila, and one of nuns; the church of La Misericordia, the seminary
of Santa Potenciana, the cathedral church, and the hospital for
the Spaniards or soldiers. That makes ten churches in all, and they
are so near and close to one another that the divine offices can be
heard from one to another, if one pays moderate attention. So small
and narrow> is the district of the city, and so few the people in the
churches, that if there was no more than one convent of religious and
the cathedral church, they could be sufficiently taken care of and
without too great fatigue [to the priests]. Although this was the fact
of the case, the governor, a very few days after his arrival, began
to build a church for his soldiers, saying at the beginning that the
expense for the building was to be taken from the soldiers' own pay,
and that no expense would be incurred by the royal treasury. But he
did not keep his word, although the said church was fully built,
together with some barracks and quarters for the said soldiers to
live in. In the erection of it, more than eighty thousand pesos have
been already spent, while the amount charged to the infantry is not in
excess of sixteen thousand pesos. Consequently, it has been necessary
that the remaining funds should be supplied from the royal treasury,
although it would be more proper to expend that sum in building
galleons to carry the goods of this city to Nueva Espana. For with
galleons the royal treasury will be increased, and thereby will the
governor obey the many and urgent orders which your Majesty has been
pleased to issue in this regard; and the vassals and inhabitants of
these islands would not be so ruined, and so hopeless of returning to
their former state. It was all occasioned by the governor's resolution
not to despatch any ships during the year of 635 and that of 637; and
even next year, 639, there is little assurance that he will despatch
them, for there is no money with which to prepare them. If that were
done, we could entertain stronger hopes; because, as I write this, the
usual succor from Mexico has not yet arrived, as only one very small
patache was despatched last year, and there is doubt that it was able
to reach port. On that account we are so perplexed and afflicted that
it is even a special providence of God that we are able to breathe.
The ships which are being despatched this year are sailing without a
register; for, as yet, the inhabitants have not registered a shred of
cloth with which to lade them, as they do not know the condition of
their property in Nueva Espana. As they are so ruined as regards their
capital, they are, according to my way of thinking excusable. But
I have been unable to find any excuse in any way for the governor,
who has, by his so extraordinary and unadvised resolutions, placed
this city in the last straits; and has paid no attention to those who,
with foresight, have represented to him these great damages, besides
those which have followed and will follow to the royal estate of your
Majesty. For this year alone (and I do not speak of former years),
more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos have been spent on
these ships, both for the preparation that has been necessary, and
for the pay of the commanders, pilots, and other seamen and other
officials who sail in them, and for the food. Your Majesty will
never be reimbursed for that sum, for, as no cargo goes in the ships,
there can be no duties collected; and it is from these duties that
the funds for these expenses must be obtained, as your Majesty has
ordered and commanded. Hence, Sire, it becomes necessary to say that
it seems as if your Majesty had sent the governor to these islands
to ruin and destroy your royal estate, rather than to increase and
preserve it. This conclusion, if relief does not come speedily, will
be seen to be verified with the great loss of all, and the special
sorrow of us who, as your Majesty's faithful ministers and servants,
are bound to strive for the increase of your royal estate.
In the past year, 637, because these coasts were being infested by
the kings of Mindanao and Jolo, with great loss and damage to the
Christian Indians and your Majesty's vassals, the governor left this
city with two fine large fleets--the first on February two, and the
second on December eight. Both were despatched against the advice of
all the soldiers who were experienced in this country--both because of
the risk to which the governor exposed his person, and because of the
so heavy expenses that it was necessary to incur; and furthermore,
since there are very honorable soldiers in these islands, to whom
these expeditions can be entrusted with the hope that they will give an
excellent account of them. And thus he would have avoided a very large
part of the expense, and even of the loss of very brave soldiers who
died in both expeditions; for more than four hundred Spaniards died,
among whom were many persons of high standing [in this colony]. That
is a loss which ought to be wept with many tears, because of the lack
that they will create when they will be most necessary. In the first
expedition, 9,867 pesos were spent from your royal estate; and in the
second, 47,171 pesos. He has tried and is trying to cover the expense
of both expeditions by the value of the slaves, and other things of
little account, which he took as booty in both expeditions; and by
other communications, which will be seen in your Council, according
to the relations or certifications which he has given to us. Most
of it can have but little foundation, as there is nothing more than
what the governor has been pleased to give. But it will be well to
consider that although the fifth part of any booty taken belongs
to your Majesty (as is a fact), he has ordered all the artillery,
and other war supplies and ammunition to be valued and adjudged as
part compensation for the expense incurred. That is a thing which,
according to my understanding, could not be done; for he is attempting
to persuade your Majesty that he is giving you something. Since that
is clearly yours by law, there is no reason for [thus] adjudging it,
under any of the pretexts of which, [to judge] from appearances like
these, he always avails himself to accredit his own actions.
Beside the building of the church, barracks, and quarters for the
soldiers, he has constructed other buildings of not inconsiderable
extent, and of the same necessity and importance as the aforesaid,
at the royal hospital of this city. He has bought some houses that
are near it for eight thousand pesos, in order that the chaplain,
apothecary, and physician may live in them. Your Majesty has
assigned them a very sufficient remuneration, and they have always
been contented with it, and have not asked for houses in which to
live. The governor has also added a room to the said hospital (where
the religious of St. Francis had their living apartments before his
arrival), without sense or reason. He has spent a great sum of pesos
in its building; and a great sum has also been and is being spent
in the support of the sick of the said hospital--although they were
supported most abundantly in past years with two thousand five hundred
or three thousand pesos at the most. Now seven thousand pesos and
upward are spent, and we cannot see in what this increase consists,
although we are not ignorant that the sick are less carefully attended
and nursed than before.
A Portuguese nobleman, an inhabitant of Macan, by name Don Diego de
Miranda Enriquez, came from that city to this during the former year of
636, with a quantity of arquebuses, muskets, nails for the ships, and
rough iron. Having sent for us that we might bargain and pay for it,
we did so, availing ourselves for that purpose of the recent example
that we had for it in the previous year, 1635, which was accredited
and approved by the said governor. Nevertheless, after several months
the governor fined the factor and me (for we were the ones who made
the said contract and rendered payment, as the accountant was then
living in the port of Cavite) without our knowing what crime we had
committed, in the sum of two thousand one hundred and thirty-three
pesos, five tomins; for he said that we had not observed his orders
in the said contract. After he had conferred over the matter with
your auditors, and they being of the opposite opinion, nevertheless,
holding his own even to the end, he had us notified of the act imposing
the said fine. We appealed from it to your Audiencia, where we were
freed from the prosecution. The said governor was indeed very angry
at that; and he even gave your auditors to so understand, and that,
in matters of justice, he even was trying to tie their hands.
At the very beginning of his governorship, the said Don Sebastian
Hurtado de Corcuera tried to change the inferior employees of the
tribunal of your royal officials. Among the others whom he appointed
was the weigher of coins, notwithstanding that we opposed that. For
your Majesty has been pleased to honor us with your special decrees,
in which you order that we ourselves choose our employees, so that
they may be to our satisfaction; and that your governors give their
titles to those whom we should thus propose to them. [We also opposed
it] because the said governor ordered us to admit the said weigher
to the enjoyment and exercise of his office without bonds, although
all those who had thus far exercised that office had given bonds
in the sum of four thousand pesos for the security of your royal
estate, as it is an office that requires great faithfulness because
of the many and continually-recurring opportunities that present
themselves for him to make considerable thefts without your royal
officials being able to put a stop to it. That has been proved to us
by experience, for, notwithstanding all our efforts in watching him,
at the end of a year and slightly more (for so long a time did he
hold the said office) we found that he had stolen more than three
thousand five hundred pesos from your royal treasury. We began
a prosecution in your royal Audiencia. The said governor, seeing
that the weigher was proved to be a criminal by what was enacted,
and by his confession and deposition, in order that he might not
be completely exposed, had a memorial presented [to the Audiencia]
through a father of the Society of Jesus--in which it is stated that
a man had declared in confession that he was the thief, and that
the said weigher was not guilty; and had given him a certain number
of pay-warrants with which to satisfy, by way of restitution, the
[claim for] three thousand five hundred pesos. The said governor
ordered that this reparation should be accepted; and although the
pay-warrants had no justification--as their owners had been dead for
many years, and the papers contained no cessions or powers by virtue
of which receipts should be given and signed--we had to receive them,
because, as they had been examined before the auditor of accounts,
and attested by him, they were [technically] entirely sufficient, and
could and ought to be received. Thereupon, the said weigher went scot
free from prison. The said governor immediately sent him to Macan, in
order to remove him from the danger that might meet him at any time
in this city. In this manner, Sire, was so serious a crime as the
aforesaid punished; and in this wise does the governor protect his
henchmen, for there is no human strength which can oppose his. This
is a consideration that causes not a little sorrow to your Majesty's
servants and ministers; for only that name is left us, for we have
been stripped, for the sole purpose of being able to depreciate
and even disaccredit us, of all the power and authority which your
Majesty was pleased to give us in our titles, and in the ordinances
and many other decrees. However, I think and trust, God helping, that
that will not be attained, however vigilant the governor may be; for
we are and shall be always in your Majesty's service, and hope that,
as our pious king and sovereign, you will always examine our causes,
and that you will pity us for the calamities and miseries that we are
suffering for the sole reason of being so far from your royal presence,
and that you will take what corrective measures are most pleasing to
you. With that hope we receive new courage, although in the midst of
so many perils, to fulfil our obligations, as faithful and grateful
vassals and ministers of your Majesty, whose royal person may our Lord
preserve, with the increase of greater and more extensive empires,
as is necessary to us all. Manila, August 31, 1638.
Don Baltasar Ruiz de Escalona
BANUELOS Y CARRILLO'S RELATION
Relation of the Filipinas Islands, by Admiral Don Hieronimo de Banuelos
y Carrillo [13]
The city of Manila is the chief city of the islands of Lucon, or the
Filipinas. It lies in a latitude of fourteen degrees thirty minutes,
is fortified on one side by the sea, and on its land side has a castle
called Santiago, although that castle furnishes no great defense. The
artillery of that castle points seaward, in order to prevent the
entrance of [hostile] vessels--which can, however, enter there,
without the cannon doing them any great damage. The chief port of
these islands is called Cavite, and there the ships from Nueva Espana
are anchored. That port of Cavite serves as a refuge for our sailors;
it is sheltered from the heavy winds, and very secure. Manila, on the
contrary, is an open bay, beaten by the north winds. The anchorage
there is very poor, and the entrance very difficult; but, on the other
hand, it is very well supplied with all that is necessary for commerce
and for war. One may say that it serves as a magazine for the richest
commerce in the world. There is abundance of bread, flesh, and wine
there; and although the wine is not so good as that of Espana, those
of the country who are accustomed to it do not hesitate to prefer it
to that of Goa, or that of Mexico--although those are used only for
the mass, and that of Espana for the tables of the richest men. The
Portuguese of Goa also send abundance of provisions there, so that
they can be bought in Manila at a very good bargain. There are one
hundred and fifty fires [i.e., households] in Manila. The houses of
the city are so suitable and those of the country so charming that
life in those islands is altogether delightful. At one musket-shot
from the city can be seen the Parian, the lodging of the Sangleys
or Chinese merchants. There are about twenty thousand of them,
all merchants whom business has attracted to that place. It is a
very curious place to see, because of the fine order in which they
live. Every kind of merchandise has its own separate quarter, and
those goods are so rare and curious that they merit the admiration
of the most civilized nations. [14]
Although that Parian is built only of wood, and the Chinese who
live there have no weapons, we do not fail to keep a strong guard on
that side. We even have some pieces of artillery pointed toward that
city, for the Chinese are a very spirited and bold nation. We have
experienced that heretofore, and are still threatened [with danger]
in that hour that we are not so closely on our guard. There is no
Spanish house where nine or ten of these merchants cannot be seen
every morning, who take their merchandise there; for all the traffic
passes through their hands, even all that is used for the sustenance
of the Spaniards. There are some men who say that they mix a slow
poison in our food, which works its effect chiefly on the women. It
is a fact that a woman who reaches the age of twenty-six years is
seldom seen. Those persons add that their intention in doing that is
to prevent the Spaniards from fortifying themselves more strongly in
that island, and that the Chinese would drive them out entirely. That
would be very easy for them, by employing such means, if it were not
for the interest that they have in the commerce of the silver of Nueva
Espana. These people have a subtle and universal intelligence. They
imitate whatever one presents to them, and they make the article
as well as do those who invented it. The riches of Manila, and the
felicity of existence there, are steadily decreasing. I shall relate
here the causes for it, having regard only to the service of God and
of the king.
The chief cause for the ruin of these islands is the great trade that
the Sangleys carry on. The king has permitted the inhabitants of the
Manilas to export a portion of their capital to Nueva Espana. in the
merchandise of that country. The Spanish inhabitants daily lend their
names to those Sangleys and to the Portuguese of Macao, so that they
may enjoy the freedom of that commerce. These people do not attempt
to hide the fact that they are acting as agents for the inhabitants of
Mexico; and these last years they sent such a quantity of merchandise
to Peru and to Nueva Espana that no sale could be found for it. That
is a hindrance to the voyages of the trading fleet. The king of
China could build a palace with the silver bars from Peru which have
been carried to his country because of that traffic, without their
having been registered, and without the king of Espana having been
paid his duties, as has been well shown by Dom Pedro de Quiroga y
Moya. That silver was sent at the account of influential persons, who
do not reside at the Manilas. The two vessels which left in his time
paid more duties to the king than all the other ships put together
which had made that voyage before; that clearly shows the neglect
of the other officials commissioned to receive the duties from his
Majesty. They have attempted to conceal this truth, by saying that
those ships were richer than the others because Dom Sebastian Hurtado
de Corcuera had written, in the preceding year, that he would not send
the vessels that year; and that he had even detained and caused the
unlading of those that had been on the point of sailing on the voyage
to Acapulco. I do not know his reason for so doing, but I know well
that he wrote that resolution at the Embocadero of Manila--that is to
say, eighty leguas from the city--and that without having consulted
the inhabitants of the Manilas. Those of the country are agreed that
that delay has been their ruin; for they all know that they cannot
maintain themselves against the Dutch or against the Mahometans except
by means of the regular succor that is sent them from Nueva Espana.
The marques de Cadereta [15] came at that time to act as viceroy
of Nueva Espana. He sent a large reenforcement to the islands very
opportunely, under command of General Don Andres Cottigllo. The
latter brought news that Don Pedro de Quiroga had arrived at Mexico to
inform against the officials of his Majesty, and that he would go to
Acapulco to inspect the ships and regulate the Chinese commerce. The
inhabitants of the Manilas and the factors of the Portuguese tried
to get back their merchandise that they had already laded on the
vessels, being fearful of that news and that name of visitor. But
having finally recovered courage, they laded the two vessels that
the governor had detained the preceding year, which were worth about
five millions in gold. Nevertheless those of the country affirmed
that they were not so richly laden as those which had sailed before,
for one of the chief merchants [16] had not put a single box aboard.
They report another reason for obscuring so apparent a truth. They
say that Don Pedro de Quiroga had specified among the orders that
he had drawn up as a remedy for the disorders of the past, that for
those ships; and that it was he alone who prevented their sailing. But
he himself says that that is false, and that he had heard that those
who had encomiendas [Fr., commanderies], and the merchants of Mexico,
had resorted to entreaties to Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (for I
cannot believe that they were in compact with him); and that they had
represented to him the great quantity of Chinese merchandise then in
Mexico, and declared that, if new vessels were sent there, a market
could not be found for that merchandise, and that the merchants of
Mexico and Nueva Espana would lose a great amount by it.
Don Pedro de Quiroga adds that having learned that the governor of
the Filipinas had given his word not to have any new vessels sail,
in order to better carry out his Majesty's service, he had employed
this expedient--namely, that if they entered the port that year,
they would enjoy the benefit of the rules which had been made during
that time; but that, if they came only the following year, they
would not enjoy these, and that they would pay the king's duties
in all strictness. That plainly showed that he was advised of the
promise which the governor of the islands had given to the merchants
of Mexico, to detain the vessels and the merchandise that ought to
have been sent that year. The transaction was, in truth, greatly to
the interest of the inhabitants of Mexico, and of the Spaniards who
have encomiendas--although to the great prejudice of the islands,
which cannot get along without the reenforcement which they ought
to have annually from Mexico; and to the decrease of his Majesty's
duties, which are an aid in the discharge of the expense for that
succor. In fine, if the marques de Cadereta had not reenforced the
islands as powerfully as he did, they would have fallen into extreme
need. It would be easy for me to show here other consequences of
that delay of the vessels which Don Juan Cereco y Salamanca had
prepared to sail that year, as is done every year; and it will not
be more difficult for me to demonstrate the other damages that we
suffer in that commerce. The inhabitants of the Manilas have nothing
on those vessels; their cargoes belong entirely to the Chinese, to
the Portuguese of Macao, or to the Mexican merchants. If the king
does not put a stop to it, the Chinese will absorb all the riches of
Peru, and the subjects of the king in those islands will be forced to
abandon them. I will go on to represent to your Excellency the other
disorders in the government of those islands, as far as I have been
able to learn them in the short time that I have spent there.
The encomiendas are ruined. Formerly the king rewarded soldiers
with them, and now the islanders, who were formerly assigned under
those encomiendas, have become our enemies. There has been failure to
instruct those innocent people in the Catholic faith, and that is the
only title under which the king of Espana holds that country, which
does not belong to his patrimony. Instead of making them our friends
and brothers, we have made them our domestic enemies. We have received
the Sangleys in their place, with whom the profit of the traffic always
embroils us. Let one consider what damage has been committed since
by the inhabitants of the island of Mindanao. They have overrun the
shores of these islands with their caracoas or little boats, and the
governor was forced to leave the city in the hands of the Sangleys,
in order to leave the island and to go to make war on them, where he
lost more than one hundred and thirty Spaniards, without being able
to bring the war to a successful end. In this it cannot be said that
he was not greatly to blame; for one of his officers named Nicolas
Gonzales, at the first war cry, forced one of their best positions
without the loss of a single man, whence the governor had been unable
to drive them with all his forces. [17]
We have also as enemies the people of Jolo and those of Terrenate,
who are also more to be feared on account of the help that they get
from the Dutch. They declare themselves neutral, but they help the
Dutch underhandedly on all occasions. The chiefs of those Indians take
the title of kings, but they are among the kings who go quite naked
and who live by their labor. True, those of Macassar, of Cochinchina,
and of Cambaya, are more powerful. But for all that, it would be enough
for us, for the little help that we can get out of them, to become the
arbitrator of their differences, and thus to keep them favorable to our
side. But since they have seen that we have made this friendship with
the Sangleys, with the inhabitants of Martavan, of Borneo, and other
neighboring islands, they have broken off all trade with us, and have
begun to take all the products of their country to the Dutch, so that
they do nothing except at their orders. If for that reason also the
king does not prevent the trade with the Sangleys, the Filipinas are
lost. I come now to the remedy that can be applied to this disorder.
Among all those one hundred and fifty families who are settled
at Manila, there are not two who are very rich. My plan would be
to allow those inhabitants to export Chinese merchandise to the
value of two hundred and fifty thousand escudos, the greater part
of which should be raw silk and cotton bolls, so that they could
be manufactured in this country [i.e., Mexico]. For there is less
[chance for] trickery in that sort of merchandise than in the stuffs
manufactured in China, which ought never to be allowed to be taken to
Manila. The permission of trade to that sum would also be proportioned
to the ability of the Manila merchants; and they would get more than
five hundred thousand escudos in return for it, for the profits of
that trade are exorbitant. Today even, when there is so much of
this merchandise, four hundred per cent is gained on the poorest
quality exported. By that means the Spaniards could be employed in
manufacturing that silk, the textiles would be better, and they would
secure innumerable other advantages. Accordingly, the inhabitants
of the Manilas would not charge themselves with the commissions of
Mexico, and they would get all the profit derived from those islands,
which is now quite universally in the hands of foreigners. Further, as
their affairs in the country became more prosperous, they would become
more interested in its conservation; and they would be more careful
to have the Indians, who have been assigned to them in encomiendas,
instructed and held in subjection. They would save what they give
to their agents in Mexico, who often ruin them. They keep their
merchandise two or three years, and it has a poor sale in Mexico,
because of the great quantity that is taken there; and trading only at
Acapulco, and conducting their own business, they alone would enjoy,
and that every year, the profits of that traffic.
Fifty thousand escudos could be employed in white mantas, unbleached
[crues] and of excellent quality; that is a kind of merchandise
very largely used among the Indians, and Mexico has great need of
it. That would be the right commerce that ought to be carried on
by pilots and sailors; for some of it can always be sold, and those
people are obliged to sell it quickly. Care must be taken that only
that quantity be carried, and that any surplus be confiscated; and
the governors and other officials should be very careful in this. In
order that your Excellency may see that I am not trying to weaken the
commerce of those islands, as some might believe, I will state here
that the inhabitants of the Manilas should be allowed to export as
many shiploads as possible of the products of their country--such as
wax, gold, perfumes, ivory, and lampotes. Those they would buy from
the natives of the country, thus preventing them from carrying those
goods to the Dutch. Thus would the people become friendly, and would
supply Nueva Espana with that merchandise; and the silver taken to the
Manilas would not be exported thence. I may be told that the king of
China does not use that silver to make war on us; but even if it is
used only to swell his treasury, it is as lost to us as if it were
at the bottom of the sea. Your Excellency should consider that one
and one-half millions in gold are sent annually to China. If what I
have just said be closely observed, the merchandise of the Manilas
will be sold to good advantage, and the natives of the country will
become our friends; while their neighbors will leave the Dutch, who
are deriving heavy profits from them; for there is scarcely a place in
those islands where the Dutch do not possess a factory. Thus have they
become the masters, and they give arms to the natives to make war on
us. Add to all these considerations that the Spaniards inhabiting the
islands will not be obliged to be continually on their guard because
of twenty thousand Sangleys or enemies, whom they have in a corner
of the world where the Spaniards can muster scarcely eight hundred men.
Perhaps your Excellency will be told that, if we break with the
Sangleys, they will go to live in the island of Formosa, or in some
other place among the Dutch, and will carry to them the trade that
they have with us; and that, having enjoyed the trade of Japon as
conveniently as we have that of the Western Indias, they will still
carry their merchandise to Nangazaki, the chief port of Japon, from
which they will also obtain silver. To that I will reply that the
kingdom of China is so full of merchandise, and the Sangleys are
so shrewd in commerce, and so keen after gain, that they know what
quantity of that merchandise is needed by the English, how much by
the Dutch, and what quantity ought to be sold in all of Japon--and
that with so great exactness that a tailor, after once seeing the
figure of a person, decides how much goods is necessary to clothe
him. They do the same in regard to us, and, knowing that only two
ships sail annually to Nueva Espana, they generally have in the Parian
the quantity necessary to lade those ships. If the inhabitants of the
Manilas had trade with Japon, they would derive great profit from it;
but a secret judgment of God has broken the communication that we had
with those islanders, and has given it into the hands of the heretics,
after having permitted them to destroy our churches there, and their
having put to fire and sword all the Spaniards or Japanese Christians
there. Hence we do not believe that a single religious is now left in
all the country; and the people are compelled, under pain of death,
to come to denounce those whom they know to be Christians. Our
religious go there no longer, for it means certain death to them to
go to Japon. The following is the manner in which that persecution
was reported.
A Vizcayan captain, named Sebastian, [18] having sailed from the
port of Acapulco for an island called Ricca doro, [19] was blown by
a heavy gale to the latitude of that island; and, not being able to
anchor, put in at Japon, and with the curiosity of a seaman sounded
the ports of that kingdom. That novel proceeding made the Japanese
suspicious. They asked an Englishman who was then allied to them what
could be the design of that Spaniard. He told them that the Spaniards
were a warlike nation, who were aiming at universal monarchy; that
they always commenced their conquest by means of the religious; that
after the religious of that nation had been permitted to preach there,
and to build churches, they considered the conquest of that kingdom
as secure; that that vessel had come to reconnoiter the country, and
the entrance of the ports, and that it would be followed by a great
army, which would complete that design. At that juncture a tono [20]
or prominent lord of the country died. The emperor had formerly tried
to buy from him a house built for recreation; but that lord, who was
fond of that place, refused to sell it. He was a Catholic, and left it
at his death to the Jesuits, whereupon the latter thought it best to
pay their respects to the emperor by offering it to him. That prince
reflected that what an emperor could not accomplish, the Jesuits his
subjects had compassed. Putting that reflection with the advice of the
Englishman, he determined to exterminate the Catholics. That resolution
was so executed that there are no Christians in Japon, except only the
Portuguese from Macao. I am too much ashamed to name the conditions
to which they submit, in order that they may be received there.
Since that time all the trade of that island has fallen into the
hands of the Dutch, English, Portuguese, and Sangleys, although the
king of China has forbidden the last named to have any communication
with the inhabitants of Japon, under penalty of death, because the
Japanese had formerly revolted against China, of which they had
formed a part. But for all that, their greed for silver makes them
go there as they do to the Manilas, so that Japon does not lack any
of the goods that pass through the hands of those peoples. As for the
silver, the Dutch do not carry any more to China or to Japon, because
those countries get all the amount that they can buy by means of the
Sangleys who live in the Manilas. It would be very advantageous to
the inhabitants of the Manilas and to his Majesty to break off that
commerce with the Chinese, and it is unnecessary to say that by that
means advantageous disposition may be made of the silver of Peru and
the silks of the Filipinas--for in truth the king does not find there
his account; the silks would come to Mexico with greater advantage,
and the islanders and his Majesty would get more profit from it, and
that at the admission of all informed persons. As for the governor,
he should possess the following qualities: he should be discreet;
his distance from Madrid, and his authority as governor, should not
make him presumptuous, but should serve rather as a check than as
a cause for vanity; he should be a fine seaman, and very sedulous
in despatching and making the ships sail every year. All the exports
should be registered. In order that the islands be better reenforced,
the ships should be of five hundred toneladas, and they should have
two decks, better equipped than they have as yet been; for if they are
poorly equipped they take much time in making their voyage, and have
been the cause of great expense to his Majesty. Besides, the viceroy of
Nueva Espana has been unable to make them depart by the first of April,
as would be necessary. Those vessels ought only to carry seamen. The
offices of the ships ought not to be sold to merchants, but given
as a reward to those who have served well at sea. Great disorders
have happened from that, which was the former custom, and because
the offices of pilot, boatswain's mate, and steward have been sold.
In the year 1637, when I was about to set out as admiral of the
vessels that were to take the reenforcements to those islands, I went
to the port of Acapulco. There I found the vessel "San Juan Bautista,"
which had come that year from those islands, and which had lost its
mast on the way. I endeavored to get Don Pedro de Quiroga to advise
the marques de Cadereta of the poor condition of the masts and other
rigging of the vessel. He refused to permit it, and compelled me to
embark, telling me that if we failed to embark by the first day of
the month of April, we would run the risk of losing our voyage. While
at sea, I asked the boatswain's mate for an inventory of the sails
and rigging. I found that there were no spare sails, but one single
cable, and one other old cable, which was used to make fast the
pieces of artillery that were rolling about the ship. Ordering him
to bring me also the inventory of what there was when they left the
islands, I found that it had been equipped with three spare sails,
five cables, and a quantity of rigging. He answered me that the sea
had carried away the sails and that the ship had lost its cables as
they left San Bernardino. Without pressing him further, he confessed
to me that he had used the money that had been given him for that
purpose in buying merchandise, in order to discharge a debt of three
thousand escudos that he had paid for his post of boatswain, but
that he had not found his account in that merchandise. I endeavored
to punish him. He appealed to the commander-in-chief, and the latter
ordered me not to prosecute him until I should have arrived at the
Manilas. At the Manilas he was excused, because they said that he had
paid three thousand escudos, although he had made the king lose more
than sixty thousand. Those who furnish the provisions for the crew put
in food of poor quality. The pilots cram their room at the stern with
merchandise, thus endangering the vessel. Had I encountered a capful
of wind during that voyage, I could scarcely have finished it. I had
to take a capstan at Maribeles to lift my anchor, and to make the port
of Cabite, which is three leguas from that place. Thus for the twenty
thousand escudos that is drawn from the sale of those offices, thirty
thousand are lost, and the fleet is in danger of being lost--which
means, of losing those islands. It is not sufficient to give the
offices to sailors who deserve them; it is not at all necessary to
compel them to perform the functions of soldiers when they have no
inclination for it, or to punish them when they gamble, as is done.
It is of great importance to have galleys on these coasts; that is
the means of keeping away from them the Dutch, and the Indians from
Mindanao and Jolo--who do not cease to be hostile to the Spaniards,
although they have neither courage nor discipline; for one Spaniard has
been seen to put twenty of their caracoas to flight with only one shot
from his musket. The enemy most to be feared are the Dutch, who have
taken possession of that sea. It is easy to manage the oared vessels
of that country, and they have been used in several emergencies to
tow the vessels, which otherwise would have been in danger of being
wrecked. Besides, those boats are more suitable for a sea like that,
full of islands, than vessels with high freeboard. It would also be
very much to the point to have work done in Camboya in the building of
new vessels, as the wood of those parts, and that of Angely, resist
the seaworms and decay better than other woods, and especially those
of the Filipinas.
In the year 1637, when I arrived at the islands, there were no
vessels ready for Nueva Espana. They were obliged to send a small
vessel of one hundred toneladas to advise the marques de Cadereta
of their wretched condition, and to entreat him to send the usual
reenforcement--notwithstanding the prohibition of the commerce with
Peru, and their knowledge that there were no vessels at Acapulco. That
showed how important it is to be continually building vessels for the
Filipinas, and for the governor to be a seaman rather than a soldier
of the Low Countries. It is also important for the governor and the
archbishop to live in harmony. The spiritual government in these
countries is the one thing of greater consequence than the political
government, because of the scandal that the Indians receive from it. It
is also important that those sent by the viceroy be men of merit and
service, and that they be well treated in the islands. The observation
of all the above points will be of use to us in keeping off the Dutch,
who are the most terrible enemy that we have; and who will become
absolute masters of the Manilas, if they can attain their ends. Espana,
by observing those things, will triumph over its enemies. For my part,
I will fulfil my duty as a subject by doing my utmost for the service
of my master, and for the welfare of my country; and at the same time
I shall discharge my obligation toward your Excellency of serving you.
GLORIOUS VICTORIES AGAINST THE MOROS OF MINDANAO
To the master-of-camp, Don Inigo Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the
Order of Santiago: [21]
The despatch-boat which this year arrived from the Filippinas Islands
at Acapulco, a port of this Nueva Espana, was destitute of the silks
and other costly goods that the ships are accustomed to bring each
year from China, for it carried nothing of that sort. Nevertheless,
it came richly laden, with the news of the happy and fortunate
successes of the arms of Spain in that archipelago, directed by the
valor and prudence of Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, governor and
captain-general there for his Majesty, and a worthy brother of your
Grace. I received in all many different relations--although all of
them agreed, for truth is always one--from different persons, well
worthy of confidence, both ecclesiastic and secular. Every one--not
only the citizens of this great City of Mexico, the capital of this
kingdom, but those of all the other cities and towns--desired to see
these letters, and made urgent requests for them. To satisfy the
desires of so many, and give them pleasure, it was the opinion of
many that they should be printed. The truth is, that I was perplexed
and in doubt as to which one to use, because, as I have said, there
were several. After careful consideration I decided to print one by
Father Marcelo Francisco Mastrillo, a letter written to Father Juan
de Salazar, provincial of the Society of Jesus in those islands,
signed by Father Marcelo himself and sent to me. It gives a detailed
account of every event. No one could give a better account than the
father himself, for he was a witness of everything that happened, as
he always accompanied Don Sebastian with the standard of St. Francis
Xavier. In the simplicity and sincerity with which he recounts these
things, the truth shines more resplendent; so it seemed best not
to alter his style. In order that it may be better known who this
servant of God is, we will describe the miracle wrought upon him by
our father St. Francis Xavier in the city of Naples, and the occasion
of his journey to the Filipinas and his stay in Mindanao. We shall give
some information about the latter island, of the hostility which those
Mahometans have displayed for so many years to the Spaniards, and of
the friendly and subject Indians. We shall also give a description
of the naval battle which preceded the expedition to Mindanao. Then
we shall insert the letter of Father Marcelo, and conclude this
document with a description of the triumphal demonstration with
which Don Sebastian Hurtado was received in the city of Manila,
the rejoicings in that city, the thanks rendered to our Lord, and
the honors paid to those who died in the war, so that there will
be a complete account of everything. Besides the aforesaid reasons,
I was impelled to this on account of the obligations of our Society
of Jesus to Don Sebastian Hurtado (and especially by my own); for we
are always sensible of these, and our hearts will always keep them
alive, with perpetual acknowledgments. Besides, it seems to me that
one could not give your Grace a richer present, a more precious jewel,
an ornament of greater worth, than the exploits and triumphs of such
a brother, in whom one finds zeal for religion and the service of
God, appearing in all he does. The prudence with which he governs
his province, the unwearied solicitude with which he orders affairs,
the disinterestedness with which he serves the king our lord--well
worthy of the favor which his Majesty has shown him (in making him a
member of his Council of War, and sending him two [appointments in]
orders for his two nephews), and of those which I expect his Majesty
will yet grant him; the valor with which he defends those islands, the
grand courage with which he exposes himself to the greatest perils,
although his person is of such importance: all these are especially
praiseworthy, to say nothing of the admirable example by which he
encourages his soldiers to great undertakings, and the compassion
with which he watches over the Indians who were so harassed by so
many enemies. In short, your Grace will see in Don Sebastian Hurtado a
copy of your own holy zeal, prudence, care, disinterestedness, valor,
magnanimity, and many other virtues conspicuous in your Grace's own
heart. In him your Grace will see a true brother--as Tulio [22] said
(book 3, epistle 7), Frater quasi fere alter, "a brother is naught
else than a counterpart of the other brother;" so that they are hardly
two, but rather one soul divided between two bodies, as Quintilian
said (Declamation 321), [23] Quid est aliud fraternitas quam divisus
spiritus? [i.e., "What else is brotherhood but a divided soul?"] So
that your Grace's own valor, prudence, piety, and religion and Don
Sebastian Hurtado's are one; from that which God inspired in you,
may be inferred that of Don Sebastian; and in the virtues of this
great cavalier and captain-general shine those of your Grace, to whom
I offer a thousand congratulations on the triumphs of so glorious a
brother, whose exploits I offer to your Grace, and humbly place in
your illustrious hands. May our Lord watch over your Grace as this
your humble chaplain and servant desires. Mexico, February [25, 1638].
Diego de Bobadilla
[Folios 1-9 of Bobadilla's work are occupied with a long and detailed
account of a miraculous cure experienced by Father Mastrilli, and its
result in sending him to labor in the foreign missions. Its substance
is as follows: In 1633-34, Mastrilli was in Naples, and assisted, as
a priest, at one of the altars erected for a solemn feast in honor
of the Virgin Mary. After the ceremonies were over, Mastrilli was
accidentally wounded in the head by a hammer dropped from a workman's
hand. His life was despaired of; but an image of St. Francis Xavier,
miraculously endowed with speech, promised to restore his health if he
would go to the Indias. Mastrilli vowed to do this, and to renounce
country, friends, and all else that he held dear, for the sake of
that employ; and the next morning found him cured and sound. In
fulfilment of his vow he went to Spain, and set out for Japan; but
(as related in previous documents) he was obliged to land at Manila,
and accompanied Corcuera to Mindanao.]
AN ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT ISLAND OF MINDANAO, AND THE HOSTILITIES
COMMITTED BY THOSE MOHAMMEDANS IN THE FILIPPINAS ISLANDS.
The great island of Mindanao is one of the largest in the archipelago
of the Filippinas Islands, which seem to be almost innumerable; and it
has even been said that there are over eleven thousand of them. [24]
I believe that if one counts islands large and small, inhabited and
desert, the above estimate is not far from the truth. In size, Mindanao
rivals the island of Manila, the chief and head of the others, for it
is almost three hundred leguas in circumference. Esteban Rodriguez de
Figueroa, one of the first leaders in the conquest of those islands,
and one of the most valorous soldiers who has been in them, made an
agreement with his Majesty to conquer this island at his own cost and
charges, and subject it to his royal crown--his Majesty awarding him as
tributary vassals, ten thousand of the first Mindanaos whom he should
subdue and choose for himself, and granting him other favors which
he sought. His Majesty accepted the agreement; and, with the title of
governor and captain-general, Don Esteban assembled at his own cost a
goodly army of Spaniards, which (as I have heard) numbered about four
hundred, and over four thousand Indians. They were all embarked in a
fleet of caracoas, which are oared vessels much used in the Filippinas,
carrying from fifty to one hundred rowers apiece. There are larger
ones, which are called juangas, and carry from one hundred and twenty
to one hundred and thirty rowers. They sailed from the island of Oton,
where the fleet was fitted out and collected. They reached Mindanao
and the army disembarked. When the enemy saw such a force, they began
to flee, and a victory was declared for Espana; but our satisfaction
was soon disturbed, for a wretched Mindanao audaciously resolved--it
is said, after he had taken opium, with which these people intoxicate
themselves--to assassinate our captain-general, even though he should
die in the attempt. The deed was to be done with his campilan, a
weapon something like a cutlass, with a lead weight at the hilt. The
weight makes its blows so terrible that it will cleave a man through
the middle. He hid in some bushes near the road on which our men
were marching in triumph. When General Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa
reached a place abreast of the bush where the Mindanao was hidden,
the latter leaped out unexpectedly and struck the general so fierce a
blow on his head with his campilan that it cleft his skull from ear to
ear. I can account myself a witness of this, because, although I did
not see that event, and did not go to the Filippinas until many years
after, yet in 1632 I saw the skull, when they disinterred the bones
of this famous but unfortunate captain from the old church of our
college at Manila (which he founded, and where his body was brought
for burial), to transfer them to the church which we have recently
built. The skull shows very plainly the cruel blow of the campilan,
so that even I said, as I held it in my hands, with great grief,
"Our founder will not deny the blow of the campilan." Those who
accompanied our general killed the Mindanao on the spot, without much
difficulty. They sounded the retreat, and abandoned their pursuit of
the enemy. This was the origin and the beginning of the misfortunes
and calamities which for so many years have caused us so much sorrow in
the Filippinas. Our army, having lost its leader and captain-general,
did nothing further. The Spaniards retreated, and fortified themselves
in a place on that river, where they remained in garrison; and Father
Juan del Campo, a fervent man and a great minister of the gospel,
gave instruction to several villages, until he died there. Many of
the Indians along this river had rendered obedience, and were paying
tribute to his Majesty. Afterward the garrison moved to another place,
called La Caldera, where the Spaniards remained several years. Although
they made no conquest of that country, they served as a check to
the enemy, because the latter could not sail out with their fleets
on plundering expeditions. As Don Pedro de Acuna afterward decided,
when he was governor in the Filippinas, this garrison was withdrawn
from La Caldera, which resulted in the utter ruin of the islands,
because land and sea remained in the possession of the enemy.
At that time the island was ruled by a Moro named Buysan who claimed
the entire seacoast as his. Another Moro, named Silongan, ruled the
well-populated district along the river. These two Moros conspired
together, and called to their aid other friends, and even in certain
ways their subjects--as those of the island of Sanguil and Sarragan;
and the Caragas, who inhabit the further [i.e., from Manila] shores of
this same island of Mindanao, which from that side faces our islands
of Pintados. They gathered great fleets of caracoas and jungas,
which at times numbered over one hundred and even one hundred and
fifty vessels--arming them with several large guns, many culverins,
a large number of arquebuses and muskets and many other arms; and
manning them so heavily, that they could land six to eight thousand
soldiers. In this way masters of the land and sea, they infested the
high seas, capturing all our ships that navigated those waters, robbing
and burning towns, sacking churches, carrying off the ornaments and
consecrated vessels, committing a thousand desecrations on the sacred
images, breaking them into pieces and insulting them, and capturing
Christian Indians in so great number that it would break one's heart
to tell of it; for one time those whom they carried away numbered over
two thousand and five hundred. The Spaniards had no better fortune; for
some were killed, and others carried away as slaves. In the year 1616,
they set sail with a powerful fleet, after effecting an alliance with
the Dutch, who came with ten galleons, and entered the bay of Manila
on All Saints' day. They were, however, defeated and destroyed in the
following April, 1617, by our fleet under the leadership of General
Don Juan Ronquillo. While the Dutch aided the Mindanaos, the latter
worked dreadful havoc, capturing, massacring, robbing, and burning
everything there was. They came as far as Balayan, a large and rich
town on the island of Manila, and not far from the city itself. They
attacked the shipyards at Pantao, where a galleon and a patache were
in process of construction, and indeed almost finished. These they
burned, and murdered almost thirty Spaniards--among them Captain
Arias Giron and Captain Don Juan Pimentel, who were in command of
the yards. Others, besides many Indians, they made prisoners. They
captured from us a large quantity of firearms and some artillery,
and inflicted on us great damage. Even the fathers and ministers of
the gospel have not been exempt; for, on the last occasion of which I
have spoken, they captured and murdered two Franciscan fathers. Before
that, on other occasions, they captured Father Hurtado, who was kept
a long time in captivity in Mindanao, and Father Pasqual de Acuna,
who was a prisoner at Caraga and still lives. Before and since the
time of his captivity, he has labored gloriously for the space of
almost forty years in the islands of Pintados--teaching those Indians
until his great age and his failing strength obliged him to retire,
and end his life in the fulness of his years, devoting himself to
God alone. The other fathers and ministers crossed the mountains
to escape the cruelty of these Mahometans, enduring great hunger,
hardship, and distress.
To King Buysan succeeded Cachil Corralat, his son, who with
great sagacity and cunning set about making himself much more
powerful. Several times he made peace with the Spaniards, but his word
was ever a Moro's. It was soon known that he could not be trusted,
for he made and broke treaties with equal readiness. He infested the
seas with his fleets, sending out his own as he did in the year 1633,
when he sent out a large fleet which plundered and burned several large
and wealthy cities on this very island of Manila. But where he did most
harm was in our island of Pintados; for in the town of Ogmuc alone
he slew or made prisoners more than two hundred people--children and
women, as well as men. They captured the minister there, Father Juan
del Carpio of our Society, and cut him into pieces, of which his head
was the smallest. Cachil Corralat gave orders to his followers not to
carry to him a single father alive, but to slay them, in fulfilment
of a vow which he had made to Mahomet during a serious sickness,
not to leave a father alive if his health were restored. God, in His
just judgment and to punish us, chose to grant his prayer.
Other Mahometans, their neighbors, joined the Mindanaos--tribes from
the island of Jolo, who at one time paid tribute and then rebelled,
killing all the Spaniards. Although that island is very small,
and there cannot be more than three thousand men able to bear arms,
yet they are very valiant, and they have very plainly proved it to
us when they have sailed forth to scour the high seas--especially
one chief, called Dato Achen, who can be compared with the most
destructive African pirates. This man once attacked a shipyard which
we had established in the province of Camarines, in which several
galleons were being built. After the usual robbery and burning, he
slew or made prisoners many Spaniards and Indians. He carried away
artillery and firearms, with which he strengthened his defenses in his
own country. He overran the Pintados Islands and did a great deal of
damage there. At Cabalian he captured Father Juan Domingo Vilancio
of our Society, a native of Luca--a holy man, and known as such by
Indians and Spaniards, and even by the Moros themselves. As such,
the latter revered him and did not ill-treat him in their own country,
where they carried him. While efforts were being made for his ransom,
it was our Lord's pleasure to give him complete liberty by freeing
him from the prison of this [earthly] body, and giving him in heaven
his reward for his faithful labors. He toiled thirty years or more in
the conversion of the pagans, to the remarkable edification of all;
and he displayed heavenly sincerity, which secured him the love of
God and men. The Moros buried him on their island of Jolo. Although
we have asked for the body, they will not give it up, saying that
they would rather keep it because it is holy (for sanctity and virtue
are pleasing even to Moros and infidels). They allege other things
in proof of his sanctity, which I shall not refer to, because they
are not thoroughly investigated. The Lord will make them clear later,
to His own glory. Returning, however, to the Joloans, they are grown
insolent with their fortunate successes, no less on land than on the
sea; for, although we have gone there three times with powerful fleets,
they have come off with credit and singing victory. In short, we have
returned without accomplishing anything. There was one time, however,
when Don Christobal de Lugo, lieutenant for the captain-general in
the Pintados Islands, went there with a fleet, and sacked and burned
the principal town, and did considerable damage; but they have always
escaped, and repaid to us their losses. They put their trust in a
hill very difficult of access, which they have well fortified with
artillery, to which they retreat whenever they are attacked.
The evils that are suffered at the hands of these two enemies, the
Mindanaos and the Joloans, never were avenged, because, although
the governors sent out fleets after them, they did not encounter
the pirates on account of the great multitude of islands in the
archipelago; or else, if our ships did meet them, the Moros escaped,
for their vessels are remarkably swift and so have a great advantage
over ours. Then, to remedy so grievous injuries, Don Juan Cereco
Salamanca, who was then governor of the Filippinas, in the beginning
of the year 1634, overcoming remarkable difficulties which arose,
with a holy zeal for the service of God and of the king our lord,
ordered a position to be occupied on the island of Mindanao, at a
place which they call Samboangan. There he began to raise a fort which
should be a check to the Mindanaos and the Joloans, who came past
that place when they sailed forth on plundering expeditions. Although
they could pass us by standing out to sea, or in the darkness of the
night, without being seen from our fort, they would not so lightly
dare to leave behind their houses and lands with the Spaniard so near
a neighbor--for the latter could do them great injury by carrying
off their children and wives, and all their possessions, if their
towns were left unprotected when the men went away in their fleets;
or at least the Spaniards could await them on their return and knock
them in the head. The Moro king, Cachil Corralat, was much disturbed
at the proximity of the Spaniards; since now he could not make raids
in safety, as before; and he called upon the Joloans, the Borneans
and the Camucones to sail from various points to plunder our island,
which they did.
The Camucones are a nation inhabiting some islands subject to the king
of Burney. Sometimes alone, and sometimes in company with the Borneans,
they have infested our seas with their fleets, pillaging our islands,
capturing many Indians, and killing all the Spaniards whom they took,
because they did not wish to carry these alive to their own country;
accordingly they granted no Spaniard his life. They are a base and
very cruel people. These robbers began as petty thieves, with a few
small vessels; but with the captures which they have been continually
making, they have grown so powerful that they send out great fleets
upon the sea, and do a great deal of damage. In the year 1625, while
the archbishop Don Francisco Miguel Garcia Serrano was visiting the
district of Bondoc, these Camucones attacked the town one morning, and
the archbishop had no little trouble in escaping over the mountains;
they stole whatever they could carry away, with the silver and the
pontifical vestments. That same year, they captured Father Juan de
las Missas of our Society, who had come from Tayabas to preach and was
returning to the island of Marinduque, which was in his charge. They
killed the father, and captured all who were aboard his ship, except
perhaps some one who escaped by swimming. They did much more damage,
continuing their depredations up to the year 1636, when, as I said,
they sailed with a large fleet, at the solicitation of the king Cachil
Corralat. They entered so far among the islands, that from them they
sailed out upon the high sea--an act of great daring. They arrived
at and plundered Palapag, a mission of our Society. They rounded Cape
Espiritu Santo, and captured over a hundred Christians at Baco. There
they divided into two bands. One passed over to Albay, on the island
of Manila, where they were met by the alcalde-mayor, Captain Mena,
of the Order of St. George, with several Spaniards and six Franciscan
friars. The Spaniards pressed the Camucones so hard that seven of
their caracoas went ashore on the island of Capul, where many of their
Christian captives were set free. The natives of the said island slew
some of the Camucones. Three of their caracoas they abandoned on the
sea, going aboard others to make their escape more easily. Not one
of our men was killed in this encounter, except that one Franciscan
father was wounded by a musket-bullet, and afterwards died of his
wound. The other band went out to sea again, coasting the island of
Ybabao. They entered a town called Bangahun and made prisoners there
more than one hundred other Christians. This troop fought a battle with
a caracoa full of soldiers from the city of Zebu, who inflicted some
injury upon the Moros, killing and capturing some. These Camucones,
returning afterward to their own country, while they were coasting the
island of Panay, were overtaken by a sudden storm, which drove three of
their caracoas ashore. Those who escaped with their lives were captured
by the natives, and many of them are now on galleys at the port of
Cavite. Other caracoas stealthily ventured to the Calamianes Islands,
where some Spaniards came out to meet them, and captured two of their
ships, and set free twenty captives from the island of Mindoro who
were among their prisoners. Fifteen other caracoas were coasting the
island of Paragua in company; and, two days before arriving at Borney,
they encountered thirty caracoas of Joloans, who had recently quarreled
with the Borneans. The Joloans attacked the Camucones and Borneans,
captured their fifteen caracoas, and made prisoners many Camucones and
more than one hundred of the Christians carried off by the Camucones;
these latter were ransomed at Samboangan, at a moderate rate.
After these pirates Cachil Corralat sent his fleet, which did
considerable damage in our islands. In order to stop it and check
all these enemies, the governor, Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,
decided to go forth in person and make an expedition to Mindanao, to
begin the punishment of this enemy, because they were most powerful--as
we shall soon see, describing first the naval victory given us by
our Lord over the fleet despatched hither by Cachil Corralat.
[The next part of this compilation is an account of the naval
victory over Tagal's fleet in December, 1636; it is practically
the same as that which we have already presented in our VOL. XXVII,
although rewritten and much abridged for publication. Then follows
Mastrilli's letter to his provincial (June 2, 1637) which also we
have published; Bobadilla states that he reproduces it verbatim, save
for the correction of "a few words which are not quite in accord with
our ordinary language, as he was a native of the city of Naples." The
document ends with a description of Corcuera's triumphal entry into
Manila, evidently compiled (with some additional details) from Juan
Lopez's letter on that subject, already presented to our readers.]
ROYAL ORDERS AND DECREES, 1638
REMOVAL OF NEGROES FROM MANILA
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein. In a letter
which you wrote me on the last of June, 1636, you declare that shortly
after your arrival at those islands, that city petitioned you to have
the free negroes and the freedmen, who number about four hundred or
five hundred, removed from it, because of the disorders that they
were creating within the city, as well as the thefts that they were
committing in union with the slaves--the former receiving and taking
to other places to sell what these said negroes had stolen. You
declare that that city demanded that the negroes should go to live
nine leguas away from there, but that that measure has not seemed
advisable; and the fathers of the Society gave you an islet which they
possess in the middle of the river, in order that they might settle
the negroes there, with the obligation to give them instruction--but
there would be no obligation to give the fathers any stipend for
that purpose beyond what is given them from the communal fund of the
Sangleys whom they have in Santa Cruz. Those Sangleys also render me
aid by giving me six reals per annum, besides the general license,
so that they may be allowed to live there with the fathers. They
number from about eight hundred to one thousand Chinese. The fathers
minister to those who have become Christians from this number, as
well as to the negroes--the latter being separated from the former
by an arm of the river. Also the Chinese pay all his salary to the
alcalde-mayor from their communal fund, which has been a saving to
my royal treasury. You declare that, in your desire to economize
and avoid so heavy expenses, you have deemed it best to give the
commander of artillery, who receives seven hundred pesos monthly
salary for his duties, the office of alcalde-mayor of the Parian;
for during the time while he should hold that office, there would
be an annual saving of seven thousand two hundred pesos to my royal
treasury. You also ordered the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso,
to go to live at the port of Cavite with his company, and to serve
there as castellan, chief justice, and governor of that port, with the
same salary as at present, as you say that the sargento-mayor would
be sufficient for you in that city. The above you reported to me, so
that I might understand it; and you say that by the aforesaid measures
and your method of governing, and provided that no one steals from
my royal treasury, you will entirely clear my royal treasury of debt,
and govern those islands from the proceeds of them. The matter having
been examined in my Council, it has been judged best to tell you that
it is thought that you will have given careful consideration to the
removal of the free negroes and freedmen from that city and their
settlement on the islet which was given you by the brethren of the
Society of Jesus; and the rest that you mention in the said letter
touching the said matter is neither approved nor rejected here,
for the present. It is to be feared, however, that those negroes,
having been removed from the city, and settled with the Chinese on
an uninhabited island, may commit more serious damage. Consequently,
you shall watch carefully so that you may remedy what needs correction;
and you are to note that in the matter of government, the best is not
[always] the easiest to execute, nor its results satisfactory. Hence,
for that reason, no new thing can be entered upon suddenly; and you
will, therefore, not carry out the execution of these new measures
until you shall have first reported to me all the things that you shall
see to be for my service, so that orders as to your course of action
may be issued to you. In the meanwhile, you shall not carry out your
proposed change of the persons of the commander of artillery and of
the master-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso; and I charge and order you,
that, jointly with the session [of the Audiencia], you shall inform
me, both in this regard and in others, of what changes should be made
from the past government, so that in everything decision may be made
as to what measures may be taken.
I the King
By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon
RESTRICTING THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my Audiencia therein: your letter of June 30, 636,
touching ecclesiastical matters, has been examined in my royal Council
of the Yndias, and answer is [hereby] made you.
You say that the religious of the Order of St. Augustine need to be
reformed, for they pay no heed to the bulls of his Holiness, or the
decrees despatched in regard to the rotation; and that it would be
advisable not to give them any more religious for eight years--both
because they have many, and because of the causes that you mention for
such measure. I have thought best to charge you to have the rule for
rotation put in force strictly, without allowing more religious in each
mission station [doctrina] than, in accordance with my royal patronage,
shall be necessary for it; and that the others be occupied in missions
[misiones] and in preaching, for which purpose they were sent.
In regard to what you write me concerning the advanced age of the
archbishop of those islands (who is so aged that his hands and head
tremble), namely, that it would be best to give him an assistant;
and that you are arranging to give such assistant an income of two
thousand pesos in addition to the four thousand pesos enjoyed by the
said archbishop, without taking that sum from my royal treasury, or
from my vassals: I charge you to explain to me the method or means by
which you can get that money without damage to my royal treasury and
the vassals who serve me, so that, if it be worth while to allow it,
you may execute it.
So that the Order of St. Dominic, and the other orders resident in
those islands, may live with the regulation and good example that
is proper, and so that they may not increase the number of mission
stations granted them by my decrees, you shall allow no new elections
in them, which shall not be in harmony with my patronage. With
the advice of the archbishop, you shall endeavor to unite some of
the stations; and in those that shall be newly founded, you shall
endeavor likewise to have secular priests introduced, if you find
them intelligent and competent. Madrid. September 2, 1638.
I the King
By order of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon
APPOINTMENT OF SECULAR PRIESTS TO MISSIONS
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia therein: in one of the sections of
a letter which that city [of Manila] wrote to me on June 27 of 636, it
is stated that there are two colleges in that city--one that of Santo
Tomas, with religious of the Order of St. Dominic; and the other that
of San Josef, with religious of the Society of Jesus--both of which
have possessed, for several years past, authority to confer degrees
in all the sciences. It is also declared that, with this opportunity,
many students have excelled in those studies, and especially various
sons of poor citizens, who have graduated in all the degrees; but
that, since they have no beneficed curacies on which they can depend
for support, their studies bring them no advantage. It is said that
this is caused by certain religious orders, who have acquired from
the archbishop, bishops, and governors the aggrandizement of their
orders with many benefices which formerly were administered by secular
priests; and that this might be remedied if I would decree that all
the benefices which have been annexed to the religious orders during
the last twenty years should be restored to the [secular] clergy, and
that edicts should be issued in the form which I have ordained. This
matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, I
have thought it best to issue the present, by which I command you that
in the new missions that shall be established, you shall--except when
they are in a territory assigned to the religious--it being understood
that there are virtuous secular priests, take pains to appoint them
to such missions; for such is my will. [Madrid, October 2, 1638.]
I the King
By command of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon
COMPENSATION TO NUNS OF ST. CLARE
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands,
and president of my royal Audiencia therein: in a letter which the
abbess and nuns of the convent of St. Clare in that city wrote me
on the thirtieth of June, 636, they make the following statements:
That the said convent was established so that they could live in it,
with all decorum and humility, with certain alms from the citizens;
and their house and church were built close to the wall of the said
city that lies next the river--a place that seemed most separated from
the business quarter, and so closely shut in that little save the
sky could be seen. That in front, on the other side of the street,
is the royal hospital for the Spaniards, which from the time of its
foundation has been administered by the religious of St. Francis;
and that in the hospital the religious who was vicar of the said
convent [of St. Clare], and administered the holy sacraments to the
nuns, had a cell, and they helped to support this religious out of
the alms bestowed upon them. That you, without any occasion or just
cause, drove out the religious from the said hospital by force and
violence, with armed soldiers--saying that the hospital should be
managed by a secular priest whom you took thither with you. That the
said vicar was thereby compelled to find shelter in the convent of
St. Francis, which is at a great distance from that of St. Clare;
and consequently, with the inconveniences of the excessive heat
and the violence of the rains in the wet season, he cannot go to
hear confessions and administer the holy sacraments at St. Clare,
especially at night. That their greatest annoyance is, that you are
constructing in the hospital a ward for convalescents, on the side
that faces the said convent; and that it is so high that it looks
down upon the convent, notwithstanding the enclosure of the latter,
and from the windows of that ward may be seen the beds of the nuns
in their infirmary and dormitory--a matter which requires thorough
reparation. They say that on the other side of their house is a
space between the houses and the wall (which was formerly a street),
which is a passage to the convent, and is useful to it; but that you
have closed this way, and are building another house, which abuts
upon their own ground-plot, for barracks and stables for the cavalry
troops. They entreat me that I will be pleased to command that a check
be placed upon this undertaking, and that, considering their poverty,
I order you to pay them the amount of one hundred and twenty pesos
in certified pay-warrants on the treasury there, which they hold,
which sum will be a great benefit and charity to them. The complaint
of these nuns has been considered in my royal Council of the Indias,
and the damage which they say has been caused to them by closing up
the street and by their being in sight of the ward that was built in
the cells [at the hospital], and by the stables and barracks that have
been placed so close to their house. I have therefore thought it best
to ordain and command you, as I do, that you shall not in any way cause
injury or inconvenience to the said nuns; and that the pay-warrants
which they say they hold, you shall cause to be paid--provided they
are duly certified--in their due value and at such time as the said
nuns desire; for such is my will. [Madrid, October 2, 1638.]
I the King
By command of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon
REGULATING THE SEMINARY OF SANTA POTENCIANA
The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia resident
in the city of Manila of the Filipinas Islands: it has been reported in
my royal Council of the Yndias that there is in that city a seminary
named Santa Potenciana, of which I am patron; that it was established
for orphan girls, and for the reception of married women when their
husbands are occupied in my service in various parts; and that for
some years the custom has been introduced of sheltering in the said
seminary certain women who live scandalously. [I am also told] that,
since this is of so great service to God our Lord, you, my president,
have given orders to the mother rector of the said seminary not to
receive in the seminary any woman sent by the archbishop of that
church, or by his provisor; and that no one of its inmates may
leave it. It has been judged best to order you (as I do hereby)
to take what measures appear to you most advisable in this matter,
considering all ends. Given in Madrid, November eight, one thousand
six hundred and thirty-eight.
I the King
Countersigned by Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon, and signed by the
members of the Council.
[Endorsed: "To the royal Audiencia of Manila, in regard to the order
given by the president of the Audiencia to the mother rector of the
seminary of Sancta Potenciana of that city, that she should not receive
therein any woman sent by the archbishop or his provisor." "Ordering
that the president take what measures appear most fitting, considering
all ends."]
COMMERCE OF THE ISLANDS WITH MEXICO
The King. To my viceroy, president, and auditors of my royal Audiencia
resident in the City of Mexico, of Nueva Espana: Don Juan Grau
Monfalcon, procurator-general of the Filipinas Islands, has reported
to me that the permission possessed by those islands of two hundred
and fifty thousand pesos of merchandise, and five hundred thousand for
the returns thereon, is very small, as that was conceded thirty-four
years ago, when the citizens and inhabitants were fewer, the duties
and expenses not so great, and the islands less infested by their
foes. Because of this latter, their needs have increased so greatly
that, if the said permission be not increased, it will be impossible
to maintain them, or for their citizens to support themselves. He
tells me that some illegal acts may have resulted from the present
narrow limit of the permission, both in the lading of the merchandise,
and in the returns of the silver. In order that those violations may
be avoided, and those islands and their inhabitants maintained in a
less straitened manner, he has petitioned me to have the goodness to
concede an increase of the two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of the
merchandise to four hundred thousand, and also of the five hundred
thousand pesos of silver to eight hundred thousand. For, besides
the above-mentioned advantages, my royal duties will thus increase,
to supply the expenses of the said islands; illegalities and frauds
will cease; and the inhabitants will increase in wealth. The matter
having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, inasmuch as
I wish to know what permission the said islands enjoy, and that of
the count and duke of San Lucar, and whether it will be advisable to
enlarge the permission of the said islands; and considering their
needs and expenses, and other advantages: I order you to inform me
very minutely in regard to it all, so that, after examination, the
advisable measures may be taken. Given in Madrid, December eight,
one thousand six hundred and thirty-eight.
I the King
Countersigned by Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon, and signed by the
members of the Council.
[Endorsed: "Don Juan Grau Monfalcon. To the viceroy, president, and
auditors of the Audiencia of Mexico, ordering information as to the
permission [of trade] for the Filipinas Islands, and that conceded
to the count and duke; and as to the advisability of increasing the
amount permitted to the islands."]
JURISDICTION OVER SEAMEN
The King. To Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, knight of the Order of
Alcantara, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands,
or to the person or persons in whose charge that government shall be:
in a letter which I wrote to you on the second of last September,
on various matters, there is a section of the following tenor: "I
have considered the arguments that you bring forward for its being so
expedient that the commander and the admiral of the ships shall have
authority and jurisdiction in the port of Acapulco, when he is not on
shore, to punish his sailors and soldiers; and that the warder of the
fort there shall not interfere with them by undertaking to punish them
on shore (regarding them as his subordinates, as hitherto they have
been) as they are persons of ability and good qualifications--since
from the time when the ships cast anchor, during all the time while
they remain in port, the men do not respect or obey, as it is right
they should, the said commander or admiral. Desiring to avoid
this difficulty, so that those officers may punish the culprits
in such cases, I have decided that what you propose may be done,
with the conditions that you mention; and, by a decree of the same
date as this letter, I am sending to the viceroy of Nueva Espana
advices to that effect. [I have told him] that as this seems to be
a general complaint, to judge from the instances [reported] here,
he must give the necessary orders for the execution of this decree,
unless some difficulty shall arise that may oblige him to defer it;
for when those men commit any disorderly acts on shore complaint can
be made against them, and the matter referred to the said commander
and admiral." And now a report has been made to me, on the part of
Don Juan Grao Monfalcon, procurator-general of that city of Manila,
that it is very advisable that the said commander and admiral of
the ships possess all necessary jurisdiction for punishing the men
aboard them--as is done at Cartagena, Portovelo, and other places;
and he entreats that I be pleased to command that this be accordingly
done. The matter having been considered in my royal Council of the
Indias, I have thought it best to issue the present, for such is my
will, that the usage which I have mentioned be put in practice in the
islands, as well as in Nueva Espana, since that is advisable for my
service. [Madrid, December 8, 1638.]
I the King
By command of the king our sovereign:
Don Gabriel de Ocana y Alarcon
ON THE LADING OF THE GALLEONS
The King. Don Juan Grau y Monfalcon, procurator-general of the
Philipinas Islands, has reported to me that certain citizens of those
islands, to whom were allotted toneladas in the amount [of lading]
permitted, have, for lack of means to ship the goods, sold that
space--which has thus been secured by the merchants of Nueva Espana
and Peru, who for that purpose have their agents in Manila. He states
that this practice is overlooked [by the officials], although, after
the first distribution of the permitted lading space has been made,
and the toneladas allotted, the citizens who through poverty or other
causes are unable or unwilling to lade the goods which belong and
are allotted to them cannot give, sell, or transfer that space to
any other person, unless they again declare the toneladas before the
bureau of allotment. The bureau again shares the space which was thus
declared among such citizens as ask for it, or who can occupy it to
better advantage; and these must pay for it, giving for each tonelada
the amount appraised, according to the season and the circumstances,
by the bureau itself. The proceeds from the said toneladas shall be
given and paid to the owners who had declared them. Thus poor persons
will obtain relief, and the citizens [of the islands] will have the
benefit of the entire amount of trade permitted to them, while those
of Nueva Espana will be excluded from it. [The said procurator]
entreats me to issue a decree in accordance with these facts,
including therein adequate penalties to secure its execution. The
matter having been examined in my royal Council of the Indias, and
the above statements carefully considered, I have approved [the said
procurator's request]. I command my governor and captain-general of
the said Philipinas Islands who now holds or shall in future hold
that office, and the auditors of my royal Audiencia therein, and other
persons who shall have in charge the allotment of the said toneladas,
and the bureau for the said allotment, that they observe and fulfil,
and cause to be observed and fulfilled, exactly and inviolably,
what is ordained in this my decree, without in any way contravening
or exceeding its tenor or form. And those who disobey this decree
are warned that such act will be charged to them in the visitations
and their residencias, and they will be punished according to law;
for such is my will. [Madrid, December 8, 1638.]
FORTUNATE SUCCESSES IN FILIPINAS AND TERRENATE, 1636-37
Fortunate successes which our Lord has given by sea and land to the
Spanish arms in the Filipinas Islands against the Mindanaos, and in
the islands of Terrenate against the Dutch, in the latter part of
the year 1636 and the beginning of 1637.
FILIPINAS
These Filipinas Islands, subject to the Catholic king our sovereign
for the past thirty years, have been so harassed and terrorized
by invasions, robberies, and fires caused by the Moros (Mindanaos,
Joloans, Burneyans, and Camucones), that one could not sail outside
the bay of Manila without manifest danger. Not a single village was
now safe, nor could an evangelical or royal minister perform his
duty undisturbed. These pirates--some at one time, others at another,
and sometimes all together--set out every year from their own lands,
and at first attacked the islands which are called the Pintados,
for these were the nearest; and afterward, becoming more impudent,
they came to coast along the island of Manila itself, and once they
even came to the suburbs of this city (although without making their
presence known). The Christians captured by them on these raids were
numberless; some were Spanish but the majority were natives, who, sold
afterward either among the enemies themselves, or among more distant
unbelievers, either abandoned the faith, or suffered living death in
a wretched slavery. The villages which they had ravaged were pitiful
to see, being either burned to the ground or abandoned and deserted;
for those inhabitants who were able to escape from the hands of the
enemy hid themselves in the thickets of the mountains, among wild
beasts and venomous serpents, without other food than a few roots
and wild fruits. And what is impossible to relate without shedding
tears, the gospel ministers were compelled to flee in this same way,
to endure the same calamities, and suffer the inclemencies of sky and
ground, in order not to fall into the hands of Mahometan cruelty. Even
thus they were not always able to flee, for some, cut to pieces, fell
into their hands; others were captured and ransomed at great cost,
or died of ill-treatment in their captivity. Those barbarians did not
spare the churches, but rather plundered them with an infernal fury;
burned them, and trampled under foot the ornaments; broke the images
and profaned the vessels; and impiously clothed themselves with the
sacred vestments. The most unbearable thing of all was to see all
those evils unchecked, our friends disheartened, the enemy unresisted,
and the villages defenseless. For, although the governors sent fleets
in pursuit of the enemy, nothing was effected--partly because the
latter hid themselves from our men among the numerous islands, and
partly because of the great speed of their boats, in which respect
they had great advantage over us.
Finally, in the year 1633, the king of Mindanao, named Cachil Corralat,
sent out a very large fleet which did signal damage in the islands. To
put an end to this, Don Juan Cerezo de Salamanca, who was governor of
the islands at that time, surmounting many difficulties, commanded a
certain position to be taken and a fort to be begun in Samboangan,
on the island of Mindanao, and occupied by a Spanish garrison; for
that point was well suited to the purpose of restraining from there
the Mindanaos and Joloans, as they were forced to sight it when they
went forth to pillage. Soon the enemy Corralat felt the damage done
him by the new post of the Spaniards, and since he could no longer
sally forth at his safety, he called upon the Burneyans, Joloans,
and Camucones to set out in various directions to pillage--which they
did. He himself sent out after them, in the beginning of April, 1636,
a large fleet in command of a Moro chief named Tagal. This fleet,
as our garrison was but recently established, was able to proceed to
our islands, and attacking many places, to make many captures--among
them three Recollect religious of the Order of St. Augustine, and a
Spanish corregidor of the island of Cuyo; to pillage much property,
and to plunder the churches. They carried away the ornaments and
vessels, and destroyed the images, and especially the cloth of a
sacred crucifix, from which Corralat made himself a cape. Thereupon
he became arrogant, and boasted that he was carrying away the God of
the Christians a prisoner, because he had taken from among the sacred
vessels a monstrance and a lunette with the most holy sacrament;
and he returned to his own land, where they were already mourning
him as lost, because he had been absent from it for eight months.
This last invasion, more than all the previous ones, afflicted Don
Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who at that time had been proprietary
governor of the islands for a year. Inflamed with a zeal for the honor
of God and his king, he determined, after surmounting the numerous
difficulties and oppositions, to avenge in person the insolent acts
of those barbarians. But first of all he sent out, as governor of the
presidio at Sanboangan, Sargento-mayor Bartolome Diaz Barrera, and,
under his orders, Sargento-mayor Nicolas Goncalez, so that they might
be making preparations and sweeping the seas of those corsairs--a very
important matter, as will be seen subsequently. He then fitted out a
good fleet of champans (sailing vessels of moderate size, which are
used by the Chinese); and, embarking in one of them, made sail on the
day of the Purification of our Lady, the second of February, of this
year 1637. At Oton (which is about half-way) he received definite
information that Tagal was returning to his own country with eight
very well laden ships. The commander of the garrison at Sanboangan
was informed of that; and, preparing in two hours a squadron of five
caracoas (which are swift craft with oar and sail, which are used
by these Indians) and placing in command thereof Nicolas Goncalez,
the sargento-mayor of that presidio, he set out to round a very steep
cliff, in which a small mountain terminated, projecting out into the
sea, and distant about thirty leguas eastward from our fort. It was
necessary for the enemy to stop there, in order to discharge numerous
lances and arrows at the cliff (for it was their custom to sail by
that point when either outward or homeward bound)--a superstitious
custom of those barbarians. On account of this the place was known as
"the point of arrows" [punta de flechas]. The result was that which
our men desired for on the morning of the day of St. Thomas, the
twenty-first of December (at the time when prayer was being offered
up within the fort), the enemy was sighted; and both then and on the
following night our men made such an attack upon the enemy that, in
spite of a desperate defense, they surrendered. Of the eight ships
only one worthy of mention escaped, and that one in such a condition
that in order to escape, they cast overboard all its merchandise and
slaves. The other ships, heavily laden with merchandise, fell into the
hands of our soldiers and were plundered. There were not many firearms,
but they contained the vases and sacred ornaments, which were declared,
in order to be returned to their rightful owners. There died Tagal, the
commander of the enemy, with more than three hundred other Moros--so
obstinate and furious that they preferred death rather than surrender,
although they were offered their lives. Better was the course of one of
Tagal's brothers, who, when badly wounded, surrendered, protesting that
he had always regarded the faith of the Christians as the true one,
and begging for baptism, after receiving which he died. His example
was followed by fourteen other Moros, who surrendered and besought
baptism. Thus also there were recovered a hundred and twenty Christian
captives and among them a Recollect father, one of those whom the
Moros were taking away with them; but he was so badly wounded that he
soon died, although greatly consoled to have seen with his own eyes
the bravery with which our captains had punished the insolence of
the barbarians, obtaining so signal a victory as that, to the honor
of Jesus Christ and of the Spaniards, without its having cost even
a single man to our side. In that we began to enjoy the benefits of
the fort of Sanboangan; for if it had not been there, we could not
have encountered the enemy--who were none the less frightened by a
miracle which occurred on the very night on which the victory was
won. For having commenced by a terrific trembling of the earth and
sea, with a great noise of groans and screams, which were heard by
some, and which terrified all, that cliff--which we have mentioned
as an infamous place, both on account of the superstitious rite of
shooting arrows at it and many other things, and because there was
a tradition among the natives that the devil had been actually seen
there--became loosened from the land and fell with a great crash into
the sea, our Lord giving to understand thereby that the impiety so
strongly intrenched in that island was to fall and give place to our
holy religion, as events are constantly demonstrating. The shore has
already been consecrated to God with the name of Point San Sebastian,
so that the superstitions by which that place was contaminated may
be transformed by His holy arrows.
The governor was highly elated with these tidings, and still more
when he received the ornaments, sacred vessels, and images which had
been recovered; and was moved to deep pity by the maltreated holy
crucifix, which had been made into a cape. [25] He ordained the latter
as thenceforth a standard for that expedition, as he did also with the
miraculous painting of St. Francis Xavier which was carried by Father
Marcelo Mastrillo, well known in the greater part of the world for the
so great mark of favor shown him by the Lord through the agency of
that great apostle of India. This father, while passing from Malaca
to Macan, a port of China, in fulfilment of the vow which he made at
Napoles, met with the Dutch corsairs, from whom the Lord delivered him
by a sudden wind which, while it turned him from the course which he
was pursuing, miraculously carried him, without a pilot who knew those
regions, into the bay of Manila. They anchored at the port of Cavite,
on the day of St. Ignatius of last year, for the signal consolation
and edification of all these islands, and for the good success of
this expedition (in which consisted the complete relief and remedy of
all)--especially to the benefit of the sick, of whom he took charge
during the entire course of the expedition. Our fleet reached the
port of Sanboangan on February 22, of this year; and all the men in it
having been confessed and having received communion, and having been
so encouraged (as they made evident to the father) by seeing from the
pulpit, the outraged image of the Crucified One, they cried out that
they would attack the whole world; and that the mothers were fortunate
who had employed their sons in so glorious an undertaking. Then the
soldiers returned to their vessels; they were divided into three
companies of Spaniards, and one of Panpango Indians. Without awaiting
the Spaniards and the volunteer Bisayan Indians they began to lay
their course toward Lamitan, on the fourth of March, in order not to
allow the enemies time to prepare themselves. At that place Corralat
had his principal village. The governor preceded the entire fleet,
with only four boats--both because the weather was contrary, and
because he had heard that there were some Moro merchantmen on the
sea from Java Major, very full of Christian slaves. Without the loss
of an instant's time, by sailing night and day, he came within sight
of Lamitan, on March thirteen. There the same man, in company with
only six musketeers as a guard, personally reconnoitered the coast
and river, with great valor and risk. Having fully ascertained that
the beach and the low grounds were safe, he disembarked with the men
of his four boats, as well as those of two others, that had already
come up at that time--in all, about seventy soldiers. He placed
these in battle-array, and marched with them to attack the village,
without knowing that it was so well fortified as was the case, as he
understood that all their force was about one and one-half leguas
inland on a high hill. It was an especial providence of our Lord,
and a brilliant stratagem, to leave an open road along the beach
(on which, as was afterward seen, the enemy had planted all their
artillery), and to deceive the enemy by taking another road on the
opposite side. This was very difficult and dangerous, both because of
the ambuscades which the enemy had prepared in the thickets (which were
quickly cleared by our men, by means of two field-pieces which were in
the vanguard), and by the swamps and river--which the soldiers forded
twice, with the water up to their breasts, with incredible valor. They
were encouraged by the example of their captain-general, who was the
first in all these hardships, as he was also later, when attacking two
large stockades, one after the other. Those stockades, notwithstanding
the fierce resistance made by the Moros in their defense, he entered
with his men, ever proving himself not less prudent in commanding
than spirited in attacking--personally encountering several Moros,
who set upon him with extraordinary spirit. Thereupon, they caught
sight of the fort with which Corralat had defended his village. It
was exceedingly well fortified with a new ditch, with eight pieces
of artillery, twenty-seven versos, many muskets with rests, and other
lighter arms, and with more than two thousand warrior Moros. But that
was of little use, for so gallant was the assault of the Spanish,
notwithstanding their small number, that they instantly gained
possession of the fort, killing a goodly number of Moros--among whom
was their castellan, who obstinately fought to the death--while the
others fled very badly wounded. From that place a portion of our men
went on ahead to a stockade which, with one piece [of artillery],
defended the house of Corralat, and it soon fell into our power;
for after the commander who had charge of it (and who until then had
kept them in good spirits by his vain and superstitious promises)
had been killed, those who accompanied him lost heart and fled, while
many of them were left there dead. The other body [of the Spaniards]
attacked the river at the same time, and, putting the Moros to flight,
captured more than three hundred craft, great and small. Of these they
sacked some large Javanese merchantmen which were heavily laden with
goods, and set free their Christian slaves. Some boats which were
suitable for our men were kept, and the others were burned, without
a single one being left. Had the fleet that left Sanboangan been all
together on that day, they would have finished matters with the Moro
king Corralat, who, with as many men as possible, withdrew to the hill
which he had fortified, disguised and borne on the shoulders of slaves.
The governor after having given the village over to sack, having
gathered all the arms of the enemy--which, as aforesaid, consisted
of eight bronze pieces with ladles, one swivel-gun of cast iron,
twenty-seven versos, and more than one hundred muskets and arquebuses;
besides a very great number of cannon-chambers, and iron, balls,
and powder; campilans (what the Indians call by this name resemble
certain cutlasses), lances, javelins, and many other kinds of poisoned
missile weapons; and also after having repaired the fort which the
enemy had (now called San Francisco Xavier) with new and suitable
fortifications, which he planned, and himself commenced with his own
hands to execute; and having lodged his men without the loss of even
one (for only two servants deserted): he retired to a large mosque,
where he established a bodyguard. He first had the mosque blessed,
and a chair and some Arabic books of the cursed Koran burned. Quite
necessary was the garrison and watch set by the vigilant governor
during the days of his stay there, while awaiting the rest of his
fleet, in order to drive away some false and pernicious embassies, and
to defend themselves from the continual surprises which the defeated
Moros sprang upon them, especially at night. Our men did not receive
much hurt from them; on the contrary, various bodies of troops,
leaving their posts, overran the country, burning the villages, and
committing other damage on the enemy. Many Christian captives fled from
the enemy on this account, and were immediately sent to Sanboangan.
On the sixteenth of the same month, Sargento-mayor Nicolas Goncalez
came to join the governor with the rest of the fleet, which sailed
from Sanboangan. The governor immediately began to prepare his men
with all temporal and spiritual equipment with which to invest the hill
on the next day. There was well seen the military prudence and skill,
and the zeal for the divine honor, of the captain-general, in the so
well arranged and efficacious address which he made to his soldiers,
and in the so definite orders that he issued. He divided his men; and,
committing about one hundred and twenty Spaniards, thirty Pampango
Indians, and some other Bisayans as carriers, to Sargento-mayor Nicolas
Gonzalez, ordered him to surprise the enemy by the rear of the hill,
first sounding his trumpets, so that he himself might attack the
front at the same instant by this means dividing the enemy's forces,
and weakening their defense. In accordance with these orders, the
sargento-mayor began his march. The governor, with the rest of the army
(after leaving a sufficient defense of soldiers in the fort and boats),
marched toward the hill at six o'clock the following morning. At its
brow was a very fine deserted village, where the governor fortified
a good house, and had a piece of artillery planted and a garrison
of Pampangos established, to be used as a place of refuge for his
men. Commencing to ascend the hill by the road which the Moro who
was guiding them showed him, he stopped near where there was another
road; and, having asked the guide whether that road also led to the
hill, and which of the two was the better, the Moro replied in the
affirmative, and said that both were poor. "Then if both are poor,"
said the governor in reply, "let us go by the other, and not by the
one along which the Moro is guiding us." That was the inspiration of
Heaven, and very good military counsel, and so did the outcome declare
it; for that first road was taking them point blank into a cavalier,
garrisoned with three pieces, one of which was of bronze. It was
found afterward that, besides a double charge of powder, the piece
was loaded with two plain artillery balls, two crowbars, and more
than three hundred musket balls--with which, no doubt, at least all
the vanguard would have been swept away. Now freed from that danger,
and marching with great difficulty up the hill, the governor sent
some of the vanguard with orders to reconnoiter only the road,
and to halt at some fitting place in order to await the signal of
those who were to attack the enemy in the rear. In truth the road
was so difficult that it could be ascended in some places only with
great difficulty, by clambering up and laying hold of the shrubs with
their hands. It was narrow and very steep, and had precipices in all
parts, so that they could not mount upward except one at a time. And,
above all, it was so well commanded at the top by three forts--which
were inaccessible, both by the great height of their location, and
by the defenses of ditches, very stout stockades, and a very large
supply of weapons--that very few of the enemy, without receiving
any hurt, could with the use of only stones kill a million men who
might attack them in that part. Notwithstanding this, those who were
sent to reconnoiter the road were so blinded by their overweening
valor and spirit (truly Spanish) that, thinking that they could
easily gain all, they went ahead to attack one of the three forts,
without heeding the order that the general had given them; thereby
they encountered, for themselves and the rest of the vanguard, great
damage from the three forts, without doing anything to the enemy. More
than twenty [of the Spaniards] were killed and more than eighty badly
wounded. Much greater would have been the destruction of our men--for,
not considering those who were falling, they continued to involve
themselves and the others further, with false rumors of victory--had
it not been that the governor, placing himself in the greatest danger,
where the balls were raining down, and where they wounded his squire
(and others who were very near him fell dead), and recognizing that
victory was impossible in that part, and prudently hiding the disorder
which had happened, in order not to discourage his soldiers, caused
them all, both whole and wounded, to retire. This he did with so great
ease and gallantry on one side, while on the other he confronted the
enemy with so great valor, with sword in hand; had he not done that not
a single man would have remained alive, since the enemy were numerous,
the road full of precipices, and our men badly impeded with the wounded
and more than two hours of fighting. That night the governor passed,
with those who remained unhurt, in the retreat at the brow of the
hill--at the greatest risk of perishing, if the enemy had made a sally,
however vigilant our men had been. But God delivered them from that
danger; for the enemy did not make a sally, because they made a great
feast that night over the good result of having, as they imagined,
killed the governor. Already by this time the sick were in the camp,
in which miraculous cures of very deadly wounds occurred. One had
been shot through the head from temple to temple; another was shot
through the mouth by a ball that passed up through the stomach;
another had several poisoned dart-points (here called sompites)
left sticking in his throat; and both those and all the others,
excepting two or three who did not allow themselves to be treated,
are today alive and well. They, and all, attribute their miraculous
health to the special favor with which God chose to repay the holy
zeal with which all risked their lives for His Divine Majesty.
On the following day, the eighteenth of the same month, while the
governor was hearing mass, the rattle and roar of artillery and
musketry was heard on the hill, which increased his anxiety. Suspecting
that Nicolas Gonzalez was fighting, he sent him, as a reenforcement,
a company of soldiers under command of Captain Don Rodrigo de
Guillestigui. And it was so that, the said sargento-mayor, Nicolas
Gonzalez, not having been able to arrive the day before at the assigned
place because of the great difficulty of the road, it was our Lord's
pleasure that, after conquering many difficulties and great obstacles,
he gained possession of an eminence which dominated the enemy's forts
in the rear. Thence he started to invest them, with such intrepidity
that, although the king, leading his men in person, began to resist him
furiously, he could not however withstand our charges. Consequently,
they were compelled to abandon their three forts, one after the other,
leaving an infinite number of dead Moros, who perished partly by the
balls, and partly through falling over precipices in escaping, as
the way was narrow. Among those who escaped by flight was Corralat;
he fled, badly wounded, to some small villages that he owned, which
were four leguas distant from the hill. The queen his wife, and many
others of his servants threw themselves over the precipices of their
own accord, in order to avoid falling into our hands. Many of the enemy
were captured and the Christian captives there freed. Among the latter
was found alive one of the Recollect fathers, who, as he had been
badly mangled, was judged to have lived as by a miracle until the day
following, when he died as a saint in the camp, after receiving all the
sacraments with great consolation. The third [Recollect religious] was
killed through the fury of the Moros, and it is not known where they
threw his body. The three forts, then, with all their arms (namely,
four pieces of artillery, and other numberless weapons of other kinds),
having fallen into our hands, as well as a great quantity of food,
and a quantity of wealth, and a suitable guard having been placed, the
governor was advised of everything. He was waiting anxiously in camp;
rejoicing over the good news, and more that no one of our soldiers
had been killed, he ascended the hill. In two days' time having taken
down to the camp with very few men the pieces which it had taken the
enemy six months to take up with more than two thousand Indians;
collecting many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments which
were found; giving the house of the king over to sack, and others,
very large and full of riches, by which many Spaniards were greatly
advantaged; and having burned the buildings, and leveled the forts:
as he was no longer able to endure the stench which arose from the
[dead bodies of] the enemy who had been slain and those who had fallen
over the precipices, the forces returned to camp--leaving the Moro
king entirely ruined, as a chastisement for the many outrages which
he had impiously committed on the true God, on His priests, and other
Christians. From there, after having given thanks to our Lord with
a mass, and a solemn procession with the most holy sacrament on the
day of the Incarnation, they set sail for Sanboangan.
When they left, the governor sent Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino
with one hundred Spaniards to Cachil Moncay (the legitimate king,
although he had been oppressed by the tyranny of his uncle Corralat),
in order to tell him that, if he wished to be protected by the
Spanish arms of his Majesty, he must render homage and pay tribute
to the Catholic king our sovereign, wage war by fire and sword on
Corralat and his allies, free the Christian captives, and admit
gospel ministers. The king offered in person to do all that, and
afterward through his ambassador and brother-in-law, at Samboangan,
to the governor. The latter having issued the fitting orders in that
presidio, and having received the homage offered to our sovereign
by many--especially by the inhabitants of the island of Basilan,
to whom he immediately assigned gospel ministers, as they asked for
them--he entrusted one hundred Spaniards and more than one thousand
volunteer Indians (who had now arrived, although after the battle),
with orders to coast along the island, doing all the harm possible
to the enemy, and helping the Spaniards' friends. The said captain
performed all the aforesaid excellently, coasting along the island from
Sanboangan to Caraga. And although the Moros had retreated inland,
being terrified by the news of the victory, still the captain did
them considerable damage. He burned as many as sixteen villages, and
many other collections of houses, laid waste the fields and gardens,
destroyed more than one hundred ships (counting large and small),
and seized others for the use of the fleet, whose need he abundantly
supplied with many provisions which he collected. He also beheaded
seventy-two spirited Moros, who defended themselves against him,
whose heads he placed on pikes, in various places along the beach,
in order to terrorize the others. He made prisoners some others,
whom he took alive, with which the whole land became fearful. While
that was being done, as has been said, the governor set sail toward
Manila. He entered that city in triumph on the twenty-fourth of May,
with his four companies in battle-array, with the prisoners in their
midst, and with fourteen wagons heavily laden with many important
arms of the enemy, together with the banners which had been captured
dragging in the dust. There was general applause and rejoicing by the
Spaniards and natives. That was an affair well calculated to inspire
fear in the numberless infidels by whom we are surrounded.
Finally, his Lordship, having shown certain very splendid honors to
those who had so gloriously perished in the war, and having ordered
a great number of masses to be said for their souls, ended the
celebration most happily on the seventh of June (the Sunday of the
Trinity), by a very solemn procession of the most holy sacrament as
an expression of thanks. In front marched the ransomed Christians,
very handsomely clad, carrying candles and rosaries. Four long paces
behind them were many sacred vases and ecclesiastical ornaments,
which were recovered from the possession of the barbarian. By that
sight the hearts of Catholics were moved to great compassion; and the
people gave many thanks to our Lord for the sight of that which they
had desired for so many years. They entreated Him that the work might
progress until, the enemies who remained in those regions having
received the faith of Jesus Christ, they and the other long-time
Christians might enjoy the desired peace and quiet.
TERRENATE
The governor's great care and vigilance in preparing and arranging the
fleet of Mindanao did not cause him to forget the other enemy--infested
posts that his Majesty possesses in this archipelago. At the same
time, he despatched another very good fleet, consisting of two large
ships, one patache, and one galley, under command of General Geronimo
Henriquez, as a guard to a number of champans which were taking the
succor to the forts of Terrenate. Two excellent ships of the Dutch
enemy were awaiting them at the entrance. When they saw the courage
of our men the enemy retired in flight to the shelter of their fort
of Malayo, without daring to await them. The Spaniards were so keen
for fighting that, hastily leaving in safety the aid which they were
taking, they started in pursuit of the hostile galleons, and did
not stop until they met these under the enemy's fort, where they had
gone. There they fired so many volleys, both at the ships and at the
fort and village, that (as was learned afterward from some who took
refuge with our ships) very considerable damage was done, without
the Dutch daring to sail out, or being able to do us any damage of
importance. That was a very great cause for scoffing against the enemy,
and they lost as much reputation among those Moros, as was gained by
the Spaniards, especially with the king of Tidore, our friend, who very
joyfully thanked the commander Henriquez and the admiral, Don Pedro de
Almonte, with presents for that action of so great valor and gallantry.
One month after that fleet had returned to Manila, Don Pedro de
Mendiola, governor of Terrenate, heard that two Dutch ships were
becalmed not a great distance from there. He instantly despatched
two galleys, which together spiritedly attacked the better of the two
ships. After it had been entirely defeated, and our men were about to
board it, a strong wind which suddenly arose snatched it from their
hands, although it was badly crippled by the discharges from our
galleys. The latter received no considerable damage. Thereupon that
enemy were greatly terrified; the Moro natives received a very exalted
idea of the Spaniards, while the latter were very joyful at beholding
the arms of the king our sovereign, even in these most remote bounds
of the earth, shine with the luster and splendor that they merit.
With license. In Madrid. Printed by Diego Diaz de la Carrera, in the
year 1639.
VALUE OF CORCUERA'S SEIZURES IN JOLO
[Under date of Manila, August 2, 1638, the city cabildo of Manila write
the king a detailed account of Corcuera's campaign in Jolo, which
was begun in December, 1637. Inasmuch as this letter covers ground
sufficiently treated in documents already presented in this series, it
is not here given. The original is conserved in the Archivo general de
Indias with pressmark, "est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32;" and it is presented
by Pastells in his edition of Colin (iii, pp. 528-532). Pastells
(iii, pp. 532, 533) follows this letter by a document showing the
value of the artillery and other things seized from the Joloans,
and the money value of the captives who were sold as slaves. This
document is conserved in the same archives and has the same pressmark
as the above. It is as follows:]
The relation of the expense incurred on his Majesty's account during
the expedition made to the kingdom of Jolo by Don Sebastian Hurtado
de Corcuera, in December, 1637; also the value of what was seized
and gained from the enemy; and the net gain. Subtracting the one from
the other, the result is as follows:
pesos tomins granos
Gained from the enemy, 28,345 7 0
Expenses of the expedition, 26,314 5 4
Net remainder of gain, 2,031 1 6
The value of what was gained from the enemy can be analyzed in the
following form:
[A list, partially duplicate, of the artillery taken from the Joloans
follows, of which we present only the final summary, in order to
avoid such duplication. It appears that the artillery when taken to
Manila was appraised by one Melchor Perez, royal chief of artillery
and artillery-founder.]
Bronze artillery, useful
Pieces Weight in quintals and libras
Make Weight of ball in libras
Value of one quintal in pesos
Total value in pesos
1 English 11 3 30 330
1 falcon of King Don
Sebastian of Portugal 11 4 28 308
2 of King Don Sebastian of
Portugal 15 10 26 390
1 Manila, of the time of
Tavora 26,80 10 26 670
21 camaras [26] 124
Bronze artillery, useless, appraised merely at the value of the copper
1 English 11 3 12 132
1 Siamese 4 1 12-1/2 54
10 versos 14 12 168
Cast-iron artillery
1 English 7 35 3 12-1/2 91
1 Macao 12-1/2 4 12 156
1 English 11 4 12-1/2 137
1 Dutch 10 88 12-1/2 136
1 English 12 25 5 12-1/2 153
1 Dutch 12 25 5 12-1/2 153
1 English 10 45 5 12-1/2 130
1 English 14 63 7 12-1/2 182
1 Dutch 18 9 12-1/2 225
1 English 21 33 9 12-1/2 266
1 Dutch 24 97 11 12, and
1 tomin 312
1 iron base [roquero] 4
Firearms
pesos
3 Vizcayan arquebuses 12
10-1/2 Macao muskets 31
11 Vizcayan field muskets 66
1 Dutch arquebus 4
19 Macao arquebuses 57
16 Dutch muskets 64
1 musket de pinote of Macao 4
2 Vizcayan arquebuses 10
7 arquebuses from Macao 21
7 Japanese small guns [escopetillas] 21
2 Vizcayan field muskets 12
5 Dutch arquebuses 15
10 Dutch muskets 50
1 bit of a Vizcayan gun [escopeta] 1
Besides the above, in cloth or money, 2,866 [pesos]; in small darts
and blowpipes, 50 [pesos].
Lastly, from 192 captive Indians--men, women, and children--sold as
his Majesty's slaves at royal auction, 20,815 pesos. Of this amount
10,375 pesos were in cash, in coin; and the 10,440 remaining were
charged to the pay due the infantry and seamen.
DOCUMENTS OF 1639-1640
Events in Philipinas, 1638-39. [Unsigned; probably Juan Lopez,
1639.]
Letters to the Holy Misericordia. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera;
December 4, 1637, and October 26, 1639.
The university of Santo Tomas. Felipe IV; November 9, 1639.
Royal orders and decrees. Felipe IV; 1639.
Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1639-40. [Juan Lopez?]; August,
1640.
Relation of the insurrection of the Chinese. [Unsigned and
undated; probably in March, 1640.]
Ecclesiastical and Augustinian affairs, 1630-40. Casimiro
Diaz; [1718?]. [From his Conquistas.]
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. [Diego de Bobadilla, S.J.;
1640.]
Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from a MS. in the
Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid; the second, from a MS. volume
in the library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago; the third, and the eighth
decree in the fourth, from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla;
the fourth (except the above-mentioned decree), from the Archivo
Historico Nacional, Madrid; the fifth and sixth, from the Ventura
del Arco MSS. (Ayer library); the seventh, from Diaz's Conquistas,
pp. 267-444; the eighth, from Thevenot's Voyages curieux, t. i,
part ii--from a copy belonging to the library of Harvard University.
Translations: These are made by James A. Robertson--except the fifth,
sixth, and
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